The Spanish pastoral romances

f LIBRARY I
UNIVERSITY OF
CAUFOftNIA
SAN DIEGO \

G

'«

<» v; ^i

PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
DEPARTMENT OF ROMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES

Extra Series, No. 1

THE

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

BY

HUGO A.'RENNERT, Ph.D. (Freiburg i. B.)

PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL SPANISH ACADEMY

OF THE ROYAL GALICIAN ACADEMY
MEMBER OF THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA

PHILADELPHIA
1912

TO THE MEMORY OF

MY MOTHER
MAY 19, 1835 — JUNE 5, 1899

PREFACE.

THE first edition of this work was accepted by the fac-
ulty of the University of Freiburg i. B. as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1891, and was
published in Baltimore in the following year. In its day it
was not unfavorably received, and as it has long since been
out of print, it has seemed that a new edition might not be
unwelcome.

In the long period that has intervened the Pastoral
Romance never entirely lost for me its old attraction, and
as I gradually acquired many of the early editions of these
works and re-read them, I determined to re-issue these
" primicias de mi corto ingenio," adding such new facts
as subsequent researches had brought to light. The result
is the present work, which has been almost entirely re-
written, and now appears, as I hope, in a much improved
form. I have not seen fit to change, in any material de-
gree, the opinions originally expressed concerning the var-
ious romances; repeated reading has convinced me more
than ever that the Diana of Montemayor, which was the
first, is also the best of these pastorals, while it has in-
creased my admiration for the poetical portions of the
Arcadia of Lope de Vega.

The Pastoral Romance was essayed by some of the great-
est ingenios that Spain has produced, and while many of
these poets " had no true vocation for the business," as
Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly says of Cervantes, and, as a
consequence, their works are of widely varying degrees of
merit, yet they cannot be entirely neglected by the student,
for the pastoral is a product of the most flourishing period
of Spanish literature, — a literature unsurpassed by any in
the modern world.

H. A. R.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

Introduction 9

The " Diana " of Montemayor 18

The " Diana " of Alonso Perez 59

The " Diana Enamorada " of Gil Polo 72

The " Diana " of Texeda 86

The " Habidas " of Hieronimo Arbolanche 92

The " Ten Books of the Fortune of Love," by Antonio de lo Frasso. 98

The " Filida " of Montalvo 104

The " Galatea " of Cervantes 116

The " Enlightenment of Jealousy," by Lopez de Enciso 126

The " Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares," by Gonzalez de

Bouadilla 133

The " Shepherd of Iberia," by Bernardo de la Vega 137

The " Enamorada Elisea " of Covarrubias 139

The " Arcadia " of Lope de Vega 142

The " Prado of Valencia," by D. Gaspar Mercader 157

The " Tragedies of Love," by Solorzeno 159

The " Golden Age," by Balbuena 162

The " Constant Amarilis " of Figueroa 171

The " Reward of Constancy," by Espinel Adorno 181

The " Shepherd of Clenarda," by Botello 186

The " Experiences of Love and Fortune," by Cuevas 188

The " Cynthia of Aranjuez," by Corral 192

The " Shepherds of the Betis," by Saavedra 199

The Decline of the Pastoral Romances 203

7

THE
SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

INTRODUCTION

THE appearance of the pastoral romance in Spain in
the middle of the sixteenth century, and the extreme favor
with which it was received, may, in view of the social con-
dition of the country, seem at first sight paradoxical. At
the time of the accession of Philip the Second, Spain was
at the zenith of her military greatness. Her possessions
were scattered from the North Sea to the islands of the
Pacific, and her conquests had been extended over both
parts of the western world.1 The constant wars against
the Moors, and the stirring ballads founded upon them,
had fostered an adventurous and chivalric spirit, — a dis-
tinguishing trait of the Spanish character. Arms and the
church were the only careers that offered any opportunity
for distinction, and every Spanish gentleman was, first of
all, a soldier.

Such a state of society was favorable for books of chiv-
alry, which, beginning with Amadis de Gaula, made their
appearance at the beginning of the sixteenth century,2 and

1 The Spanish language was, for the greater part of Europe, the
chief medium of communication between nations. See Cervantes,
Persiles y Sigismunda, Vol. II, Book iii.

2 The whole subject of Amadis has been reviewed in his masterly
way by D. Marcelino Menendez Y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, Mad-

9

10 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

soon enjoyed a popularity that was unparalleled. For half
a century these Libros de Caballerias held undisputed sway.
Gradually, however, the readers, especially those in court
circles, grew weary of the monotonous and impossible ex-
ploits of the paladins, and their desire for a change was
soon gratified. How these books of chivalry, in the be-
ginning of the following century, " were smiled away
from out the world " by Don Quixote, we have often been
told.1 But nearly fifty years before the appearance of the

rid, 1905, Vol. I. The conclusions at which the distinguished critic
arrives are briefly: That Amadis is a very free imitation of the breton
cycle; that it existed prior to 1325; that the author of the rescension
made in the time of King Denis was probably Juan Lobeira, miles, of
whom we possess poems written between 1258 and 1286; that the
cancion of Leonoreta inserted in the present version of Amadis is cer-
tainly his ; that we have not sufficient data to affirm in what language
the primitive Amadis was written; that it was known in Castile since
the time of Chancellor Ayala, and is mentioned by Pero Ferrus in
the Cancionero de Baena; that the tradition^ concerning Vasco de
Lobeira, preserved by Azurara, is worthy of little credit, and that the
only literary form in which we possess the Amadis is the Spanish text
of Garci Ordonez de Montalvo, of which the edition of 1508 is the
earliest known, and which was certainly not finished till after 1492.
Ibid., pp. ccxxii ff. It may be added that Prof. Baist still maintains
that Amadis is of Spanish origin (Grober's Grundriss, Vol. II, 2 Abt,
pp. 416, 438-44i-

According to Fouldhe-Delbosc the earliest mention of Amadis, in
which the name is coupled with Tristan and Cifar, is found in a book
written before 1350, (and perhaps before 1345), and published in 1494,
entitled -Regim en to de los Principes, printed at Seville by Meynardo
Ungut and Stanislao Polono. It is a translation of the De Regimine
Principum of Egidio Colonna, made by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz.
Revue Hispanique (1906), p. 815. The only known copy of Amadis
of the edition of Caragoga, 1508, is now in the British Museum. The
question of Amadis is once more reviewed by G. E. Williams, in the
Revue Hispanique, Vol. XXI (1909).

1 The truth is, that by the beginning of the seventeenth century the
romances of chivalry were about at their last gasp. As Fitzmaurice-
Kelly says : " They continued, though in diminishing numbers, and so
late as 1602 Juan de Silva y de Toledo published his Historia famosa

INTRODUCTION H

Knight of La Mancha, a new form of fiction appeared in
Spain,1 which soon gained the ascendency over its older
rival. This was the Pastoral Romance.

The pastoral romance was, in a measure, an offspring
of the romance of chivalry. Its beginnings are already
clearly discernible in some of the followers of Amadis. In
the Libro noveno de Amadis, que es la Chronica del muy
valiente y esforzado Principe y Cavallero de la Ardiente
Espada, Amadis de Grecia, hi jo de Lisuarte de Grecia, of
which an edition printed at Burgos, 1553, is cited by
Gayangos, the pastoral element is already introduced. Da-
rinel and Sylvia, shepherd and shepherdess, are brought
upon the scene and play an important part in the books
that follow. As Gayangos says : " The pastoral romance,
cultivated since the beginning of the century by Sannazaro
and the Italians, now began to be known in Spain, and was
afterwards carried to the highest degree of perfection by
Montemayor.2 In Don Florisel de Niquea, the first two

del Principe don Policisne de Beocia. Don Policisne de Beocia was
the last of his race. Cervantes's book appeared three years later. It
did instantly what sermons and legislation had failed to do. After
the publication of Don Quixote no new chivalresque romance was
issued, and of ancient favourites only Diego Ortunez de Calahorra's
Caballero del Febo was reprinted (1617-23). The fictitious knights
were slowly dying; Cervantes slew them at a blow." Don Quixote,
translated by John Ormsby, edited by Jas. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Glas-
gow, 1 9x1 1, Vol. I, p. xxii.

1 The long line of picaresque novels also began at this time, Laza-
rillo de Tormes appearing in 1553 (?).

2 Libros de Caballerias, con un Discurso preliminar y un Catdlogo
razonado, por Don Pascual de Gayangos. Madrid, Ribadeneyra, 1857,
p. xxxi. It is not within the scope of this work to trace the begin-
nings of pastoral poetry in Spain. Nearly twenty years before the
appearance of Montemayor's Diana, the influence of the Italian pas-
torals is clear in the works of Garcilaso de la Vega, whose " Eclogues "
first appeared in 1543, with the works of Boscan, another poet en-
tirely under the influence of the Italians. That Garcilaso was an imi-

12 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

parts of which appeared at Valladolid in 1532, we already
see Don Florisel assuming the garb of a shepherd and fol-
lowing the shepherdess Sylvia, with whom he had fallen
in love. And in the fourth part of Don Florisel de Niquea,
of which there is an edition dated Salamanca, 1551, ro-
mances, quintillas and eclogues, which the author calls bu-
colicos, are introduced into romances of chivalry for the
first time, while the second book of the fourth part of Don
Florisel (chap, xxxvii), contains an eclogue between two
shepherds, Archileo and Laris, and a number of certdmenes
or poetical contests, in the manner of those which Monte-
mayor afterwards introduced into his Diana.1

The marked favor with which the Spanish pastoral ro-
mance was greeted, and the signal success it immediately
enjoyed, may, perhaps, be explained (in addition to the
reason already given) by the fact that the Diana, its first
representative, was a work of real genius, while the
peculiar temperament and susceptibility of the Spanish
people were, doubtless, also a factor in its success. But,
as already stated, the pastoral romance was not originally
a growth of the Spanish soil, but was transplanted from
Italy, its home.

Spain and Italy had long been in close communication;
Sicily had been subject to the crown of Aragon since 1282 ;
Milan and the Kingdom of Naples had come into the pos-
session of Spain, and Spanish troops under Charles V. had
overrun the whole Italian peninsula. Such continued con-

tator of Sannazaro, going at times even to the extent (as in his second
Eclogue) of translating almost verbally whole passages of the Arcadia,
has been shown by Torraca, Gl'Imitatori Stranieri di Jacopo San-
nazaro, Roma, 1882. All that has been written heretofore upon the
origins of the pastoral in Spain has now been superseded by the work
of Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, Madrid, 1905, Vol. I.
1 Gayangos, Libros de Caballerias, p. xxxvi.

INTRODUCTION !3

tact with Italy, then the most cultured and refined nation
of Europe, could not fail to influence the minds of its in-
vaders; their intellectual horizon was widened, and their
thoughts diverted into new channels. There, in the after-
glow of the great revival of learning, they found new
poetic forms — strangers to their literature, and henceforth
the pastoral, amongst other Italian measures, was destined
to find a home beyond the Pyrenees.1

It was the Ameto of Boccaccio, a pastoral in prose and
verse, that served, in Italy, as a model for the later pastor-
als of Sannazaro and Bembo, and for the dramatic pas-
torals of Tasso and Guarini. Though not strictly a pas-
toral romance, it prepared the way for this kind of
composition, and under its influence Sannazaro, a Neapoli-
tan, born in 1458, wrote his Arcadia, which he first pub-
lished in I5O4.2 Though Sannazaro took the Ameto for
his model, — which is manifest in the distorted and artificial
style which sometimes disfigures the otherwise graceful
narrative of the Arcadia, — the ancient writers were not
without influence in the composition of the latter work.
Indeed, Scherillo says that the true master of Sannazaro

1 The influence of Italy upon the Spanish poet was immense, and
includes, almost without exception, every great name from the Marquis
of Santillona to Lope de Vega. The earliest and best of the Spanish
anthologies, the Flares de Poetas Hustres of Pedro de Espinosa, Valla-
dolid, 1605, clearly shows how wide was the influence of Italy. Here
we find imitations of Petrarch, Sannazaro, Ariosto, Bernardo and
Torquato Tasso, Panfilo Sasso, Luigi Groto, Girolamo Parabosco, and
others.

2 A mutilated edition of the Arcadia appeared at Venice in 1502, but
it was without the author's knowledge or consent, and while he was
absent in France. See Michele Scherillo, La Arcadia di Jacopo San-
nazaro secondo i Manoscritti e le prime Stampe, con note ed intro-
duzione. Torino, 1888, in which the Arcadia and its sources are dis-
cussed with a thoroughness that leaves little to be said. Upon the in-
fluence of the Italian pastoral in Spain, see Menendez y Pelayo,
Origines de la Novela, Vol. I, Mad., 1905.

I4 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

was Virgil.1 But further 2 on he remarks : " If the Greek
and Latin writers provided Sannazaro with the pastoral
material, the form of the romance was furnished by that
one of the three great Tuscans who had come to preach in
Naples " la buona novella della nuova lingua," that is,
Boccaccio. And again : " the whole fabric of the Arcadia
is woven upon that of the Ameto." 3

The Arcadia is a series of twelve eclogues in verse, in-
terspersed with prose that was written afterward, merely
to provide a background and to join them together: but the
mixed form of prose and verse, given to this species of
composition, and which was already present in the Ameto,
was ever afterward retained by all the Spanish romances.
Ticknor 4 calls the Arcadia a genuine pastoral romance,
and its author " the true father of the modern prose pas-
toral." 5

It was in imitation of the Arcadia that Montemayor
wrote the Diana, the first Spanish pastoral romance.6 That

1 " II vero maestre ed autore nel Sannazaro, colui al quale ci si
diede, per sua salute, il suo dolcissimo padre, e Virgilio," p. Ixxxi.

2 Ibid., p. ciii.

3 Ibid., p. cxi ; and see p. cxii, where attention is called to the fact
that Sannazaro was also indebted to other works of Boccaccio : the
Filocolo, Fiammetta, Ninfale fiesolano, Corbaccio and the Decamerone.

4 History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. Ill, p. 93.

5 For the great favor with which the Arcadia was received, various
reasons have been assigned. Scherillo says: Se I' Arcadia fu accolta
con tanto favore, cio fu in gran parte perche rappresentava la comune
tendenza del tempo a quel sentimentalismo campestre, che pullula come
per reazione nei periodi piu agitati delle armi : ed anche perche richeg-
giava variamente le voci degli scrittori di quel mondo classico che
tutti agognavano conoscere, in tanto fervore di rinascenza, come la
piu pura e piu invidiata delle nostre glorie." 1. c., p. ccxii.

6 See Torraca, Gl'Imitatori stranieri di Jacopo Sannazaro, Roma,
1882, pp. 18, 19. A Spanish translation of the Arcadia appeared at
Toledo in 1547, followed by a second, likewise at Toledo, in 1549.

INTRODUCTION !$

the earlier and better Spanish romances followed their
Italian models closely, is very clear; that their style, which
is sometimes stilted and unnatural, is due to this close imi-
tation, is, however open to question, though this reason has
been assigned by a competent authority.1 For the Spanish

Nicolas Antonio mentions one at Toledo in 1554, and editions ap-
peared in 1569, Madrid and Salamanca, Salamanca, 1578 and Madrid,
1620. As the Diana was certainly not begun until after 1554, Monte-
mayor could have read the Arcadia in either one of the first three
editions, though it cannot be doubted that he knew Italian. That,
like all Spanish poets of his time, he read Petrarch, is certain, and
Menendez y Pelayo, (Origenes, I. p. cdlxvii) observes that the cancion;
"Aquella es la ribera, este el prado," (Diana, Bk. I.) is founded in
part upon Petrarch's Chiare, fresche e dolci acque. It has been as-
serted by no less an authority than Dr. Carolina Michaelis de Vas-
concellos that the Menina e Moga of Bernardim Ribeiro, which first
appeared in print at Ferrara in 1554, moved Montemayor to write his
Diana, and this assertion is repeated by the distinguished scholar Sr.
Menendez y Pelayo, who says : " Que Montemayor conocia la obra
de Bernaldim Ribeiro antes de emprender la suya es cosa que para
mi no admite duda." (Origenes, I, p. cdlxiv.) And again: "La
Diana en su fondo debe mas al bucolismo galaico-portugues que a la
Arcadia" (Ibid., II, p. cxxxviii). Montemayor was the friend of
Ribeiro and undoubtedly knew his Saudades. Braga says : As rela-
goes pessoaes entre Bernardim Ribeiro e Jorge de Monte-M6r, que se
descobrem pelas Eclogas d'aquelle bucolista, vem explicar-nos agora
a influencia que a Menina e Moga exerceu na creagao da Diana. Jorge
de Monte Mor escreveu a historia dos seus amores infelizes en cas-
telhano, e ainda que a sua obra seja uma das mais notaveis de litter-
atura hespanhola, pertenece-nos pela naturalidade do poeta e pela
origem da sua imitagao." (Manual da Historia da Litteratura Por-
tugueza, p. 355 ; and see Bernardim Ribeiro e os Bucolistas, pp. 76
et seq.) That, on the other hand, Montemayor knew the Arcadia and
was greatly influenced by it, must be equally clear to anyone as-
quainted with both works. See Torraca, op. cit., p. 18. For an iden-
tification of the real personages hidden beneath the allegory of Menina
e Moga, see Theophilo Braga, " Nueva Luz historica sobre Bernardim
Ribeiro," in Revista Critica de Historia y Literatura Espanolas, Vol.
I, p. 116 ff.

1 See the Introduction to the Spanish Academy's edition of Val-
buena's Sigh de Oro, Madrid, 1821. Torraca also detects in the

l6 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

pastoral romances, written originally for the amusement
of courtiers, and artificial in their origin, remained so to
a great extent in their general style and construction, and
though such peculiar and distorted sentences not infre-
quently occur, in which the learned Spanish critic thinks
he can detect the more free arrangement of word and
phrase permitted by Italian syntax, yet such passages are
easily outweighed by those in which the style is graceful
and flowing. It must be admitted, however, that though
some of the Spanish pastoral romances attained a very
high degree of excellence, they are generally wanting in
that idyllic simplicity and truth to nature which we find
in the Arcadia of Sannazaro. They often indulge in the
utmost extravagances and inconsistencies, introducing
courtiers in the guise of shepherds, but whose refinements
of speech at once betray them, so that, in many cases, the
fact that the personages appear under the names of shep-
herds, is all that is left to indicate the pastoral character.
This expedient of portraying living persons in a pastoral
disguise, was not, however, an invention of the later
writers, but had been used by Virgil in his Eclogues, in
which the shepherds are often distinguished men of his
time, while the poet himself often figures in them as an
actor — a circumstance that has also been followed by
most of the Spanish writers.1 Moreover, many of the
scenes and incidents described by the latter are such as
never could be realized in nature, but are possible only in
that imaginary Arcadia where the shepherds watched their
"visionary flocks ".

That the Spaniards were aware of the extravagances of

" prosa fiorita e cadenzata del Montemayor " the influence of the
Arcadia.

1 Also by English poets, among others by Spenser, in his Colin
Clout's come Home again.

INTRODUCTION !7

their romances and of their violence to the truth, there is
abundant proof in their writings,1 yet the device, for ex-
ample, of introducing well-known poets or nobles as shep-
herds, doubtless added piquancy and color to the otherwise
wearisome recitals of the pastores, especially in the eyes of
those classes for whom they were chiefly written, and for
whom it must have afforded no little amusement to discover
— pictured beneath the thin veil of disguise, either their
friends or themselves.

Of the popularity of this species of fiction among the
upper classes^ — for it was distinctly aristocratic in tone
and not intended for the profanum vulgus, — there can be
no doubt. It would also seem that the climate and the
warm, impressionable nature of the people, were not un-
important factors in its success, since pastoral poetry never
flourished to such an extent in northern countries, for lack
of conditions congenial to its growth.

1 See the Galatea of Cervantes, below.

THE " DIANA " OF MONTEMAYOR

The pastoral romance was introduced into Spain by
George de Montemayor, whose Diana was the first, and
still ranks as one of the best examples of this species of
prose fiction in the literature of Spain. Its success soon
brought forth a host of imitators,1 for no book in Spain

1 The Diana was imitated not only in Spain, but also in other coun-
tries. To discuss these imitations, however, is beyond the scope of
the present essay. It will suffice to mention two of the most famous :
the Arcadia of Sir Philip Sidney (1590) in England, and the Astree
of Honore d'Urfe (1610) in France. In both these romances all the
defects of the Diana, some of which will be noted further on (cf. p.
23) > appear in an exaggerated degree; and however dull some of the
Spanish romances may be, they all possess, in comparison with the
ponderous Arcadia and the five thick tomes (1610-1627) of the Astree,
at least the merit of brevity. I am aware that Menendez y Pelayo
says : " Con poca razon cuentan algunos entre las imitaciones de la
Diana la Arcadia de Sir Felipe Sidney, que por su titulo recuerda a
Sannazaro y por su desarrollo es mas bien un libro de caballerias
que una verdadera pastoral." Origenes de la Novela, I, p. cdlxxvi.
I admit the truth of the latter part of this statement, nevertheless, the
influence of the Diana upon the Arcadia is unmistakable. Whatever
of Sidney's style may be due to Euphuism, which he condemns in
his Apologie for Poetry, it seems certain to me that it is not an imita-
tion of Sannazaro, but often greatly resembles the peculiar diction
of Montemayor. Compare the opening passages of the Diana with
those of the Arcadia, " Ay memoria mia, enemiga de mi descanso ! "
with " remembrance, restless remembrance," etc., or other passages
in the Diana, book i, with this, taken at random from the Arcadia,
book iii : " Then Musidorus, as contented as one who had been brought
from hell to heaven, with many vehement attestations to win trust
with her, and imprecations against himself in case of perjury, wished,
if ever his mind were so unhappy as to be surprised by any purpose
tending in the least degree to grieve her, that he might never live till
it took effect, but die e'er it were discovered." Prof. Fitzmaurice-
Kelly says that Montemayor's Felismena is the prototype of Sidney's
18

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR jg

since the appearance of Amadis of Gaul had been received
with the favor that was bestowed on the Diana.

Of its author, George of Montemayor, little is known:
we neither know his name nor the date of his birth.1 He
was a Portuguese, born at Montemor o Velho, a town on

Daiphantus. The Relations between Spanish and English Literature,
Liverpool, 1910, p. 19. Sidney evidently read the Diana with pleasure
and knew it well. He translated two lyrics from the first book:
Cabellos, quanta mudanfa: " What changes here, O haire," and De
merced tan estremada: " Oft this high grace with bliss conjoyn'd,"
and shows everywhere his intimate acquaintance with the Spanish
pastoral. Speaking of Sidney's Arcadianism, the successor of Euphu-
ism, Landmann says : " Sidney certainly avoided Euphuism, but he
brought in another taste that led to the same exaggeration as North's
translation [of Guevara] had led to in Eupheus. Sidney was the first
to introduce into England the shepherd romance, with its flowery lan-
guage and endless clauses, its tediousness and sentimentality, which
characterize the shepherds of Sannazaro's Arcadia, from Monte-
mayor's Diana to the Astree. The Italian as well as the Spanish work
shows an affected style of speech. Sidney was probably influenced by
the diction of both, etc. New Shakspere Society's Translations, Series
I, No. 9, p. 261. But the Arcadia is hardly a true pastoral romance ;
the action takes place in the highest classes of society, the chief figures
being princes and princesses. Shepherds and shepherdesses play a very
subordinate part, and while the influence of the Diana is of a general
character, it is none the less clear to a careful reader. That Sidney's
contemporaries had no doubt of the influence of the Diana upon the
Arcadia is seen in the introductory letter to Sir Fulke Greville written
by Thomas Wilson, the translator of the Diana, who says : Sr. Philipp
Sidney did very much affect and imitate the excellent Author there
of," i. e. of the Diana. On the relative influence of Spanish and
Italian upon the English of Shakespeare's time, see Farinelli's review
in Revista Critica de Historia y Literatura Espanolas, Vol. I, 1895,
PP. 134 ff-

1 See Jorge de Montemayor, sein Leben und sein Schaferroman die
" Siete Libras de la Diana," von Georg Schonherr, Halle, 1886, a very
careful work to which I have several times referred. Every page of
the introductory portion of Schonherr's work shows, moreover, his
indebtedness to Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. To this
friend, whose kindness is as unfailing as her learning, I also owe
much in this chapter on Montemayor.

20 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

the right bank of the Mondego, about four leagues from
Coimbra. It is probable that he was born between 1520
and 1524. For an account of his early years, — very vague
it must be confessed, — we are indebted chiefly to his letter
to Sa de Miranda, a sort of autobiography, written in 1553,
while Montemayor was temporarily residing at the Por-
tuguese court.1 In it he tells us that his youth was passed
on the banks of the Mondego,2 and that the education he
acquired was very slight. We are told by his friend and
continuator, Alonso Perez,3 that he knew no Latin, at a
time when that language was studied by all who made any
claim to culture. But he had a good knowledge of the
earlier as well as the contemporary Spanish, Portuguese,
Catalan and Italian poetry, which was certainly not to the
detriment of his Muse.

Montemayor's early years, he himself tells us, were de-
voted chiefly to music, though while still a youth he prac-
ticed the art of poetry. When quite young he left his

iaCarta de Jorge de Montemayor," in Poesias de Francisco de
Sa de Miranda, edited by Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Halle,
1885, p. 665. See Appendix.

2 By the waters of this historic stream Camoes also passed his early
years. See his one hundred and eleventh sonnet, beginning : " Doces e
claras aguas do Mondego." Camoes's birthplace is uncertain, but
Storck inclines to Coimbra as his native city. " Luis Vaz'de Camoens
Geburtsort ist mit volliger Sicherheit nicht festzustellen, aber doch
mit grosster Wahrscheinlichkeit." Luis'de Camoens Leben, Paderborn,
1890, p. 102. The year of his birth was probably about 1525. Ibid.,
p. 136.

8 In the Segunda Parte de la Diana, in the address to the Reader,
he alludes to Montemayor's lack of letras Latinas. But the statement
of this pedant should not be taken literally. Montemayor certainly
knew some Latin, as his Cancionero amply shows. It is quite certain,
however, that he was never enrolled at any University. Lope de
Vega praises Montemayor in his Laurel de Apolo (fol. 26, ed. of
1630). The verse: "si le ayudaran letras el ingenio," may be due to
Perez.

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 2I

native land " to make his own living, somehow or other "
(por algun modo), and turned his footsteps toward Spain.

As already observed, we do not know the family name
of Montemayor. It has been conjectured that he must have
been related in some way to the family of Payva y Pina,1
However this may be, his parents must have been very
poor. His father seems to have been a silversmith (pla-
ter0} and probably of Jewish extraction.2

Further evidence of the humble condition of Monte-
mayor's parents is furnished by a document discovered by
Sr. Sousa-Viterbo. It is a letter to the Queen of Portugal,
Da. Catharina, wife of D. Joao III., requesting her aid in

1 In an elegy on the death of Montemayor by a contemporary, Mar-
cos Dorantes, and which is found in many of the later editions of the
Diana, we read :

" Los de Payua y de Pina y su nobleza
demuestren quanto mas justo les fuera
morir que no dar muestra de tristeza"

P. 354, ed. of Lisbon, 1624.

This conjecture, as Schonherr remarks, is further confirmed by a
reference in the eighth stanza of Montemayor's poem La Historia de
Alcida y Syluano in which the poet figures under the name Syluano.
Here we read :

" Baxo los altos pinos muy umbrosos
con los de Pina siempre conuersaua,
cuyo linaje y hechos generosos ,

al son de su gampona los cantaua.
Y los de Payua alii por muy famosos
sus virtudes heroycas celebraua," etc. P. 242.

2 So, at least, we are to infer from some satirical verses by Juan
de Alcala, a stocking maker (calcetero), of Seville, "muy gentil poeta,"
whose verses are printed by Menendez y Pelayo (Origenes de la
Novela Espanola, Vol. I, pp. cdlxviii and cdlvii). Mad. Carolina
Michaelis de Vasconcellos writes me: "Vielleicht war sein Vater ein
vaternamens-loser illegitimer Sprosling jenes Hauses [i. e. Payva y
Pina], und die Mutter oder Grossmutter (?) eine spanische Sangerin
jiidischer Abkunft(?)." See also Grober's Grundriss, II, 2 Abt., p.
304, note, and Schonherr, p. 16.

22 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

procuring an office from the King for the father of Monte-
mayor, whose name, however, is not given.1 This letter
Sr. Sousa-Viterbo correctly ascribes, not to the Infanta Da.
Maria, daughter of Joao III., who died in Valladolid on
July 12, I545,2 but to the King's daughter-in-law, the
Princess Da. Joanna. It bears no date, but is endorsed

1557-

The first information we possess of Montemayor as an
author is in 1545, when he made his literary debut in Lis-
bon.3 Upon the death of the Infanta Da. Maria, which

1 The letter is as follows : " Sefiora : Monte maior tiene ay a su
padre y desea mucho que el Rey my senor le haga merced de un oficio
que pide: suplico a V. al. sea servida de aiudalle con su alteza pera
que le haga la merced que oviere lugar que pera my sera muy grande
toda la que V. al. le hiziere en esto. Nuestro senor guarde a V. al.
como yo deseo — besa las manos a V. al. = la princesa. Sobrescripto :
Reyna my Senora. Archivo historico portuguez (1903), p. 256. Sousa-
Viterbo, an excellent scholar, blind in his later years, died on Janu-
ary 20, 1911.

2 On this Infanta Da. Maria, who never wore the crown of Spain,
see an interesting article by A. Costa Lobo, in the Archivo historico
portuguez, Vol. I (1903), pp. 131, 177 ff.

3 Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Grober's Grundriss, II, 2 Abt,
p. 304, note.

According to Sousa-Viterbo, Montemayor came to Spain in the
retinue of the Infanta Dona Maria, daughter of D. Joao III, who
left Portugal on October 10, 1543, and shortly thereafter married in
Salamanca Prince Philip, son of Charles V, who afterward became
Philip II. of Spain. In this he is in error, as Mad. Vasconcellos in-
forms me, who says, " Ueberhaupt halte ich die Tochter Johann's III
nicht mehr, wie ich friiher that, fiir eine der Beschiitzerinnen des
Dichters, wie aus nachfolgenden Notizen hervorgeht." After allud-
ing to the departure of the Infanta Maria from Spain in 1543, Mad.
Vasconcellos says : " Wesentlich scheint mir dass nirgends ein Wort
dariiber verlautet dass Montemayor zu ihrem Gefolge gehorte. Nicht
einmal in dem ausfiihrlichen portug. Reisebericht, wo jeder musik-
alischen Auffiihrung Erwahnung geschieht. Ueberhaupt weiss die
Geschichte von keiner einzigen Musikkapelle die eine portug. Fiirstin
aus der Heimat mitbekommen hatte: weder Beatrix von Savoyen
(1526), noch Da- Isabel zu Karl V (1526), — die Koniglichst aus-

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 23

took place at Valladolid on July 2, 1545, he wrote the
beautiful coplas glossing the Recuerde el alma dormida of
Jorge Manrique,1 as well as a mediocre sonnet that after-
wards appeared in his Cancionero. At this time Monte-
mayor was still in Portugal, — in Lisbon doubtless, without
office or employment.

The earliest dated work of Montemayor is his Exposi-
tion moral,2 published at Alcala in 1548, and dedicated to

gestatteten Tochter Emanuels — noch vorher die Kaiserin Leonore.
In Spanien besass man (seit Ferdinand und Isabella) vorziigliche
Kapellen. Philip, besonders, bedurfte sicherlich nicht der Sanger u.
Instrumentisten seiner Braut. Und wenn auch einer oder der andre
vereinzelte Musiker von hier nach Spanien ging (siehe Romances
Velhos) — Beispiele sind eben Montemor u. Gregorio Silvestre — so
Kamen ungleich mehr von Spanien hierher. Ganze Kapellen mit
Catharine (1527) — u. D. Juana (1551). Die Princesa D. Maria nahm
*543 (so weit ich sehe) wie ihre Tanten Beatrix u. Isabel ungeheuer
viel Gold und Silbergerat, Teppiche, u. Stoffe als Aussteuer mit, — aber
keine Musicos. Zu ihrer Kapelle nur : 6 namenlose moQOS ( f iir den
Altar u. Mess dienst) : Sammtliche bei S. V. und in den Provas auf-
gefuhrten Listen betreffen die Princesa de Portugal, D. Juana, wie
der Vergleich lehrt."

1 Garcia Perez, Catalogo de los Autores Portugueses que escribieron
en Castellano, Madrid, 1890, p. 393. Montemayor, Cancionero, ed.
1554 fol. 36v. Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos says that the
pliego suelto in the National Library at Lisbon, which contains the
above glosas, is without date, but certainly belongs to the year 1545
or at latest to 1546. " Die gleichzeitigkeit ergiebt sich, mehr als aus
Montemor's z. T. recht schonen lyrischen Strophen, aus dem zweiten
angeschlossenen bankelsanger-artigen Bericht von Gabriel de Saravia
(Ano de mil y quinientos quarenta y cinco corria en el mes de Julio
era y en Valladolid la villa) und aus M's noch recht ungelenkem
Prolog, an den Regidor de Portugal, D. Joao da Silva, und aus der
Tatsache dass der Dichter, statt Selbstandiges zu schaffen, sich mit
einer Glosse begniigte, schliesse ich dass wir es mit einem Erstlings-
werk zu thun haben. Dass M. damals noch in Lissabon weilte geht
aus Str. 5 hervor, wo er d'esta Lisboa (esta ciudad in Str. 6) spricht;
aus anderen Bemerkungen dass er der Abreise D. Maria's (1543)
beigewohnt hatte."

2 Exposicion moral sobre el Psalmo Lxxxvi del real propheta Dauid,

24 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

the Infanta Dona Maria, the author describing himself as
" singer in the chapel of the Infanta Da. Maria." This
princess, the eldest daughter of Charles V., the sister of
Philip and of Da. Juana, was twenty-six years old in 1548,
and on September i7th of the same year was married to
Maximilian II. of Austria at Valladolid. In 1551 the latter
became King of Bohemia, (whither Da. Maria then accom-
panied him), and Emperor in 1564. After his death, in
1564, Da. Maria returned to Spain, where she died in 1603.
It is this Princess Da. Maria whom Montemayor celebrates
in the " Canto de Orfeo " (Diana, Book IV) as the great
Queen of Bohemia and Austria-Hungary, and as " Luz de
Espana." x

After the departure of Da. Maria for Bohemia in 1551,
or perhaps shortly before that time, Montemayor found
another patron, and his chief one, in her sister, the Princess
Da. Juana of Castile, into whose service he then entered.
This is shown by a document published for the first time by
Sr. Sousa-Viterbo, in which D. Joao III. bestows upon
Montemayor " servant of the princess, my much beloved
daughter " a clerkship upon a vessel.2 Sousa-Viterbo says

dirigido a la muy alta y muy poderosa senora la infanta dona Maria
por George de monte mayor cantor de la capilla de su alteza. Colo-
phon: Esta presente obra fue vista y examinada por el muy reuerendo
y magnifico senor el vicario general en esta metropoli de Toledo y
con su licencia impressa en la universidad de Alcala por Joan de
Brocar: primero del mes de Margo de MDXLVIII. 4°.

1 See also Montemayor, Cancionero, ed. 1554, fol. 25.

2 Eu el Rey f ago saber a vos feytor e oficiaes das casas da Imdia
e Myna, que ey por bem e me praz de fazer merce a Jorge de Momte
Moor, criado da princesa mynha muito amada e prezada nlha, da
escreuanynha de hiiu dos nauios da carreira da Myna por hua viagem
por ida e vinda e com ho ordenado cotheudo no Regimento de pois de
copridas as prouisoes que das taes escreuanynhas tiuer pasadas a outras
pesoas feytas amtes deste. Noteficoulo asy e mamdo que tamto que
pela dita maneira ao dito Jorge de Mote mor couber etrar na dita

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 25

that it is evident that the King here applies the word
daughter to his daughter-in-law, the Princess Dona Juana.
In the same Archives there is another document giving a
list of the singers and musicians in the chapel of the In-
fanta Dona Juana, in which we find the names of Miguel
Frances de Carenina, Alfonso de Renteria, Antonio de Vil-
hadiego, Jorge de Motemor, and others, who are each to
receive 40,000 maravedis yearly.1 Montemayor's name
appears in another list of the musicians in the chapel of
Dofia Juana, which is also published by Sousa-Viterbo."
Here, likewise, he received 40,000 maravedis annually.
On December 5, 1552, the Princess Da. Juana married the
crown prince of Portugal, D. Joao, son of Joao III. After
her marriage she went to Portugal with her husband,
Montemayor returning with her from Valladolid, and was

escreuanynha o metaes em pose dela e Ihe deyxes ir seruir e aver o
dito ordenado como dito he, e os proes e precalgos que Ihe dereyta-
mente pertemcerem sem nyso Ihe ser posto duvida nem ebargo alguu,
por que asy he mynha Merce, e ele jurara na chancelaria que bem e
verdadeiramente a syrua. Antonio de Mello o fez em Almeirim a
xiiij dias de margo de jbclj. Amdre Soarez o fez escrepver. (Torre
do Tombo, Chancellaria de D. Joao 3°. Doagoes, liv. 62, fl. 167).
Archivo Historico Portuguez (1903), p. 256. " Hier belohnte man ihn
(spat 1551) mit dem Schreiberposten (den er der Sitte entsprechend)
fur Geld an einen andern hatte abtreten konnen." — C. M. de Vascon-
cellos.

1 Sousa-Viterbo, ibid., p. 257. The papers are marked : " Papeles da
Embaxada de Inglaterra e da Jornada de Castella sobre a yda da Iffa.
Donna Maria. Com outros varios todos do tempo do sr. Leo. Pirez
de Tauora." Though the name here given is Da. Maria, Mad. Caro-
lina Michaelis de Vasconcellos says: " Es bedarf nur eines Ver-
gleiches zwischen den Listen Sousa-Viterbo's und den Trovas (see
below) um zu erkennen dass die Kapelle der Princesa Da. Juana
gemeint ist."

2 Rol dos creados e pessoas que agora tem a Senhora Princeza
Donna Joanna filha do Emperador o qual rol mandou a El Rey Nosso
Senhor Lourengo Pirez de Tavora, sendo Embaixador." Archivo
Historico Portuguez (1903), p. 257.

26 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

apoiisentador in her household, receiving the same salary.1
The poet alludes to this service in his letter to Sa de Mir-
anda.2

The Prince D. Joao died on January 2, 1554, and on Jan-
uary 20 Da. Juana gave birth to a posthumous son, after-
ward the unfortunate King Sebastao. On May 16, she
left Portugal, being called home by the Emperor to assume
the regency during the absence of Philip in England (July
13, 1554, till September, 1555) and while he was in
Flanders and France, whence he did not return till 1559.
On this return journey of Da. Juana to Valladolid, Monte-
mayor was in her retinue, as we have just seen. In the
stanza of the Canto de Orfeo relating to the Princess Dona
Juana, Montemayor refers to the death of her husband,
" espejo y luz de Lusitanos." This part of the Diana
could, therefore, not have been written before 1554. In
the next stanza " la gran Dona Maria, de Portugal infanta
soberana " was the daughter of Emanuel and his third
wife Eleonore,3 and the allusion to the death of the latter

1 " Memoria das pessoas que veiram com a Princeza Da. Joanna. —
Jorge de Montemayor, tem por meu apousentador outro tanto (scil.
30 milreis de ordenado) e maes Ihe hao de dar dez mil reis para ajuda
de custa por alvara meu aparte, que dando — Ihe satisfagam d'elles os
nao aja d'ahi em diante, e he todo o que ha de haver carenta mil reis."
Antonio Caetano de Souza : Provas da Historia Genealogica da Casa
Real Portugueza, Lisbon, 1744, p. 75, quoted by Schonherr, p. 22, n.

2 See Appendix, 11. 43-48, of the fragment there printed : also the
poem: Al Principe de Portugal, in his Cancionero, ed. 1554 fol. 15.

3 D. Leonor was the third wife of D. Manoel and the sister of
Charles V. and of Maria of Hungary. Speaking of the orphan chil-
dren D. Maria and D. Catharina of the Infante D. Duarte (1515-1540),
Mad. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos says : " Ougamos o cysne de
Montemor que as avistou no pago da Rainha, ao lado da Infanta
[Maria], nos festas do Noivado de D. Joao e D. Juana (1552). Ao
dar a luz a sua obra-prima, o romance pastoril de Diana, pendurou os
retratos das duas meninas num d'esses Templos de Gloria em que era

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 27

in 1558, gives us another date before which the Diana
could not have been written. It was to Prince D. Joao
and to the Princess Da. Juana that Montemayor dedicated
his Cancionero, which first appeared at Antwerp in 1554; J
it is probable that he passed the latter part of 1553 or the
early months of 1554 in Antwerp, seeing his book through
the press.

Sometime between 1543 and 1552 Montemayor resided
at Seville, where he was on terms of intimacy with the poet
Gutierre de Cetina, as an exchange of sonnets between
them shows.2 Nicolas Antonio, followed by Sedano and
others, thinks that Montemayor accompanied Philip II. on
his visit to England and the Netherlands in I554-3 Of
this there is no positive evidence, but there is some, and

praxe collocar celebridades coevas. Primeiro a Infanta, no momento
em que a perda da mae [i. e. Eleonore] a perturbou profundamente :

" Mirad, Ninfas, la gran dona Maria," etc.

In a note, the authoress adds: "A allusao a morte de D. Leonor
serve para determinarmos a data 1558 como termo a quo da conclusao
e publicacao da Diana." See the very interesting work: A Infanta
D. Maria de Portugal (1521-1577). Porto, 1902.

1 Las Obras de George de Monte mayor, repartidas en dos Libros,
y dirigidas a los muy altos y muy poderosos senores don Jua y dona
luana, Principes de Portogal [device]. En Anuers. En casa de luan
Steelsio, Ano de MDLIIII. Con priuilegio Imperial. Colophon: Fue
impresso en Anuers, en casa de Juan Lacio, 1554, sm. 12°, xii -f- 257 ff.
I possess the Salva copy of this very rare work.

" Soneto de Gutierre de Cetina, siendo enamorado en la Corte
para donde Montemayor se partia." Cancionero, ed. 1554, fol. 35v.
" Responde Montemayor siendo enamorado en Seuilla, adonde Gutierre
de Cetina quedaua." Ibid., fol. 36. Cetina addresses him as Lusitano,
a name Montemayor adopts in his poems.

3 Philip II. set sail from Corufla on July 13, 1554, and arrived at
Southampton on the nineteenth or twentieth of the same month. He
remained in England fourteen months, going thence to the Nether-
lands, and returned to Spain on August 2, 1559. Watson, History of
Philip II., Vol. I, p. 131.

2g SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

slight as it is, it has not hitherto been mentioned, so far as
I know. It is found in the reply of Montemayor to a letter
of his friend, Sr. Pefia, in which the lines occur :

" Andaua el pobre amor buscando abrigo,
jamas le hallo, God helpe,\& dezian." 1

I think it will be generally admitted that it is most unusual
to find a Spanish poet of this period quoting English, and
this, taken in connection with the well-known fact that
Philip was accompanied by some of the best singers and
musicians of Spain, renders it highly probable that Monte-
mayor was in his retinue.2 Moreover, the above is not
found in the edition of 1554, which strengthens the proba-
bility.3

1 Cancionero del excelentlssimo poeta George de Monte mayor: de
nueuo emendado, y corregido. Dirigido al Illustrissimo Senor Gon-
c.alo Fernandez de Cordoua, Duque de Sessa, y de Terra noua, Mar-
ques de Bitonto, Conde de Cobra: senor de la casa de Vaena. En
Salamanca, En casa de Domingo de Portonrijs, impressor de la
Magestrad Real, 1571. This volume was kindly loaned to me by my
friend, Dr. Horace Howard Furness. In the dedication, Montemayor
begs the Duke to receive the work " debaxo de su amparo, como el
autor dello ha estado siempre," etc. This was the third Duke of Sessa,
in whom we find another patron of our poet. The lines quoted above
are found on fol. 175 of this edition. In the ed. of Alcala, 1563, they
occur on fol. 165.

2 Of the Spanish poets who accompanied Philip II., the name of
only one is known to me with certainty: "Juan Verzosa was in the
suite of Philip II, and composed, in celebration of the King's wedding
with Mary Tudor, the ' Epithalamie or nuptiall song ' mentioned in
The Art of English Poesie, by George Puttenham. This poem, how-
ever, was written in Latin (see Bartolome Jose Gallardo, Ensayo de
una biblioteca de libros raros y curiosos, tomo iv, no. 45O7)- Ver-
zosa's name is given correctly by William Vaughan in The Golden
Grove. Puttenham prints 'Vargas'." Fitzmaurice-Kelly, The Rela-
tions between Spanish and English Literature, Liverpool University
Press, 1910, p. 13, note.

3 The letter of Sr. Pefia to which Montemayor's poem is an answer,

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 29

That Montemayor was living in the Netherlands in 1557-
1558 is shown by the dedication of his Segundo Cancionero
Spiritual, published in Antwerp in I558.1 In the King's
privilege Montemayor is styled " servant of the most serene
Princess of Portugal, his sister " ; he was still, as we see,

is thus entitled : " Esta Carta embiaron a Montemayor en Flandes,"
which again agrees with the known facts. In this poem our poet men-
tions Petrarch, Bembo and Sannazaro, with whose writings he was
certainly well acquainted. Indeed, in the Cancionero of 1554, fol. 37v,
is found the following close imitation of a well known sonnet of
Petrarch :

" Dichoso a sido el ano, el mes, y el dia,
la hora, y el momento que en mirarte
silencio puso amor en mi alegria."

From the evidence given above, it is possible that some of the
cop las written by poets who accompanied Philip II to England, in
I5SS» may be by Montemayor. Cf. Cancionero General, II, p. 597 :

No. 279. Cancion No. 280. Cancion

Que no quiero amores I Ay Dios de mi tierra,

en Inglaterra, Saqueysme de aqui !

pues otros mejores I Ay que Inglaterra

tengo yo en mi tierra, etc. ya no es para mi, etc.

Evidence of the fact that our poet was in the service of Philip II,
in 1554, is found in the " Soneto de Francisco de Soto, musico de
Camara de su Magestad," in which he alludes to Montemayor as :

" muy excellente trobador

Nombrase en cas del Rey Monte mayor."

This Francisco de Soto is mentioned in both the lists of " Cantores y
musicos " given above, in which our poet figures.

1 It is well known that in all subsequent editions to the first (1554),
the Obras of Montemayor were divided in two parts; in the next edi-
tion (Antwerp, 1558) the first part is entitled: Segundo Cancionero de
George de Monte mayor (Salva, Catdlogo, Vol. I, No. 296) ; the second
part : Segundo Cancionero Spiritual de large de Monte Mayor dirigido
Al muy magninco Senor leronimo de Salamanca [device]. En Anvers,
En casa de luan Latio, MDLVIII. Con Priuilegio. 12°, 251 pp.
This latter part Salva, apparently, had never seen. It is carefully de-
scribed by Prof. Vollmoller in Romanische Forschungen, IV, p. 333.

30 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

in the service of the Princess Juana. In the dedication,
the poet states that " he has been labouring many days
upon this book and communicating with many theologians,
as well in these states of Flanders as in Spain."

The assertion has often been repeated that Montemayor,
like most of the great Spanish poets, was also a soldier, and
it is supported by two sonnets, the one entitled " Yendose
el autor a Flandes " 1 and the other " Partiendose para la
guerra ".2 The latter alludes to the war with France, and
as Menendez y Pelayo observes, the only war of Philip II.
with France in which the poet could have taken part was
that of 1555-1559, memorable for the victory of San
Quintin.s That Montemayor was living in Valencia while
he was writing his Diana is exceedingly likely ; many of the
ladies whom he celebrates in the Canto de Orfeo were resi-
dents of that city.

Montemayor died in Piedmont (in Turin?) on Febru-
ary 26, 1561, killed, as it seems, in a duel in some love
affair. That his death was sudden and violent, is shown, —
in addition to the testimony of Padre Ponce, to be cited
presently, — by the Elegy of Dorantes :

" With tearful voice, O muse of mine now sing
The dire misfortune and the sad event,
The sudden death, grievous and violent
Of Lusitano, for whom sorrowing
All nature is in pitiful lament,
And to the world your meed of sorrow bring."

And again :

1 Cancionero, ed. 1571, fol. 60.

2 Ibid., fol. 5Qv. Neither of these sonnets is found in the ed. of
1554-

3 Origenes de la Novela, Vol. I, p. cdl.

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

" Rigorous and inexorable fate
Cut with disdain the sweet thread of his life
With death untimely and incompassionate." 4

4 " Comiemja musa mia dolorosa
el funesto sucesso y desuentura,
la muerta arrebatoda y presurosa
de nuestro Lusitano a quien natura
oy llora con muy tierno sentimiento,
y representa al mundo su tristura."

La inexorable Parca y rigurosa
corto con gran desden su dulce hilo,
con inmatura muerte y lastimosa. . . .

Ed. 1624, pp. 353, 355.

Some interesting gossip concerning Montemayor is given in the
dedication written by Lourengo Craesbeeck to the edition of the Diana
which he printed at Lisbon in 1624. He tells us that it was Monte-
mayor's intention to celebrate in verse the discovery of the East
Indies, but that death prevented, or rather that Vasco de Gama de-
sired that the greatest empire in the world should be reserved for the
greatest poet, i. e. for Camoes. He continues : " So great was the fame
of Montemayor that there was not a house in which the Diana was
not read, nor a street in which its verses were not sung, nor a con-
versation in which its style was not extolled; everybody, however
great, desired a personal acquaintance with its author, who was x in-
vited to that splendid entertainment which the Duchess of Sessa gave
in her garden to the principal ladies of the Court. Montemayor, en-
tering with some servants of the Duke, in whose house he was then
lodged, the Duchess introduced him to her guests, who inquired about
the beauty of Diana, about the grievous action of the shepherd in
marrying her, and about other things in his book, to which he replied
with many gallantries, not a little proud of such good-fortune. The
Marquise of Camarasa asked him : Sr. Montemayor, if you write
such pleasing things about rustic shepherds, what would you do if
you were asked to write about this garden, of these fountains and
these Nymphs which you see here ? To which Montemayor replied :
All these things, my lady, are matter rather for wonderment than
for the pen. And the Marquise of Guadalcassar, who was present
at the entertainment, being asked what pleased her most, answered :
the conversation of Montemayor. Likewise, Montemayor being one
day in the monastery of the city of Leon, where he was convalescing

32 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

It is probable that Montemayor passed the last two or
three years of his life at the Court, then at Valladolid.
That his life here was irksome to him he tells us in a letter
to his friend, D. lorge de Meneses, in which, moreover, he
paints a picture of his surroundings, which is far from flat-
tering to the Court set :

" Envy alone doth move me, this believe,
More than all other cause, that should I write,
Seeing that thou this Court now mayest leave."

Again :

" A sea of discord is this Court, which brings
Profit to no man, save by basest means:
Hatred and envy, lying, murmurings."

Everything that he sees about him is false, — a mere pre-
tense, a make-believe; there is no room for honest en-
deavour; all that his youth looked forward to, turns out a
hollow sham. He has experienced the disillusionment that
comes with years, and he longs to be back once more in his
native land, by the quiet waters of the Mondego of his
youth. These longings he has here expressed with a sim-
plicity and a charm that are indescribable, and which rank
this poem among the very best that he has written.2

from an illness, he asked one of the fathers at Mass, to recite a
gospel. To which he replied : I will say not one merely, but two, and
reciting that of St. John, he continued — and now here is the other;
that you are the most flowering wit of Spain."

1 Cancionero, ed. 1571, fol. 74v. This Epistola is not in the edition
of 1554-

2 " De la vida campestre ora tratemos,
en las riberas verdes nos metamos,
que todo lo demas olvidaremos.
Al campo de Mondego nos salgamos,
Al pie del alto fresno, sobre el rio
que los pastores tanto celebramos.

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

33

The Diana is the principal work of Montemayor and the
one by which he is best known. The year in which it ap-
peared is not certain, as the first edition printed at Valencia,
is undated. In all probability it issued from the press in
I559-1 In this year> as we are told by Fray Bartholome

lamas te olvidare, Mondego mio,
ni aun olvidarte yo sera en mi mano,
sino fuesse por muerte o desuario.
En tu florido campo muy ufano,
tu dulce primauera quien la oluida,
sino quien a si proprio es inhumane?
Aquella alta arboleda, aquella vida
que a su sombra el pastor cansado lleua,
y el aue oye cantar de amor herida.
Aquel ver madurar la fruta nueua,
aquel ver como esta granado el trigo,
y el labrador quel lino a empozar lleua." (fol. 76.)
1 Los siete Libros de la Diana de lorge de Montemayor, dirigidos
al muy Illustre senor don loan Castella de Vilanoua, senor de las
baronias de Bicorb, y Quesa. [Oval device : En una fe tostemps.]
Impresso en Valencia. 4°, iv -f- 112 ff. (Salva, Catalogo, Vol. II, p.
167. It bears neither date nor printer's name, but Salva says : " la im-
primio positivamente Joan Mey") I have again (1910) examined
the copy in the Ticknor library, Boston, which bears the factitious
date 1542. I am now convinced that it was done with a pen. See the
note in the Ticknor Catalogue, p. 234, where the opinion is expressed
that " this date was foisted into the title-page when it was sold."
The next earliest dated edition known bears on the title-page : " Agora
nueuamente anadido de ciertas obras del mismo autor, y con diligencia
corregido. (At the end:) Fue impressa la presente obra en la muy
noble y leal ciudad de Caragoc.a, en casa de Pedro Bernuz. . . . Aca-
bose a veinte de Agosto, ano 1560." Small 8°. It contains "La His-
toria de Alcida y Sylvano, compuesta por lorge de Montemayor."
There is another, but undated edition, " In Milano por Andrea de
Ferrari, nel corso di porta Tosa," described by Menendez y Pelayo,
Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdlxii, which may belong to the same year.
Four editions appeared in 1561 : Anvers, por luan Stelsio ; Barcelona,
por Jayme Cortey; Cuenca, por Juan de Canova, and Valladolid, por
Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba. Of these I possess the Antwerp
edition; it does not contain the story of Abindarraez, which was first
added in that of Valladolid, 1561-62. A bibliography, containing all

34 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Ponce,1 that Montemayor was in Valladolid, then the Court
of Spain " when everybody was reading the Diana." Such
popularity certainly implies a recent appearance of the
work.

Whether the lady whose praises Montemayor sings in
his Cautioner o under the name of ' Marfida ' is identical
with the * Diana ' of his pastoral romance, there is no
means of determining with certainty. I am inclined to be-
lieve that she is not.2 Lope de Vega tells us that " the
Diana of Montemayor was a lady of Valencia de Don

editions as late as that of Lisbon, 1624 (which I also possess), will
be found in Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdlxiii; see also
Schonherr, pp. 80 ff. The only other important work of Montemayor
(besides those previously mentioned), is his translation of the Catalan
poet Ausias March, which probably appeared at Valencia, before
1560. Salva, Catalogo, Vol. I, p. 275. It is of this work that Lope
de Vega says : " Castissimos son aquellos versos que escriuio Ausias
March en lengua Lemosina, que tan mal y sin entenderlos Montemayor
traduxo." Hermosura de Angelica, Madrid, 1602, fol. 338v.

1 Primera parte de la Clara Diana a lo diuino, repartida en siete
libros. Compuesta par el muy Reverendo Padre fray Bartholome
Ponce. En Caragoqa, Impressa por Lorenzo de Robles. Ano 1599.
8°. There was an edition at Epila, 1580. Salva, Catalogo, II, No.
1944. In the prologo he says : " Being at the Court of Philip II, in
*5S9> I saw and read the Diana of Montemayor, which was at that
time in such favor as I had never seen any book in the vernacular.
Expressing a desire to know the author, I was introduced to him at
the house of a friend. Taking courage to tell him that he was wasting
time and talents in making rhymes and composing books of love,
Montemayor, with a hearty laugh, replied : Padre Ponce, let the friars
do penance for all; as for the hijosdalgo, arms and love are their pro-
fession. . . . May God have mercy on his soul, for I never saw him
again. A few months after this, I was told how a good friend of
his had killed him on account of jealousy, or some love-affair."

2 Menendez y Pelayo also leans to the belief that they were different
persons. Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdli. Schonherr, op. cit., is of the con-
trary opinion. I may add that the 1554 ed. of the Cancionero con-
tains but two eclogues, while the later editions have four. In the
" Egloga tercera a la senora Dona Isabel osorio," the characters are

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

35

Juan, near Leon, and its stream, the Ezla, and the lady will
be immortal through his pen." 1 This agrees not only with
the romance, but also with the story related by Faria i
Sousa,2 according to which she is said to have been still
living in that town in 1602, when she was visited by Philip
the Third and Queen Margaret. She is described as even
then bearing traces of her former beauty, though more than
sixty years old. This would fix her birth somewhere about
1540, and would, of course, effectually dispose of the belief
that an edition of the Diana existed as early as 1542, when
the heroine was only two years old.3

The story of the Diana is briefly given by the author in
his ' Argumento ' as follows : " In the fields of the ancient
and celebrated city of Leon, by the banks of the river Ezla,
there lived a shepherdess named Diana, more beautiful than
any of her time. She loved and was loved in return by a
shepherd named Sireno, with a love chaste and pure. At
the same time she was loved by another shepherd, Silvano,
whom she, however, abhorred. It now happened that

Diana, Marfida, Danteo and Floriano. In the opening lines Diana
bewails the absence of Sireno : " Do estas, Sireno mio ?" while Mar-
fida is in love with Lusitano. Now, we know that Sireno is the poeti-
cal name assumed by Montemayor in the Diana, while the one he
adopts in his poems is Lusitano; so there is no inconsistency. As
the scene in this eclogue is also laid on the banks of " el claro rio
Mondego celebrado," (fol. i5ov, ed. of 1571), it shows that Monte-
mayor had already revolved the subject in his mind and that, very
probably, the Diana grew out of this eclogue.

1 La Dorotea, Act II, Sc. II, fol. S2v, ed. of 1632.

2 In his commentary on the Lusiadas de Luis de Camoes, Madrid,
J639, Vol. II, col. 434, which is also related by Sepulveda, Historia de
varios sucesos, MS. Vol. II, Ch. XII. See Bosquejo historico sobre
la Novela espanola, by D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, pre-
fixed to Vol. 33 of the Bib. de Aut. espanoles (p. xxvii, note).

3 Since the first ed. of this book the whole matter has been re-
viewed by Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Revue Hispanique, II, p. 304, and see
also Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, p. cdlix.

36 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Sireno was obliged to leave the kingdom upon matters
which admitted of no excuse. For a while Diana grieved
on account of his absence, but as time changed, her heart
changed also, and she was married to another shepherd
named Delio. Sireno, returning after a year's absence,
learns of her marriage, " and here begins the first book,
and in the remaining ones you shall find various histories
of things that have really happened, although disguised
beneath a pastoral style."

It will be seen from this Argument that the Diana had
its origin in an actual event in- the life of its author, or so,
at least, he leads us to infer, and that, perhaps, his prin-
cipal object in writing it was to find expression for the sor-
row and despair of a great disappointment, and thus obtain
that relief and consolation which imparting our ills to
others often gives.

" A raconter ses maux souvent on les soulage." x

It should be observed here, however, that it has been ser-
iously doubted whether Montemayor is the protagonist of
the Diana, and whether the love he relates has any basis
in fact.2

1 Or, in the words of Montemayor in an " Epistola " prefixed to
the Diana: " Curar piensa sus males con dezillos."

2 Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, Vol. I, p. cdxlv. That, in the early
years of the seventeenth century, the story of the Diana was gener-
ally believed to be founded upon an actual fact in Montemayor's life,
can hardly be doubted. Upon this point the testimony of Lope de
Vega, given above (p. 35) is clear. Lope's memory (he was born
in the year following Montemayor's death) certainly reached back
to a time when everything concerning our poet was vivid in the minds
of educated men; indeed, Lope may have had his information from
one who had personally known Montemayor. His own pastoral
romance, the Arcadia, was begun about 1592, and we may well believe
that his interest in the subject and in its celebrated exemplar, had
long antedated this period. Craesbeeck, the Portuguese printer, tells

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 37

The form and construction of the Diana may have been
matters of subordinate irhport to Montemayor, but a work
is to be judged as it stands, and it must be admitted that
the Diana is not without serious defects: many of its in-
cidents are loosely interwoven ; there is a lack of cohesion ;
the narrative is sometimes involved and is often inter-
rupted by long digressions, so that the thread of the main
story is lost and the interest flags. This want of logical
development, — the failure to properly subordinate the var-
ious incidents of the story and thus hold the attention of
the reader, is a fault conspicuous not only in the Diana, but
in all Spanish romances of its class. Many of the incidents
in the Diana are quite improbable, and its beauty is often
marred by an excessive sentimentality, at times bordering
on the ridiculous.1 A few excerpts will illustrate this:

us (see above, p. 31) that Montemayor had been ill for some time in
the city of Leon, the scene of the Diana. It is fair to presume that
this was a well-known tradition at the time, 1624. As to the story
related by Faria y Sousa in 1639, we must admit that we should be
on surer ground had it been vouched for by some more reliable
chronicler. Faria says that the lady celebrated as Diana was named
Ana, and that she was one of the wealthiest persons in Valencia de
Don Juan. Mad. de Vasconcellos thinks that the name Marfida, under
which Montemayor had celebrated his lady in his early poems, is an
anagram of Margarida, but the name Marfida or Marfisa is found in
Boiardo and Ariosto, and in the Espejo de Caballerias, which appeared
at Seville in 1533, and occurs frequently both at this time and later.
It is, probably, of no significance in the present inquiry. But as
already stated above, the germ of the Diana is present in the third
Eclogue of Montemayor, though I am inclined to think that Diana
and Marfida are different persons.

1 In this respect, however, the Diana was surpassed by some of the
works that followed it. Sidney's Arcadia shows some remarkable
passages: "The sun drew clouds up to hide his face from so pitiful
a sight, and the very stone wall did yield drops of sweat for agony
of such a mischief: each senseless thing had sense of pity; only they
that had sense were senseless." (Book III, p. 537, ed. of I743-)

A shepherd in despair exclaims: "O thrice happy I, if I had per-

38 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

" Venia pues el triste Sireno, los ojos hechos fuentes, el
rostro mudado y el coragon tan hecho a desuenturas, que
si la fortuna le quisiera dar algun contento, fuera menester
buscar otro coragon nueuo para recibille." (Book I.)

ished whilst I was altogether unhappy; then, when a dejected shep-
herd offensive to the perfection of the world, I could hardly, being
oppressed by contempt, make myself worthy to be disdained, disdain
to be despised, despised being a degree of grace. O would to God
that I had died obscurely, whilst my life might still have lived famous
with others and my death have died with myself." (Bk. Ill, p. 598.)
Another shepherd complains : " O my dun-cow, I did think some evil
was towards me ever since the last day thou didst run away from me,
and held up thy tail so pitifully: did I not see an eagle kill a cuckoo,
which was a plain foretoken unto me, Pamela should be my destruc-
tion? O wife Miso, if I durst say it to thy face, why didst thou
suspect thy husband, that loveth a piece of cheese better than a
woman," etc. (Bk. IV, p. 731.) Or such verses as these, which can
add nothing to Sidney's reputation :

As I my little flock on Ister bank

(A little flock; but well my pipe they couth)

Did piping lead, the sun already sank

Beyond our world, and e'er I got my booth,

Each thing with mantle black the night doth scoth ;

Saving the glow-worm which would courteous be

Of 'that small light oft watching shepherds see.

The welkin had full niggardly enclosed

In coffer of dim clouds his silver groats,

Ycleped stars; each thing to rest disposed,

The caves were full, the mountains void of goats :

The birds' eyes clos'd; closed their chirping notes.

As for the nightingale, wood-musick's king:

It August was, he deign'd not then to sing. (Page 711.)

I have not read Sidney's Arcadia for many years, and no longer
have a stomach for such pastime. So I must confess that I am one
of those "degenerate readers of our day" to whom "the Arcadia
seems almost as tedious as Hazlitt thought it." (Fitzmaurice-Kelly,
The Relation between Spanish and English Literature, Liverpool, 1910,
p. 19.)

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

39

Love drives poor Silvano out of his senses :

" Pues como este pastor (Silvano) fuesse tan mal tra-
tado de amor, y tan desfauorecido de Diana, mil vezes la
pasion le hazia salir de seso, de manera que hoy daua en
dezir mal de amor, mafiana en alaballe: un dia en estar
ledo, y otro en estar mas triste que todos los tristes," etc.
(Book II, fol. 45, ed. 1561.) Belisa is determined to be
wretched ; she says : " Muy gran consuelo seria para tan
desconsolado coragon como este mio, estar segura de que
nadie con palabras ni con obras pretendiesse darmele, por-
que la gran razon, o hermosas Nimphas, que tengo de biuir
tan enbuelta en tristezas como biuo, ha puesto enemistad
entre mi y el consuelo de mi mal ; de manera que si pensasse
en algun tiempo tenelle, yo misma me daria la muerte."
(Fol. 96.)

Their tears augment the streams and cause the grass to
grow:

" Mas que ventura ha guiado tan hermosa compafiia, a
do jamas se vio cosa que diesse contento? Quien pensays
que haze crescer la verde yerua desta ysla, y acrescentar
las aguas que le cercan, sino mis lagrimas ? Quien pensays
que menea los arboles deste hermoso valle, sino la boz de
mis sospiros tristes, que inflamando el ayre, hazen aquello
que el por si no haria? Porque pensays que cantan los
dulces paxaros por entre las matas, quando el dorado Phebo
esta en toda su fuerga, sino para ayudar a llorar mis des-
uenturas? A que pensays que las temerosas fieras salen al
verde prado, sino a oyr mis continuas quexas ? " (Fol. 97.)

The shepherds are so overcome by this recital that they
all weep : " Con tantas lagrymas dezia esto la hermosa pas-
tora, que no hauia ninguno de los que alii estauan, que las
suyas detener pudiesse."

As the contents of Montemayor's romance have been

40 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

set forth by several writers,1 a brief analysis will be suffi-
cient here.

The ' forgotten ' Syreno, coming from the mountain dis-
tricts of Leon, arrives at the delightful meadows watered
by the Ezla, and muses upon " the happy time when, in
these fields and by these lovely banks, he tended his flocks."
Here he passed his days oblivious of the outer world till
" cruel Amor " made him his slave. " Reclining at the
foot of a beech tree, his eyes followed the beautiful banks
until they rested upon the spot where first he had seen the
beautiful, graceful and chaste Diana, in whom nature had
united every perfection." " What his heart then felt, let
him imagine who ever found himself amid sad memories."
He thinks of the time when Diana swore eternal fidelity
to him " with tears gushing from her lovely eyes like ori-
ental pearls, as witnesses of what she felt within her heart,
bidding him believe what she had told him so many times."
He now draws forth from his breast a paper containing
some threads of green silk and some locks of hair, " and
such locks! and placing them upon the green grass, with
many tears, he takes up his lute, not as joyfully as in the
days when he was favored by Diana," and sings as follows :

Cabellos quanta mudanga

he visto despues que os vi,

y quan mal paresce ay

essa color desperanc.a.
Bien pensaua yo, cabellos,

(aunque con algun temor)

que no fuera otro pastor

digno de verse cabe ellos.
Ay cabellos, quantos dias

la mi Diana miraua,

si os traya, o si os dexaua,

y otras cien mil ninerias.

1 See Dunlop's History of Fiction; Schonherr, already quoted, and
Kressner, Zur Geschichte der pastoral Dichtung, in Herrig's Archiv,
Vol. LXVI (p. 309).

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 41

Y quantas vezes llorando
(ay lagrimas enganosas)
pedia celos, de cosas
de que yo estaua burlando.

Los ojos que me matauan,

dezi, dorados cabellos,

que culpa tuue en creellos,

pues ellos me assegurauan?
No vistes vos que algun dia

mil lagrimas derramaua,

hasta que yo le juraua,

que sus palabras creya?

Quien vio tanta hermosura

en tan mudable subiecto?

y en amador tan perfecto,

quien vio tanta desuentura?
O cabellos, no os correys,

por venir de a do venistes,

viendome como me vistes,

en verme como me veys?

Sobre el arena sentada

de aquel rio, la vi yo,

do con el dedo escriuio :

antes muerta, que mudada.
Mira el amor lo que ordena,

que os viene a hazer creer

cosas dichas por muger,

y escritas en el arena. (Fol. 4.)

Replacing the " golden locks," he finds in his shepherd's
scrip a letter, formerly written to him by Diana, which
he reads, and " deeply sighing," says : " How could forget-
fulness ever enter a breast whence such words have is-
sued ? " Sireno now observes another shepherd approach-
ing, to whom he exclaims : " Alas ! unhappy shepherd,
though not so unhappy as I." It is the desamado Silvano,
once the rival of Sireno, but who became his friend on
learning that Diana returned the latter's love. Silvano
takes up his pipe, and " sings with great sadness " :

42 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Amador soy, mas nunca fuy amado :
quise bien y querre, no soy querido;
fatigas passo, y nunca las he dado;
sospiros di, mas nunca fuy oydo;
quexarme quise, y no fuy escuchado;
huyr quise de Amor, quede corrido,
de solo oluido no podre quexarme,
porque aun no se acordaron d'oluidarme.

Yo hago a qualquier mal solo un semblante,
jamas estuue hoy triste, ayer contento;
no miro atras, ni temo yr adelante,
un rostra hago al mal, o al bien que siento;
tan fuera voy de mi como el dangante,
que haze a qualquier son un mouimiento,
y assi me gritan todos como a loco,
pero segun estoy, aun esto es poco.

La noche a un amador le es enojosa,
quando del dia atiende bien alguno,
y el otro de la noche espera cosa
qu'el dia le haze largo e importuno;
con lo que un hombre cansa, otro reposa,
tras su desseo camina cada uno,
mas yo siempre llorando el dia espero,
y en viendo el dia por la noche muero.

Quexarme yo de Amor es escusado,
pinta en el agua, o da bozes al viento,
busca remedio en quien jamas le ha dado,
que al fin venga a dexalle sin descuento;
llegaos a el a ser aconsejado,
diraos un disparate, y otros ciento;
pues quien es este Amor? Es una sciencia
que no la alcanga estudio, ni esperiencia.

Amaua mi senora al su Sireno,
dexaua a mi, quic,a que lo acertaua;
yo triste a mi pesar tenia por bueno
lo que en la vida y alma me tocaua.
A estar mi cielo algun dia sereno,
quexara yo de amor si le anublaua,
mas ningun bien dire que me ha quitado;
ved, como quitara lo que no ha dado?

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 43

No es cosa Amor, que aquel que no lo tiene
hallara feria a do pueda comprallo,
ni cosa que en llamandola se viene,
ni que le hallareys yendo a buscallo;
que si de vos no nasce, no conuiene
pensar que ha de nascer de procurallo,
y pues que jamas puede amor forgarse,
no tiene el desamado que quexarse. (Fol. 6.)

Perceiving Sireno by the fountain, he draws near, and
" they embrace each other with many tears." The two
" unloved " lovers console one another. Silvano now re-
lates how Diana at first pined during Sireno's absence, —
how he had once observed her lying upon the ground weep-
ing ; how Diana then drew forth a small pipe, " and played
so sweetly that the valley, the mountain, the river and the
enamoured birds, — even the wild beasts of the dense wood
were charmed." Afterwards, with tearful eyes, gazing
into the clear fountain, she sang :

" Ojos, que ya no veys quien os miraua
(quando erades espejo en que se via)
que cosa podreys ver que os de contento?" (Fol. 12.)

Silvano, continuing, relates how, on approaching, he was
invited by Diana to sit beside her. How he began to tell
Diana of his love for her, whereupon she promptly inter-
rupted him, saying : " If your tongue again dares to speak
of your own affairs, and fails to speak to me of my Sireno,
I shall leave you to enjoy this clear spring at your pleas-
ure." On hearing this Sireno sighs and asks whether
Diana is happy since her marriage with Delio, to which
Silvano replies : " They tell me that she is not happy, for
though Delio, her husband, is rich in the gifts of fortune,
he is poor in the gifts of nature," etc., " for Delio cannot
play, sing and wrestle, nor dance with the mozas on Sun-
day."

A sad shepherdess now draws near ; it is Selvagia, the

44 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

friend of Diana, who, addressing the shepherds, says:
" What are ye doing here, O unloved shepherds, in this
green and delightful meadow ? " A discussion follows
upon the fickleness of woman, after which Selvagia relates
how she was deceived by the false Alanio, and of the com-
plications which arose in the love of a number of shep-
herds and shepherdesses; each is in love with some one
who loves somebody else (cada uno per dido por quien no
le queria) . " It was the strangest thing in the world to
hear how Alanio, sighing, would say : " Alas, Ismenia !
how Ismenia said : Alas, Montano ! and how Montano said :
Alas, Selvagia ! and how Selvagia said : Alas, my Alanio ! "
The latter, we are told, lost no time in punishing Ismenia,
for, fixing his eyes upon Selvagia, he sang this antiguo
cantar:

" Amor loco, ay amor loco,
yo por vos, y vos por otro," etc.

The result of all this sighing is that Montano marries Is-
menia. Having finished her story, " Selvagia began to
shed copious tears, and the shepherds aided her therein, for
it was an occupation in which they had great experience."

The second book opens with a long complaint of Sel-
vagia's, after which she sings some sestinas. Silvano now
appears, singing some octavas to the music of a lute; both
sit down beneath the shade of a dense myrtle, and with
many sighs and a fair amount of tears, they relate to each
other their imaginary woes. To Silvano's query " perhaps
thou knowest some remedy for our ills ? " Selvagia an-
swers: "I do know one, shepherd; it is to cease loving."
The " forgotten " Sireno is now heard singing a sonnet,
and scarcely had they greeted the new-comer and proceeded
together to " the fountain of the Alders," when they heard
several voices singing. Advancing cautiously, they per-

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

45

ceive three nymphs, Dorida, Cynthia and Polydora. Do-
rida now sings of the love of Diana and Sireno, much to
the astonishment of Sireno, who is concealed behind the
trees. The whole story is sung in a long cancion, of which
one of the strophes is as follows :

Diana speaks: Toma, pastor, un cordon
que hize de mis cabellos,
porque se te acuerde en vellos
que tomaste posesion
de mi coragon y dellos.
Y este anillo as de lleuar
do estan dos manos asidas,
que aunque se acaben las vidas,
no se pueden apartar
dos almos que estan unidas.

Sireno gives to Diana his shepherd's crook and his lute,
" to which he has sung to her a thousand canciones, re-
counting her perfections."

Thus : Ambos a dos se abragaron,

y esta fue la vez primera,
y pienso fue la postrera,
por que los tiempos mudaron
el amor de otra manera.
Y aunque a Diana le dio
pena rabiosa y mortal
la ausencia de su zagal,
en ella misma hallo
el remedio de su mal. (Fol. SQv.)

Scarcely had Dorida finished her song, when three wild
men, " very tall and ugly," rush out of the wood, seize the
nymphs and bind their hands. Now the shepherds spring
from their ambush and attack the giants with slings. The
shepherds were getting the worst of the contest, when sud-
denly, out of the thick grove there appeared a maiden of
wonderful beauty, who immediately sends an arrow
through the heart of one of the giants, and finally slays

46 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

them all. The nymphs turn out to be priestesses of Diana,
and the rescuing maiden, whose name is Felismena, now
relates her story. After a brief account of her early years,
she informs us how, at the age of seventeen she was be-
loved by Don Felix, whose love, at first, she did not return.
Don Felix sends a letter by Rosina, the maid of Felismena,
which letter the latter rejects, saying: "If I did not ob-
serve who I am and what might be said, I should mark
your face — which shows little modesty — so that it were
easily known among all others. But since this is the first
time, let what is done suffice, but beware the second time."
" It seems to me," continued Felismena, " that I can still
see that traitorous Rosina, who, with a friendly counten-
ance, knew how to be silent, dissimulating her true feelings
at my angry outburst, and with a feigned smile saying to
me : I gave this letter to your grace so that we might both
laugh over it, but not that you should get angry on account
of it." Presently, however, a desire arose in Felismena to
read the letter, though modesty forbade her ask her maid
for it after what had occurred between them. And so the
day passed till night, mid various thoughts. " And when
Rosina," Felismena continues, " entered to disrobe me, at
the time when I was wont to retire, heaven knows whether
I wished that she should again importune me to receive the
letter, but I did not wish to speak of it, and in order to see
whether opening the way would be of any advantage, I
said : And so, Rosina, Senor Don Felix was so bold as to
write to me ? To which she answered dryly : ' My lady,
these are things that love brings with it; I beg you to for-
give me, for if I had thought that it would anger you, I
would rather have torn out my eyes.' That night was the
longest that Felismena had ever passed."

" Day having come, and later than I had wished it, the
prudent Rosina again entered to dress me, and deftly let

THE DIANA OF MONTEMA YOR

47

the letter fall upon the floor, and as I saw it, I said: what
is that that just fell? Show it to me. It is nothing, my
lady, said she. Show it to me, and do not make me angry,
or tell me what it is. Why, my lady, do you wish to see it ?
It is the letter of yesterday. That is surely not so, said I ;
show it to me; I will see whether you told the truth.
Scarcely had I spoken, when she placed it in my hand, and
I, though knowing it very well, said, truly it is not the same
and you must be in love with some one. I wish to read it,
and see what he writes to you."

The reading of this letter aroused the love in the bosom
of Felismena, who, " taking pen and ink," sent a letter to
Don Felix in reply. And so the lovers were happy for
some time, till it came to the knowledge of the father of
Felix, who sent him to the court of the great princess Au-
gusta Caesarina, to gain some knowledge and experience
of the world.

Felismena, however, could not bear the separation, but
determined to do " what never woman thought of — to
dress in male attire, visit the court, and see him in whose
sight rested all my hope."

After a journey of twenty days she arrives at the court,
and on the very first night she had the opportunity of con-
vincing herself of the unfaithfulness of her lover, for she
hears Don Felix singing a serenade to his mistress Celia.
Felismena now enters the service of Don Felix as a page,
under the name of Valeric, and soon gains the confidence
of his master to such a degree that the latter makes Valeric
his confidant, telling him of his love for Celia and reading
the contents of Celia's letters to him.

Celia having learned, meanwhile, that she was not the
first love of Don Felix, but that the latter had declared his
love to a lady of his native city, and had afterwards de-
serted her, refused to accept his attentions any longer, and

48 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

sent him the above-mentioned letters. Don Felix now
sends a letter to Celia by his page Valeric, the result of
which is that Celia falls deeply in love with the latter. The
peculiar dilemma in which Valeric found himself (or her-
self), was suddenly resolved by the death of Celia, who,
rinding her love for Valerio unrequited, fell in a swoon,
from which she never awoke. At this news Don Felix dis-
appeared. Two years had elapsed since then, and during
all this time Felismena has been in search of the faithless
Don Felix. (End of Book ii.)

At the conclusion of Felismena's story all proceed to
the temple of Diana, to find some solace for their suffer-
ings. They had not journeyed long, when they came to
a beautiful lake, in the midst of which was a small island
upon which they saw a hut and a flock of sheep. Pass-
ing over the water " upon stones placed in a row," Poly-
doro enters the hut and finds a shepherdess sleeping
therein, " whose beauty causes no less astonishment that if
Diana herself had appeared before their eyes." " In the
carelessness of sleep her foot, white and bare, protruded
from her frock, but not so far that to the eyes of those
who were looking on, it might seem deshonesto." " And
from the many tears that, even while sleeping, rolled down
her lovely cheeks," it seemed that sleep was no bar to her
sad thoughts. The beautiful shepherdess is Belisa, who
presently relates how an old shepherd named Arsenic,
whose wife had died, fell in love with her. Arsenio, how-
ever, had a son Arsileo who, in addition to being hand-
somer than Arsenio, had the advantage of being somewhat
younger. Arsileo is also a poet and writes the verses which
his father, Arsenio, sends to Belisa. On discovering this,
Belisa falls desperately in love with Arsileo, as a conse-
quence of which Arsileo, while visiting Belisa one night,
is unwittingly shot by his father, who, when he discovers

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

49

his deed, kills himself. Since then Belisa wanders about
only wishing for death. All the shepherds shed copious
tears on hearing this tale, and invite Belisa to accompany
them to Diana's temple. (End of Book iii.)

All finally arrive at a magnificent palace, where they are
graciously received by the wise Felicia, who bids them have
no fear of the ills that pursue them, as she has a remedy
for them. Over the doorway of the palace, which is built
of jasper, silver, and various marbles, are two nymphs
bearing tablets of copper on which is the following inscrip-
tion in letters of gold:

Quien entra mire bien como ha biuido,1 etc.

Here they find an immense statue of Mars, and here are
represented Hannibal, Scipio, Camillus, Horace, Varro,
Caesar, Pompey, Alexander the Great, the Cid, Fernan
Gongalez, Bernardo del Carpio and the Great Captain (Gon-
galvo de Cordoba), etc. They enter a magnificent hall
adorned with ivory and alabaster, and here, by a spring
of pure silver, sits Orpheus, who touches his harp at the ap-
proach of the group and sings a song (Canto de Orpheo}
in praise of famous Spanish women. Proceeding further
they come to a spacious lawn, where they sit down, and
having dined sumptuously, Felismena relates the story of
Abindarraez. As already observed, this story was added
to the Diana after the death of Montemayor. (End of
Book iv. )

Felicia now proceeds to cure the lovers of their ills. She
appears with two goblets of fine crystal, one of which she
hands to Sireno and the other to Selvagia and the unloved
Silvano, saying : " take this goblet, in which you will find
the best remedy for all your past misfortunes." All three,
on drinking, immediately fall asleep. When Felicia thinks

1 Cf. below, p. 65.

50 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

the magic potion has had its due effect, she touches Si-
reno's head with a book, whereupon he awakes and is en-
tirely cured of his love for Diana. So Silvano, on awaken-
ing, forgets entirely his former love for Diana, but
becomes enamoured of Selvagia, who, in turn, forgetting
Alanio, falls in love with Silvano. These three then return
to their flocks, and now, for the first time we meet with
Diana. The voice of a shepherdess is heard singing, and
is recognized by Silvano. She sits by the fountain and
sings :

" Quando yo triste nasci,
luego nasci desdichada;
luego los hados mostraron
mi suerte desuenturada," x etc.

But Sireno remains unmoved by her song, and they pro-
ceed on their way. Felismena now leaves the company,
going homeward, and on her way sees a shepherd's hut,
which she enters and finds therein Arsileo, the lover of
Belisa, who had not been slain by the arrow of his father,
as Belisa had supposed, but Alfeo, a great sorcerer and the
rejected suitor of Belisa, had conjured up two spirits to
represent Arsenio and Arsileo, and the whole scene in
which Arsenio shoots his son, — merely out of revenge
against Belisa. (End of Book v.)

Though quite freed of his love for Diana, yet, once, on
coming to the spring of the Alders, Sireno thinks of the
happy past and feels lonely, because at all times " the
memory of a happy state causes a feeling of solitude in
him who has lost it." 2 Then he sees the flocks of Diana

1 Menendez Pelayo (Origines de la No-vela, I, p. cdlxiv), says that
this song was inspired by Bernardim Ribeiro's romance beginning
" Pensando-vos estou filha," in his Menina e Mofa, Lisbon, 1852, p.
91. See Or'igenes, p. cdxli.

2 " Y passando por la memoria los amores de Diana, no dexaua de
causalle soledad el tiepo que la hauia querido. No porque entonces le

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 51

i

and her dogs, who fall down at his feet and show their de-
light at seeing him, " and if the power of the water which
the sage Felicia had given him had not made him forget
his love, perhaps nothing in the world could have prevented
him from returning to her."

He now takes up his lute and sings :

Passados contentamientos
que quereys?
dexadme, no me canseys.

Memoria, quereys oirme?
Los dias, las noches buenas,
paguelos con las setenas,
no teneys mas que pedirme;
todo se acabo en partirme
como veys,
dexadme, no me canseys.

Campo verde, valle umbroso
donde algun tiempo goze,
ved lo que despues passe,
y dexadme en mi reposo;
si estoy con razon medroso,
ya lo veys,
dexadme, no me canseys.

Vi mudado un corac,on,
cansado de assegurarme,
fue forgado aprouecharme
del tiempo, y de la occasion;
memoria do no hay passion
que quereys?
dexadme, no me canseys.

Corderos, y ouejas mias,
pues algun tiempo lo fuistes,
las horas ledas, o tristes
passaronse con los dias;
no hagays las alegrias
que soleys,
pues ya no m'enganareys.

diesse pena su amor, mas porque en todo tiempo la memoria de un
buen estado causa soledad al que le ha perdido." (Fol. 180.) Here
" soledad " is evidently used in the sense of the Portuguese " saudade."

52 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Si venis por me turbar,
no hay passion, ni haura turbarme ;
si venis por consolarme,
ya no hay mal que consolar;
si venis por me matar
bien podeys,
matadme y acabareys.1

Diana now appears, but Sireno is unmoved by her
prayers; in tears she declares that the will of her father
and her childish obedience had brought her to the hated
union with Delio: but Sireno rejoices that he has been
freed of his love, and with Silvano sings a song, laughing
at their former folly, when both were suitors of Diana.
At the conclusion of the song Diana was shedding copious
tears, " and with a sigh, in company with which her soul
seemed to have gone forth," she arose, and braiding her
golden hair, disappeared in the valley. (End of Book vi.)

Felismena, on her journey, arrives at a beautiful city by
a majestic river. It recalls to her mind the great city of
Soldina, " her birthplace, from which Don Felix had caused
her exile ". From the language of two shepherdesses, Ar-
mia and Duarda, whom she meets, she learns that she is in

1 1 append Bartholomew Yonge's translation of the first stanza :
Passed contents

0 what mean ye?

Forsake me now, and doe not wearie me.

Wilt thou heare me, O memorie?
My pleasant daies, and nights againe,

1 have appaid with sevenfold paine :
Thou hast no more to aske me why,
For when I went, they all did die,
As thou dost see,

O leave me then, and doe not wearie me.

Another gloss upon the first three verses was written by Vincente
Espinel, Diversas Rintas, Madrid, 1591, fol. 128, and now printed in
Bohl v. Faber, Floresta, I, p. 282.

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

53

Portugal, and that the city before her is Coimbra, " one
of the most famous cities in all Europe ", and that it " is
bathed by the crystalline waters of the Mondego ". And
the castle before them is called in the Portuguese tongue
" Monte-Mor o Velho,1 where force of genius, valor and
courage have remained as trophies of the deeds which its
inhabitants performed in the past,2 and whose ladies and
gentlemen are adorned with all virtues." While Felismena
partakes of the repast offered by the shepherdesses, the
voice of Danteo is heard singing :

Sospiros, minha lembranga 3
nao quer, porque vos nao vades,
que o mal que fazem saudades
se cure com esperanga.

A esperanga nao me val
pola causa em que se tern,
nem promete tanto bem
quanto a saudade faz mal :
mais amor, desconfianga,
me derao tal calidade,
que nem me mata saudade,
nem me da vida esperanga.

Erraraose se queixarem
os olhos com que eu olhei,
porque nao me queixarei
em quanto os seus me lembrarem;
nem podera hauer mudanga
jamays em minha vontade,
ora me mate saudade,
ora me deixe esperanga.

1 The birth-place of Montemayor ; see above.

2 For the valiant deeds to which Montemayor here alludes, see
Menendez Pidal, La Leyenda del Abad Don Juan de Montemayor,
Dresden, 1903, pp. Hi, and foil.

3 Besides this, a short cancion which precedes, beginning " Os tempos
se mudarao," and Danteo's conversation generally, are in Portuguese.

54 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Duarda loved Danteo, who had, however, married An-
dresa, a shepherdess who afterwards died. Just as Felis-
mena is about to reconcile these lovers, her attention is at-
tracted by the voice of a combat. Upon an island in the
stream she sees a knight struggling with three assailants,
one of whom he kills, but the others press the knight so
hard, that Felismena draws her bow and slays them. The
knight turns out to be Don Felix, who is forgiven by Felis-
mena. At this moment Dorida, the messenger of Felicia,
appears with two goblets, one of silver and the other of
gold, and bids Felix drink of the former, to forget his love
for Celia, and of the latter, to heal his wounds.

All now return to the temple of Diana, where Felix and
Felismena, Selvagia and Silvano are united and, it is pre-
sumed, live happily ever thereafter. The fate of Danteo and
Duarda the author reserved for a second part.

Perhaps a few words may here be said upon the prin-
cipal episodes of the Diana. That of the enchantress Fe-
licia, priestess of Diana, and the magic potion she admin-
isters to the lovers to cure them of their ills, is a very old
one in literature.1 A similar incident occurs in the eighth
and ninth " prosas " of the Arcadia of Sannazaro, and for
the present purpose there is, perhaps, no need of going
beyond this.

As to the story of Felix and Felismena (Book II), upon
which Shakespeare is said to have founded his Two Gentle-
men of Verona, a like expedient of a young lady disguis-
ing herself as a page to serve her lover, occurs in Bandello

1 Cervantes, speaking of the Diana, puts these words in the mouth
of the priest : " To begin, then, with the Diana of Montemayor. I am
of the opinion it should not be burned, but that it should be cleared of
all that about the sage Felicia and the magic water, and of almost all
the longer pieces of verse: let it keep, and welcome, its prose and the
honor of being the first of books of the kind." Don Quixote, I,
Chap. VI.

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR 55

(Novelle, xxxvi), first published at Lucca in I554-1 This
novel is supposed to be the source of Shakespeare's Tivelfth
Night, and to it Giraldi Cinthio probably owes a similar
story in his Hectommithi, printed for the first time in 1565.
A like incident forms the basis of the plot of one of Lope
de Rueda's best comedies, called Comedia de los Enganos.
Indeed the plot of this comedy is very similar to the story
in Bandello ; 2 in both cases the twin-brother of the heroine

1 Underbill shows that Shakespeare's version is due to the story
of Montemayor, not to the novel of Bandello. He says that Shakes-
peare seems to have been ignorant of Spanish, nor is it probable that
he had access to any English translation, unless it be Googe's eclogue.
But it has long ago been pointed out by Gervinus that, in all prob-
ability, Shakespeare's source is the play called The History of Felix
and Philomena, which was acted before the court at Greenwich on
January 3, 1584. See my Spanish Stage, p. 77; Underbill, Spanish Lit.
in England under the Tudors, New York, 1899, p. 363. The first trace
of Montemayor's Diana in any other literature is found in the fifth
and seventh Eglogs of Barnabe Googe (1563), and from the latter's
very free and greatly abridged version of Felismena's story in the
fifth eclogue, Shakespeare, it has been suggested, might have taken his
story; but Googe's version would have given him a very imperfect
idea of the story, as it omits some of its most essential features.
But why could not Shakespeare have used the French translation of
the Diana by Nicolas Colin, which appeared in 1567, and of which
there were editions in 1587 and 1592? I possess the latter edition to
which the other two parts have been added, translated by Gabriel
Chappuys. Perhaps the critics will deny that Shakespeare had suffi-
cient knowledge of French to read these versions. Did Shakespeare
only begin his study of French in 1598, when he became a lodger in
the house of Christopher Monjoy, at the corner of Silver and Monk-
well Streets? For the influence of the Diana upon other literatures,
see the excellent account of Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, I, pp.
cdlxxii ff.

2 Klein, Geschichte des Dramas, Vol. IX, p. 159, has shown, however,
that Bandello's novel is not the immediate source of Lope de Rueda's
Enganos, but that the latter is merely a rifacimento of an Italian com-
edy, Gl'Ingannati. Dr. Horace Howard Furness is convinced that
this play, Gl'Ingannati, composed and acted by a society or Academy
named Gl'Intronati, at Siena in 1531, and reprinted in 1537, 1538 and

56 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

disappears in the sack of Rome by the Imperialists, and
while the father and daughter, in the Italian tale, remove
to Aix, in Savoy, the scene of the Spanish comedy is trans-
ferred to Modena.1 It is a question as to which of these
two poets, Montemayor or Rueda, first introduced this
story into Spanish literature. Lope de Rueda flourished as
an actor and author from about 1545 to 1565, while Monte-
mayor wrote the Diana between 1554 and 1559. Monte-
mayor doubtless saw Rueda's plays performed in the public
squares, for Rueda enjoyed great popularity throughout
Spain. However this may be, both had a source near at
hand. The same story was afterward greatly elaborated by
Tirso de Molina in one of his most famous comedies, Don
Gil de las Colzas verdes.2

Concerning the story of Abindarraez and Xarifa, in the
fourth book of the Diana, there has been some discussion.
It does not appear in the first edition of the Diana (1559 ?
for it is without date), nor is it contained in the edition of
Antwerp, 1561, which I possess. According to Salva it

1550, is the original of Bandello. He says: Apart from mere priority
of date, the play itself reveals Bandello's indebtedness to it. " Shakes-
peare's Twelfth Night," Variorum ed., Philadelphia, 1901, pp. xix, xx.
Croce, Ricerche Ispano-Italiane, II, Naples, 1898, pp. 6 and 14, ascribes
the play to A. Piccolomini, Archbishop of Patras, one of the Intronati.
Concerning the sources of Lope de Rueda's comedies, see the very
interesting article by A. L. Stiefel, in the Zeitschrift fur Roman.
Phil, Vol. XV, pp. 183 and 318.

1 The same plot is found in the comedia ascribed to Calderon, La
Espanola de Florencia. See the article La Espanola de Florencia by
Prof. Stiefel, in Bausteine zur roman. Phil., Festgabe fur Mussafia,
Halle, 1905, and the edition of the play by Dr. M. Rosenberg, Phila-
delphia, 1910.

2 Schack, Geschichte der dram. Literatur und Kunst in Spanien,
Vol. II, p. 214. Obras de Lope Rueda (Edicion de la Real Acade-
mia espanola), Madrid, 1908, Tomo I, p. Ixv, of the excellent intro-
duction by the editor, Sr. Emilio Cotarelo. Menendez y Pelayo,
Origenes, I, p. cdlxviii.

THE DIANA OF MONTEMAYOR

57

was first added in the edition of Valladolid, 1561-62.
Montemayor, it will be remembered, died in Feburary,
1561. Ticknor maintains that Montemayor took the story
from the Inventario of Antonio de Villegas, of which he
cites an edition of I56I.1 For my own part I do not be-
lieve that Montemayor wrote the story that now appears
in the Diana,2 and agree with Ticknor that the story there
printed was copied from Villegas, and amplified, despite
the discrepancy in the dates. I have carefully read the two
works side by side, and made many excerpts from them,
where they either agreed word for word, or where the sim-
ilarity was so great that it was evident one must have been

1 History of Spanish Lit., Ill, p. 95, n., and p. 153, n. Salva, Cata-
logo, I, No. 1063, doubts *the existence of this edition, the earliest
known to him being Medina del Campo, 1565, though the license to
print it dated 1551. It is not a question here as to the origin of this
tradition popular, as Gayangos calls it, the principal personage of
which was an historical character, Rodrigo de Narvaez, but one of
priority in these two versions, of which the shortest, the simplest and
the one written with most naturalness and good taste, is undoubtedly
that of Villegas, and there can hardly be any doubt that the version
in the Diana is merely an amplification of it, inserted in the work by
some dishonest book-seller. Such is the opinion of Menendez y Pelayo
(Tratado de los Romances vicjos, in Antologia de Poetas liricos
Castellanos, Tomo XII, p. 247). Sr. Menendez, moreover, does not
think that Villegas is the author of the story as it appears in his
Inventario, but that he and the refundidor of the Diana version are
equally guilty of plagiarism, the original being the very rare Cronica
del inclito infante D. Fernando, que gano a Antequera: en la qual
trata coma se casaron a hurto el Abendarraxe (sic) Abindarraez con
la linda Xarifa, etc., a small volume in black letter which appeared
s. 1. n. a (probably at Zaragoza). Ibid., p. 249.

2 It is no slight satisfaction to find that this statement, made twenty
years ago, has since been corroborated by no less" an authority than
Menendez Pelayo (see the note above). In his Origenes, I, p. cdlxviii,
he says : " La historia de Abindarraez y Jarifa no es de Montemayor,
y solo despues de su muerte fue interpolada in la Diana," etc. See
also ibid., pp. ccclxvi ff.

58 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

taken from the other.1 The work of Villegas is written in
a very simple and graceful style, while the story in the
Diana is prolix and verbose, is distinctly out of place, and
in striking contrast with the pastoral tone of the rest of
the romance.

There is no need to say anything here of the merits of
the Diana; its beauties have been so aptly pointed out and
so competently discussed, that further praise would be
superfluous.2 It remains the best pastoral romance that
Spain has produced; the tender melancholy with which it
is tinged, — the reflection, doubtless, of Montemayor's
own misfortunes, — lends a charm to the Diana that none
of its imitations possess.

1 In the Inventario of 1567, this story occupies leaves 94-112 in a
very small octavo, while in the Diana, on a page containing nearly
double the amount of printed matter, it occupies pages 158-180. Pages
166 and 167 of the Diana are almost identical, word for word, with
pages loo and 105 of the Inventario. See also the Spanish translation
of Ticknor, III, p. 547, and Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I, No. 327, p. 357.
I possess a copy of the edition of Medina del Campo, 1577, and also
of a reduced fac-simile of the story of Villegas, with the title-page:
El Abencerraje de Antonio de Villegas, En Medina del Campo im-
presso, por Francisco del Canto. Ano MDLXV. This fac-simile, I
think, is due to Sr. Asensio. Upon the story of Abindarraez in the
Diana, Lope de Vega founded his play El Remedio en la Desdicha.

2 Bouterweck, Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem
Ende des dreisehnten Jahrhunderts, Gottingen, 1805-19, Vol. III. We
may with absolute confidence accept the opinion of Menendez y Pelayo,
who says : " La Diana es la mejor escrita de todas las novelas pas-
toriles, sin exceptuar la de Gil Polo." Origenes, I, p. cdlxxi.

THE "DIANA" OF ALONSO PEREZ

The Diana was left unfinished at Montemayor's death,
the last sentence of the seventh book being : " And now
all were united with those whom they loved most, to the
great rejoicing of all; to which Sireno by his coming,
aided not a little, although from this there followed what
shall be related in the second part of this book," etc.

This ' second part ' Montemayor never wrote, but in
1564 (three years after his death) Alonso Perez, a physi-
cian of Salamanca, about whose life we know nothing,
published at Valencia a Second Part of the Diana of
George Montemayor.1 He tells us in the prologue that no
one was better fitted for such a task, not because of any
merit of his own, but on account of his great fondness for
the writings of Montemayor. We learn, moreover, that
before Montemayor left Spain he had communicated the
plan of the second part of the Diana to Perez, which was
that Delio, the husband of Diana, having died, the latter
should marry Sireno, but Perez suggested that Diana re-
main a widow at the end of the book, and that her hand
be sought by Sireno and other suitors, as this would leave
the way open for a third part. To this, he says, Monte-
mayor assented.

That the pedantic physician had no small opinion of his
own ability is evident, for he observes that Montemayor
would have been better equipped for his task had he pos-
sessed a knowledge of Latin. This of course Perez had

1 According to Nicolas Antonio, it also appeared at Alcala in the
same year.

59

60 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

and he proudly bids the reader observe that there is scarcely
any thing in his book, whether prose or verse, that has not,
in part at least, been stolen or imitated from the Italian or
Latin writers, nor does he think that any blame attaches to
him on this account, " because they did the same with the
Greeks." We do not expect much after this candid con-
fession, nor are we disappointed. Menendez y Pelayo re-
marks that the most casual inspection of the volume, — for
to read it entirely is almost impossible, — shows that San-
nazaro's Arcadia and Ovid's Metamorphoses and Fasti are
the principal authors sacked by the physician.1 The main
incidents of this ' Second Part ' are subjoined :

A number of shepherds and shepherdesses visit the tem-
ple of Diana, " where the wise Felicia dwells." ..." And
not many days after, Felicia one night after supper saide
thus to Sylvanus and Selvagia : 2 I could not choose but
blame you fortunate shepherds for the small care you have
of your flockes, if I myselfe were not in fault, because you
have never asked after them in all this time, nor (I thinke)
once remembered them, fearing lest by reason of your ab-
sence, they have been in great want, and not without cause,
being not carried to feed at convenient times upon the

1 Origenes, I, p. cdlxxix.

2 The English in quotation marks is taken from the translation by
Bartholomew Yong, which embraces the three parts of the Diana,
Montemayor's original, and the continuations by Alonso Perez and
Caspar Gil Polo. Though finished in 1583, Yong first printed his
Diana in London, in 1598. He seems to have passed nearly three
years in Spain, returning in 1579. His translation of the prose por-
tions of the Diana is very faithful to the original — his rendering of
the verse, however, is very unfortunate. In 1596 Thomas Wilson
finished his translation of the Diana, which is now in the British Mu-
seum : Ms. Add. 18638. It is entitled : Diana de Monte mayor done
out of Spanish by Thomas Wilson, Esquire. In the yeare 1596 &
dedicated to the Erie of Southampton who was then uppon ye Spanish
voiage wth my Lord of Essex. I purpose publishing this soon.

THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ fa

greene and sauorie grasse nor (at their neede) driven to
the cleere springs to quench their burning thirst, nor with
wonted loue put into the coole and pleasant shades." Fe-
licia now bids Sylvanus and Selvagia depart, whereupon
Sylvanus " made louing signes to Seluagia to answer the
ladies intent. To whom, with a seemly blush, as partly
ashamed thereat, she saide in this sort. It is now no time
(my deere Sylvanus) to use circumstances of such arte,
where there is no cause, neither doe they well become this
place. For though their usage to all women is commend-
able, yet not in particular, for the husband to his wife, and
in such sort as if he went about to preferre her before him-
selfe. For after that the woman hath delivered herself
into the possession of her husband, she therewithal yield-
eth up to his jurisdiction the title of her libertie, by the
sweete and sacred bond of marriage." Syrenus, another
shepherd, sings and Sylvanus responds. All now retire to
resume their way on the next morning. " Felicia gave
Dorida in charge to fill their scrips the night before, with
sufficient provisions for their way, who like a friendly and
louing nymph, that was not slacke to serve their necessitie
(que no los queria mal), going about it immediately, did
put into the same good store of victuals."

They now observe a shepherd coming along, singing the
following sonnet:

De donde, o papel mio, tal ventura,

Que sin meritos ayas de ser puesto

Delante el resplandor, y claro gesto,

En el qual su poder mostra natura.
Veras papel amado la figura

Do no ay mas que esperar del ser honesto,

Veras sumado en breue todo el resto

De gracia, gallardia, y hermosura.
En viendote ante aquesta mi pastora,

Dirasle de mi parte: Aca me embia

Quien viue por seruiros tanto tiempo !

62 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

En este solo entiende qualquier hora,
en esto se desuela noche, y dia,
Seruiros es su solo pasatiempo.1

The shepherds now sitting down by a stream, Syrenus
says : " Is it not reason Sylvanus, that living now in such
joy and cqntent, and in the presence of thy beloved Sel-
vagia, thou shouldst let thy Bagpipe wax to drie? Syl-
vanus sings :

Podra verse yr el cielo con sossiego,
Y aun por algun espacio detenerse,
Y las aguas de Ezla y de Mondego
Con passo apressurado atras boluerse ;
Y puestas a la llama de un gran fuego,
La estopa y seca cana no encenderse,
Mas no se vera un dia, ni una hora
Dexar de amar Sylvano a su pastora.2

1 From whence, O paper mine, such happy favour
That undeservedly thou must be placed

Before that flower that yields the sweetest savour,
Which nature hath with all her powers graced?
Thou shalt the figure see (my louing paper)
Where all the virtues make their wished dwelling,
And of the rest not any one escape her,
Graces and giftes and beauties most excelling.
Then when thou com'st before my heauenly treasure
Say thus from me to her. He sends me hither
Who lives to serve thee while his life extendeth :
In only this his thoughts are musing ever :
In joy of this both nights and days he spendeth;
To serve thee is his only sport and pleasure.

Yong's translation.

2 It may fall out the heavens may turn at leisure,
And stay themselves upon the highest mountaines;
And Ezla and Mondego at their pleasure

With hastie course turne back unto their f ountaines :
And that the flaxe or reede, laid to the fire,
May not consume in flames but burn like wire;
But yet the day and time shall happen never
When Sylvan shall not love Seluagia ever.

THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 63

" Immediately, without any entreatie, Seluagia, because
she would not die in Sylvanus' debt (por no dever cosa a
su Sylvano), nor be beholding to him in this respect, taking
her Baggepipe up, in this sort did answer him :

La tierra dexara de ser pisada,
Su natural y proprio ser perdiendo;
El agua podra ser menospreciada,
De plantas humedad ya no teniendo.
Nuestra vida podra ser sustentada
Sin ayre para ella no siruiendo,
Mas no vera jamas algun humano
Dexar de amar Selvagia a su Sylvano.1

And thus do these good shepherds swear eternal con-
stancy in continually exaggerated phrase, until the limit of
the Spanish language is reached, when they rise and " cast-
ing their heauy scrippes on their shoulders, staying them-
selves upon their knotty sheepehookes," they continue
their way, reaching their own fields the next day, where
they see Diana " standing very sadde and leaning against
a great Oke, with her elbow upon her sheepehooke and her
cheeke upon the palm of her hande, whereby one might
haue iudged the care and sorrow that so much troubled
her pensive minde." " After a while (as though she was
angry with herselfe for casting herselfe into so great a
greefe) she put her hand into her bosom, and tooke out a
fine little baggepipe, and which putting to her mouth to
play on it, in that very instant, she threw it to the ground,
and without more adoe, sliding down along the bodie of the

1 The ground shall first be void, nor trod nor used,
Losing her nature, and her proper being;
First shall the raine and water be refused
Of plants no moisture round about them seeing:
First shall our life with air be not sustained,
And first the food of hunger be distained,
Before the world shall see a deede so hainous,
Seluagia not to loue her deere Sylvanus.

64 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

tree, sat her downe, as if for great feeblenes she had not
been able to staie herself on her feete, and casting out a
sorrowful sigh, and looking upon her harmlesse Baggepipe,
she spake these words: Accursed Baggepipe," etc. The
shepherds console Diana, who now departs. She is pur-
sued by Firmius, a shepherd who had been standing behind
a convenient tree, escapes, however, and Firmius returns.
They all continue their way and approach the town, where
they meet a number of shepherds and shepherdesses, among
them Diana, who requests Firmius to sing, to which he re-
plies : " I will sing, though it be with a hoarce voice like
to the dying swanne divining her ensuing death." " Thou
are not so neere thy end (saide Diana) that death should
helpe thee." " I am so neere ended (saide Firmius) that I
looke only but for death." " I did never yet see any (saide
Diana) die for this cause, but with wordes, and do believe
besides, there are not any such." (A nadie he visto, dixo
Diana, sino es de palabra morir, ni lo creo.) The next day
all departed for Felicia's palace.

At sunset they come to an island which they had before
visited, and here they find Felicia and her nymphs, with
Don Felix and Felismena. An old man appears, " in every
point he seemed to represent a most woorthie priest of
Jupiter," who rails against fortune in good set terms to the
extent of six stanzas. It is Parisiles, whose long lost
daughter Stela is now restored to him. She appears with
Crimine and a young shepherd, " a goodly youth of person ;
his weedes were of gray cloth (pardo) to signify by that
colour his troubles and griefs. All along the boarder of
his coate sleeves went three ribbons or laces of sundry
colours, two of them on either side, of lion tawney and
olive green (aceitunador), to signify by the first his sor-
row and by the second his torment." The young shep-
herd, Delicius, relates a long and tedious story of his like-

THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 65

ness to Parthenio and the rescue of Stela. They now re-
pair to Felicia's palace, over the principal gate of which
they see two nymphs of silver upon the capitals of the col-
umns and the verses :

Quien entra, mire bien como ha viuido
Y el don de castidad si 1'ha guardado,
Y la que quiere bien, o 1'ha querido,
Mire si a causa de otra s'ha mudado;
Y si la fe primera no ha perdido,
Y aquel primor amor ha conseruado,
Entrar puede en el templo de Diana
Cuya virtud y gracia es sobr' humana.1

(Book III, fol. 86.)

Felicia now accompanies her guests to the fountain of
the Laurel trees, where " they sawe two lovely shepherd-
esses (though by their coye looks shewing a kind of sig-
norie and statelinesse above any other) that were sitting
harde by the goodly spring, both of them endowed with
singular beautie, but especially the one, that to their iudge-
ment seemed the yoonger. Right over against them on
foote stoode a young shepherd, who with the lappe of his
side coate wiped away the teares that fell down thicke upon
his blubbered cheekes (limpeandose con la faldilla del sayo
las lagrimas que por su rostro decendian), in requital
whereof, and of his inwarde greefe, the shepherdesses did
nothing else but by looking upon one another, affoord him

1 This inscription is taken from Book IV of the Diana of Monte-
mayor :

Who comes into this palace let her take heede
How she hath liv'd, and whether she hath kept
The gift of chastitie in thought and deede.
And see besides, if she hath ever stept,
With wavering mind to forren love estranged,
And for the same her first affection changed,
May enter in Diana's Temple heere,
Whose grace and virtues soveraine appear.

66 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

a gracious smile." The shepherd, after singing " with his
many teeres " takes his leave, whereupon Phillis, " being
mooved to some small sorrow and to no lesse greefe for his
departure, took out of her scrip a fine little spoone (the
same perhaps that she herself e did eat with) and gave it
him, wherewith the shepherd did somewhat mitigate his
helplesse sorrow." Crimine being requested to tell her
story says : " Alas ! who can quench my scalding sighes,
that with such a heauie recital will come smoking out of
my baleful breast? " (Ay de mi, quien podra amatar mis
encendidos suspires, que con tal memoria de mis ojos, y
entranas saldran.) Continuing, she says: "you must un-
derstand that I love the shepherd that is our guide in our
travels (Delicio), as much as I can and can in truth as
much as I will. I love also Parthenio his friend as much as
I will and will truly as much as I can ; x for as it cannot be
discerned which is Delicio and which Parthenio, and the
one impossible to be knowen from the other, for like two
drops of water they resemble one another so much; so
cannot I tell, which of them I love most, loving both in
equal balance of extreme affection." Delicio and Parthenio
now explain that the object of their pilgrimage is to seek
out their fathers, " with certaine tokens that we carry with
us to know them," for as little children they had been
given away to be brought up. They resolve to remain for
a while. " The next day going very softly about the same
hower, and by secret places to see how the shepherds were
occupied, we found them sitting upon the greene grass,
and sleeping in such sort, that they shewed that that was
not their principall intent; for the christalline teares, that

1 " Entended que yo amo a este pastor que con nosotros viene
quanto puedo, y puedo a la verdad quanto quiero. Amo assi mismo
a Parthenio amigo suyo, quanto quiero, y quiero cierto quanto puedo "
(p. 497)-

THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ

67

trickled down their burning cheekes in corriualtie, signified
more store of sorrowful thoughts in their harts, then heauy
vapours in their heads." 1

Parthenio finds some verses on the bark of a tree; there
are fifteen stanzas in all ; here is the last :

Porque de tal modo ofende
al coragon hecho fragua,
que muy crece y s'estiende,
y muy mucho mas s'enciende
quanto mas se le echa d'agua.
Pues ya me falta la haya,
no faltandome el penar,
bien sera que no me vaya
a buscar tronco en que caya
lo que aqui no puede estar." 2

(Book IV, fol. 116.)

Don Felix now inquires about the poem on the tree and
bids Crimine recite it, but Doria said : " I would first know
if it be such a one as the last, for if it be not, she did well
to leauve off her tale at such a point ; for it is not the con-
dition of my palate to remain with an ill taste, when it
hath once a good one " (porque no es de mi paladar, quedar
con mal gusto, si puede tenerle bueno).

1 " Y de tal manera durmiendo, que mostrauan no ser aquel su prin-
cipal intento; porque las cristalinas lagrimas que por sus encendidas
mexillas en copetencia decendian, significauan auer mas abundancia
de cogoxosos pensamientos en el coragon, que cantidad de soporiferos
vapores en el celebro ' (p. 507).

2 And in such sort, because it doth offend
My heart that burns like to the smithie flame
For it doth more increase and doth extend,
And more it doth with sparkling flames incend,
The more that water's cast upon the same :
And now since want of hedgerow faileth me,
And that I feele increase, not want of paine,
I think it best for me to goe and see
If I can finde some other hedge or tree,
To write that there, which this cannot containe.

68 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

The trees, however, are full of poetry, for the next day
they find a sycamore, on the bark of which is a poem in
fourteen stanzas of ten lines each. Sitting beneath the
trees the shepherds indulge in long conversations " in all
which time neither Rebecke nor Baggepipe were heard,
unless it were when other nymphs came: for when louers
are alone, singing (I thinke) and musicke pleaseth not their
musing mindes so much as the mutuall contemplation and
looking of one another ; and that talking and amorous con-
versation should be more pleasant and sweete to them, then
the melodic of sweete musicke." l That evening they sat
beneath " a leafie sallow tree," when fierce Gorphorost, a
giant from whose pursuit Stela saved herself by leaping
into a stream, came out of his cave and approached the
spot where Stela had cast herself into the river. " After
he had sit down a little while and laid his scrip by his side,
he took a flute out of it, made of a hundred Baggepipes
joined together with waxe. Putting it to his mouth and blow-
ing it strongly to cleere it of filth within (puesta a la boca
y tocada con furia para limpiarla, si alguna suziedad tenia
dentro), the hills resounded againe, the rivers ranne backe,
the wilde beasts and fish were stroken in a feare and the
forrests and woods thereabouts began to tremble." Being
a lusty giant, he sings twenty-six stanzas, then seizes one
of his rivals, Parthenio, believing that he is Delicio, and
casts him into a cave. Stela and Crimena in their search
for him, meet a shepherdess, who, flinging a ball into the
air, runs away. On picking up the ball they find that it
is made of linen, upon which Parthenio has written a note.
How Parthenio returns we are not told, but we find him

1 " Creo yo que estando solos los que bien se aman, que no ay cantar,
ni taner, sino contemplar, y hablar, deue de ser mas apazible la con-
versacion de amorosas palabras que la melodia de la duke musica"
(p. 546).

THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 69

safe and sound in the next book, which opens with a
thunder storm. A shepherd arrives, who is seeking a place
to sleep, for he says " they tell me that lightning spares
those who sleep." i

He is the only happy shepherd that has yet appeared, and
rejoices

" de set el mas f elice que ha nacido
entre aquellos que sirven a Cupido."

He bids all the shepherds leave their lasses and come to
love his :

" dexad vuestras zagales al instante
venid a amar a esta mi pastora."

Alas ! it is no longer time, Sylvanus saying : " By my
faith, friend shepherd, thou commest too late with thy
counsell. For to leaue of that which we have already for
this yoong shepherdesse, I thinke there is no remedie."
The new comer tells of a famous shepherd in the country
of St. Stephen, who came there from foreign lands, to
whose great knowledge nature herself seemed subject. " O
what great profit do we and our flockes receive by his com-
panie with us ! We, by easing us of our continuall labours
by his industry; our flockes by healing their common dis-
eases. If there were any gadding goat that estraying from
his companie, did put us to trouble in seeking him, by
cutting his beard, he made him keep still with the flock.
If the Ram, which for guide of the rest we chose out for
the stoutest, we could not make gentle, be made more mild
then a lamb, by making holes thorow his homes hard by
his eares. He told us the fuls and wanes of the Moone,
by the Antes and the dores (escarabajos = beetles). For

1 " Porque me dizen que perdona el rayo a los que duermen."

70 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

the Antes betweene the Moones take their rest, and in the
full labour night and day." l He also tells of the love of
Firmius and Faustus for Diana, and presently Diana dis-
appears with Faustus, when, however, another shepherdess,
Gardenia, appears. She complains that Faustus " did once
love her," and weeping, wipes away her tears, " con una
cristalina mano, que no en pequena admiracion puso a los
pastores, que la vieron." She now recites the sonnets and
letters Faustus had sent her, saying : " To any of these I
never had an answer, whereupon I thinke he never made
account of them, and of the last especially, because he had
quite forgotten me when that came." A shepherd is heard
singing :

" Guardame mis vacas
Carillo, por tu fe,
Besame primero
Y te las guardare."

They depart again for Felicia's palace, whither come also
" a pilgrim called Placindus, and Danteus and Duarda, the
portingall shepherdess."

Placindas now relates the story of Disteus, " descended
from the race of King Eolus in Eolia, whom they after-
wards called the God of the winds, and of his love for Dar-
danea, sister of Sagastes." The story is long drawn out,
the result being that Delicio and Parthenio are the sons of
Disteus and Dardanea, who flee to Trinacria, where the
former becomes a shepherd " to dissemble his noble con-
dition with his base estate."

In the last two books sight is lost entirely of Diana, who
is now a widow, Delio, her husband, having died, we are
told. At the conclusion the author says : " whoever desires

1 " Porque las hormigas entre lunas reposan, y en el lleno, aun todas
las noches trabajan."

THE DIANA OF ALONSO PEREZ 71

to see the obsequies of Delio, the rivalry of Faustus, Firmio
and Sireno, etc., let him attend me in the third part of this
work, which shall soon be printed, God willing. It was not
added here not to make too large a volume." x

The inferiority of this continuation to the original of
Montemayor is at once apparent, nor did it at any time
meet with much success. Salva gives no separate edition
of the work of Perez after the first one of 1564 at Alcala
de Henares. In every respect it falls below the Diana; it
does not maintain its moral standard; a host of new char-
acters is brought upon the scene, who appear and disappear
without any motive, serving only to complicate the narra-
tive and confuse the reader; the various incidents are
clumsily introduced, showing an entire lack of invention,
and contribute nothing to advance the main story, the
thread of which is, in fact, entirely lost in the seventh and
eighth books, leaving us in complete ignorance of the fate
of the principal characters, which is to be disclosed, accord-
ing to the author's promise, in a part which never appeared.
In short, the prose of the Diana of Perez is prolix and ted-
ious, and its poetry never rises above mediocrity.

1 See the criticism of the curate, in the examination of Don Quixote's
library. Part I, Chap. vi. It would seem from the above that the
' third part ' was already written.

THE " DIANA ENAMORADA " OF GIL POLO.

In the same year, 1654, there appeared at Valencia the
Diana enamorada, of Caspar Gil Polo, likewise a continu-
ation of Montemayor's Diana.1 Polo was a native of Val-
encia; not the professor of Greek in the University of that
city, as Ticknor says, nor the " elegante jurisconsulto,"
given as the author by Nicolas Antonio, Rodriguez and Xi-
meno, but the father of the great jurist, as Fuster, it seems
to me, has conclusively shown.2

1 Prim era parte de Diana enamorada, cinco libros que prosiguen los
siete de la Diana de Jorge de Montemayor, compuestos par Caspar
Gil Polo: dirigidos a la muy Ilustre Senora Dona Hieronima de Castro
y Bolea. — Con Privilegio en Valencia en casa de Joan Mey, ano de
1564-

The following letter, omitted in the only version accessible to me,
is interesting: A los lectores. — . . . Fuse aqui algunas rimas y -versos
de estilo nuevo, y hasta agora (que yo sepa), no usado en esta lengua.
Las Rimas hice a imitacion de las que he leido en libros antiguos de
Poetas Provenzales, y por eso les di este nombre. Los versos compuse
a semejanza de los que en lengua francesa llaman heroicos, y ansi
los nombre franceses: dile la rima que por agora me parescio mejor.
Quien dello se contentare, podra probar la mano a hacer dellos ter-
cetos y otras rimas, que no dejaran de parescer muy bien. A este
libro nombre Diana enamorada, porque prosiguiendo la Diana de
Montemayor, me parescio convenirle este nombre, pues el dejo a la
pastora en este trance. El que tuviere por deshonesto el nombre de
enamorada, no me condene hasta ver la honestidad que aqui se trata,
el decoro que se guarda en la persona de Diana. . . . Hallareis aqui
proseguidas y rematadas las historias que Jorge de Montemayor
dejo por acabar, y muchas anadidas." Gallardo, Ensayo, III, col. 1242.
This edition was followed by one at Antwerp, 1567. See Salva, Catd-
logo, II, p. 145.

2 Fuster, Biblioteca Valenciana, Tome I, p. 150, et seq. It is un-
necessary to quote his arguments at length. He shows that Dr. Gas-
par Gil Polo, to whom the above writers attribute the Diana enamo-
rada, was the son of Caspar Gil Polo and Isabel Gil; that he was an

72

THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 73

Polo's work is vastly superior to that of Perez, and was
received with great public favor. It was highly praised by
Cervantes, and Nicolas Antonio even said: vel aequavit
Georgium, vel superavit.1

The Diana enamorada opens with the recovery of Sireno
from the influence of the draught administered by Felicia,
and as a result of which he becomes entirely indifferent to
Diana, who complains of his neglect. She visits the " foun-
tain of the Alders," besides which she had so often sat in
the company of Sireno, and while bewailing her lot,2 is

advocate of the ' Brazo Real ' at the Cortes held at Monzon in 1626.
As the Diana of Polo first appeared in 1564, supposing him to have
written it when twenty years old, he must have been eighty-two years
old in 1626, an age, he shows, at which he could not have performed
the duties devolving upon his office. Other evidence is adduced to
prove that in 1564 Dr. Polo was not more than sixteen or seventeen
years of age. His conclusion is that the author of the Diana enamo-
rada was Caspar Gil Polo, the father of Dr. Polo, the jurist, as he was
the only other member of that family in Valencia, who, in addition
to Caspar, bore the name Gil. The name of the Greek professor at
Valencia from 1566 to 1574 was simply Gil Polo. Fuster gives a
sonnet by our author, prefixed to La Pasion de Nuestro Senor Jesu-
cristo, by D. Alonso Giron y Rebolledo, published at Valencia in 1563.
Rebolledo wrote a complimentary sonnet to the Diana enamorada.

xThe Diana of Perez, 'the Salamancan,' which we have just
noticed, is, on the contrary, incontinently committed to the heap of
rubbish in the yard. " Este que sigue, dejo el Barbero, es La Diana,
llamada Segunda del Salmantino: y este, otro que tiene el mismo
nombre, cuyo autor es Gil Polo. Pues la del Salmantino, respondio
el Cura, acompane y acreciente el numero de los condenados al corral,
y la de Gil Polo se guarde como si fuera del mismo Apolo." Don
Quixote, Part I, Chap. vi. It is possible that the pun upon Polo and
Apolo may, in some measure, be responsible for this high estimate of
our author. However, Cervantes also praises Polo in his Canto de
Caliope in his Galatea, Book vi.
2 Diana sings: .

" Mi sufrimiento cansado

del mal importune y fiero

a tal estremo ha llegado,

que publicar mi cuydado

74

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

overheard by a shepherd who has been listening in the
bushes, and, who now advancing, requests Diana to relate
the story of her life, with which the latter, fascinated by
the beauty of the shepherdess, complies, cautioning the
stranger, however, to be content to know her name, but
not her sufferings. The shepherdess (Alcida) replies: "I
know very well, from the story I have just heard you sing,
that your grief is love, in which infirmity I have great ex-
perience. Many years have I been a slave, but now I am
free; I walked blindly, but now I tread the paths of truth.
Upon the sea of love I endured frightful agonies and tor-
ments, but now I enjoy a safe and calm haven."

A long discussion follows, in which Alcida maintains that
love exists only in the imagination, and that its power is
due only to the fact that no resistance is ever offered to it.
She recites the following sonnet :

No es ciego Amor, mas yo lo soy, que guio
mi voluntad camino del tormento :
no es nino Amor : mas yo que en un momento
espero y tengo miedo, lloro y rio.

Nombrar llamas de Amor es desvario,
su fuego es el ardiente y vivo intento,
sus alas son mi altivo pensamiento,
y la esperanza vana en que me no.

No tiene Amor cadenas, ni saetas,
para prender y herir libres y sanos,
que en el no hay mas poder del que le damos.

Porque es Amor mentira de poetas,
sueno de locos, idolo de vanos ;
mirad que negro Dios el que adoramos.1

me es el remedio postrero.
Sientase el bravo dolor
y trabajosa agonia
de la que muere de amor,
y olvidada de un pastor,
que de olvidado moria," etc.
1 Loue is not blinde, but I, which fondly guide
My will to tread the path of amorous paine:

THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 75

She continues to rail against love, adding: " all the verses
of lovers are full of grief, composed with sighs, blotted
with tears and sung with agony." Hardly had Alcida
spoken these words when Diana perceived far off her hus-
band, Delio,1 saying : " Behold my Delio ! We must dis-
semble what we have been discussing. Whereupon they
sing some Ritnas provenzales. The jealous Delio ap-
proaches and is received by his wife " with an angelic coun-
tenance." Delio, of course, becomes desperately enamoured
of Alcida. A voice is now heard, " the sweetness of which
delights them marvelously," and presently they see a "weary
shepherd " approaching the fountain. He is singing, the
concluding lines of his song being:

" Love, why dost thou not loose my chains,
Since in such liberty thou hast left Alcida."

Alcida, immediately recognizing the voice as Marcelio's,
bids Diana not to betray her presence, and hastens away
through a thick wood to escape this shepherd, " whom she
abhorred like death itself." Marcelio arrives " so weary
and distressed that it seemed that fortune was grieving at
having offered him that clear fountain and the company of

Loue is no childe, but I, which all in vaine,
Hope, fear, and laugh, and weepe on euery side :
Madness to say, that flames are Cupid's pride,
For my desire his fier doth containe,
His wings my thoughts most high and soueraine,
And that vaine hope, wherein my ioies abide :
Loue hath no chaines, nor shaftes of such intent,
To take and wound the whole and freest minde
Whose power (then we giue him) is no more,
For loue's a tale, that poets did inuent,
A dreame of fooles, and idoll vain and blinde:
See then how black a God doe we adore?

— Yong's translation.

1 Delio, it will be remembered, was dead at the conclusion of the
second part of the Diana of Perez.

76 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Diana, as some relief to his sufferings" ("tan cansado y
afligido, que parescio la fortuna doliendose del, havelle
ofrescido aquella clara fuente, y la compafiia de Diana para
algun alivio de su pena "). Delio now pursues Alcida, and
is deaf to the call of Diana, while the newly-arrived Mar-
celio is seeking Alcida. Marcelio, at Diana's request, now
recites the story of his life; that he lived at the court of
Portugal, entered the army in Africa, where he was be-
trothed to Alcida, daughter of a distinguished knight, Eu-
gerio; of his shipwreck while on his way to Lisbon to cele-
brate the nuptials ; of the treachery of the sailors who car-
ried off Clenarda, the sister of Alcida, and separated him
from Alcida, and how finally he was rescued by fishermen,
and of his vain search for Alcida ever since. " Marcelio
now began to weep so bitterly and to sigh so dolorously,
that it was a great pity to see him."

Diana, however, knowing that even a love-lorn shepherd
needs something more substantial than tears and sighs,
says : " Since I am forsaken by my husband Delio, as you
are by Alcida, suppose we eat a few bites together." And
they eat. Two shepherds, Tauriso and Berardo, " que por
Diana penados andaban," now appear and sing of Diana.
Some of these verses are clearly reminiscent of Garcilaso :

" Un dia al campo vino,
Aserenado el cielo,
La luz de perfectissimas mugeres,
Las hebras de oro fino
Cubiertas con un velo,
Prendido con dorados alfileres;
Mil juegos y placeres
Passaba con su esposo,
Yo tras un myrtho estaba,
Y vi que el alargaba
La mano al bianco velo, y el hermoso
Cabello quedo suelto,
Y yo de vello en triste miedo envuelto."

THE DIANA EN AMOR AD A OF GIL POLO

77

All now resolve to visit the Temple of Diana on the mor-
row. Accordingly the next morning, when " la rubicunda
Aurora con su dorado gesto ahuyentaba las nocturnas es-
trellas, y las aves con suave canto anunciaban el cercano
dia, la enamorada Diana," with her bagpipe and her scrip
filled with provisions, sets forth. She is, however, too
early for the weary Marcelio, and while sitting down to
wait for him, she sings a cancion, beginning :

" Madruga un poco, luz del claro dia,
and ending:

Cancion, en algun pino, o dura encina

No quise senalarte,

Mas antes entregarte

Al sordo campo y al mudable viento ;

Porque de mi torment.o

Se pierda la noticea y la memoria,

Pues ya perdida esta mi vida y gloria. (Book II.)

Soon the ' desamado ' Marcelio appears, and like a well-
bred shepherd, apologizes for his tardiness. Diana now re-
lates that she has been forsaken by Sireno, " by whom she
was formerly loved," but fate, " which perverts all human
intentions," willed that she should obey her father and
marry the jealous Delio. A long discussion now follows on
jealousy, — its nature and causes. Presently they enter a
delightful little grove and hear a plaintive voice accom-
panied by a sweet lyre, singing a strange melody." " After
this shepherdess had ceased her sweet singing, loosing the
reins to bitter and grievous weeping, she shed such an
abundance of tears and uttered such sad groans, that by
them and the words she spake, we knew that the cause of
her grief was some cruel deception of her suspicious hus-
band." Diana and Marcelio approach the shepherdess,
who says : " Since I was forsaken by my cruel spouse, I do

78 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

not remember to have experienced so much joy as I. now
do to see you." The strange shepherdess is Ismenia, in
love with Montano. She is, however, also beloved by
Fileno, Montano's father, — hence all her troubles. She
relates how the " enamorado viejo " promised her many
jewels and dresses and sent her many letters. In one of
them he says : " I know very well that I am old, but old
age has its advantages, for human habitations, however
modern, are not to be compared with those of the ancient
Romans, and in matters of beauty, splendor and gallantry,
the saying is, there is nothing like the past." *

Ismenia finally married Montano, incurring the wrath
of Fileno, — who now marries Felisarda, whom Montano
formerly loved but had rejected, and who now conspires
with a shepherdess named Sylveria, to ruin Montano. The
plan is not successful, but Montano's jealousy being aroused
by some remarks his father had made, he leaves the village,
never to return. Since that time Ismenia has sought Mon-
tano, to free herself of the stain upon her. On concluding
her story, they betake themselves to a delightful forest,
where they hear the songs of shepherds, who, as they learn
afterwards, are Tauriso and Berardo. While listening to
the songs of the shepherds they hear the voices of a man
and a woman, who are found to be Polydoro and Clenarda,
the brother and sister of Alcida. There is great rejoicing,
after which they sit by the fountain and eat, and during
the repast Polydoro relates how he escaped, with his father,

1"Los edificios humanos

quanto mas modernos son,
no tienen comparacion
con los antiguos Romanos.
Y en las cosas de primor,
gala, asseo y valentia,
suelen decir cada dia,
lo passado es lo mejor."

THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO

79

from the shipwreck, and how they were rescued on the
coast of Valencia by fishermen,1 who tell them that on that
same morning they had also rescued a woman from a dis-
tressed vessel, and repairing to the hut of the fishermen,
they find Clenarda, singing with the fisherman's daugh-
ters, one of whom, named Nerea, now sings a cancion.2

1 One of the sailors sings the following sonnet :

Recoge a los que aflige el mar ayrado,
[ O Valentino ! O venturoso suelo !
Donde jamas se quaja el duro hielo,
Ni da Phebo el trabajo acostumbrado.

Dichoso el que seguro y sin recelo
De ser en fieras ondas anegado,
Goza de la belleza de tu prado,
Y del favor de tu benigno cielo.

Con mas fatiga el mar sulca la nave,
Que el labrador cansado tus barvechos ;
t O tierra ! antes que el mar se ensobervezca,

iRecoge a los perdidos y deshechos,
Para que quando en Turia yo me lave,
Estas malditas aguas aborrezca.

2 This Cancion de Nerea is very beautiful. In the following stanzas
Sr. Menendez Pelayo detects an imitation of Virgil's ninth Eclogue,
the lines beginning : Hue ades, o Galatea, quis est nam ludus in
undis ? etc. :

Nympha hermosa, no te vea
Jugar con el mar horrendo,
Y aunque mas placer te sea,
Huye del mar, Galatea,
Como estas de Lycio huyendo.
******

Ven comigo al bosque ameno
Y al apacible sombrio
De olorosas flores lleno,
Do en el dia mas sereno

No es enojoso el E'stio. . . .

******

Huye los sobervios mares,
Ven, veras como cantamos
Tan deleytosos cantares,
Que los mas duros pesares
Suspendemos y enganamos. . . . (Book III.)

go SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

At the conclusion of Polydoro's story, Clenarda recites her
adventures, and the next day they go to the Temple of
Diana, where the sage Felicia dwells, who would alleviate
all their woes. Here they find Syreno. As a pastime dur-
ing their wanderings, Clenarda tells of her adventures in
the fields and along the banks of the Guadalquivir, and
what she had heard of the famous Turia, the principal
river of that land. One day Polydoro and Clenarda, ar-
riving at the hut of a cowherd, were told that they should
not fail to hear the legend which the famous Turia would
shortly sing. They proceed to a spacious meadow, where
they saw a great number of nymphs and shepherds, all
waiting for the famous Turia to begin his song. " Not
long after this, we saw old Turia come out of a deep cave,
in his hand an urn or vase, very large and ornamental,
his head covered with leaves of oak and laurel, his arms
hairy, his beard slimy and gray. ..." " And sitting upon
the ground, reclining upon the urn and pouring forth from
it an abundance of clear water, raising his hoarse voice,
he sang the celebrated Canto de Turia, in praise of the Val-
encian poets."

A beautiful nymph, Arethusa, who had been gathering
flowers, now conducts them to the temple. Diana asks her :
" What is there now in these parts ? " Arethusa replies :
" What is newest hereabouts is that two hours ago a lady
dressed as a shepherdess, arrived at the house of Felicia,
who, being seen by an old man present, was recognized as
his daughter. The name of the old man, if I remember
rightly, is Eugerio, and that of the daughter, Alcida."
Among the other shepherds and shepherdesses present are
Sylvano and Selvagia, Arsileo and Belisa, " and the chief
one, called Syreno:" Felicia receives them graciously; all
is explained satisfactorily between Clenarda and Alcida,
and they retire, to meet at the fountain next morning.

THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO gl

" Then, as the expectation of such pleasure made them all
pass the night with difficulty, " they all arose so early that
long before the hour agreed upon they arrived at the foun-
tain with their instruments, " and began to sing and play
by the light of the moon." Diana and Ismenia were still
sleeping, however, but being awakened by footsteps, Is-
menia rouses Diana, who, knocking on the wall, wakes
Marcelio. Ismenia now hears someone singing a Sextine,
and at once recognizes the voice as that of her husband,
Montano. Presently Diana also hears the voice of Syreno.
They go to the garden to await Felicia, where Marcelio
sees Don Felix and Felismena, " marido y muger," to whom
he is presented by Sylvano, whom he meets there with Sel-
vagia. Marcelio now discovers that Felismena is his
sister. Alcida relates how Delio followed her, " and when
all hope was gone," grew ill, and was nursed by a shepherd,
who sent for Delio's mother. The latter " asked him the
cause of his grief, but he gave no reply and only wept and
sighed," and finally " con un desmayo acabo la vida con
mucho dolor de su triste madre, parientos y amigos." And
now Marcelio and Alcida, and Diana and Syreno are hap-
pily united by the " sapientissima " Felicia, Arsileo singing
some versos franc eses in honor of the marriage.1

1 These versos franceses, which are considered among the most
beautiful poetry in the Diana enamorada, and, in the opinion of
Menendez y Pelayo (Origenes, I. p. cdlxxxviii) perhaps the only
alexandrines composed in Spain in the sixteenth century, are as
follows :

De flores matizadas se vista el verde prado,
Retumbe el hueco bosque de voces deleitosas,
Olor tengan mas fino las coloradas rosas,
Floridos ramos mueva el viento sossegado.
El rio apressurado
Sus aguas acresciente,
Y pues tan libre queda la fatigada gente

82 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

The fifth book consists merely of the festivities in the
garden of Felicia, " to celebrate the marriages and ' desen-
gafios ' of the shepherds." Diana sings a cancion:

" La alma de alegria salte,
Que en tener mi bien presente
No hay descanso que me falte,
Ni dolor que me atormente.

No pienso en viejos cui dados,
Que agravia muestros amores
Tener presentes dolores
For los olvidos pasados.
Alma, de tu dicha valte,
Que con bien tan excelente
No hay descanso que te falte,
Ni dolor que te atormente."

While Diana is singing, Melisea, another love-lorn shep-
herdess, appears, followed by Narciso, who comes to seek

Del congojoso llanto,

Moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto.

*******

Casados venturosos, el poderoso cielo
Derrame en vuestros campos influxo favorable,
Y con dobladas crias en numero admirable
Vuestros ganados crezcan cubriendo el ancho suelo.
No os dafie el crudo hielo
Los tiernos chivaticos,

Y tal cantidad de oro os haga entrambos ricos,
Que no sepais el quanto :

Moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto.

*******

Remeden vuestras voces las aves amorosas,
Los ventecicos suaves os hagan dulce fiesta,
Alegrese con veros el campo y la floresta,
Y os vengan a las manos las flores olorosas :
Los lirios y las rosas,
Jazmin y flor de Gnido,
La madreselva hermosa y el arrayan florido,
Narciso y amaranto :
Moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto. (Book IV.)

THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 83

the aid of Felicia. And now Ismenia, " her face giving
signs of the inward happiness she feels after such pro-
tracted cares," sings another cancion. After a dance by a
troupe of nymphs around " a white stag with black spots,"
the symbolical meaning of which is explained by Felicia,
the whole company entertain themselves with a number of
riddles or " preguntas." x

After this Felicia prepares a magnificent spectacle for
her guests. Richly-adorned barges containing nymphs in
gorgeous attire and rowed by savages " crowned with
roses," and tied to their rowing-benches with chains of
silver, now appear, accompanied by most beautiful music, —
the manoeuvres concluding with a combat between the
barges. This concluded, all return to the fountain, where
they find the shepherd Tiranio, who sings some rimas pro-
venzales:2

1 On these riddles see the excellent article by Schevill, " Some Forms
of the Riddle Question and the exercise of Wits in Popular Fiction
and Formal Literature," 1911. (University of California Publications.)

2 These rimas provensales are certainly the most beautiful verses
in the romance, and they have rarely been surpassed in Spanish
poetry :

Quando con mil colores devisado
Viene el verano en el ameno suelo,
El campo hermoso esta, sereno el cielo,
Rico el pastor, y prospero el ganado.
Philomena por arboles floridos
Da sus gemidos :
Hay fuentes bellas,
Y en torno dellas
Cantos suaves
De Nymphas y aves :
Mas si Elvinia de alii sus ojos parte,
Havra contino hibierno en toda parte.

Quando el helado cierzo de hermosura
Despoja hierbas, arboles y flores,
El canto dexan ya los ruysenores,

84 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Felicia now perceiving that night is approaching, " and
it seeming to her that her guests had been sufficiently en-
tertained for that day," made a sign, at which all were
silent, and addressing the company, said that her guests
could not complain of the treatment accorded them by her
or by her nymphs; that all had been gratified except Nar-
ciso, " who was displeased with the treatment of Melisea,

Y queda el yermo campo sin verdura;

Mil horas son mas largas que los dias

Las noches frias,

Espessa niebla

Con la tiniebla

Escura y triste

El ayre viste.

Mas saiga Elvinia el campo, y por do quiera

Renovara la alegre primavera.

* * * * * * *

Si Delia en perseguir silvestres fieras,
Con muy castos cuydados ocupada
Va de su hermosa esquadra acompanada,
Buscando sotos, campos y riberas;
Napeas y Hamadryadas hermosas
Con frescas rosas
Le van delante,
Esta triumphante
Con lo que tiene:
Pero si viene

Al bosque, donde caza Elvinia mia,
Parecera menor su lozania.

Y quando aquellos miembros delicados
Se lavan en la fuente esclarescida,
Si alii Cynthia estuviera, de corrida
Los ojos abajara avergonzados.
Porque en la agua de aquella transparente
Y clara fuente
El marmol fino
Y peregrino
Con beldad rara
Se figurara,

Y al atrevido Acteon, si la viera,
No en ciervo, pero en marmol convertiera.

THE DIANA ENAMORADA OF GIL POLO 85

and Tauriano with that of Elvina; these would, however,
have to content themselves with hope." Here the book ab-
ruptly ends, while the history of other shepherds and shep-
herdesses, including the Portuguese Danteo and Duarda is
again deferred to another part, which, " before many days,
God willing, will be published."

It will be seen from the foregoing brief analysis that
down to the fifth book the interest of the reader is well sus-
tained; the various incidents follow each other quite logi-
cally,— they generally advance the action and the main
thread of the story is well kept in view. In this respect
the Diana enamorada is superior to the original of Monte-
mayor, and a taste for pastoral fiction being once estab-
lished, it is not strange that the work of Polo was success-
ful, for of all books of its class its language is, perhaps, the
least affected. Its prose style is graceful and flowing, and
the poetry scattered through it is very beautiful, though,
upon the whole, the work is inferior to the Diana of Monte-
mayor.

It is greatly to be regretted that Polo, after so auspicious
a beginning in the field of literature, forsook the Muse en-
tirely, and never again turned to poetry. His case finds a
parallel in the somewhat later poet Esteban Manuel de
Villegas, who, after his brilliant debut in his Eroticas in
1617, like Polo, abandoned letters, and passed the remainder
of his long life in the desperately dry and prosaic practice
of the law. Both possessed the true poetic temperament,
but, doubtless, lyric poetry held out no greater material in-
ducements to its devotes in the sixteenth century than it
does in the twentieth, and the lyric cry was stifled by the
cry for bread. The Diana enamorada is one of the best
of the pastoral romances ; it also possesses the merit of not
being too long; it is one of the few works in this species
of literature that may still be read through with genuine
pleasure.

THE " DIANA " OF TEXEDA.

IN 1627 1 a third part of the Diana by Hieronymo de
Texeda appeared in Paris.2 It is a work of no merit what-

1 Sixty-three years had elapsed between the publication of the
Diana enamorada of Gil Polo and this continuation by Texeda, during
which time most of the prose pastorals appeared in Spain. Texeda's
work has only been considered in this place on account of its very
close connection with the Diana enamorada. The Spanish translators
of Ticknor, Tome III, p. 537, mention an edition of Texeda published
at Paris in 1587. This is certainly a mistake.

2 La Diana de Montemayor nuevamente compuesto par Hieronymo
de Texeda Castellano interprete de Lenguas, residente en la villa de
Paris, do se da fin a las Historias de la Primera y Segunda Parte.
Dirigida al excelentissimo Senor Don Francisco de Guisa Principe de
Joinville. Tercera Parte, Paris, MDCXXVII. Impresa a costa del
Auctor. It is in two parts, bound in one volume, the first part con-
taining three hundred and forty-six, the second part three hundred
and ninety-four pages.

Of the life of Texeda we know nothing, but his address to the
reader, in the above volume is interesting. It is as follows : " Dis-
creto y curioso lector por hauer considerado la Historia de la Diana
de Monte Mayor estar en la lengua Espanola imperfecta a causa de
que en ella no se halla Terzera Parte impresa aunque los impresores
Franzeses en su lengua la han echo a su fantasia tan apartada del
intento e historias de la primera y segunda parte como se vee, me he
resuelto a sacar la a luz puniendo con mi rudo estilo y corto enten-
dimiento fin a las historias comenzadas, suplicando como suplico a
los bien intencionados reziban la buena voluntad con la qual prometo
en breues dias poner a luz todas las frases de hablar de la lengua
Espanola para dar alguna clara noticia de los libros curiosos de ella
a los aficionados a quien suplico me tengan por aficionadissimo cri-
ado." (signed) Texeda.

From the above reference to the French translations of the Diana,
it seems that Texeda did not consider the Diana enamorada of Polo
as a third part, although, as we shall see, he plundered it so shame-
86

THE DIANA OF TEXEDA 87

ever, and is interesting only as being one of the boldest ex-
amples of literary theft in the history of any literature.

The story opens with Estela, Crimine and Parisiles
(characters introduced by Perez, in his continuation) going
to the village of Diana. They meet Amarantho, and tell
him of their going " a las obsequias de un pastor llamado
Delio." A story of Don Ramiro, brother of Alfonso of
Aragon, now follows, and on the next day at the fountain
of the Alders, they find Diana sitting, who, believing her-
self to be alone, sings :

" El suf rimiento cansado
De mi mal importune y fiero
A tal estremo ha llegado
Que publicar mi cuidado
Es el remedio que espero.
Esclaua de un grave dolor
Y dolorosa agonia
Soy la que muere de amor,
Oluidada de un Pastor
Que de oluidado moria," etc.1

Hardly had Diana finished her song when a beautiful
shepherdess emerges from behind a myrtle and endeavors

lessly. As already observed, French translations of the Diana had
appeared in 1567, 1587 and 1592. I possess a copy of the latter trans-
lation, in which the Diana enamorada is much abridged, the poetry
being mostly translated into prose. The names of the authors of the
second and third parts are nowhere mentioned in the translations, so
that the reader is left under the impression that all these parts are
by Montemayor. The other work which Texeda announces is men-
tioned by Morel-Fatio (Ambrosio de Salasar, Paris, 1900, p. 143) and
again in the Bull. Hispanique, III (1901), p. 63. The title reads:
Methods pour entendre facilement les Phrases et difficultez de /a
langue Espagnole. Par Hierosme de Techeda, Interprete Castillant.
Paris, 1629.

1 If we compare with this the first poem in the Diana enamorada
of Polo (p. 3, ed. of Madrid, 1802) beginning: "Mi suf rimiento can-
sado," we find that Texeda began his plagianism almost with the first
page of Polo, making only slight verbal changes.

88 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

to console her. It is Marfisa, " born of noble parents and
placed in the position in which you see me by one of the
various accidents of fickle fortune." Diana relates her
griefs at the request of Marfisa, saying: "If you would
hear what love can do, listen to a sonnet which my beloved
Sirenus used to sing to me, in the time when his company
was as pleasant to me as his memory now is bitter." She
sings the sonnet, beginning :

" Que el poderoso Amor sin vista acierte," etc.1

Marfisa delivers a long discourse on the subject of love
and jealousy, just as in the Diana enamorada of Polo, after
which she recites a sonnet (p. 33), which is an exact copy
from the latter work, except the fifth line :

" Nombrar llamas de Amor es desvario,"

which is omitted.2

Texeda next gives us Polo's sonnet (p. 15) beginning:

" Quien libre esta, no viva descuydado."
The song printed by Texeda (p. 53), beginning:
Mientras el sol sus rayos tan ardientes

is the same as the Rimas Provenzales of Polo (pp. 17-21),
the changes being very slight and always to the detriment of
the verses.

It were useless to pursue this comparison in detail, — a

1 Cf . with this the Diana enamorada, p. 10: " De cuyas (Amor)
hazanas y maravillas en este mesmo lugar canto un dia mi querido
Syreno, en el tiempo que fue para mi tan dulce, como me es agora
amarga su memoria." The sonnet which follows has been copied by
Texeda verbatim, — only here and there changing a word. The name
of the shepherdess Alcida is changed to Marfisa by Texeda.

2 It is Polo's sonnet beginning : " No es ciego Amor, mas yo lo
soy, que guio" (page 12).

THE DIANA OF TEXEDA

89

few excerpts from the prose portion will show that this,
also, is taken from Polo.

In the conversation of Marfisa with Delio (p. 58), the
former says : " En gran cargo estoy a la f ortuna, pues me
ha no solo puesto en ocasion de ver la hermosura de Diana,-
mas en la presentia de aquel que juzgo merecedor de tal
beldad, pero admiro me ver que tengas tan poca con la que
mereze no solo por su beldad, mas por su raro entendi-
miento y discrecion ser estimada, pues la dexas hir solo un
paso sin tu compam'a, creo bien que siempre la tienes en tu
coragon." 1

Again, on p. 66, Texeda has : " Pues me consta mi es-
poso Delio va en seguimiento de una hermosissima pastora
que no ha mucho se aparto de nuestra compania y por las
muestras de aficion con que vi, la mirava en mi presengia,
y suspires que de lo profundo del corazon sacaua como
aquella que sabe bien con quanta perseuerencia suele em-
prender lo que en el pensamiento se le pone, tengo por
cierto, no dejara de seguir la pastora, aunque piense perder
la vida, y lo que mas mi espiritu atormenta, es conozer la
aspera y desamorada condigion de la Pastora," etc.2

The sonnet in Texeda (p. 61) is the same as Polo's be-
ginning

" No puede darme Amor mayor tormento,"

only the second word is changed. The Marcelio of Polo
becomes Aristeo in Texeda, and recites the same story, —
the shipwreck and subsequent rescue, — the name of Mar-
fisa's younger sister, however, is Clarisea, instead of Clen-

1 Cf. with this the passage in Polo (p. 12), beginning: "Delio, en
gran cargo soy a la fortuna, pues no solo me hizo ver la belleza de
Diana, mas conoscer al que ella tuvo por meresceder de tanto bien,"
etc.

2 These lines are copied from the Diana enamorada, p. 27.

90 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

arda, as in Polo. This whole episode is made ridiculous
by Texeda, who causes the sailors, after they have bound
Aristeo " hand and foot," to put a tallow gag in his mouth,
after which they " put him upon the highest tree they could
find." They then made off with Clarisea, leaving Marfisa
behind, for some reason that is not explained. Marfisa
calls, but Aristeo, his mouth full of tallow, is unable to
answer, so she wanders inland and is lost. Aristeo kept
the tallow in his mouth until rescued by some fishermen
the next day, when he finds upon a poplar tree a sonnet,
which the reader will find in the Diana enamorada (p. 49),
with slight changes. The same characters now appear as
in Polo's Diana, — Silvano and Selvagia, as well as Firmius
and Faustus, " rivals for the hand of Diana."

I had carefully compared the two works and written
down the passages in Texeda that were either similar or
identical with those in the Diana enamorada, but it were a
useless task to copy them here. Most of the poetry is taken
from the latter work, as the verses : " Goze el amador con-
tento " (p. 132), which are the quintillas in Polo (p. 178),
and the canciones (p. 366) : " Morir deviera sin verte,"
and " El Alma de alegria salte," which are in Polo (pp.
212-213). But Texeda has doubtless robbed others beside
Polo. To give but a single instance: in Book x, p. 322,
Texeda prints a sonnet beginning : " Tristezas, si el ha-
zerme compania," which is Lope de Vega's ninety-seventh
sonnet in La Hermosura de Angelica, con otras Rimas,
Madrid, 1602, fol. 284v.

It is only in the fifth book that Texeda begins to differ
from Polo, and here the story of Amaranto and Dorotea
is imitated from Perez. In the sixth book Parisiles re-
lates the story of the Cid; in the seventh is told the story
of the Abencerrages ; in the ninth the story of Count Carlos
and Lisarde, and the tribute of Mauregato.

THE DIANA OF TEXEDA 9!

The entire first four books of Texeda, as we have seen,
are a plagiarism from the work of Polo, and these four
books are all that are worth reading. Wherever a change
has been made, either in the poetry or the prose of Polo, it
has been for the worse. It seems almost incredible that at
a time when the Diana of Polo was so well known and so
widely read, anyone should have had the insolence to pub-
lish so flagrant a theft as an original work; and it is no less
singular that so palpable a fraud should have escaped the
critical acumen of a scholar like Ticknor. The second vol-
ume is dull and tedious in the extreme. The fourth part
that is promised (p. 393), never appeared, doubtless be-
cause there was nothing left for Texeda to appropriate.1

1 It appears that another Tercera Parte de la Diana was written
by one Gabriel Hernandez, a resident of Granada, who, on January
28, 1582, obtained the privilege to print his work for ten years. This
privilege was afterwards sold to Bias de Robles, bookseller, but the
book, for some cause or other, was never printed. Menendez y
Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, I, p. cdxciii.

THE ' HABIDAS ' OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE.

AMONG the earliest of the imitations of the Diana was
the Habidas of Arbolanche,1 according to Gayangos.
Unlike the Diana, however, it is written wholly in verse,
which alone would make it rather doubtful whether its
author took Montemayor's romance as his model. A brief
analysis of the Habidas shows that it is rather a novela
caballeresca. " It relates the story of Abido (hence the
name of the romance), son of Gargoris, King of Spain.
This son is exposed to wild animals and subsequently to
the perils of the sea for the purpose of getting rid of him.
He survives all dangers, however, and falls into the hands
of a shepherd, by whom he is brought up. On the death
of the King, Abido is returned to his mother and becomes
King of Spain. While living among his flocks he falls in
love with a shepherdess, which gives occasion to the author
to introduce beautiful descriptions of nature. The work
contains a number of eclogues and various shorter poems,
letrillas and villancicos, which in sweetness and harmony
are unsurpassed by the best verses of Montemayor." 2

1 Los nueue Libros de las Hauidas de Hieronimo Arbolanche,
Poeta Tudelano. Dirigidos a la Illustre Senora Dona Adriana de
Egues y de Biamonte. En Qaragoqa en casa de luan Millan. 1566.
8°.

2 Ticknor, Historia de la Literatura espanola, traducida al castellano,
con adiciones y notas criticas por D. Pascual de Gayangos y D. En-
rique de Vedia, Madrid, 1854, Vol. Ill, p. 538.

92

THE HABIDAS OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE

93

All that we know of Arbolanche 1 is that he was a native
of Tudela, in the province of Navarre.

The author, in his epistle to D. Melchor Enrico, ' su
Maestro en Artes ' is very candid and modest concerning
his own poetical gifts, while his arraignment of some of
the Italian and Spanish poets is very amusing. He says
(I quote from Gibson's tr.) :

0 master mine, my will was never free
To find in printing books a great delight,

But she who hath the power hath ordered me
To bring this ill-sung Book of mine to light;

1 grant I am not versed in poesy,

And only know that I know nothing right ;
And know as well that many know as little,
So care not, if they praise me not, one tittle.

I never chanted on Parnassus' height,

Nor ever drank the waters Cabaline:
What Octave is or Sextain beats me quite,

Nor have I dealings with the Muses nine ;
Not mine the gift, like improvising wight,

At every step to vomit forth a line;
I cannot verses on my fingers measure,
Nor mouth two thousand fooleries at pleasure.

I do not hire me sonnets to indite
For books that go to press in this our time:

I do not ballads spin or tercets write,
Nor have one notion of impromptu rhyme :

With echo-songs, in sooth, I'm puzzled quite,
To make them to the full note curtly chime :

I do not medleys make, nor things at all

That may be dubbed with name of Madrigal.

1 On the reverse of the title-page is this inscription :
" Ebro me produzio, y en flor me tiene,

Mas my rayz de rio Calibe viene."
Which Gibson renders thus :

Ebro produced me and keeps me fresh ever,
But my stock hath its root on the Calibe river.
Journey to Parnassus, by Miguel de Cervantes, tr. by James Y.
Gibson, London, 1883, p. 380.

94 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

I cannot use strange words or obsolete,

Nor am I read in books of chivalry:
Nor can the names of blustering knights repeat,

Nor tell the tale of each stale victory;
I know not what is meant by " broken feet,"

For mine own limbs are sound as sound can be;
I cannot make some short and others long,
Some very sweet and others very strong.

He is no admirer of the Italian measures introduced by
Boscan :

" Nor do I know to make my pen renowned
Upon my back bearing th' Italian theft."

His judgment of the great Catalan poet is very severe :

" Nor can I verses make in Limousine,

Like Ausias Marc, which none can understand."

Montemayor is treated without pity:

" Nor did I ever yet know to translate

So badly as the Lusian did erewhile,
Nor know I cancioneros to create,

Mingling divine eke with the human style;
Nor to Diana, first or second rate,

This heavy hand of mine could lay the file,
Because all this to me seemed foolery,
Nor make a ' Grove of various Poesy '."

He concludes :

" I do not evil speak of men so high,

As if I thought I had sufficient grace
To reach unto their lofty blasonry,

Still less to give myself a higher place;
But since without much bitter raillery

None ever came off victors in the race;
And since such famous men their weird must dree,
What will the dolts and envious make of me?"

It is quite evident, as Mr. Gibson observes, that such a
man was fair game for the shafts of Cervantes, and quite
as evident that his rhinoceros hide was impervious to

THE HABIDAS OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE

95

any kind of contempt. Arbolanche is pilloried after this
fashion in " The Journey to Parnassus " :

" On this came whizzing, like a bird on high,

A Book in prose and verse, shot by our foes,

In bulk and height a very Breviary;

From its extravagance in verse and prose,
'Twas Arbolanche's work, we well could guess,
His dull ' Avidas," heavy to the close."

Salva says that he had always mistrusted the exaggerated
criticisms of Cervantes, and that this work (The Havidas)
confirmed his suspicions, for it follows from his very words
that Cervantes had never seen the book of Arbolanche,
which does not contain a line of prose, and is a thin volume
in small octavo, and not the ponderous tome Cervantes
makes it.1 It is likely, as has been suggested, that Cer-
vantes took the blank verse of Arbolanche as a kind of
disguised prose; at all events he seems to have had a score
to settle with the Navarrese bard and he did it. That the
verse of Arbolanche, however, deserves the favorable criti-
cism of Gayangos, is shown by the following excerpts,
which fairly illustrate his style :

Condon.

Partirme quiero, zagala
Partirme quiero de vos;
Mi zagala, a Dios, a Dios.

A Dios, monies, a Dios, prados,
A Dios, bosques y selva fria;
Que los lirios que aqui habia
En abrojos son tornados,
En ausencia mis cuidados
Partiendome yo de vos ;
Mi zagala, a Dios, a. Dios.

Dexo las cabrillas mias

Y el ganado en grande pena

1 Cat&logo, Vol. II, p. 18. Arbolanche also wrote a laudatory son-
net prefixed to the Clara Diana a lo Divino of Bartolome Ponce, pub-
lished at Epila in 1580. Ibid., No. 1944.

96 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

AI calor y a la berbena
For essas silvas sombrias;
Voy a ver sus agonias,
Partiendome yo de vos ;
Mi zagala, a Dios, a Dios.1

Condon.

Soltaronse mis cabellos,
Madre mia,
j Ay ! ^con que me los prenderia?

Dicenme que prendo a tantos,
Madre mia, con mis cabellos,
Que ternia por bien prendellos,
Y no dar pena y quebrantos;
Pero por quitar de espantos,
Madre mia,
(jjAy! con que me los prenderia?2

Cancion.

Ai Dios ! que cosa vana
Querer enamorarme
Pues ya no hai desviarme
De ti, Undo, Adriana.

Si de todas las nacidas
Me diesen a escoger,
Y las aun por nacer
Me fuesen ofrecidas,
Ai Dios ! que cosa vana
Seria enamorarme,
Pues ya no hai desviarme
De ti, linda Adriana.

Por ti en la noche oscura
Yo pierdo el duke sueno,
Por ti con grande desdeno
Queje yo de mi ventura;
Tu imagen soberana
Del todo pudo atarme,
Y asi no hai desviarme
De ti, linda Adriana.

1Ticknor, Hist, of Spanish Lit., tr. by Gayangos, III, p. 538; Gal-
lardo, Ensayo, I, col. 259. L. 13 Gallardo reads : serena.
2Ticknor, History, tr. Gayangos, III, p. 538.

THE HABIDAS OF HIERONIMO ARBOLANCHE

En prados y en oteros
Tu nombre he yo cantado,
De mi se ban apiadado
Los animales fieros;
Mi anima malsana
Pudiste tu robarme,
Y ya no hai desviarme
De ti, Undo Adriana.1

Cancion.

Caudaloso y fresco rio,
Tanto mal no mereci,
Siempre honre tus claras aguas
Y honrare mas desde aqui.
Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi!

Siempre honre todas tus ninfas
Cuantas en tus prados vi,
Siempre de tus verdes ramos
Los mis cabellos ceni,
Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi!

^•Como, dime, consentiste
Que se fue y yo no me fue,
Aquel que con sus canciones
Tu ribera alegro asi?
Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi!

Aquel que con su zampona
Las fieras atraia a si,
AI son de la cual mil vezes
En sus haldas me adormi,
Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi!

Abido, los tus ganados
Como paceran sin ti?
Como cantaran las ninfas?
Dimelo, mi Abido, di.
Ai, de mi! mas ai, de ti!

;Porque, dime, en tu partida
Yo triste no me parti?
Y ; porque si tu eres muerto
No me muero desde aqui?
Ai, de ti! mas ai, de mi! 2

1 Salva, Cat&logo, II, p. 19. 2 Ibid., p. 19.

97

THE " TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE."
BY ANTONIO DE LO FRASSO.

The next work in what may be called the cycle of the
Diana was the Ten Books of the Fortune of Love? by
Antonio de lo Frasso, a Sardinian soldier, and was first
published at Barcelona in 1573. This is the book that Cer-
vantes characterizes as the most absurd book ever written,
and though his genial and kindly nature was inclined to
judge his contemporaries only too leniently, he is, for some
unknown reason, especially severe upon Lo Frasso, al-
though it appears that he fought with Cervantes against
the Turks, and was present at Lepanto, on that memorable
seventh of October, 1571 (Vol. II, p. 147).

" This book," said the barber, opening another, " is the
Ten Books of the Fortune of Love, written by Antonio lo
Frasso, a Sardinian poet." " By the orders I have re-
ceived," said the curate, " since Apollo has been Apollo,
and the Muses have been Muses, and poets have been
poets, so droll and absurd a book as this has never been
written, and in its way it is the best and the most singular
of all of this species that have as yet appeared, and he who
has not read it may be sure he has never read what is de-

1 Los dies Libras de la Fortuna d'Amor compuestos por Antonio de
lo Frasso militar, Sardo, de la Ciudad de Lalguer, donde hallaran los
honest os y apazibles amores del Pastor Frexano, y de la hermosa
Pastora Fortuna, co mucha variedad de inuenciones poeticas histori-
adas. Y la sabrosa historia de don Florida, y de la past or a Argen-
tina. Y una inuencion de justas Reales, y tres triumphos de damas\.
Impresso en Barcelona, En casa de Pedro Malo Impressor. [1573.]
8°. I have used the reprint in two volumes, London, 1740.

TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE

99

lightful. Give it here, gossip, for I make more account of
having found it than if they had given me a cassock of
Florence stuff.1

It is almost incredible that a Spaniard, and one of the
editors of Lord Carteret's Don Quixote, should take the
irony of the curate as a sincere expression of opinion.
This praise, however, is one of the reasons assigned by
Pedro de Pineda, the editor, for republishing it in Eng-
land. But, if it were possible to be deceived by the words
in Don Quixote, a perusal of the following lines in the
Journey to Parnassus, should have dispelled all doubt as to
the opinion of Cervantes :

" Look now if in the galley ye can see

Some wretched bard, who may perchance by right

A fitting victim for the monsters be ! "
They found him in that man, Lofraso hight,

Sardinian martial poet, who now lay

Curled in a corner, and in dismal plight;
In his " Ten Books of Fortune " all the day

Immersed ; to add yet other ten to these

He strove, to while the idle hours away;
Cried all the crew as one: "Lofraso seize!

Down vvith him to the deep, and leave him there!"

" Perdy," cried Mercury, " I do not please !
What ! Can my soul the heavy burden bear

Of casting to the sea such poesy,

Although its foaming wrath demands our care?
Long live Lofraso, while the day we see

Spring from Apollo's light, and men can smile

And hold as wisdom sprightly fantasy!
To thee belong, Lofraso without guile,

The epithets of subtle and sincere,

My ' I oatswain ' henceforth be thy name and style ! "
Thus said Mercurius to our cavalier,

Who in the gangway quick assumed his grade,

Armed with a rattan, cutting and severe;

1 Don Quixote, I, Chap. vi. Ormsby's tr.

100 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Of his own verse, I fancy, it was made,

And in a twinkling, how I do not know,

Whether by Heaven's or Lofraso's aid,
On through the strait we safe and sound did go,

Without immersing any poet there;

Such strength lay in the good Sardinian's blow." J

Of Lo Frasso's life scarcely anything seems to be known
beyond what he tells us on the title-page of this volume.2
From another work, written two years earlier, in 1571,
and in which the author informs us that he is writing it
in the " middle of the raging Gulf of Leon," we learn that
he had two sons, Alfonso and Cipion de lo Frasso, who
were then, apparently, living in Barcelona.3 Here, too,
his pastoral romance was written. The work is composed
principally of poetry, it being evidently a much easier task
for the Sardinian bard to put his thoughts into generally
bad verse, than into good prose. His shepherds and shep-
herdesses, moreover, must have been gifted with a vigor of
constitution and a power of endurance far beyond that of
the ordinary representative of that weary class. Their
songs are often continued through ten or fifteen pages
without any apparent sign of exhaustion; once, in the first
book, Frexano,4 the hero, beginning his song on page

1 Gibson's translation, pp. 87-89.

2 Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Nova, II, p. 356, says : " Antonio
Lof rasso, Sardus, Algueriensis, peota infimi subsellii, edidit : Diez
Libros de Fortuna. Barcinone, 1573. Quod opus risu excipit D.
Thomas Tamajus in ' Collectione librorum Hispanorum': atque item
autorem inter eos, qui nullo subnixi Apolline, ac Musarum ingratiis
operam versibus dedere, velut aliorum coriphaeum nominat, nasoque
suspendit Michael de Cervantes Saavedra in metrico suo opere Viage
del Parnaso nuncupate."

Frasso (Antonio de lo). Comienfa la Carta quel Autor enbia a
sus Hijos y los mil y dozientos Consejos y Avisos discretos. [Bar-
celona, 1571 ?] See Salva, Catdlogo, II, No. 2069.
4 Under this name, as Clemencin surmised, is concealed the name

TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE IOi

twenty, and singing until the thirty-seventh page, — the
author says: " The shepherd growing weary of singing oc-
tavas, now changed his tune, and sang the following terce-
tos." The scene of the first five books is laid in Sardinia,
near Lalguer, that of the remaining five in Barcelona.

The first book opens with a carta from Frexano " to
his dear shepherdess Fortuna," followed by two sonnets
and two canciones, then the letter is carried by Florineo,
who sings a cancion while on his way. In the second book,
Frexano makes a journey to Parnassus. The nine Muses
appear, whom he addresses in verse, Minerva replying.
This is followed by some curious verses, in which " hab-
lan las potencias del cuerpo humano." First the tongue
speaks, followed by the eyes, then the soul, the heart, the
feelings, memory, thought, the will, affection, etc., finally
ignorance, discretion, wisdom, married women, the widow,
and last of all Amor. In the third book Frexano suffers
the most frightful pangs of despised love, which ebb out
in a canto that is continued for twelve pages. The fourth
book contains a long poem in praise of Lalguer and its
beautiful ladies, where Frexano meets his father and
mother. The seventh book is not without interest, as it
describes the festivities attending the marriage in Barcelona
of Dona Mencia Faxardo y Cuniga, daughter of D. Luys
de Qiniga y Requesens, under whom, apparently, Lo
Frasso served at Lepanto on October 7, 1571 (Vol. II, p.
147). The seventh book also contains a long Triumpho
in praise of fifty ladies of Barcelona, in imitation of the
Canto de Orfeo of Montemayor and the Canto de Turia
of Gil Polo. In the eighth book he relates the history of
" Don Floricio and the beautiful shepherdess Augustina,"

of the author, Lofraso, which in the Sardinian dialect =• el fresno, the
Ash tree. Indeed, he tells us that Frexano was born in Lalguer (i. e.
Alguer = Alghero in the northwestern part of Sardinia).

102 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

in which a cancion consisting of ninety-five stanzas is sung
by Augustina. The whole work is absurd and perhaps
nobody has read it through since Pedro Pineda corrected
the proofs.1

A sonnet, " en lengua montanese Sardesca," may find a
place here :

Cando si det finite custu ardente
Fogu qui su coro gia mat bruxadu,
Cun sanima misquina qui su fiadu,
Mi mancat vistu non poto niente.

Chiaru Sole & Luna relugente,
Prite mi tenes tristu abandonadu,
Pusti prode vivu atribuladu,
Dami calqui remediu prestamente,
Tue sola mi podes remediare
Et dare mi sa vida in custa hora,
Qui non morja privu de sa vitoria,
In eternu ti depo abandonare,
O belissima dea & senyora,
De me sa vida & morte pena y gloria.

(Vol. I, p. 284.)

The doughty bard, it seems, had no very exalted opinion
of the weaker sex, to judge from the following song,
which he puts into the mouth of Florineo :

No pongas el pensamiento,
Pasqual, jamas en muger,
Qu-en pago de tu querer
Te dara pena y tormento.

Tiene tal naturaleza
La que quiere ser servida,
Si la quieres qual tu vida
Te consume de tristeza.

xAt the end of the second volume is this advertisement: "This
individual Book is one of the greatest Rarities in the Spanish Tongue;
being almost as hard to find as the Philosopher's Stone. Mr. Peter
Pineda, the Spanish Master, has tried all Sorts of Methods to get it
for Five and twenty Years. Cervantes gives it the highest Character
in the World. Lib. I, Cap. 6."

103

TEN BOOKS OF THE FORTUNE OF LOVE

En pocas veras firmeza,
Mudanse muy mas qu-el viento,
Qu-en pago de tu querer
Te daran pena y tormento.

Ni de veras, ni burlando,
No buries jamas con ellas,
Viudas, casadas, donzellas,
Dexalas por no yr penando :

Porque siempre variando,

Las veo hazer mudamiento,

Qu-en pago de tu querer,

Te daran pena y tormento, etc. (Vol. I, p. n.)

THE " FILIDA " OF MONTALVO.

A MUCH better romance appeared in 1582 at Madrid in
the " Shepherd of Filida " of Luis Galvez de Montalvo.1
Of the author's birth-place or life we know little more
than what he tells us in this book. Speaking under the
name of Siralvo, he says (p. 112, ed. of 1792) that he is
not a native of the banks of the Tagus, but that his an-
cestors pastured their flocks by the Adaja, and that they
removed thence to the Henares, upon the banks of which
he was brought up, " i de alii, por favorable estrella, bevo
las aguas del Tajo." z

Montalvo was attached to the house of Infantado, the
lords of which had their principal residence in Guadalajara.
In the ' Carta dedicatoria ' to his patron, Don Enrique de
Mendoga y Aragon (the Mendino of the romance), he
says : " Among the f ortunates who know you and entertain

1 According to Menendez Pelayo there is a mutilated copy of this
excessively rare first edition in the library of the Spanish Academy.
The censura is dated Madrid, June 2, 1581. Other editions appeared
at Lisbon, 1589; Madrid, 1590 and 1600; Barcelona, 1613, and Valencia,
1792. There are some laudatory verses by Luis Galvez de Montalvo
prefixed to La Vida, el Martyrio, etc. . . . de los gloriosos ninos Mar-
tyres son lusto y Pastor, by Ambrosio de Morales, published at
Alcala, in 1568. Salva, Catalog o, Vol. I, No. 299.

2 The town on the banks of the Adaja, Menendez y Pelayo con-
jectures to be Arevalo, and also surmises that a baptismal register
of Luis, son of Marcos de Montalvo and his wife Francisca, born in
1549, refers to our author. The father of Siralvo, called Montano
in the romance, was " mayoral del generoso rabadan Coriano," i. e.
steward or something similar to the Marquis of Coria. Origenes de
la Novela, I. p. cdxcix.

104

THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO

friendly relations with you, I have been one, and indeed,
one of the most fortunate; for desiring to serve you, my
wish was fulfilled, and thus I left my house and other
famous ones where I was requested to remain, and came
to this, where I shall be pleased to die and where my great-
est labor is to be idle, contented and honored as your ser-
vant."

In 1587 there appeared at Toledo1 Montalvo's trans-
lation into Castilian of Le Lagrime di San Pietro by Luigi
Tansillo, a Neapolitan gentleman who served D. Pedro de
Toledo, Marques de Villafranca, to whom Garcilasso dedi-
cated his first eclogue. The latter mentions Tansillo among
other Italian versifiers, in his twenty-fourth sonnet to Dona
'Isabel de Cardona.2 According to Lope de Vega, in the
prologue to his Isidro, Montalvo passed the latter years of
his life in Italy. Speaking of Castillejo he says : " a quien
(i. e. Castillejo) parecia mucho Luis Galuez Montaluo,
con cuya muerte subita se perdieron muchas floridas coplas
de este genero, particularmente la traducion de la lerusalem
de Torquato Tasso, que parece, que se auia ydo a Italia a
escriuirlas para meterles las higas en los ojos.". Again,
in La Viuda valenciana, a comedia written before 1603, we
read :

Leonardo. Quien es este?

Oton. Es el Pastor

de Filida.
Leonardo. Ya lo se.

1 In the Primera Parte del Tesoro de divina Poesia. . . . Recopilado
por Esteuan de Villalobos. En Toledo, en casa de Juan Rodriguez,
Ano 1587. El Llanto de San Pedro is now accessible in the Floresta
of Bohl von Faber, Vol. Ill, No. 707, and in the Romancero y Can-
cionero Sagrados of D. Justo de Sancha, in the Bib. de Aut. Esp.,
No. 668.

2 See Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. Ill, p. 14.

I06 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Oton. Y Galuez Montaluo fue

con graue ingenio su autor.
Con Abito de San Juan
murio en la mar. . . -1

In his Laurel de Apolo he tells us that Montalvo met his
death "en la puente de Sicilia." This expression, Cle-
mencin says, must allude to some event well known at the
time, and agrees fully with the incident related by Fr.
Diego de Haedo in the " Dedication " of his Topografia de
Argel: "Era (dice por los afios de 1591) Virei de Sicilia
el Sr. D. Diego Enriquez de Guzman, Conde de Alba de
Liste, el cual habiendo salido de Palermo a visitar aquel
reino, a la vuelta, como venia en galeras, hizo la cuidad
una puente desde tierra que se alargaba a la mar mas de
cien pies, para que alii abordase la popa de la galera donde
venia el Seiior Virei, y desembarcase : y como Palermo es
la corte del reino, acudio lo mas granado a este recibimiento
. . . y con la mucha gente que cargo, antes que abordase
la galera dio el puente a la banda, de manera que cayeron
en el mar mas de quinientas personas . . . donde se ane-
garon mas de treinta hombres." As Clemencin adds:
" Una de ellas debio de ser el Pastor de Filida." 3

As Menendez Pelayo has justly remarked, " the Shep-

1 Comedias, Parte XIV, Madrid, 1621, fol. 107, col. i.

2 Y que viva en el Templo de la Fama
Aunque muerto en la puente de Sicilia,
Aquel Pastor de Filida famoso
Galuez Montaluo, que la embidia aclama
Por uno de la Delfica familia
Dignisimo del arbol vitorioso :
Mayormente cantando
En lagrimas deshechos,
Ojos a gloria de mis ojos hechos.

Laurel de Apolo, ed. 1630, fol. 35v.

3 Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Madrid, 1833, Vol. I, p. 147, note.

THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO

107

herd of Filida is one of the best-written of the pastoral
romances, though the least bucolic of them all." In the ex-
amination of Don Quixote's library, the curate had ob-
served : " The one that comes next is ' The Shepherd of
Filida.' That is not a shepherd, said the curate, but a
highly-polished courtier; let it be preserved as a precious
jewel." x Montalvo and Cervantes were friends of long
standing, and mention each other with praise in their
works,2 and from the fact that both were brought up on
the banks of the Henares, it has been conjectured that they
had known each other from youth, and that they were of
about the same age. Of this, however, we have no proof.
It is probable that the Filida was written a number of
years before it appeared in print. We have seen that Mon-
talvo was known as a poet as early as 1568, and it is pos-
sible that his pastoral romance was written not long after
that date. In the Filida, as in most works of this character,
well-known persons appear in the disguise of shepherds,
thus sacrificing the pastoral tone, for there is certainly
very little that is bucolic about the ordinary occupations
of Montalvo and his friends, as they are here depicted.
The poet appears under the name Siralvo, Mendino is

1 Don Quixote, Part I, Chap. vi. To the friendship subsisting be-
tween Montalvo and Cervantes is doubtless due, in part, this very
favorable criticism of the Filida. Cervantes has introduced Montalvo
in his Galatea under the name of Siralvo.

2 Cervantes, in his Galatea, in the " Canto de Caliope," says :

Quien pudiera loaros, mis pastores,

Un pastor vuestro, amado y conocido,

Pastor mejor de quantos son mejores,

Que de Filida tiene el apellido !

La habilidad, la ciencia, los primores,

El rare ingenio, y el valor subido

De Luis de Montalvo le aseguran

Gloria y honor mientras los cielos duran. (Book VI.)

I08 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Don Enrique de Mendoza y Aragon, his Maecenas; Tirsi,
el culto Tirsi, is Francisco de Figueroa; Pradelio is con-
jectured to be Don Luis Ramon Folch de Cardona, Conde
de Prades ; * the Arciolo of Book I, " que con tan heroica
vena canta del Aranco los famosos hechos " (p. 154), is
Alonso de Ercilla, and the Campiano is Dr. Campuzano,
while Silvano is Gregorio Silvestre. The shepherdess Be-
lisa, daughter of the very learned Lusitanian Coello (p.
59), who was a portrait painter (p. 122), is Dona Isabel
Sanchez Coello, daughter of Alonso Sanchez Coello (Or-
igenes, I, p. dvii). Under a slight pastoral disguise Mon-
talvo (Siralvo) relates the story of his love for Filida, and
that of his Maecenas for Elisa. The scene is laid on the
banks of the Tagus, perhaps in Toledo, as Menendez Pelayo
surmises. The incidents of the story are briefly as follows :
Mendino, a shepherd living on the banks of the Tagus,
is enamoured of Elisa, " de antigua y clara generacion "
and of beauty beyond compare. Mendino is, however,
secretly loved by Filis, a beautiful nymph of the Tagus.
One day, as Elisa, Filis, Cloris, Mendino and Galafron
were sitting by a fountain amusing themselves with song,
they are joined by the shepherds Bruno and Turino. And
now Padelio, the noble and prosperous rabadan having
died, there came to inherit his flocks his brother Padileo,
" a gallant and discreet youth," who of course falls in love
with Elisa, " greatly to the annoyance of Mendino and no
less to Elisa." Elisa now writes a long letter to Mendino,

1 See the learned introduction of D. Juan Antonio Mayans y Siscar
to El Pastor de Filida compuesto por Luis Galvez de Montalvo, Gentil-
Hombre Cortesano. Valencia, 1792. He gives a long list of works
written in the manner of the Diana of Montemayor, many of which,
however, are not pastoral romances. Mayans also mentions a pas-
toral by Francisco Rodrigues Lobo, in three parts, A Primavera, O
Pastor peregrino and O Desenganado. They are written in Por-
tuguese, and compare favorably with the best of the Spanish romances.

THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO

appointing a meeting-place. Here, one night, the latter is
seen by the jealous Padileo, who, without more ado, asks
the " beautiful and discreet Albanisa, widow of Mendineo "
to become his wife. The thread of the story now grows
somewhat involved, — Mendino, Corydon and Filardo visit
the cave of the magician Sincero, who foretells Elisa's
death; the latter dies as predicted and Mendino sings a
dirge to her. The book closes with the couplet :

" El mal que el tiempo hace,
El tiempo le suele curar."

Alfeo, a shepherd lying upon the ground singing, is over-
heard by Finea. Alfeo asks her whether she be not " a
stranger and in love," to which she replies : " You might
see this without asking me, by my dress, for one thing,
i en mi piedad, por otra." Alfeo is now informed that
there is to be a general gathering of shepherds, " to honor
the ashes of Elisa." They meet other shepherds and jour-
ney to the spot, where they find Sasio, Filardo, Arsiano and
the shepherdess Belisa, " hija del doctissimo Lusitano
Coelio, los quatros mas aventajados en musica, i canto, que
en las Espanolas riberas se hallavan " (p. 59). Belisa and
Sasio sing a cantar. In the plain stood a lofty pyramid
of rich marble " covered almost wholly by ivy and
branches." Alfesibeo sings an elegy, " interrupted at times
by the most tender sighs." As Pradelio now arrives (llegio
cansado), a young, robust shepherd, " de mas bondad que
hacienda," Finea beams upon him, whereupon the jealous
Filardo, " with features distorted by the power of love,
and his brow covered with perspiration," arose and left,
" but Pradelio paid no heed to this." Alfeo now sings a
touching song, which moves all the listeners; Sileno, how-
ever, " the venerable father of the deceased Elisa," com-
mands the music cease, and proposes a wrestling match

HO SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

between the shepherds, followed by running, leaping and
" tirar la barra," after which Galafron, " the tender and
true lover of the deceased Elisa," sings some sad verses
and the shepherds separate.

At the opening of the third book (or Parte, as it is
called) Finea and Alfeo visit Siralvo. Directly they hear
a flute and Siralvo sings the following rimas :

Ojos a gloria de mis ojos hechos,
Beldad inmensa en ojos abreviada,
Royos que elais los mas ardientes pechos,
Yelos que derretis la nieve elada :
Mares mansos de amor, bravos estrechos ;
Amigos, enemigos en celada,
Bolveos a mi, pues solo con mirarme
Podeis verme, i oirme, i ayudarme.

Si me mirais, vereis en mi, primero,
Quanto con Vos amor hace, i deshace;
Si me escuchais, y oireis decir que muero,
Y que es la vida que me satisface;
Si me ayudais, lo que pretendo, i quiero,
Que es alabaros, f acil se me hace :
En tan altas empressas alumbradme,
Mis Ojos, vedme, oidme, i ayudadme. ... (p. 99.)

Filardo, the rival of Pradelio, now appears and up-
braids Finea, saying : " ungrateful one, what seest thou in
Pradelio more than in me? " Strangely enough, Finea asks
him to sing, to which Filardo says : " And canst thou ask
me to sing, seeing that I am dying? " " Then do as the
swan does " (pues haz como el cisne} said Finea. Taking
up his lyre, Filardo, " with three thousand sighs," begins
to sing (sac and o la lira, con tres mil sospiros Filardo co-
menzo a decir}. Siralvo, who is enamored of Filida, goes
to the gardens of Vandalio, where Filida resides. Here
he meets her friend Florela, and reads to her a poetical por-
trait (retrato en versos') and the following sonnet:

THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO m

" Divino rostro, en quien esta sellado
El postrer punto del primor del suelo,
Pues de aquel, en quien tanto puso el cielo,
Tanto el pincel humano ha trasladado.

Rostro divino, fuiste retratado
Del que natura fabrico de yelo,

0 del que amor passando el mortal velo,
Con vivo fuego, en mi dejo estampado.

Divino rostro, el alma que encendiste,

1 los ojos que elaste en tu figura,
For ti responden, i por ellos creo.

Rostro divino, que de entrambos fuiste
Sacado, en condicion, i en hermosura,
Pues tiemblo, i ardo, el punto que te veo." (P. 127.)

Siralvo now proceeds to Alfeo's cabin, who complains of
the ungrateful Andrea, and thus, " while listening to the
birds and to the gentle stream, with their cheeks resting on
their hands, they fall asleep." Afterwards the shepherds
visit the temple of Pan, where they meet Filida, and do not
forget to eat and drink. Upon a large tablet they find
" las leyes pastorales," and also " the art of making cheese,
butter and other matters of more or less importance " (p.
162). Filida now sings a song, so beautiful " that the birds
were hushed, the wind ceased, the fountain stopped, and I
think the sun forgot its course, while the peerless Filida
sang these verses " (p. 176). And now " todos son enam-
orados, pero no se puede decir de quien, que quando se
sepa, sera un notable hechizo de Amor." Fanio, Delio and
Liria sing a long Eclogue in the garden of the Temple.
Meanwhile Siralvo is in a pitiable plight, " most of the time
alone in his hut, amid cruel memories, hoping for death
. . . stretched out upon the rocks he lay calling in vain for
the beautiful Filida," and in the midst of these lamenta-
tions one day, " seated upon the dry trunk of a holly, he
suddenly took out his rebeck, which was so forgotten, and
with tender eyes accompanied his tears " to a song which
he now sings (p. 219). Suddenly he sees a wounded stag,

! 12 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

pursued by two " gallardas cazadoras." One of them is
Florela. Siralvo dispatches the stag, then complains to
Florela of Filida, and the former promises to intercede
for him. Andrea now appears and finally the shepherds all
proceed to the Temple of Diana, where the seven wonders
of the world are described. Siralvo again finds favor in
the eyes of Filida, which makes him so happy that he can-
not contain himself (en si mismo no cabia) and he recites
seven pages of verses, " quien gustare de oirlos, podra
llegarse al Pastor, entanto que las Ninf as duermen ; i quien
no, passe por ellos, i hallaralas despiertas " (p. 270). The
next song of Siralvo's, which I copy here as an illustration
of Montalvo at his best, is written in the old Castilian re-
dondillas, which are handled with admirable grace :

Filida, tus ojos bellos
El que se atreve a mirallos,
Mui mas facil que alaballos,
Le sera morir por ellos.
Ante ellos calla el primor,
Rindese la fortaleza,
Porque mata su belleza,
Y ciega su resplandor.

Son ojos verdes rasgados
En el rebolver suaves,
Apacibles sobre graves,
Manosos y descuidados.
Con ira, o con mansedumbre,
De suerte alegran el suelo,
Que fijados en el cielo,
No diera el sol tanta lumbre.

Amor que suele ocupar
Todo quanto el mundo encierra,
Senoreando la tierra,
Tiranizando la mar,
Para llevar mas despojos,
Sin tener contradicion,
Hizo su casa, y prision
En essos hermosos ojos.

THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO

Alii canta, y dice : Yo
Ciego fui, que no lo niego;
Pero venturoso ciego,
Que tales ojos hallo,
Que aunque es vuestra la vitoria,
En darosla fui tan diestro,
Que siendo cautivo vuestro,
Sois mis ojos, y mi gloria.

El tiempo que me juzgavan
For ciego, quiselo ser,
Porque no era razon ver
Si estos ojos me faltavan,
Sera ahora con hallaros
Esta ley establecida,
Que lo pague con la vida
Quien se atreviere a miraros. ... (P. 285.)

The story now grows very tedious; there is a long dis-
cussion upon the merits of the two schools of Spanish
poetry, — the adherents to the old Castilian measures and
the Italianists, — and, in imitation of Montemayor, the
praises of celebrated Spanish women are sung. In the
seventh book Sasio, the musician, dies and has the honor
of having an epitaph written by " the famous Tirsi (Fran-
cisco de Figueroa) with his own hand," upon the trunk of
an elm tree. Orsindo, the former lover of Finea, now ap-
pears, and " all return to their first loves," Alfeo i la encu-
bierta Andrea, a la sitya, i Arsineo, vencido de la razon,
bolvio sus pensamientos a Silveria. The work concludes
with a festival gotten up by Sileno, in which, among other
sports, the shepherds run at the ring, " a sport quite new
among shepherds."

It will be seen from this analysis of what incongruous
elements the book is composed; stories from Greek my-
thology are introduced, together with events from Spanish
history, and every occasion is taken to praise the house of
Mendoza. How far the vicissitudes of the shepherd Sir-
alvo (his relations with Filida are left unsettled at the close

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

of the romance) may agree with actual events in the life
of Montalvo, we have no means of determining, as we
know practically nothing of his personal history. But
Montalvo loses no opportunity to extol the virtues and
beauty of Filida, and it is not improbable that her prototype
played an important part in the life of the poet. We do
not know the name of the lady, but from a poem by Mon-
talvo's friend Lopez Maldonado,1 we learn that the lady
was for long years obdurate to the poet's attentions. From

Pastor dichoso cuyo llanto tierno

a tanto que se vierte en dura tierra,

sin medida, sin tassa, y sin govierno.

*******

Ya te dio del descanso alegre llaue
Filida que entregada esta y piadosa,

que es quanto bien Amor dar puede 6 sabe. . . .

*******

Que la dulce consorte que te espera

y el talamo dichoso que te atiende

*******

Mas 6 Pastor amigo 6 charo hermano
*******

Yo comence a cantar el dulce dia

de tu descanso

*******

Dichoso tu que en puerto alegre y bueno

no temeras del mar fortuna fiera,

ni rayo ayrado de espantoso trueno,
Ni mudanc.a de bien, breue y ligera,

siguro gozaras lo ya adquirido

por medio y premio de una fe sinzera .... (fol. i86v).

these verses it follows, however, that Montalvo finally
reached the goal of his longings. 2 When the marriage took

1 " Epistola a un Amigo con quien se queria casar una Dama a
quien auia seruido muchos anos," in Cancionero de Lopes Maldonado,
Madrid, 1586, fol. 185. It begins :

2 I have not taken into account the "Epistola a un Amigo" (Can-
cionero de Lopez Maldonado, fol. 128 ft), as I am not at all certain
that it was addressed to Montalvo.

THE FILIDA OF MONTALVO

place we do not know. All the verse in Maldonado's Can-
cionero was written before 1584, but the verses in question
may have been, and most probably were, written long
before that date, as it is equally probable that the Filida
was written long before its appearance in print in 1582.

Four editions of the Filida had followed the first, in the
next thirty years, down to 1613, when it was not printed
again till 1792. And yet it is not easy to account for this
popularity. It is true that Montalvo's short verses, the
glosas and redondillas, are exceedingly graceful, and so emi-
nent an authority as Menendez y Pelayo declares that the
Filida is better than the reputation it enjoys, yet it is, on
the whole, wearisome reading, and doubtless Cervantes's
high praise of the work was influenced by his friendship
for Montalvo, which here got the better of his judgment.

THE " GALATEA " OF CERVANTES.

THREE years afterwards, in 1585, Cervantes published
his Galatea,1 a pastoral romance in six books, and like so
many of these works, this also was left unfinished, a fact
which we need not regret, to judge by this very long frag-
ment. It was the first work Cervantes published, though
Montalvo had mentioned him as a poet three years before.
It is, however, one of the poorest of all Cervantes's works,
and gives little promise of his becoming the greatest name
in the literature of Spain. He was now nearly thirty-eight
years old, and, one might fairly say, had passed his edad
juvenil, which could no longer be an excuse for the extra-
vagances of his work. Many of the descriptions in the
Galatea are certainly natural and graceful, and there are
situations which are very skilfully managed; the whole
showing a care in composition which he rarely bestowed on
his later works ; yet its general style is diffuse and rambling ;

1 Primera Parte de la Galatea, dividida en seys libros. Copuesta
por Miguel de Ceruantes. Dirigida al Yllustrissimo senor Ascanio
Colona, Abad de sancta Sofia (shield with the Colonna arms). Con
privilegio. Impressa en Alcala por luan Gracian. Ano de 1585. 8°,
viii -J- 375 fols. Salva, Catdlogo, No. 1740. It has been alleged that
the book first appeared in 1584; this is denied by Salva, whose argu-
ments will be found in his Catdlogo, II, pp. 124-125. The matter is
now set at rest by Mr. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, who discusses it with his
usual competence and thoroughness, and shows conclusively that the
edition of 1584 never existed. See his introduction to the Galatea
of Cervantes, translated by H. Oelsner and A. B. Welford. Glasgow,
Gowans & Gray, 1903. The second edition of the Galatea appeared at
Lisbon in 1590. For other editions the reader is referred to the work
just mentioned, pp. xlvi, et passim.
116

THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES

117

many of the pictures are greatly over-drawn, and there is
a continual tendency to exaggeration. His erudite shep-
herds and shepherdesses delight in philosophical discus-
'sions, using the most polite and high-sounding phrases,
often with an effect that is truly ridiculous. There seems
to be no attempt at plot or connected narrative, and it is
with the greatest difficulty that the reader keeps track of
the various characters; a great number of shepherds and
shepherdesses (some one has said there are no less than
seventy-one) are brought successively upon the scene, and
the maze of incidents is almost inextricable. " In mind
and body these shepherds and shepherdesses are exception-
ally endowed. They can remain awake for days. They
can recite, without slurring a comma, a hundred or two
hundred lines of a poem heard once, years ago; and the
casuistry of their amorous dialectics would do credit to
Sanchez or Escobar." * As Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly
truly says : " The pastoral genre was unsuited to the exer-
cise of Cervantes's individual genius. . . . He longed to
be an Arcadian, though he had no true vocation for the
business."

Nor does Cervantes in these primicias de su ingenio re-
veal the slightest originality; he followed custom and bor-
rowed freely from his predecessors in this field. " No care-
ful reader of the Galatea can doubt that its author either
had Sannazaro's Arcadia on his table, or that he knew it
almost by heart. . . . His appreciation for the Arcadia
was unbounded. ... In the Galatea enthusiasm takes the
form of conscious imitation." It has been observed that

1 Fitzmaurice-Kelly, op. cit., p. xxxiii.

2 Ibid., p. xxix. Cervantes's residence in Italy had made him well
acquainted with the language and literature of that country. His ob-
ligations to the Arcadia of Sannazaro had been pointed out long ago
by Scherillo, in his excellent work Arcadia di Jacobo Sannazaro

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Lisandro's song in the first book of the Galatea is imitated
from the song of Ergasto on the tomb of Androgeo in the
Arcadia. Lisandro's song begins :

O alma venturosa
Que del humana velo
Libre al alta region viva volaste,
Dexando en tenebrosa
Carcel de desconsuelo
Mi vida, aunque contigo la llevaste!
Sin ti, escura dexaste
La luz clara del dia,
For tierra derribada
La esperanza fundada
En el mas firme asiento de alegria:
En fin con tu partida
Quedo vivo el dolor, muerta la vida.

Compare with this Androgeo's song :

Alma beata e bella
Che da legami sciolta
Nuda salisti ne' superni chiostri;
Que con la tua stella
Ti godi insieme accolta,
E lieta uai schernendo i pensier nostri :
Quasi un bel sol ti mostri
Tra li piu chiari spirti;
E coi uestigii santi
Calchi le stelle erranti;
E tra pure fontane e sacri Mirti
Pasci celesti greggi,
E i tuoi cari pastori indi correggi.

(Fol. 2 iv, ed. Vinegia, 1556.)

A number of the prose passages in the Galatea are also
pointed out by Scherillo, which bear such a close resem-

secondo i Manoscritti e le prime Stampe, Torino, 1888. Cervantes's
imitations of the Arcadia are so many that Scherillo says : " Per di-
mostrare quanto numerose esse [derivazioni della Galatea dall' Ar-
cadia} siano, ci vorrebbe addiritura una ristampa della Galatea coi
richiami in margine dei passi dell' Arcadia" (p. ccliii).

THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES IIO/

blance to some in the Arcadia that there can be no doubt
that Cervantes drew freely on the latter work. The sixth
book of the Galatea, moreover, as this scholar has remarked
" e tutto imitate dalle ultime pagine dell' Arcadia." l There
is much poetry scattered through the Galatea, and some of
it is very good, but there is much that is quite unworthy of
Cervantes. His sonnets will not bear comparison with
those of Montemayor; they are generally lacking in grace
and finish, and are not redeemed by any strikingly beautiful
thoughts. And it is certainly strange that one who loved
the old Spanish ballads so well and who knew most of
them by heart, should have failed to give us a single com-
position in this measure.

Cervantes always cherished a singular affection for the
Galatea, with which he made his debut in the world of
letters. Yet no one, surely, was better aware of its excessive
sentimentality and unnaturalness than he himself. Nearly
thirty years later, in his " Colloquy of the Dogs," he speaks
as follows of these pastorals : " In the silence and solitude
of my siestas, it occurred to me among other things that

1 Scherillo, Arcadia di Sannazaro, pp. cell, and foil. The beginning
of the Carta of Timbrio to Nisida in Book iii, bears a striking re-
semblance to the letter to Gardenia in Book ii of the Diana of Perez :

Galatea: " Salud te envia aquel que no la tiene,
Nisida, ni la espera en tiempo algunb,
Si por tus manos mismas no le viene."

Cf. the letter in the Diana: " Salud te embia el que para si, ni la
tiene, ni la quiere, si ya de ti sola no le viniesse," etc. One of the
Epistolas of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza begins :

" A Marfira Damon salud envia,
Si la puede enviar quien no la tiene,
Ni la espera tener por otra via." Ed. Knapp, p. 101.

It is probable that this is the source of Perez, and perhaps also of
Cervantes, who, in the Galatea (Bk. vi) represents a number of shep-
herds visiting the tomb of Meliso (Mendoza) and reciting in verse
a lament to his memory.

I2Q SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

there could be no truth in what I had heard tell of the life
of shepherds, — of those at least about whom my master's
lady used to read when I went to her house, in certain
books all treating of shepherds and shepherdesses; and tell-
ing how they passed their whole life in singing and playing
on pipes, reeds, rebecks, and other strange instruments. I
heard her read how the shepherd Anfriso x sang divinely
in praise of the peerless Belisarda, and that there was not
a tree on all the mountains of Arcadia upon whose trunk
he had not sat and sung from the moment Sol quitted the
arms of Aurora, till he threw himself into those of Thetis,
and that even after black night had spread, its sable wings
over the face of the earth, he did not cease his well-sung
and better-wept complaints. Nor did I forget the shepherd
Elicio,2 more enamored than bold, of whom it was said that
without attending to his own love or his flock, he entered
into the griefs of others ; nor the great shepherd of Filida,3
unique painter of a portrait, and who had been more faith-
ful than happy; nor the anguish of Sireno and the remorse
of Diana, and how she thanked God and the wise Felicia,
who, with her enchanted water, undid the maze of en-
tanglement and difficulties.4 I used to remember many
other books of this same kind, but they were not worthy
of being remembered. . . . All these things enabled me to
see the more clearly the difference between the habits and
occupations of my masters and the rest of the shepherds
in that quarter, and those shepherds of whom I had heard
read in the books. For if mine sang, it was not tuneful and
finely-composed strains, but a " Ware the Wolf," and

1 A reference to the Arcadia of Lope de Vega, in which Anfriso is
in love with Belisarda.

2 Elicio, one of the shepherds in the Galatea, is Cervantes himself.

3 Refers to the Pastor de Filida of Cervantes's friend Montalvo.

4 An allusion to the Diana of Montemayor.

THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES I2i

" Where goes Jenny," and other similar ditties, and not to
the accompaniment of hautboys, rebecks or pipes, but to
the knocking of one crook against another, or of bits of
tile jingled between the fingers and sung with voices not
melodious and tender, but so coarse and out of tune, that
whether singly or in chorus they seemed to be howling or
grunting. They passed the greater part of the day in hunt-
ing up their fleas or mending their brogues ; and not one of
them was named Amarilis, Filida, Galatea or Diana, nor
were there any Lisardos, Lausos, Jacintos or Riselos,1 but
all were Antones, Domingos, Pablos or Llorentes. And
from this I concluded what I think all must believe, that
all those books [about pastoral life] are only fictions in-
geniously written for the amusement of the idle, and that
there is not a word of truth in them, for, were it otherwise,
there would have remained among my shepherds some
trace of that happy life of yore, with its pleasant meads,
spacious groves, sacred mountains, beautiful gardens, clear
streams and crystal fountains; the tender terms, as decor-
ous as they were ardently spoken, with here the shepherds,
there the shepherdesses all woe-begone, and the air made
vocal everywhere with flutes and pipes and flageolets." 2

In accordance with the custom of the time, Cervantes
introduces a number of poets as shepherds, he himself ap-
pearing as Elicio ;3 it is also the general opinion that Galatea
was a young lady of Esquivias, Dona Catalina de Palacios
Salazar y Vozmediano, who soon afterward became his
wife. The Galatea has generally been considered as an

1 Lisardo was the pastoral name of the poet Luis de Vargas Man-
rique; Lauso that of Barahona de Soto, and Riselo that of Pedro
Linan de Riaza.

2 See also Don Quixote, Part IT, Chap. Ixvii.

3 Navarrete (Vida de Cervantes, Madrid, 1819, p. 66) says: "Under
the names of Tirsi, Damon, Meliso, Siralvo, Lauso, Larsileo and Arti-

122 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

offering to this lady, and having accomplished the purpose
for which it was written, it was never concluded.1 This
may or may not be true ; the fact is that Cervantes was mar-
ried to Da. Catalina de Palacios on December 12, 1584,
and the probability is that, being now married, he sought
some more remunerative occupation than the writing of
pastoral romances ; at all events, within six months we find
him at Madrid, where he was then engaged in writing
comedias for the corrales. Herein we know that he was
not successful, and he soon turned his hand to anything
that promised him a living, beginning that long struggle
with poverty from which only death finally set him free.

With all the evident care which Cervantes bestowed on
the Galatea, it is a dull book; the only episode of interest
is the recital of Timbrio's adventures. The story in brief
is as follows :

' Timbrio, being challenged to a duel by another knight,
sets out for Naples. Silerio, his friend, being detained by
sickness, follows after some days, and being left on the
coast of Catalonia by the galley in which he sailed, he per-
ceives, on the next morning, a crowd following a man who
is being led to execution. It is Timbrio, who had been
captured during a descent made upon a robber band by
which he had been waylaid and held. Silerio rescues him,
and both finally escape to Naples, where the duel is to be
fought. Here Timbrio falls in love with Nisida; Silerio,

doro, Cervantes introduced into his story Francisco de Figueroa,
Pedro Lainez, D. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Luis Galuez di Mon-
talvo, Luis Barahona de Soto, D. Alonso de Ercilla and Micer Andres
Rey de Artieda, all friends of his and very celebrated poets of that
time." Of these Tirsi is certainly Figueroa, Diego Hurtado de Men-
doza also calls himself Damon in his verse; of Lainez I am unable to
say what his poetical name was ; the last four pastoral names cor-
respond with the poetical names of the poets mentioned.
1 Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. II, p. 119.

THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES

disguised as a buffoon, is received into Nisida's house,
where he pleads the cause of Timbrio, at the same time fall-
ing in love with Nisida, while Blanca, her sister, becomes
enamoured of him. Nisida returns the affection of Tim-
brio. All now proceed to the duelling ground, Nisida's
parents going also, accompanied by Blanca. Nisida, how-
ever, had remained behind some distance, and had arranged
with Silverio to give her a signal from afar, so that she
might know that Timbrio were safe. After the duel Sil-
verio appears, but neglects to wear the sign. Nisida falls
in a swoon; all believe her dead, and Timbrio departs for
Spain, while Silerio returns to become a hermit, the two
sisters wandering afterward to seek Timbrio. The vessel
on which Timbrio sailed, however, is obliged by a violent
storm to return to Gaeta, departing again a few days after-
ward. One day while Timbrio is singing on the vessel,
Nisida suddenly appears beside him, accompanied by
Blanca. She relates how, with an attendant, and in pil-
grim's attire, she went to Gaeta, and embarked on the
vessel after its return from the storm, intending to seek
Timbrio at Xeres. Shortly afterward some Turkish gal-
leys are seen in the distance, which greatly increase in num-
bers, and attack Timbrio's vessel. A desperate fight ensues,
which lasts for sixteen hours, when Timbrio's vessel is
finally captured by the corsairs, who are led by Arnaut
Mami. They are all taken aboard a Turkish galley, sub-
jected to the most cruel treatment, and are ready to give
up all hope, when a terrible storm suddenly arises, which
is so violent that it scatters the Turkish vessels, sinking
many of them and driving the Arnaut's galley toward the
Catalonian coast. As the storm increases in fury, the Turk-
ish leader requests the Christians to invoke their saints and
Saviour to shield them from destruction. Their prayers
are not in vain, for the storm abates, but the next morning

124

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

they find themselves so close to the coast of Catalonia that
escape is impossible, and they decide to land, ' for love of
life made slavery appear sweet to the Turks/ who are
promptly murdered by the Catalonians. This takes place
on the very spot where a short time previously Silverio had
saved Timbrio's life."

This, it must be admitted, is a rather improbable story,
though there are passages written with much spirit — pas-
sages in which there is just a faint foreshadowing of the
great Cervantes of the Don Quixote, for here he was in-
spired by an episode in his own life — his capture by this
same Arnaut Mami — an adventure which he was again
to turn to good account afterward.

The Galatea was not successful, and little blame is to be
attached to the public for not waxing warm over these eru-
dite, fictitious shepherds.1 And yet, at this time, as if
endowed with the gift of prophecy, the poet Galvez Mon-
talvo foretold the coming of the name that was to go down
through all the ages.2 Surely only a seer's eye could dis-
cover such promise in this somnolent pastoral romance.

1 That the Galatea enjoyed some popularity in its day, however, is
shown by the two romances which appeared at Valencia in 1591
(Gallardo, Ensayo, I, p. 1396), written by Juan de Salinas; they are
published in the Romancer o general (Duran, II, pp. 471, 472), and
in the Poesias del Dr. D, Juan de Salinas, Seville, 1869, Vol. I, pp.
24, 28.

2 In the following sonnet, prefixed to the first edition of the Galatea:

Mientras del yugo sarracino anduvo
Tu cuello preso y tu cerviz domada,
Y alii tu alma al de la Fe amarrada
A mas rigor mayor firmeza tuvo,

Gozose el cielo ; mas la tierra estuvo
Casi viuda sin ti, y desamparada
De nuestras musas la real morada,
Tristeza, llanto, soledad mantuvo.

Pero despues que diste al patrio suelo
Tu alma sana y tu garganta suelta,

THE GALATEA OF CERVANTES

125

Cervantes, indeed, seems always to have been proud of
this first child of his genius, for he often recurs to it in later
years ; * no less than five times he promises a conclusion to
the Galatea, and there may be concealed beneath its pas-
toral allusions a significance which the second part might
have revealed and the Galatea "thus have won the full meas-
ure of grace that is now denied it." As late as 1615, one
year before his death, he says in the preface to the second
part of Don Quixote: " thou mayest expect the Persiles,
which I am now finishing, and also the second part of Gal-
atea. The Persiles he finished four days before his death,
writing with the last strokes of his pen, the graceful and
grateful dedication to the Count of Lemos. But like El
famoso Bernardo and Las Semanas del Jardin, the second
part of the Galatea was never written, or if any portion of
it was written, it has disappeared utterly. Perhaps we need
not regret its loss; indeed, there is infinite consolation in
the knowledge that it could not possibly have added to the
reputation of its author.

De entre las fuerzas barbaras confusas,

Descubre claro tu valor el cielo,
Gozase el mundo en tu felice vuelta
Y cobra Espana las perdidas musas.

1 It must have given Cervantes not a little satisfaction to see the
Galatea praised by his great rival Lope de Vega. In one of his
comedias, La Viuda Valenciana, written before 1604, we read :

Oton: aqueste es la Galatea,

que si buen libro dessea

no tiene mas que pedir.

Fue su autor Miguel Ceruates,

que alia en la Naual perdio

una mano. Act I, fol. 107, ed. of 1621.

" THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY," BY
LOPEZ DE ENCISO.

IN the following year (1586) a romance appeared en-
titled " The Enlightenment of Jealousy," by Bartholome
Lopez de Enciso.1 Of its author we know nothing more
than he himself tells us on the title-page: that he was a
native of Tendilla, a small town in the province of Guada-
lajara. We hear of him again in I598,2 and at the festival
of Corpus Christi at Seville in 1618, the actor Juan de
Morales Medrano and his wife Jusepa Vaca and their com-
pany of players represented the auto entitled La Montanesa,
by Bartholome de Enciso.3 Whether this dramatist and
Bartholome Lopez de Enciso are one and the same person,
however, I have no means of determining.

1 Desengano de Celos. Compuesto por Bartholome Lopes de Enciso,
natural de Tendilla. Dirigido al illustrissimo Senor Don Luys Enrri-
quez, Conde de Melgar [Device, figure of a man}. Con Privilegio.
Impresso en Madrid en casa de Francisco Sanchez. Ano, 1586, small
8°, 321 leaves. In a MS. note Ticknor says : " This is one of the
rarest books in Spanish literature." I have also used a copy in the
Gottingen University library. The title of the work is thus translated
by Braunfels : " Der Titel bedeutet so wohl die Widerwartigkeiten
welche die Eifersucht mit sich bringt, als die Erkenntnis der Thor-
heiten die sie uns begehen laszt." Don Quixote, tr. by Braunfels, Vol.
I, p. 89, note. This also, was one of the volumes in Don Quixote's
library. Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, I, p. 145.

2 In that year he contributed a sonnet to Cristobal Perez de Her-
rera's Discurso del Amparo de los legitimos pobres, etc., Madrid, 1598.
Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, I, p. 313.

8 Sanchez-Arjona, Anales del Teatro en Sevilla, Sevilla, 1898, pp.
192, 194, 195. Barrera (Catdlogo, p. 131) thinks that our author may
be the Bartolome de Anciso, author of the comedia El Casamiento
126

THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY

127

In the " Epistola al Lector " our author says that, having
observed the disastrous effects of jealousy, he has endeav-
ored to ascertain " whether in any way this confessed evil
might not be rooted out and banished from the breasts of
those who have cherished it. And among the many things
that my fancy proposed to me, I chose as best for my pur-
pose, to write of the disastrous results that have been pro-
duced by jealousy . . . and, likewise, to show the infinite
advantages that result from its absence."

The author feared, inasmuch as his work consisted
" merely of admonitions and counsels," that, " in view of
the debased taste of these times," his work would not re-
ceive the attention that was its due. He therefore clothed
it in a pastoral style " to render it agreeable to all readers,
never swerving, however, one iota from my main purpose,
which is to expose the vanity and absurdity of jealousy.

con Zelos y rey Don Pedro de Aragon, published in Parte treinta y
tres de Comedias nuevas nunca impressas, escogidas de los mejores
Ingenios de Espana. Madrid, 1670. (Ibid., p. 699.) Barrera also
puts the query whether this may be the writer referred to by Cer-
vantes in the Viagc del Parnaso, as "gloria y ornamento del Tajo, y
claro honor de Manzanares." Two of the laudatory poems prefixed
to the Desengano de Celos praise its author in the most extravagant
fashion. The licenciado Huerta says :

" Bien puede su memoria eternizarse
Concediendole nombre de diuino,
Pues con diuino espiritu se muestra.
Y bien pueden sus obras celebrarse
Mejor que la Thebayda de Papino
Con honrra suya, de su patria y nuestra."

The licenciado Don Luys de Barrionueuo says :

" Pues tiene de consejos tanta sobra
Y con su estilo esta tan leuantada
Que se puede llamar obra del cielo."

We are inclined to doubt whether even Enciso himself believed all
this.

128 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

He continues : " Having written this first part, I had deter-
mined to use it only for my own contemplation and that it
should remain hidden . . . but communicating it to some
of my friends, they were of the opinion that I should pub-
lish it. And not only this, but so much did they persuade
me that I was obliged to yield to their pleasure and their
prayers." Besides, he says, it had been read by cierta per-
sona " whom he could not fail to obey " and by whom he
was commanded to publish it. He calls it the work of a
young man and the first upon which he has labored, and
begs that it may be received as such and that its errors may
be pardoned. This, he concludes, would give him courage
to publish the second part. Surely this was frank enough
and modest enough, yet his readers seem to have consid-
ered his errors unpardonable, for he never had an opportu-
nity to publish the second part.

In this romance the scene is again laid " upon the lovely
banks of the golden Tagus," along which " the pitiful shep-
herd Laureno " pursues his way, " having left on his right
hand his beloved village." Suddenly he hears voices as of
men quarreling and presently sees two shepherds with
drawn knives about to rush upon one another. At the same
moment a beautiful shepherdess appears from behind a
clump of trees, and pacifies the bellicose shepherds, saying:
" as you are both unbeloved (desamado) of the shepherdess
Clarina, there is no reason why you should be jealous of
each other." Then, " desiring to reconcile them, she took
them each by the hand and sat down with them close by a
sweet spring, which was there." This being seen by the
lorn Laurenio, " together with what he had seen and heard
of the shepherds, brought upon him the most terrible des-
pair: Knowing jealousy only without ever having been
loved, it had driven him to such a point, that recalling the
happy time in which he enjoyed the most pleasant life that

THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY

one can imagine, and seeing himself not only deprived of
that happiness, but exiled from his native land, and so
filled with grief without any hope of remedy; with an
anguish which seemed to rend his soul, uttering loud cries
and heaving passionate sighs, he let himself fall upon the
earth, deprived of all senses." Here he lay, " uttering such
cries and making such sad echoes, that the two shepherds
with the charming shepherdess, hearing his laments, had
arisen to see what it was." They found him " writhing on
the ground, with clenched fists, and gritting his teeth in
such a manner that they became afraid." l Recovering
from their fear, " they endeavored to restore him to his
senses, but seeing that these efforts were in vain, one of the
shepherds returned to the fountain and bringing some water
in a cup, dashed it into his face." Seeing that he is about
to recover, they withdraw amongst the trees, where they
can observe his actions. They see him take a letter from
his scrip, " and with violent rage, he tears it to pieces ; then
drawing forth a rebeck 2 that was out of tune, and attun-
ing it in harmony with his sighs, making a very direful and
lamentable sound, he began with the sadness with which
the hoarse swan is wont to sing in his last moments, to re-
cite these verses." After finishing his song, he throws
away his rebeck, " lest the memory of it should increase
his grief, although it is already so great that it allows of
no increase." Then -"he draws forth from his scrip a
yellow spoon of smooth box-wood, beautifully carved, and

1 " Llegando donde estaua, quedaron admirados, el qual como quien
de mal de coragon esta tocado, por el suelo apriesa se rebolcana, hazi-
endo sus bestiduras pedagos, apretando las manos, y vatiendo los
dientes tan fuertemente, que grande espanto en los tres que le mirauan
ponia, y llegandose a el, mouidos de compasion, procuraron boluerle
en si."

2 Rebeck, in Spanish, rabel, a small three-stringed lute of Moorish
origin. See Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. I, p. 237.

130

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

throwing it far from him," says : " thou spoon, with which
that mouth, as beautiful as it is false, was wont to eat, no
longer shalt thou be in my company," etc.

Surely absurdity has reached its very verge in such stuff
as this. And so this history continues its weary course
through six books. On fol. 96, Rosano, a shepherd, relates
the story of " the unhappy fate of the Lusitanian prince." 1
In Book IV the shepherds discourse upon Polyphemus, Her-
akles and Dejanira, Medea, Dido, Hero and Leander, Pira-
mus and Thisbe, Tereus, Progne and Philomela, Paris and
Enone, etc., and otherwise display a knowledge of ancient
lore, while in Book V, as in nearly every one of these
romances that followed the Diana, the shepherds are con-
ducted by a nymph to the Temple of Diana, where they see
the statues of Charles V., Philip II., Don John of Austria
and Philip III.

It is one of the dullest books imaginable, and the curate
in Don Quixote (Part I, Chap, vi) showed it no mercy. It
is written in a cumbrous and diffuse style, the monotony of
which is only relieved, now and then, by some absurdity.

Of the verse scattered through the book, and which is
decidedly better than the prose, a few specimens follow :

Laurenio's Song.

Del resplandor del Sol, y las estrellas,
De la veldad mayor que tiene el cielo
Un retrato purissimo en el suelo,
Mostrandonos esta mil gracias bellas,
Quien quiera ver cifrada del altura
La hermosura
En un humano
Y souerano
Rostro y talle,
No a buscalle

1 Prince Ferdinand of Portugal, who died in captivity at Fez, in
1443, and upon whose tragic fate Calderon has founded one of his
best comedias, El Principe constants.

THE ENLIGHTENMENT OF JEALOUSY

Al cielo suba; vengase a este prado,
Do todo lo vera muy acauado.

Quien pretendiese ver la perficion,
Y donde remato naturaleza
El estremo mas alto de la belleza,
Donayre, gracia, brio, y discrecion,
Y quien de graudedad, y de valor
Desea el primor
Ver con los ojos,
Dando en despojos
For vista tal
La mas ynmortal,

No canse en otras partes ; a este f uente
Venga, do lo vera mas excelente.

Vera aqui en el ynbierno riguroso
Conuierte en agradable primauera,
Y quien subgeta y rinde toda fiera,
Con solo un mirar de ojo amoroso,
Vera quien del calor del seco Estio,
Un grato frio
Su vista ofrece,
Y reberdece
Las florecillas
Que ya amarillas

Estan del rojo Sol con ser tocadas,
De sus hermosas plantas delicadas (fol. 66).

Sonnet.

Hermosa y dulce fuente, verde prado,
Floridos campos, arboles sombrios,
A donde solia yo los males mios
Cantar en vuestros troncos recostado.

Si con lagrimas hize en lo passado
Crecer las aguas destos claros rios,
Escuchad de mi muerte los desuios,
Y el bien a que mi suerte me ha llegado.

Oyreis de amor hazanas nunca oydas,
De fortuna grandissimas mudanc.as
Y de un pastor el hado venturoso.

Pues quien puede quitar oy cien mil vidas,
Gusta de darme firmes esperanqas
Que me ha de ver muy presto aqui gozoso (fol. 79).

132 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

" And now the doleful Fenisa, playing upon a delicate
though husky bag-pipe, with more sadness than the widowed
turtle-dove, with faint voice drawn from her sad bosom,
sang the following verses " :

Hermoso, ameno y agradable valle
Eras en todo tiempo al alma mia,
Quando mi dulce Flaminio en ti viuia,
Dandote el ser que el solo podia dalle.

Mas ya no ay gusto en ti, y querer buscalle
Mayor locura y torpedad seria
Que pedir vivo fuego al agua fria
O que al bulgo querer hazer que calle.

Para todos produces vellas flores,
A todos tu sombria da contento,
Y tu yerua sustento a los ganados.

Renuebanse en mirarte los amores,
Suspendes a los tristes el tormento.
Y a mi sola me doblas los cuydados.

O fiera muerte que mi bien llebaste,
Insana, mira ya que conseguiste,
Pues por tu causa todo queda triste,
Despues que el cielo al suelo le quitaste.

Si solo un cuerpo piensas que priuaste
De vida con el golpe que hiziste,
Enganaste, qui a dos la muerte diste,
Ya todo el orbe sin el sol dexaste.

Terrible nuncio de mi dura muerte,
No pretendas jamas mi compafiia,
Que muero aunque es de viva mi diuisa.

Al punto feneci que mal tan fuerte
Supe pues de contino residia
En la de Flamio el alma de Fenisa (fol. 243-244).

" No pudo pasar adelante con su canto, la triste pastora :
mas llegando aquestos postreros versos : hecho un nudo en
la garganta, faltando a los penados ojos humor, que dis-
tilar: sollogando, y aun paresciendo ahogarse con la pena:
cayendosele la gampona de las manos, desmayada, le fue
forgado dexar se tender sobre la verde yerua."

THE NYMPHS AND SHEPHERDS OF THE HE-

NARES, BY BERNARDO GONZALEZ

DE BOUADILLA.

THE next pastoral romance to make its appearance was
the Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares, by Bernardo
Gongalez de Bouadilla, a student at Salamanca.1 This also
was one of the volumes in Don Quixote's famous library,2
but the priest shows its short shrift and immediately hands
it over to the secular arm of the housekeeper, to be com-
mitted to the flames; nor does it find greater favor at the
hands of Cervantes in the Viage del Parnaso, where it ac-
companies another pastoral romance, The Shepherd of
Iberia, by Bernardo de la Vega :

For many hast thou raised to Fortune's height,
Who still in dark Oblivion's den should be,
Without or Sun or Moon to give them light;

Iberia's shepherd, grand Bernardo he

Had in thy mission neither lot nor part,
Who bears La Vega's surname and degree;

Thou hadst an envious, careless, sluggish heart,
And at Henares' Nymphs and Shepherds fine,
As if they were thy foes, didst hurl thy dart;

And yet, within that great sheepfold of thine,
Worse poets hast thou, who must sweat and strain,
If they would better be, as I opine! 3

1 Primera Parte de las Nimphas y Pastores de Henares. Diuidida
en seys libros. Compuesta por Bernardo Gonzalez de Bouadilla Estu-
diante en la insigne Vniuersidad de Salamdca. Dirigida al Licenciado
Guardiola del Consejo del Rey nuestro Senor. Con Privilegio. Im-
pressa in Alcala de Henares, por Juan Gracian. Ano de
MDLXXXVII. A costa de luan Garcia mercader de Libros. 8°,
215 ff.

2 Don Quixote, Part I, Chaps, vi and ix. It is a volume of such ex-
traordinary rarity that Clemencin, in his note to the passage, states
that he had never seen it.

1 Journey to Parnassus composed by Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra,

133

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Nothing seems to be known of Bernardo Gongalez de
Bouadilla save what he himself tells us, that he was a
native of the Canary Islands, and a student at Salamanca.
The author explains his motive for writing about the Hen-
ares : " that peaceful stream, of little renown in literature

for lack of knowledge in the writers For, living by

the level banks of the Tormes, where celebrated Salamanca
is situated, and being a native of the famous Canary
Islands, it may seem extraordinary in me to attempt to
describe what my eyes have never seen. And that it may
not seem a mere idle whim of mine to meddle with matters
of which I have no knowledge, be it known that I was
moved solely by having heard a companion of mine, a
native of the famous Alcala, bestow such praise upon its
river, tell such marvelous tales of the country, so eulogize
the beauty of its ladies and the courtliness and wit of its
gallants, that I was naturally inclined to describe in my
rude prose and ill-turned verse what my companion had
related of the Summer festivities," etc.

He then sends his book into the world with the follow-
ing envoy:

Bernardo a su Libro.

j O pobre librillo mio,

Pues desciendes de aldeanos!

Mas te valiera en los llanos

Apacentar tu cabrio,

Que tratar con cortesanos.

The work, of mixed prose and verse, is divided into six
books. The verse is better than the prose and is generally
agreeable, easy and graceful.1

translated into English tercets, with preface and illustrative notes by
James Y. Gibson, London, 1883, p. 143.
1 Gallardo, Ensayo, III, col. 86. In a subsequent volume, in which

NYMPHS AND SHEPHERDS OF THE HENARES

135

Since writing the above, I have examined the copy of
the Nymphs and Shepherds of the Henares in the British
Museum. It begins as follows :

" En las umbrosas riberas que el apacible Henares con
mansas y claras olas f ertiliza, andaua el pastor Florino mas
cuydadoso de alimentar el fuego que en su corazon se cri-
aua, que de apacentar su ganado por las viciosas y rega-
ladas yeruas de los floridos prados. Pastor que en un
tiempo toda su gloria tenia puesta en mirar libremente los
sonorosos arroyuelos, que por entre blances guijas se de-
rramauan : y los f rondosos salzes transluzidos en la claridad
de las espejadas aguas: y en oyr cantar dulcemente los
paxarillos que meneando las harpadas lenguas hinchen los
ayres de suaues accentos. Mas agora tiene tan mudado el
gusto que sino es quando sus ojos presurosas lagrimas vier-
ten no puede sentir rastro de alegria, por darle la fortuna
no menores encuentros, que el amoroso fuego descon-
fiangas. Siempre andaua en la consideracion de su mal
excessiuo, que de dia ni de noche, le consentia un punto
poder dar a sus cansados miembros algun aliuio. Viendose
pues en un lugar solitario y vestido de las riquezas del
alegre verano, forgado de su profundo sentimiento, de un
lanudo gurron saco un pulido instrumento y tocandole es-
paciosamente, esparcio la voz por el ayre deste suerte :

" Dorada aurora que con luz hermosa
Tanto esclareces la terrena esphera,
en ti comienga mi congoxa fiera
a cobrar fuerza en mi serena Diosa.
Horrida noche, obscura y tenebrosa
de mi dolor esquiuo mensagera,
pues mientras passas tu veloz carrera
passo vida mas triste y mas penosa.

Gallardo again treats of our author (iv, col. 1187), he says: "although
there are some well-turned verses, there are scarcely any that rise
above mediocrity."

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Tu, Diosa, que de gracias y grandeza
tienes a Amor un templo fabricado,
sobre cordura y virginal limpieza,
do fuerc.as yr el coragon prendado
a dar la libertad a tu belleza,
tu tambien el mio has sojuzgado."

" Dando a entender que no solamente el, pero muchos y
muy pulidos pastores amauan a la hermosa Roselia, la mas
linda pastora que en todas aquellas riberas apacentaua
ganado. Inuidiada de las bellas ciudadanas y sefioras, acos-
tumbradas a conuersar con caualleros cortesanos. Que
aunque en rusticos exercicios criada y nacida, las sobre-
pujaua a todas en discrecion y belleza de grande honestidad
acompanada. Sus cabellos eran como el oro de Arabia en
madexuelas compuesto, su blanca frente, mas luziente que
el cristal, sus ojos amorosos, zarcos y modestos, la nariz
proporcionada, todo su rostro quajado de blanquisima
leche, sus labios vertiendo sangre, sus mexillas mas que
los corales finos coloradas, las manos rollizas y de tal
suerte, que parecian hechas de las sabrosas mantequillas de
su aldea. No podia el rigor del Sol ardiente empecer el
resplandor de su lustroso rostro, ni el pesadillo cayado ex-
asperar sus ternissimas manos."

It will be seen that all the defects of the pastoral romance
are accentuated in this work. Indeed, it would be hard to
find anything more absurd than the " Nymphs and Shep-
herds of the Henares," and it was such books as this that
brought upon the pastoral romances the ridicule with which
Cervantes treats some of them.1

1 To an interesting volume of essays by Zerolo, Legajo de Varios,
Paris, 1897, Sr. Jose Maria Asensio contributes a short article on the
relations between Cervantes and Gonzalez de Bouadilla, in which he
conjectures that Cervantes may have been the student at Salamanca
referred to above as having suggested the " Nymphs and Shepherds
of the Henares" to its author. Sr. Asensio's article, however, is not
convincing.

THE " SHEPHERD OF IBERIA," BY BERNARDO
DE LA VEGA.

THIS romance, which appeared at Seville in I59I,1 was
likewise upon the library shelves of the famous Manchegan
Knight, and it, too, was incontinently committed to the
rubbish heap in the yard.2 Nicolas Antonio tells us that
Bernardo de la Vega was a native of Madrid and canon of
Tucuman, an assertion that is not accepted by Clemencin.3
I have never seen this romance, which, according to Gal-
lardo is composed of prose and verse and is divided into
four books.4

1 El Pastor de Iberia, compuesto por Bernardo de la Vega, gentil-
hombre andaluz. Dirigido a D. J . Tellez Giron, Duque y Conde de
Urena, Camarero-mayor del Rey nuestro senor y su Notario mayor
de los reinos de Castillo (Escudo). Con privilegio en Sevilla, en casa
de J. de Leon, impresor, 1591. A costa de Bernardo de la Vega. Gal-
lardo, Ensayo, IV, col. 957.

2 See above, p. 133.

8 Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Vol. I, Madrid, 1833, p. 144, n. That
Bernardo de la Vega had visited the Indies seems probable from an-
other work of which he was the author : La bella Cotalda y Cerco de
Paris; Relacion de las Grandezas del Piru, Mexico y los Angeles.
Mexico, Melchor de Ocharte, 1601. 8°. Graesse, p. 270. El Canonigo
Bernardo de la Vega also contributed some verses to a volume pub-
lished in Mexico in 1600. Salva, Catdlogo, No. 351.

* It is thus described by Clemencin : " El lenguage es malo : se
truecan los tiempos de los verbos, y se encuentran solecismos. La in-
vention corresponde al lenguage. El pastor Filardo, que hace el primer
papel en la novela, es perseguido por sospechos de asesinato : le
prende el alguacil de la aldea: se libra por el favor de dos padrinos
que tiene en Sevilla : se embarca en Sanliicar : vuelvenle a prender in
Canarias : vuelve a librarle otro padrino. La pastora Marfisa, amante
de Filardo, hace tantos 6 mas versos que su pastor : y este los hace

137

138 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

llenos de erudicion mitologica e historica, y alegando a Platon, a
Nebrija y al concilio de Trento. Entre otras lindezas escribia Filardo
a su padrino de Canarias:

" En Espana passe vida tranquila
Gozando con quietud mis verdes afios
No invidiando a Nestor ni a la Sibila."

Don Quixote, Vol. I, p. 144, note.

Cervantes ridicules "The Shepherd of Iberia" in his "Journey to
Parnassus," Book iv. See above.

THE "ENAMORADA ELISEA" OF COVARRUBIAS.

IN 1594 there appeared at Valladolid a pastoral romance
entitled La Enamorada Elisea, by Jeronimo de Cobarrubias
Herrera.1 It is composed of five books in prose and verse,
in the manner of the Diana, the scene being laid in Egypt,
on the banks of the Nile. According to Gayangos 2 it con-
tains some beautiful poetry, especially a dialogue between
Felix and Elisea in the second book. The fourth contains
five eclogues and a novel entitled " The Loves of Florisuaro
and Alcida," written wholly in verse. The fifth book,
which has no connection whatever with the rest of the
work, is composed of canciones, glosas, octavas, sonnets,
etc., and is a sort of cancionero, in which there are four
compositions on the death of Queen Dona Ana, wife of
Philip II. (1580), a reply of Abindarraez to Xarifa,
written in redondillas and a romance of Rodrigo de Nar-
vaez, which is of interest, in connection with the tale of
Montemayor. It is as follows:

En el tiempo que reinaba
Fernando, bravo guerrero,
Hubo un alcaide en Alora,
Animoso caballero,

1 Los cinco Libras intitulados La enamorada Elisea, compuestos par
Jeronimo de Cobarrubias Herrera, vecino de la -villa de Medina de
Rio seco, residente en Valladolid. Dirigidos a D. Felipe II., primero
rey de las Espanas, nuestro Senor. Con licencia impreso en Valla-
dolid por Luis Delgadb, impresor, 1594. 8°, pp. 255. Of all the pas-
toral romances, this, in the opinion of Salva, is the rarest.

2 Ticknor, History of Spanish Lit., Spanish tr., Ill, p. 542.

139

140 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

A quien llamaban Narvaez
(Rodrigo el nombre primero),
Eh las armas y caballo
Astuto, diestro y ligero.
Este en ganar Antequera
Se halla ser el primero
Por eso la fuerza della
Se la entrega al caballero;
Entrambas fuerzas tenia,
Por ser fiel y verdadero,
Mas habitaba en Alora
Este valiente guerrero
Con cincuenta caballeros
A sueldo del rey severo.
Pues una noche en verano,
No con la luz del lucero,
Mas con la clara Diana
Que alumbre el valle y otero,
Salio il valeroso alcaide
Con cuatro por un sendero,
Echando per otra parte
Otros cinco de su fuero,
Todos pon lanzas y adargas,
Con animo verdadero
Van a recorrer el campo,
Por si topan caballero
Que puedan traer a Alora
Rendido por prisionero;
Entre si van concertados
De hacerse sena primero
Si sienten gente en el campo,
Si encuentran aventurero.
Ya que llegaban los cinco
Sin el alcaide guerrero.
A vista de una emboscada,
Por debajo de un palero,
Vieron con la clara luna
Un gallardo caballero,
Y no en caballo morcillo,
Alazan, bayo ni overo,
Mas era rucio rodado,
Al parecer, muy ligero,
Con marlota de damasco
Carmesi, traje extranjero,

THE ENAMORADA ELISEA OF COVARRUBIAS I4I

Borcegui, toca morisca,
Como moro verdadero.
Una lanza de los hierros,
Con una adarga de cuero,
Cantando en algarabia
Las palabras que refiero :
" En Cartama f ui criado,
Nasci en Granada primero,
Tengo mi dama en Coin,
Y de Alora soy frontero."
Los cinco, que al moro vieron
Con animo verdadero,
Dieron sobre el fuerte moro,
Y el acometio ligero,
Tanto, que al primero encuentro
Se derroco un caballero ;
Y volviendose a los otros,
Siguio el segundo al primero :
De suerte les apretaba,
Que lo mismo hizo al tercero.
A esta sazon los otros
Hizen serial al guerrero,
Que es Rodrigo de Narvaez,
El cual llego muy ligero,
Y se puso rostro a rostro
Contra el enemigo fiero,
Que era dispuesto y tallado
Cual nunca se vio Rugero
En busca de Bradamante
En medio del campo fiero ;
Al cual dio ciertas heridas
Y rindio por prisionero.

In general the author's versification is said to be easy and
fluent; at the end of the third book he promises a second
part of the Elisea, which never appeared, nor have the two
comedias, which he promised, so far as I know. As is
frequently the case in these pastoral romances, Gallardo
says, the story in the Enamorada Elisea is a mere thread
upon which to string a number of poems, " not sufficient to
make a book, but quite enough to adorn a tale."

THE " ARCADIA " OF LOPE DE VEGA.

IN 1598 Lope de Vega published his Arcadia.1 Both
Ticknor 2 and Schack 3 state that it was written for Lope's
patron, Don Antonio of Toledo, Duke of Alba, and grand-
son to the great Duke of that name. This statement is evi-
dently made upon the authority of Montalvan, who says
that Lope entered the service of the Duke of Alba shortly
after his return from the University of Alcala; that the
Duke not only made Lope his secretary, but also his favorite
(>yw valido}, a favor which Lope repaid by writing at the
Duke's direction " la ingeniosa Arcadia," etc. This is not
altogether accurate; Lope did not enter the service of the
Duke of Alba till 1590, and in March, 1595, he was still
attached to the household of the Duke.4 Ticknor asserts,
moreover, that the Arcadia was written immediately after
the publication of the Galatea of Cervantes in 1584, which
is, of course, impossible. Barrera, discrediting the above

1 Arcadia, Prosas y Versos de Lope de Vega Carpio, Secretario del
Marques de Sarria. Con una exposition de los nobres Historicos, y
Poeticos. A Don Pedro Telles Giron, Duque de Osuna, &c. Con
Privilegio. En Madrid, Par Luis Sanchez. Ano 1598. 8°. The
title surrounded by a border; above a scroll, with the legend: " Este
Giron para el suelo, saco de su capa el cielo " ; below, also in a scroll :
"De Bernardo es el blason, Las desdichas mias son." There is a
copy of this exceedingly rare first edition in the Ticknor library.

2 History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 1888, Vol. II, p. 185.

8 Geschichte der dramatischen Literatur und Kunst in Spanien,
Frankfurt a. M., 1854, Vol. II, p. 166.

* Rennert, Life of Lope de Vega, Glasgow, 1904, pp. 39, 64, 98, et
passim.
142

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

143

statement of Montalvan, adds : " all indications seem to
prove that the Arcadia must have been written shortly
before the year 1598, in which it first appeared in print." *
Perhaps we can determine the date of composition a little
more precisely. In fact Barrera finally fixes it between
1592 and 1596; 2 the first date being determined by a sup-
posed reference in the Arcadia to the death of Lope's first
wife, Dona Isabel de Urbina, which Barrera believed took
place in 1592. I have shown, however, that, in all proba-
bility, Doiia Isabel did not die till some time after April
22, I595-3 That the Arcadia was written while Lope was
still in the service of Duke Antonio of Alba, is proved by
his own words in his " Eclogue to Claudio " :

" Siruiendo al generoso Duque Albano,
Escriui del Arcadia los Pastor es,
Bucolicos amores
Ocultos siempre en vano,
Cuya zampona de mis patrios lares
Los sauzes animo de Manganares." *

There can hardly be a doubt (as had long since been
pointed out by Barrera, op. cit., p. 66) that the passage near
the close of the Arcadia, entitled : " Belardo a la Campona,"
refers to the death of Dona Isabel ; he speaks of the banks
of the Manganares, which he had left " to seek a new lord
(dueno} and a new life "; and continues: " Que mas vale,
quando se perdio algun bien, huyr del lugar en que se tenia.
... La f ortuna llevo dudosa : pero que puede suceder mal,
a quien en su vida tuuo bien? El que yo tenia perdi, mas

1 Barrera, Nueva Biografia, in Obras de Lope de Vega (Academy's
ed.), Madrid, 1890, Vol. I, p. 42, n.

2 Ibid., pp. 65, 66.

8 Life of Lope de Vega, p. 106.

*La Vega del Parnaso, Madrid, 1637, fol. 96.

144

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

porque no le merecia gozar, que porque no le supe conocer,
etc. This supposition is strengthened by the epistle to
Placido de Tosantos, Bishop of Oviedo, written long after-
wards, and inserted in the Circe (written after 1619 and
before 1623), in which Lope says: " After time made you
a courtier and I left the Alba of Duke Antonio, my sun
having suffered a human eclipse." That this is an allusion
to the death of his wife is almost certain.1

The Arcadia was therefore written between 1590 and
1595. In another passage Barrera concludes that 1592-
1594 is the period during which this pastoral was written.2
While his deduction is the result of pure conjecture, there
is other evidence which enables us to say with some degree
of certainty that the Arcadia was written, or the greater
part of it, at least, before 1594. It is found in a ballad
which appeared in that year,3 and in which mention is made
of " the great shepherd Albano, who is grazing his flocks
on the banks of the Tormes."

1 See Life of Lope de Vega, p. 106.

2 Op. cit., p. 68. In a poem inserted in Book V. of the Arcadia,
near the close of the work, we are told that the young Antonio (el
nueuo Antonio) is still unmarried (p. 457, ed. of 1605) ; but we do
not know when Don Antonio married Da. Mencia de Mendoza, daugh-
ter of the Duke of Infantado, nor do we know when their eldest son,
D. Fernando Jacinto Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Huescar was born.
Sr. Barrera piles one hypothesis upon another in order to reach his
conclusion, though he hits very close to the mark, as we shall see.
If we knew when D. Antonio was born, all would be settled definitely,
for in Book IV. we are told that he was twenty-three years old.
Likewise the death of the shepherd Anfriso's (Antonio's) mother,
the shepherdess Bresinda (i. e. Da. Brianda de Beaumont, Countess of
Lerin, mother of the Duke Antonio) is mentioned in Book IV. But
this date is also unknown to me. Ibid., p. 67.

8 -In the Sexta Parte de Flor de Romances Nuevos Recopilados de
muchos Autorcs, por Pedro Flores, Librero. Toledo, 1594. The Tassa
is of July 9, 1594. In the Prologo to this Parte, there is a ballad,

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

After this long digression concerning the date of com-
position of the Arcadia, which we are unable to fix more
precisely than some time between 1591 and 1594, when
Lope was certainly living with his wife Dona Isabel de
Urbina at Alba de Tormes, let us turn to our main purpose.
The protagonist of the Arcadia, disguised under the name
of Anfriso, is Don Antonio, Duke of Alba, and the story
" relates the unhappy love affairs of this noble." The

which Ticknor conjectures upon strong evidencee, to be the work of
Lope de Vega. The verses are:

*****

Junte, en nombre de Riselo,
De Lisardo y de Belardo,
Mil vocables pastoriles
Bien compuestos y ordenados;
Una amorosa porfia
De zagal enamorado,
Un Duque y un Conde puesto
En abito disfragado,
Ora que se finge £ayde,
Ora el gran pastor Albano
Que en las riberas del Tormes
Apacienta su ganado."

See Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 479. Here
Belardo = Lope de Vega ; Riselo = Pedro Linan y Riaza, and
Lisardo = Luis de Vargas Manrique, the two latter great friends of
Lope. Lope's dedication of the Arcadia to " Don Pedro Tellez Giron,
Duque de Osuna," also furnishes evidence as to the date of composi-
tion of that work. He says : " Al Duque, que Dios tiene, auia yo
dirigido mi Arcadia, y no pudiendo imprimirla entonces," etc. The
Duke to whom Lope alludes as being then deceased was Don Juan
Tellez Giron, second Duke of Osuna and first Marquis de Penafiel.
According to Bethencourt, Historia Genealogica y Herdldica de la
Monarquia Espanola, Madrid, 1890. Vol. II, p, 555, this Duke died
November 25, 1600. That this date is impossible is shown by the
Arcadia itself, which appeared in 1598. Rodriguez Marin, Pedro de
Espinosa, p. 185, says that he died in 1594. This date is consonant
with other known facts, and again fixes the composition of the Arcadia
before that year. The passage " Belardo a la Campona " was added,
in all probability, a year or more after the work had been written.

146 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Arcadia is clearly modeled on the ' Arcadia ' of Sannazaro.
Lope tells us as much in the Segunda Parte de las Rimas
(Madrid, 1602, fol. 243) in the dedication to Don Juan
de Arguijo, where he quotes the opening sentence of San-
nazaro's prologue. He justifies his imitation in these terms :
" The eclogues of these shepherds are not to be found fault
with because they are imitated, nor is the argument of
the Angelica because the framework is Ariosto's, — for he
likewise took it from Count Mateo Maria [Boiardo]."
He does not write his Arcadia for the common crowd, say-
ing : " It is not well in writing, to use expressions so un-
usual that they are not intelligible to anybody, for if by
chance the matter be obscure those who are unlettered con-
demn the book, because they would have it filled with tales
and novels, a thing that is unworthy of men of letters, for
it is not fitting that their books should circulate among
artisans and ignorant persons, for, when the object is not
to teach, one should not write for those who are unable to
understand." (Ibid., fol. 245v.)

The Arcadia is a true story, Lope says (Ibid., fol. 244),
and it must have been primarily intended for those who
could understand it. In the prologo he tells us that his
shepherds " are not so rude that they may not, at times,
rise from shepherds to courtiers, and from rustics to phil-
osophers," and : " If, in describing another's misfortunes
I have not succeeded, my excuse is that nobody can speak
well in the thoughts of another ; " though he admits that in
this pastoral he has wept not only the misfortunes of an-
other, but also his own.

The scene of the Arcadia is laid " Entre las dulces aguas
del caudaloso Erimanto y el Ladon f ertil, ( f amosos y claros
rios de la pastoral Arcadia, la mas intima region del Pelo-
ponesso) . . . alii estaua el bianco Narcisso listado de oro,
oloroso testigo de la filaucia, y amor propio, de aquel man-

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

147

cebo que engano la fuente, y la rosa encarnada, que resti-
tuyo a Apuleyo en su primera forma, nacida de la sangre
de los pies de Venus, quando corriendo por las espinas, fue
a socorrer a Adonis; y la flor en que por ella fue trans-
formado no menos olorosa que su madre Myrra: y el lino
en que se conuirtio su esposo de Hypermestra, tan seme-
jante a los que aman por sus infinites martyrios: y tan
florido y verde, que parecia que despreciaua el lino Indiano,
que tanto admiro los antiguos, viendole resistir al fuego;
la aguzena, que tomo la Aurora del bianco seno de la Nynfa
Clorida : y la flor que fue engendrada de las lagrimas de la
Troyana Helena, tan fauorable a la hermosura de las mu-
geres, etc. . . . Por la una parte las juncosas margenes de
un pequeno brago del Erimanto f ertilizauan : y por la otra
unos arroyos puros, que de una sierra baxauan de los elados
vientos del Inuierno, las espaldas le defendian. Esta eterna
habitacion de Faunos, y Amadryades, era tan celebrada de
enamorados pensamientos, que a penas en toda la espessura
se hallara tronco sin mote escrito en el liso papel de su cor-
teza tierna, porque ni el rio corrio jamas sin amorosas lag-
rimas, ni respondio la parlera Eco menos que a tristes
quexas : porque hasta los dukes cantos de las libres aues
repetian enternecidos sentimientos, y las indomables fieras,
con mal formados bramidos enamoradas lastimas," * etc.

The heroine is Belisarda, " as unhappy as she is beauti-
ful," who loved Anfriso castamente. In a dream she sees
" her beloved Anfriso in the arms of another shepherdess,
who called him husband," and now she sings the following
song:

0 burlas de amor ingrato,

Que todas soys de una suerte,
Suefio, imagen de la meurte,
Y de la vida retrato.
Que importa que se desuelen

1 Arcadia, Anveres, 1605, p. 18.

1 48 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Los interiores sentidos,

Si los de afuera dormidos

Sufrir sus enganos suelen.
Yo vi sin ojos mi dueno

En agena voluntad :

Que pudiera la verdad

Si pudo matarme el Sueiio?
Donde dormir presumi,

Descanse para mi dano,

Que el sueno de amor engano

Me ha desenganado a mi.
Amorsosas fantasias

Suenan alegres historias;

Yo sola en agenas glorias

Contemplo desdichas mias.
Porque con ser mis contentos

Sueno ligero y fingido ;

Aun en suenos he tenido

Fingidos contentamientos.
O triste imaginacion

Para el mal siempre despierta,

Quien dira, viendo os tan cierta,

Que los suenos suenos son?
Que si no son desvarios,

Ver a Anfriso en otros brac.os,

Antes de tales abragos

Se bueluen laurel con mios. etc. (pp. 24-25).

Anfriso, coming through the trees, approaches Belisarda,
whom he addresses in the most extravagant language, after
which he makes the following vow : " The sun shall first
set in the East and rise in the West, the snows of the Alps
be united in peace with the flames of Aetna, or the dangers
of Scylla and the Ausonian sea be joined with the shore of
Sicily, ere I shall cease to be thine " (p. 29). Aqui con un
abraqo honesto, ligava Belisarda el venturoso cuello del
enternecido Anfriso, when they hear Leriano and Galafron
singing :

A quien yela el desden, y el amor arde,
Que sufra ingratitud a su despecho,
Por mas que en mi enemiga me acouarde

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

De piedra el coragon, de nieue el pecho:
Y que en el alma sus agrauios guarde,
Reduzidos al punto mas estrecho,
Porque tarde o temprano, siempre alcanna
Un largo amor justissima venganc.a.

Un largo amor justissima venganc.a
Pide a los cielos de un ingrato oluido,
Que ni tiene a si mismo semejanga,
Ni se parece a quanto es oy, ni ha sido:
Todo animal que algun sentido alcanga,
Su deuda paga a amor de aquel sentido,
Quien no conoce a amor, ni vee, ni siente,
Llamese piedra, y huya de la gente.

While these two shepherds, both enamoured of Belisarda,
" and of unequal age, though equally abhorred," are sing-
ing, Anfriso and Belisarda drive their flocks elsewhere.
Presently they hear Isabella, who appears with Leonisa,
singing, " both of them intimate friends of Belisarda," and
with them Alcino and Menalca. The shepherd Olimpio ap-
pears singing the following sonnet :

No queda mas lustroso y cristalino

Por altas sierras el arroyo elado,

Ni esta mas negro el euano labrado,

Ni mas azul la flor del verde lino,
Mas rubio el oro que de Oriente vino,

Ni mas puro, lasciuo, y regalado,

Espira olor el ambar estimado,

Ni esta en la concha el carmesi mas fino
Que f rente, cejas, ojos y cabellos,

Aliento y boca de mi Ninfa bella,

Angelica figura en vista humana ;
Que puesto que ella se parece a ellos,

Biuos estan alii, muertos sin ella

Cristal, euano, lino, oro, ambar, grana l (p. 49).

1 This summation or repetition in the last line is often employed by
Lope in his sonnets and is of especial frequency in his earlier comedias.
In this he was especially imitated by Calderon, who uses it in nearly
all his plays. Ximenez Paton in his very interesting, but I fear, much

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Menalca now relates a story in the course of which these
shepherdesses speak of Messalina and Semiramis, of Nero,
Octavian, Seneca and Vergil. Suddenly a band of shep-
herds appear, including Celio, Tirsi, Amarilis, Danteo (the
latter carves effigies of the shepherdesses upon the ends of
their crooks), — and also el ingenioso Benalcio, sabio Mate-
matico,1 " and considered an oracle in these mountains,"
as well as Celso, who wrote epigrams and hung them on the
trees a honor de las Musas. He afterwards sings about
four hundred lines for the gratification of the company, the
last four being :

" Porque me dizen pastores

Con experiencia de agrauios,

Que sera la muerte sola

El medico de mis danos" (p. 91).

The first book concludes with the song of Benalcio, the
wise mathematician.

We are now introduced to Sylvio, " one of the most val-
iant shepherds of all Arcadia, feared not only by men, but
by the wild boars, bears and lions." Through the treachery
of Galafron, Anfriso is banished, going to the valley of
" the famous Liseo." He bids farewell to his fathers " pen-
sive, melancholy and sad," singing this sonnet :

Excelsas torres y famosos muros,

Cerca antigua, lustrosos chapiteles,

Ocultos sotos, que jamas pinzeles

Supieron retratar vuestros escuros,
Liquidas aguas, y cristales puros,

Dignos de Zeusis, y el diuino Apeles,

Hermosas plantas, celebres laureles,

De todo tiempo y tempestad seguros.

neglected Eloquencia espanola refers to this very sonnet of Lope,
which he quotes. Mercurius Trimegistus etc., Baeza, Pedro de la
Cuesta, 1621, fol. 69.
1 Juan Bautista Labana ?

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

A Dios prendas, que un tiempo de la gloria
(Que pensando no veros se me acorta)
Fuistes, qual sois agora de mis danos,

Biuid, mientras biuiere en mi memoria,
Si ya la Parca en el partir no corta
El tierno tronco de mis verdes anos (p. 113).

There is a festival in honor of the goddess Pales, whose
temple is hewn " out of the very bowels of the mountain,"
where satyrs, fauns, nymphs, hamadryads, 3; otras figuras
de semidioses appear. Leriano sings a song " to jealousy,"
beginning :

Nace un terrible animal
En la prouincia sospecha,
Mas ligero que una flecha,
Y que un veneno mortal.
Al amor dene por padre,
Y es ligitimo en rigor,
Y con ser su padre amor,
Tiene la embidia por madre.

After which Celsio discusses the various " compostura*
introduced into the world by women for the purpose of
heightening their beauty and concealing their defects." By
this time they have arrived at a cave containing the tombs
of Don Gonzalo de Giron, the Marques de Santa Cruz, and
the Duke of Alba, when the astrologer Benalcio recites a
poem at each tomb.

The third book opens with Anfriso in his banishment re-
citing these beautiful lines :

Amargas horas de los dulces dias,
Que un tiempo la fortuna, amor, ye el cielo,
Juntos, quisieron que gozasse el alma,
Que agora os llora en soledades tristes,
Que me quereis, mostrandome memorias
De aquellos anos de mi vida alegres ?

Los estados mas prosperos y alegres,
Con el ligero curso de los dias,

1 52 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Que nos suelen dexar sino memorias?
Todo es mudable quanto cubre el cielo,
Eh todo vengo a hallar memorias tristes,

Pena del cuerpo, y confusion del alma.

*******

Passo mis anos en discursos tristes,
Por la inclemencia del contrario cielo,
Haziendo noches los hermosos dias,
Ciego el entendimiento, luz del alma,
En cuya essencia imagenes alegres
Me representan miseras memorias.

O ausencia, madre inutil de memorias,
Que asi condenas los sentidos tristes
A dessear las que gozaua alegres ;
Quando lo quiso el disponer del cielo,
La vida, el gusto, el corac,on, el alma
En el plazer de aquellos breues dias.

La edad es flor, qual sombra son los dias,
Presto se desuanecen sus memorias.
O vida, en fin mortal carcel del alma,
Que largos muestras los pesares tristes !
Mas bien podia con mudarse el cielo,
Mudar estas fortunas en alegres (p. 177).

He then draws Belisarda's portrait from his scrip, reading :

Ojos que sin luzes veis,
Boca que sin lengua hablais,
^ Como sin alma escuchais,
Y sin sentido entendeis?

Lealdo and Floro arrive from Monte Menalo, saying
that Belisarda had gone to Cilena, whither Anfriso goes
disguised and meets Belisarda. Again the shepherds ar-
rive at a cave containing marble statues of heroes and great
worthies, which are explained by the sage, always present
on such occasions. There is plenty of verse, — a stanza to
each of the statues, which include Romulus, Remus, Ly-
curgus, Alexander, Hannibal, Caesar, Charlemagne, Cleo-
patra, Semiramis, Zenobia, Bernardo del Carpio, the Cid,

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

Alonso Perez de Guzman, Charles V., Fernan Cortes, the
Duke of Alba and others. A sonnet follows by Belisarda :

De verdes mantos las cortezas cubre

El matizado Abril de aquestas plantas,

De varias flores, y de frutas tantas

Mayo vistoso la sazon descubre.
Junio, que de la tierra nada encubre,

La frente cine con espigas santas

Y por las vides con mojadas plantas

Negros razimos el desnudo Otubre.
Componese de flores el mangano

Que puso el labrador en confianc.a

Que espere a tiempo fertiles despojos.
Todo lo que sembro trabajo humano

Rinde su fruto al fin, y la esperanga

Tras tantos anos me produze enojos (p. 231).

Anfriso, becoming jealous of Olimpio, returns to his
home, where he is scarcely recognized, so greatly has he
changed. He now bestows his affections upon Anarda,
afterwards, however, he begins to doubt that Belisarda loves
Olimpio. On seeing Anfriso weep one day, Belisarda says :
What are you weeping about? Yesterday laughing with
Anarda, and to-day weeping with me? What means this
feigned fondness? Whom dost thou hope to deceive here,
who may not know you? Belisarda leaves him, reciting
some verses, beginning :

" Dueno de mis ojos,

Mientras tienen lumbre,
Pues soy tus despojos,
Por gusto y costumbre,
El alma te dexo,
Que el cuerpo no es mio,
Y mientras me alexo,
Suspires te embio.
Injustas venganc.as
Mataron mis dichas,
Fingidas mudanc.as
Fueron mis desdichas.

154 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Quien no piensa y mira
Primero que intente,
En vano suspira,
Tarde se arrepiente.

*****)

Tuya fue la culpa,
Yo tengo la pena,
Tardia disculpa

Para nada es buena.

*****

Casada y cansada

Estoy de un dia,
Amando pagada,

Quando no soy mia.
Pero eternamente

Mi dueno te nombra,

Que el tirano ausente

Servira de sombra.

*****

Tan aborrecida
Estoy de perderte,
Que temo la vida,
Y adoro la muerte" (p. 387).

To which Anfriso replies with the following romance:

Hermosissima pastora,

Senora de mi aluedrio,

Reyna de mis pensamientos,

Esfera de mis sentidos.

Cielo del alma que os doy,

Sol que adoro, luz que miro,

Fenix de quien soy el fuego,

Dueno de quien soy cautivo ;

Regalo de mi memoria,

Retrato del parayso,

Alma de mi entendimiento,

Y entendimiento diuino.

Hermosa senora, Reyna,

Esfera, cielo, Sol mio,

Luz, Fenix, dueno, regalo,

Imagen, alma, y auiso ;

Si os he ofendido,

Matenme zelos, y en ausencia oluido.

THE ARCADIA OF LOPE DE VEGA

Embidias me den la muerte,
Vengando a mis enemigos,
Con las armas encubiertas,
Y voz de amigos fingidos.
Mi propia sangre me engane,
Mis quexas no hallen oydos,
Mis suspires os den pena,
Y mis memorias oluido.
Trayciones me desenganen,
Zelos me quiten el juyzio,
Pensamientos el sustento,
Desuarios el sentido, etc. (p. 389).

In the Fifth Book the shepherds are led by the wise
Polinesta to an immense temple, " much larger than that
of Diana and Apollo," where they see a beautiful maiden
teaching youths. She recites dull poems on Grammar,
Logic, Rhetoric, Astrology, Music, Poetry, etc. Hanging
in the halls they see portraits of the Duke of Sessa, Diego
de Mendoza, el divino Garcilasso, el cortesano Boscan, etc.
" And now, it seems to me, said the venerable sage, that
you, Anfriso, are prepared to go to the sacred temple of
enlightenment," etc. (teniplo del desengano). Let us go,
said Anfriso, for there is nothing that I desire so anxiously,
for if it were not to leave you suspicious, I believe that I
would ask you who you are, for of my enemiga (Belisarda)
already I scarcely remember the name. Frondoso and Poli-
nesta, as was just, laughed at this apathy (descuido), An-
friso concluding with the poem beginning :

La verde Primauera

De mis floridos anos

Passe cautiuo, amor, en tus prisiones:

Y en la cadena fiera,

Cantando mis enganos,

Llore con mi razon tus sinrazones ;

Amargas confusiones

Del tiempo, que has tenido

Ciega mi alma, y loco mi sentido.

156 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

The last stanza :

Quede por las cortezas

De aquestos verdes arboles,

Ingrata fiera, con mi fe tu nombre

Imprima en las durezas

De aquestos blancos marmoles

Mi exemplo amor, que a todo el mundo assombre,

Y sepase que un hombre

Tan ciego y tan perdido,

Su vida escriue, y llora arrepentido (p. 469).

A dictionary of poetical and historical names, consisting
of fifty-eight double-column pages, with which the work
concludes, will give an idea of the learning with which it
is crowded.

The Arcadia of Lope de Vega, however, despite this os-
tentation of learning, its great length and its flowery and
extravagant diction, was very successful. It did not escape
the metaphysical discussions with which its predecessors
were burdened, nor could it claim much merit on the score
of originality and invention, as it followed pretty closely
in the beaten track, and where all was hopelessly involved,
the deus ex machina, the convenient sorceress, was called
in, who, by some mysterious means, brought about the de-
sired end. The pastoral tone, however, is almost entirely
sacrificed and the story is wanting in truth to nature; a
number of episodes are introduced that have no connection
with what either precedes or follows, and in at least two
instances, for the sole purpose of praising the house of his
patron. Its poetry, however, already shows the great master,
containing, in fact, all the peculiarities of his later manner :
the extravagant hyperboles, the peculiar repetition of the
thought in another form (afterward imitated by Calderon,
as already observed), the easy and graceful versification, —
all are already here.1

1 It may be noted here that Lope closes his romance with the ad-
dress: Belardo a la qampona, just as Sannazaro, his acknowledged
model, ends his Arcadia.

THE " PRADO OF VALENCIA " BY D. CASPAR
MERCADER.

IN 1600 a pastoral romance entitled The Prado of Valen-
cia by D. Caspar Mercader, Count of Bufiol, appeared at
Valencia.1 Its author was born at Valencia, in 1567, the
son of Caspar Mercader, Count of Bufiol, and Dona Lau-
domia Carroz. In 1583 Don Caspar, the younger, married
Da. Hipolita Centellas, both being under sixteen years of
age. They occupied a prominent position in the society of
their native city. In 1592 Mercader became a member of
the Academia de los Nocturnos, to which Guillen de Castro,
Tarrega, Aguilar and all the principal Valencian peots be-
longed.2 In this Academy he assumed the name Reldm-
pago. He was a man of wild, unbridled temper, and in
1593, in the streets of Valencia, he killed a wretched, half-
witted man who had pulled the tail of his horse, first run-
ning him through with his sword and then cutting off his
head, though the poor fellow lay on the ground and im-

1 El Prado de Valencia. Compuesto por Don Caspar Mercader. A
la I llustrissima y Excellentissima senora Dona Calalina de la Cerda
y Sandoual, Duquessa de Lerma, Marquesa de Denia, y Sea, Condessa
de Empudia, y Camarera mayor de la Reyna nuestra Senora [device].
En Valencia, por Pedro Patricio Mey, MDC. It again issued from the
same press in the following year. It was not reprinted until 1907,
when an excellent critical edition, with introduction and notes by
Henri Merimee, appeared at Toulouse. It is to this edition that I am
indebted for the facts of Mercader's life.

2 The Cancionero of this literary Academy, the manuscript of which
was formerly in the possession of the bibliographer D. Pedro Salva
and afterward became the property of the Biblioteca Nacional, was
published in 1905-06. I possess one of the copies of this edition of
twenty-five. It is entitled: Cancionero de la Academia de los Noc-
turnos de Valencia, estractado de sus actas originates por D. Pedro
Salvd y reimpreso con adiciones y notas de Francisco Marti Grajales
[device]. Valencia, MCMV.

IS7

158 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

plored his mercy. For this murder Mercader was never
punished. He died August 7, 1631.

The work takes its name, the Prado de Valencia, from a
flowery promenade which existed at the close of the six-
teenth century, on the left bank of the Turia, opposite the
city of Valencia, on the site of the present Alameda. The
book is a picture of manners under a pastoral disguise and
in the opinion of M. Merimee can hardly be classed among
the pastoral romances, as the author, in adopting the pas-
toral fiction, was merely providing a convenient means of
accomplishing his main purpose, which was to produce an
anthology of the best poetry of the Valencian school in a
prose setting of his own. This being his object, it must be
admitted that he has shown great ingenuity in the construc-
tion of the work. As none of the verses had been origi-
nally written for such a purpose, it required no little skill
to embody them in the intrigue of a romance. In this,
however, through his eagerness to include as much of the
poetry of his friends as possible, he has not always been
successful, in spite of his unquestioned skill. In the words
of M. Merimee, " la Prado de Valencia n'cest pas un recueil
poetique original, c'est une anthologie." He has, moreover,
succeeded in recognizing beneath their pastoral disguise,
a number of well-known names. The protagonist, Fideno,
is D. Caspar Mercader himself, while Belisa is Da. Catalina
de la Cerda y Sandoval, who, on November 6, 1598, mar-
ried in Madrid D. Pedro Fernandez de Castro Andrade y
Portugal, Count of Lemos and Marquis of Sarria, while
Lisardo may, possibly, be Don Guillen de Castro.

Although the prose of the Prado de Valencia is easy
and fluent, there are scarcely any descriptions of natural
scenery and the work is of value only on account of the
poetry it contains, in which all the more celebrated ingenios
of the Valencian school are represented.

SOLORZENO— " THE TRAGEDIES OF LOVE."

IN 1607 there appeared at Madrid the " Tragedies of
Love " by Juan Arze Solorzeno.1 He was born at Valla-
dolid in 1576, and in his Dedicatoria refers to this work as
" these rustic thoughts, the first fruits of my tender years,
brought forth when I was nineteen years old (estos rusticos
pensamientos, primicias de mis tiernos anos, engendrados
en los diez y nueue de mi edad) ; and in his address to the
Reader says that he is then not yet twenty-eight years old
(the suma de Privilegio is dated 1604), and that in his
early youth he wrote fifteen eclogues, of which he now
offers the first five, saying further : " receive them well, if
you would see the remaining ones." 2

The book is best described in the author's own words :
" Avendo en estas eglogas con artificiosas historias, anti-
guas fabulas, filiosoficos discursos, latinas y griegas inmi-

1 Tragedias de Amor, de Gustoso y Apacible Entretenimiento de
Historias, Fabulas enredados Maranas, Cantares, Bayles, ingeniosas
M or alidades del enamorado Acrisio, y su Zagala Lucidora. Compuesto
par el Licenciado Juan Arse Solorzeno. Dirigido a Don Pedro Fer-
nandez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, etc. Con Privilegio. En Madrid,
Par Juan de la Cuesta. Ano MDCVII. 196 leaves. Gallardo (En-
sayo, I, p. 264) mentions an edition printed at Zaragoza in 1647. Be-
sides the " Tragedies of Love," Solorzeno is the author of the Historia
euangelica de la Vida, Milagros y Muerte de Christo, nuestro Dios y
Maestro. Madrid, 1605. Perez Pastor, Bibliografia Madrilena, II,
p. 83. He also translated the following work : Historia de los dos
Soldados de Christo, Barlaan y losafat. Escrita par son Juan Da-
masceno, Doctor de la Yglesia Griega. . . . Madrid, MDCVIII.

2 Though the privilege to print the " Tragedies of Love " is dated
1604, the author probably sought in vain, for some time, to find a pub-
lisher. On February 28, 1607, we learn that the Licentiate Arce Solor-
zeno, Secretary of the Bishop of Cordoba, sold the MS. and privilege
of the Primera Parte de las Traxedias de Amor to Antonio Rodriguez,
book-seller, for three hundred and fifty reals. Perez Pastor, Bibl.
Madrilena, II, pp. 119-120.

159

160 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

taciones dado alguna parte de dulce, puse al fin de cada una
su breve allegoria," etc. This " allegorical interpretation "
is the dullest and most insipid part of what is certainly a
very dull book.

The first eclogue begins as follows :

" Rumor confuso, y clamor desordenado, de albogues,
orlos, y flautos, con son funesto, y temeroso acento, en los
bosques y valle resonava, quando el ingenioso Acrisio, pas-
tor montafies gallardo (recien venido a aquella fertil ribera,
y en ella tan enamorado de la bella Lucidora que fue digno
de horosa corona de sagrado Mirto) baxaua por la fresca
orilla del Sil, caudaloso rio, a tiempo que el roxo dios calen-
tando el Signo de Leon en el dia consagrado a su tri forme
hermana, matizava los montes de aljofaradas listas," etc.
Here is an excerpt from fol. 100. The shepherds visit the
tower of Fame :

" A la qual subieron por una larga escalera en caracol,
hasta llegar a la sala de la inmortalidad, que era en figura
de pyramide, que comengava en ancho, y yua enangostan-
dose hasta acabar en un espacio redondo de treynta pies de
circunferencia, en el qual auia un teatro de plata fina, y
subiase a el por siete escalones de Jaspe leonado y bianco,
y encima estaua un trono preciosissimo, pero cubierto con
un gran velo de raro carmesi.

" El suelo estaua ladrillado de marfil, y euano el techo,
y paredes cubiertas de laminas, florones y labores mara-
uillosos, hechos de piegas de oro, plata, cristal, y aljof ares :
y en la cupula del techo auia entre quatro esmeraldas un
Apyroto, que priuaua de vista al que en el ponia los ojos,
y de la una parte y otra muchas estatuas de plata fina de
valerosos hombres armados, de altura de ocho pies geomet-
ricos cada una, y en medio dellas, y de la sala una altra
coluna de cristal, sobre la qual estatua la ligera fama, cu-
bierta de ojos y bocas, lenguas y plumas, y a sus pies un

THE TRAGEDIES OF LOVE

quadro de marfil, y escrito en el con letras de oro este arro-
gante blason:

La fama soy, que contra el tiepo, y muerte
Y a pesar de la inuidia, y del oluido
Doy vida eterna, y nombre esclarecido
Al varon virtuoso, sabio, o fuerte
(For quien se vera el mundo enriqzido)
Estoy ganando mi valor perdido,
Y assi mi canto a ellos se conuierte.
Ved pues, de quan illustre y noble gente
Espero renacer en dulce canto,
Pero passadlos todo uno a uno,
Hasta los tres que estan ultimamente,
Que me diran los tres que dezir tanto
Que jamas dire mas de otro ninguno.

Among these silver statues, which are now described,
the first is Crastino, a valiant captain, who, following
Caesar's faction, hurled the first lance " contra el campo
de Pompeyo en la guerra Farsalica," etc. ; then follow the
counts of Castile, Fernan Laynez, Ruy Fernandez, and
Fernan Ruyz de Castro, etc. On page 103 is told the tragic
story of Fernan Ruyz de Castro and his wife Estefania
(daughter of the Emperor Alfonso VII.) which is the only
interesting episode in the book.1 This is followed by a
long genealogy and eulogy of the house of Castro. Mytho-
logical deities are scattered plentifully throughout the book,
which concludes with a long dictionary of names, and is,
upon the whole, by far the dullest of all these romances.

1 This story, believed by some to be historical, is the basis of Lope
de Vega's tragicomedia La desdichada Estefania, Comedias, Part XII,
Madrid, 1619. 'Menendez y Pelayo believes Lope's source to be the
Cronica de D. Alonso VII. by Prudencio de Sandoval, Madrid, 1600,
or possibly the above tale of Solorzeno. The same tragic episode
was again dramatized by Luis Velez de Guevara in his play Los Celos
hasta los Cielos y desdichada Estefania. See Obras de Lope de Vega,
edition of the Spanish Academy, Vol. VIII, p. Ixvi. Menendez y
Pelayo calls attention to the similarity of the third act of Lope's play
and Shakespeare's Othello.

BALBUENA— " THE GOLDEN AGE."

IN the following year " The Golden Age in the Forests
of Erifile " appeared, being first published at Madrid, in
I6O8.1 Its author, Don Bernardo de Balbuena, afterward
became Bishop of Porto-Rico, and for the few known inci-
dents of his life we are chiefly indebted to the introduction
to the edition published in 1821 by the Spanish Academy,3

1 Siglo de Oro, en las Selvas de Erifile del Dotor Bernardo de Bal-
buena. En que se describe una agradable y rigurosa imitation del
Estilo pastoril de Teocrito, Virgilio, y Sanasaro. Dirigido al Excel-
entissimo Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, Code de Lemos, y de
Andrade, Marques de Sarria, y Presidente del Real Consejo de In-
dias. Ano 1608. Con Privilegio. En Madrid, Por Alonso Martin.
A costa de Alonso Perez, Mercader de libros. Small 12°. Fifteen
preliminary leaves and one blank ; the text on pp. 9 to 165. Colophon :
En Madrid. En casa de Alonso Martin. Ano 1607. I possess a copy
of this very rare book. On pages 1-7 there is an Epistola al Lector
which is not noted in the bibliographical works that I have consulted.
Though beginning at the top of page I, it is not complete, as the page
begins in the middle of a sentence. Apparently the author of this
Epistola is unknown; it is certainly not Balbuena. He informs us
that the writing of eclogues in mixed prose and verse was chosen by
Doctor Balbuena in imitation of Sannazaro, while he has also fol-
lowed Theocritus, inasmuch as the eclogues are free of any allegorical
meaning, but that Balbuena also wished to imitate Vergil in preserving
the decorum of the persons introduced into his eclogues, etc. He
justifies the prose style of Balbuena " which may seem affected to
some, ' a poetical prose,' " as he calls it, and says that the reason why
the prose of Sannazaro has been called affected is because it is flowery
and adorned with epithets, etc. In his dedication Balbuena says that
his eclogues en el verano de mi nines, a bueltas de su nueuo mudo
fueron naciendo.

2 It should be remembered, however, that the information furnished

162

THE GOLDEN AGE

for which most of the facts were furnished by Balbuena's
Grandeza Mejicana, a descriptive poem in eight cantos, first
published in Mexico in 1604.

Bernardo de Balbuena was born in Valdepenas on No-
vember 22, 1568; his parents, Don Gregorio Villanueua
and Dona Luisa de Balbuena, both descendants of noble
families that were well known for having long exercised
high offices in that city. Very little is known of his early
life, save that, as he himself says, he studied the humanities
in one of the colleges of Mexico and gained prizes in three
poetical contests, — in one instance over three hundred com-
petitors,— when only seventeen years old.1 He probably
sailed for Spain shortly after this time (1585), to complete
his studies. He seems to have been a diligent student, and
became a Bachelor of Theology in the University of Mex-
ico and Doctor in Sigiienza, one of the smaller universities
of Spain. We have no further information whatever con-
cerning Balbuena until 1603, when he was again in Mexico,
and dated the dedication of his Grandeza, Mejicana from
that city.

by this edition adds nothing to the account of Balbuena given by
Dieze, Geschichte der Spanischen Dichtkunst, Gottingen, 1769. I have
been unable to discover who the editor of this second edition is.

1 These justas literarias were then very common in Spain, and, prob-
ably, also in America. In Spain justas were held in 1595, 1608, 1614
and 1620, in which the greatest Spanish poets competed. See the
Justa poetica, y alabansas Justas que hizo Madrid en las Fiestas de
San Isidro. Small 4°. Madrid. My copy is without date, but it is
given as 1620 in the Tassa. Upon this occasion Lope de Vega was the
judge who distributed the prizes and recited the introductory verses.
See also Suarez de Figueroa, El Passagero, Madrid, 1617 (fol. 118),
who says that "at such joustings there were more poets than sands
upon the sea-shore." Figueroa was a competitor in one of these
•fiestas held at Toledo that very year (1617). See.Ticknor, History
of Spanish Lit. Spanish tr., Vol. Ill, p. 528. The opinion of Cervantes
upon these tournaments is given in Don Quixote, Part II, Chap, xviii.
He had gained the first prize at one held in Zaragoza in 1595.

164 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

At the age of thirty-nine (1607) he was named abbot
of Jamaica, where he lived until 1620, when he was made
Bishop of Porto Rico. From documents in the archives
of Seville, it is known that he was present at the provincial
Council of Santo Domingo in 1622 and 1623. He died on
October n, 1627,* in Porto Rico.

The " Golden Age " 2 is divided into twelve " eclogues "
of mixed prose and verse, and though its brevity is greatly
in its favor, when compared with other works of the same
class, it appears never to have enjoyed much success. No
edition was published between the first, in 1608, and that
of 1821. It was, however, highly praised by some contem-
porary poets.8

1 Balbuena also published : El Bernardo, o la Victoria de Ronces-
valles, Madrid, 1624. I have a reprint in three volumes, dated Madrid,
1808. I2mo.

2 While the " Golden Age " was not published till 1608, it was evi-
dently ready for the press four years before, as the Aprouacion,
signed by Tomas Gracian Dantisco, is dated at Valladolid, August 2,
1604. On September 10, 1607, in Madrid, Balbuena, who is described
as " clerigo presbitero, residente en esta corte," sold and transferred
to Alonso Perez, book-seller, all his rights and title in the royal privi-
lege that had been granted him to print the " Golden Age," for one
hundred and fifty copies of the printed book. See Perez Pastor,
Bibliografia Madriletia, Vol. II, p. 131. A brief, but good account of
Balbuena and his works is given by Dieze, Geschichte der Spanischen
Dichtkunst, Gottingen, 1769, p. 390.

3 Lope de Vega praises Balbuena in his Laurel de Apolo (1630),
saying :

Y siempre dulce tu memoria sea,

Generoso prelado

Doctissimo Bernardo de Balbuena,

Tenias tu el cayado

De Puerto Rico, quando el fiero Enrique

Olandes rebelado

Robo tu libreria;

Pero tu ingenio no, que no podia,

Aunque las fuerc.as del oluido aplique.

THE GOLDEN AGE ^5

The scene of the " Golden Age " is laid in a valley
watered by the Guadiana. Among the things there most
worthy to be celebrated, the author says, one, above all is
" the extraordinary beauty of a clear and limpid little
fountain which with its sweet waters bathes the better part
of a valley, and which is known by the beloved name of
Erifile." There is so much sameness in respect to incident,
however, in all these works that it would be useless to
chronicle the sufferings and vicissitudes of Filis and Gala-
tea, of Delicio and Clarenio, and of the various other shep-
herds and shepherdesses, who were nearly always unfortu-
nate enough to love some one by whom they were not loved
in return. But the book is very much better than many
that were more esteemed, and if its prose sometimes bears
signs of affectation, it is often very graceful and flowing,
as the following excerpts show:

" Todos en torno de la cristalina fuente nos sentamos,
gozando las maravillas que en el tendido llano se mostrauan,
y lo que sobre todo mayor deleyte ponia era el agradable
ruydo con que los altiuos alamos, siluando en ellos un del-
gado viento, sobre nuestras cabegas se mouian, qua j ados
sus tembladores ramos de pintadas avezillas, que con sus
no aprendidos cantares trabajauan de remedar los nuestros,
donde la solitaria tortolilla con tristes arrullos vieras llorar
su perdida compania, o al amoroso Ruysenor recontar la no

Que bien cantaste el Espanol Bernardo,

Que bien al Siglo de Oro,

Tu fuiste su prelado, y su tesoro,

Y tesoro tan rico en Puerto Rico,

Que nunca Puerto Rico fue tan rico" (fol. I3b).

Likewise Cervantes, in his Viage al Parnaso (ed. of 1614, Chap, iii,
p. 16),

" Este es aquel Poeta memorando,
Que mostro de su ingenio la agudeza
En las Selvas de Erifile cantando."

l66 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

oluidada injuria del fementido Tereo, aqui el ronco Faysan
sonaua, alii las suaues calandrias se cyan, aculla cantaban
los gorgales, las mirlas y las abubillas, y hasta las industri-
osas abejas a nuestras espaldas con blando susurrar, de una
florecilla en otra yuan saltando; todo olia a verano, todo
prometia tin ano fertil y abundoso: olia el romero, el to-
millo, las rosas, el agahar y los preciosos jazmines: olian
las tiernas manganas y las amarillas ciruelas, de que todo
el campo estaba quajado; los ramos, que apenas podian
sustentar la demasiada carga de su fruta, y nosotros entre
tanta diuersidad de frescuras todo lo gozauamos, y por
todo dauamos gracias a su diuino hazedor " (fol. 155, ed.
1608).

" De tanta suauidad f ueron los versos de los Pastores, y
con el silencio de la noche tan agradables de oyr, que unos
vencidos de su dulgura, se quedaron en el sosegado suefio
sepultados, y otros leuantando los espiritus a contempla-
ciones mas altas, alabaron las celestiales lumbres que pues-
tas por testigos de nuestras vidas con resplandecientes ojos.
consideran los secretes de la noche que en aquella sazon
con tan agradable buelo pasaua, que si en nuestros mortales
oydos cupiera seme j ante gloria, entonces mejor que nunca
pudieramos oyr los diuinos cantos de las estrellas, si es ver-
dad que tambien como las demas cosas ellas en medio de
nuestra quietud alaban con doradas lenguas la fuente, de
adonde su hermosura nace, mas luego que las alegres luzes
del Alua restituyeron al mundo su alegria, y en el Oriente
se declare la manana tan resplandeciente y bella, que no se
si de las rosas tomaua su hermoso color 6 a ellas su mucha
frescura se lo daua, dexando los pagizos lechos," etc. (fol.
i66v).

Balbuena excels in his descriptions of nature; in this re-
spect he surpasses all other Spanish writers of pastoral
romances. As examples of his poetry, I copy the following:

THE GOLDEN AGE ^7

Sonnet.

Hebras del oro que el Oriente embia

Tras el rosado carro de la Aurora,

Lazos donde enredada mi alma mora

Cautiua con cadenas de alegria.
Rayos de luz de quien la toma el dia

Soles con que el del cielo se desdora,

Tesoros do la gloria se atesora,

Que en ricas minas del amor se cria.
Ambar, madexas de oro, lazos bellos,

Lumbres del cielo, rayos de la vida,

Luzes del alba, flechas amorosas,
Nombres proprios son vuestros, mis cabellos,

Sacados de la gloria, que escondida

Esta entre aquessas redes milagrosas (fol. 54v).

It is, however, only from his eclogues that we can form
a just conception of the genius of Balbuena. They have
been pronounced second only to those of Garcilasso de la
Vega. It is inexplicable how a work containing verses
of such surpassing merit, should not have been more
favorably received, while greatly inferior romances passed
through edition after edition. The rustic simplicity that
pervades these eclogues imparts to the " Golden Age "
a naturalness that is almost entirely wanting in works of
this class. Balbuena's shepherds are, at least, real shep-
herds, not the visionary creatures with which other pas-
toral romances are peopled.1 The following verses are
from Eclogue V. :

Yo, seluas, cantare las milagrosas

Palabras que pudieran darme vida

A ser mis penas menos poderosas.
Ya que de entera luz toda vestida

1 Beraldo's song (fol. i2v), as was long since pointed out by the
editor of the Madrid edition of 1821, is a paraphrase of Petrarch's
famous " Chiare, fresche e dolci acque." Balbuena's verses are of
remarkable beauty.

168 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

La luna sobre el mundo se descubre

En purissimas llamas encendida.
Aqui donde con negra sombra encubre

La noche en sueno, y lutos sepultada,

La casta yerua que estas aras cubre ;
Primero una cordera degollada

Con lumbre de laurel, y ac.ufre puro

Al silencio sera sacrificada.
De aqui comenc.ara nuestro conjuro,

Ya aqui no ay que esperar sino la muerte,

El encanto es aqui lo mas seguro.
Y porque tu con animo mas fuerte

A semej antes cosas te apercibas,

Atento aora mi cantar aduierte.
De un negro rio aqui las aguas viuas

Tengo guardadas para que con ellas

Ciertas palabras en mi sombra escriuas,
De que seran testigos las estrellas,

Y la noche que oyendo esta su canto,

Y la luna tambien que buela entrellas.
Y porque no te cieguen con espanto

Las sombras de los dioses que vinieren,

Forc.ados del apremio de mi encanto.
Assi los que del ayre decendieren,

Como los que en sepulcros escondidos,

Estan siempre escuchando a los que mueren,
Con esta yerua claros y lucidos

Te dexare los ojos, que con ellos

Podras aun conocer los no nacidos.

********

Luego do el agua sin correr se muda,

Bafiado nueue vezes de mi mano,

Con la rayz de la encantada ruda.
Seguro cogeras por este llano

Las yeruas de virtud no conocida,

Que en el nacieron su primer verano, etc. (fol. 90).

The following tercet os are from Eclogue IV. (fol. 73).

Clarenio. Dulce es el fresco humor a los sembrados,

Y al ganado es la sombra deleytosa,

Y mas Tirrena a todos mis cuydados.
Delicio. Abre el clabel, desplegase la rosa,

THE GOLDEN AGE

Brota el jazmin, y nace la agucena,
En dando luz los ojos de mi diosa.

Clarenio. Si su beldad esconde mi Tirrena,
El jazmin cae, el agucena muere
Quando de mas frescor y aljofar llena.

Delicio. Haz tu que el sol de Filis reberbere,
Y veras que el inuierno desabrido
Con el florido Abril competir quiere.

Clarenio. Vistase de mil flores el exido,

Que se mi sol no abriere la manana,
Todo queda en espinas conuertido.

Delicio. Mas bella es mi Tirrena, y mas logana
Que las blancas ouejas de Taranto,
Y de arbol fertil la primer mangana.

Clarenio. Fresca es la fuente entre el florido acanto,
De rosas y violetas coronada
Y mas es la pastora que yo canto.

Delicio. O si mi Galatea enamorada

Oyera aqui mi canto y sus primores,
Como f uera rendida y obligada !

Clarenio. Frescas guirnaldas de tempranas flores,
Ninfas, coronaran uestros altares,
Si propicias guiays nuestros amores, etc.

From Eclogue VIII (fol. 12 iv).

Nace el inuierno, y a las tiernas rosas
Sucede un ciergo que con soplo elado
Desnudo dexa el campo de frescura.
Mueren secas las flores en el prado,
Ni queda en las riberas mas umbrosas
Rastro de su passada hermosura.
Y mientras esto dura
Y con la blanca nieue
Toda la sierra llueue
Arroyos sin sazon a la llanura,
Ni suena caramillo, ni ay quien diga
En tonos de dulgura
Primores o querellas de su amiga,

Tambien quien viere el campo desta suerte
Apenas quedara con esperanga
De verlo en su passada primauera.
En todo imprime el tiempo su mudanga,

169

170

SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Y todo tiene fin sino esta muerte

En que Tirrena gusta que yo muera,

Nadie esta de manera

Que una ocasion cumplida

No le de nueua vida,

O mas dichosa, o menos lastimera,

Ni aura tan desterrado peregrine

Que no halle siquiera

Donde sentarse al fin de su camino, etc

' THE CONSTANT AMARILIS " OF FIGUEROA.

The Constant e Amarilis of Christoval Suarez de Figu-
eroa was the next pastoral romance to make its appear-
ance.1 It was first published at Valencia in 1609. Its
author was born at Valladolid, in all probability in I572.2
Nearly all that is known of his life he tells us in a work
entitled " The Traveller," 3 a series of ten discussions be-

1 La Constante Amarilis. Prosas y Versos de Christoval Suarez de
Figueroa. Diuididos en quatro Discursos. A Don Vincencio Guer-
rero Marques de Montebelo, Cauallero del habito de Alcantara, Gentil
hombre de la Camara del Duque de Mantua, y su Cavalleriso mayor
[device]. Con licencia, y Privilegio, Impresso en Valencia, junto al
molino de Rouella Ano mil 600, 3; neuve. 12°, pp. 282. I have a copy
of this very rare work, also of the French translation : La Constante
Amarilis De Christoval Suarez de Figueroa. En Quatre Disc ours.
Traduite d'Espagnol en Francois par N. L[ancelot]. Parisien. A
Lyon, par Claude Morillon, 1614, 8°, pp. 565, and index. The Spanish
and French texts are on opposite pages. No other edition appeared
until that of Madrid, Sancha, 1781.

2 In Figueroa's work V arias Noticias importantes a la humana Comu-
nicacion, Madrid, 1621, fol. 213, the author says that he had left his
native country thirty-two years before, to travel in foreign lands; in
his Passagero, Madrid, 1618, fol. 214, he says that he left his home at
the age of sixteen. As the first-named work was written in 1620, it
would give us the year 1572. See Crawford, The Life and Works of
Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, Philadelphia, 1907, an excellent work,
containing much documentary material from the archives at Naples.
In 1892 I published a number of documents from MSS. in the Biblio-
teca Nacional, which are of considerable importance for the period
1624-30. See Some Documents in the Life of Christoval Suarez de
Figueroa, Modern Lang. Notes, Vol. VII, pp. 398-410.

3 El Passagero. Advertencias utilissimas a la Vida humana. Mad-
rid, Luys Sanchez, 1617.

171

172 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

tween four travelers journeying to Italy. In this auto-
biography, in which is mingled much that is purely ficti-
tious, he tells us that his father was a Galician jurist, not
overburdened with this world's goods, for in the words of
the son : " he brought with him from Coruna nothing but
his cleverness," and that he removed to Valladolid to prac-
tice his profession. Figueroa tells us, moreover, that he
had a brother, and that both sons studied Gramatica, that is,
Latin. At the age of sixteen, envious of his brother, who,
being in poor health, was favored by his father, he resolved
to go to Italy, and declared in the presence of his parents
that he would never return to Spain during their life-time,
— a resolution which he afterwards kept. He now went to
Barcelona, thence to Genoa, thence to Milan, undecided
whether to follow the profession of arms or letters. He
finally resolved to study at Bologna or Pavia. It was
probably at the latter university that he took his doctor's
degree, en ambos derechos. In 1591 he entered the service
of D. Juan Hernandez de Velasco, Duke of Frias,1 who
was then Governor of Milan, and afterwards served as
Auditor of the Spanish troops in Piedmont against the
French. It is not known how long he was occupied in this
capacity, but he was present at the final capture of the
castle of Cavour in I595,2 after which he returned to Milan.
In 1600 we find him as Naples, for in that year he was on
board a vessel that touched at the Barbary coast.3 At this

1 Crawford, op. cit., p. 14.

2 Ibid., p. 15.

3 Varias Noticias, etc., fol. 38. It was while living in Naples in
1602 that he is said to have published the first of the long series of
works that made his name known, a translation of the Pastor fido of
Guarini. Of this translation, Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature,
Vol. Ill, p. 104, note, says : " It was printed, I believe, at Naples in
1602, but was improved in the edition at Valencia in 1609." This
edition of 1602 is thus described by Salva {Catalog o, I, p. 447) : El

THE CONSTANT AMARILIS OF FIGUEROA

time his mother and brother died. He tells us that his
parents often wrote to him, asking him to return, but that
he always refused ; afterwards, however, " el amor de la
patria vencio," and he returned to Valladolid, then the cap-
ital of Spain, in 1604.

As Figueroa makes no mention of his father, we infer
that at this time he also was dead. " Here," he continues,
" in my native country, the paths of any pretension what-
ever were closely barred, which abroad I had found wide
open." It was while in Valladolid, probably in March,
1605, that he got into a quarrel, stabbed his opponent, took
refuge in a church and afterward fled in disguise to Baeza,
thence to Ubeda, Jaen and Granada. He then went to Se-
ville, of the climate of which he complains, but praises
the women of that city, who are " swarthy, graceful, of
good disposition, agreeable conversation and attractive be--

Pastor Fido. Tragicomedia pastoral de Battista Guarino. Traduclda
de Italiano en verso Castellano par Christoval Snares. Napoles, Tar-
quinio Longo, 1602. He says : " Los traductores de Ticknor no ban
podido verla." It is true that the Spanish translators of Ticknor had
never seen this edition of 1602, but they had seen an edition of 1622,
by Christoval Suarez, " Doctor en ambos derechos," and that on com-
paring this edition with that of 1609, the difference is at once appar-
ent. The latter is, moreover, addressed to the Duke of Mantua and
Montferrato, while the former is dedicated to D. Juan Battista Valen-
zuela Velazquez. " Authors and book-sellers," they continue, " were
not at that time in the habit of changing the dedications of their
books without good reasons." Vol. Ill, p. 543- They believe the
edition of 1622 at Naples to be a reprint of that of 1602, and, hence,
is not by Suarez de Figueroa. The difference between the translation
of 1609, known to be Figueroa's, and that of 1622, is such that it is
hardly possible that both were made by the same person. What com-
plicates the matter is that we know that Figueroa was in Naples in
1600-02. One Christoval Suarez Trevino contributed a Glossa de
Burlas to the poetical tournament held at Madrid in 1620. It has been
conjectured that he is the translator of the edition of 1602. See Justa
Poetica, etc., Madrid, 1620, fol. H7v, and also Crawford, op. cit., p. 23,
who discusses the matter in detail.

174 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

cause of the suavity of their voices, which makes their pro-
nunciation exceedingly agreeable." From Seville he went
to San Lucar, and finaly to Madrid. Here, he says, " I re-
turned to my early life, to the past painful idleness. I
took up my pen, and for my amusement wrote some
sketches which were kindly received by scholars." " Still,"
he continues, " I could not dismiss from my thoughts the
continual anxiety of absenting myself to seek in strange
lands those who in former times had served me so gener-
ously as a shield and protection." And when asked whether
there was no prince in Spain who might lend him a hand
on account of his studies and experiences, and being told
that the complaint of " los mas ingeniosos," continually op-
pressed by poverty, was of long standing, he replied : " Es
cosa insufrible profesar, teniendo cortas partes, exquisita
libertad de animo, requisito que por ningun caso adquiere
alicion. Posseo las dos circunstancias que casi sienpre
suelen andar unidas, sovervio y pobre. De mi boca no ha
de salir adulacion."

He speaks with bitterness of the Count of Lemos, the
patron of Cervantes, to whom he dedicated a book and to
whose presence he says that he was not even admitted, and
that he returned from Barcelona to Madrid " without
speaking to or seeing the face of him who had been the
principal object of that journey." Indeed, he says, " you
should know that of the seven books that I have published,
three were dedicated to persons whose faces I have never
seen, though I was at Court." 1

From this we should infer that Figueroa was out of
favor at Court, and consequently out of office, and this,
indeed, he tells us in i62O,2 though in the sentence imme-

1 El Passagero, fol. 376.

2 V arias Noticias, in the prologue he says : " Asi mientras su Ma-
gestad no me empleare en la continuacion de su seruicio," etc.

THE CONSTANT AMAR1LIS OF FIGUEROA

diately preceding, far from assuming the disgruntled, dis-
satisfied tone which he here shows, he tells us that his
works had been well received and that his country had re-
ceived him kindly and with no less generosity, enabling
him to maintain himself many years " en sitio de tantas
obligaciones como la Corte." Besides, in a letter which he
wrote in 1624, he states that he had been in the King's ser-
vice twenty-seven years.1 However this may be, in 1622,
when Don Antonio Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba, be-
came Viceroy of Naples, Figueroa petitioned him for a post
in Italy, and on February 22, 1623, he was appointed Au-
ditor of the town of Lecce.2 Here his conduct in suppress-
ing the lawlessness that then reigned was so vigorous (he
hanged five men and sent a hundred to the galleys) that
he was dismissed from office on August 8, 1623, and was
not thereafter reinstated.

In December, 1627, Figueroa was " Auditor de la Regia
Udienza " in Catanzaro, in the province of Calabria.3 At
this time he fell into the hands of the Inquisition for free-
ing from prison one Francesco Antonio Stantione, an offi-
cer of the Viceroy, who had attempted to gather taxes from
the ecclesiastical orders and who had been imprisoned by
the Bishop of Nicotera in that town.4 As a result of the

1 Rennert, Some Documents in the Life of Christoval Suares de
Figueroa, " Mod. Lang. Notes," 1892. " Veynte y siete anos ha que
siruo al rey en diferentes cargos con certificaciones de Virreyes de
mi buen proceder ; con cartas de su Magestad en que lo confiesa y se
da por bien seruido, prometiendome en ellas aumentos y honras; solo
aqui ve degenerado, perdiendo en un punto lo adquerido en tanto
tiempo: suma desgracia" (p. 405).

2 Crawford, /. c., p. 79-

3 Rennert, Some Documents, etc., p. 410.

4 Some Documents, etc., Modern Lang. Notes, Vol. VII, p. 410,
and Crawford, /. c., pp. 81 et seq., where the proceedings are given at
length.

176 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

clash between the Viceroy and the church authorities, Figu-
eroa, on January 25, 1630, was arrested and imprisoned by
the officers of the Inquisition,1 first in Castil Nuovo, where
he remained seventeen days, and then in the " Carceri della
Nunziatura," where he seems to have been confined until
July, 1631. On January 3, 1633, he was appointed " Abo-
gado fiscal de la Audiencia " at Trani,2 and on October
loth of that year he signed the " Licencia " of the pastoral
romance, Los Pastores del Betis of Gonzalo de Saavedra,
which was published in that city. We do not know the
date of Figueroa's death; it was after 1644, however, in
which year he issued his epic poem Espana Defendida,
which appeared at Naples in that year.

It is not difficult, after reading this autobiographical
sketch in the Passagero, to form an opinion of Figueroa's
character. His must have been a narrow and selfish nature,
and the sarcastic and deprecating tone in which, in his Pas-
sagero, he speaks of Cervantes is ill requiting the kindness
of his great contemporary, (over whom the grave had
barely closed), for his praise in Don Quixote, Part I, chap.
Ixii, and again, only two years before the latter's death,
in the Journey to Parnassus. Indeed Figueroa's unfaith-
ful and ungrateful character is manifest throughout his
works. He speaks well of none of his fellow-writers, but
scatters his malevolent words freely among those more fav-
ored than himself.3 He was a member of that great army
of office-seekers in Spain, which first came into prominence
in the time of Charles V., and for which recruits have
never been wanting down to the present day. He was of
an unloving and unlovable nature, — a disappointed and

1 Modern Lang. Notes, Vol. VII, p. 409.

2 Crawford, op. cit., p. 86.

3 See his attack upon Lope de Vega, Passagero, fols. 103 and 108.

THE CONSTANT AMARILIS OF FIGUEROA

carping man, at odds with the world, which, doubtless
treated him as he deserved.

The Constante Amarilis was not very successful, as the
author himself says. In the prologue he gives its purpose :
" my intention has been to celebrate the constancy and suf-
fering of two persecuted lovers, from the beginning of
their lives to their happy marriage." Some time prior to
the appearance of the Constante Amarilis, Figueroa had en-
tered the service of Don Juan Andres Hurtado de Mendoza,
who was living at Barajas, a town in the province of
Cuenca. It was to this friendship that the Constant Ama-
rilis owes its origin.1 In it, Figueroa appears at Damon,
and the marriage celebrated in the romance is that of his
patron D. Juan Andres Hurtado de Mendoza (Menandro)
with his third wife, who was also his cousin, Dona Maria
de Cardenas (Amarilis), daughter of D. Bernardino de
Cardenas, Duke of Maqueda and of Dona Luisa Manrique
de Lara, Duchess of Najera, on March 29, 1609.

The Constante Amarilis, the author tells us, was written
in two months. It is composed of four " discourses," and
is a dull book, which all the author's poetical talent failed
to make interesting. That Figueroa had carefully read
and remembered the Arcadia of Sannazaro is at once ap-
parent. He has, however, introduced many incidents that
are quite foreign to a work of this kind, such as the long
discourse of Menandro on the art of poetry, nor are there
any descriptions of natural scenery anywhere in the book,
which might have been written by a poet who had never
ventured beyond the walls of his native city. Appended are
a number of the best poems:

1 Crawford (op. cit., p. 30), who has succeeded in identifying the
principal characters in the romance, v. also, Mod. Lang. Notes, Vol.
XXI (1906), pp. 8-1 1.

178 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Tercetos.

Mas ay de mi ! quien oye mis lamentos ?
ay! que valen si el ayre se los lleva,
y siempe fueron sin piedad los vientos!

. • <•. . .

Sueno, si cosa hize que no deva

contra ti, ya te hallas satisfecho,

ya es tiempo que a mi bien de mi des nueva.

!.

Dile, qu'estoy en lagrimas desecho,
y huyendo ve sin estorvar mi gloria,
el dano baste que hasta aqui m'has hecho.

Hermano de la muerte, que vitoria
sacaras deste trance, si embidioso
usurpas de mis ansias la memoria?

Es la noche al amante desseoso,
apazible, cortes y lisongera,
deteniendo su curso presuroso :

Tu assi, vaso y licor d'Adormidera
con qu'en ocio sepultas los mortales
cortes arroja de tu mano fiera.

Y vos, queridas puertas, dad sefiales
de ser por gusto, y por piedad aora
el unico remedio de mis males.

Sus alas tiende ya la bella Aurora,
ya se mueven, ya cantan Ruisenores,
puertas, dexadme ver a mi senora:

Qu'a vuestro ser aplicare loores,
y colgando guirnaldas amorosas
vuestro umbral cubrire de varias flores.

Levantaos con silencio de la tierra,
y concededme entrada poco a poco,
mi bien sereys, sereys paz de mi guerra.
*******

Ten lastima de mi (6 Tarsia mia)
sino oiras en toda noche oscura,
mis llantos, y mis quexas a porfia.

THE CONSTANT AMARILIS OF FIGUEROA

Vos puertas, vos sereys mi sepoltura
sino mudais la desdichada suerte
de quien en vos a puesto su ventura.

Piedad mostrad, y evitareys mi muerte,
no tengais por dificil qualquier medio,
que si professa ser mi pena fuerte,
fuerte tambien sera vuestro remedio. (pp. 68-71).

Cancion de Meliseo.
*******

Centella buelta ya la losa fria,
haran obsequias sobre el cuerpo muerto;
la piedra banaran con tierno llanto;
llenaran de suspires el desierto;
y en memoria del loven, a porfia
tristes entonaran funebre canto.
Las ninfas entretanto,
offreceran piadosas
guirnaldas olorosas;
adornaran con ellas los altares;
y en partiendo d'alli se oiran cantares
endechas tristes d'aves diferentes :
si a caso te llegares
leeras las letras que veras presentes.

Huesped, cubre este marmol un lloroso
Amante, de prisiones desatado :
sabras que fue la causa de su muerte
la que fue de su gloria y su cuidado.
Aqui sus huesos gozan del reposo
qu'en vida les nego su triste suerte;
si quieres detenerte
mira la sepoltura
a quien dan sombra oscura
estos laureles, cuyo movimiento
provocan a tristeza al mas contento:
las galas de los arboles despoja
enrronquecido viento,
y secase en cayendo aqui la oja. (p. 101).

179

180 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Sonnet.

Tendio la noche el tenebroso engano,
y difunta dexo 1'alma del dia:
Morfeo en los mortales esparcia
el qu'es de nuestra vida desengano :

Quando yo por huir d'ausencia el dano
de Elisa el duke albergue recorria:
su rostro vi, por quien la sombra fria
de luz y ardor cubrio su negro pafio.

Mientras el cielo (dixe) tantos ojos
abre quantos el suelo agora cierra,
da fin (Elisa bella) a mis enojos.

Cesse (me respondio) d'amor la guerra,
y pues te doy el alma por despojos
concede al cuerpo paz qu'es poca tierra. (p. 263).

ESPINEL ADORNO: " THE REWARD OF
CONSTANCY."

OVER a decade elapsed before the next pastoral romance,
"The Reward of Constancy," by Jacinto de Espinel Adorno,
appeared in I62O.1 The author dedicated his work to Don
Diego de Anaya y Mendoga, and begs him to receive it
favorably, it being his first work, as an earnest of better
service in the future. In the address to the reader, he says :
" If perchance the language and invention do not please
you, remember that a poor wit (un corto ingenio} like
mine, can do no better," etc., and further, " one thing I
would ask of you, and that is, that you read the entire
book." This is asking much of the reader, though it was a
less disagreeable task than one would have supposed, judg-
ing from the opening paragraph; his book, moreover, is
the only source of our scanty knowledge of his life, for it
is believed that one or two facts put by the author into the
mouth of Arsindo, are to be referred to himself. Accord-
ing to this, the author was born at Manilva z and brought
up at Munda,3 in the province of Malaga, which he was

1 El Premio de la Constancies, y Pastores de Sierra Bermeia. For
lacinto de Espinel Adorno. Ano 1620. En Madrid, For la viuda de
Alonso Martin. The Sierra Bermeja is a range of mountains on the
confines of the provinces of Malaga and Cadiz, in the Ronda chain;
called Vermeja from its reddish soil. I have a second edition of the
Premio de la Constancia published at Seville in 1894, at the expense
of the Marques de Xeres de los Caballeros.

2 A town of Spain in the province, and fifty-five miles southwest of
Malaga, near the coast.

8 On fol. 36 he tells us that his parents took him to Munda, where

181

182 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

obliged to leave, having wounded his opponent in a noc-
turnal brawl, the result of an unfortunate love affair.

" The Reward of Constancy " never reached a second
edition until our own day, nor is it known that its author
published any other work; his name, however, occurs sev-
eral times as a contributor to the justas poeticas of the time.

The book begins as follows : " Adonde con tan pressu-
roso passo encaminas el curso violento de mi desdicha,
termino fatal del rigor (6 suerte contraria) con que apri-
essa me amenazas: tormento aparente con que aguijoneas,
pecho que si no dessea vivir, es por estar a pique de tantos
incendios, que muestran el trance duro en que estoy puesto :
infelize dafio, terrible pena, fragoso tormento, temeraria
fatiga, todos juntos contraries, no temidos deste desdi-
chado, venid, venid, y dadle fin al cuerpo que entre aquestos
riscos, solitarias grutas, y cavernosas pefias, aguarda el
triste golpe de la parca rigurosa, para conmigo ingrata, no
al alma, etc., etc. This, it must be admitted, is not an aus-
picious beginning.

In the following passage the beauties of a pastoral life
are described :

" Aqui, dixo Felino, enganamos la vida lo mejor que
podemos, nunca faltos de gusto, ni agenos de regalo, por
ser esta vida la mas amada y mas quieta que todas. Aqui
estamos alexados y remontados de los negocios y preten-
ciones de los que andan hechos camaleones de los poderosos
Principes. Aqui estamos ya guardando nuestros ganados,

they had relatives, and here he was brought up and sent to school.
He studid Latin, "no con cuydado por yrme divertiendo en cosas que
si importauan al gusto, danauan al alma." And again in Book II,
speaking of the poet Vincente E'spinel, who was "the first inventor
of dezimas," also called espinelas, and who was born at Munda, Ar-
sindo says: "long have I known him by reputation, not personally, —
aunque he estado yo en su patria muchos dias." See also Gayangos'
tr. of Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 543.

THE REWARD OF CONSTANCY

ya arando y cultiuando los campos y heredades que fueron
de nuestros mayores, cogiendo y abarcando cada uno menos
aim de lo que puede, estando alegres y contentos con solo
dos bueyes, mas que con grandes tesoros los ricos Mon-
arcas. Aqui no tenemos los sobdesaltos que en los rezios
combates los discipulos de Marte tienen con el zumbido de
las lluvias espesas de balas, reliquias de bombardas y cule-
brinas, parte donde cadaqual encoge sus mienbros aunque
mas el animo se dilate, no dexando de tener algun genero
de temor, cada uno por su incierta suerte. . . . Ya mira-
mos los ganados, y rebafios de toros, y vacas, que andan
dando bramidos, vagando por los campos espaciosos, y
valles amenos abundantes, si de pastes, no avaros de aguas.
. . . Ya otras vezes se nos antoja el recostarnos debaxo
de la sombra de una antigua y acopada enzina, cuyo suelo
vestido de grana, nos sirve de entretenernos con blando
sustento, combidando a dulce sueno. . . . Ya oymos quex-
arse las aves con sus cantos, emboscadas entre las espessas
ramas destas selvas, respondiendose unas a otras, con par-
ticular y acordada armonia," etc. (ed. 1894, p. 9).

The book is pleasant reading, its style generally being
easy and agreeable and its descriptions of natural scenery
often very beautiful. Long and dull stories from Greek
and Roman history are, however, also intermingled, and
the shepherds seldom miss an opportunity to indulge in
moralizing. They grapple with some of the profoundest
problems: as an example, Arsileo, speaking of children,
says that punishment is good for them, whereupon Arsindo
says : " No child has ever died from chastisement, but, on
the other hand, from not being chastised in time great
troubles have followed. There is no greater punishment
in this life than not to be punished."

The poetry scattered through the book is not of a very
high order. Here is a sonnet :

184 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Sale el Sol por las cumbras del Oriente

Para llenar el mundo de alegria,

Y en la distancia de tan solo un dia

Su curso gira, y llega al Occidente:
Sigue la noche luego velozmente,

Muestra su manto azul de argenteria,

Diana sale que en su plata fia

Del cielo al suelo puesta f rente a f rente:
Sale risuena la rosada Aurora,

Y la mafiana que los campos dora;
Buelue a llenar los prados de contento

El Sol con su dichoso navimiento :
Y todo tiene fin, que es sombra vana

El Sol, la noche, el Alua, y la mafiana (ibid., p. 37).

Song of the Dryads.

Las fuentes que al alua matiza

quando hace al mundo salua,

con gusto alegre risuefias

saltan, bullen, brillan y dangan.

Si el ausentarse la noche

las seluas estan vizarras

con la venida de Cintia,

que las adorna y engasta.

Y las avezillas libres

con harpados picos cantan,

pidiendo albricias al dia

y el fin de sus esperangas.

Y los campos apacibles

con rosicleres de nacar

forman a la vista cielo,

y a los olfatos dan ambar,

Todos con el nueuo huesped,

que ya sus alfombras passa

con gusto alegre, risuenos,

saltan, bullen, brillan, y dangan (ibid., p. 240).

Sometimes the author descends to mere word-quibbling,
as in the following sonnet, which is sung by Fenicia and
Laureno (Book II, fol. 61).

Laur. Temblando miro si constante adoro

rostro que engendra gloria, triste llanto:

THE REWARD OF CONSTANCY ^5

Fen. Yo siento pena, si contenta canto,

descubro el mal, y mi remedio ignore :

Laur. Sufro temor, si aguardo mi tesoro.

Fen. Lagrimas muestro, si mi bien espanto :

Laur. Tanto me aclaro, que me pierdo tanto,

Fen. Quanto me anima amor, tanto mas lloro.

Laur. Mi bien espero. Fen. Mi contento aguardo.

Laur. Huyo del mal. Fen. Pretendo mi ventura.

Laur. Tristezas me da amor. Fen. A mi tormento.

Laur. Tarda la dicha. Fen. Yo en gozarla tardo.

Laur. Temo. Fen. Vazilo. Laur. Tiempo. Fen. Coyuntura.

Laur. Espera. Fen. Aguarda. Laur. El pecho. Fen. El pensamiento.

' THE SHEPHERD OF CLENARDA " BY BOTELLO.

In 1622 Miguel Botello published in Madrid his pastoral
romance " The Shepherd of Clenarda." 1 In another work,
La Fills? he calls himself Captain Miguel Botello de Car-
vallo. He was a Portuguese, born at Viseo in 1595; in
1622 (his vessel left Lisbon on March i8th) he accom-
panied, as secretary, the fourth Count of Vidiguerra, D.
Francisco de Gama, when he sailed for India as Viceroy.8
Having returned to his native country, he went to Paris
in 1647, m tne retinue of Don Francisco's son, D. Vasco

1 Prosas y Versos del Pastor de Clenarda, por Miguel Botello, na-
tural de la ciudad de Viseo. Con licencia, en Madrid, por la viuda de
Fernando Correa de Montenegro, MDCXXII. 8°.

2 La Filis. Del Capitan Miguel Botello de Carvallo. Al Conde de
la Vidiguerra. En Madrid, por Juan Sanchez. Ano 1641. It is a
poem in six cantos, written in octaves (Gallardo, Ensayo, II, p. 127).
Previously he had published La Fabula de Piramo y Tisbe, dedicated
to two Genoese nobles, D. Francisco and D. Andres Fiesco, Madrid,
1621. He is the author of two other works: Soliloquios a Christo
N. S. (in verse), Paris, 1645, and Rimas varias y Tragi-comedia del
martir d'Ethiopia, En Ruan, en la inprenta de Lorengo Maury. Ano
MDCXLVL It contains, among others, commendatory verses by
Antonio Henriquez Gomez, most of whose works were also published
at Rouen. In this work Botello styles himself " Secretario del Exmo.
senor Conde Almirante."

8"Ao chegar a Mozambique, travou-se peleja com uma frota de
hollandezes, ficando Miguel Botelho ferido na testa. Aportou a Goa a
19 de dezembro. D'aqui foi Miguel Botelho despachado para o sul
por capitao de um patacho, com o encargo de levar cartas ao gover-
nador de Maninha. De regreso a India encontrou-se com uma nau
hollandeza, com a qual se bateu como valoroso soldado. . . . Miguel
Botelho achava-se em Hespanha, sem duvida militando na Catalunha
quando em Portugal rebentou o movimento revolucionario que pro-
clamou a nossa autonomia. D'aqui nao sem graves difficultades e
perigos conseguiu elle passar a Franc.a," etc. Archivo Historico Por-
tugues, Vol. IV (1906), p. 317.
186

THE SHEPHERD OF CLENARDA

Luis de Gama, first Marquis of Niza, who was sent to that
Court as Ambassador extraordinary in that year. As he
returned to Portugal on April 30, 1649, it is probable that
Botello returned with him.1 The latest notice we have of
Botello is in i654.2

" The Shepherd of Clenarda," a pastoral romance in
prose and verse, the chief personages of which are Lisardo
and Clenarda, is divided into four books. Prefixed are a
number of laudatory verses by Spanish ingenlos, including
Da. Maria de Zayas, Manuel de Faria y Sousa (" to the
author, on his leaving for India"), Alonso de Salas Bar-
badillo, D. Rodrigo de Herrera, " his best friend ", and
Antonio Lopez de Vega. The latter addresses the poet
as Lisardo, indicating that Botello has represented himself
under this disguise. In his Fabula de Piramo y Tisbe he
tells us that his pastoral romance is a " historia disf razada,
si bien verdadera." I have never seen a copy of this very
rare book.8

1 See O primeiro Marquez de Niza, by Jose Ramos-Coelho, in Ar-
chivo Historico Portugues, I, Lisbon, 1903. On August 2, 1647, he
writes from Paris : " De Madrid me vem agora todas as obras do
grande Lope de Vega ; e sao quarenta e cinco livros que nao tinha "
(p. 38). Botello is not mentioned in this article. See also Barrera,
Catalogo, p. 44.

2 " Pelos seus longos services, tanto em Paris como na India, o
agraciou D. Joao IV., em 1649, com o habito de Christo, dando-lhe
em 1654 a pensao de vinte mil reis na commenda de Ranhados, em
que estava provide D. Fernao Manuel. Archivo Historico Portugues,
IV, p. 317-

3 Gallardo (Ensayo, II, p. 126) says of it: "La prosa y los versos
son faciles y corrientes, pero no tienen colores ni conceptos senalados
que distingan a Botello privilegiadamente entre los ingenios de su
tiempo. Su estilo es mas florero que florido. El corriente de su
prosa se parece a la del Dr. Lozano, aunque la de este es mas rica."
See also Garcia Peres, Catalogo razonado de los Autores Portugueses
que escribieron en Castellano. Madrid, 1890, p. 58. Botello also con-
tributed verses to the Justa poetica in honor of San Isidro, held at
Madrid in 1620. See Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, p. 973.

CUEVAS : " THE EXPERIENCES OF LOVE AND
FORTUNE."

FOUR years afterward, in 1626, Francisco de Quintana,
a friend of Lope de Vega, under the name of Francisco de
las Cuevas, published " The Experiences of Love and For-
tune." x Quintana was born in Madrid, and in 1626 be-
came a member of the Congregation of Saint Peter, in
which he served the cause of the church with great zeal,
and seems to have had considerable reputation for elo-
quence as a preacher. In 1644 he became rector of the

1 Experiencias de Amor y Fortuna. A Lope Felix de Vega Carpio,
Procurador Fiscal de la Comoro Apostolica, y su Notario descrito en
el Archiuo Romano, Familiar del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion. Por
el Licenciado Francisco de las Cuevas, natvral de Madrid. Ano (In
oblectatione saepe est doctrina) 1626. Con Privilegio. En Madrid,
Por la Vivda de Alonso Martin. Salva (no. 1780) describes an edi-
tion "Madrid, Francisco Martinez, 1632, 8°, 16 -J- 276 fols., and I
have a note of one: Montilla, Francisco Martinez, 8°, 6 -|- 258 fols.
The next ed. (which I possess), is Barcelona, por Pedro Lacavalleria,
1633, 8°, 8 -\- 156 fols. There were also editions of Madrid, 1641 ;
Jaen, 1646; Barcelona, 1649; Madrid, 1666 and 1723. That the Ex-
periencias passed through so many editions is evidence that it en-
joyed considerable popularity, and shows how easily the public taste
was satisfied. The book is no better and no worse, however, than the
author's next attempt, the Historia de Hipolito y Aminta, first pub-
lished in Madrid in 1627. It is written in the manner of the Persiles
y Sigismunda of Cervantes, and was perhaps prompted by it. Quin-
tana's literary success was doubtless due, in no small measure, to the
powerful influence of his friend, Lope de Vega. It may be mentioned
that an English translation of " The Experiences of Love and For-
tune" appeared in 1651. It is entitled: The History of Don Fenise.
A new Romance, written in Spanish by Francisco de las Coveras (sic).
And now Englished by a person of honour. 8°. London. Printed by
Humphrey Moseley, 1651.
188

THE EXPERIENCES OF LOVE AND FORTUNE

Hospital de la Latina in Madrid. Such, however, were the
litigations and entanglements in which Quintana became
involved, that he was reduced to the greatest poverty. He
died January 25, I658.1

' The Experiences of Love and Fortune " is dedicated
to Quintana's friend, Lope de Vega, who, in an address
prefixed to the work, speaks of it as " esta primera piedra
de sus estudios, aunque tan sazonado fruto de sus verdes
afios." From this it is evident that Cuevas, as we may
now call him, was then a young man, and this may be
some excuse for his very commonplace book. It is divided
into five poemas, " because poema is a generic name which
embraces not only verses, but also prose, as Cicero inti-
mates in his book De Oratore," etc. He concludes thus:
" I do not think that the learned will be displeased with
reading it, for as Quintilian says : ' In grandibus coenis hoc
saepe nobis accidit, ut cum optimis saciati sumus, varietas
tamen nobis ex vilioribus grata sit.' '

The first " poem " begins thus :

" No lexos de una pequena f uente, que a un verde sauze
puso de transparente cristal Candidas prisiones, Siluio, pas-
tor por su entendimiento, y por su disposicion celebrado en
los montes que a la Imperial Toledo vezinos, son aspera
poblacion de duros robles, o albergue poco culto, a varias
fieras, mayoral de un mediano aprisco, dueno de un apa-
cible rebafio, que a trechos era esmalte del prado, nieue del
monte, siendo en partes aumentado de las pefias; estaua
una tarde, de las que suauamente alienta Mayo, respirando
a un tiempo zefiros y flores, tan melancolico, que ni los
campos le diuertian, ni las fuentes le dauan alegria; antes
le sucedia tan al contrario (efeto antiguo de los perfetos

1 Alvarez y Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Vol. II, p. 152 ; Barrera, Bio-
grafia de Lope de Vega, in Obras de Lope de Vega, I, Madrid, 1890,
p. 502.

I9o SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

tristes) que le seruia de mortal veneno lo que pudiera sanar
sus fieros males."

Here is a passage from the second " poem " :
" La malicia de los presentes siglos, tan conforme en
todo a la de los passados, nos muestra claramente, que siem-
pre ha sido uno mismo el mundo, y siempre flaca nijestra
naturaleza. Quando yo miro que Seneca in Agam. dize
estas palabras: Perecieron las costumbres, la fuerga, la
piedad, y la verguenga, que una vez perdida, ignora los ca-
minos de boluer a su duefio; pienso, o que Feniso viuio en
tiempo de Seneca, o que Seneca estuuo presente a los su-
cessos de Feniso. Sano de su indisposicion estaua, solicito
restaurar su perdida pretendia, y cuerdo su sentimiento
ocultaua nuestro noble Cauallero a tiempo que una ma-
nana de las que el hermoso padre del dia calienta las duras
escamas de Escorpion, llego cansado de hazer ocultas dili-
gencias a su posada y casa de Leonardo, no hallo en ella a
don Luis, porque le desuelaua el mismo cuydado; y assi
opresso de su imaginacion (tormento que mata sin acabar
la vida, y dafio, cuyo remedio es tan dificultoso, como
contra enemigo inescusable) se arrojo sobre la cama para
descansar, porque viue enganado el que piensa que los
pesares no cansan el cuerpo, quando atormentan el alma."

As a specimen of the verse in " The Experiences of Love
and Fortune," I have copied the following Epigrama, which
the shepherds sing upon seeing Theodora with a carnation
(clavel) in her mouth.

Clauel hermoso que espirando olores
Al duke aliento de mi bien te mueues,
No se inquietan tus hojas por ser leues,
Antes son de temor essos temblores.

Al competirte injurias otras floras,
Y es bien igual rigor aora prueues,
Aunque a tu osada competencia deues
El tener de verguenc.a essas colores.

THE EXPERIENCES OF LOVE AND FORTUNE igi

Pienso que fueran tus consejos sabios

Si mudaras el ser, si cristal fueras,

luzgarante reflexes de sus labios;

Mas en tanta porfia es bien que infieras,
Que por necio mereces mas agrauios,
Pues viendote exceder, veneer esperas (fol. 44).

Here are some decimas:

No se si se llame amor

a esto que mi pecho alcanga,

que amor y sin esperanqa

mas me parece rigor:

el impossible mayor

no consiste en ser mi empleo

indigno deste trofeo,

porque el mayor impossible

aduierto en no ser possible

todo quanto yo deseo.
Vuestra beldad me assegura

de que con razon me empeno,

de mi pecho os haze duefio

deseos de mi ventura:

vuestro ingenio me procura

quitar vida y libertad,

mas en la seguridad

con que mis afectos nacen,

deshaze el temor quanto hazen

deseo, ingenio, y beldad (fol. 103).

The book, to the credit of its author, contains very
little verse. It is written in the bad taste of much of the
prose of the time, with a piling-up of epithets and constant
resort to antithetical clauses. " The Experiences of Love
and Fortune," should, however, be expunged from the list
of pastoral romances in which it has so long figured, for it
is a romance of adventure simply, made up of most improb-
able incidents, the second " poem " containing an episode
based upon the old story of Ami et A mile.

CORRAL: "THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ."

THREE years had elapsed when, in 1629, La Cintia de
Aranjuez, by Don Gabriel de Corral, appeared at Madrid.1
The author, who was the son of Garcia de Corral and
Ysabel de Villalpando, was born at Valladolid, where he
was baptized on March 31, i$88.2 He became chaplain to
the Constable of Castile, and three years before the ap-
pearance of the " Cinthia " he had published a translation
of the " Argenis " of Jean Barclay, entitled : La Prodigiosa
Historia de los dos Amantes, Argenis y Poliarc'o, Madrid,
Juan Gonzalez, 1626, 4°.3 He also translated from the
Latin the poetical works of Pope Urban VIII.

The earliest appearance of Corral as an author, to my

1 La Cintia de Aranivez, Prosas y Versos. For el Licenciado Don
Gabriel de Corral, natural de Valladolid. Al Excelentissimo Senor
Condestable de Castillo, mi senor. [Arms of the Constable.] En
Madrid. En la Imprenta del Reyno. A costa de Alonso Perez, Lib-
rero de su Magestad. Ano MDCXXIX. 8°, viii -|- 208 ff. I possess
a copy.

2 Partida de bautismo : " Grabiel = En treinte y uno de marc.o de
1588 anos baptice a gabriel hi jo de Garcia de corral y de ysabel de
billalpando su muger fueron padrinos Antonio bauptista de c.amora
y maria alonso Abogado S. Andres." Cortes, Una Corte literaria, p.
167; and the same author's article on Gabriel de Corral in the Revista
Contemporanea (Enero, 1903), which I was unable to consult. Sr.
Cortes says : " Tuvo Gabriel un hermano, Juan, bautizado en la An-
tigua, y una hermana Casilda, bautizada en S. Martin." After this
account was finished I had the pleasure of receiving a copy of Sr.
Cortes' article in the Revista, for which I wish to thank him most
cordially. I have made some additions from his article.

8 The Argenis of Barclay, written in Latin, was first printed in
1621. A French translation appeared as early as 1623.
192

THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ

knowledge, is found in some Latin distichs which he wrote
to Montalvan's Orfeo in 1624.* He also wrote a laudatory
decima to Castillo Solorzano's Tardes entretenidas, 1625.
In 1631 he is mentioned among the distinguished poets of
the time by Sebastian Francisco de Medrano,2 and seems
to have enjoyed considerable reputation as a writer of
verse.

In the prologue to the " Cynthia," dated Zaragoc,a, Au-
gust 15, 1628, Corral says that he is writing these
" sketches " on his journey to Rome, without books or
help (prevention) of any kind, " no para estimacion, sino
para dar a entender mi afecto asi a la pluma, como a la
atencion de los obligaciones que V. Merced me ha puesto,"
etc. Our author passed some years in Italy, being at Rome
in 1632 in the service of the Count of Monte-Rey, the

1 Unless, as is very probable, our author is the same person as El
Licenciado Gabriel Garcia de Corral, who contributed verses to the
certamen poetico published by Pedro de Herrera in his Description
de la Capilla de nuestra Senora del Sagrario, etc., Madrid, 1617.
Salva, Catalogo, No. 260. I am glad to learn that Sr. Cortes is also
of the opinion that they are one person.

2 In his Favores de las Musas, Milan, 1631. See Gallardo, Ensayo,
Vol. Ill, col. 702. Some unedited poems by Corral are found in a
MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (M. 202). Ibid., Vol. II, Ap-
pendix, p. 35. According to D. Luis Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe, Alar-
con, p. 336, Corral belonged to the famous Academia poetica in Mad-
rid, in 1622, of which all the most celebrated poets were members, in-
cluding Lope de Vega, Mira de Mescua, Guillen de Castro, Luis Velez
de Guevara, Alarcon, and others. Hartzenbusch, in his preliminary
study of Alarcon's works (Comedias de D. Juan Ruiz de Alarcon y
Mendoza, p. xxxiv, in Bibl. de Autores Espanoles), had already called
attention to the vejamen dado en una academia in which all who en-
tered into the concurso were greatly caricatured, and among whom
Corral also figures. The account is interesting, but is too long to
be copied here. I do not find any notice of this particular vexamen
in the Obras de Anastasio Pantaleon de Ribera, Madrid, 1634, which
I have. In the vexamen segundo (ibid., fol. I43v) he figures as "el
Licenciado Coriandro."

IQ4 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Spanish Ambassador.1 Returniing to Spain, he was made
Canon of Zamora, and afterwards Superior of the Col-
legial Church at Toro, which office he certainly held in
i64O,2 and apparently until his death, which took place in
Toro in November, i646.3

Barrera is of the opinion that two authors of the same
name, Gabriel de Corral, existed in Spain at the beginning
of the seventeenth century.4 The grounds, however, for
such an opinion are very slight, presumably because a play
has come down to us, La Trompeta del Juizio, by Gabriel
de Corral, printed in Vol. XXXI of the Comedias nuevas
escogidas de los me j ores Ingenios de Espaiia, Madrid, 1669.

1 In this year Montalban wrote of him : " D. Gabriel del Corral, que
oy esta en Roma en seruicio del Conde de Monterrey, las [comedias]
escriuio como quien quiere prouar la pluma en lo menos, excelentissi-
mamente." " Memoria de los que escriuen Comedias en Castilla sola-
mente," in Para Todos, ed. of 1645, fol, 278v. That Corral was in
Italy prior to 1630, is also shown by Lope de Vega's Laurel de Apolo,
Silva III ; see also Silva VIII, in which Lope calls him the Spanish
Propertius.

2 In the Obras de Don Luis de Ulloa Pereira, first published in 1659,
there is an " Epistola de D. Gabriel de Corral, Abad entonces de la
Iglesia Colegial de Toro." In my copy, which is of the second edi-
tion, Madrid, 1674, it occurs on pp. 155-160, and is dated February
26, 1640. This epistola is also printed in Bohl v. Faber's Floresta,
Vol. Ill, p. 365, No. 981. Barrera says of Corral : " D. Francisco de
Vitoria, D. Gabriel del Corral, D. Luis de Ulloa Pereira y sus hijos,
en algunas temporadas, y tal cual otro ingenio, formaban en Toro una
tertulia, que probablemente se reuniria y haria la corte (por los anos
de 1643 al de 1645) en el palacio del destronado ministro," i. e. the Count
Duke of Olivares. Catdlogo, p. 499; see also Nueva Biografia de
Lope de Vega, p. 403.

3 Partida de difuncion : " Don Gabriel de Corral, Abad que fue de
esta Santa Iglesia, se enterro en ella en veinta y siete de Noviembre
dicho ano de 1646; hizo testamento ante Alonso Rodriguez Davila,
Scriv0 de esta ciudad de Toro; testamentarios Don Juo. Brabo, idem,
Antonio de la Sierra, Abad que al presente es." Cortes, in Revista
Contemporanea, 1903, p. 17.

4 Catdlogo, p. IOI.

THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ

There can scarcely be a doubt that the Gabriel Garcia de
Corral mentioned in a previous note and our author are
one and the same person; no more than it can be doubted
that Lope de Vega in the two passages of his Laurel de
Apolo refers to but one poet. Besides we have the direct
testimony of Montalvan that our author was well known as
a dramatist before 1632.*

Unlike Lope de Vega, in the prologue to his Arcadia,
Corral tells us in his address to the reader, that he does
not write for the cultivated, saying : " No hablo con los
Patricios de la cultura, sino con el vulgo2 con quien Mar-
cial se entiende tal vez diziendo, Vobis pagina nostra dedi-
catur," and again : " I, at least, desire to please the people."
He tells us how the book was made up : "I shall confess to
you that all the verses this volume contains were written
antes del intento; and in order to make them acceptable, I
have linked them with prose and accompanied them with
these discourses, not daring to publish the mere rimas, in
doing which, men of greater intellect run a risk that is well
known. . . . What seemed more venturesome, was to pub-

1 For an account of La Trompeta del Juisio, see the articles of
Cortes, already mentioned. There is a MS. (xvii century) of La
gran Comedia de la Trompeta del Juicio, proceeding from the Osuna
collection, in which it is ascribed to D. Francisco de Rojas on the
title-page, though the concluding lines of the play declare it to be
the work of two poets. Sr. Cotarelo says : " Esto sera lo mas cierto :
Corral y Rojas habran compuesto la comedia, y solo alia muchos anos
despues de muertos ambos, el editor se la habra adjudicado al que
seria autor del acto primero 6 de la primera mitad de la Obra."
Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla, Madrid, 1911, p. 259.

2 Concerning this expression, Wolf says: " Dass daruntur noch im-
mer nicht der Pobel, ja dass unter diesem Spanischen Vulgo noch ein
sehr achtbarer Theil der Nation, die ganze landliche und kleinstadt-
ische Bevolkerung im Gegensatz zu den Hauptstadten auch damals
(mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts) noch begriffen gewesen sei, — hat Huber
(Gott. Am., 1857, s. 452) sehr gut nachgewiesen. Studien zur Gesch.
d. Spanischen u. Port. Nationalliteratur, p. 543, n.

196 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

lish a book for diversion or entertainment, although pure
and exemplary, when, from the nature of my studies, more
serious matters were expected." The author succeeded in
making a prosy and tiresome book, which is quite a task
to read.

It is very probable that some real personage is concealed
under the name Cynthia. On fol. 16, there is an allusion
to " un Heroe de los mas insignes que tuuo el tronco de los
Guzmanes, de quien Cintia era hermosa rama " ; on fol. 68
we read : " El soneto f ue de Liseno. Celebro anticipado en
vaticinio al heroe generoso don Caspar de Guzman." Again
on fol. 95: " Este (dixo) senalando un bizarro varon, es
padre de mi sefiora Cintia, cauallero que por su valor y
sangre tuuo grandes puestos." Cintia takes lessons in
Latin (fol. 115); she lived in Guadalajara (fol. i23v),
and Lisardo, who is in love with her, turns out to be her
half-brother (ibid.). Cynthia's relatives brought her to
Madrid (fol. 124) ; here she was betrothed against her
will, and as a relief from " her illness and melancholy,"
she retires to the solitude of this fingido Arcadia (fol.
I24v). On fol. iSQv we are told that Cynthia is " dona
Guiomar, que ilustra el apellido de los Heroes Guzmanes."

The following " eclogue " which the shepherds sing to
a lovely " auditorio de zagales acompanadas de garcpnes
bizarros," will give an idea of the poetry :

" Dulce remora del viento,

Coro entero en una voz,

Que fue mordaza inuisible

De arroyo murmurador.
Iman del risco, y del eco,

Impossible imitacion,

Y de un aliso pomposo

Alada y parlera flor.
Auecilla en fin quexosa

De amor, si bien desmintio

THE CYNTHIA OF ARANJUEZ

A las quexas el concento,
Y la musica al dolor.
Calla tu cuidado,
No le digas no,
Que diran, si le cantas,
Que te falta amor.
Como blasonas martirios,
Si en los indicios del Sol
Madrugan tus sentimientos
A templarse con tu voz?
Qual amante sus querellas
Tan suaues disfrazo,
Si el merito del amar
Se pierde en la explicacion?
Merezcate amor silencio,

Imitemonos los dos,
• Aprende a morir callando,

Agradecido al dolor.
Calla tu cuidado," etc.

Corral is not more fortunate in his sonnets than in his
" eclogues."

Sonnet.

Esta tremula lumbre, que del viento

Viue sobresaltada y mal segura,

Atalaya del tiempo, que apresura

De las horas el facil mouimiento:
Este, o Lelio, alumbrado aduertimiento,

Que generoso luce lo que dura,

Que ignorante de noche de hora escura

La vida ha vinculado al lucimiento :
Indice claro, auiso es eloquente,

Si de otro que la vista necessitas,

Y del estudio noble de tu idea,
Para que pues del ayre estas pendiente,

No a tan breue periodo permitas,

Accion que de la luz indigna sea (fol. 94b).

The subject of this sonnet (incomprehensible to me) is
a bronze clock : " Laurencio, que no era pobre, en los ador-
nos y galas de su quarto tenia otro relox de bronze, que

1 98 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

libraua su valor en el artificio, porque con el mayor que
hasta entonces se auia visto, el indice de las horas era una
luz que las iba alumbrando y sefialando."

Book II contains a vexamen in which one of the char-
acters expresses astonishment that " there should be hos-
pitals for so many bodies and nations and yet one for poets
should be wanting, although they have so many ills." The
book is, accordingly divided into seven Canias or beds.
We are told, moreover, that " ha llegado la necessidad poe-
tica a tal estado, que de hambre mas que de intention, si no
se comen, se muerden unos a otros. No es trato la poesia
que ha dado hasta hoy principio a algun mayorazgo, porque
los romances y sonetos, aunque scan del Sefior Danteo, un
afio con otro, no valen nada: solo para esta nueua funda-
cion faltara Medico, ya porque juzgauan la cura destos en-
fermos impossible, ya porque auia pocas esperangas del
stipendio," etc.

Apollo now visits the different beds where the poets lie.
The first one he declares " por hetico y tisico ; y era asi,
porque se auia desainado de consonantes, y padecia ftuxo
de sonetos, y colica de romnaces, a cuyos achaques soco-
rrio con esta receta :

" Para que por buen camino
Engorde este cecinado,
Esqueleto amortajado
En pieles de pergamino :
Recipe una gauioneta
Tan cortes y comedida,
Que le quiera, y no le pida,
Y abstengase de poeta" (fol. 82).

Lope's high praise of Corral in his Laurel de Apolo is
another proof, if any were needed of the untrustworthiness
of this poem as a help to forming any opinion of Lope's
contemporaries.

SAAVEDRA: " THE SHEPHERDS OF THE B£TIS."

' The Shepherds of the Betis," 1 by Don Gonzalo de
Saavedra,2 a Veintequatro 3 of the city of Cordova, next
appeared at Trani, a town of Naples, in 1633. The work
was published after the author's death by his son, who dedi-
cated it to Don Manual de Fonseca y Zuniga, Captain Gen-
eral of the Kingdom of Naples, and calls it " the diversions
of my father's youth (divertimientos de la mocedad de mi
padre). Of its style the son speaks as follows : " The prose
is written without verbosity, ingeniously and elegantly;
not too profusely nor laconically from affectation; nor is
it obscure or prolix, but with well-disposed periods, and
with clauses marvelously and helpfully arranged." The
following excerpt, which is a very fair example of the
style of " The Shepherds of the Betis," will enable one to
form an independent opinion upon this point :

" Entre otras tan f amosas, como f ertiles, y levantadas
sierras, que nuestra Hispano Reyno posee, y lo atraviesen,
esta una, adonde vienen a juntar los extremos quatro Pro-
vincias del, a la qual llaman Sierra de Segura; no se yo
porque, pues no ai persona que lo este de las hermosas Pas-

1 Betis, i. e. Guadalquivir.

2 Los Pastores del Betis; Versos y Prosas de Don Gonzalo de Saa-
vedra, veintequatro de la ciudad de Cordoba: dadas a luz par D.
Martin de Saavedra y Guzman su hijo, con algunos fragmentos suyos
anadidos. Al Ilmo. y Excmo. Sr. D. Manuel de Fonseca y Zuniga,
Conde de Monterey, etc. En Trani, por Lorenzo Valerij. Ano 1633.
The license is signed by D. Cristoval Suarez de Figueroa, at Trani,
October 10, 1633. See Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, p. 296.

3 Veintequatro. The corporation of Seville and other towns in An-
dalucia, consisted of twenty-four members, called Veintequatros.

199

200 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

toras que lo habitan : de la qual un leuantado monte, a quien
la naturaleza abrio sus pefiascosas entrafias, langa tanta
cantidad de agua, que da principio, y nombre a la corriente
del celebrado Betis, cuyos poblados margenes de aldeas son
causa de que lo esten ellos, y sus hermosos campos de
ganados, y perdidos Pastores, de Zagales, que mas cuidosos
de amorosos pensamientos, que del gouierno de ellos, olui-
dados de todo lo que no es mostrar la firmeza de sus volun-
tades, passaron el tiempo en amorosas juntas. Aqui la
maestra naturaleza, usando de su politica inuencion, enri-
quecio estos Valles de agradables fuentes, contrapuestas a
los temporales, assi, que en el ardiente estio apenas las
manos pueden resistir la frialdad de sus cristales, y en el
riguroso inuierno, en ellos entrados se estienden, y regalan
con su templanga los encogidos neruios: de algunas de las
quales las sobras forman agradables, y murmurantes corr-
ientes, que de amorosos pechos con tierans lagrimas, au-
mentadas, llegan fertilizando el distrito, que desde su naci-
miento, hasta el famoso rio; inclinando a trechos con su
continue curso, los delgados, y verdes junquillos, y las
pintadas y tiernas florecillas, que puestas por limite de su
anchura, hermosean sus humedos margenes."

Of Saavedra's poetry, I copy the song of Beliso (p. 79) :

Dulce y sabrosa fuente,

Si tu cristal enturbian los despojos,

Y continua corriente

Que el corazon te ofrece por los ojos,

Para que te acompanen

Y destos olmos las raizes banen.

Porque, como murmuras

Entre las pedrezuelas, y la arena,

Remedio no procuras

Para que cesse mi tormento y pena,

Y acabados mis males,

No enturbiara mi llanto tus cristales?

THE SHEPHERDS OF THE B£TIS 2OI

Mueue tu muda lengua

Para reparo de mi triste vida,

Pues mi dolor no mengua,

Ni el rigor de una fiera enpedernida,

Y di a esta ingrata bella

Con la razon que Talma se querella.

Y tu esmaltado prado

Mas que la misma habitacion de flora,

Si por estar pisado

De los diuinos pies de mi Senora,

A Chipre te auentajas,

Porque mi dafio, y su rigor no atajas?

Vosotros airecillos

Que mil vozes formais, dando en las ojas

De aquestos arbolillos,

Formad alguna que de mis congojas

De euenta a mi Pastora,

Bella en el rostro, en condicion traidora.

Mas, ay prado florido,

Arboles, aires, fuente dulce y bella,

Que me tiene rendido,

Y ella lo sabe bien, que a no ver ella

Tan rendido mi pecho,

Menos lagrimas fueran de prouecho.

The shepherds are, as is customary, led to the Temple
of Diana, and upon one of its columns read the following
prophecy :

El que llegare a ver de aquesta casa

Los trasparentes muros de diamante,

O sea pastor libre, o tierno amante

De los que premia Amor con mano escasa,

En llegando a mirar la primer vasa,

Pierda la vista luego en esse instante,

Y de euenta sin ella a Dios tonante

De la passion que el corazon le abrasa.

Porque no puede serla manifiesta

A nadie deste templo la grandeza,

Y las cosas que en el hay encerradas,

Hasta que de un Pastor con risa, y fiesta,

De su pastora, mansa la fiereza,

Se celebren las bodas deseadas.

202 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Of this prophecy the sage says :

" Do not trouble yourself to solve it, for it will be in
vain, as I assure you that, until the day come in which the
Gods permit that this may be fulfilled, it will be impossible
for any human intellect however clever (amenta/ado) , to
understand the mysterious secret hidden in these few let-
ters." " The Shepherds of the Betis " never reached a
second edition.

THE DECLINE OF THE PASTORAL ROMANCES.

THE principal pastoral romances that appeared in Spain
for nearly a century after the publication of the Diana of
Montemayor, have now been passed briefly in review. They
all possess the same general characteristics and followed
closely in the steps of their Spanish model, though none
ever attained the excellence reached by Montemayor. They
all picture that ideal life in Arcadia, where the shepherds
and shepherdesses " fleet the time carelessly as they did in
the Golden World." In none of them is there any attempt
at plot or connected narrative; the characters appear and
disappear at the will of the author, and nothing was deemed
improbable in the forests and meads of their fancied world.

But, while the pastoral romance was finding such great
favor in gentler circles, forms of literature had been gradu-
ally developing which soon became its formidable rivals;
and finally succeeded in obscuring it entirely; — forms of
literature that were destined to endure, because they were
based upon the national life. In 1554 the " Novela Pica-
resca " made its appearance in Lasarillo de Tormes, and,
finally, the national Drama, the foundation of which had
been laid as far back as the close of the fifteenth century,
was developed with an ardor and enthusiasm for which
we find a parallel only in the Greek and English dramatists.

Dramatic literature was popular, because it was written
for the whole people. It was hardly considered a respect-
able form of literature at first, just as we know was the
case in England ; but it had struck its roots deep in the very
heart of Spanish life; it was the faithful mirror of the

203

204 SPANISH PASTORAL ROMANCES

Spanish character in all its ages and phases, and finally
overshadowed every other form of literary composition.
With the advent of the realistic novel and the drama, as
illustrators of the national life, the more artificial and
courtly pastoral romance gradually disappeared from the
scene, but not without leaving its impress upon the litera-
ture of Spain. Like the romance of chivalry, it was an
important factor in the development of style in Spanish
prose, and the easy and graceful diction of Cervantes is
doubtless due, in no small measure, to the influence of the
pastoral romance, which made itself felt even in the drama ;
witness the exquisite pictures of rural life which occur in
so many of the plays of Lope de Vega.

But the pastoral romance has passed away forever, with
the times and the manners that produced it. The singing
and sighing of shepherds, that were a pastime and a pleas-
ure in a more ingenuous age, find no responsive echo in
this more practical century. And though the Diana of
Montemayor has been reprinted in our own day, it can
hardly be hoped that the fragrance of the fields and forests
of its Arcadia is still as perceptible or as agreeable to the
modern reader as it was to the reader of three hundred
years ago ; but considered as a mirror reflecting other times
and other conditions, the pastoral romance will always
maintain an important place in the literature of the Golden
Age of Spain.

APPENDIX.

THIS carta or letter of Montemayor is not to be found in
any of his works, so far as I know. That portion of it
which relates to his life is here subjoined, copied from the
excellent edition of the Poesias de Francisco de Sd de Mi-
randa by Caroline Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Halle, 1885,
p. 655. See p. 20, note i.

Riberas me crie del rio Mondego, 70

Ado jamas sembro el fiero Marte
Del Rei Marsilio aca desasosiego.

De ciencia alii alcanze mui poca parte
I por sola esta parte juzgo el todo
De mi ciencia i estilo, ingenio i arte. 75

En musica gaste mi tiempo todo;
Previno Dios en mi por esta via
Para me sustentar por algun modo.

No se fio, senor, de la poesia,

Porque vio poca en mi, i aunque mas viera, 80

Vio ser pasado el tiempo en que valia.

El rio de Mondego i su ribera
Con otros mis iguales paseava,
bujeto al crudo amor i su bandera.

Con ellos el cantar exercitava 85

I bien sabe el amor que mi Marfida
la entonces sin la ver me lastimava.

Aquella tierra fue de mi querida ;
Deje la, aunque no quise, porque veia
Llegado el tiempo ia de buscar vida. 90

Para la gran Hesperia fue la via
Ado me encaminava mi ventura
I ado senti que amor hiere i porfia.

Alii me mostro amor una figura;
Con la flecha apuntando dijo : aquella! 95

I luego me tiro con fuerza dura.

A mi Marfida vi mas i mas bella

205

206 APPENDIX

Que quantas nos mostro naturaleza,
Pues todo lo de todas puso en ella.

El mar de perfecion i gentileza, 100

Fida por la mas fiel que nadie vido,
Suma lealtad de fe i de firmeza.

Mas ia que el crudo amor me huvo herido,
Le vi quedar tan preso en sus amores
Que io fui vencedor siendo vencido. 105

Alii senti de amor tales dolores
Que hasta los de aora no creia
Que los pudiera dar amor maiores.

Pero despues que un mal en mi porfia,
El qual se llama ausencia, es quasi nada no

El otro grave mal que antes sufria.

En este medio tiempo la estremada
De nuestra Lusitania gran princeza
En quien la fama siempre esta ocupada,

Tuvo, senor, por bien de mi rudeza 115

Servir se, un bajo ser alevantado
Con su saber estrano i su grandeza,

En cuia casa estoi ora, pasando
Con mi cansada musa ora en esto,
Ora de amor i ausencia estoi quejando, 120

Ora mi mal al mundo manifiesto;
Ora ordeno partirme, ora me quedo ;
En una ora mil vezes mudo el puesto;

Ora, a hurto de amor, me finjo ledo;
Ora me veo tan triste que me muero ; 125

Ora querria morir me i nunca puedo.

Mil vezes me pregunto que me quiero
I no se responder me ni sentir me;
Enfin me hallo tal que desespero. etc.

CENTRAL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
University of California, San Diego

DATE DUE

SEP 21 196:

JUN25

C139

UCSD Libr.