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Vol. 6 










Hudson s early History little known. First 
Voyage, in 1607. Sails from Gravesend. 
Makes Discoveries on the Coast of Green 
land. Sails thence to Spitzbergen. Pro 
ceeds northward, to the Eighty-second Degree 
of Latitude. Attempts to find a Passage 
around the North of Greenland. Driven 
back by the Ice. Returns to the southern 
Parts of Spitzbergen, and thence to England. 87 


Hudson s Second Voyage. Sails from London 
with the Design of seeking a Northeastern 
Passage to India. Passes the North Cape. 
Obstructed by Ice. Arrives at Nova 
Zembla. Abandons the Hope of going 
further North. Explores an Inlet, or River, 




in Nova Zembla. Resolves to return. 
Searches for Willoughby s Land. Arrives 
in England 99 


Hudson s Third Voyage. He seeks Employment 
from the Dutch East India Company. Sails 
from Amsterdam. Disappointed in the Hope 
of passing through the Vaygats. Sails 
Westward, to the Bank of Newfoundland, 
and thence to the Coast of America. Enters 
Penobscot Bay. Intercourse with the Na 
tives. Sails to Cape Cod, and explores the 
Coast to the Southward. Returns to the 
North. Discovers the Outlet of Hudson s 
River, and anchors in New York Bay . . . 109 


Hudson explores the River which now bears his 
Name. Escape of the Hostages. Strange 
Experiment with the Natives. Anchors near 
the present Site of Albany. Returns down 
the River. Battle with the Natives, near 
Hoboken. Sails from the Bay, and leaves 
America. Arrives in England 122 


Hudson s Fourth Voyage. He engages in the 
Service of the London Company. Sails to 
Iceland. Disturbances among his Crew. 
Advances westward. In great Danger from 



the Ice. Enters and explores Hudson s Bay. 
Unsuccessful in the Search for a Western 
Passage. Determines to winter in the Bay . 133 


Dreary Prospect for the Winter. Disturbances 
and Sufferings of the Crew. Unexpected 
Supply of Provisions. Distress from Fam 
ine. Hudson sails from his Wintering-Place 
Mutiny of Greene and Others. Fate of 
Hudson and Eight of the Crew. Fate of 
Greene and Others of the Mutineers. Re 
turn of the Vessel to England 144 








ANTHONY WAYNE, the elder, was a native of 
England, who, under an impulse of character or 
of fortune, quitted the land of his birth, and, about 
the year 1681, established himself in Ireland, as 
an agriculturist. In the contest for supremacy 
between William of Orange and the exiled James, 
which took place in 1690, he entered the army of 
the former, and at the battle of the Boyne and 
the siege of Limerick rendered the state some 
important services ; an obligation, which, though 
amply acknowledged at the time, was soon for 
gotten by the receiver. 

Displeased with this inattention of the govern 
ment, and not satisfied with either the civil institu 
tions or social habits of the country of his adop 
tion, he at the advanced age of sixty-three years 
became an adventurer in a distant land. Arriving 
in Pennsylvania in 1722, and finding there a fruit 
ful soil and temperate climate, a peaceful, indus 
trious, and thriving population, and a government 
of mild and paternal character, he purchased and 


occupie/i a farm \i\ rtus; eotinty of Chester; where, 
on the 1st of January, 1745, his namesake and 
grandson, ilie: subject of .pur present notice, was 

Of the boyhood of the younger ANTHONY 
WAYNE we have no information, other than that 
afforded by a letter written by his uncle and pre 
ceptor, Gilbert Wayne, who had formed some un 
favorable prognostics of his nephew s capacity for 

" I really suspect," says Gilbert, " that paren 
tal affection blinds you ; and that you have mis 
taken your son s capacity. What he may be best 
qualified for, I know not ; but one thing I am 
certain of, that he will never make a scholar. 
He may make a soldier ; he has already distracted 
the brains of two thirds of the boys, under my 
direction, by rehearsals of battles and sieges, &c. 
They exhibit more the appearance of Indians and 
harlequins than of students ; this one, decorated 
with a cap of many colors ; and others, habited 
in coats as variegated as Joseph s of old ; some, 
laid up with broken heads, and others with black 
eyes. During noon, in place of the usual games 
and amusements, he has the boys employed in 
throwing up redoubts, skirmishing, &ic. I must be 
candid with you, brother Isaac ; unless Anthony 
pays more attention to his books, I shall be under 
the painful necessity of dismissing him from the 


Though this report was hasty, and far from 
Deing prophetic in its forebodings, it was not with 
out its use, and, to the father of an only son, could 
not be indifferent. Anthony was accordingly 
brought to the bar, on the high charges of neglect 
of study, contumacy to his teacher, and ingrati 
tude to his parents. On each of these points he 
was gravely and severely lectured ; and, in a tone 
of the utmost decision, was left to choose either 
a prompt and regular discharge of scholastic du 
ties, or an immediate and lasting condemnation to 

Fortunately the wisdom of the boy, no less than 
his sense of filial obedience, left no room for hesi- 
tation. Sincerely afflicted at having given pain 
to a father, whom he equally loved and revered, 
he deeply regretted the thoughtlessness of his 
past conduct, and resolutely determined to avoid 
all similar cause of offence thereafter. With these 
new views and feelings, he returned to his uncle ; 
gave up at once his military rehearsals, mud forts, 
and sham battles ; applied himself diligently to 
his studies, and, at the end of eighteen months, 
not only satisfied his teacher that he possessed a 
capacity for scholarship, but even drew from him 
a confession, that, " having acquired all that his 
master could teach, he merited the means of 
higher, and more general instruction." The fa 
ther coinciding in this opinion, Anthony was imme 


diately sent to the Philadelphia Academy, where 
he remained till his eighteenth year ; when, hav 
ing acquired a competent knowledge of mathe 
matical and astronomical science, he returned to 
his native county and opened an office as a land- 

The peace of 1763 having about this dine 
given to Great Britain a full and uncontested pos 
session of Nova Scotia, it entered into her policy 
to colonize her newly acquired territory ; and to 
this end associations of individuals, residing in 
the older provinces, were encouraged to seek 
grants of land from the crown, on conditions re 
quiring only small investments of capital. A 
company of merchants and others in Pennsylva 
nia, of whom Dr. Franklin was one, engaging in 
this speculation, an agent was required, who 
should visit the territory offered for settlement ; 
inspect the soil, as regarded the purposes of agri 
culture ; ascertain the means of commercial facil 
ity connected with it; and, under these several 
views, locate the tract to be granted. It will be 
thought highly creditable to Mr. Wayne, thon in 
his twenty-first year, that, of the many applicants 
for this agency, he should have been chosen on 
the special recommendation of so discriminating a 
judge as Dr. Franklin ; and, what may be con 
sidered as redounding still more to his credit, that, 
after a full trial of his qualifications, the additional 


trust of superintending the settlements actually 
made, should have been continued in him, until, 
in 1767, the menacing character of the contro 
versy between Great Britain and her colonies put 
an end to the enterprise. 

In the year last mentioned, Mr. Wayne mar 
ried the daughter of Benjamin Penrose, an emi 
nent merchant in Philadelphia; after which he 
again returned to Chester County, resumed his 
business of surveying, and in the pauses of its 
exercise devoted himself to agriculture. In this 
last employment he found much to gratify his 
taste, and not a little to call forth his care and 
industry ; but the time was now fast approaching, 
when occupations of this peaceful and unambitious 
character must give way to others of deeper and 
more commanding interest, involving the security 
of life, liberty, and property. 

Great Britain, at the period to which we have 
brought our story (1774-5), had pursued her 
policy of taxing the colonies (in violation of their 
chartered rights) to a point, which left no hope 
of escape, but by resistance. Mr. Wayne was 
among the foremost of his compatriots to arrive 
at this conclusion ; and, knowing well the value 
of preparation in war, he immediately abstract 
ed himself from the political councils of the pro 
vince, and gave his whole time and labor to the 
institution and instruction of military associations 


throughout the county. In this career his suc 
cess offers the best evidence of the zeal and dis 
cretion with which he pursued it ; as, in the short 
space of six weeks, he was able to assemble and 
organize a volunteer corps, "having more the 
appearance of a veteran, than of a militia regi 
ment. * 

Indications of military character like these 
could not long escape public notice; and we 
accordingly find, that early in January, 1776, 
Congress conferred on Mr. Wayne the rank of 
Colonel, and the command of one of the four 
regiments, required from Pennsylvania, in rein 
forcement of the northern army. In the discharge 
of the duties growing out of this new appoint 
ment, the Colonel was alike diligent and success 
ful ; the regiment was speedily raised, equipped, 
and marched to Canada ; where, about the last 
of June, it formed a part of Thompson s brigade, 
then stationed at the mouth of the river Sorel. 

Major-General Sullivan, on whom the command 
of the northern army had now devolved, arriv 
ing at this post about the same time with Wayne, 
and being informed that the British commander- 

* See The Casket, a work published in Philadelphia, 
containing a Biography of General Wayne founded on 
documentary and other evidence, (furnished by his son, 
Colonel Isaac Wayne,) to which we are indebted for 
nearly all the preceding facts. 


in-chief had hazarded a detachment of six hun 
dred light infantry as far westward as the village 
of Trois Rivieres without any sustaining corps, 
immediately adopted a plan for striking at the 
detachment, recapturing the post, and establishing 
upon it a heavy battery, which, if not sufficient 
entirely to prevent the ascent of the British armed 
vessels and transports to Montreal, might for a 
time so embarrass the navigation, as greatly to 
retard their progress thither.* With these views, 
he on the 3d of July despatched Thompson with 
three regiments (St. Glair s, Wayne s, and Irvine s) 
to Nicollete, a village on the southern side of 
the St. Lawrence, and nearly opposite to that of 
Trois Rivieres. Of this enterprise, the first steps 
were singularly fortunate ; Nicollete was reached, 
the St. Lawrence crossed, and a landing effected, 
without exciting in the enemy the slightest alarm. 
The distance yet to be marched did not exceed 
four miles ; a direct and unobstructed road led to 
the British camp, and two hours of darkness yet 
remained to cover the movement. 

Under these favorable circumstances, and during 
a short halt made to refresh the troops, a report 
was circulated, " that a place called the White- 
house (still nearer to the assailants than Trois 
Rivieres) was occupied by an advanced guard." 

* St. Glair s JVarrafiue, pp. 235-239. 


Unfortunately the General was a tactician of the 
old school, believed firmly in the maxim, that 
" troops acting offensively should leave no hostile 
post in their rear," and accordingly, instead of 
carrying his attack directly on the enemy s main 
body, turned aside to surprise what, at most, could 
be but an out-lying picket. On reaching the re 
ported site of this unimportant object, the General 
to his great mortification discovered, that the in 
formation on which he had acted was wholly 
unfounded, and that " no enemy either had occu 
pied, or was destined to occupy that point." 

If in this case General Thompson believed too 
much and too hastily, his next error lay in refus 
ing his confidence where it would have been 
safely and usefully bestowed. The great evil of 
the last movement obviously arose from the loss 
of time it involved, which could now only be 
repaired by one of two means ; a forced march, at 
the risk of greatly diminishing his strength by 
fatigue ; or the discovery of a route, which should 
considerably shorten the distance to the point of 
attack. Such a one was fortunately found and 
clearly indicated, which, besides being two or 
three mile;- the shorter, offered the means of en 
tire concealment, as "it led altogether through 
woods and enclosures." But, though the experi 
ment was vigorously begun and pursued for hall 
an hour, the General, becoming at once impatient 


and suspicious, directed the return of the troops 
to the place of their landing. In executing this 
movement, the morning broke upon him, and the 
corps becoming visible to the enemy produced an 
alarm fatal to all the purposes of the expedition. 
Driven from one point to another, and always met 
and overmatched in force, his last resource lay in 
replunging into a morass of considerable extent, 
from which he had but just extricated himself; 
and in which he and a few others, who continued 
to adhere to him, were soon after captured by the 
enemy. Colonel St. Clair, the officer next in 
rank, being about the same time disabled by an 
injury received in one of his feet, the farther 
direction of the movement devolved on Wayne ; 
who, though severely wounded, so conducted it, 
as to carry over in safety the mass of the brigade 
to the western side of the River Des Loups ; 
whence it made its way along the northern bank 
of the St. Lawrence to the village of Berthier, 
and thence to the American camp at the mouth 
of the Sorel. 

The error, of holding this last-named position 
as one of defence, was not discovered by General 
Sullivan, till late in June ; when a heavy British 
column was seen marching hi the direction of 
Montreal. The alarm produced by this fact, and 
by the obvious facility with which Carleton could 
QOW by a short march get possession of Chamblee 


and St. John s, and thus completely cut off the 
retreat of the American army, removed all further 
doubt and hesitation. An order was accordingly 
issued, directing an evacuation of the post and an 
immediate retreat to Lake Champlain.* 

To Wayne and the Pennsylvania regiments 
was assigned the duty of covering this move 
ment ; and so critical was it in point of time, that 
the boats latest in getting into motion were not 
beyond the reach of musket-shot, when the head 
of the enemy s column entered the fort. What 
remained of the retreat, after leaving St. John s, 
was made without molestation or alarm ; and on 
the 17th of July, the army, and its hospital, bag 
gage, and stores, were safely lodged at Ticonde- 
roga, the point selected for future defence. 

It was not till October, that the British gen 
eral found himself in a condition to renew the 
campaign. After defeating a small naval arma 
ment on the lake commanded by Arnold, he ad 
vanced his army to Crown Point ; whence he 
began a series of close and careful reconnoitrings, 
preliminary to the attack of the American fortress. 
The result of these precautions was, however, very 
different from what had been expected. The old 
fortifications were found to have been so repaired, 
and new ones so multiplied, as to forbid an assault; 

* St. Glair s Narrative, pp. 240-242. 


while, from the lateness of the season and condi 
tion of the weather, a siege and an investment 
became equally hopeless. Under these new im 
pressions, the British general determined to sus 
pend all offensive operations till the spring, and 
accordingly withdrew his army to Canada for the 

While these events took place in the north, 
others of a character still more interesting occurred 
in the south. Defeated on Long Island and driv 
en from New York, Washington was now hastily 
retreating through the Jerseys ; and with forces 
so depressed in spirit and diminished in number, 
as to render indispensable a large and prompt re 
inforcement. The moment that Gates was able 
to assure himself, that Carleton s retrograde move 
ment was not a ruse de guerre, he hastened to 
meet this new exigence, by marching eight regi 
ments to the aid of the Commander-in-chief.* 

In selecting a person, to whom in his absence 
the important trust of defending Ticonderoga 
could best be confided, Gates at once designated 

* General Thomas, who was sent to succeed Genera! 
Wooster in the command of the northern army, died on 
the retreat from Quebec, June 2d, 1776. Sullivan, who 
was then sent to succeed him, was superseded in the 
command by Gates, who joined the retreating army at 
Crown Point and continued in command of it, until called 
to the south bv the circumstances mentioned in the text 


Wayne, assigning to his command two thousand 
five hundred men ; an arrangement acceptable to 
the troops, and so entirely approved by Congress, 
that the better to sustain it, this body soon after 
conferred on the Colonel the rank of Brigadier- 
General, and continued him in command of the 
post until the ensuing spring ; when, at his own 
earnest and repeated solicitation, he was called to 
the main army. Arriving at head-quarters on 
the loth of May, he was immediately placed at 
the head of a brigade, " which," as Washington 
remarked on the occasion, " could not fail under 
his direction to be soon and greatly distinguished." 
Nor was it long, before an opportunity offered of 
showing how well this complimentary prediction 
was verified. 

It will be remembered, that the expulsion of 
Congress from Philadelphia, and the capture of 
that city, formed the leading objects of the British 
general in the campaign of 1777. To accom 
plish this project, iwo modes of proceeding sug 
gested themselves ; the one, a water approach by 
sea and the river Delaware ; the other, a rapid 
movement by land across New Jersey and a part 
of Pennsylvania. Neither of these plans could 
however entirely escape objections; against the 
former were urged the hazards and uncertainty- 
inseparable from a coasting voyage, and a river 
navigation little known and already much ob- 


structed by art ; against the latter, the more im 
minent perils that would attend a march of a 
hundred miles, over a route abounding in defiles 
and intersected by a river, not to be crossed but 
by means of boats or bridges, with a hostile pop 
ulation in front, and a vigilant, active, and efficient 
enemy in the rear. Under these views of the 
subject, it was decided, that " the land-march 
should not be attempted, unless, as a prelimina 
ry, Washington s means of disturbing it could be 
promptly and greatly diminished ;" an effect not to 
be produced but by the issue of a battle, " fought 
on ground less advantageous to the American 
general, than that he at present occupied." To 
withdraw him, therefore, from his strong position 
at Middlebrook became a leading object with the 
British general, and an experiment not to be longer 
postponed. Two heavy columns were according 
ly advanced in the month of June to Brunswic , 
whence they so manoeuvred for several days in 
succession, as to indicate alternately a direct at 
tack on the American camp, and a flank move 
ment on Philadelphia. Finding however that 
these demonstrations altogether failed in forward 
ing the purpose for which they were employed, 
Howe, as a new expedient, adopted that of a 
counterfeit alarm for his own safety, and an appa 
rently hurried and irregular retreat to Staten Is 


The design of the preceding movement for 
bidding its concealment, it soon and necessarily 
became known to Washington ; who, not immedi 
ately perceiving its true character and object, was 
unwilling to lose any advantage to be derived from 
it, and accordingly made dispositions for pursuing 
and attacking the retreating enemy. To this end, 
the corps respectively commanded by Sullivan, 
Maxwell, Wayne, and Morgan, were directed to 
begin the pursuit ; while, with the main army, 
the General should follow in person to sustain an 
attack, or cover a retreat. Of the corps above 
mentioned, Sullivan s failed to arrive in time, 
" from the distance it had to march," and that of 
Maxwell, " from the capture or desertion of an 
express, charged with the delivery of an order ; " 
whence it followed, that what was intended to be 
done by the four corps, fell exclusively upon two 
of them, those of Wayne and Morgan ; which, 
though on this occasion unable to do more, suffi 
ciently illustrated their own high and chivalrous 
gallantry. In reporting the affair to Congress, the 
General says of them, " They displayed great 
bravery and good conduct; constantly advancing 
on an enemy far superior to themselves in number, 
and well secured by redoubts." * 

General Washington s Letter to Congress of the 
22d of June, 1777. Sparks s edition of Washington s 
Writings, Vol. IV. p. 470. 


During these occurrences, Washington reached 
Quibbletown ; whence he pushed forward Stir 
ling s division to the neighborhood of Matuchin 
meetinghouse ; two circumstances, which could 
not readily escape the notice of Howe, and which 
determined him to march rapidly, with a part of 
his force, on the new position taken by his adver 
sary ; while Cornwallis with another part should 
endeavor to seize the heights of Middlebrook. 
In attempting to execute this project, the move 
ment was fortunately discovered by an American 
reconnoitring party; by whom Washington was 
promptly apprized of his danger, and thus enabled 
to regain and secure his former position. 

Howe, having now lost the only chance his 
wary antagonist had given him of executing his 
favorite purpose, and hoping nothing from any 
new experiment made with similar views, hastened 
back to New York, to begin his preparations for 
approaching Philadelphia by a sea-voyage. It 
was not however till July, that, with all his mo 
tives for expedition, the fleet and army were in 
condition to leave the Hook, nor till the 24th of 
August, that they reached their destination at the 
Head of Elk. From this point, the latter began 
its march northward, on the 3d of September; 
and, meeting with little if any opposition, arrived 
early on the llth at the southern bank of the 
Brandy wine ; a small stream, behind which Wash- 

vi. 2 


ington had made his dispositions for trying the for 
tunes of a battle. 

By these arrangements the defence of Chad s 
Ford, the point most accessible to the enemy, was 
committed to Wayne, who on this occasion had 
a second brigade and a portion of Procter s artil 
lery added to his command. On his left, and 
two miles distant from it, lay Armstrong s divis 
ion ; and on his right, those of Sullivan, Stirling, 
and Stephen, while that of Greene was held in 
reserve at a central point in the rear. A short 
reconnaissance enabled Howe to form his plan of 
attack. Leaving Knyphausen, with a considerable 
corps, at the ford to amuse Washington by dem 
onstrations on his centre, he detached Cornwallis 
with the bulk of the army to the forks of the 
river, with orders there to gain the northern bank, 
and thence to pursue his march downward and 
take Washington s position in the rear, while 
Knyphausen, forcing the ford, should attack it in 

Though on this occasion means for obtaining 
early and correct information of the enemy s 
movements had not been neglected, yet it so 
happened, that the American general continued 
to be unapprized of the strength and probable ob 
ject of Cornwallis s column till two o clock in the 
afternoon ; when, finding a new disposition of his 
army necessary, he directed the three divisions 


forming the right of his line, to change their front 
and move rapidly in the direction of the expected 
attack. At half after four o clock this began, and 
for a short time was well sustained ; but, from 
causes never sufficiently explained, the right flank 
of the American line suddenly gave way, and was 
soon followed by the flight and disorder of its cen 
tre and left. The head of the pursuit was, how 
ever, soon and fortunately met by two regiments 
of the reserve, whose bearing was such as caused 
the assailants to halt, and thus effectually cov 
ered the retreating corps. 

The firing on the left being the signal for 
Knyphausen to act, this officer began his move 
ment accordingly ; but, notwithstanding the weight 
and vigor of his attack, and the aid it received 
from a heavy covering battery, he was unable to 
drive Wayne from his position till near sunset ; 
when, being now apprized of the defeat sustained 
in his rear, this officer thought it prudent to with 
draw his division to the main army.* 

On the 16th the contending generals again ap 
proached each other, with the mutual design of 
fighting another battle. On this, as on other 
occasions already mentioned, Wayne was assigned 
to the post of honor, that of leading the Ameri- 

* See a full account of the Battle of the Brandywine 
in Sparks s edition of Washington s Writings, Vol. V, 
pp. 56-59, 456. 


can attack ; a service he performed with the gal- 
lantry now become habitual to himself and the 
division he commanded. The action took place 
near the Warren Tavern, was close and sharp as 
long as it lasted, and would in a few minutes have 
become general, but for a deluge of rain which 
separated the combatants. Finding on examina 
lion, that, from the defective construction of the 
tumbrels and cartouch-boxes of the American 
army, its whole stock of field ammunition had 
been rendered useless by the rain, an immediate 
retreat became necessary to Parker s Ferry, where 
alone a fresh supply of that indispensable article 
could be promptly obtained. 

The position on the Schuylkill, to which the 
preceding accident had brought Washington, not 
being unfavorable to his present views of defend 
ing the several fords on that river, he took post on 
its eastern bank ; and being informed, that Howe 
continued to linger near the position he occupied 
on the night of the 16th, he despatched Wayne 
to the neighborhood of Tredyfrin " to watch the 
movements of the enemy, and, when joined by 
Smallwood and the Maryland militia, to cut off 
their baggage and hospital train." * 

In prosecution of this plan, Wayne immediately 
re-crossed the Schuylkill, and on the 20th placed 

* Washington s Lett3r to Wayne, dated Reading 
Furnace, six o clock, P M." 


himself and his detachment three miles in Howe s 
rear, on ground little accessible to the enemy, and 
previously indicated to Small wood, as that on 
which a junction of the two corps could be most 
oromptly and securely formed. Night coming on 
and Smallwood not having arrived, Wayne pro 
ceeded to plant his pickets and sentinels, and 
throw forward patrols of horse, on the different 
roads leading to the camp. Under these circum 
stances, between nine and ten o clock in the 
evening the General was informed by a friendly 
citizen, that a boy of the neighborhood who had, 
during the day, been captured and liberated by 
the enemy, had overheard one British soldier say 
to another, that " an attack on the American par 
ty would be made during the night." Though 
Wayne did not think it probable, that a night at 
tack, if seriously meditated by the enemy, would 
have been a matter of camp-conversation during 
the day, or that the soldier announcing it could 
have been otherwise made acquainted with the 
design ; still, believing that a little surplus precau 
tion could do no harm and might do much good, 
he hastened to act on the information as credible 
in itself, and accordingly multiplied both his 
pickets and patrols, directed the troops to repose 
on their arms, and, as it was then raining, to put 
their cartouch-boxes under their coats. 


Thus prepared to meet the attack or to with 
draw from it, as circumstances might direct, he was 
at eleven o clock apprized of the near approach 
of a British column ; when, conjecturing from the 
direction of its march, that the attack was aimed 
at the right of his position, he immediately ordered 
Colonel Humpton, second in command, " to wheel 
the line and move off by a road leading to the 
White-hor^e Tavern ; while with the first Penn 
sylvania regiment, tho light infantry, and the 
horse, he should post himself on the right and 
cover ihe retreat." Under this disposition, the 
artillery and its attirail moved, and sustained nei 
ther injury nor loss ; nor would any have befallen 
the infantry, had the order given to Humpton 
been promptly obeyed.* But from negligence or 

* It was hardly to be expected from the details given 
in the text, that Wayne should have found an accuser 
in the person, whose disobedience had caused all the in 
jury, public and private, suffered on the occasion ; yet 
such was the fact. Seeking the means of exonerating 
himself from censure, Humpton preferred the following 
charge ; " that, though Brigadier-General Wayne had 
timely notice of the enemy s intention to attack the 
troops under his command, on the night of the 20th of 
September last, yet, notwithstanding this intelligence, he 
neglected making a disposition, until it was too late either 
to annoy the enemy or to make a retreat, without the 
utmost danger and confusion." On this accusation 
Wayne was tried by a general court-martial ; when, after 
a full and patient hearing of all the testimony adduced 


misapprehension, this officer failed to put the 
troops in motion, till thrice ordered to do so ; 
and by this delay subjected the line to the loss of 
" one hundred and fifty gallant men." * 

the court decided unanimously, " that General Wayne 
was not guilty of the charge exhibited against him ; but 
that, on the night of the 20th of September, he did every 
thing that could be expected from an active, brave, and 
vigilant officer, under the orders he then had; and do 
therefore acquit him with the highest honor." The preced 
ing sentence being approved by the Commander-in-chief, 
Wayne was immediately reinstated in his command. 

* Mr. Marshall, whose general accuracy as a historian 
is readily admitted, has been led into errors in relation 
to this affair. First, the location given to Wayne s en 
campment is not correct. It was not, as he says, " near 
the entrance of the road leading from Derby into that 
of Lancaster " (exactly the position of the Paoli Tavern), 
but two miles farther to the west. Secondly, the attack 
made by Grey was not a surprise. To have made it 
such, it was necessary to show, on the part of the Gen 
eral, an ignorance of the enemy s intention, or a want 
of preparation to meet or to avoid his attack. Yet it is 
in proof, that he was informed of the enemy s purpose 
between eight and nine o clock in the evening, and that 
every part of the corps was under arms and in line, when 
the attack was made. Thirdly, Wayne s out-lying pick 
ets, driven into the camp, were not the first to give in- 
tell gence of Grey s approach; he had information of the 
enemy s intention, as stated above. Fourthly, the Ameri 
can loss was not three hundred men, as asserted by the 
enemy and stated by Mr. Marshall. It did not exceed 
one hundred and fifty, as proved by the regimental re 
ports submitted to the court-martial. 


On the 21st of the month, Howe was again in 
motion ; and, presenting himself in front of the new 
position taken by the American army on the east 
ern hank of the Schuylkill, led Washington to be 
lieve, that his provision depot at Reading was in 
danger, and could only be protected by a sudden 
movement on his part higher up the river. The 
British general having thus attained his purpos^ 
which was but to draw his adversary from the de 
fence of the lower fords, now crossed the Schuyl 
kill, and, detaching the elite to take possession of 
Philadelphia, he on the 26th encamped his army 
at Germantown and its vicinity. 

The results of the campaign thus far having 
fallen short of the expectations of Congress and 
the country, a belief began to prevail, that a 
higher degree of daring on the part of the Ameri 
can army would have saved the city, or at least 
have much retarded its fall ; an opinion, not corn- 
fined to the civil portion of the community, but 
extending to the army itself, and making necessa 
ry a new and speedy trial of strength with the 
enemy. Nor was it long before an occasion of 
fered for trying the experiment. 

Among other means employed for the defence 
of Philadelphia against an attack from the wate*, 
were two forts, the one erected on Mud Island 
near the western shore of the Delaware ; the other 
at Billingsport on its eastern bank ; which, with 


hulks and chevaux-de-frise sunk in the river, so 
commanded and obstructed the navigation, as en 
tirely prevented the ascent of the British fleet to 
the city. To remove impediments, so unfavora 
ble to Howe s present convenience and future pur 
poses, a draft of three regiments from his field 
force became necessary ; * as well to assist in re 
ducing the forts, as to cover a land transportation 
from Chester, until that object > the reduction of 
the forts, could be accomplished. Assured of this 
fact, and that four other regiments, composing a 
part of the elite, had been retained in the city for 
garrison duty, Washington conceived the project 
of attacking and carrying by surprise the British 
camp at Germantown.f 

The position, given to the object of this enter 
prise, had been carefully reconnoitred. On the 
eastern side of the main street of Germantown lay 
the right wing of the British army, encamped in 
two parallel lines half a mile apart, and extending 
to a wood about one mile distant from the town. 
On the opposite or western side of the street, 
with a formation similar to the former, and extend 
ing to the Schuylkill, lay the left wing. Few if 

* His intention was " to make Philadelphia a place of 
arras and centre of action ; whence the war was to be 
carried on through the Bay of Chesapeake and the rivers 
of Virginia." British Annual Register for 1777, p. 121, 

* Marshall s Life of Washington, Vol. III. p. 177 


any artificial defences had been employed on this 
position, the security of which had been confident 
ly committed to the courage, fidelity, and vigilance 
of strong picket-guards and out-posts, stationed 
on the different roads leading to the camp from 
the north and east. 

Thus minutely informed with regard to the en 
emy s arrangements, Washington s plan of attack 
was soon formed, consisting, in its general outline, 
of a night march and double attack, consentane 
ously made, on both flanks of the enemy s right 
wing ; while a demonstration, or attack, as circum 
stances made proper, should be directed on the 
western flank of his left wing.* With these or 
ders and objects, the American army began its 
inarch from Skippack Creek, at seven o clock in 

* " The reason of our sending so many troops to attack 
the right was because it was supposed, that, if this wing 
could be forced, their army must be pushed into the 
Schuylkill, or be compelled to surrender." Sullivan s 
letter to President Weare of New Hampshire, dated October 
25th, 1777. The plan of attack, as stated by Sullivan and 
adopted in the text, differs from that given by Ramsay, 
Marshall, and others. According to these writers, " the 
plan cf the enterprise contemplated an attack on both 
winge in front and rear at the same instant ; " and to the 
attack of the left wing they assign the whole of Sulli 
van s column and Armstrong s division, producing- a total 
want of coincidence between the plan and its execution, 
so far as it was executed by Sullivan and the corps he 


the afternoon of the 3d of October, in two col 
umns ; that of the right, composed of the divisions 
of Sullivan and Wayne, with Conway s brigade, 
and assigned to the attack of the left flank of 
the enemy s right wing, took the Chesnut Hill 
road, followed by Stirling s division in reserve. 
The column of the left, composed of the divis 
ions of Greene and Stephen, with M c DougalPs 
brigade and fourteen hundred Maryland and Jer 
sey militia, destined to the attack of the right 
flank of the wing aforesaid, took the two eastern 
roads called the Limekiln and Old York roads ; 
while Armstrong s division of Pennsylvania militia, 
directed against the western extremity of the 
British camp, pursued the Manitawny or Ridge 

On reaching the summit of Chestnut Hill, two 
regiments, forming the head of Sullivan s column, 
were detached at daybreak to carry the enemy s 
picket-guard, stationed at Mount Airy. The attack 
was brisk and well conducted, but, the picket being 
speedily reinforced by a battalion of light infantry 
and the fortieth regiment, the defence became 
obstinate ; nor was the position carried, " till Sulli 
van brought up in succession Conway s brigade 
and his own division, to support the attack." Col 
onel Musgrave, the British commanding officer at 
this point, unwilling to fall back on the main army 
and unable longer to maintain a contest in the 


field against a force so far superior to his own, 
promptly determined to throw himself and six 
companies of the fortieth into Chew s House, a 
large and strong stone building, whence he is said 
to have kept up " an incessant and galling fire " on 
the advancing American column ; a circumstance 
which, whether true or false, was not permitted 
to impede the progress of Sullivan and Wayne ; * 
who, pressing eagerly forward, were soon and seri 
ously engaged, on different sides of the road, with 
detachments made by the enemy from German- 
town. The conflicts which followed were nume 
rous, close, and sharp ; at some points decided by 
the bayonet, and in their issue honorable to the 
American arms ; as the enemy, though availing 
himself of every house, hedge, and yard on the 
route, was driven back to the village as far as 
Church Lane, f 

* We have spoken thus doubtingly of the effect of 
Musgrave s fire from Chew s House, on the authority 
of letters written by the late Colonels Pickering and 
Howard. The former says, " I saw not one dead man 
until I had passed it" [Chew s House], The latter de 
clares that "the fourth Maryland regiment/ of which 
he was the Major, "was fired upon in passing Chew s 
House from the upper windows, but received no injury." 

t Colonel Howard s letter to Colonel Pickering, Jan 
uary 29th, 1827. The letters of Sullivan and Howard, 
and other particulars respecting the Battle of German- 
town, may be seen in Washington s Writings, Vol. V 


The column of the left, commanded by Greene, 
though getting later into action than that of the 
right, from the detour necessarily made in reach 
ing its point of attack, had now been engaged for 
some time, and with fortunes not widely dissimilar 
from those of the right. The enemy s posts on 
the Limekiln route had been forced, and the right 
flank of his camp gained, when an unexpected 
obstacle, a breastwork at Lucan s Mill, gave a 
new direction to the march ; in prosecuting which, 
two of the leading regiments broke into his camp, 
made more than one hundred prisoners, and at 
length debouched on the Germantown road near 
the market-house, where they halted amidst his 
park of artillery.* Thus far the battle wore an 
aspect favorable to the American arms, and even 
gave promise of eventual success ; but here For 
tune changed sides, and, as she generally does, 
took part with the strongest. 

The demonstration on the left or Schuylkill 
flank of the enemy, which, as already stated, 
made part of Washington s plan, succeeded for a 
time in confining the attention of that wing to the 
security of its own out-posts ; but when the day 
broke and the small number of the assailing corps 

Appendix, p. 463. Colonel Pickering s letter to Colonel 
Howard is contained in the North American Review, 
Vol. XXIII. p. 425. 

Howard s letter to Pickering, January 29th, 1827. 


could be correctly estimated, this effect ceased.* 
The detachments made in support of this flank of 
the encampment were recalled, and means prompt 
ly taken to reinforce the right wing ; which it was 
now seen was the only object of real attack. 
Grey, who led this reinforcement, was not long 
in reaching the scene of action ; and selecting for 
his first experiment the two regiments, which had 
halted at the market-house, he put that of Stewart 
to flight ; and, killing or capturing every man be 
longing to the other, hastened to the position 01 
which he expected to find Sullivan ; but, on reach 
ing this, he to his great mortification discovered 
that his principal enemy had, by a rapid retreat 
escaped the blow he meditated against him. 

Of the causes and character of this movement, 
common to all the advanced corps,! we have a 
full and faithful exposition, given by Sullivan in 
the following words ; " My division, with the 
North Carolina regiment commanded by Colonel 
Armstrong, and a part of Conway s brigade, hav 
ing driven the enemy a mile and a half below 
Chew s House, and finding themselves unsupported 

* General Sullivan states General Armstrong s divia 
ion of militia at one thousand men. 

f From the letter of Howard to Pickering 1 , it would 
appear, that the fourth Maryland and Hazen s regiment 
were the part of Sullivan s division, which last retreateO 
from the position they had taken at Germantown. 


by any other troops, their cartridges all expend 
ed the force of the enemy on the right collecting 
on the left to oppose them, being alarmed by 
the firing at Chew s House so far in their rear, 
and by the cry of a light-horseman on the right, 
that the enemy had got round us, and at the 
same time discovering some troops flying on the 
right, retired with as much precipitation as they 
had before advanced, against every effort of their 
officers to rally them. When the retreat took 
place, we had been engaged near three hours ; 
which, with the march of the preceding night, 
rendered them almost unfit for fighting or retreat 
ing. We however made a safe retreat, though 
not a regular one. We brought off all our can 
non and wounded." 

While the incidents above mentioned were tak 
ing place in the front, others of a character still 
more extraordinary occurred in the rear. The 
annoyance real or imaginary given from Chew s 
House to the advancing troops raised a question, 
whether it would be safe to go forward, until this 
unexpected fortress and its garrison were reduced* 
Some of the persons consulted upon this occasion 
perceiving, that to withhold any considerable por 
tion of the force destined to the attack in front 
could not fail to jeopard, if it did not defeat, the 
great object of the expedition, advised to a flank 
movement^ and the designation of a regiment. 


whose duty it should be to keep Musgrave shut 
up in his fortress, or, if he came out, to attack 
and destroy him. 

This common-sense advice, though so obviously 
sound, was unfortunately made to yield to the 
supposed authority of a military maxim, not well 
understood, and, on this occasion, entirely misap 
plied. * A pause in the march of the reserve and 
other corps f now took place ; when a battery of 
six-pounders was promptly established and a fire 
opened on the house, but without making any 
useful impression, on either the walls or the garri 
son. J An attempt to effect by bayonets and 
muskets, what six-pounders had failed to accom- 

*The maxim alluded to is of old date, and, during 
feudal wars, had great authority and extension from the 
fact, that baronial castles formed the principal if not 
the only objects of attack and defence, the garrisons of 
which were not very dissimilar in point of strength. In 
later times the application of the rule is confined to 
garrisons capable of self-defence in the field, and there 
fore formidable to the rear of an invading army ; but at 
no time would a few men, taking refuge in a dwelling- 
house, neither constructed nor prepared for defence, 
destitute of cannon and having only a small supply of 
ammunition, be permitted to stop the march or otherwise 
disturb the operations of an army of ten thousand men. 

f Amounting, according to Ramsay (Vol. II. p. 198), 
to nearly one half of the army. 

J Accounted for by Pickering from the false direc 
tion given to the guns. North American Review, VoL 
XXIII. p, 425. 


plish, now followed ; but being equally unsuccess 
ful, a third expedient was found in negotiation; 
when the flag, which accompanied the summons 01 
surrender, being fired upon and its bearer killed, 
this also was abandoned. As a dernier resort, 
investment was tried, but suddenly ended by the 
flight of the advanced corps and the near ap 
proach of Grant and Grey in pursuit of them. 
To cover this retreat, fell to the share of the 
hero of our story, who, seizing an eminence near 
White Marsh church, established upon it a battery, 
by a well directed fire from which he so checked 
the enemy s career, as to give it a retrograde di 
rection ; and thus enabled four hundred men, 
nearly sinking under fatigue, to escape the grasp 
of the enemy.* The Commander-in-chief, in 
his official report of this affair, says ; " In jus 
tice to the right wing of the army (composed of 
the divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, and Con- 
way s brigade), whose conduct I had an opportu 
nity of observing, as they acted immediately 
inder my eye, I have the greatest pleasure to 
tiform you, that both the officers and men be 
haved with a degree of gallantry, which did them 
die highest honor."f 

* Wayne s Letter to General Washington, October 
ith, 1777. 

f The defeat of this enterprise has been ascribed to 
lifferent causes ; to a too great extensiveness in the 

vi. 3 3 


The seventies suffered by the American army 
daring the ensuing winter, both in their causes and 
effects, must be sufficiently known to every reader 
of American history. On this head therefore it 
will be sufficient to state, that a large portion of 
the troops were altogether disqualified for profes 
sional duty, either offensive or defensive, by a 
want of clothing amounting nearly to nudity ; 
while a deficiency of food menaced the whole of 
it with immediate dissolution. 

To turn aside evils of such magnitude, Wash 
ington was at last compelled, in aid of the com 
missariat, to institute an extended military forage 
in the vicinity of his own camp. But though 
every precaution, suggested by prudence and 

plan, ( Wilkinson ;) to an error in selecting the right, 
instead of the left wing of the British position, as the 
point of attack, (Johnson ;) to negligence on the part of 
Count Pulaski, (Idem ;) to a dense fog, which long cover 
ed the scene of action, (Sullivan and others ;} and lastly, 
to the halt made before Chew s House. Washington, 
who was no pretender to infallibility, and who, like other 
men really magnanimous, had no scruple to acknowledge 
his errors, has said enough to settle this question. When 
asked by Governor Reed, whether any misconduct of 
Greene had defeated the plan? he answered; "JVb, it 
was our own fault ; " and he might, in the words of the 
great Turenne, on a similar occasion, have added ; " The 
.general, who has never committed an error, hius fought 
but few battles." 


justice, was employed in the execution of this 
service, it was soon discovered, that a repetition 
of the experiment would be dangerous, and ought, 
. f possible, to be avoided. A new and more dis 
tant theatre was therefore selected, presenting at 
once the means of supplying our own wants, and 
of depriving the enemy of many articles, con 
venient or necessary for him, and which, without 
such intervention, he would at all times be able to 

Such a theatre was found on the eastern side ol 
the Delaware ; abounding in cattle, horses, and 
forage, and extending from Bordentown to Salem ; 
whither, about midwinter, Wayne was detached, 
with a part of his division and a few Jersey militia. 
It will be readily seen that the execution of a 
duty, so directly tending to excite the animosity 
of our own citizens (whose property it was neces 
sary to abstract without any sufficient equivalent)^ 
and so obviously exposed, by local and other 
causes, to interruption and defeat by the enemy,* 
could not fail to present a case of uncommon diffi 
culty and danger. Yet, so proper in themselves, 
and so adroitly and vigorously pursued, were the 
measures adopted by Wayne, that by the middle 
of March, and without sustaining any material loss, 
be was able to bring to the camp several hundred 

* Separated from them only by the river Delaware 


nead of fat cattle, a large number of horses fit for 
cavalry service, and a considerable supply of 
forage ; services, which procured for himself, and 
the corps he commanded, much new encomium 
from Washington and the army. 

The result of two campaigns having convinced 
Howe, that the issue of the war in America would 
not be such as the British government and nation 
had expected, when in 1775 they engaged in it ; 
he, in the winter of 1777-8, sought and obtained 
permission to resign the command of the army, 
and waited only the arrival of Clinton, who had 
been appointed his successor, to return to Eng 
land. About the 8th of June, this officer arrived 
in Philadelphia ; and, finding there a peremptory 
order for immediately evacuating the city, he has 
tened to carry it into execution.* A measure of 
this kind, so destructive of the hopes and mena 
cing to the interest of the loyal part of the popu 
lation, could not be long concealed, and accord 
ingly soon became known in the American camp. 

Washington, who at this period continued to 
occupy his winter position at Valley Forge, lost 
no time in preparing to meet the coming event: 

* This order grew out of the advanced state of our 
negotiations with France, and the apprehension that the 
Toulon fleet and army were destined to the Delaware 
and a cooperation with Washington against Philadel 


and having reason to believe, that the meditated 
movement would be a land march across New 
Jersey, he immediately despatched Maxwell s 
brigade and a corps of militia to Mount Hol!y, 
with orders to " break down the bridges, and 
otherwise obstruct the roads, on which the enemy 
should move." About the same time, he assem 
bled a council of war, to whom was submitted an 
estimate of the relative force of the two armies, 
American and British ; with sundry questions on 
the kind and degree of opposition to be given to 
the latter. On this reference the council decided, 
that no attack should be made on the enemy 
while crossing the Delaware, nor any general 
action hazarded with him, at any other stage of 
his progress.* 

When, therefore, it was ascertained that Clinton 
had crossed the river early on the 18th, Washing 
ton immediately put his troops in motion for 
Coryell s Ferry ; taking this upper route, as well to 
avoid a general action in conformity to the opinion 
of the council, as to keep himself prepared to 
preoccupy the mountain passes, leading to the 
posts in the Highlands, should the seizure of these 
make any part of Clinton s plan of operation. 
With these views he continued his march to Hope- 
well, where he arrived on the 23d ; and being 

* See Writings of Washington, Vol. V. pp 410, 552 


here made acquainted with Clinton s order of 
march, and of the enormous baggage and provi 
sion train which encumbered his rear,* he irnme 
diately detached Morgan with six hundred men 
to assail his right flank ; recalled Maxwell and 
Dickinson to the attack of the left ; and sent a 
small and active corps under Cadwalader to ha 
rass the rear. 

After making these arrangements, and before 
eaving Hopewell, the American general deemed 
it proper to call together, a second time, his coun 
cil of war ; to whom he repeated his former ques 
tion, " Whether it would be advisable to hazard a 
general action with the enemy? And, if so, in what 
mode it should be brought on ? " The opinion 
now given by the council did not materially 
vary from that given on the 17th, " that a general 
action in an^ form would not be advisable ; but 
that a reinforcement of 1,500 men, sent to the 
advanced corps now acting on the enemy s left 
flank, might be proper." f General Scott was 
accordingly detached with the prescribed number 
of men to the point indicated in the opinion of 

* " Under the head of baggage, was comprised not 
only wheeled carriages, but also the bat-horses, a train, 
which, as the country admitted but one route for car 
riages, extended near twelve miles." 

f From the opinion of both councils, Wayne dissent 
ed, believing that " circumstances should gov*~n in th^ 


the council ; after which the army proceeded tc 

Washington, while at this village, finding that 
Clinton had, on the 25th, taken the lower or 
Monmouth road to New York; and being thus 
assured that no immediate enterprise on the 
Highland posts was meditated by his enemy, 
promptly determined without further reference to 
councils of war to avail himself of the time yet 
left him, for bringing his adversary to an action,, 
general or partial, as circumstances might direct. 
With this view, a select corps of one thousand men 
commanded by Wayne was added to the detach 
ments already made, and the whole, now amount 
ing to four thousand combatants, placed under the 
direction of Lafayette, with orders, " to lose no 
favorable opportunity of attacking the enemy s 
rear " Under these orders and with this object, 
the Marquis on the 26th took a position on the 
Monmouth road, about five miles in the rear of 
the British camp ; but as the bulk of the army,, 
from bad weather and want of provision, was not 
yet sufficiently advanced to sustain the movement, 
the corps was recalled early on the 27th to Eng 
lish Town, and the division of Lee added to it j 
when the command of the whole necessarily de 
volved on that officer, as senior major-general.* 

* This command was first offered to Lee, who de 
clined accepting it. When increased by Scott s and 
Varnum s brigades, he requested iL 


About daybreak on the 28th, the British army 
was found to be again in motion, and, the fact be 
ing reported to Washington, he immediately order 
ed Lee to advance and attack its rear, "unless 
prevented by powerful reasons. 7 Though this 
movement, from want of guides, was retarded 
until seven o clock, nothing was lost to the object 
by the delay, as, on reaching the heights of 
Freehold, a portion of the British army was yet 
visible on the plain below. Lee, judging from 
what he now saw and from information obtained 
at the village, concluded that the corps before 
him formed Clinton s rear-guard, that its numbers 
did not exceed fifteen hundred or two thousand 
men, that it was too far behind its main body to 
be promptly sustained, and that by taking a differ 
ent and nearer route to the point to which it was 
moving, it might be wholly cut off. 

While attempting to execute this project, the 
reports brought to Lee by his patrols were so 
contradictory in relation to the quantum of force 
he would have to contend with, as to render it 
necessary for him to reconnoitre the enemy in 
person, when, greatly to his surprise he discov 
ered, that instead of a rear-guard he was actually 
pursuing and nearly in contact with the enemy s 
main body. 

In explanation of this new and unexpected 
state of things, it may be necessary to remark. 


that Clinton, perceiving on the 27th a considerable 
accumulation of force on his rear, and thence 
inferring that his adversary meditated an attack 
on the encumbered part of his line, reversed 
on the 28th his customary order of march; 
despatching Knyphausen in front with the bag 
gage and provision train, and assembling in the 
rear the most efficient parts of the army. When 
therefore a part of Lee s corps was seen descend 
ing the Heights of Freehold, Clinton suddenly 
wheeled his column and retraced his steps to 
meet and overwhelm the assailant, before it could 
be possible for Washington to sustain him ; a move 
ment, which, though in part repelled by Wayne, 
soon and necessarily brought the enemy into 
conflict with Lee, and on ground particularly unfa 
vorable to that officer ; being much uncovered in 
front, and having in its rear a morass, passable 
only by a single and narrow causeway, wholly 
unfit for the purposes of either regular retreat or 
speedy reinforcement. While this officer was 
endeavoring to extricate himself from the perils of 
this position, which an unauthorized movement of 
Scott and Maxwell had much increased,* tha 
Commander-in-chief arrived on the field ; and find 
ing, to his great surprise and mortification, the 

* Scott, having mistaken an oblique movement on his 
right for a retreat, quitted his position and was soon 
followed by Maxwell. Gordon Vol. II. p, 360. 


elite of the army in rapid if not disorderly retreat, 
he instantly stopped the movement, and ordered 
Lee to re-form his corps on the ground he then 
occupied, and make such defence of it as would 
enable the remainder of the army, now fast ap 
proaching, to come up to his aid. These orders 
were well and promptly executed, and produced 
all the effect expected from them ; checking the 
enemy s career, enabling Lee to repass the cause 
way with little if any injury, and giving time to 
Washington to take an order of battle with the 
morass in his front. 

After a short pause, made necessary by the 
uncommon heat of the weather, Clinton resumed 
the pursuit, made good a passage over the morass, 
and so manosuvred, as indicated in turn an inten 
tion to attack the centre and left wing of the 
American line, when suddenly throwing his whole 
force on the opposite flank, he made a vigorous 
attempt to turn that extremity ; but failing in this, 
and forbearing to make any further offensive move 
ment, he soon after repassed the morass, and took 
a strong position on the ground Lee had occupied 
in the morning. Assured in the night of the safe 
retreat of his baggage and convoy, he hastened to 
follow them, and at daybreak had gained the 
Heights of Middletown. 

In this affair, we find that the conduct of Wayne 
entitled him to new and high distinction. In 


Washington s official report of the action, he says ; 
" Were I to close my account of this day s trans 
actions without expressing my obligations to the 
officers of the army in general, I should do injus 
tice to their merits and violence to my own feel 
ings. They seemed to vie with each other in 
manifesting their zeal and bravery. The catalogue 
of those, who distinguished themselves, is too long 
to admit of particularizing individuals. I cannot 
however forbear to mention Brigadier-General 
Wayne, whose good conduct and bravery through 
out the action deserve particular commendation." 
During the winter and spring of 1779 a belief, 
equally unfortunate and unfounded, pervaded the 
Union, that, as either the wants or the wisdom of 
Great Britain would speedily put an end to the 
war, the delay on the part of Congress and the 
States, in furnishing the means necessary for an 
early and vigorous campaign, was a proof only of 
a useful and laudable regard for public economy 
We need hardly remark, that this delusion, in 
despite of the admonitions of Washington, had 
the effect of keeping the army of the north in a 
state of great inaction until the beginning of July 
About this time, a small supply of clothing and 
other necessary articles having been received, the 
Commander-in-chief hastened to organize a body 
of light infantry, to which he soon after assigned 
a service, worthy of the corps, and of Wayne 
who had been selected as its leader. 


The project here alluded to was the recapture 
of Stony Point; a strong position recently taken 
by the enemy on the Hudson, which, besides en 
tirely commanding the ordinary communication 
between the middle and eastern States,* furnished 
a greatly increased facility for successfully attack 
ing the American posts in the Highlands. Aware 
of the importance given by these and other cir 
cumstances to the post, the enemy sought to make 
it impregnable ; and to the natural advantages of 
being washed by the river on two of its sides, and 
covered on a third by a marsh, regularly over 
flowed by the tide, the hill was encircled by a 
double row of abatis ; while on its summit were 
erected high and strong breastworks, abundantly 
supplied with artillery, and defended by a garrison 
of six hundred veteran infantry. 

Wayne, believing that few things were imprac 
ticable to discipline and valor, after a careful re 
connaissance, adopted the project and hastened to 
give it execution. Beginning his march on the 
15th from Sandy Beach, he at eight o clock in 
the evening took a position within a mile and a 
half of his object. By the organization given to 
the attack, the regiments of Febiger and Meigs, 
with Hull s detachment, formed the column of 
the right ; and the regiment of Butler and Mui 

* Known by the name of King s Ferry. 


fey s detachment, that of the left. A party of 
twenty men, furnished with axes for pioneer 
duty, and followed by a sustaining corps of one 
hundred and fifty men with unloaded arms, pre 
ceded each column, while a small detachment was 
assigned to purposes merely of demonstration. 

At half after eleven o clock, the hour fixed on 
for the assault, the columns were in motion ; but, 
from delays made inevitable by the nature of the 
ground, it was twenty minutes after twelve before 
this commenced, when neither the morass, now 
overflowed by the tide, nor thfr formidable and 
double row of abatis, nor the high and strong 
works on the summit of the hill, could for a mo 
ment damp the ardor or stop the career of the 
assailants, who, in the face of an incessant fire of 
musketry and a shower of shells and grape-shot, 
forced their way through every obstacle, and with 
so much concert of movement, that both columns 
entered the fort and reached its centre nearly at 
the same moment. Nor was the conduct of the 
victors less conspicuous for humanity than foi 
valor. Not a man of the garrison was injured 
after the surrender ; and, during the conflict of 
battle, all were spared who ceased to make resist 

The entire American loss in this enterprise, so 
formidable in prospect, did not exceed one hun 
dred men. The pioneer parties, necessarily the 


most exposed, suffered most. Of the twenty men 
led by Lieutenant Gibbons of the sixth Pennsylva 
nia regiment, seventeen were killed or wounded. 
Wayne s own escape on this occasion was of the 
hair-breadth kind. Struck on the head by a 
musket-ball, he fell ; but immediately rising on 
one knee, he exclaimed, :f March on, carry me 
into the fort ; for, should the wound be mortal, I 
will die at the head of the column." The ene 
my s loss in killed and captured, amounted to six 
hundred and seven men.* 

This affair, the most brilliant of the war, cov 
ered the commanding general with laurels. In 
reporting it to Congress, Washington, whose good 
taste as well as good sense forbade all prodigality 
of praise, says of Wayne ; " To the encomiums 
he has deservedly bestowed on the officers and 
men under his command, it gives me pleasure to 
add, that his own conduct throughout the whole 
of this arduous enterprise merits the warmest 
approbation of Congress. He improved on the 
plan recommended by me, and executed it in a 
manner, that does honor to his judgment and bra 
very." Congress was not less sensible to his 
merits ; and, in addition to that " cheap defence 

* For the official letters and other particulars respect 
ing this enterprise, see Sparks s edition of Washington^ 
Writings, Vol. VI. pp. 287-304, 537. 


of nations " (a unanimous vote of thanks), they 
directed that a gold medal, emblematical of the 
action, should be presented to him. 

Of the many complimentary letters written to 
Wayne on this occasion by distinguished men, we 
shall but make a quotation from that of General 
Charles Lee. " What I am going to say, you 
will not I hope consider as paying my court in 
this your hour of glory ; for, as it is at least my 
present intention to leave this continent, I can 
have no interest in paying my court to any indi 
vidual. What I shall say therefore is dictated by 
the genuine feelings of my heart. I do most sin 
cerely declare, that your assault of Stony Point 
is not only the most brilliant, in my opinion, 
throughout the whole course of the war on either 
side, but that it is the most brilliant I am ac 
quainted with in history ; the assault of Schweidnitz 
by Marshal Laudon, I think inferior to it. I wish 
you, therefore, most sincerely, joy of the laurels 
you have deservedly acquired, and that you may 
long live to wear them. With respect and no 
small admiration, I remain, &tc." * 

* See Casket, No. IX. p. 236. We are told by Mr 
Marshal* (Life of Washington, Vol. IV. p. 70), that 
General McDougall, with two brigades designated for 
the attack of the British fort on Verplanck s Point, com 
manded by Colonel Webster, was stationed on the 
eastern side of the river, and entirely prepared for exe 
cuting the project; which was only prevented by an 


Small districts of country separating hostile ar 
mies and covered on their flanks by rivers and 
marshes, are generally seized by the retainers of 

omission, on the part of Wayne, to inform McDougall of 
the successful issue of his attack on Stony Point. We 
are compelled to say, that the whole of this statement 
is incorrect. First, M c Dougall was not at any time 
designated to the command of this enterprise. His 
agency in the business was limited to the transmission, 
from West Point to the eastern bank, of the two brigades 
destined to this service. Secondly, this transmission was 
not made till the morning of the 17th, and in conse 
quence of an order sent on the 16th by General Wash 
ington. Thirdly, General Howe, the officer appointed to 
take charge of these troops and to direct the assault, did 
not reach their place of rendezvous (the Continental 
Village) till the evening of the 16th. Fourthly, on the 
17th the division moved to Peekskill, and was halted 
there until a reconnaissance, made of the fort and directed 
by the General, should be reported. And, fifthly, the 
engineer performing this service reported, that any at 
tempt to carry the fort by assault would be ineligible. 
From these facts we think ourselves authorized to con 
clude, that the favorable moment of "first impressions" 
supposed to be made upon Webster and his garrison by 
Wayne s success, was not lost by any omission of the 
last-named officer, but by the fact, that the two brigades 
destined to the attack were not in a position, that enabled 
them to make the assault, on the morning of the 16th ; 
and that, on the 17th, this mode of attack was deemed 
ineligible by the engineer, and by the general command 
ing the enterprise. Washington s Letter, of the 16th of 
July , to General M c Dougall ; and Howe s Letter, of the 
Mth t to General Washington. 


one of the parties to the war, as depositories of 
the plunder taken from the adherents of the other. 
Such a position during the Revolution was found 
by British banditti on a neck of land lying be 
tween the Hudson and the Hackinsac ; on which, 
the better to secure the proceeds of theft and 
robbery, was constructed a large and strong 
blockhouse, covered on its rear by the Hudson, 
and on its front and flanks by an abatis and 
stockade with ditches and parapets, serving as 
covered ways. 

To break up this lawless and mischievous estab 
lishment, to withdraw from the isthmus supplies 
of cattle and horses intended for the use of the 
enemy, to decoy into the defiles near Fort Lee 
any British detachment sent for the protection of 
the blockhouse, and, lastly, to make such demon 
strations, as might detain in port for a few days 
an armament known to be destined against the 
French fleet and army then at Rhode Island, 
formed the objects of an enterprise projected by 
Wayne and approved by Washington. The for 
mer marching accordingly, on the 20th of July, 
1780, with the two Pennsylvania brigades, a small 
detachment of artillery with four six-pounders and 
Moylan s regiment of dragoons, arrived as in 
tended at daybreak of the 21st at Fort Lee. 
Placing here two regiments in ambuscade, near 

vi. 4 


the defile through which any detachment coming 
to the aid of the banditti must necessarily pass, he 
gave to the second brigade a sustaining position 
in the rear, detached the dragoons down the Neck 
to collect and bring off the cattle and horses, 
while, with the first brigade and the artillery, 
he proceeded to the blockhouse. Here, after 
a short reconnaissance, he gave to the artillery 
a position w 7 ithin sixty yards of the work, and 
opened upon it a brisk and well-directed fire, kept 
up for somewhat more than an hour ; when two 
expresses, in rapid succession, brought him infor 
mation, that a number of boats filled with British 
troops were apparently in movement for the land 
ing. As this circumstance gave reason to expect, 
that the primary object of the expedition might 
now be accomplished, Wayne hastened to with 
draw the assailing troops, when unfortunately the 
rank and file of the first regiment, indignant at 
the idea of being foiled in the attack, made a rush 
on the blockhouse, broke through the abatis, 
attempted an escalade of the stockade, and were 
oniy recalled from their object by the remonstran 
ces of their officers and a peremptory order ot 
the general.* 

* Wayne s Report, dated 22 July, 1180. Writing* 
vf Washington, Vol. VII. p. 116. 


On reaching the second brigade, Wayne found 
greatly to his own mortification and that of his 
division, that the reported movement of the ene 
my had been countermanded. Still, though two 
objects of the expedition had thus been lost, two 
had been gained ; the cattle and horses collected 
by Moylan on the Neck were safely brought off, 
and a delay of three days produced in the sail 
ing of the armament from New York ; which 
had the happy effect of entirely defeating the 
project, on which it was sent. 

In the distribution made of the army for winter 
service, Wayne s division was assigned to the 
neighborhood of Morristown ; a point important 
alike from the means it afforded of obtaining early 
information of the enemy s movements, and of 
keeping open and uninterrupted the communica 
tion between the posts in the Highlands and 
Philadelphia, then the principal source of mili 
tary supplies. 

Soon after the date of this arrangement, a spirit 
of dissatisfaction began to show itself in the corps ; 
but in a form so little alarming, as, in the opinion 
of its vigilant commander, rendered unnecessary 
any immediate or special precaution against jt, 
Nor was any thing discovered in the subsequent 
language or conduct of the troops authorizing a 
change of this favorable opinion, till the 1st of 
January following ; when, after a quiet and order- 


ly termination of the festivities proper to the day, 
the whole division with a few exceptions was 
found in a state of open and decided insurrec 
tion ; disclaiming all further obedience, and boldly 
avowing an intention of immediately abandoning 
the post, and of seeking, with arms in their 
hands, a redress of their grievances.* 

To correct a state of things so unexpected and 
alarming, endeavors on the part of the officers 
were not wanting. Appeals, both urgent and fre 
quent, addressed as well to the passions as the in 
terests of the offenders, were faithfully but unsuc 
cessfully tried ; compulsory means, the last resort 
of invaded authority, followed ; blows were given, 
wounds inflicted, and lives lost ; but without pro 
ducing the desired effect, and tending only to em 
bitter a strife, melancholy in its cause and hopeless 
in its object. At half after eleven the conflict 
ended ; when the insurgents, no longer obstructed, 
began their march to Princeton. 

Wayne, anticipating only new and aggravated 
evils from the present temper of the troops and 
the riotous character of their movement, hasten 
ed on the 2d to follow and to join them ; in the 
hope, that, though he should fail in bringing them 
to a full sense of their duty, he might be able to 

* Hazard s Register of Pennsylvania, Vol. II. (1828), 
containing all the documentary evidence connected with 
the case. 


impress upon them the advantage to themselves 
of more order in their march, of a due regard to 
the rights of others, and of a steady and inflexible 
adherence to a cause, in which they had so often 
fought and bled. The wisdom and the daring 
(for it was not without personal risk) of this reso 
lution, combined with the conciliatory yet digni 
fied manner in which it was executed, were not 
without their reward ; and happily became the 
basis of a compromise, which, in some of its cir 
cumstances, was honorable to the insurgents and 
useful to the government. Overtaking the main 
body at Vealtown, where it had bivouacked for 
the night, he hastened to open a negotiation with 
a few of the non-commissioned officers, on whose 
intelligence and principle he could most rely ; and 
was soon able to convince them, that, to obtain 
their own object, a change in their measures wag 
indispensable ; that, without order on their part, 
no proposition tending to an adjustment could be 
received from them ; and that to this end they 
must begin by organizing a board or committee of 
their own number, with authority to make out a 
full and clear statement of their demands: in 
which case, he pledged himself to become their 
strenuous advocate, " so far as the claims made 
should be founded in justice or equity." In con 
formity to these suggestions, a committee of ser 
geants was appointed, the march to Princeton 


resumed in better order, and a specification of 
grievances made out ; which, if not numerous, 
were found to be sufficiently grave ; " clothing 
generally bad in quality, and always deficient in 
quantity ; wages irregularly paid, and in a cur 
rency far below its nominal value ; and, lastly, 
service greatly prolonged beyond the legal term of 
enlistment." * 

It will readily be perceived, that circumstances 
so unpropitious to the United States, and at the 
same time so unsusceptible of concealment, could 
not long be kept from the knowledge of the 
British commander-in-chief; and that, after hav 
ing become known to him, he would not hesi 
tate to avail himself of them. Apprized of the 
revolt during the night of the 3d of January, and 
made to believe that its ultimate object was a 
desertion to New York, he hastened to place on 
Staten Island a corps of five thousand infantry 
and artillerists, with a competent number of boats 
for their speedy transportation to Perth Amboy ; 
while on the 7th he despatched written proposals 
to the insurgents, inviting them to a junction with 

* These grievances were all shown to exist. That 
of prolonged service grew out of the use of the terms 
" three years, or during the war," employed in the enlist 
ment ; the officers contending that the alternative waa 
in the choice of the government; the soldiers, that the 
election was in them. 


him, indicating the route by which the move* 
ment could most safely be made, engaging to 
cover it if necessary by a body of troops, and 
promising " a discharge of all debts due to them 
by the Congress, without expecting in return any 
military service on their part, unless voluntarily 
given." These propositions, despatched on the 
day of their date to Princeton, were immediately 
delivered to the nominal commander of the in 
surgents ; who in his turn lost no time in submit 
ting them to the board of sergeants. By this 
body they were promptly and proudly rejected > 
the bearers of them put into close confinement, 
and the transaction in all its parts communicated 
to Wayne ; with a general and solemn assurance, 
that, " should any hostile movement be made by 
the enemy, the division would immediately march,, 
under their old and beloved commander, to meet 
and repel it." This new and favorable excite 
ment on the part of the troops did not escape the 
notice of Wayne, who hastened to avail himself of 
it, and fortunately made it a powerful instrument 
in bringing about the amicable adjustment which. 
soon after followed.* 

* Propositions made to the soldiers and accepted by 
them. " First, that all soldiers of the Pennsylvania line,, 
who had been detained beyond the legal term of enlist 
ment, or who had been trepanned into new engagements,, 
should be discharged. Secondly, that commissioners. 


Such is the brief history of a revolt, which, in 
all its aspects, was more menacing to the interests 
of the Union, than any other single occurrence of 
the war ; affording an example, not to be forgot 
ten, of the mischiefs, moral and political, which a 
want of punctuality and justice in a government 
never fails to inflict upon a nation. 

We have already suggested, that as early as 
1777-8 the British government meditated a 
change of system in carrying on the war ; and 
that, instead of wasting their time and strength 
m reaping iron harvests in the north, a large 
portion of their disposable force, naval and mili 
tary, should be directed against the industry and 
products of the south. 

Circumstances, which control alike the projects 
of nations and of individuals, prevented this plan 
from being sufficiently matured for execution till 
1781, when, in addition to the army serving in 

to be appointed by the Council of Pennsylvania, should 
hear the cases of the several claimants, and give dis 
charges on the principles laid down in the preceding 
article, the oaths of soldiers to be received as sufficient 
evidence in all cases in which the enlistments could not 
be produced. Thirdly, that depreciation of pay should be 
made up, arrearages settled and certificates given for the 
amount; with a supply of comfortable clothing. And, 
fourthly, that a general pardon of all offences committed 
during the insurrection should be given to the insurgents 
on their acceptance of the oreceding terms." 


the Carolinas, several detachments were made 
to Virginia, under Leslie, Arnold, and Phillips, 
whose ravages, extending as they did from the 
ocean to the mountains, and even including the 
capital and principal towns in the State, are not 
likely to be soon forgotten. To restrain if possi 
ble this war of waste and depredation, and at the 
same time to furnish a nucleus on which the mili 
tia of the invaded territory might best be collect 
ed and formed, Washington, early in the month of 
April, despatched Lafayette with twelve hundred 
regular infantry to Virginia ; and, not long after, 
gave to the remains of the Pennsylvania line 
(now amounting to eleven hundred combatants, 
commanded by Wayne), a similar destination.* 
The junction of these corps took place on the 7th 
of June, and was speedily followed by two oc 
currences, alike important and unexpected, the 
immediate cessation of Cornwallis s pursuit of the 
" French boy," as he called Lafayette, and a 
new and retrograde direction given to his own 
movements. Falling back slowly on Westham, 
he thence proceeded to Richmond and subse 
quently to Williamsburg, where he arrived on the 
23d of June. Resuming his march on the 4th of 

* Both corps were originally destined to the assist 
ance of Greene, but, at the instance of Virginia, were 
retained in that State for her defence against the inroads 
of Arnold and Phillips. 


July, he on the 5th reached Jamestown Ferry, 
where he was obviously employed in preparing to 
transport his stores, spoils, and baggage, to the 
northern side of the river. 

Lafayette, governed as well by the suggestions 
of his own prudence as the injunctions of his 
commanding general,* followed cautiously on the 
track of Cornwallis till the 5th, when, being ap 
prized of his movement from Williarnsburg, and 
present occupation at Jamestown, he hastened to 
take a position at Chickahominy Church ; which, 
from its proximity to the ferry, enabled him to 
seize any advantage arising from haste, negli 
gence, or indiscretion on the part of his antago 
nist while passing the river. Informed early on 
the 6th through various and well accredited chan 
nels,! that " the main body of the British army 
had already effected its passage to the northern 
bank, leaving behind it on the southern only a 
rear-guard of ordinary force and composition," 
the American general hastened to avail himself 
of the circumstance, and, without awaiting the ar 
rival of his whole army, directed Wayne to ad 
vance immediately with the elite, not exceeding 
seven hundred men, and attack this supposed rear 

* Greene directed Lafayette not to hazard a general 

f The late Judge Washington and Mr. Ludwell Lee. 


In executing this order, after driving in the en 
emy s pickets, exterior and interior, Wayne very 
unexpectedly found himself within less than fifty 
yards of the whole British army drawn up n or 
der of battle, and already pushing forward flank- 
corps to envelope him. Moments decide the fate 
of battles ; and the mind of our hero, prompt as 
firm, seeing at a glance the whole extent of his 
danger, and knowing that boldness only could af 
ford a sufficient security against it, resorted to a 
charge.* This was made with the vigor and gal 
lantry habitual to the corps, and with the most 
decided effect upon the enemy. The flank move 
ments, so menacing to the assailants, were not 
merely suspended, but recalled ; while his centre 
was held in a state of great inactivity. Avail 
ing himself of these new and favorable circum 
stances, Wayne now retreated, as rapidly as he 
had advanced, and thus contrived to give to the 
whole movement the character of a manoeuvre, 

* The course pursued by Wayne was in perfect con 
formity to the soundest military maxims. Among others, 
sanctioned by the judgment and the example of Tu- 
renne, Villars, and Napoleon, are the following ; " Sur- 
pris par une armee superieure, un general ordinaire 
cherche son salut dans la retraite ; mais un grarrd 
capitaine paiera d audace, et marchera a la rencontre de 
1 ennemi." " Lorsqu on occupe une position ou Fennemi 
menace de vous envelopper, il faut vite rassembler sea 
forces, et menacer 1 ennemi d un movement offensif." 


intended to draw the British army into an ambus 
cade ; an impression, so decidedly made on the 
British general, that all pursuit of the American 
corps was forbidden.* 

The loss sustained in this afiair by the assail 
ants amounted to one hundred and eight men of 
the regular army ; certainly a misfortune, but 
small compared with what it would have been, 
had a retreat been attempted without fighting. 
Still to a certain order of military critics, who 

* That a pursuit was forbidden is a fair inference 
from the fact, that none was made, and that Lafayette 
encamped for the night within six miles of the enemy 
without disturbance of any kind. But on this head we 
have the direct evidence of Tarleton, that, " not till of 
ter daybreak" of the 7th, was he detached, with two hun 
dred dragoons and eighty mounted infantry, to cross the 
swamp and follow on the track of the American army, 
which he found quietly encamped about six miles from 
the field of battle. Tarleton s Campaigns, p. 356. Corn- 
wallis s omission to pursue Lafayette, on this and other 
occasions, has given rise to some diversity of opinion 
among the writers of American history. Lee attributes 
it to a sense of subordination, and a conformity to the 
wishes and opinions of Sir Henry Clinton ; who, under 
an apprehension of an attack on New York, had directed 
Cornwallis to send him three thousand men for its bet 
ter security. Marshall, on the other hand, ascribes the 
inactivity of Cornwallis, after Wayne s junction with La 
fayette, to a belief, that his adversary s force was much 
greater than it actually was. A safer opinion perhaps 
than either is, that his Lordship s conduct was the joint 
effect of both these causes. 


make all good generalship to consist in avoiding 
danger, it served for a moment as a ground of 
censure against Wayne. By them the " attack 
was deemed rash and the loss useless " ; but such 
was not the opinion of either Washington or 
Greene. The first of these, in a letter of the 
30th of July, 1781, says, "I received, with the 
greatest pleasure, the account of the action at 
Green Spring. The Marquis speaks in the hand 
somest manner of your own behavior and that of 
the troops under your command. Be pleased to 
make my compliments to Colonels Butler and 
Stewart and the other gentlemen of the line. I 
cannot but feel myself interested in the welfare of 
those, to whose gallant conduct I have so often 
been a witness." Greene s tribute of applause is 
equally full ; " The Marquis gives you great 
glory for your conduct in the action at James 
town ; and I am sensible that you merit it. O that 
[ had but had you with me a few days ago ! 
Your glory and the public good might have been 
greatly advanced." 

The day after the preceding affair, the British 
general continued his march to Portsmouth, and 
subsequently took post at York ; where, on the 
17th of October, he terminated his military ca 
reer in America by a surrender of himself, his 
army, and his post.* 

* For a brief account of the siege of Yorktown, see 
the Note at the end of the Memoir. 


Wayne, though yet suffering under the effects 
of a wound in the thigh, received during the Vir 
ginia campaign, was on the 15th of December de 
tached to the army of General Greene, and, on the 
1st of January following, was sent by that officer 
" to reinstate, as far as might be possible, the au 
thority of the Union within the limits of Georgia." 
To effect this important object the means given 
him were " one hundred regular dragoons, three 
hundred undisciplined Georgia militia, and about 
the same number of State cavalry." * The offer 
of a force, so obviously inadequate to the purpose^ 
would by most men have been certainly regarded 
as a hardship, and probably as an insult ; but from 
Wayne not a syllable of complaint or objection 
was heard. The command was accepted, not 
merely with professional submission, but with the 
utmost alacrity ; when, substituting activity for 
discipline and skill, and boldness for numbers, he 
in the short space of five weeks drove the enemy 
from all his interior posts, cut off Indian detach 
ments marching to his aid, intercepted the forays 
of his main body, and, on the land side, penned 

* " I imagine we shall be able, by a draft of one half 
ot the militia, to bring about three hundred effectives in 
to the field, exclusive of Jacksons cavalry and infantry, 
amounting to ninety men, and M c Coy s corps of volun 
teers to eighty ." Governor Martin s Letter to 
January, 1782. 


him up in a great degree within the narrcw limits 
of the town of Savannah. 

Writing to Greene on the 28th of February, 
he says ; " The duty we have done in Georgia 
was more difficult than that imposed upon the 
children of Israel ; they had only to make bricks 
without straw, but we have had provision, forage, 
and almost every other apparatus of war, to 
procure without money ; boats, bridges, &c. to 
build without materials, except those taken from 
the stump ; and, what was more difficult than all, 
to make Whigs out of Tories. But this we have 
effected, and have wrested the country out of the 
hands of the enemy, with the exception only of 
the town of Savannah. How to keep it, without 
some additional force, is a matter worthy of con 
sideration." * The additional force, thus modest 
ly requested, did not arrive till the 4th of April, 
and then consisted only of three hundred effective 
rank and file ; which however, when added to two 
other corps (made up by the General out of Tory 
penitents), enabled him to keep the enemy, if not 

* In a letter to a friend the General says ; " In the five 
weeks we have been here, not an officer or soldier with 
me has once undressed, excepting for the purpose of 
changing his linen. The actual force of the enemy at 
this moment is more than three times that of mine. 
What we have been able to do has been done by 
manoeuvring, rather than by force." 



in a state of absolute confinement, at least in one 
of constant alarm. 

To check a spirit of discontent produced by this 
state of things, and infecting alike the army and 
the inhabitants of the town,* General Clark, the 
British commanding officer, found it necessary to 
invoke the aid of his Indian allies ; two parties of 
whom, the one composed of Choctaws, the other 
of Creeks, began their march early in May for 
the British camp. The former, having the short 
er distance to travel, were the first to reach the 
environs of Savannah ; where, by Wayne s vigi 
lance and address, they were met and nearly all 
captured. Instead, however, of treating them as 
enemies, the General contented himself with re 
taining two or three of their principal chiefs as 
hostages ; and dismissed the remainder, with a 
lecture on the folly of adhering to a power no 
longer able to protect them, and the wisdom of 
returning immediately to their homes, and never 
again taking an interest in a war, with which they 
had no necessary or natural connexion. 

To prevent the occurrence of any similar ac 
cident to the Creeks, whose approach was now 

* The circumstance, which gave most cause for this 
discontent, may be found in an intercepted letter con 
taining the following paragraph ; " We are cooped up 
within the town of Savannah by about 300 rebels, while 
we can muster 2,500 men fit for duty." JOHNSON S Lt/i 
of Greene, Vol. II. p. 289. 


expected, Clark, on the 20th of May, detached 
Colonel Brown, with a strong party of horse and 
foot, te meet them at Ogeechee, and thence to 
convoy them to the city. Apprized of Brown s 
movement on the day of its occurrence, and 
informed, that, in returning, that officer must ne 
cessarily pass a long and narrow causeway, skirt 
ed on both sides by swampy grounds ; Wayne 
hastened to seize this defile, and, by uncommon 
labor and perseverance, was able to reach it with 
vhe head of his column, about twelve o clock at 
night ; when, somewhat to his surprise, he found 
the enemy advancing upon him. With only a 
moment to decide on the course to be pursued, his 
plan was promptly formed ; and, believing that in 
night attacks success depends more on prowess 
than on numbers, he ordered his small party, 
consisting only of one company of infantry and 
a single section of dragoons, to charge the ad 
vancing column ; an order which, according to his 
official statement, was obeyed with " a vivacity 
and vigor, which, in a moment and without burn 
ing a grain of powder, defeated and dispersed the 
whole of it." * 

* Colonel Douglass and forty men were killed, 
wounded, or taken on this occasion ; and a valuable 
acquisition was made in horses and fire-arms. 

vi. 5 


From some cause never well ascertained, Gue- 
ristasego,* the leader of the Creeks, had been 
prevented from reaching Ogeechee on the 20th, 
as was expected, and of course escaped all share 
in Brown s defeat. Apprized however of this 
event on the 22d, and by no means shaken in 
his purpose by it, the Indian chief, equally dis 
tinguished for courage and for cunning, deter 
mined to persevere, and even to retaliate as he 
went along the blow his ally had suffered on the 
2 1st. Confining his march to the woods and 
swamps during the 22d and 23d, he on the 
24th reached a position within striking distance of 
Wayne s picket-guard, whence, about midnight, 
creeping through grass, weeds, and bushes, he 
reached an out-lying sentinel, whom he instantly 
and silently killed ; after which, approaching un 
discovered a company of Posey s corps, station 
ed to protect the artillery, he fell furiously upon it 
with his whole force, and compelled it to fall 
hastily back upon a quarter-guard. But, the 
camp being now sufficiently alarmed, the dra 
goons mounted, and the infantry brought up, 
Wayne resorted to his favorite weapons the sabre 
and the bayonet ; and charging the savages or 
front, flank, and rear, a general rout on their part 

* This name is given to the Creek chief by Lee and 
Wayne ; but Johnson calls him Emitasago. 


ensued, leaving on the field their dying chief 
and nineteen of his followers, who had fallen 
around him. In the pursuit which followed, 
twelve of the fugitives were overtaken, making 
the ascertained loss of the assailants thirty-two 
Judging however from the character of the con 
flict, which for fifteen minutes was sustained hand 
to hand, and the Indian usage of carrying off the 
dead and wounded, their actual loss was prob 
ably much greater.* 

The British government, having about this 
time resolved to abandon all further offensive 
operations in America, gave orders for evacuat 
ing Georgia. As soon as this determination had 
been announced to the merchants and other in 
habitants of the place, they applied to General 
Wayne to know how far, in case of the depar 
ture of the British garrison, their persons and 
property would be respected. To this question 
the General replied, " That the merchants and 

* The historian of the southern war, after describing 
this affair, says, "This surprise rather increased than 
diminished Wayne s military reputation. Those, who 
knew the difficulty of guarding against such an eveni 
from such an enemy, were ready to excuse it ; while the 
firmness, discipline, and valor of the troops, and his own 
promptness and coolness in recovering them from their 
surprise, commanded the admiration of all." JOHNSON S 
Life of Greene, Vol. II, p. 299. 


traders, not citizens of the United States, nor 
owing allegiance to the State of Georgia, shall be 
allowed six months to dispose of their effects and 
adjust their concerns ; at the expiration of which 
term, they will have a flag granted, to convey 
themselves, and such property as they may have 
received in exchange or payment for their goods, 
to one of the nearest British posts, should they 
request it." With regard to such of the inhabit 
ants as had served in the militia, and who were 
willing to enlist in the Georgia regiment of infantry 
for two years, or during the w r ar, " they might 
be assured that every effort that he could exert 
would be employed in obtaining for them an act 
of oblivion of all offences committed by them 
during the war, excepting murder." 

In Wayne s official report of the reasons, which 
led him to adopt the preceding course, we find an 
evidence of the moderation and generosity, which 
in a successful commander are always wisdom. 
" In offering these terms," he says, " I had in view 
not only the interest of the United States, but 
also that of Georgia ; by retaining as many in 
habitants and merchants as circumstances would 
admit, and, with them, a considerable quantity of 
goods, much wanted for public and private use ; 
but (what was yet of greater consequence) to 
complete your quota of troops without any ex 
pense to the public, and thus reclaim a number 


of men, who, at another day, will become valua 
ble members of society. This also appears to 
me an act of justice, tempered with mercy ; jus 
tice, to oblige those, who have joined or remain 
ed with the enemy, to expiate their crime by 
military service ; and mercy, to admit the repent 
ant sinner to citizenship, after a reasonable quar 
antine. By these means those worthy citizens 
[the Whigs], who have so long endured every 
vicissitude of fortune with more than Roman vir 
tue, will be relieved from that duty." 

On the 12th of July, the British troops evacu 
ated Savannah ; after which, Wayne with the 
few regular troops under his command was re 
called to South Carolina by General Greene ; 
who, in the letter conveying this order, (in addi 
tion to many occasional plaudits given to Wayne s 
conduct during the compaign,) now bestows upon 
it the following general encomium ; "I am hap 
py at the approaching deliverance of that unfor 
tunate country ; and what adds to my happiness 
is, that it will reflect no small honor upon you. 
I wish you to be persuaded, that I shall do you 
ample justice in my public accounts to Congress 
and the Commander-in-chief. I think you have 
conducted your command with great prudence 
and with astonishing perseverance ; and, in so do- 
in gj y u have fully answered the high expecta- 


tions I ever entertained of your military abilities t 
from our earliest acquaintance" 

The evacuation of Savannah was soon followed 
by that of Charleston ; and this, by a treaty of 
peace, which after a seven years absence restor 
ed Wayne to his own fireside in Pennsylvania. 
Soon after his return thither, he was elected a 
member of the Council of Censors, and, subse 
quently, to a seat, in the Convention, "called to 
revise anc amend the Constitution of the State." 
In the discharge of the duties appertaining to 
these appointments, Wayne gave a willing and 
laborious attention, but, from reasons altogether 
personal and private, declined any farther service 
in a civil capacity. 

It may be readily supposed, that the General s 
long abstraction from his paternal estate had no 
tendency to make it better, and even rendered 
necessary much personal attention and considera 
ble pecuniary advances to recover it from the dis 
order into which it had fallen. But a farther and 
still greater demand for both was produced by 
a landed donation made to him by the State 
of Georgia ; which (though nothing could have 
been better intended) became a gift hardly less 
unfortunate than that of Dejanira to Hercules 
To sell the offering of a State, made in expression 
of its gratitude for important services, seemed to 
be forbidden by delicacy ; yet between this and 


oorrowing a large sum of money indispensable to 
its improvement he was compelled to choose ; 
and unfortunately decided in favor of the latter 
A loan not being negotiable here, resort was had 
to Holland, where it was effected, and bills for the 
amount sold in Philadelphia ; all of which, from 
causes of which we know nothing, were returned 
protested ; a circumstance which long and great 
ly embarrassed the General, and terminated at 
last in the sacrifice of his Georgia grant. But 
the time had now arrived, when private and per 
sonal griefs must yield to public considerations , 
and when, by the voice of the nation and the se 
lection of Washington, Wayne was again called 
to the command of an army. 

It will be remembered, that the treaty of peace 
between Great Britain and the United States did 
not extend to the Indian allies of the former ; 
several tribes of whom continued their hostilities 
and to such extent, that, between the years 1783 
and 1790, no less than fifteen hundred and twen 
ty men, women, and children, of Kentucky alone, 
had been killed or captured by them. All ordi 
nary means of terminating a state of things so in 
jurious and disgraceful, without a recurrence to 
arms, were frequently and faithfully tried, but 
without furnishing even a hope of success. The 
patience and moderation of Washington were at 
last exhausted ; and in September, 1791, General 


Harmar, with three hundred regulars and twelve 
hundred militia, was ordered to enter the Indian 
settlements and endeavor by chastisement, if pa 
cific means failed, to bring the Wabash and Miami 
tribes to reasonable terms. This first experi 
ment proving altogether unsuccessful, a second 
and more formidable armament was despatched 
under Major-General St. Clair ; who, on the 4th 
of November, 1791, was fated to suffer a total 
and disastrous defeat.* 

This new misfortune producing much public 
and painful sensation, and rendering necessary 
measures of the most efficient character, as well 
to sustain the credit of the government, as to 
bring to an end the sufferings of the frontier popu 
lation, the military establishment was increased 
to five thousand two hundred men, a legionary 
organization substituted for the regimental, and 
a competent staff provided. But, however ample 
the force and judicious the formation and equip 
ment of an army, little is to be expected from its 
efforts, unless they be directed by a chief, uniting 
in himself valor, prudence, perseverance, profes 
sional skill, and a competent knowledge of the 

* Of commissioned officers, 38 were killed and 28 
wounded, many of whom died ; of non-commissioned 
officers and privates, 600 were killed, and 242 wounded ; 
7 pieces of artillery, 200 draft-oxen, and many horses 
were taken. 


habits and practices in war, of the enemy he has 
to contend with. Fortunately for Washington, 
of his comrades of the Revolution Wayne still 
survived; and was promptly appointed to the 
command of the legion and army of the West. 
It was not, however, till the 16th of October, 
1793, that, with all the activity the General put 
into the service, the troops were raised, assem 
bled, equipped, and otherwise prepared to take 
the field ; an interval, which Washington, more 
perhaps in modest submission to public opinion, 
than to the dictates of his own judgment, em 
ployed in new attempts at pacification by treaty. 
The hostile manner, in which these were receiv 
ed, made war indispensable. Colonel Hardin and 
Major Trueman, two gentlemen of the West, of 
much and well-merited respectability, who had 
been prevailed upon to become the bearers of 
one of them, were barbarously murdered by the 
savages, to whom they were sent ; nor was the 
issue of the other, though less unfortunate to the 
persons charged with its delivery, more success 
ful as regarded its objects ; as, after a long- 
protracted negotiation, having the effect only of 
postponing the expedition till the enemy felt 
himself better prepared to meet it, the terms 
offered by the government were decidedly re 


In a letter from General Knox, of the 3d of 
September, 1793, he says, " The Indians have 
refused to treat, and you are now to judge, wheth 
er your force will be adequate to make them feel 
our superiority in arms. Every offer has been 
made to obtain peace by milder terms than the 
sword ; these efforts have failed, under circum 
stances, which leave nothing for us to expect but 
war. Let it therefore be again, and for the last 
time, impressed upon your mind, that as little as 
possible is to be hazarded ; that your force be ful 
ly adequate to the object you purpose to effect ; 
and that, a defeat at the present time, and under 
present circumstances, would be pernicious, in the 
highest degree, to the interests of our country. 
Nothing further remains, but to commit you, and 
the troops employed under you, to the protection 
of the Supreme Being ; hoping you and they will 
have all possible success, in the measures you may 
be about to take, to prevent the murder of help 
less women and children." 

Under these orders, Wayne began his march 
from a camp, near the site of the present town 
of Cincinnati, at which he had wintered ; but, 
from the necessity of multiplying forts to secure 
his communications, the advanced state of the 
year, and the admonitions of the government to 
hazard as little as possible, it was not till the 8th 
of August, 1794, that he was able to reach *he 


Indian settlement, the destruction of which form 
ed the first object of the enterprise. Arrived at 
last at the junction of the Au Glaize and the Mi 
ami, and reinforced by eleven hundred mounted 
volunteers from Kentucky, he there erected a 
fortification, to which he gave the name of Fort 
Defiance. Writing from this point to the secre 
tary of war, he says, " Though now prepared 
to strike, I have thought it proper to make to the 
enemy a last overture of peace ; nor am I without 
hopes, that they will listen to it." 

But in this humane expectation the General 
was disappointed. Elated by the success, which 
had hitherto attended their arms, and the impres 
sions made by it on other tribes ; stimulated also 
by promises of aid given by the British agents, 
and still more by the actual intrusion of a Brit 
ish garrison far within the limits of the United 
States, and evidently established with a view of 
supplying Indian wants and sustaining Indian pre 
tensions ; the savages, though not directly re 
jecting the overture, so palpably evaded it, as to 
deprive the General of all farther hope from it. 
He accordingly on the 15th advanced to Roche- 
Debout ; where, having erected and fortified a 
depot, he disencumbered himself of his stores and 
oaggage, and on the 19th marched on the po 
sition taken by the enemy. This, which had 
been closely and carefully reconnoitred on the 


18th, was found to be in all respects well adapt 
ed for defence , its right flank covered by thick 
ets nearly impervious, its entire front by a strong 
abatis, the effect of a tornado, while its left 
rested on the river Miami. Behind these natural 
and accidental barriers lay the enemy, amount 
ing to two thousand combatants, in three lines 
of open order, with flanks widely extended ; as 
well to prevent their own position from being 
turned, as to favor any manoeuvre of a similar 
kind practised by themselves against their assail 

After a march of five miles, Wayne s advan 
ced guard was briskly attacked from a thicket, 
made up of tall grass and underwood. On this 
evidence, that he had now reached the enemy s 
position, the General immediately directed the 
legion to take its customary order of battle ; 
despatched Scott, with the whole of the mount 
ed men, to turn his left flank and fall on his 
rear ; and " ordered the front line of the legion 
ary infantry to rouse the savages from their lair 
with the point of the bayonet, and, when up, to 
deliver a close and well-directed fire on their 
backs." These orders were promptly obeyed ; 
but so irresistible was the bayonet-charge, that 
both Indians and Canadians were driven from 
their position and completely routed, before ei 
ther Scott s corps or the second legionary line 


could get up to take part in the action. The 
American loss sustained in the combat did not 
exceed one hundred and seven men ; while that 
of the enemy was much greater, as the field of 
battle was strewed with dead bodies, red and 
white ; which, from the precipitancy of their 
flight, had not been removed. " We remained," 
says the General in his official report, " three 
days and nights on the banks of the Miami in 
front of the field of battle, during which time 
all the houses and corn were consumed, or other 
wise destroyed, for a considerable distance both 
above and below Fort Miami; and we were 
within pistol-shot of the garrison of that place, 
who were compelled to remain quiet spectators of 
this general devastation and conflagration." 

On the 24th the army began its march for 
Greenville, and in their way thither laid waste 
villages and corn-crops for a distance of fifty 
miles, on each side of the river ; and, at a later 
period, destroyed those also on the Au Glaize. 
This service was not to Wayne a pleasing occu 
pation ; but, being necessary to bring the Indians 
completely to their senses, and being besides 
prescribed to him by the government as a duty, 
it could neither be pretermitted nor evaded. 
Nor was the calculation, made on the effect it 
would produce on the enemy, overrated. Con 
vinced at last of the evils of war, when brought 


to their own cabins and corn-fields, the enemy 
solicited peace. This was promptly granted, 
and, on the 1st of January ensuing, articles pre 
liminary thereto were signed ; which, on the 7th 
of August, were confirmed by a definitive treaty. 
Plaudits and thanks, public and private, now 
accumulated upon Wayne. The Congress, then 
in session, unanimously adopted resolutions highly 
complimentary to the General and the whole 
army. The President of the United States 
conveyed to him expressions of the warmest 
approbation and the highest respect. His entry 
into Philadelphia was triumphal. All business in 
the city was suspended ; he was met on his 
approach by its militia in mass, and conducted 
through the streets amidst the stirring sounds of 
martial music, the ringing of bells, the roaring of 
cannon, and the acclamations of a grateful people. 
Such was the spontaneous burst of public admi 
ration ; and such the high evidence of the uni 
versal sense entertained of the important services 
be had rendered. Nor (if estimated by the num 
ber and character of the benefits they conferred 
on the nation) will it be thought that these were 
overrated. Besides putting an end to a war, 
brutal as bloody, and waged without the smallest 
respect for age or sex throughout our western 
frontier, they had the farther effect of quieting 


Indian excitement in both the north and the 
south ; of opening to a civilized population the 
fine region, which had been the theatre of the late 
hostilities ; and of eventually adding to this a 
large territory equally inviting to settlement and 
culture. A farther and most useful effect was to 
allay the feverish and factious feeling existing at 
home ; which, availing itself of the unfortunate 
issue of Harmar s and St. Glair s campaigns, 
had gone far to shake the confidence of the 
people in the executive branch of the govern 
ment ; while, abroad, it hastened the execution of 
the pending negotiation with Great Britain ; by 
which, the American posts, so long and pertina 
ciously held by that power, were at last given up. 
Appointed by the government sole commis 
sioner for treating with the North-western In 
dians, and receiver of the military posts given 
up by the British government, General Wayne 
again returned to the West ; and, after a prompt 
and faithful discharge of the duties attached to 
these new functions, while descending Lake Erie 
from Detroit, was attacked by the gout, which 
in a few days put an end to his life and his labors. 
His remains, temporarily buried on the shore of 
the Lake, were removed by his son in 1809 to 
the cemetery of St. David s church, in Chester 
County, Pennsylvania ; where a monuvaent, rais- 


ed to his memory by his comrades of the Revolu 
tion, exhibits the following inscriptions. 

North front. 



Was born at Waynesborough, 

In Chester County, 
State of Pennsylvania, 

A. D. 1745. 

After a Life of Honor and Usefulness, 
He died in December, 1796, 

At a military Post 

On the Shore of Lake Erie, 

Commander-in-chief of the Army of 

The United States. 
His military Achievements 

Are consecrated 
In the History of his Country, 

And in 
The Hearts of his Countrymen. 

His Remains 
Are here deposited. 

South front. 

In Honor of the distinguished 

Military Services of 


And as an affectionate Tribute 

Of Respect to his Memory, 

This Stone was erected by his Companion* 

In Arms, 


The Pennsylvania State Society of 

The Cincinnati, 

July 4th, A. D. J809, 

Thirty-fourth Anniversary of 

The Independence of the United States , 

An Event which constitutes the most 

Appropriate Eulogium 

Of an American Soldier and 


vi. 6 



(See Page 61.) 

On Wayne s agency in the affair at Yorktown, 
tve cannot do better than to offer (what may be 
new to many of our readers) a detailed, but 
brief account of the investment and siege. 

28th September, 1781 Combined French and 
American armies under the command of his Ex 
cellency General Washington, moving in two col 
umns (the American on the right, and the French 
on the left), arrived in view of the enemy s lines, 
about four o clock, P. M. 

29th. Completed the investment. The enemy 
abandoned their exterior works in the evening; 
leaving two redoubts perfect, within cannon-shot 
of their principal fortifications. 

30th. The allied troops took possession of the 
ground abandoned by the British ; the French oc 
cupying the two redoubts, and the Americans 
breaking ground and beginning two new ones 
on the right. 

October 2d. The enemy commenced a cannon 
ade which continued through the day and night, 
but with very little effect, two men only being 
killed by their fire. 

3d. A drop-shot from the British, last night, 
killed four men belonging to the covering party. 


4th. American redoubts perfected ; enemy s 
5re languid. 

5th. Two men killed by a ricochet shot. 

6th. Six regiments, that is, one from the right 
of each brigade, marched at six, P. M., under 
Generals Wayne and Clinton, and opened the first 
parallel, within five hundred and fifty yards of the 
enemy s works on their extreme left ; continued 
by the French to the extreme right. 

7th. Parallel nearly completed without any 
opposition from the enemy, except a feeble fire of 
musketry and artillery, by which a few of the 
French troops were wounded. 

8th. First parallel completed. Two men of 
the Pennsylvania line killed by a ricochet shot. 

9th. Three o clock, P. M., the French opened 
a twelve-gun battery on the extreme right of the 
enemy ; and at five, P. M., a battery of ten pieces 
was opened on the extreme left, by the Ameri 
cans, with apparent effect. 

10th. At daybreak, three other batteries were 
opened ; one of five pieces by the Americans, 
and two by the French, containing twenty-two 
guns opposite the centre of the British works. 
At five, P. M., another American battery, of two 
ten-inch howitzers, was also opened ; which pro 
duced so severe a fire, that it in a great degree 
silenced that of the enemy. At seven o clock, 
P. M., the Charon, of forty-four guns, was set on 
fire bv our balls and totally consumed. 


llth. The second parallel begun to-night by 
the Pennsylvania and Maryland troops, cov 
ered by two battalions commanded by Genera 

13th. Second parallel nearly completed. 

14th. Two detached redoubts, belonging to 
the enemy, stormed a little after dark ; that on 
the extreme left by the American Light Infantry 
under the Marquis de Lafayette ; in which were 
taken, one major, one captain, and one subaltern, 
with seventeen privates, and eight rank and file 
Rilled. Our loss in killed and wounded, forty -one 
The other redoubt was carried by the French 
under the Baron Viomenil, with the loss of one 
hundred men, killed and wounded. Of the ene 
my eighteen were killed, three officers and thirty 
nine privates captured. The two attacks above 
mentioned were sustained by two battalions of the 
Pennsylvania line under General Wayne. The 
second parallel completed by detachments of the 
Pennsylvania and Maryland line under Colonel 
W alter Stewart. 

15th. Two small batteries opened this evening. 

16th. A sortie made by the enemy, in which 
they spiked seven pieces of our artillery, but 
were immediately repulsed. The spikes drawn, 
and the batteries again opened. 

17th. At ten, A. M., the enemy beat the 
chamade introductory to the negotiation, which 
terminated in the surrender. 








Hudson s early History little known. First 
Voyage, in 1607. Sails from Gravesend. 
Makes Discoveries on the Coast of Green 
land. Sails thence to Spitzbergen. Pro 
ceeds northward, to the Eighty-second Degree 
of Latitude. Attempts to find a Passage 
around the North of Greenland. Driven 
back by the Ice. Returns to the southern 
Parts of Spitzbergen, and thence to England. 

IN few men are more rare combinations of 
talents required, than in discoverers and explor 
ers of new countries and seas. Invincible cour 
age, patience and fortitude under suffering, daring 
enterprise tempered by prudence, promptness and 
decision united with calm reflection, sagacity and 
fertility of invention, strong common sense com 
bined with enthusiasm and vivid imagination, the 
power of commanding other minds joined to gen- 


tleness of manner and ready sympathy, are some 
of the more prominent traits in the character of 
this class of men. 

Among those, who were peculiarly gifted in 
these attributes, was the subject of the present 
memoir, HENRY HUDSON, the bold navigator of 
the Arctic Seas, the discoverer of the vast in 
land sea, and of the river in North America, 
which bear his name. 

Of the early history of Hudson hardly any 
thing is known. He was a native of England, a 
scientific and professed navigator, and ranked 
with the most distinguished seamen of his age. 
He was a contemporary and friend of the famous 
Captain John Smith, and rivalled him in intre 
pidity and perseverance. He resided in London, 
was married, and had one son.* We are not 
informed in what way he acquired his practical 
skill in navigation ; but, as he lived in an age 
immediately succeeding the most dazzling discov 
eries, and while these discoveries were occupy 
ing, with absorbing interest, the mind of the 
whole civilized world, it is not improbable, that 
his nautical education may have been received 
from some one of the great navigators, who fol 
lowed immediately in the footsteps of Columbus 

* Yates and Moulton s History of the State of New 
York, Vol. I. p. 198. 


and explored the new world, which his genius 
had revealed. 

We are first introduced to him by his own 
journal of a voyage, undertaken at the charge 
of "certaine worshipfull Merchants of London," 
in the year 1607. The object of the voyage 
was to explore the coast of Greenland, and pass 
round it to the northwest, or directly under the 
Pole; or, in his own words, "for to discover 
a passage by the North Pole to Japan and 

The crew consisted in all of twelve persons, 
including Henry Hudson, the master, and his 
son John, a boy ; all of whom, we are informed, 
went to the church of Saint Ethelburge, in 
Bishopsgate Street, a few days before sailing, to 
partake solemnly of the holy sacrament ; a pious 
practice, which seems to have been very general 
in those days, and which was highly appropriate 
for men who were about to encounter the hard 
ships, terrors, and uncertainties of a voyage of 
discovery in unknown regions. 

They sailed from Gravesend, on the 1st of 
May, 1607, and, taking a northerly course, made 
the Shetland Islands in twenty-six days. The 
needle was here found to have no variation ; but, 
four days afterwards, Hudson " found the needle to 

* Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. p. 567. 


incline seventy-nine degrees under the horizon"; 
and, on the 4th of June, he observed a varia 
tion of five degrees westwardly. His course, 
after losing sight of the Shetland Isles, was north 
westerly ; the object being to reach the coast cf 

On the llth of June, he saw six or seven 
whales near the ship, the promise of a harvest, 
which was destined subsequently to prove of 
such immense profit to his country and to Hoi 
land. Two days afterwards, early in the morn 
ing, land was discovered ahead, with ice ; and, 
there being a thick fog, he stood away south by 
east, six or eight leagues. The weather was so 
cold, that the sails and ropes were coated with 
ice ; the wind blowing a gale from the northeast. 
About eight o clock in the morning, it cleared 
up, and Hudson was able to see the land dis 
tinctly, stretching away northeast by north, and 
northeast, to the distance of about nine leagues. 
In his journal, he says, "This was very high 
land, most part covered with snow. The nether 
part was uncovered. At the top, it looked red 
dish, and underneath a blackish clay, with much 
ice lying about it."* There was a quantity of 
fowl on this coast, and a whale was seen close 
by the shore. Hudson named the headland, thus 

* Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. p. 567 


discovered, Young s Cape, probably from its be 
ing first seen by James Young, one of his crew. 
Near this cape was a "very high mount, like 
a round castle," which he named the Mount of 
God s Mercy. This was on the coast of Green 

He continued northeasterly along the coast, 
encountering a succession of fogs, gales of wind, 
rains, and snows, occasionally driven from his 
course by head winds, and at one time lying to 
for the space of forty-eight hours. His purpose 
was, to ascertain whether the land he had seen 
was an island, or part of Greenland ; but, being 
discouraged by the continued fogs, which hid the 
land from his view, he determined to steer for 
Newland, or Spitzbergen, and the course was 
altered to the northeast. At length the weather 
cleared up, and they enjoyed the comfort of a 
bright sun, after eighteen days of continued fogs 

and clouds. 

After sailing on this course about fifteen or 
sixteen leagues, he saw land on the larboard, or 
left hand, about four leagues distant, stretching 
northeast and southwest. There was a vast 
number of birds circling around the land, with 
black backs and white bodies ; and many floating 
pieces of ice, which they were obliged carefully 
to avoid. The fog returned again, and Hudson 
feared that he was embayed, from the quan 


titles of ice about the ship. He therefore steered 
northeast for five or six leagues, keeping a dili 
gent lookout for the eastward termination of the 
land, and afterwards stood to the south. 

He soon changed his course to the northeast 
again ; and, the weather clearing up, he saw 
land at the distance of about twelve leagues, 
in the latitude of seventy-three degrees. This 
land appeared lofty and covered with snow, and 
in the north part were seen some very high 
mountains. The weather in this latitude was 
much less severe than that which they expe 
rienced in the neighborhood of Young s Cape. 
This land he did not explore any further, being 
prevented by fogs, calms, and contrary winds ; 
he named it the Land of Hold with Hope. 

In his journal, Hudson apologizes for steering 
so far westwardly, instead of making due north 
for the Pole. He says, that ne was prompted 
by a desire to see that part of Greenland, which 
he supposed was hitherto undiscovered. More 
over, being in the vicinity of this land, it was 
natural to expect westerly winds, which would 
greatly favor his approach 10 the Pole. "And," 
he adds, " considering we found lands contrary 
to that which our cards make mention of, we 
accounted our labor so much the more worth. 
And, for aught that we could see, it is like to 
be a good land and worth the seeing."* 

* Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. p. 568. 


On the 24th, the master s mate again saw 
high land on the larboard, which fell away to 
the northwest the more they advanced; and this 
was the last point of Greenland which present 
ed itself to them. Hudson now turned to the 
northward and eastward, encountering constant 
fogs ; but, being in so high latitude, that the sun 
was above the horizon the whole twenty-four 
hours, he was the less incommoded by the thick 

By the 26th of June, he saw flocks of birds 
similar to those he had seen on the coast of 
Greenland ; he concluded that land was not far 
off, though, from the dense fog, he could see 
nothing of it. But the next morning, about one 
or two o clock, the fog cleared up from the sea, 
and he saw the coast of Spitzbergen, or New- 
land, a name, which he says the Dutch had 
given to it. The land was covered with fog, and 
the ice was lying very thick all along the shore, 
for fifteen or sixteen leagues. At noon, he 
found himself to be in the latitude of seventy- 
eight degrees, and he supposed the land in sight 
to be Vogelhoeck, a projecting point in the 
western coast of Spitzbergen.* 

* Forster remarks, that "the honor of the discovery 
of Spitzbergen belongs to Hudson." History of the 
Voyages and Discoveries in the North, p. 326. It is 
also asserted in Yates and Moulton s History of th* 


He continued to ply to the north and Lorth- 
east, in the hope of finding a passage to the 
north of the island, until the middle of July. 
And it was in this part of the voyage, that his 
patience and fortitude seem to have been most 
severely tried. Constantly hemmed in with ice ; 
and in danger of having his ship crushed by the 
masses, encountering head winds and storms, and 

State of New York, (Vol. T. p. 199,) that to Hudson is 
awarded the honor of discovering Spitzbergen. The 
same statement had been previously made by Dr. Bel- 
knap, (Amer. Biog., Vol. I. p. 395.) and by Dr. Miller, 
(Collect. N. Y. Hist. Soc., Vol. I. p. 28.) It appears very 
clearly, however, that Hudson was not the first discov 
erer of Spitzbergen ; as the journal written by himself 
proves to us, that he knew of its existence and posi 
tion previously to seeing it, and he recognised the por 
tion of it, which he first saw, as the cape or headland 
called Vogelhoeck by the Dutch. The island was cer 
tainly seen, and probably first discovered, by William 
Barentz, of Amsterdam. This appears from a Latin work, 
entitled, Descriptio ac Delineatio Geographica Detectionis 
Freti sive Transitus ad Occasum supra Terras Ameri- 
canas in Chinam atque Japonem ducturi, published at 
Amsterdam, in 1613, twelve years before Hudson s 
Journal was published in Purchas s Pilgrims. The au 
thor of this work says, that Barentz and Cornelius, in 
the year 1596, being on a voyage of discovery, in the 
hope of finding a northern passage to China, saw land 
in latitude 79 50 , and that they named this land Spitz- 
bergen, from its mountainous aspect, and the quantity 
of snow and ice that was seen. They also named a 


obliged to change his course almost daily, with 
disappointment meeting him at every step, he 
still continued to buffet the storms, availing him 
self of every moment of favorable weather to 
work to the northward, till fairly convinced of 
the impossibility, on account of the ice, of find 
ing a passage by this side of the island. The 
sea appeared, at different times, blue, green, or 

remarkable promontory of this island Vogelhoeck, from 
the number of birds they .ound there. The island was, 
therefore, certainly discovered before Hudson saw it. 

Scoresby, in his Account of the Arctic Regions, (Vol. 
I. p. 20,) speaks of the re-discovery of Spitzbergen by 
Hudson. This expression seems incorrect, as Hudson 
himself mentions the name by which it was called by 
tae Hollanders ; from which it is evident, that the ex 
istence of the island was generally known before his 
voyage in 1607. 

When Hudson first approaches the land, he speaks 
of it as the same that was "called Newland by the 
Hollanders," (Purchas, Vol. III. p. 571.) That the coun 
try was at first called by the two names of Spitzbergen 
and Newland is proved by the fact, that there is now 
in existence a small quarto volume, entitled, Histoirt 
du Pays nomme Spitzberg, ou Vlsle de Terre Neuve, 
published at Amsterdam, in 16J3. The error of ascrib 
ing the first discovery to Hudson probably originated 
in a marginal note of Purchas, in which he says, "New- 
and, or Greenland, of which the Hollanders made a 
little discovery by Barentz." Hence it was inferred, 
that the Newland mentioned by Hudson was Green 
land; which is refuted by his Journal. 


olack; and they saw a large number of morses, 
seals, and bears; which last animal afforded food 
to the crew, who ate so freely of the flesh one 
day, that many of them were made sick by it. 

On the 14th of July, they saw a bay open 
towards the west, the shores of which were very 
high and rugged. The northerly point they 
named Cottins s Cape, in honor of the boatswain, 
who first discovered it. A great number of 
whales were swimming about in the bay, one 
of which came under the keel, and " made her 
held," but did them no harm. Though there 
was a quantity of snow lying in the swamps 
and valleys near the shore, the weather was 
not. Several of the crew went on shore, where 
they found and brought on board a pair of 
morse s teeth in the jaw; they also found some 
dozen or more deer s horns, and saw the foot 
steps of other animals. Two or three streams 
of fresh water pouring into the bay proved very 
grateful to the men, who were made thirsty by 
the heat of the weather. In the evening, a 
fine gale springing up, they steered northeast 

The weather was warm and clear on the 
morning of the 16th, and Hudson perceived that 
he was almost encompassed with ice. The land 
extended northeast far into the eighty-first de 
gree of latitude; but, on account of the ice, 


there was no passage to the north of it. Hud 
son therefore determined to sail round the south 
ern extremity of the island, and then seek a 
passage to the northeast. He accordingly put 
the ship about, and laid his course southwardly, 
having been as far north as the eighty-second 
degree ; a higher latitude than had yet been at 
tained by any navigator. 

He continued soathwardly along the coast of 
Spitzbergen, having occasional glimpses of land, 
till the 25th of July, when he saw the land 
bearing north. He was now convinced, from the 
general prevalence of the winds since he had 
been on the coast, that it would be impossible 
to work his way to the northeast; he therefore 
abandoned the plan he had formed, of sailing 
round the southern extremity of the island, and 
determined to "prove his fortunes" by the west 
once more, hoping to go round the north of 
Greenland, and then return, by Davis s Straits, 
to England. His course was now, accordingly, 
shaped westward. 

On the 27th, being nearly becalmed, they 
heard a great noise, occasioned by the ice and 
sea, and found that the sea was heaving them 
westward towards a large body of ice. The 
boat was got out, in the hope of towing the 
ship away from it, but the sea ran so high, that 
their efforts would have been of little avail. "In 
this extremity," says Hudson, "it pleased God 

vi. 7 


to give us a small gale at northwest and by west 
We steered away four leagues, till noon. Here 
we had finished our discovery, if the wind had 
continued that brought us hither, or if it had 
continued calm ; but it pleased God to make 
this northwest and by west wind the means of 
our deliverance; which wind we had not found 
common in this voyage. God give us thankful 
hearts for so great deliverance." 

At noon the weather cleared up, and Hudson 
was convinced by the sky, which reflected the 
ice, that he could find no passage to the north 
of Greenland. He therefore took advantage of 
a westerly wind, and steered to the southeast 
He again saw the southern extremity of Spitz- 
bergen, and continued his course to the south. 
For, finding the fogs more thick and troublesome 
than before, and that many of the stores were 
beginning to fail ; the season, moreover, being so 
far advanced, that it would be impossible to make 
the projected voyage this year, even if it were 
practicable at the proper season; he determined 
to return to England. 

He passed in sight of Cheries Island, and, 
the weather being clear, he had a distinct view 
of the land, covered with craggy rocks. Con 
tinuing a southerly course through the month of 
August, he arrived at Tilbury Hope, on the 
Thames, September 15th, having been absent 
four months and a half. 



Hudson s Second Voyage. Sails from London 
with the Design of seeking a Northeastern 
Passage to India. Passes the North Cape. 
Obstructed by Ice. Arrives at Nova 
Zembla. Abandons the Hope of going 
further North. Explores an Inlet, or River ; 
in Nova Zembla. Resolves to return. - 
Searches for Willoughby s Land. Arrives 
in England. 

As soon as the season was sufficiently ad 
vanced, Hudson prepared for a second voyage 
of discovery, the object of which was to find a 
northeast passage to the East Indies, by going 
to the north of Nova Zembla. The crew 
amounted to fifteen persons, including Hudson 
and his young son, who accompanied him on all 
his voyages. The masters mate was a certain 
Robert Juet,* a man of considerable nautical skill 
and some education, who accompanied Hudson 
on all his subsequent voyages, and was destined 
to act a conspicuous part in his adventures. 

* So, with Belknap, we prefer to modernize the spell 
ing in Purchas, which is always luet (like lune, My, 
iudge], except once Juet (p. 576), and once IVET (p. 581, 
where it is printed in capitals, like HVDSON.) Yet in 
Harris s Collection of Voyages, where Purchas is copied 
and the spelling reformed, it is constantly printed Trtf. 


He sailed from London on the 22d of April 
1608, and after a month s sailing northward, til) 
the 24th of May, he judged himself to be dis 
tant only sixteen leagues from the coast of Nor 
way, in latitude of sixty-seven degrees. He had 
encountered constant fogs till this time, though 
generally with favorable xvinds ; but the weather 
now cleared up, and continued fair, yet so cold, 
that it caused the sickness of the carpenter and 
several of the crew. He plied constantly to the 
northward and northeast, as the wind permitted, 
and, in three days more, was in latitude so high 
north, that he took an observation at midnight, 
the sun being on the north meridian, five degrees 
and a half above the horizon. 

On the 1st of June, there came a severe 
gale, with snow. This continued for two days, 
when the weather became fair again, and he 
saw the North Cape about eight leagues distant 
There were also several Norway fishermen in 
sight. Continuing a northeasterly course, he 
came into the neighborhood of ice, the first he 
had seen upon the voyage. His wish was to 
make his way through it, and he consequently 
held his course, loosening some of it, and bear 
mg away from the larger portions, till late in 
the afternoon, when he found the ice so thick 
ana firm, that it was impossible to force a fur 
ther passage through it, and he was obliged to 


return, having suffered no other harm than 
slightly rubbing the sides of his ship. 

From this time, he made but a small advance 
to the north, the highest latitude which he 
reached being a little more than seventy-five de 
grees. He was on soundings nearly every day, 
finding much green ooze, and the water being 
whitish green. He saw great numbers cf whales 
and porpoises, and he says the sea was covered 
with fowl. He also heard the bears roaring upon 
the ice, and saw an immense number of seals. 
The quantities of ice, by .which, he -,wa3 beset, 
md the head winds, . constancy obstructed,, his 
progress northward, so ^thatj instead ,ot; gaining, 
he found himself drifting to the south. 

He was here compelled to abandon the hope 
of going to the north of Nova Zembla, being 
very near its western coast, and unable, from 
the ice, to work to northward. Turning south 
ward, he saw the part of Nova Zembla called 
Swart-Cliff by the Dutch. On one occasion, the 
ship only two miles from the land, he sent six 
of the men on shore, to examine the appear 
ance of the country, and to fill the water casks. 
They found the shore covered with long grass, 
and the ground boggy and overflowed in places 
with streams from melting snow ; the weather 
being very hot. They also saw traces of deer, 
foxes, and bears, and picked up some fins of 


whales. In returning to the ship, they saw two 
or three troops or herds of morses swimming 
near the boat. Soon after this, several of the 
crew landed, in the hope of killing some of the 
morses ; and they found a cross standing near 
the shore, with the signs of fires that had been 
kindled there. 

After remaining in this place a short time, 
they saw a great number of morses in the wa 
ter, and hoisted sail, and got out the boat to 
tow the vessel along; ,in- the hope, that by fol 
lowing "the mcr-ses, they might discover their 
place ,of landing,- where they might kill them. 
Th feJ- continued -the chase till they doubled a 
point, and came to anchor in the mouth of a 
broad river, or sound, near a small island. They 
found the position so dangerous, however, from 
the ice which was borne down the stream, that 
they were obliged to weigh anchor in the night, 
and stand out, a fine gale springing up just 
in season to free them from their danger; but 
they returned to the same anchorage as soon 
as the ice had been carried out to sea by the 

Constantly on the watch for any thing that 
might aid his discovery of the northeast passage 
Hudson had no sooner perceived the broad riv 
er, near the mouth of which he had anchored, 
than he formed hopes that he might here find 


a way to the other side of Nova Zembla. 
When he had ascertained the impossibility of 
sailing north of this island, it had been his in 
tention to try the passage of the Vaygats,* a 
straj t which he knew would conduct him to the 
eastern side, unless obstructed with ice, "But," 
he says, " being here, and hoping by the plenty 
of morses we saw here to defray the charge of 
our voyage, and also that this sound might for 
some reasons be a better passage to the east of 
Nova Zembla than the Vaygats, if it held ac 
cording to a hope conceived by the likeness it 
gave," he resolved to remain till he could ex 
plore it. 

Soon after coming to anchor, he observed a 
large number of morses asleep on a projecting 
rock of the little island near him, and he there 
fore despatched the whole crew to hunt them. 
They only succeeded in killing one ; all the 
rest having plunged into the water at their ap 
proach. The men landed, and found the shores 
high and steep; but, on ascending them, the 
land appeared quite level. After killing a great 
quantity of fowl, they returned on board. Sev 
eral men were now sent, under the command 
of the mate, to examine the mouth of the 

* The Vaygats, Waygats, or Vaigatz, is a strait be 
tween the southernmost parts of Nova Zembla and the 
northfin coast of Russia. 


river, or sound, by which he hoped to find a 
passage. After an absence of about twenty-four 
hours, they returned, bringing a very large deer s 
horn, and a lock of white hair; also a large 
number of fowl, which they had shot. They 
bad seen a herd of white deer, and they report 
ed thit the shore was covered with drift-wood, 
that there were convenient bays, and a river 
coming from the north, which appeared to be a 
favorite resort of the morses. As for the sound, 
which they had been sent to examine, they had 
found it to be two or three leagues in breadth, 
the water of the color of the sea and very salt, 
and a strong current setting out ; and they had 
no soundings at twenty fathoms. 

This report determined him to explore the 
sound, and he accordingly weighed anchor, and 
stood in for the mouth of the river. He crossed 
a reef where the water was shallow; but after 
that it deepened again ; and, having entered the 
river, he found it to be more than twenty fath 
oms deep. After ascending the stream to the 
distance of nine or ten leagues, he anchored 
again, the wind being ahead, and the current too 
strong to allow any farther advance that day. 
He, however, sent his mate Juet and five of the 
men in the boat, with provision and weapons, 
directing them to explore the stream, provided 
it continued deep, till they found it bending to 


the east or southward, promising to follow them 
with the ship as soon as the wind should prove 
favorable. The men returned the next day, 
much fatigued with the labor they had under 
gone. They had explored the river to the 
distance of six or seven leagues, when the water 
became very shallow, not more than four feet 
deep. Finding that it would be impossible for 
their ship to pass these shallows, they had not 
thought it worth while to explore the river be 
yond this point. 

There was no choice, therefore, but to return ; 
and accordingly he set sail and stood to the 
southwest again, as he tells us in his Journal 
" with sorrow that our labor was in vain ; for, 
had this sound held as it did make show of, for 
depth, breadth, safeness of harbor, and good an 
chor ground, it might have yielded an excellent 
passage to a more easterly sea." 

The month of July was somewhat advanc 
ed, and Hudson had failed in two attempts to 
discover a northeast passage. The ship was 
not now provided with stores or conveniences 
sufficient for attempting the passage of the Vay 
gats, and there was nothing left but to return to 
England. He determined, however, to visit Wil- 
loughby s Land* on the way, as he wished to 

* It has been asserted oy English writers, and 
frequently repeated, that Sir Hugh Willoughby had 


ascertain whether it was laid down correctly or 
not on the chart ; and he supposed that he should 
find a large number of morses there, as they were 
driven from the coast of Nova Zembla by the 
ice. His course was, therefore, laid westerly, 
being in the latitude of seventy-one degrees. He 

discovered Spitzbergen. It appears, however, from Hud 
son s Journal of his second voyage, that he was not of 
this opinion, but considered Willoughby s Land as en 
tirely distinct from Spitzbergen. He steered west for 
this land, being in latitude 71, while he well knew, 
that the most southerly point of Spitzbergen was sev 
eral degrees to the north of this. In the old Dutch 
maps, Wttloughby s Land is placed to the southeast of 

The author of the Latin work cited in a former note 
who is very accurate in his statements, maintains stout 
ly, that Willoughby s Land was not Spitzbergen, and 
cites a passage from the manuscript Journal of Wil 
loughby to prove it. This passage agrees exactly with 
the Journal afterwards published in Purchas s Pilgrims, 
except in some slight variations of orthography. It is 
as follows; "The 14th day, earely in the morning, we 
descovered land, which land we bare withal, hoising 
out our boat to descover what land it might be, but the 
boat could not come to land, the water was so shoare, 
where was very much yse also, but there was no si 
militude of habitation, and this land lyeth from Seynam 
160 leagues, being in latitude 72 degrees ; then we 
plyed to the northward the 15th, 16th, and 17th day." 
There is no mention in Willoughby s Journal, published 
in Purchas s Pilgrims of his having reached a highe* 


did not, however, come within sight of this land. 
After having sailed nearly west for about ten 
days, he perceived the promontory of Wardhus, 
on the coast of Lapland, and soon after doubled 
the North Cape. By the end of July, being off 
the coast of Norway, the nights had become dark, 

northern latitude than 72 ; and it is very evident, that 
Hudson expected to find Willoughby s Land considera 
bly to the south of Spitzbergen. 

It may be satisfactory to some of our readers to ex 
amine for themselves the Latin passage referred to in 
this note. We therefore cite it entire. 

" Q,ui Anglicanse Navigationis cognitionem habent, 
non ignorant quam iniquis rationibus nitantur, et de 
fendere conentur Angli, Equitem Hugonem Willougby 
(Capitaneum trium Navium, vocatarum Bona Esperen- 
za, Eduardus Bona Adventurus, et Bona Confidentia) 
invenisse et detegisse magnam illam insulam Spitsber- 
gensem, idque septimo anno Regni Eduardi Sexti, an 
no nimirum Domini 1553. Nam eorum rerum mariti- 
marum ipsae lucubrationes atque scripta contrarium 
manifesto testantur, nimirum praadictum Equitem cum 
tribus istis navibus ex portu Anglicano Ratcliff solvisse 
(ut Septentrionem versus Regnum Cathaya detegeret) 
10 May, 1553, et ab insula Norvegiaa Seyna 30 Julii 
eumque duabus navibus, matutino tempore 14 Augusti, 
terram quandam detegisse sitam a dicta Insula Seynam 
(Mesocsecias) 160 Anglicanis Leucis (milharibus Ge> 
manicis 120) ad altitudinern 72 graduum. Quod qui- 
dem praefatus Eques propria manu Anglice conscripsit 
his verbis." The writer then quotes the passage in 
English from Willoughby s journal, as contained above 


so that a light was required in the binacle, not 
having been used for two months before. 

Hudson would have been glad to pursue his 
course to Greenland from this point, to attempt 
the northwest passage ; but the season was now 
so far advanced as to render such a plan im 
practicable, and he determined to waste no more 
time and money in an unavailing search ; and, 
therefore, made sail for England, where he ar 
rived on the 26th of August, having been 
about four months 



Hudson } s third Voyage. He seeks Employment 
from the Dutch East India Company. Sails 
from Amsterdam. Disappointed in the Hope 
of passing through the Vaygats. Sails 
Westward, to the Bank of Newfoundland, 
and thence to the Coast of America, Enters 
Penobscot Bay. Intercourse with the Na 
tives. Sails to Cape Cod, and explores the 
Coast to the Southward. Returns to the 
North. Discovers the Outlet of Hudson s 
River, and anchors in New York Bay. 

THE London Company had become discour 
aged by two unsuccessful attempts to find a 
northern passage to China ; and Hudson, whose 
mind was completely bent upon making the dis 
covery, sought employment from the Dutch East 
India Company. The fame of his adventures 
had already reached Holland, and he had re 
ceived from the Dutch the appellations of the 
bold Englishman, the expert pilot, the famous 
navigator.* The company were generally in fa- 

* Yates and Moulton s History of New York, Vol. I. 
p. 201. These writers, in their account of Hudson s 
third voyage, make frequent references to a history of 


vor of accepting the offer of his services, though 
the scheme was strongly opposed by Balthazar 
Moucheron, one of their number, who had some 
acquaintance with the Arctic seas. They accord 
ingly gave him the command of a small vessel, 
named the Half Moon, with a crew of twenty 
men, Dutch and English, among whom was Rob 
ert Juet, who had accompanied him as mate on 
his second voyage. The Journal of the present 
voyage, which is published in Purchas s Pilgrims 
was written by Juet. 

He sailed from Amsterdam the 25th of March, 
1609, and doubled the North Cape in about a 
month. His object was to pass through the Vay 
gats, or perhaps to the north of Nova Zembla, 
and thus reach China by the northeast passage. 
But after contending for more than a fortnight 
with head winds, continual fogs, and ice, and 
finding it impossible to reach even the coast of 
Nova Zembla, he determined to abandon this 
plan, and endeavor to discover a passage by the 
northwest. He accordingly directed his course 
westerly, doubled the North Cape again, and in 

the same expedition by Lambrechtsen, President of the 
Zeeland Society of Sciences, who appears to have had 
access to the records of the Dutch East India Com 
pany. A translation of his Kort Besckrymng was made 
by Mr. Van der Kemp, and was consulted in manuscript 
by Yates and Moulton. 


a few days saw a part of the western coast of 
Norway, in the latitude of sixty-eight degrees. 
From this point he sailed for the Faroe Islands, 
where he arrived about the end of May. 

Having replenished his water casks at one of 
these islands, he again hoisted sail, and steered 
southwest, in the hope of making Buss Island, 
which had been discovered by Sir Martin Fro- 
bisher, in 1578, as he wished to ascertain if it 
was correctly laid down on the chart. As he did 
not succeed in rinding it, he continued this course 
for nearly a month, having much severe weather, 
and a succession of gales, in one of which the 
foremast was carried away. Having arrived at 
the forty-fifth degree of latitude, he judged it 
best to shape his course westward, with the in 
tention of making Newfoundland. While pro 
ceeding in this direction, he one day saw a ves 
sel standing to the eastward, and, wishing to 
speak her, he put the ship about, and gave 
chase ; but finding, as night came on, that he 
could not overtake her, he resumed the west 
erly course again. 

On the 2d of July, he had soundings on the 
Grand Bank of Newfoundland, and saw a whole 
fleet of Frenchmen fishing there. Being on 
soundings for several days, he determined tc try 
his luck at fishing ; and, the weather falling calm, 
he set the whole crew at work to so much 


purpose, that, in the course of the morning, they 
took between one and two hundred very large 
cod. After two or three days of calm, the 
wind sprang up again, and he continued his course 
westward, till the 12th, when he first had sight 
of the coast of North America. The fog was 
so thick, however, that he did not venture 
nearer the coast for several days ; but at length, 
the weather clearing up, he ran into a bay at 
the mouth of a large river, in the latitude of forty- 
four degrees. This was Penobscot Bay, on the 
coast of Maine. 

He already had some notion of the kind of 
inhabitants he was to find here ; for, a few days 
before, he had been visited by six savages, who 
came on board in a very friendly manner, and 
ate and drank with him. He found, that, from 
their intercourse with the French traders, they 
had learned a few words of their language. Soon 
after coming to anchor, he was visited by sev 
eral of the natives, who appeared very harm 
less and inoffensive ; and, in the afternoon, two 
boats full of them came to the ship, bringing 
beaver skins and other fine furs, which they 
wished to exchange for articles of dress. They 
offered no violence whatever, though we find in 
Juet s Journal constant expressions of distrust 
apparently without foundation. 

They remained in this bay long enough to 


cut and rig a new foremast; and, being now 
ready for sea, the men were sent on shore upon 
an expedition that disgraced the whole com 
pany What Hudson s sentiments or motives, 
with regard to this transaction, were, we can 
only conjecture from a general knowledge of his 
character, as we have no account of it from 
himself. But it seems highly probable, that, if 
he did not project it, he at least gave his con 
sent to its perpetration. The account is in the 
words of Juet, as follows. "In the morning we 
manned our scute with four muskets and six 
men, and took one of their shallops and brought 
it aboard. Then we manned our boat and scute 
with twelve men and muskets, and two stone 
pieces, or murderers, and drave the salvages 
from their houses, and took the spoil of them, 
as they would have done of us." After this 
exploit, they returned to the ship, and set sail 
immediately. It does not appear from the Jour 
nal that the natives had ever offered them any 
harm, or given any provocation for so wanton 
an act. The writer only asserts, that they would 
have done it, if they could. No plea is more 
commonly used to justify tyranny and cruelty 
than the supposed bad intentions of the op 

He now continued southward along the coast 
of America. It appears that Hudson had been 

TI. 8 


informed by his friend, Captain John Smith, that 
there was a passage to the western Pacific Ocean 
south of Virginia, and that, when he had proved 
the impossibility of going by the northeast, he 
had offered his crew the choice, either to ex 
plore this passage spoken of by Captain Smith, 
or to seek the northwest passage, by going 
through Davis s Strait. Many of the men had 
been in the East India service, and in the 
habit of sailing in tropical climates, and were 
consequently very unwilling to endure the sever 
ities of a high northern latitude. It was there 
fore voted, that they should go in search of 
the passage to the south of Virginia. 

In a few days they saw land extending north, 
and terminating in a remarkable headland, which 
he recognised to be Cape Cod. Wishing to 
double the headland, he sent some of the men 
in the boat to sound along the shore, before 
venturing nearer with the ship. The water was 
five fathoms deep within bowshot of the shore, 
and, landing, they found, as the Journal informs 
us, "goodly grapes and rose trees," which they 
brought on board with them. He then weighed 
anchor, and advanced as far as the northern ex 
tremity of the headland.* Here he heard the 

* There is some confusion in that part of the Jour 
nal, in which these particulars are related. The north 
ernmost point of Cape Cod is in the latitude of 42 7 


voice of some one calling to them ; and, thinking 
t possible some unfortunate European might have 
been left there, he immediately despatched some 
of the men to the shore. They found only a few 
savages ; but, as these appeared very friendly, 

But the first "headland" described in the Journal was 
in 41 45 , which corresponds very nearly with the south 
end of Chatham Beach. The course thence pursued 
was to the southeast, and we are told, two days after 
wards, of another headland, "that lyeth in 41 10 ." 
And the journalist adds, "This is that headland, which 
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered in the yeere 
1602, and called Cape Corf, because of the store of cod 
fish that he found thereabout." But, if the latitude as 
here stated be correct, this headland was that of the 
southwest point of Nantucket. 

De Laet s great work on the "New World" was 
published at Leyden, in the year 1625. He is said to 
have had in his possession a part of the Journal of this 
voyage, written by Hudson himself. He tells us, that 
Hudson first saw the land in latitude 41 43 , and, sup 
posing jt to be an island, called it New Holland; but 
that he afterwards discovered it to be connected with 
the continent, and the same as the White Cape, or Cape 
Cod, (promontorium Blancum, sive Cod.) He moreover 
adds, that Hudson ascertained this cape to be seventy 
five miles farther westward from Europe, than the po- 
Bition assigned to it in the charts. Novus Orbis, Lib. 
III. c. 7. These discrepancies may perhaps be in some 
degree accounted for by the inaccuracy of the lati 
tudes, or errors of figures in transcribing or printing 
the Journal; but, after all, it is doubtful what parts of 
the promontory of Cape Cod were seen by Hudson. 


they brought one of them on board, where they 
gave him refreshments, and also a present of 
three or four glass buttons, with which he seemed 
greatly delighted. The savages were observed 
to have green tobacco, and pipes, the bowls of 
which were made of clay, and the stems ot 
red copper. 

The wind not being favorable for passing west 
of this headland into the bay, Hudson deter 
mined to explore the coast farther south ; and 
the next day he saw the southern point of 
Cape Cod, which had been discovered and 
named by Bartholomew Gosnold, in the year 
1602. He passed in sight of Nantucket and 
Martha s Vineyard, and continued a southerly 
course till the middle of August, when he ar 
rived at the entrance of Chesapeake Bay. 
"This," says the writer of the Journal, "is the 
entrance into the King s river,* in Virginia 
where our Englishmen are."f The colony, un 
der the command of Newport, consisting of one 
hundred and five persons, among whom were 
Smith, Gosnold, Wingfield, and Ratcliffe, had 
arrived here a little more than two years before 
and, if Hudson could have landed, he would have 
enjoyed the satisfaction of seeing and conversing 
with his own countrymen, and in his own Ian 

* James River, thus called in honor of King Jamea 
t Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. p. 589 


guage, in the midst of the forests of the New 
World. But the wind was blowing a gale from 
the northeast, and, probably dreading a shore with 
which he w r as unacquainted, he made no attempt 
to find them. 

He continued to ply to the south for several 
days, till he reached the latitude of thirty-five 
degrees forty-one minutes, when he again changed 
his course to the north. It is highly probable, 
that, if the journal of the voyage had been kept 
by Hudson himself, we should have been in 
formed of his reasons for changing the southerly 
course at this point. The cause, however, is 
not difficult to conjecture. He had gone far 
enough to ascertain, that the information given 
him by Captain Smith, with respect to a pas 
sage into the Pacific south of Virginia, was in 
correct ; and he probably did not think it worth 
while to spend more time in so hopeless a search. 
He therefore retraced his steps ; and, on the 28th 
of August, discovered Delaware Bay, where he 
examined the currents, soundings, and the ap 
pearance of the shores, without attempting to 
land. From this anchorage, he coasted north 
wards, the shore appearing low, like sunken 
ground, dotted with islands, till the 2d of Sep 
tember, when he saw the highlands of Never- 
sink, which, the journalist remarks, "is a very 
good land to fall with and a pleasant land to 


The entrance into the southern waters of New 
York is thus described in the Journal. "At 
three of the clock in the afternoon, we came 
to three great rivers. So we stood along to the 
northernmost, thinking to have gone into it ; but 
we found it to have a very shoal bar before it, for 
we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about 
to the southward, and found two fathoms, three 
fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came 
to the southern side of them ; then we had five 
and six fathoms, and anchored. So we sent in 
our boat to sound, and they found no less water 
than four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and re 
turned in an hour and a half. So we weighed and 
went in, and rode in five fathoms, oozy ground, 
and saw many salmons, and mullets, and rays 
very great." The next morning, having ascer 
tained by sending in the boat, that there was a 
very good harbor before him, he ran in, and an 
chored at two cables length from the shore. This 
was within Sandy Hook Bay. 

He was very soon visited by the natives, who 
came on board his vessel, and seemed to be great 
ly rejoiced at his arrival among them. They 
brought green tobacco, which they desired to 
exchange for knives and beads ; and Hudson ob 
served, that they had copper pipes, and orna 
ments of copper. They also appeared to have 
plenty of maize, from which they made good 


bread. Their dress was of deerskins, well cured, 
and hanging loosely about them. There is a 
tradition, that some of his men, being sent out 
to fish, landed on Coney Island. They found 
the soil sandy, but supporting a vast number of 
plum trees loaded with fruit, and grape vines 
growing round them.* 

The next day, the men, being sent in the 
boat to explore the bay still farther, landed, 
probably on the Jersey Shore, where they were 
very kindly received by the savages, who gave 
them plenty of tobacco. They found the land 
covered with large oaks. Several of the natives 
also came on board, dressed in mantles of feath 
ers and fine furs. Among the presents they 
brought, were dried currants, which were found 
extremely palatable. 

Soon afterwards five of the men were sent in 
the boat to examine the north side of the bay, 
and sound the river, which was perceived at the 
distance of four leagues. They passed through 
the Narrows, sounding all along, and saw " a 
narrow river to the westward, between two 
islands " ; supposed to be Staten Island and Ber 
gen Neck. They described the land as covered 
with trees, grass, and flowers, and filled with de 
lightful fragrance. On their return to the ship, 

* ates and Moulton s History of New York, Vol. I. p 



they were assaulted by two canoes, one contain 
ing twelve, and the other fourteen savages. It 
was nearly dark, and the rain which was falling 
had extinguished their match, so that they could 
only trust to their oars for escape. One of the 
men, John Colman, who had accompanied Hud 
son on his first voyage, was killed by an arrow 
shot into his throat, and two more were wound 
ed. The darkness probably saved them from 
the savages, but at the same time it prevented 
their finding the vessel; so that they did not 
return till the next day, when they appeared 
bringing the body of their comrade. Hudson 
ordered him to be carried on shore and buried, 
and named the place, in memory of the event, 
Colman s Point.* 

He now expected an attack from the natives, 
and accordingly hoisted in the boat, and erected 
a sort of bulwark along the sides of the vessel, 
for the better defence. But these precautions 
were needless. Several of the natives came on 
board, but in a friendly manner, wishing to ex 
change tobacco and Indian corn for the trifles 
which the sailors could spare them. They did 
not appear to know any thing of the affray, which 
had taken place. But, the day after, two large 
canoes came off to the vessel, the one filled 

* Probably the point since known as Sandy Hook. 


with armed men, the other under the pretence 
of trading. Hudson, however, would only allow 
two of the savages to come on board, keeping the 
rest at a distance. The two who came on board 
were detained, and Hudson dressed them up in 
red coats ; the remainder returned to the shore 
Presently another canoe, with two men in it, 
came to the vessel. Hudson also detained one 
of these, probably wishing to keep him as a 
hostage ; but he very soon jumped overboard, 
and swam to the shore. On the llth Hudson 
sailed through the Narrows, and anchored in 
New York bay. 



Hudson explores the River which now bears hit 
Name. Escape of the Hostages. Strange 
Experiment with the Natives. Anchors near 
the present Site of Albany. Returns down 
the River. Battle with the Natives, near 
Hoboken. Sails from the Bay, and leaves 
America. Arrives in England. 

HUDSON now prepared to explore the mag 
nificent river, which came rolling its waters into 
the sea from unknown regions. Whither he 
would be conducted in tracing its course, he 
could form no conjecture. A hope may be 
supposed to have entered his mind, that the 
long desired passage to the Indies was now at 
length discovered ; that here was to be the end 
of his toils ; that here, in this mild climate, and 
amidst these pleasant scenes, was to be founc 
that object, which he had sought in vain through 
the snows and ice of the Arctic zone. With a 
glad heart, then, he weighed anchor, on the 
12th of September, and commenced his mem 
orable voyage up that majestic stream, which 
now bears his name. 

The wind only allowed him to advance a few 


miles the first two days of the voyage ; but the 
time, which he was obliged to spend at anchor, 
was fully occupied in trading with the natives, 
who came off from the shore in great numbers, 
bringing oysters and vegetables. He observed 
that they had copper pipes, and earthen vessels 
to cook their meat in. They seemed very harm 
less and well disposed ; but the crew were un 
willing to trust these appearances, and would 
not allow any of them to come on board. The 
next day, a fine breeze springing up from the 
southeast, he was able to make great progress, 
so that he anchored at night nearly forty miles 
from the place of starting in the morning. He 
observes, that " here the land grew very high 
and mountainous," so that he had undoubtedly 
anchored in the midst of the fine scenery of 
the Highlands. 

When he awoke in the morning, he found a 
heavy mist overhanging the river and its shores, 
and concealing the summits of the mountains. 
But it was dispelled by the sun in a short time ; 
and, taking advantage of a fair wind, he weighed 
anchor, and continued the voyage. A little cir 
cumstance occurred this morning, which was des 
tined to be afterwards painfully remembered 
The two savages, whom he held as hostages, 
made their escape through the portholes of the 
vessel, and swam to the shore; and, as soon 


as the ship was under sail, they took pains to 
express their indignation at the treatment they 
had received, by uttering loud and angry cries. 
Towards night, he came to other mountains, 
which, he says, "lie from the river s side," and 
anchored, it is supposed, near the present site 
of Catskill Landing. "There," says the Jour 
nal, "we found very loving people, and very 
old men ; where we were well used. Our boat 
went to fish, and caught great store of very 
good fish." * 

The next morning, September 16th, the men 
were sent again to catch fish, but were not so 
successful as they had been the day before, in 
consequence of the savages having been there 
in their canoes all night. A large number of 
the natives came off to the ship, bringing Indian 
corn, pumpkins, and tobacco. The day was con 
sumed in trading with the natives, and in filling 
the casks with fresh water ; so that they did not 
weigh anchor till towards night. After sailing 
about five miles, finding the water shoal, they 
came to anchor, probably near the spot where 
the city of Hudson now stands. The weather 
was hot, and Hudson determined to set his men 
at work in the cool of the morning. He ac 
eordingly, on the 17th, weighed anchor at dawn, 

Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. D. 593. 


and ran up the river about fifteen miles; when, 
finding shoals and small islands, he thought it best 
to anchor again. Towards night, the vessel hav 
ing drifted near the shore, grounded in shoal 
water, but was easily drawn off, by carrying out 
the small anchor. She was aground again in a 
short time in the channel, but, the tide rising, 
she floated off. 

The two days following, he advanced only 
about five miles, being much occupied by his 
intercourse with the natives. Being in the neigh 
borhood of the present town of Castleton, he 
went on shore, where he was very kindly re 
ceived by an old savage, "the governor of the 
country," who took him to his house, and gave 
him the best cheer he could. At his anchorage, 
also, five miles above this place, the natives came 
flocking on board, bringing a great variety of ar 
ticles, such as grapes, pumpkins, beaver and otter 
skins, which they exchanged for beads, knives, 
and hatchets, or whatever trifles the sailors could 
spare them. The next day was occupied in ex 
ploring the river ; four men being sent in the 
boat, under the command of the mate, for that 
purpose. They ascended several miles, and found 
the channel narrow, and in some places only two 
fathoms deep, but, after that, seven or eight fath 
oms. In the afternoon, they returned to the ship. 
Hudson resolved to pursue the examination of 


the channel on the following morning, but was 
interrupted by the number of natives who came 
on board Finding that he was not likely to gain 
any progress this day, he sent the carpentei 
ashore to prepare a new foreyard ; and, in the 
mean time, prepared to make an extraordinary 
experiment on board. 

From the whole tenor of the Journal, it is 
evident, that great distrust was entertained by 
Hudson and his men towards the natives. He 
now determined to ascertain, by intoxicating some 
of the chiefs, and thus throwing them off their 
guard, whether they were plotting any treachery. 
He accordingly invited several of them into the 
cabin, and gave them plenty of brandy to drink. 
One of these men had his wife with him, who, 
the Journal informs us, "sate so modestly as any 
one of our countrywomen would do in a strange 
place"; but the men had less delicacy, and were 
soon quite merry with the brandy. One of them, 
who had been on board from the first arrival of 
the ship, was completely intoxicated, and fell 
sound asleep, to the great astonishment of his 
companions, who probably feared that he had 
been poisoned ; for they all took to their canoes 
and made for the shore, leaving their unlucky 
comrade on board. Their anxiety for his welfare, 
however, soon induced them to return ; and they 
brought a quantity of beads, which they gave 


him, perhaps to enable him to purchase his free 
dom from the spell that had been laid upon him. 

The poor savage slept quietly all night, and, 
when his friends came to visit him the next morn 
ing, they found him quite well. This restored 
their confidence, so that they came to the ship 
again in crowds, in the afternoon, bringing vari 
ous presents for Hudson. Their visit, which was 
one of unusual ceremony, is thus described in the 
Journal. " So, at three of the clock in the after 
noon, they came aboard, and brought tobacco an j 
more beads, and gave them to our master, and 
made an oration, and showed him all the coun 
try round about. Then they sent one of their 
company on land, who presently returned, and 
brought a great platter full of venison, dressed 
by themselves, and they caused him to eat with 
them. Then they made him reverence, and de 
parted, all save the old man that lay aboard."* 

At night the mate returned in the boat, having 
been sent again to explore the river. He re 
ported, that he had ascended eight or nine leagues, 
and found but seven feet of water, and irregular 

It was evidently useless to attempt to ascend 
the river any further with the ship, and Hudson 
therefore determined to return. We may well 

* Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. p. 594. 


imagine, that he was satisfied already with the 
result of the voyage, even supposing him to have 
been disappointed in not finding here a passage to 
the Indies. He had explored a great and navi 
gable river to the distance of nearly a hundred 
and forty miles ; he had found the country along 
the banks extremely fertile, the climate delight 
ful, and the scenery displaying every variety of 
beauty and grandeur ; and he knew that he had 
opened the way for his patrons to possessions, 
which might prove of inestimable value. 

It is supposed, that the highest place which 
the Half Moon reached in the river, was the 
neighborhood of the present site of Albany ; and 
that the boats, being sent out to explore, as 
cended as high as Waterford, and probably some 
distance beyond. The voyage down the river 
was not more expeditious than it had been in 
ascending; the prevalent winds were southerly, 
and for several days the ship could advance but 
very slowly. The time, however, passed agree 
ably, in making excursions on the shore ; where 
they found "good ground for corn and other gar 
den herbs, with a great store of goodly oaks, 
and walnut trees, and chesnut trees, ewe trees, 
and trees of sweet wood in great abundance, 
and great store of slate for houses, and other 
good stones;" or in receiving visits from the na 
tives, who came off to the ship in numbers. 


While Hudson was at anchor near the spot 
where the city bearing his name now stands^ 
two canoes came from the place where the scene 
of the intoxication had occurred, and in one of 
them was the old man, who had been the suf 
ferer under the strange experiment. He brought 
another old man with him, who presented Hud 
son with a string of beads, and "showed all the 
country there about, as though it were at his 
command." Hudson entertained them at dinner, 
with four of their women, and in the afternoon 
dismissed them with presents. 

He continued the voyage down the river, taking 
advantage of wind and tide as he could, and em 
ploying the time, when at anchor, in fishing or 
in trading with the natives, who came to the ship 
nearly every day, till, on the 1st of October, he 
anchored near Stony Point. 

The vessel was no sooner perceived from the 
shore to be stationary, than a party of the na 
tive mountaineers came off in their canoes to 
visit it, and were filled with wonder at every 
thing it contained. While the attention of the 
crew was taken up with their visiters upon deck, 
one of the savages managed to run his canoe 
under the stern, and, climbing up the rudder 
found his way into the cabin by the window ; 
where, having seized a pillow and a few articles 
of wearing apparel, he made off with them in 


the canoe. The mate detected him as he fled, 
fired at, and killed him. Upon this, all the other 
savages departed with the utmost precipitation ; 
some taking to their canoes, and others plunging 
into the water. The boat was manned and sent 
after the stolen goods, which were easily recov 
ered ; but, as the men were returning to the 
vessel, one of the savages, who were in the water, 
seized hold of the keel of the boat, with the in 
tention, as was supposed, of upsetting it. The 
cook took a sword and lopped his hand off, and 
the poor wretch immediately sunk. They then 
weighed anchor and advanced about five miles. 

The next day, Hudson descended about seven 
leagues, and anchored. Here he was visited in a 
canoe by one of the two savages, who had es 
caped from the ship as he was going up. But 
fearing treachery, he would not allow him or 
his companions to come on board. Two canoes 
filled with armed warriors then came under the 
stern, and commenced an attack with arrows. 
The men fired at them with their muskets, and 
killed three of them. More than a hundred sav 
ages now came down upon the nearest point of 
land, to shoot at the vessel. One of the can 
non was brought to bear upon these warriors, 
and, at the first discharge, two of them were 
killed, and the rest fled to the woods. 

The savage; were not yet discouraged. They 


nad, doubtless, been instigated to make tbis at 
tack by the two, who escaped near West Point, 
and who had probably incited their countrymen 
by the story of their imprisonment, as well as 
by representing to them the value of the spoil, 
if they could capture the vessel, and the small 
number of men who guarded it. Nine or ten of 
the boldest warriors now threw themselves into 
a canoe, and put off towards the ship ; but a 
shot from the cannon made a hole in the canoe, 
and killed one of the men. This was followed 
by a discharge of musketry, which destroyed three 
or four more. This put an end to the battle ; 
and in the evening, having descended about five 
miles, Hudson anchored in a part of the river 
out of the reach of his enemies, probably near 

Hudson had now explored the bay of New 
York, and the noble stream which pours into it 
from the north. For his employers he had se 
cured possessions, which would beyond measure 
reward them for the expense they had incurred 
in fitting out the expedition. For himself, he 
had gained a name, that was destined to live in 
the gratitude of a great nation, through unnum 
bered generations. Happy in the result of his 
labors, and in the brilliant promise they afforded, 
he spread his sails again for the Old World, on 
the 4th of October, and, in a little more than a 
month, arrived safelv at Dartmouth, in England 


The Journal kept by Juet ends abruptly at 
this place. The question, therefore, immediately 
arises, whether Hudson pursued his voyage to 
Holland, or whether he remained in England, and 
sent the vessel home. Several Dutch authors 
assert, that Hudson was not allowed, after reach 
ing England, to pursue his voyage to Amsterdam ; 
and this seems highly probable, when we remem 
ber the well known jealousy with which the mari 
time enterprises of the Dutch were regarded by 
King James. 

Whether Hudson went to Holland himself, or 
not, it seems clear from various circumstances, 
that he secured to the Dutch Company all the 
benefits of his discoveries, by sending to them his 
papers and charts. It is worthy of note, that the 
earliest histories of this voyage, with the excep 
tion of Juet s Journal, were published by Dutch 
authors. Moreover, as we have already seen, 
Hudson s own Journal, or some portion of it at 
least, was in Holland, and was used by De Laet 
previously to the publication of Juet s Journal in 
Purchas s Pilgrims. But the most substantial 
proof, that the Dutch enjoyed the benefit of his 
discoveries earlier than any other nation, is the 
fact, that the very next year they were trading 
in Hudson s River ; which it is not probable would 
have happened, if they had not had possession 
of Hudson s charts and Journal. 



Hudson s Fourth Voyage. He engages in the 
Service of the London Company. Sails to 
Iceland. Disturbances among his Crew. 
Advances westward. In great Danger from 
the Ice. Enters and explores Hudson 1 s Bay. 
Unsuccessful in the Search for a Western 
Passage. Determines to winter in the Bay 

THE success of Hudson s last voyage probably 
stimulated the London Company to take him 
again into their employment, and to fit out an 
other vessel in search of that great object of dis 
covery, the northwest passage. We find him 
setting out on a voyage, under their auspices, 
early in the spring of 1610. His crew num 
bered several persons, who were destined to act 
a conspicuous part in the melancholy events of 
this expedition. Among these were Robert Ju- 
et ; who had already sailed with him as mate in 
two of his voyages; Habakuk Pricket, a man 
of some intelligence and education, who had been 
in the service of Sir Dudley Digges, one of the 
London Company, and from whose Journal we 
learn chiefly the events of the voyage ; and 
Henry Greene, of whose character and circum 


stances it is necessary here to give a brief ac 

It appears from the Journal, that Greene was 
a young man of good abilities and education, born 
ot highly respectable parents, but of such aban 
doned character, that he had forced his family 
to cast him off. Hudson found him in this con 
dition, took pity upon him, and received him 
into his house in London. When it was de 
termined, that he should command this expedi 
tion, Hudson resolved to take Greene with him, 
in the hope, that, by exciting his ambition, and 
by withdrawing him from his accustomed haunts, 
he might reclaim him. Greene was also a good 
perman, and would be useful to Hudson in that 
capacity. With much difficulty Greene s mother 
was persuaded to advance four pounds, to buy 
clothes for him ; and, at last, the money was 
placed in the hands of an agent, for fear that 
it would be wasted if given directly to him. He 
was not registered in the Company s books, nor 
did he sail in their pay ; but Hudson, to stim 
ulate him to reform, promised to give him wages, 
and on his return to get him appointed one of 
the Prince s guards, provided he should behave 
well on the voyage. 

Hudson was also accompanied, as usual, by 
his son. The crew consisted of twenty-three 
men and the vessel was named the Discovery* 


The London Company had insisted upon Hud 
son s taking in the ship a person, who was to 
aid him by his knowledge and experience, and 
in whom they felt great confidence. This ar 
rangement seems to have been very disagreea 
ble to Hudson, as he put the man into another 
vessel before he reached the mouth of the 
Thames, and sent him back to London, with a 
letter to his employers stating his reasons for so 
doing. What these reasons were, we can form 
no conjecture, as there is no hint given in the 

He sailed from London on the 17th of April, 
1610. Steering north from the mouth of the 
Thames, and passing in sight of the northern 
part of Scotland, the Orkney, Shetland, and Faroe 
Isles, and having, in a little more than a month, 
sailed along the southern coast of Iceland, where 
he could see the flames ascending from Mount 
Hecla, he anchored in a bay on the western 
side of that island. Here they found a spring 
so hot, that "it would scald a fowl," in which 
the crew bathed freely. At this place, Hudson 
discovered signs of a turbulent and mutinous dis 
position in his crew. The chief plotter seems 
to have been Robert Juet, the mate. Before 
reaching Iceland, Juet had remarked to one of 
the crew, that there would be bloodshed before 
the voyage was over ; and he was evidently af 


that time contriving some mischief.* While the 
ship was at anchor in this bay, a circumstance 
occurred, which gave Juet an opportunity to com 
mence his intrigues. It is thus narrated by 

"At Iceland, the surgeon and he [Henry 
Greene] fell out in Dutch, and he beat him 
ashore in English, which set all the company in 
a rage, so that we had much ado to get the 
surgeon aboaro. I told the master of it, but he 
bade me let it alone ; for, said he, the surgeon 
had a tongue that would wrong the best friend 
he had. But Robert Juet, the master s mate, 
would needs burn his finger in the embers, and 
told the carpenter a long tale, when he was drunk, 
that our master had brought in Greene to crack 
his credit that should displease him ; which words 
came to the master s ears, who, when he under- 
stood it, would have gone back to Iceland, when 
he was forty leagues from thence, to have sent 
home, his mate, Robert Juet, in a fisherman 
But, being otherwise persuaded, all was well. So 
Henry Greene stood upright, and very inward 
with the master, and was a serviceable man every 
way for manhood ; but for religion, he would say, 
he was clean paper, whereon he might write 
what he would." f 

* Wydhouse s note ; Purchas s Pttgrims,VoL III. p. 609 
t Purchas s Pilgrims, Vol. III. p. 601 


He sailed from Iceland on the 1st of June, 
and for several days Juet continued to instigate 
the crew to mutiny, persuading them to put the 
ship about and return to England.* This, as 
we have seen, came to the knowledge of Hud 
son, and he threatened to send Juet back, but 
was finally pacified. In a few days he made the 
coast of Greenland, which appeared very moun 
tainous, the hills rising like sugar loaves, and 
covered with snow. But the ice was so thick 
all along the shore, that it was found impossible 
to land. He therefore steered for the south of 
Greenland, where he encountered great numbers 
of whales. Two of these monsters passed under 
the ship, but did no harm ; for which the jour 
nalist was devoutly thankful. Having doubled 
the southern point of Greenland, he steered north 
west, passed in sight of Desolation Island, in the 
neighborhood of which he saw a huge island or 
mountain of ice, and continued northwest till the 
latter part of June, when he came in sight of 
land bearing north, which he supposed to be an 
island set down in his chart in the northerly part 
of Davis s Strait. His wish was to sail along the 


western coast of this island, and thus get to the 
north of it; but adverse winds and the quanti- 

* Wydhouse s note ; Purchases Pilgrims, Vol. IIL p 


ties of ice, which he encountered every day, pre 
vented him. 

Being south of this land, he fell into a current 
setting westwardly, which he followed, but was 
in constant danger from the ice. One day, an 
enormous mountain of ice turned over near the 
ship, but fortunately without touching it. This 
served as a warning to keep at a distance from 
these masses, to prevent the ship from being 
crushed by them. He encountered a severe 
storm, which brought the ice so thick about the 
ship, that he judged it best to run her among 
the largest masses, and there let her lie. In this 
situation, says the journalist, "some of our men 
fell sick ; I will not say it was of fear, although 
I saw small sign of other grief." As soon as 
the storm abated, Hudson endeavoured to extr" 
cate himself from the ice. Wherever any open 
space appeared, he directed his course, sailing in 
almost every direction ; but the longer he con 
tended with the ice, the more completely did 
he seem to be enclosed, till at last he could go 
no further. The ship seemed to be hemmed 
in on every side, and in danger of being soon 
closely wedged, so as to be immovable. In this 
perilous situation, even the stout heart of Hud 
son almost yielded to the feeling of despair ; and, 
as he afterwards confessed to one of the men, he 
thought he should never escape from the ice, but 
tha* he was doomed to perish there 


He did not, however, allow his crew, at the 
time, to be aware what his apprehensions really 
were ; but, assembling them all around him, he 
Drought out his chart, and showed them that they 
had advanced in this direction a hundred leagues 
further than any Englishman had done before ; 
and gave them their choice whether to proceed, 
or to return home. The men could come to no 
agreement ; some were in favor of returning, 
others were for pushing forward. This was prob 
ably what Hudson expected ; the men were mu 
tinous, and yet knew not what they wanted 
themselves. Having fairly convinced them of 
this, it was easier to set them at work to extri 
cate the ship from her immediate danger. After 
much lime and labor, they made room to turn 
the ship round, and then by little and little they 
worked their way along for a league or two, 
when they found a clear sea. 

The scene which has just been described, seems 
mdeed a subject worthy of the talents of a skil 
ful painter. The fancy of the artist would rep 
resent the dreary and frightful appearance of the 
ice-covered sea, stretching away as far as the eye 
could reach, a bleak and boundless waste ; the 
dark and broken clouds driving across the fitful 
sky ; the ship motionless amidst the islands and 
mountains of ice, her shrouds and sails being 
fringed and stiffened with the frozen spray. On 


the deck would appear the form of Hudson him 
self, displaying the chart to his men ; his coun 
tenance care-worn and sad, but still concealing, 
under the appearance of calmness and indifier 
ence, the apprehensions and forebodings, whicl 
harrowed his mind. About him would be seen 
the rude and ruffian-like men; some examining 
the chart with eager curiosity, some glaring on 
their commander with eyes of hatred and ven 
geance, and expressing in their looks those mur 
derous intentions, which they at last so fatally 

Having reached a clear sea, Hudson pursued 
his course northwest, and in a short time saw 
land bearing southwest, which appeared very 
mountainous and covered with snow. This he 
named Desire Provokes. He had now entered 
the Strait which bears his name, and, steering west, 
he occupied nearly the whole month of July in 
passing through it. To the various capes, islands, 
and promontories, which he saw, he gave names 
either in commemoration of some circumstance, 
which happened at the time, or in honor of per 
sons and places at home, or else for the reward 
of the discoverer. 

Some islands, near which he anchored, and 
where his ship was but just saved from the rocks, 
he called the Isles of God s Mercies. On the 
1 9th, he passed a point of land, which he named 


Hold with Hope. To the main land, which he 
soon after discovered, he gave the name of 
Magna Britannia. On the 2d of September, 
he saw a headland on the northern shore, which 
he named Salisbury s Foreland; and, running 
soi thwest from this point about fourteen leagues, 
he entered a passage not more than five miles 
in width, the southern cape at the entrance of 
wlich he named Cape Worsenholme, and that 
on the north side, Cape Digges. 

He now hoped, that the passage to the west 
ern sea was open before him, and that the great 
diccovery was at length achieved. He there 
fore sent a number of the men on shore at 
Cape Digges, to ascend the hills, in the hope 
vhat they would see the great ocean open to 
them beyond the Strait. The exploring party, 
however, were prevented from making any dis 
covery, by a violent thunder storm, which soon 
drove them back to the ship. They saw plenty 
of deer, and soon after espied a number of small 
piles of stones, which they at first supposed 
must be the work of some civilized person. 
On approaching them, and lifting up one of 
the stones, they found them to be hollow, and 
filled with fowls, hung by the neck. They 
endeavored to persuade their commander to wait 
here, till they could provision the ship from the 
stores, which were thus remarkablv provided for 


them But his ardor was so great to find his 
way into the ocean, which he felt convinced was 
immediately in the vicinity, that he could suffer 
no delay, but ordered his men to weigh anchor 
at once; a precipitancy which he had afterwards 
reason bitterly to regret. Having advanced about 
ten leagues through the Strait, he came into the 
great open Bay or sea which bears his name. 

Having entered the Bay, he pursued a south 
erly course for nearly a month, till he arrived 
at the bottom of the Bay ; when, finding that he 
was disappointed in his expectation of thus reach 
ing the western seas, he changed his course to 
the north, in order to retrace his steps. On 
the 10th of September, he found it necessary 
to inquire into the conduct of some of the men, 
whose mutinous disposition had manifested itself 
a good deal of late. Upon investigation, it ap 
peared, that the mate, Robert Juet, and Fran 
cis Clement, the boatswain, had been the most 
forward in exciting a spirit of insubordination. 
The conduct of Juet at Iceland was again 
brought up, and, as it appeared that both he and 
Clement had been lately plotting against the 
commander, they were both deposed, and Rob 
ert Billet was appointed mate, and William Wil 
son boatswain. 

The remaining part of September and all 
October were passed in exploring the great Bay 


At times the weather was so bad, that they 
were compelled to run into some bay and an 
chor; and in one of the storms they were 
obliged to cut away the cable, and so lost their 
anchor. At another time the^ ran upon a sunken 
ledge of rocks, where the ship stuck fast for 
twelve hours, but was at last got off witnout 
oeing much injured. The last of October hav 
ing now arrived, and winter beginning to set in, 
Hudson ran the vessel into a small bay, and 
sent a party in search of a good place to in 
trench themselves till the spring. They soon 
found a convenient station ; and, bringing the 
ship thither, they hauled her aground. This 
was on the 1st of November. In ten days they 
were completely frozen in, and the ship firmly 
fixed in tne ice. 



Dreary Prospect for the Winter. Disturbances 
and Sufferings of the Crew. Unexpected- 
Supply of Provisions. Distress from Fam~ 
me. Hudson sails from his Wintering- Place 
Mutiny of Greene and Others. Fate of 
Hudson and Eight of the Crew. Fate of 
Greene and Others of the Mutineers. J2e- 
turn of the Vessel to England. 

THE prospect for Hudson and his men was 
now dreary and disheartening. In addition to 
the rigors of a long winter, m a high northern 
latitude, they had to apprehend the suffering, 
which would arise from a scarcity of provisions. 
The vessel had been victualled for six months, 
and that time having now expired, and their 
stores falling short, while, at the same time, the 
chance of obtaining supplies from hunting and 
fishing was very precarious, it was found neces 
sary to put the crew upon an allowance. In 
order, however, to stimulate the men to greater 
exertions, Hudson offered a reward or bounty 
for every beast, fish, or fowl, which they should 
kill ; hoping, that in this way the scanty stock 


Df provisions might be made to hold out till 
the breaking up of the ice in the spring. 

About the middle of November, John Wil 
liams, the gunner, died. We are not informed 
what was his disease, but we are led to sup 
pose from the Journal, that his death was has 
tened, if not caused, by the unkind treatment he 
experienced from Hudson. It appears very evi 
dent from the simple narration by Pricket, that 
"the master," as he calls him, had become hasty 
and irritable in his temper. This is more to be 
regretted, than wondered at. The continual hard 
ships and disappointments, to which he had been 
exposed, and especially the last unhappy failure 
in discovering the northwest passage, when he 
had believed himself actually within sight of it, 
must have operated powerfully upon an ardent 
and enthusiastic mind like his, in which the feel 
ing of regret at failure is always proportionate to 
the strength and confidence of hope when first 
formed. In addition to this, the troublesome 
disposition of the crew, which must have caused 
ceaseless anxiety, undoubtedly contributed much 
to disturb his calmness and self-possession, and 
render him precipitate and irritable in his con 
duct. Many proofs of this soon occurred. 

The death of the gunner was followed by 
consequences, which may be regarded as the be 
ginning of troubles, that in the end proved fatal, 

vi. 10 


It appears, that it was the custom in those times, 
when a man died at sea, to sell his clothes to 
the crew by auction. In one respect, Hudson 
violated this custom, and probably gained no little 
ill will thereby. The gunner had a gray cloth 
gown or wrapper, which Henry Greene had set 
his heart upon possessing ; and Hudson, wishing 
to gratify his favorite, refused to put it up to 
public sale, but gave Greene the sole choice of 
purchasing it. 

Not long after this, Hudson ordered the car 
penter to go on shore, and build a house, or 
hut, for the accommodation of the crew. The 
man replied, that it would now be impossible to do 
such a piece of work, from the severity of the 
weather, and the quantity of snow. The house 
ought to have been erected when they had first 
fixed their station there, but now it was too late, 
and Hudson had refused to have it done at first. 
The carpenter s refusal to perform the work ex 
cited the anger of the master to such a degree, 
that he drove him violently from the cabin, using 
the most opprobrious language, and finally threat 
ening to hang him. 

Greene appeared to take sides with the car 
penter, which made Hudson so angry, that he 
gave the gown, which Greene had coveted so 
much, to Billet, the mate ; telling Greene, with 
much abusive language, that, as not one of hi* 


friends at home would trust him to the value of 
twenty shillings, he could not be expected to 
trust him for the value of the gown ; and that, 
as for wages, he should have none if he did not 
behave better. These bitter taunts sunk deep 
into Greene s heart, and no doubt incited him 
to further mutinous conduct. 

The sufferings of the men were not less, during 
the winter, than they had had reason to apprehend. 
Many of them were made lame, probably from 
chilblains and freezing their feet ; and Pricket 
complains in the Journal, written after the close 
of the voyage, that he was still suffering from 
the effects of this winter. They were, however, 
much better supplied with provisions than they 
had anticipated. For three months they had 
such an abundance of white partridges about the 
ship, that they killed a hundred dozen of them ; 
and, on the departure of these, when spring 
came, they found a great plenty of swans, geese, 
ducks, and other waterfowl. 

Hudson was in hopes, when he saw these 
wild fowl, that they had come to breed in these 
regions, which would have rendered it much 
easier to catch them ; but he found that they 
went still further north for this purpose. Before 
the ice had broken up, these birds too had disap 
peared, and the horror of starvation began to 
stare them in the face. They were forced to 


search the hills, woods, and valleys, for any thing 
that might afford them subsistence ; even the moss 
growing on the ground, and disgusting reptiles, were 
not spared. Their sufferings were somewhat re 
lieved, at last, by the use of a bud, which is 
described as "full of turpentine matter."* Of 
these buds the surgeon made a decoction, which 
he gave the men to drink, and also applied them 
hot to their bodies, wherever any part was af 
fected. This was undoubtedly very effectual in 
curing the scurvy. 

About the time that the ice began to break 
up, they were visited by a savage, whom Hud 
son treated so well, that he returned the day 
after to the ship, bringing several skins, some 
of which he gave in return for presents he had 
received the day before. For others Hudson 
traded with him, but made such hard bargains, 
that he never visited them again. As soon as 
the ice would allow of it, some of the men were 
sent out to fish. The first day they were very 
successful, catching about five hundred fish ; 
but after this, they never succeeded in taking 
a quarter part of this number in one day. Be 
ing greatly distressed by want of provisions, 
Hudson took the boat and coasted along the 

* Probably the bud of the Tacamahaca tree, the Pop* 
vlus balsamifera of Linnaeus. 


bay to the southwest, in the hope of meeting 
some of the natives, from whom he might ob 
tain supplies. He saw the woods blazing at a 
distance, where they had been set on fire by 
the natives ; but he was not able at any time 
to come within sight of the people themselves. 
After an absence of several days, he returned 
unsuccessful to the ship. 

The only effect of this little expedition was 
defeating a conspiracy, formed by Greene, Wil 
son, and some others, to seize the boat and 
make off with her. They were prevented from 
putting this scheme in execution by Hudson s 
unexpected determination to use the boat him 
self. Well would it have been for him, if they 
had been allowed to follow their wishes. 

Having returned to the ship, and finding every 
thing now prepared for their departure accord 
ing to his directions, before weighing anchor he 
went through the mournful task of distributing 
to his crew the small remnant of the provisions, 
about a pound of bread to each man ; which 
he did with tears in his eyes. He also gave 
them a bill of return, as a sort of certificate for 
any who might live to reach home. Some of 
the men were so ravenous, that they devoured 
in a day or two the whole of their allowance 
of bread. 

They sailed from the bay, in which they had 


passed the winter, about the middle of June, 
and, in three or four days, being surrounded 
with ice, were obliged to anchor. The bread 
he had given the men, and a few pounds of 
cheese, which had remained, were consumed. 
Hudson now intimated to one of the crew, that 
the chests of all the men would be searched, 
to find any provisions that might have been 
concealed there ; and ordered him at the same 
time to bring all that was in his. The man 
obeyed, and produced thirty cakes in a bag 
This indiscretion on the part of Hudson appears 
to have greatly exasperated his crew, and to 
have been the immediate cause of open mutiny 
They had been detained at anchor in the ice 
about a week, when the first signs of this mu 
tiny appeared. Greene, and Wilson, the boat 
swain, came in the night to Pricket, who was 
lying in his berth very lame, and told him, that 
they and several of the crew had resolved to 
seize Hudson, and set him adrift in the boat, 
with all on board who were disabled by sick 
ness ; that there were but few days provisions 
left, and the master appeared entirely irresolute 
which way to go ; that for themselves they haa 
eaten nothing for three days ; their only hope, 
therefore, was in taking command of the ship, 
and escaping from these regions as quickly as 
possible ; and that they would carry their plot 
into execution, or perish in the attempt. 


Pricket remonstrated with them in the most 
earnest manner, entreating them to abandon such 
a wicked intention, and reminding them o their 
wives and children, from whom they would be 
banished for ever, if they stained themselves with 
so great a crime. But all he could say had 
no effect. He then besought them to delay the 
execution for three days, for two days, for only 
twelve hours ; but they sternly refused. Pricket 
then told them, that it was not their safety for 
which they \vere anxious, but that they were 
bent upon shedding blood and revenging them 
selves, which made them so hasty. Upon this, 
Greene took up the bible which lay there, and 
swore upon it, that he would do no man harm, 
and that what he did was for the good of the 
voyage, and for nothing else. Wilson took the 
same oath, and after him came Juet and the 
other conspirators separately, and swore in the 
same words. The words of the oath are re 
corded by Pricket, because, after his return to 
England, he was much blamed for administering 
any oath, as he seemed by so doing to side with 
the mutineers. The oath, as administered by 
him, ran as follows ; 

" You shall swear truth to God, your Prince, 
and Country ; you shall do nothing but to the 
glory of God and the good of the action in hand, 
and harm to no man." How little regard was paid 
to this oath by the mutineers, will shortly appear 


It was decided, that the plot should be put 
in execution at daylight ; and, in the mean time, 
Greene went into Hudson s cabin to keep him 
company and prevent his suspicions from being 
excited. They had determined to put the car 
penter and John King into the boat with Hud 
son and the sick, having some grudge against 
them for their attachment to the master. King 
and the carpenter had slept upon deck this night. 
But about daybreak, King was observed to go 
down into the hold with the cook, who was 
going for water. Some of the mutineers ran and 
shut down the hatch over them, while Greene 
and another engaged the attention of the car 
penter, so that he did not observe what was 
going on. 

Hudson now came up from the cabin, and was 
immediately seized by Thomas, and Bennet, the 
cook, who had come up from the hold, while 
Wilson ran behind and bound his arms. He 
asked them what they meant, and they told him 
he would know when he was in the shallop. 
Hudson called on the carpenter to help him, 
telling him that he was bound ; but he could 
render him no assistance, being surrounded by 
mutineers. In the mean time, Juet had gone 
down into the hold, where King was ; but the 
latter, having armed himself with a sword, at 
tacked Juet, and would have killed him, if the 


aoise had not been heard upon deck by the con 
pirators, some of whom ran down and over 
powered him. While this was done, two of the 
sick men, Lodlo and Bute, boldly reproached 
their shipmates for their wickedness, telling them, 
that their knavery would show itself, and that 
their actions were prompted by mere vengeance, 
not the wish to preserve their lives. But theii 
words had no effect. 

The boat was now hauled along side, and the 
sick and lame were called up from their berths 
Pricket crawled upon deck as well as he could, 
and Hudson, seeing him, called to him to come 
to the hatchway to speak with him. Pricket 
entreated the men, on his knees, for the love 
of God to remember their duty, and do as they 
would be done by ; but they only told him to 
go back to his berth, and would not allow him 
to have any communication with Hudson. When 
Hudson was in the boat, he called again to 
Pricket, who was at the horn window, which 
lighted his cabin, and told him that Juet would 
"overthrow" them all. "Nay," said Pricket, 
"it is that villain, Henry Greene;" and this he 
said as loud as he could. 

After Hudson was put into the boat, the car 
penter was set at liberty, but he refused to re 
main in the ship unless they forced him ; so they 
.old him he might go in the boat, and allowed 


him to take his chest with him. Before he 
got into the boat, he went down to take leave 
of Pricket, who entreated him to remain in the 
ship ; but the carpenter said he believed that 
they would soon be taken on board again, as 
there was no one left who knew enough to bring 
the ship home ; and that he was determined not 
to desert the master. He thought the boat would 
be kept in tow ; but, if they should be parted, 
he begged Pricket to leave some token for them 
if he should reach Digges s Cape first. They 
then took leave of each other with tears in their 
eyes, and the carpenter went into the boat, taking 
a musket and some powder and shot, an iron 
pot, a small quantity of meal, and other provi 
sions. Hudson ^ son and six of the men were 
also put into the boat. The sails were now 
hoisted, and they stood eastward with a fair 
wind, dragging the shallop from the stern ; and 
in a few hours, being clear of the ice, they cut 
the rope by which the boat was dragged, and 
soon after lost sight of her for ever. 

The account here given of the mutiny, js 
nearly in the words of Pricket, an eyewitness 
of the event. It is difficult at first to perceive 
the whole enormity of the crime. The more 
we reflect upon it, the blacker it appears. Scarce 
ly a circumstance is wanting, that could add to 
the baseness of the villanv, or the horror of the 


suffering inflicted. The principal conspirators 
were men, who were bound to Hudson by long 
friendship, by lasting obligations, and by common 
interests, adventures, and sufferings. Juet had 
sailed with him on two of his former voyages, 
and had shared in the glory of his discoveries. 
Greene had been received into his house, when 
abandoned even by his own mother ; had been 
kindly and hospitably entertained, encouraged to 
reform, and taken, on Hudson s private respon 
sibility, into a service in which he might gain 
celebrity and wealth. Wilson had been selected 
from among the crew, by the approving eye of 
the commander, and appointed to a place of 
trust and honor. Yet these men conspired to 
murder their benefactor, and instigated the crew 
to join in their execrable scheme. 

Not contented with the destruction of their 
commander, that nothing might be wanting to 
fill up the measure of their wickedness, they 
formed the horrible plan of destroying, at the 
same time, all of their companions, whom sick 
ness and suffering had rendered a helpless and 
unresisting prey to their cruelty. The manner 
of effecting this massacre was worthy of the au 
thors of such a plot. To have killed their un 
happy victims outright would have been com 
paratively merciful ; but a long, lingering, and 
painful death was chosen for them. The imagi 


oation turns with intense and fearful interest to 
die scene. The form of the commander is be 
fore us, bound hand and foot, condescending to 
no supplication to the mutineers, but calling in 
vain for assistance from those, who would gladly 
have helped him, but who were overpowered 
by numbers, or disabled by sickness. The cry 
of the suffering and dying rings in our ears, as 
they are dragged from their beds, to be exposed 
to the inclemencies of the ice-covered sea in an 
open boat. Among them appears the young son 
of Hudson, whose tender years can wake no com 
passion in the cold-blooded murderers. 

We refrain from following them, even in fancy, 
through their sufferings after they are separated 
from the ship ; their days and nights of agony, 
their cry of distress, and the frenzy of starva 
tion, their hopes of relief defeated, their despair, 
and their raving as death comes on. Over these 
awful scenes the hand of God has hung a veil, 
which hides them from us for ever. Let us 
not seek to penetrate, even in imagination, the 
terrors which it conceals. 

How far Pricket s account, in regard to the 
course pursued by Hudson, is worthy of confi 
dence, must be left to conjecture. It should be 
remembered, however, that Pricket was not free 
from the suspicion of having been in some de 
gree implicated in the conspiracy, and that his 


narrative was designed in part as a vindication 
of himself. The indiscreet severity charged upon 
Hudson, and the hasty temper he is represented 
to have shown, in embroiling himself with his 
men, for apparently trifling reasons, are not con 
sistent with the moderation, good sense, and 
equanimity, with which his conduct had been 
marked in all his preceding voyages. It is more 
over hardly credible, that, knowing as he did, 
the mutinous spirit of some of the crew, he 
should so rashly inflame this spirit, at a time 
when he was surrounded by imminent dangers, 
and when his safety depended on the united sup 
port of all the men under his command. Hence, 
whatever reliance may be placed on the veracity 
of Pricket, it is due to the memory of Hudson 
not to overlook the circumstances, by which his 
pen may have been biased. 

When Hudson and the men were deposited 
in the boat, the mutineers busied themselves 
with breaking open chests and pillaging the ship. 
They found in the cabin a considerable quan 
tity of biscuit, and a butt of beer ; and there 
were a few pieces of pork, some meal, and a 
half bushel of pease in the hold. These sup 
plies were enough to save them from immediate 
starvation ; and they expected to find plenty of 
game at Digges s Cape. 

Henry Greene was appointed commander, 


though evidently too ignorant for the place 
It was a full month before they could find their 
way to the Strait, which leads out of the great 
Bay in which they had wintered. Part of this 
time they were detained by the ice ; but sev 
eral days were spent in searching for the pas 
sage into Davis s Strait. During this time they 
landed often, and sometimes succeeded in catch 
ing a few fish or wild fowl ; but supplied their 
wants principally by gathering the cockle-grass, 
which was growing in abundance on every part 
of the shore. They arrived within sight of 
Digges s Cape about the last of July, and im 
mediately sent the boat on shore for provisions. 
The men who landed found considerable quan 
tities of game, as it was a place where the wild 
fowl breed. There were great numbers of sav 
ages about the shore, who appeared very friendly, 
and testified their joy by lively gestures. 

The next day Henry Greene went ashore, 
accompanied by Wilson, Thomas, Perse, Mo- 
ter, and Pricket. The last was left in the boat, 
which was made fast to a large rock, and the 
others went on shore in search of provisions. 
While some of the men were busy in gather 
ing sorrel from the rocks, and Greene was sur 
rounded by the natives, with whom he was 
trading, Pricket, who was lying in the stern of 
the boat, observed one of the savages coming 


in at the bows. Pricket made signs to him to 
keep off; and while he was thus occupied, 
another savage stole round behind him. Pricket 
suddenly saw the leg and foot of a man by him, 
and looking up, perceived a savage with a knife 
in his hand, aiming a blow at him. He pre 
vented the wound from being fatal, by raising 
his arm and warding off the blow ; but was still 
severely cut. Springing up, he grappled with 
the savage, and drawing his dagger, at length 
put him to death. 

In the mean time, Greene and the others were 
assaulted by the savages on shore, and with dif 
ficulty reached the boat, all of them wounded 
except Perse and Moter. The latter saved his 
life by plunging into the water, and catching 
hold of the stern of the boat. No sooner had 
they pushed off, than the savages let fly a 
shower of arrows, which killed Greene outright; 
and mortally wounded some of the others, among 
them Perse, who had hitherto escaped. Perse 
and Moter began to row toward the ship, but 
Perse soon fainted, and Moter was left to man 
age the boat alone, as he had escaped un- 
wounded. The body of Greene was thrown 
immediately into the sea. Wilson and Thomas 
died that day in great torture, and Perse two 
days afterwards. 

The remainder of the crew were glad to de- 


part from the scene of this fatal combat, and 
immediately set sail, with the intention of reach 
ing Ireland as soon as possible. While they 
were in the Strait, they managed to kill a few 
wild fowl occasionally; but the supply was so 
small, that they were obliged to limit the crew 
to half a fowl a day, which they cooked with 
meal ; but this soon failed, and they were forced 
to devour the candles. The cook fried the 
bones of the fowls in tallow, and mixed this 
mess with vinegar, which, says Pricket, was "a 
great daintie." 

Before they reached Ireland, they were so 
weakened, that they were forced to sit at the 
helm to steer, as no one among them was able 
to stand. Just before they came in sight of 
land, Juet died of want, thus meeting the very 
fate, to avoid which he had murdered his com 
mander and friend. The men were now in utter 
despair. Only one fowl was left for their sub 
sistence, and another day would be their last. 
They abandoned all care of the vessel, and 
prepared to meet their fate, when the joyful 
cry of "a sail/ was heard. It proved to be 
a fishing vessel, which took them into a harbor 
in Ireland, from which they hired a pilot to 
take them to England ; where they all arrived 
in safety, after an absence of a year and five 


The year following, the Discovery, the ves 
sel in which Hudson made his last voyage, and 
the Resolution, were sent out, under the com 
mand of Captain Thomas Button, who was ac 
companied by Pricket, in the hope of learning 
something of the fate of Hudson, and of reliev 
ing him; and, at the same time, to discover, if 
possible, the northwest passage. Pricket had 
observed, in the voyage with Hudson, when the 
ship had struck upon a rock near Digges s Island, 
that a strong tide from the westward had float 
ed her off again. The London Company had 
hopes, from this fact, that there might be a 
passage to the western ocean at no great dis 
tance from this place. The expedition was un 
successful in both objects. No tidings oi Hud 
son could ever be gained ; and the discovery of 
the northwest passage is a problem, which, after 
the lapse of more than two centuries, has scarcely 
yet been solved. 

VI. 11 







IT is generally believed, that the Mississippi 
River was first discovered by Ferdinand de Soto, 
as early as 1541. The accounts of his expedi 
tion in Florida are so highly exaggerated, so in 
definite, and in many parts so obviously false, 
that little more can be inferred from them, than 
that he passed far into the country, had many 
combats with the natives, and finally died in the 
interior. The probability is so strong, however, 
that he and his party actually crossed the Mis 
sissippi, that it has usually been assumed as a 
historical fact. 

Soto had distinguished himself as a military 
leader under Pizarro, in the conquest of Peru 
He returned to Spain, renowned for his exploits, 
and enriched by the spoils of the Peruvians and 
of their unfortunate monarch Atahualpa, extorted 

* A large part of this Memoir has heretofore been 
published in the appendix to the second edition of BUT 
LER S History of Kentucky. It is here reprinted with 
considerable additions. 


by iniquity and violence. He appeared in much 
splendor at the court of Spain, and, becoming 
acquainted with one of the companions of Nar- 
vaez, who had made an unsuccessful attempt to 
conquer "^orida, he formed the project of achiev 
ing the conquest of that country. He solicited 
permission from Charles the Fifth to undertake 
the enterprise at his own expense, and his re 
quest was granted. The fame of Soto, the great 
wealth he had acquired in Peru, and the hope 
of making similar acquisitions in Florida, drew 
around hi-m many adventurers, some of whom be 
longed to the first families in Spain. Several 
persons also joined him from the town of Elvas, 
in Portugal. In a short time he procured seven 
ships, and supplied them with every thing neces 
sary for the voyage. The fleet sailed from St. 
Lucar, in the month of April, 1538, proceeding 
first to St. Jago in Cuba, and thence to Havana, 
The number of men that accompanied him is not 
precisely known. The most authentic account 
states it to have been six hundred ; according to 
others it was much larger. 

The Emperor had appointed Soto governor of 
-Cuba, with the title of General of Florida, and 
Marquis of all the lands he might conquer. 
Leaving his wife at Havana, he sailed from that 
port on the 18th of May, 1539, and landed at 
the Bay of Espiritu Santo, in Florida. After 


many wanderings and adventures, he arrived at 
the Great River, so called in the narrative, (sup 
posed to be the Mississippi,) and crossed it in 
June or July, 1541. He died the next year, 
on the 21st of May ; and his followers, under 
Moscoso, as the story says, constructed brigan 
tines, in which they sailed down the river to its 
mouth, and, after a voyage of fifty days, they 
entered the river Panuco, in Mexico, on the 10th 
of September, 1543. 

The first account of Soto s expedition purports 
to have been written by one of the Portuguese 
adventurers, who accompanied it throughout, and 
returned to his native country ; and who styles 
himself, in the titlepage of his narrative, " Fi- 
dalgo d Elvas," rendered by Hakluyt, "A Gen 
tleman of Elvas" The name of the writer has 
never been ascertained. The book was first pub 
lished at Evora, in 1557, more than fifteen years 
after the principal events it narrates.* There 
is much show of exactness in regard to dates, 

* The title of this edition is as follows. "Relacam 
Verdadeira dos Trabaihos que ho Govemador don Fer 
nando de Souto y certos Pidalgos Portugeses passarom 
no Descobrimento da Provincia la Frodida. Jlgora no- 
vamente feita per hum Fidalgo d Elvas" Copies are ex 
tremely rare. The price of one, mentioned in Mr. Rich s 
"Catalogue of Books relating principally to America," 
is stated at 31 105. sterling. It is a small octavo, in 
olack letter. 


but the account was evidently drawn up for the 
most part from memory, being vague in its de 
scriptions, and indefinite as to localities, distances, 
and other points usually noted by journalists. 
This account was translated into English by 
Hakluyt, and published in 1609, with a very 
long title, beginning, " Virginia richly valued, by 
the Description of the Main Land of Florida" 
&LC. This little volume is extremely rare, not 
being included in either of the editions of Hak- 
luyt s celebrated collection, though reprinted in 
the Supplement to that of 1809. The transla 
tor s object was to advance the purposes of the 
"Virginia Company," which had then recently 
been formed. Another English translation was 
published anonymously in the year 1686, entitled 
"A Relation of the Conquest of Florida by 
the Spaniards under the command of Fernando 
de Soto." This was translated from the French 
version of Citri de la Guette, which appeared 
in Paris the year before. 

The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega completed 
his work on Florida in the year 1591. It was 
first printed at Lisbon, in 1605.* The author s 

* Entitled, " La Florida del Ynca ; Historia dd 
lantado Hernando de Soto, Governador y Capitan Gen 
tral del Reyno de la Florida, y de otros heroicos Cavattc- 
ros Espanoles e Indios ; escrita por el Ynca Garcilasso de 
la Vega? The volume is a small quarto. A handsome 


style is flowing and agreeable, but his fancy con 
stantly takes the lead of his judgment, and no 
tale is too marvellous for his pen. It was one 
of his chief objects, as stated in his Preface, 
"to render justice to the memory of the brave 
Ferdinand de Soto, which has been crueLy de 
famed by certain English, French, and Italian 
writers." Hence a large portion of his work is 
taken up with the adventures of Soto. Although 
he wrote more than forty years after the death 
of his hero, yet he had no other written ma 
terials for his guidance, than those which had 
been furnished by the "Gentleman of Elvas" ; 
and in fact, the narrative of this unknown per 
son is the only authority, which can be con 
sidered of any value, respecting the wanderings 
of Soto. In several points Garcilaso differs from 
his original. Citri de la Guette says, that he 
took his account chiefly from the narration of 
a common soldier, who was in Soto s expedi 
tion, and this at least forty years after the 
events. Little could be gathered from such a 
source, which is worthy of confidence. Both of the 
accounts are too romantic and vague for history; 

edition in folio was printed at Madrid, in 1723. It has 
been twice translated into French, first by Baudoin, and 
afterwards by Richelet, and several times printed, A 
German translation was also published, in 1753 ; but the 
book has never been translated into English. 


yet some of the names of places and of Indian 
tribes, and descriptions of the country, in the 
narrative of the anonymous Portuguese writer, 
could hardly have been given except from per 
sonal observation ; and they render it in the 
highest degree probable, that Soto crossed the 
Mississippi near the thirty-fourth degree of lat 

It may be doubted, at least, whether either 
of these works can be trusted, as affording gen 
uine historical materials. They have been cited 
by respectable writers in default of other author 
ities ; but they border so closely upon the re 
gions of romance, that they may as justly be 
ranked in this class of compositions, as in that 
of history. This is generally conceded in re 
gard to Garcilaso.* His predecessor, the Gentle 
man of Elvas, is thought to have higher claims ; 
and perhaps he has; yet whoever follows him 
closely will be likely to run into ten errors in 

* The French biographer of Garcilaso de la Vega, 
in the Biographie Universelle, apologizing for his want 
of accuracy, as compared with Herrera, says, "Get 
6crivain recommandable a compose son histoire du 
Nouveau-Monde sur un grand nombre de materiaux 
tandis que, pour ecrire celle du Perou et de la Florida, 
Garcilaso rtavait que son patriotisme et son gdnie" 
Patriotism and genius are undoubtedly qualities of a 
high order in a historian ; but it is equally certain, that, 
if he relies only on these, he will write a very indif 
ferent history 


arriving at a single truth, with the additional 
uncertainty of being able to distinguish the for 
mer from the latter. The narrative is moreover 
disfigured with descriptions of atrocious acts of 
injustice, oppression, and cruelty committed against 
the natives, as revolting to humanity as they 
were disgraceful to the adventurers. The thirst 
for gold, which was the stimulating motive to 
this enterprise, seems to have absorbed every 
other passion and every generous sentiment. 
Robbery, slavery, mutilation, and death were 
practised, not only without compunction, but ap 
parently as means supposed to be justified by 
the cause in which they were engaged. In 
short, if this narrative is worthy of credit, few 
readers will be inclined to dissent from the re 
mark of Philip Briet, in his Annales Mundi, 
that it is difficult to decide whether cruelty or 
avarice was the predominant trait in the char 
acter of Soto. 

British writers have mentioned a subsequent 
discovery of the Mississippi, in 1654, by an 
Englishman named Wood. It will be difficult, 
if not impossible, to find any proofs, that the 
Mississippi was ever seen by this person.* 

* Professor Keating says, " This is not the same Col 
onel Wood of Virginia, whom Coxe mentions as having 
discovered several branches of the great rivers Ohio and 
Meschasebe." LONG S Expedition, Vol. I. p. 236. But 
he gives us no clue for ascertaining what Wood it was 


In short, the first Europeans, who are cer 
tainly known to have discovered and explored 
this river, were two Frenchmen, Father MAR- 
QUETTE and M. Joliet, in the year 1673. Mar- 
quette was a native of Picardy, and Charlevoix 
calls him "one of the most illustrious mission 
aries of New France," adding, that he travelled 
widely, and made many discoveries besides that 
of the Mississippi. He had resided some time 
in Canada, and attained a proficiency in the 
languages of the principal native tribes, who re 
sided in the regions bordering on the Upper 
Lakes. The first settlement of the old town of 
Michillimackinac, in 1671, is ascribed to his ex 
ertions and influence. 

The Indians had given many accounts of a 
great river at the West, which flowed south 
wardly, and which they called Mississipy, as 
the word is written by Marquette. It became 
a matter of curious speculation, what course 
this river pursued, and at what place it dis 
embogued itself into the sea. There were three 
opinions on this subject. First, that it ran 
towards the southwest, and entered the Gulf of 
California ; secondly, that it flowed into the Gulf 
of Mexico; and thirdly, that it found its way 
in a more easterly direction, and discharged it 
self into the Atlantic Ocean somewhere on the 
coast of Virginia. The question was not 


important in a commercial and political view, than 
interesting as a geographical problem. 

To establish the point, and to make such other 
discoveries as opportunities would admit, M. de 
Frontenac, the governor of Canada, encouraged 
an expedition to be undertaken. The persons, 
to whom it was intrusted, were M. Joliet, then 
residing at Quebec, and Father Marquette, who 
was at Michillimackinac, or in the vicinity of 
that place. Marquette wrote an account of his 
tour, and voyage down the Mississippi, which 
was sent to France, and published eight years 
afterwards in Paris. From this account the fol 
lowing particulars are chiefly taken. In some 
parts the translation is nearly literal, and all the 
prominent facts are retained. 

On the 13th of May, 1673, Father Marquette 
and M. Joliet, with five other Frenchmen, em 
barked in two canoes, with a small provision of In 
dian corn and smoked meat, having previously 
acquired from the Indians all the intelligence they 
could afford respecting their proposed route. 

The first nation through which they passed, 
was the Folks Jlvoines, (Wild Rice,) so called 
from the grain of that name, which abounds in 
the rivers and marshy lands. This plant is de 
scribed as growing about two feet above the water, 
resembling European oats, and gathered by the 
savages during the month of September The 


ears are dried, separated from the chaff, and pre 
pared for food either by pounding into meal, or 
simply boiling the grain in water.* 

The natives, having been made acquainted by 
Father Marquette with his design of visiting the 
most remote nations, and preaching to them the 
Gospel, did their utmost to dissuade him from 
it, representing the cruelty of some of the tribes, 
and their warlike state, the dangerous navigation 
of the river, the dreadful monsters that were 
found in it, and, finally, the excessive heat of the 

He thanked them for their good advice, but 
declined following it ; assuring them, that, to se 
cure the success of his undertaking, he would glad 
ly give his life ; that he felt no fear of the mon 
sters they described ; and that their information 
would only oblige him to keep more on his guard 
against surprise. After having prayed, and given 
them some instructions, he parted from them, and 
arrived at the Bay of Puans, now called Green 
Bay, where considerable progress had been made 
by the French priests in the conversion of the 

* Charlevoix mentions the Folles Avoines as residing 
on a small river, which flows into the Bay of Puans from 
the west. Malhomines was the name by which they 
were known among the Indians, and they were supposed 
to be a branch of the Pottowattomies. Histoire de la 
Nouvdle France, Tom. III. p. 291. 


The name of this bay has a less unpleasant 
meaning in the Indian, than in the French lan 
guage, signifying also salt bay, which induced 
Father Marquette to make strict researches for 
salt springs in this vicinity, but without success. 
He concluded, therefore, that the name was given 
to it in consequence of the ooze and mud, de 
posited there, from whence, as he thought, arise 
vapors, that produce frequent and violent thun 
der storms. He speaks of this bay as about 
thirty leagues long, and eight leagues wide at its 
entrance, gradually contracting towards its head, 
where the flux and reflux of the tides, much like 
those of the sea, may be easily observed.* 

Leaving this bay, they ascended the river, 
since known as Fox River, that empties into 
it. At its mouth, he says, the river is broad 
and deep, and flows gently ; but, as you ad 
vance, its course is interrupted by rapids and 
rocks ; which he passed, however, in safety. It 
abounds with bustards, ducks, and teal, attracted 
by the wild rice, which grows there. Approach 
ing the village of Maskoutins, or nation of fire ^ 
he had the curiosity to taste the mineral wate 

* The appearance of these tides has attracted the no 
tice of travellers from the earliest times, and has re 
cently engaged the attention of scientific observers. Mr 
Schoolcraft has collected many facts on the subject. 
Journal of the Expedition under Governor Cass, p. 373. 


of a stream in its vicinity. The village consisted 
of three several nations, namely, Miamis, Mas- 
TcoutinSy and Kikabeaux. The first were the 
most friendly and liberal, and the finest looking 
men Their hair was long over their ears. They 
were good warriors, successful in their expedi 
tions, docile, and fond of instruction. They were 
so eager to listen to Father Allouez, when he 
was among them, that they allowed him no re 
pose, even in the night.* The Maskoutins and 
Kikabeaux were coarser, and less civilized ; their 
wigwams were constructed of rushes, (birch bark 
being scarce in this country,) and might be rolled 
up in bundles and carried where they pleased. 

In visiting these people, Father Marquette was 
much gratified at seeing a large cross erected in 
the centre of the village, decorated with thank- 
offerings to the Great Spirit, for their success 
during the last winter. The situation of the vil 
lage was striking and beautiful, it being built on 
an eminence, whence the eye overlooked on all 
sides a boundless extent of prairie, interspersed 
with groves and forests. The soil was good, 

* Father Allouez was an enterprising and successful 
missionary. He arrived at the Sault Ste. Marie in 
1668, and traversed the country between Lake Supe 
rior and Lake Michigan. Charlevoix speaks of his hav 
ing visited the Miamis and Maskoutins the year before 
Marquette s expedition. Histoire. &c. Tom. I. p. 448. 


producing abundantly Indian corn, grapes, and 

Immediately on their arrival, Father Marquette 
and M. Joliet assembled the chiefs, and explained 
to them the objects of their expedition, express 
ing their determination to proceed at all risks, 
and making them some presents. They requestec 
the assistance of two guides, to put them in their 
way; which request the natives readily granted 
returning for their presents a mat, which served 
them as a bed during the voyage. The next 
day, being the 10th of June, the two Miamis, 
their guides, embarked with them in sight of all 
the inhabitants of the village, who looked with 
astonishment on the hardihood of seven French 
men in undertaking such an expedition. 

They knew, that within three leagues of the 
Maskoutins was a river, which discharged itself 
into the Mississippi ; and further, that their course 
must be west southwest; but so many marshes 
and small lakes intervened, that the route was 
intricate ; the more so, as the river was over 
grown with wild rice, which obstructed the chan 
nel to such a degree, that it was difficult to 
follow it. On this account their guides were 
necessary, who conducted them safely to a por 
tage, which was about two thousand seven hun 
dred paces across. The guides aided them in 
transporting their canoes over the portage to the 

VI. 12 


river, which ran towards the west, and then they 
left them and returned.* 

The travellers quitted the waters, which flow 
towards Quebec, five or six hundred leagues from 
that place, and embarked on an unknown stream 
This river was called Mescousin (Wisconsin). 
It was very broad, but its bottom was sandy, 
and the navigation was rendered difficult by the 
shoals. It was full of islands, overgrown with 
vines; and the fertile banks through which it 
flowed were interspersed with woods, prairies, and 
groves of nut, oak, and other trees. Numbers 
of bucks and buffaloes were seen, but no other 
animals. Within thirty leagues of their place of 
embarkation, they found iron mines, which ap 
peared abundant and of a good quality. After con 
tinuing their route for forty leagues, they arrived 
at the mouth of the river, in forty-two degrees 
and a half of latitude ;f and on the 17th of June, 

* This description of the wild rice in the river, and 
of the portage, agrees very exactly with that of Mr 
Schoolcraft. He says the portage is a mile and a half, 
being equal to two thousand six hundred and forty pa;,es 
And of the river he tells us, " It is filled with wild nee, 
which so chokes up the channel, that it is difficult to 
find a passage through it." Journal, &c. pp. 363, 364. 

f Father Marquette s estimate of the latitude approach 
es very near the truth. By a series of observations, Fort 
Crawford, at Prairie du Chien, four or five miles above 
tne mouth of the Wisconsin, has been ascertained to be 
43 3 31". LONG S Expedition, p. 245. 


they entered with great joy the waters of the Mis 

This river derives its source from several lakes 
ia the north. At the mouth of the Mescousin 
its channel was narrow, and it flowed onwards 
with a gentle current. On the right was seen a 
chain of high mountains, and on the left fertile 
fields interrupted by islands in many places. 
They slowly followed the course of the stream 
to the south and southwest, until, in forty-two 
degrees of latitude, they perceived a sensible 
change in the surrounding country. There were 
but few hills and forests. The islands were cov 
ered with beautiful trees. 

From the time of leaving their guides, they 
descended the two rivers more than one hundred 
leagues, without discovering any other inhabitants 
of the forests, than birds and beasts. They were 
always on their guard, kindling a fire on the shore 
towards evening, to cook their food, and after 
wards anchoring their canoes in the middle of the 
stream during the night. They proceeded thus 
for more than sixty leagues from the place where 
they entered the Mississippi, when, on the 25th 
of June, they perceived on the bank of the river 
the footsteps of men, and a well beaten path 
leading into a beautiful prairie. They landed, 
and, leaving the canoes under the guard of their 
boatmen, Father Marquette and M. Joliet set 


forth to make discoveries. After silently follow 
mg the path for about two leagues, they per 
ceived a village, situate on the margin of a river, 
and two others on a hill, within half a league 
of the first. As they approached nearer, they 
gave notice of their arrival by a loud call. Hear 
ing the noise, the Indians came out of their cab 
ins, and, having looked at the strangers for a. 
while, they deputed four of their elders to talk 
with them, who slowly advanced. Two of them 
brought pipes ornamented with feathers, which, 
without speaking, they elevated towards the sun, 
as a token of friendship. Gaining assurance from 
this ceremony, Father Marquette addressed them, 
inquiring of what nation they were. They an 
swered, that they were Illinois, and, offering their 
pipes, invited the strangers to enter the village ; 
w r here they were received with every mark of 
attention, conducted to the cabin of the chief, and 
complimented on their arrival by the natives, who 
gathered round them, gazing in silence. 

After they were seated, the calumet was pre 
sented to them, and, while the old men were 
smoking for their entertainment, the chief of all 
the Illinois tribes sent them an invitation to at 
tend a council at his village. They were treated 
by him with great kindness, and Father Mar 
quette, having explained to him the motives of 
this voyage, enforcing each part of his speech 


with a present, the chief in reply expressed his 
approbation ; but urged him, in the name of the 
whole nation, not to incur the risks of a further 
voyage, and rewarded his presents by the gift of 
a calumet. 

The council was followed by a feast, consist 
ing of four courses, from each of which they 
were fed with much ceremony ; and afterwards 
they were conducted in state through the village, 
receiving many presents of girdles and garters 
from the natives. The following day, they took 
leave of the chief, promising to return in four 
moons, and were accompanied to their canoes, 
with every demonstration of joy, by more than 
six hundred savages. 

Before leaving this nation, Father Marquette 
remarked some of their peculiarities. The name 
Illinois, in the native language, signifies men, as 
if implying thereby, that other tribes are brutes 
in comparison, which in some sense Father Mar 
quette thought to be true, as they were more 
civilized than most of the tribes. Their language, 
on the borders of the river, was a dialect of the 
Algonquin, and was understood by Father Mar 
quette. In the form of their bodies the Illinois 
were light and active. They were skilful in the 
use of arms, brave, but mild and tractable in dis 
position. They were entirely ignorant of the use 


of leather, and iron tools, their weapons being 
made of stone, and their clothing of the skins of 
wild beasts. The soil was rich and productive, 
and game abundant. 

After this peaceful interview with the natives, 
the voyagers embarked again, and passed down 
the stream, looking out for the river Pekitanoni 
(Missouri), which empties into the Mississippi 
from the northwest. They observed high and 
steep rocks, on the face of which were the fig 
ures of two monsters, which appeared as if 
painted in green, red, and blue colors : frightful 
in appearance, but so well executed, as to leave 
Father Marquette in doubt, whether they could 
De the work of savages, they being also at so 
great a height on the rocks as to be inacces 
sible to a painter. 

As they floated quietly down a clear and 
placid stream, conversing about the figures they 
had just passed, they were interrupted by the 
sound of rapids before them ; and a mass of 
floating timber, trunks and branches of trees, was 
swept from the mouth of the Pekitanoni with 
such a degree of violence, as to render the pas 
sage dangerous. So great was the agitation, that 
the water was thereby made very muddy,, and 
it did not again become clear. The Pekitanoni 
is described as a large river flowing into the 


Mississippi from the northwest, with several vil- 
.ages on its banks.* 

At this place Father Marquette decided, that, 
unless the Mississippi altered its previous course, 
t must empty its waters into the Gulf of Mex 
ico; and he conjectured from the accounts of 
the natives, that, by following the stream of the 
Pekitanoni, a river would be discovered, which 
flowed into the Gulf of California. 

About twenty leagues south of the Pekita 
noni, and a little more to the southeast, they 
discovered the mouth of another river, called 
Ouabouskigou (Ohio), in the latitude of thirty-six 
degrees ; a short distance above which, they came 
to a place formidable to the savages, who, be 
lieving it the residence of a demon, had warned 
Father Marquette of its dangers. It proved noth 
ing more than a ledge of rocks, thirty feet high, 
against which the waves, being contracted by an 
island, ran with violence, and, being thrown back 
with a loud noise, flowed rapidly on through a 
narrow and unsafe channel. 

* This relation agrees with facts, although the mud- 
diness of the waters of the Missouri has been found to 
be produced by a different cause. "The painted mon 
sters, says Stoddard, " on the side of a high perpen 
dicular rock, apparently inaccessible to man, between 
the Missouri and Illinois, and known to the moderns by 
the name of Piesa, still remain in a good degree of 
preservation" History of Louisiana, p. 17. 


The Ouabouskigou came from the eastward, 
where the country was thickly inhabited by the 
tribe of Chuouanons, a harmless and peaceful 
people, much annoyed by the Iroquois, who were 
said to capture them as slaves, and kill and 
torture them cruelly. 

A little above the entrance of this river were 
steep banks, in which the boatmen discovered 
iron ore, several veins of which were visible, 
about a foot in thickness, portions of it adher 
ing to the flint-stones ; and also a species of rich 
earth, of three different colors, namely, purple, 
violet, and red, and a very heavy red sand, some 
of which, being laid on an oar, left a stain dur 
ing fifteen days. They here first saw tall reeds, 
or canes, growing on the shores, and began to 
find the maringoums (musquitoes) very trouble 
some ; the attacks of which, with the heat of the 
weather, obliged the voyagers to construct an 
awning of the sails of their canoes. 

Shortly afterwards they saw savages armed with 
muskets, waiting their approach on the bank of 
the river. While the boatmen prepared for a 
defence, Father Marquette presented his calumet 
and addressed them in Huron, to which they gave 
no answer, but made signals to them to land, and 
accept some food. They consequently disem 
barked, and, entering their cabins, were presented 
with buffalo s meat, bear s oil, and fine plums 


These savages had guns, hatchets, knives, hoes, 
and glass bottles for their gunpowder. They in 
formed Father Marquette, that he was within ten 
days journey of the sea ; that they purchased their 
goods of Europeans, who came from the east ; that 
these Europeans had images and beads, played 
on many instruments, and were dressed like him 
self; and that they had treated them with much 
kindness.* As they had no knowledge of Chris 
tianity, the worthy Father gave them what in 
struction he could, and made them a present of 
some medals. Encouraged by the information 
received from these savages, the party proceed 
ed with renewed ardor on their voyage, between 
banks covered with thick forests, that intercepted 
their view of the prairies ; in which, however, 
they heard at no great distance the bellowing of 
buffaloes. They also saw quails upon the shores, 
and shot a small parrot. 

They had nearly reached the thirty-third de 
gree of latitude, steering towards the south, when 
they discovered a village on the river s side, called 
Metchigamea. The natives, armed with bows 
and arrows, clubs, and tomahawks, prepared to 

* Channels of trade had been opened with the Span- 
lards in Florida, and other Europeans in Carolina and 
Virginia. Colonel Wood is said to have crossed the 
Alleganies from Virginia, in 1670; doubtless for this 


attack them ; some in canoes, trying to intercept 
their course, others remaining on shore. Father 
Marquette in vain presented his calumet of peace 
They were ready to attack, when the elders, 
perceiving at last the calumet, commanded the 
young warriors to stop, and, throwing their arms 
at the feet of the strangers, as a sign of peace, 
entered their canoes, and constrained them to 
land, though not without some uneasiness. 

As the savages were not acquainted with any 
of the six languages spoken by Father Mar 
quette, he addressed them by signs, until an old 
man was found, who understood a little Illinois. 
Through this interpreter, he explained their in 
tention of going to the borders of the sea, and 
gave the natives some religious instruction. In 
reply they answered, that whatever information 
he desired might be obtained at Mamsca (Ar 
kansas), a village ten leagues lower down the 
river; and presented them with food. After 
passing a night of some anxiety, they embarked 
the following morning with their interpreter; a 
canoe with ten savages preceding them. About 
half a league from Akarnsca, they were met by- 
two canoes full of Indians, the chief of whom 
presented his calumet, and conducted them to the 
ihore, where they were hospitably received ana 
supplied with provisions. Here they found a 
young man well acquainted with the Illinois Ian- 


guage, ana through him Father Marquette ad 
dressed the natives, making them the usual pres 
ents, and requesting information from them re 
specting the sea. They answered, that it was 
within five days journey of Akamsca, that they 
knew nothing of the inhabitants on its borders, 
being prevented by their enemies from holding 
intercourse with these Europeans ; that their 
knives and other weapons were purchased part 
ly from the eastern nations, and partly from a 
tribe of Illinois, four days journey to the west 
ward ; that the armed savages, whom the travel 
lers had met, were their enemies ; that they were 
continually on the river between that place and 
the sea ; and that, if the voyagers proceeded fur 
ther, great danger might be apprehended from 
them. After this communication, food was of 
fered, and the rest of the day was spent in 

These people were friendly and hospitable, but 
poor, although their Indian corn produced three 
abundant crops in a year, which Father Mar 
quette saw in its different stages of growth. It 
was prepared for food in pots, which, with plates 
and other utensils, were neatly made of baked 
earth by the Indians. Their language was sb 
rery difficult, that Father Marquette despaired of 
being able to pronounce a word of it. Their cli 
mate in winter was rainy, but they had no snow, 
and the soil was extremely fertile. 


During the evening the old men held a secret 
council. Some of them proposed to murder the 
strangers, and seize their effects. The chief, 
however, overruled this advice, and, sending for 
Father Marquette and M. Joliet, invited them to 
attend a dance of the calumet, which he after 
wards presented to them as a sign of peace. 

The good Father and his companion began 
now to consider what further course they should 
pursue. As it was supposed, that the Gulf of 
Mexico extended as far north as thirty-one de 
grees and forty minutes,* they believed them 
selves not to be more than two or three days 
journey from it ; and it appeared to them certain, 
that the Mississippi must empty itself into that 
gulf, and not into the sea through Virginia, at the 
eastward, because the coast of Virginia was in the 
latitude of thirty-four degrees, at which they had 
already arrived ; nor yet into the Gulf of California, 
at the southwest, because they had found the course 
of the river to be invariably south. Being thus 
persuaded, that the main object of their expedi 
tion was attained ; and considering, moreover, that 
they were unable to resist the armed savages, 
who infested the lower parts of the river, and 

* It is hardly necessary to say, that, although this is 
nearly accurate, in regard to the most northerly part 
of the Gulf of Mexico, it is an error as to the mouth 
of the Mississippi, which is below twenty-nine degrees 


that, should they fall into the hands of the Span 
iards, the fruits of their voyage aad discoveries 
would be lost, they resolved to proceed no fur- 
*her, and, having informed the natives of their 
determination and rested another day, they pre 
pared for their return. 

After a month s navigation on the Mississippi, 
having followed its course from the forty-second 
to the thirty-fourth degree of latitude, they left 
the village of Akamsca, on the 17th of July, 
to return up the river. They retraced their 
way, slowly ascending the stream, until, in about 
the thirty-eighth degree of latitude, they turned 
into another river (Illinois), which abridged their 
route and brought them directly to Lake Illinois 
(Michigan). They were struck with the fer 
tility of the country through which that river 
flowed, the beauty of the forests and prairies, 
the variety of the game, and the numerous small 
lakes and streams which they saw. The river 
was broad and deep, and navigable for sixty-five 
leagues, there being, in the season of spring and 
part of the summer, only half a league of port 
age between its waters and those flowing into 
Lake Illinois. On its banks they found a vil 
lage, the inhabitants of which received them kind 
ly, and, on their departure, extorted a promise 
from Father Marquette to return and instruct 
them. One of the chiefs, accompanied by the 


young men, conducted them as far as the Lake ; 
whence they proceeded to the Bay of Puans y 
where they arrived near the end of September, 
having been absent about four months.* 

Such is the substance of Father Marquette s 
narrative ; and the whole of it accords so remark 
ably with the descriptions of subsequent travel 
lers, and with the actual features of the country 
through which he passed, as to remove every 
doubt of its genuineness. The melancholy fate 
of the author, which followed soon afterwards, was 
probably the reason why his expedition was not 
in a more conspicuous manner brought before 
the public. 

* The following distances have been communicated 
by General Wool, Inspector General of the Army of the 
United States, who is personally acquainted with the 
route, and has had the best means of forming an accu 
rate estimate. 


From Green Bay up Fox River to the portage, . 175 
From the portage down the Wisconsin to the Mis 
sissippi, 175 

From the mouth of the Wisconsin to the mouth of 

the Arkansas, 1087 

From the Arkansas to the Illinois River, . . 547 

From the mouth of the Illinois to Chicago, . 305 

From Chicago to Green Bay by the Lake shore, . 260 

Total, . . 2549 

General Wool observes, that some persons estimate 
the route about fifty miles more, but he thinks it will 


In addition to this narrative, nothing is known 
Df Marquette, except what is said of him by 
Charlevoix.* After returning from this last ex 
pedition, he took up his residence, and pursued 
the vocation of a missionary, among the Miamis 
in the neighborhood of Chicago. While passing 
by water along the eastern shore of Lake Michi 
gan towards Michillimackinac, he entered a small 
river, on the 18th of May, 1675. Having land 
ed, he constructed an altar, performed mass, and 
then retired a short distance into the wood, re 
questing the two men, who had charge of his 

rather fall short than exceed the above result. It would 
appear, therefore, that the whole distance, passed over 
<y Marquette and Joliet in this tour, was at least two 
shousand five hundred miles. 

Considering the manner in which Father Marquette 
travelled, being conveyed in boats up and down rivers, 
*Jirough an unknown country, it cannot be supposed that 
his estimate of distances would be exact, particularly as 
he had no means of deciding the velocity with which 
he was carried along by the currents of the streams. 
Deceived by the rapid motion of the water, he reckoned 
the distance from the portage to the mouth of the Wis 
consin to be forty leagues, or one hundred and twenty 
miles, whereas General Wool states it to be one hun 
dred and seventy-five ; and Mr. Schoolcraft, who as 
cended the river, estimates the distance at one hundred 
and eighty-two miles from Prairie du Chien to the 

* Histoire de Nouvelle France, Tom. III. p. 314. 


canoe, to leave him alone for half an hour. Wher 
the time had elapsed, the men went to seek for 
him and found him dead. They were greatly 
surprised, as they had not discovered any symp 
toms of illness ; but they remembered, that, when 
he was entering the river, he expressed a pre 
sentiment that his voyage would end there. To 
this day the river retains the name of Marquette. 
The place of his grave, near its bank, is still 
pointed out to the traveller ; but his remains were 
removed the year after his death to Michilli- 

The manuscript of Father Marquette, contain 
ing the particulars of his voyage, was sent to 
France, where it fell into the hands of Thevenot, 
who had recently published a large collection of 
miscellaneous pieces, entitled, " Relations de di 
vers Voyages Curieux" &c. in two large folio 
volumes. Having subsequently collected a few 
other curious tracts, he gave these to the public, 
under the title of " Recueil de Voyages," a small 
duodecimo volume, printed at Paris in 1681. In 
this work the Narrative of Marquette first ap 
peared, under the title of " Decouverte de quel- 
ques Pays et Nations de I Amerique Septentri- 
onale," accompanied with a map, It occupies 
forty-three pages. 

A very defective and erroneous translation was 
published at London, in 169S, as a supplement to 


an edition of Hennepin ; but it was here thrown 
into the shade by the pretended discoveries of 
that mendacious traveller, who, several years af 
ter the death of La Salle, falsely assumed to 
himself the merit of having descended the Mis 
sissippi to its mouth. Hennepin was never 
below the confluence of the Illinois with the 
Mississippi. By the order of La Salle, and in 
company with M. Dacan, he w T ent down the 
former river, and up the latter as high at least 
as the Falls of St. Anthony. -This was in 
1680, seven years after Marquette s expedition. 
All the discoveries made by Hennepin were above 
the mouth of the Wisconsin. He claimed noth 
ing more in the first edition of his work ; but, 
after La Salle s death, he fabricated the tale of 
his voyage down the Mississippi, and mingled so 
much falsehood with truth, that it is now difficult 
to separate the one from the other. To him 
belongs the honor, however, of naming the Falls 
of St. Anthony and the country of Louisiana. 
It is said by Charlevoix, * that the name of 
Louisiana was given by La Salle, who descend 
ed the Mississippi in the year 1682 ; but it is 
doubtful whether it can be found in any printed 
work before Hennepin s " Description de la 
Louisiane, Paris, 1683." This contains a dedi 
cation to Louis the Fourteenth, adulatory in the 

vi. 13 * Histoire, &c. Tom. I. p. 571. 


extreme, and it is believed the name was given 
for the same end. In his second edition, which 
was prepared in Holland, he complains of being 
neglected by the King of France, and changes 
the title of his book to "Nouvelle Decouverte d un 
ires Grand Pays situe dans I Amerique, &c. 
Utrecht, 1697." To this edition is prefixed a 
dedication to William the Third, King of Great 
Britain, more laudatory if possible than the one 
to Louis. In the Preface he utters bitter invec 
tives against his enemies, who, from his own ac 
count, were very numerous ; and he endeavors 
to explain, by a series of puerile and improbable 
statements, the reasons why he did not claim the 
discovery of the Mississippi, from the mouth of 
the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, before the 
death of La Salle. 

The publications of Hennepin, the descrip 
tions of the enterprising adventures and discov 
eries of La Salle, and the premature death of 
Marquette, were among the principal causes why 
the services and the Narrative of the last were 
overlooked, and in a measure forgotten. Indeed, 
they would hardly have escaped from oblivion, 
had not Charlevoix brought them to light, in 
his great work on Canada, nearly seventy years 
after the events.* 

* There is a curious passage relating to this subject 
in a volume, entitled "A Description of the English 


The nanative itself is written in a terse, 
simple, and unpretending style. The author re 
lates what occurs, and describes what he sees, 
without embellishment or display. He writes as 
a scholar, and as a man of careful observation 
and p actical sense. There is no tendency to 

Province of Carolana, by the Spaniards called Florida, 
and by the French La Louisiane ; by Daniel Coxe." 
This volume was printed at London in 1722, and contains 
a full description of the country bordering on the Mis 
sissippi. The author s father claimed a large territory 
in Louisiana by virtue of a charter, which had been 
granted to Sir Robert Heath by King Charles the First 
He endeavors to prove, that the English discovered the 
country before the French, and among other proofs he 
adduces the following. 

"In the year 1678, a considerable number of persons 
went from New England upon discovery, and proceed 
ed as far as New Mexico, one hundred and fifty 
leagues beyond the river Mississippi ; and at their re 
turn rendered an account to the government of Bos 
ton, as will be attested, among others, by Colonel 
Dudley, then one of the magistrates, afterwards Gov 
ernor of New England, and at present Deputy Gov 
ernor of the Isle of Wight, under the Honorable the 
Lord Cutts. The war soon after breaking out between 
the English and the Indians, many of the Indians, who 
were in that expedition, retreated to Canada, from 
whom Monsieur La Salle received most of his infor 
mation concerning that country, by him afterwards 
more fully discovered. And they served him for guides 
and interpreters, as is attested by Monsieur Le Tonty, 
who accompanied Monsieur La Salle; as also by Mon* 


exaggeration, nor any attempt to magnify trie 
difficulties he had to encounter, or the impor 
tance of his discoveries. In every point of 
view this tract is one of the most interesting 
among those, which illustrate the early history 
of America. 

sieur Le Clerc, in a book published by order of the 
French King." p. 117. 

This extract is from a memorial presented to King 
William, in favor of Coxe s claim, in the year 1699. 
The Attorney-General reported that Coxe s title was 
good in law. 

The substance of the above paragraph is repeated 
in a pamphlet, published in the year 1762, after the 
preliminaries of peace between England and France 
had been made known, and entitled " An impartial In 
juiry into the Right of the French King to the Ter 
ritory west of the Great River Mississippi, in North 
America, not ceded by the Preliminaries ; including a 
Summary Account of the River and the Country adja 
cent." It is stated in this pamphlet, that, " in the year 
1678, some New England men went on discovery, and 
proceeded the whole length of the southern coast of 
the continent as far as Mexico; at their return ren 
dering an account of their proceedings to the gov 
ernment of Boston." p. 53. How far these state 
ments are borne out by other testimony, I have not 
had the means of ascertaining; but, if they are cor 
rect, the lower waters of the Mississippi were discov 
ere<l and crossed by these adventurers from Massa 
chusetts, four years before the river was descended by 
La Salle, and five years after the upper waters had 
been discovered by Marquette. 


Marquette s map, attached to the Narrative 
in Thevenot s " Recueil" is unquestionably the 
first that was ever published of the Mississippi 
River. In this light it is extremely curious ; 
Out it is also valuable as confirming the gen 
uineness of the Narrative. It was impossible 
to construct it, without having seen the prin 
cipal objects delineated. The five great rivers, 
Arkansas, Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, and Wisconsin, 
m regard to their relative positions and general 
courses, are placed with a considerable degree 
of accuracy. Several names are entered on the 
map, which are still retained, and near the 
same places, with slight differences in the or 
thography. The Wisconsin (or, as the French 
write it, Ouisconsiri) is written " Missiousing " 
in the map. It is " Mescousin " in the Nar 
rative, perhaps by a typographical mistake for 
"Mesconsin." The Missouri, it is true, is named 
in the Narrative " Pekitanoni" which it may at 
that time have been called by the natives ; but 
in the map a village is placed on the bank of 
that river, called " Oumissouri" 

The Ohio River is named " Ouabouquigou," 
in which we may see the elements of Ouabache, 
which name it retains in all the early French 
maps, the river itself being denominated by what 
is now regarded as one of its principal branches. 

The Arkansas is not named on the map, bu* 


_n the Narrative we are told of the village of 
* Akatnscu" near the banks of that river, which 
is evidently the same name. 

To the northward of the Arkansas is a place 
on the map called " Metchigamea." The same 
name is found to this day on French maps, 
applied to a lake very near the same place, 
and a little to the northward of the River St. 

It should be kept in mind, that this map was 
published at Paris in the year 1681, and con 
sequently the year before the discoveries of La 
Salle on the Mississippi, and that no intelligence 
respecting the country it represents could then 
have been obtained from any source subsequent 
ly to the voyage of Marquette. There is a 
slight error in the map in regard to the dotted 
line marked " Chemin du retour" because the 
Narrative is very explicit in stating, that the voy 
agers returned up a river, which, from the de 
scription given of it, could be no other than 
the Illinois. This dotted line, therefore, must 
have been a conjectural addition. 

M. Joliet separated from Marquette at Green 
Bay, and returned to Montreal. In passing the 
rapids, just before he reached that city, nis ca 
noe was overset, and his journal and all his oth 
er papers were lost. He dictated a few particu 
lars relative to his voyage down the Mississip- 


pi, amounting to no more than three or four 
pages, which were published, and which agree, 
as far as they extend, with Father Marquette s 

In Francis de Creux s Historia Canadensis is 
a map of Canada, which purports to have been 
drawn in 1660. It includes the Island of New 
foundland, Nova Scotia, and New England, ex 
tending to the westward so far as to take m a 
small part of Lakes Superior and Michigan. 
The latter is called Lacus Magnus JUgonqui- 
norum. The river St. Lawrence and its branch 
es, and the Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron, are 
well delineated on this map ; but it does not 
cover any part of the territory embraced in the 
one, which accompanies the Narrative of Mar- 
quette. As before said, this map is manifestly 
original, and the first that was sketched of the 
Mississippi and its great tributary streams. 





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