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Accession No 


Call No.. 'S.t.:. 


WAR 1933 A. D. 


M.R.A.S., F.R.S.L., F.S.S., 





And tho' 

We are not now that strength which in old days 
Moved earth and heaven ; that which we are, we are ; 
One equal temper of heroic hearts, 
Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will 
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. 

TENNYSON, Ulysses. 



Printed & Published by Chand Mai Chandak. 
Manager, at the Vedic Yantralya, Ajmer, 



ILftutenant Colonel Sir (!?torgc 33, gtlbfe, 

Slgcnt to tf)c C?obcrnor-C?cncral in &afputana 





I have glanced through the volume containing 
speeches and writings by Dewan Bahadur Har Bilas 
Sarda on social, legal and historical matters. Mr. Sarda 
is well known as the author and prime mover of one 
of the best- known pieces of social legislation attempted 
in the Indian Legislature, and his work as a social 
reformer has been very much in the public eye. 
But, apart from his activities as a legislator and a 
social reformer, Mr. Sarda is a historical scholar of 
distinction and he has also taken a live interest in 
educational problems. It is a happy idea to have 
collected his works, and I feel sure that his writings 
would not only display his many-sided activities but 
arouse interest and afford instruction to those who 
value the things of the mind. 


DEDICATION ... ... ... v 

FOREWORD BY Sir C. P. Ramaswami Aiyer vii 

CONTENTS ... .. ' lx 


INTRODUCTION BY Principal P. Seshadri ... xvii 


Bar-at'Law ... ..- xxvxlvi 

Social Reform 

1. SOCIAL REFORM ... ... ... 5 

(Presidential address delivered at the Forty- 
Second Session of the Indian National Social 
Conference held at Lahore, on 26 December, 
1929 A.D.) 

2. AWAKENING OF WOMEN ... ... 28 

(Reprinted from the Bombay Samackar, 
Dewali Number, 12 November, 1928 A,D.) 


I Speech delivered when the first motion to 
take the Bill to regulate Marriages of 
Children amongst the Hindus was made 
in the Legislative Assembly, Simla, on 15 
September, 1927 A.D. ... 33 



II Speech delivered in the Legislative 
Assembly, New Delhi, on 29 January, 
1929 A.D. ... ,., ... 45 

III Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, 

Simla, on 23 September, 1929 A.D, ... 59 


I Speech delivered when a motion to take 
the Hindu Widows 1 Right of Inheritance 
Bill into consideration was made in the 
Legislative Assembly, New Delhi, on 21 
January, 1930 ... ... ... 69 

II Speech delivered when the motion to take 
the new Hindu Widows' Right of 
Inheritance Bill into consideration was 
made in the Legislative Assembly, New 
Delhi, on 26 January, 1932 A.D. ... 80 

III Speech delivered when replying to the 
debate on the Hindu Widows' Right of 
Inheritance Bill in the Legislative Assembly, 
New Delhi, on 4 February, 1932 A, D. ... 92 


Speech delivered in the Legislative 
Assembly, New Delhi, on Sir Hari Singh 
Gour's Special Marriage Bill, on 22 
March, 1928 A.D, 

CLAS&OF INDIA ... ... ... 117 

(Presidential address delivered at the All- 
India Vaisha Conference held at Bareilly, 
on 28 December, 1924 A.D.) 



Tributes and Appreciations 


1. DAYANAND SARASWATI ... ... 139 

(Introduction to the Dayanand Corn memo- 
nation Volume, published at Ajmor in 1933 A.D,) 

2. ASOKA THE GREAT ... ... ... 158 

(Reprinted from the Hindustan Review, 
being a review of Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's 

3. COLONEL INGERSOLL . ... ... 173 

(Foreword to Mr. Ramgopal's Selection* 
from Ingersollj published in 1931 A.D.) 

4. DR. RABINDRANATH TAP. ORE ... ... 15 

From the olden Book of Tayorc, 1931 A.D. 


(Reprinted from Husain-The Martyr, published 
by the Bihar Provincial Shia Conference, 
Patna, in 1982 A.D.) 

PART 111 
Historical and Archaeological 

1. PRITHVIRAJA VIJAYA ... ... 191 

(From the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society of Great Britain and Ireland for 
April,' 1913 A.D.) 

CHHATRAPUR ... ... ... 214 

(Paper read before the First Indian Oriental 
Conference at Poona, on 6 November, 1919 A.D.) 

3. SAPADLAKSHA ... ... ... 224 

(Reprinted from the Modern Review ', Calcutta, 
for December 1913 A.D. 



4. SIVAJI ... ... ... ... 230 

5. EMPEROR VISALDEVA ... ... 247 

(Reprinted (and enlarged) from the Vedic 
Magazine and Gurukida Samachar, Kangri, 
Asoj V. S. 1969, October, 1912 A.D.) 

6. RANA HAMMIR ... ... ... 269 

(Reprinted from the Hindustan Review , 
for April, 1917 A.D.) 


(Reprinted from the Indian Antiquary, for 
August, 1912 A.D.) 

8. THE FORT OF ATHOON ... ... 287 

(A historical note written in June 1929 A. D. at 
the request oi Mr. E. C. Gibson, Commissioner, 
Ajmer-Merwara for the Director General of 
Archaeology, India). 


Problems of Ajmer-Merwara 

MERWARA ... ... ... ... 297 

(A note supplied to the Consultative Committee 
of the Second Round Table Conference at the 
request of its Secretary, Mr. Latifi, I.C.S., on 
12 May, 1932 A.D.) 


(Memorandum submitted to the* Ashworth 
Committee, in 1921 A.D.) 

MERWARA ... ... ... ... 325 

(Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, 
New Delhi, on 24 February, 1925 A.D.) 


(Reprinted from the Ajmer Government 
College Magazine, for November, 1928 A.D.) 




(Minute attached to the Report of the Primary 
Education Committee appointed by the Govern- 
ment of India, 1930 A.D.) 


(Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, 
Simla, on 18 September, 1928 A.D.) 

BEAWAR ... ... ... ... 359 

(Introduction to 11. S. V 7 yas Tansukh's 
Abnormal Death Pate in Beawar, 1930 A.D.) 



(Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, 
Simla, on the Ancient Monuments Preservation 
(Amendment) Bill, on 29 September, 1931 A.D.) 

RAJPUT AN A ... ... ... 383 

(From the Hindustan Times, Delhi). 

WEAKNESS ... ... .. ... 396 

(From the Swadeshmitram, Madras, Annual 
Number, 1928 A.D.) 

4. THE POST OFFICE IN INDIA ... ... 404 

(Presidential address delivered at the Fifth 
Session of the Central Circle Postal and 
R. M. S. Conference, held at Ajmer, on 19 
May, 1929 A.D.) 

5. SWADESHI ... ... ... 417 

(Speech delivered as President of the All India 
Swadeshi Industrial Exhibition Committee, at 



the opening of the Exhibition at Ajmer 
on 13, October, 1933 A.D.) 


(Speech delivered as Chairman of the Dayal- 
bagh Industries Exhibition Committee, at 
the opening of the Exhibition at Ajmer 
on 14, October, 1933 A.D.) 


(Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, 
New Delhi, on 20 March, 1924 A.D.) 


(Paper written at the request of the Political 
Secretary to the Government of India, in 
1926 A.D.) 

REFERENCES ... ... ... 441 

INDEX ... ... ... ... 447 

ERRATA ... ... ... ... 461 


HAR BILAS SARDA, 1933 A,D. ... Frontispiece. 



RAM GOPAL ... ... ... ... xxv 


GROUP xxvi 



FORTRESS OF CHITOR ... ... ... 26 



HAR BILAS SAUDA, 1895 A.D 117 








HAR BILAS SARDA, 1899 A.D 325 

HAR BILAS SARDA, 1886 A,D 343 






Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda is among the most 
distinguished Indian leaders of his generation to-day, 
having made his mark in more than one sphere of 
national activity. As a social reformer, he has left 
an indelible impression on the history of this country 
by his Child-Marriage Restraint Act and will be 
remembered with such illustrious champions of the cause 
as Raja Ram Mohun Roy, Pandit Ishwar Chand Vidya- 
sagar and the late Mr. Mahadeo Govind Ranade. A 
scholar steeped in the best traditions of Rajputana, 
he has laboured for decades on the study and narration 
of its fascinating, if somewhat chequered, history. As 
a representative of Ajmer-Merwara in the Legislative 
Assembly, for as many as three successive terms it 
has been his privilege not only to stand for the needs 
of his own constituents, but also to work for the wider 
interests of his native land. As a keen student, even 
at this age, of many lines of intellectual enquiry, his 
is an active mind ranging over varied fields of 
thought claiming kinship with those whose writings 
are not of mere ephemeral interest. It is therefore 
fitting that we should have this collection of his 
Speeches and Writings containing a record of his 
varied activities and reviewing his work of decades. 

Of some of his utterances, it may be said without 
any exaggeration, that they have made a difference to 
the discussions of legislative assemblies on matters of 
vital importance to the millions of mankind in India 
who constitute a fifth of the total population of the 
world. His volumes like Hindu Superiority have 
arrested attention, giving new inspiration and hope 
to his people and summing up the great achievements 


of a large section of the human race, his paper on 
Hindus their Strength and Weakness in this volume 
itself being typical of this class of writings. To those 
comparatively small perhaps in number who feel 
interested in the inner workings of the human mind 
even more than in its external manifestations, it must 
always be a delight to enter into the spirit of these 
pages and come into contact with an intellect ever 
keenly intent on the pursuit of knowledge. It is 
significant that he should have chosen for the motto of 
this work, Tennyson's famous lines in Ulysess: 

We are not now that strength which in old days 
Moved earth and heaven ; that which we are, we are ; 
One equal temper of heroic hearts, 
Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will 
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. 
To one like myself living in the city of his birth 
and enjoying the privilege of his friendship there is a 
personal aspect which is even of more absorbing 
interest. Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda is an 
institution by himself in Ajmer and is its first citizen. 
For decades he has been intimately connected with her 
fortunes and her hopes and aspirations have found 
persistent expression through his lips. It is impossible 
to think of Ajmer without Mr. Sarda and even in 
distant hamlets in South India, I have sometimes 
found it easy for villagers to locate me as coming 
from the city of Sarda though they were conservative 
and disliked his social legislation. 

One of my happy experiences during the few years 
I have been in Ajmer, as head of the very institution 
which counts Diwan Bahadur Har Biias Sarda as one 
of its most distinguished alumni and also as an old 
member of its college staff is his intellectual friendship. 
There are few sounds more welcome to me in Ajmer 
than of the periodical arrival of his car at my house 
aud few visions more pleasant than of the entrance of 


his somewhat burly form into my drawing-room may 
his shadow never grow less ! with a cheerful smile on 
his face and always a serious enquiry in his mind about 
something concerning books which 1 am generally able to 
meet from my extensive private collection. Over ma ny a 
cup of coffee have we discussed myriads of thing?, the 
poetry of Tennyson, some Romantic tradition of Rajpu- 
tana> the future of Indian Politics, the education of * the 
young in India or the strange and baffling ways of 
mankind in our immediate neighbourhood or in the wider 
world. In more ways than one, he has often reminded me 
of Dr. Johnson expressing opinions on men and things, 
sitting curiously enough in the exact posture of the 
great man of letters, leaning to one 8ide, and seeking 
effectiveness of utterance by emphatic shakes of the 
head. It is however only fair to add that the Diwan 
Bahadur has nothing of the roughness of the great 
literary dictator and is a model of suavity in conver- 
sation. There can be no greater tribute to his 
intellectual thirst than the continual demand that he 
makes upon me and my library for all kinds of odds 
and ends of scholarship, particularly in my own branch 
of studies, English Literature, with all the zeal of a 
professional student of letters. 

It may be remembered at the outset, that this book 
of Speeches and Writings represents only a small 
part of his intellectual output, consisting of miscella- 
neous things which could not be included in any of 
his independent volumes. He came into prominence 
years ago in the literary world of India by his striking 
production summing up the greatness of Hindu 
civilization, with the somewhat challenging title, 
Hindu Superiority. ISTo student of Rajput history, 
which is awaiting revision and extension from the 
point at which Colonel James Tod left years, ago, 
can afford to ignore his contributions, in the excellent 
manuals he has written on some of its most heroic 


personalities, Maharana Kumbha, Maharana Sanga 
and Maharajah Hammir. All available history and 
tradition regarding Ajmer has also been gathered into 
his volume on the subject which is the only authorita- 
tive study of the city. It is not intended to be 
uncomplimentary to his writings to suggest that 
this volume gathers together some of the loose ends 
of his writings and must be read only as a supplement 
to his more complete and independent volumes 
which no student o Indian life and civilization can 
afford to neglect. 

When the time comes for chronicling the develop- 
ments of this century in India, there is sure to be a 
glowing page dedicated to Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas 
Sarda's work as a social reformer. It is therefore 
eminently fitting that the first section of this volume 
should deal with problems of social reform in India. 
It will be noticed that most of them relate to the 
position of women in Hindu society, a subject which 
always warms up his heart. He is a profound believer 
in Tennyson's famous lines: 

The woman's cause is man's : they rise or sink 
Together, dwarf'd or godlike, bond or free. 

I have often watched with interest his righteous 
indignation when anything is said against the woman's 
cause in India or elsewhere in the world. It is even 
difficult to suppress the feeling that he has an exagger- 
ated deference to the other sex, reminding one of some 
of the exponents of mediaeval chivalry like the 
troubadors and trouveres of France. One of my harm- 
less amusements, if I may make the confession here, 
is to bait him on the subject and rouse his excitement 
allowing it to cool down after a few minutes of warm 
defence ! I can claim to have met many leaders of 
Indian thought and action in my time, but I have no 
difficulty in stating that Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda 








is the warmest friend of the woman's cause we have in 
this country to-day. If Meredith's Fair Ladies in 
Revolt saw him, they would carry him away in triumph 
as one of their best friends shouting: 

" We have won a champion, sisters, and a sage!" 

"It is good to sing praise 55 said the Bible, but it is 
not always realised that the qualities of gratitude and 
reverence embodied in the advice do more good to us 
than to those to whom we offer our tributes. One of 
the pleasing sections of this volume is entitled, 
Tributes and Appreciations, containing a sketch of 
Swami Dayanand, Asoka, Col. Ingersoll, Imam Hussain 
and Rabindranath Tagore. Praise can easily degenerate 
into vague and ecstatic emotion, but his appreciation is 
always based on sound reason and he is never swept off 
his feet by a whirlwind of admiration. His sketch of 
Swami Dayanand is an instance in point. It is difficult 
to say if Mr. Sarda is technically an Arya Samajist, but 
his enthusiasm for the cult does not degenerate into 
blind worship and he can always see its limitations. 
He has hardly any sympathy, for the aggressive and 
obnoxious pugilism of the puritanic dissenter which 
one often notices about members of that organization. 
Though liberal in his theology, Mr. Sarda has deep and 
abiding religious faith and there can be no better 
indication of his catholicity of temperament than the 
fact that the same section includes a eulogy of Colonel 
Ingersoll with his iconoclastic denunciation of religious 
forms, as well as of the founder of the Arya Samaj in 
India with his insistence on going back to the revela- 
tion of the Vedas. 

Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda has supplemented 
here his work as an historian of Rajputana by well-in- 
formed studies of Prithviraja Vijaya, an epic of 
India's most famous and romantic cavalier, Prithyiraja; 
Sivaji whose fascination no historian of India can 
possibly escape ; Emperor Visaldeva whose memory is 


of special interest to the citizens of Ajmer and Rana 
Hammir, another of the illustrious galaxies of Rajput 
heroes to -whom his mind has turned repeatedly for 
inspiration and strength. 

It is not necessary to disguise the fact that it is 
primarily the instinct of the patriot which operates 
behind these sketches, but it will be conceded that it 
has not overpowered the duties of a historian and the 
Indian student can therefore confidently look here, not 
only for a glowing appreciation of all that is great 
in his country's history, but also for a careful and 
comprehensive statement of facts based on recent 
historical research. It is difficult to supress the feeling 
that Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda's work would have 
been even more monumental and lasting, if he had had 
facilities for concentrating all his available time and 
energy on historical investigation, without the distrac- 
tions of office or politics and produced an extensive 
history of Kajputana which is the most absorbing 
subject of his study and affections. 

It is not for rne, as an officer of the Government of 
India, to offer any comment on his political speeches, 
mostly delivered in the Indian Legislative Assembly. 
Our outlooks on many political questions are bound 
to differ, but even an officer of the Government can 
perhaps pay a tribute to the persistence of his 
efforts in the cause of his people. The advancement of 
the status and privileges of Ajmer-Merwara is a matter 
very dear to his heart and it will be a long time before we 
shall see another champion of the needs of the people of 
this Administration, actuated by similar ability and 
zeal in their cause. His political utterances are charac- 
terised by study and useful information and are not like 
the vapourings of immature and half-educated minds 
with which we are only too familiar in Indian politics. 

Of special interest to me are the papers written by 
Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda on educational subjects. 


He has taken deep and abiding interest in the subject of 
education all his life and he rightly pleads here for 
increased facilities for education for Ajmer-Merwara. 
The low percentage of literacy fills him with sadness and 
he is throughly dissatisfied with the progress of women's 
education. He longs for the day when the educational 
work of his" beloved Government College and other 
educational institutions in Ajmer-Merwara will culmi- 
nate in the foundation of a university for Rajputana, 
"a consummation devoutly to be wished", by all lovers 
of education in this part of India. 

Diwan Bahadur Sarda has done well in including 
some miscellaneous pieces at the end of his work, 
especially as they draw attention to different facets of 
his mind. Learning sits lightly on him; he can 
occasionally forget even the austerity and seriousness 
of the social reformer and he can also unburden himself 
of the cares of politics when he meets a congenial 
friend. He can enjoy most of the good things of the 
world, a mango with delicious flavour, a cup of South 
Indian coffee, well-made sweets, a good game of cricket, 
a fine piece of musio, or a light joke. It is not surpris- 
ing that he should have thought of writing a pleasant 
dissertation on beards and we shall perhaps see him 
some day writing a complimentary essay on the Art of 
Shaving! The Diwan Bahadur may be a social 
reformer, scholar, politician and historian, but he is above 
all human and is in no sense, 

Too great and good 
To be human nature's daily food, 

Susceptible like any of us to the ordinary human weak- 
nesses, he is eminently loveable and in my mind at 
least, these writings will always be associated w r ith an 
interesting personality radiating its bonhomie, even 
through pages which may sometimes be loaded with 
learning, or excited with the spirit of controversy. 


When Diwan Bahadur Har Bilas Sarda brought 
these Speeches and Writings together and wished me 
to suggest a title for the volume, I said, perhaps with a 
mischievous twinkle in my eye and my tongue in my 
cheek, that it may be called The Evening of My Life, 
after the famous memoirs of Clemenceau, the Tiger of 
France! Mr. Sarda is approaching the Biblical span of 
human life, for he will soon be seventy, but I can never 
forget the violent indignation with which he rejected the 
title. It was obvious he felt nowhere near the evening 
of his life and I withdrew the suggestion with haste, 
compromising with the somewhat prosaic heading 
Speeches and Writings. He is still young in spirits 
and it will be the prayer of his numerous friends and 
well-wishers all over India that he should never grow 
old and he should enjoy the blessing of the famous but 
often misunderstood Greek saying: 

Those whom the Gods love die young. 

Principal's Lodge, 
Government College, Ajmor, 
4th November 1985. 








MR. HAR BILAS SARDA, Judge, Author, Teacher, 
Historian, Reformer and Legislator, was born on the 3rd 
June 1867, A. D., in Ajmer. His father, Sriyut Har 
Narayan Sarda (Maheshwari), was a scholar and 
Vedantist, with a philosophic mind and ever eager to 
study, discuss, argue and seek for truth. It was from 
his father that the son inherited his love of reading and 
study. Sriyut Har Narayan was Librarian ot the 
Government College, Ajmer, and every year took stock 
of the Government College Library, the biggest 
library in Ajmer, during summer vacations. Young 
Sarda helped his father in this work and came to know 
most of the important books in the library. He had 
thus ample opportunities which he fully utilised for 
reading books on general literature, philosophy and 
history. His father had some idea of the studious, 
enquiring, intelligent and receptive character, and the 
descriptive and debating powers of his son and 
predicted a bright future for him, a prediction that has 
been amply fulfilled. 

Mr, Har Bilas Sarda was the only son of his father. 
He had a sister who died soon after her first confine- 
ment in September 1892. Girl education was almost 
unknown in those days in Rajputana. Her father 
however, taught her Hindi at home. She acquired a 
good knowledge of Hindi, and during the long illness 


of her father in 1891-92 she used to read out to him 
Yoga Vashista, from which he derived great consolation. 
Both brother And sister were deeply attached to each 
other and to their parents, to whom they always 
rendered their loving duties of service and obedience. 
I knew his parents personally as a boy and I still 
remember their various acts of kindness towards me. 
In fact, there was a sort of family friendship between 
my parents and his, a friendship which has continued 
in an intensified form to the second and third genera- 
tion. My father, Lala Fateh Lai (Kayasth), was also 
a Vedantist and both were fond of seeking and inter- 
viewing learned Sddhus and Sannydsis who came to 
Ajmer. There was also another gentleman, Ganesh 
(tailor), of the same faith and turn of mind, and though 
not so well educated as the other two, was intelligent, 
eager and receptive, These three formed a happy 
trio who generally went about together, interviewing 
Saints and Sddhus and hearing their discourses. 


Mr. Sarda passed his matriculation in 1883 and his 
First Arts in 1885. Then he went to the Agra College 
where he took his B.A. degree in 1888 with English, 
Philosophy and Persian as his subjects. He passed 
with Honours in English and was first amongst the 
students of the Colleges of the United Provinces 
sitting for the examination of the Calcutta University. 
He wished to go to England to read for the B.A. of 
the Oxford University and also for the Bar, As a 
matter of fact, young Sarda and myself hatched the 
idea and formed the plan of going abroad together by 
the sam boat sailing in the first week of October 
1888. I left by that boat but my friend could not, 
owing to his father's old age and ill-health. In 
April 1892, his father died and was followed a few 
months later by his mother and sister. 


















SKETCH xxvii 

From his boyhood he was fond of reading newspapers 
and books, and studying political and social questions. 
He, in conjunction with myself and some other friends, 
opened a Debating Club in Ajmer where we used to 
discuss all sorts of social and semi-political questions* 
In 1888, he for the first time visited the Indian 
National Congress at Allahabad which was then in its 
third session, and was greatly impressed with the 
personality of Pandit Ajodhyanath and Mr, A.O. Hume 
who was then the General Secretary of the Congress. 
He again attended, as a visitor, some more meetings 
of that body at Nagpur, Bombay, Benares, Calcutta and 

Sis Travels : He has travelled widely in India 
and gained a Jot of experience of the diversified 
conditions prevalent in different places. While quite a 
child, he went with his father to Jaipur in 1876 
when the Prince of Wales, later King Edward VII, 
came there. Soon after, he went withhis parents on a 
pilgrimage to Badrinarayana in the Himalayas. He has 
also been to the other places of pilgrimage, Hameshwaram 
in the extreme South and Jagannath in the East. He 
has been to most of the Indian States in Rajputana. He 
was in Jodhpur and Alwar in 1884. He has been to 
Bikaner, Kishengarh, Dungarpur, Sirohi, Udaipur, 
Jaisalmer, Kotah, Bundi and Jhalarapatan and has been 
acquainted with most of the Ruling Chiefs and their 
ministers in Rajputana. In 1904, be went to the Punjab 
and saw Lahore, Amritsar and other places. Later, 
he paid visits to Delhi, Hard war, Dehra Dun, Roorkie, 
Moradabad, Lucknow, Benares, Muttra and AligarL 
He went to Simla for the first time in 1899 when 
there was no Railway. Since 1924, he has visited Simla 
every year in connection with the Legislative Assembly 
till 1934. He went to Calcutta, Patna, Gaya, Cawnpore, 
Allahabad, Bareilly, in 1914, and again in 1927. He 
visited Gwalior, Indore, Baroda amongst the Mahrfctta 


States. His first visit to Ahmedabad and Bombay was 
in!888, and since then he has visited Bombay almost 
every year. He went to Poona for the first time in 1913, 
and the second time in 1921 to attend the first Oriental 
Conference. He went there the third time to see 
Mahatma Gandhi in the Yerawada Jail in 1933. He 
has been to Hyderabad, Burhanpur, Bangalore, Madras, 
Madura, Srirangji, Kanchi, and Trichur which last place 
he visited in company with myself and other friends. 

Among the hill stations he has visited Abu and 
Simla several times and paid a flying visit to 
Ootacamund. He visited the North-West Frontier 
Provinces as a member of the Primary Education 
Committee when he went to Peshawar, Abbotabad, 
Khyber, Kohat, Bannu, Taxilla and Dera Ismail Khan. 

His Career : He started his career in 1889 when 
he was appointed a senior teacher in the Government 
College, Ajmer. In 1892, he was transferred to the 
Judicial Department of the British Province of Ajmer- 
Merwara. In 1894 he was placed on special duty to 
revise the Ajmer Regulation Book, a compendium of 
Laws and Regulations for Ajmer-Merwara. In the same 
year, on the completion of this work, his services were 
transferred to the Foreign Department and he was 
appointed Guardian to His Highness the Maharawal of 
Jaisalmer. He reverted to the judicial service of Ajmer- 
Merwara in 1902. He was Additional Extra Assistant 
Commissioner and Sub-judge First Class, Ajmer, for 
sometime and later was Judge, Small Cause Court, 
Ajmer. He officiated as Additional District and 
Sessions Judge, Ajmer-Merwara in 1923. 

He was Municipal Commissioner of Ajmer for eight 
years from 1894 A.D. He was Honorary Secretary of the 
Ajmer-Merwara Publicity Board during the Great War. 
He retired from government service in December 1923, 
and was elected a member of the Legislative Assembly 
in January 1924, when for the first time Ajmer-Merwara 


was allowed to return a member to the Assembly. He 
was appointed Senior Judge of the Chief Court, Jodhpur, 
in 1925, and while serving in Jodhpur was re-elected 
Member of the Legislative Assembly in December 1926. 
He introduced, in January 1925 in the Legislative 
Assembly, the well-known Child Marriage Bill which 
was eventually passed in September 1929, and became 
law on the 1st of October of that year though it came 
into operation on the 1st April, 1930 A. D. 


While still a child, he used to accompany his father 
during the latter's visits to the learned Sannyasis who 
visited Ajmer. When about eight years old, he went 
with his father to hear lectures delivered by Swami 
Dayanand Saraswati in Ajmer, and later on always 
attended his lectures whenever the Swami came to 
Ajmer. He was present with myself (then his class- 
fellow) at the time of Swami Dayanand's death on the 
30th of October 1883 at Ajmer. He joined the Arya 
Samaj, and in 1888, he was appointed President of the 
Ajmer Samaj and also President of the Pratinidhi Sabha 
(representative committee of the Arya Samajes) of 
Rajputana. In 1 890, he was appointed a member of the 
Paropkarini Sabha which is a body of twenty-three 
members appointed by Swami Dayanand Saraswati ^by 
his Will to carry on and administer his works after him. 
He was appointed Joint Secretary of the Paropkarini 
Sabha in 1894 when the office of the Sabha was brought 
from Udaipur to Ajmer, while Pandya Mohanlal, the then 
Secretary, remained in Udaipur. On Pandya Mohanlal's 
resignation and retirement to Muttra, Mr. Har Bilas 
Sarda became the sole Secretary which office he 
still holds. 

In connection with the Dayanand Ashram at Ajmer, 
he started the D. A. V. School as a branch of the 


Ashram, He took a prominent part in arranging to hold 
Dayanand's Birth Centenary which was successfully 
held at Muttra in 1925. When the Semi-Centenary of 
Swami Dayanand's death was celebrated in Ajmer 
in 1933, he was General Secretary of the function and 
had to devote himself entirely to it. It was through 
his efforts that the celebration was a grand success. 
He also planned and successfully carried out the 
work of compiling and publishing the Dayanand 
Commemoration Volume^ an excellent and useful 


On his retirement from Government Service in 
January 1924, he was elected a member of the 
Legislative Assembly from Ajmer-Merwara, when that 
province was given the right to return a member to the 
Assembly. He was re-elected in 1926 and again in 1930. 
He was a prominent member of the Nationalist Party 
in the Assembly and was elected its Deputy Leader in 
1932. In 1932, he was elected to the panel of 
Chairmen of the Assembly and twice occupied the 
Chair in that capacity. He was also a member of the 
Petitions Committee of the Assembly. In 1930 he was 
made a member of the Primary Education Committee 
appointed by the Government of India to report on 
Primary Education in the provinces under the direct 
administration of the Government of India. In 1932 
he was elected to the Retrenchment Committee of the 
Government of India and was a prominent member of 
the General Purposes Sub-Committee. For several years 
he was a prominent member of the Standing Finance 
Committee of the Legislative Assembly. He was 
also a member of several special committees, and was for 
sometime President of the House Committee of the 
Legislative Assembly. In 1931, he was appointed 
a member of the B. B. &. C. I. Railway Advisory 


Committee which office he still holds. In 1925 he was 
elected President of the All India Vaishya Conference 
held at Bareilly; and in 1930 he was elected President 
of the premier social reform organization in India, 
the Indian National Social Conference which held its 
forty-fourth Session at Lahore. He was appointed 
a member of the Ajmer Municipal Administration 
Enquiry Committee in 1933, and was elected Senior 
Vice-Chairman of the New Municipal Committee 
in 1934. 

He was always an active member of the Legislative 
Assembly where he achieved the unique distinction of 
getting three non-official bills passed, two of which are 
the Child-Marriage Restraint Act and the Ajmer-Merwara 
Court Fee Amendment Act. These were placed on 
the Statute Book Another bill, called the Ajmer- 
Merwara Juvenile Smoking Bill, was passed by the 
Legislative Assembly but was thrown out by 
the Council of State. The Child-Marriage Restraint 
Act has made his name a household word in India. He 
also introduced in the Legislative Assembly a Bill to 
give the Hindu Widow a right in family property but, 
owing to Government opposition, it was thrown out. 
It is hoped, however, that others will hereafter take up 
this measure and will successfully pilot it through. 


Mr. Sarda is the author of the following books and 

1. Hindu Superiority. 

2. Ajmer: Historical and Descriptive. 

3. Maharana Kumbha, 

4. Maharana Sanga. 

5. Maharaja Hammir of Ranthambhor. 

But he will chiefly be remembered by his well-known 
book, Hindu Superiority. In that book he has given $ 


mass of valuable and varied testimony from different 
sources to the high virtues and achievements of the 
ancient Hindus when they formed a single homogenous 
nation. He has tried in that book to establish his 
theory of their superiority in culture and civilization. 
As The Daily News (of London) says : 

" The ancient constitution of India and the social system 
stand out in gorgeous colours against the sombre back- 
ground of latter day degeneration. The author enlarges 
on the glories of Indian literature as represented particu- 
larly in epic poetry and philosophy. Learning as embodied 
in scientific discoveries and mathematical theory, crafts- 
manship and the arts, commerce and wealth, all receive 
special consideration, and in every case he seeks to 
demonstrate the unique superiority of the Ancient 

The Liberty Review of London says! 

"The facts which he brings forward to establish the 
preeminence of India in every department and sphere of 
human activity are of a character which it would be 
difficult to dispute, and the style in which they are set 
forth is both clear and picturesque." 

His theory may, to some over-critical, alien or 
unacquainted minds, sound like an exaggeration, but 
the great virtue of the book lies in the fact that the 
author has not cited the opinions of Hindu Pandits 
and scholars as these might be said to be naturally 
partial to their own country and its achievements in 
the past, but the opinions of some of the eminent 
scholars and savants of Europe who had opportunities 
of studying History and examining the accomplish- 
ments of India in the past. 

The author has been a keen and omnivorous reader 
from his boyhood, and made good use of his studies 
by noting and marshalling the opinions of the authors 
read by him. And the' result was, The Hindu 
Superiority. In presenting a bird's eye-view of the 

SKETCH xriiii 

achievements of the ancient Hindus, his object is " to 
invite the attention of thoughtful people to the leading 
features of the ancient civilization of the Hindus 
which enabled the inhabitants of this country to 
contribute so much to the material and moral well- 
being of mankind." Arid India must ever be grateful 
to Mr. SarcTa for revealing and demonstrating this fact. 
Race pride and prejudice has been the charac- 
teristic of each country and each race in different parts 
of the world. Every civilized country, ancient and 
modern, has tried to blow its own trumpet, high and 
loud, to prove that its people were or are the chosen 
race, that they were or are superior in their civilization 
to all others. The publication of Mr, Sarda's book 
was, at the time and under the circumstances, most 
opportune. Looking to the course of civilization, we 
find that the march of humanity has not been in a 
regular, continuous, straight line, but has been some- 
what irregular and haphazard. In truth, the best of 
civilizations has been but an amalgum of good and 
bad, not all gold, nor all alloy, but a mixture of both. 
Even in the high and palmy days of ancient India, 
its civilization had its own peculiar defects and 
drawbacks which an impartial, critical study of the 
old scriptures, epics and literature will disclose. But 
on the whole it was a wonderful civilization- 
wonderful for that day which contributed its quota 
to the progress of man. There were several civiliza- 
tions in this world that rose, flourished and set. And 
each one has contributed its share to the social 
development of man. There was ancient Egypt, 
Babylonia, Syria, Persia, China, India, Greece and 
Rome. Later, we come to the history of the medioeval 
Europe and its Dark Ages, followed by Islamic Culture 
and civilization. These were followed by the modern 
civilizations of Europe, Asia and America. All 
countries, big and small, and all times, past and present, 


have taken a hand in building up the present civilization. 

As the poet Longfellow tells us : 

All are architects of Fate, 
Working in these walls of Time ; 

For the structure that we raise, 
Time is with materials filled; 
Our to-days and yesterdays 
Are the blocks with which we build. 

As a Scholar : Mr. Har Bilas Sarda has contributed 
papers containing original research work to the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great 
Britain and Ireland, and to the Indian Antiquary. He 
also read a paper before the First Oriental Conference 
at Poona in 1921. He was elected a member of the 
Royal Society of Literature, Great Britain and Ireland; 
Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland; 
a .Fellow of the Royal Statistical Society of London; 
Statistical Society of Boston, United States, America; 
a Member of the Teacher's Guild of Great Britain and 
Ireland; an Associate of the Royal Archaeological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 


Well-fortified with all the weapons of offence and 
defence, Mr. Hor Bilas Sarda, may his name and 
memory be ever blessed and cherished! appeared on 
the scene and battled with the gigantic evil of child 
marriage, and after years of hard and strenuous 
fight, with superb courage, tact and conciliation 
displayed towards the hostile forces arrayed against 
him, succeeded in having it recognized and placed on 
the statute book of India as a crime, as an offence 
punishable by law. There are even now some die-hards 
of the old school, some antiquated fossils of the bye- 
gone stone-age still surviving in the twentieth century, 
who are still raising their clamours and croakings 
against the new law. They are however, in a 


helpless minority which goes on dwindling every 
year. But the pity of it is that, while so recognized 
as a crime, the punishment provided for it is too 
halting, too light and inadequate for the offender or 
offenders, instead of being deterrent as it should be. 
All the same the whole country now knows that child 
marriage hasT>een a damnable curse, as damnable as 
Sati. Though not so revolting as Sati, it was more 
insidious, far-reaching and disastrous in its conse- 
quences. The people knew it but they were powerless 
in the face of the pitiless custom. As the Age of 
Consent Committee appointed by the Government of 
India in 1928, comparing the evil of Sati with the 
evil of child marriage, resulting in early maternity 
which again has led to maternal and infantile mortality, 
has these pertinent remarks: 

"Cases of Sati were few and far between. They com- 
pelled attention by the enormity of the evil in individual 
cases, by the intense agony of the burning widow, and 
the terrible shock they gave to human feelings. But 
after all they were cases of individual suffering ; the 
agony ended with the martyr. In the case of early 
maternity (following child marriage), however, the 
evil is so widespread and affects such a large number of 
women, both among Hindus and Muslims, as to neces- 
sitate redress. It is so extensive as to affect the whole 
framework of society. After going through the ordeal, 
if a woman survives to the age of thirty, she is in many 
cases an old woman, almost a shadow of her former 
self. Her life is a long lingering misery and she is a 
sacrifice at the altar of custom. The evil is so insidious 
in all the manifold aspects of social life that people 
have ceased to think of its shocking effects on the whole 
social fabric.... If legislation was justified for preventing 
Sati, there is ample justification for legislation to prevent 
early maternity both on grounds of humanity and in 
furtherance of social justice." 

And the wonder is that the intelligentia stood this 
great, corroding social evil so long; and that the 


different Governments, Indian and British, allowed and 
tolerated it so long. So far as I know, Dayanand 
Saraswati, was the first among the Brahmins who became 
a powerful reformer and hurled his denunciations and 
protests ngainst it. He attacked it with all the 
weapons of Shastric lore, elementary science, logic, 
argument, sarcasm and ridicule. He used to call the 
modern Hindus, pygmies, children's children, weaklings, 
slaves enchained by harmful, senseless customs. 
He used to give them several examples to show the 
evil consequences of child marriage. 1 remember him 
referring to a half-ripe mango fruit and its immature 
seed, producing a very immature, weak mango tree 
How can a sickly, immature seed fructify into a 
healthy and vigorous plant ? A healthy seed requires 
a healthy soil, sun, air and all the other favourable 
elements for its fullest growth and expansion. The 
enormity of the evil according to Dayanand was self- 
evident. There was no Shastric support or authority 
for it. He thus prepared the ground and roused the 
public reason and conscience against it, but he could 
not break down the popular apathy. The people were 
convinced, but they were timid, custom-bound, and 

But when devitalizing evils and demoralizing 
practices are once started, encouraged, sanctioned, and 
sanctified by the priests, they strike their roots like 
noxious weeds deep and wide on every side in society. 
To uproot them, vocal denunciation alone is not 
enough. The aid of the State, by penal legislation, 
by education, by legal and judicial methods, by 
creating public opinion against the evil, is essential. 
Mr. Sarda cites some medical authorities. Dr. Lancaster 
in his book, Tuberculosis in India, shows what a 
frightful, tragic evil, child marriage is : 

" People forget the fearful strain upon the constitution of 
a delicate girl of fourteen years or less, which results from 


the thoughtless incontinence of the newly married boy, 
or still more, the pitiless incontinence of the remarried 
man. Serious as these causes of strain are upon the 
health of the young married girl, they sink into insigni- 
ficance in comparison with the stress of maternity which 

follows The process of reproduction should bo delayed 

until the body, as a whole, shall have attained its full 
development and be prepared for this great crisis. For, 
in no other crisis of life does the ultimate result depend 
so milch upon the physical condition of the body/' 

After exposing the harmful, undermining, life- 
sapping nature of child and infant marriages, with their 
inevitable consequences, early maternity and maternal 
and infantile mortality, Mr. Sarda rightly invokes 
the aid of legislation in these words : 

A great English writer has said that, where large communi- 
ties are concerned, legislation is the only effective means 
of accomplishing social reform.... There are certain matters 
of a serious nature in which considerations of humanity 
and the inalienable rights of a human being and that 
human being, an innocent and helpless child call for 
the immediate intervention of the Legislature, The 
present Bill, Sir, concerns one of those matters. In order 
to protect the inalienable rights of the innocent children 
and to concede to them the right to live their lives, it is 
necessary that infant marriages and child marriages must 
come to an end at once. These evils have dangerously 
lowered the vitality of the people, stunted their growth, 
and barred their way to prosperity and happiness. 

As a teacher and reformer, Mr. Sarda has intelli- 
gently grasped and emphasized certain important 
truths that make for human progress. He has shown 
that whatever progress man has made in the past was 
due to the use of the faculty of reason and reflection, and 
the same instrumentality must ever be at work in the 
present as well as in the future, or else we retrogress. 

But we find that human reform and progress has 
been blocked by certain old, ante-diluvian ideas and 
practices issuing from such ideas. One of these 


ideas consists in the notion of sacredness of an element, 
a thing, or a person. Where there is a holy scripture, 
it is alleged to owe its origin directly to the inspira- 
tion of the Deity. Whatever ideas, sentiments and 
practices are embedded and embalmed in those holy 
books, they are alleged to be above criticism or 
investigation. The same thing holds good of the notion 
of a sacred person in high authority, such as an infalli- 
ble Pope or His Holiness the High Priest, Saint or 
Guru, or the King by right divine. Sentiments and 
ideas of this kind which are in their analysis, nothing 
but " sanctified absurdities/' are still embalmed and 
enshrined in the hearts of their votaries and followers. 
There are, two types of mind opposed to each 
other. One type, mostly of a religious turn, looks to the 
past as the pattern of perfection, as the golden age, as 
the Satyuga of the Hindus, and sighs for a return of it. 
Another type looks forward to the future as the parent 
of a nobler race yet to be. These two points of view 
have even prevailed among historians, old and modern. 
We see the prototypes of these two minds in every 
society. One type boasts of his glorious ancestors, their 
high birth and civilization and wealth, but is himself 
now debased, destitute and fallen. Another type does 
not boast of his ancestry, believes in the equality and 
fraternity of mankind, cares not for the poverty, 
obscurity and lowliness of descent, birth and upbring- 
ing, but values all who by native talents, hard work 
and perseverance have risen to distinction, dignity and 
affluence. Mr. Sarda does not belong to the first 
type. This is clear from his own words: 

" My purpose in describing in detail the leading features of the 
social system of the Hindus is not to advocate its revival. 
The object is only to show that the elasticity of the social 
system of ancient India and the freedom which it gave to 
individuals to live the life that suited them best, enabled 
the people to achieve good results. Back to the past is not 


my cry We must be prepared to accept new things as 

circumstances require and we find them helpful/' 

Every great reformer and legislator knows that 
different systems or schemes o life, customs, laws, ideas 
and institutions are the results of and are necessitated 
by the conditions of the time, the extent and quality of 
knowledge, information, education and environment, 
and that* the mind of man interprets the facts 
and phenomena of existence in terms of them. As 
Mr Saunders has well said; 

41 The tendencies of a man's own mind, interpret the facts 
in accordance with his own nature (with his knowledge); 
he elaborates a system containing, perhaps, a grain of 
truth, to which the whole life is then made to conform; the 
facts purporting to be the foundations of the theory, and 
the theory in its turn giving its own colour to the facts/' 

We must therefore be ever on our guard ngainst the 
error of manipulating the facts to suit old, outworn and 
untenable ideas and theories. Some of these took their 
rise and grew and flourished in a relatively cramped, 
primitive environment of ignorance, awe and wonder; 
others in circumstances and environment which have 
long disappeared 

Mr Sartla calls attention to a number of funda- 
mental truths. These he considers so wholesome and 
life-invigorating that they should be constantly kept 
before our minds. To quote his words: ''History 
blazes forth certain truths, which wise men have learnt, 
which . men with eyes can see, but which doomed 
nations and men neither see nor understand." The 
reader will find such truths scattered all over his 
writings and speeches, Here are a few of them: 

1. The Law of adaptation to a constantly changing 
environment : 

"When this adjustment is broken, the life of a society is 
threatened and its progress and prosperity stopped. 


Constant adjustment of relations is therefore a condition of 
healthy growth," 

This entails on us the absolute necessity for revising 
repealing or rejecting old obnoxious laws, customs, ideas 
and traditions, and replacing them by more true, apt, 
and wholesome ones. 

2. The Supremacy of Reason as our Chief Guide 
in Life : 

"Reason is the compass of life. Leave it behind and you 
embark on a sea of troubles. Dethrone Reason, and 
Superstition usurps its place and Tyranny is the result../' 

And he quotes Ingersoll; "Reason is a small and 
feeble flame, yet ifc is the only light we possess." He 
therefore exhorts us to "judge every custom, every 
practice, every dogma, every commandment, in the 
light of Reason that is in us." 

3. Right Valuation of Authority". "Authority, 
not based on Reason, stifles action and bars progress/' 
He quotes Ingersoll about custom becoming "a prison 
locked and barred by those who long ago were dust, 
and the keys of which are iu the keeping of the dead." 
He further emphasizes the point by saying: 

" The history of nations shows that when authority takes the 
place of reason, religion becomes the chief instrument of a 

nation's fall But where authority is founded on reason, 

or is not opposed to reason, as the authority of the loving 
parent, the authority of a just law or custom, or the 
authority to which one has given his free and willing 
consent, that authority must be respected and obeyed/' 

Another ardent patriot and scholar of India, 
Dr, Paranjapye, is of the same opinion and expresses it in 
his ^Crux of the Indian Problem? in these words: 
"The excessive deference to authority in all spheres 
and the slight regard paid to the reasoning faculty, are 
the main characteristics of the Indian people. They 
are the cause of most of the troubles from which their 
country is suffering." 

SKETCH fcli 

There is still so much confusion, particularly among 
our conservative and Sanatanist friends, about the 
right valuation of Authority that I wish to throw more 
light on the subject by the convincing arguments 
of another clear thinker, Thomas Paine, in his reply to 

Who authorized or who could authorize one Age to bind 
other Ages ? ... Mr. Burke tells us that a certain body of men, 
who existed a hundred years ago, made a law; and that 
there does not now exist in the nation, nor ever will, nor 
ever can, a power to alter it.... But, from what, or from 
whence, does Mr. Burke prove the right of any human 
power to bind posterity for ever? He has produced no proof 
that such a right existed and how it existed. If it existed 
before, it must exist now ; for, whatever appertains to the 
nature of man, cannot be annihilated by man. It is the 
nature of man to die, and he will continue to die as long as 

he continues to be born Although laws, made in one 

generation, often continue in force through succeeding 
generations, yet they continue to derive their force from the 
consent of the living. A law not repealed continues in 
force, not because it cannot be repealed, but because it is 

not repealed; and the non-repealing passes for consent 

Immortal Power is not a human right... The circumstances 
of the world are continually changing, and the opinions 
of men change also. And as government is for the living, 
and not for the dead, it is the living only that have any 
right on it. That which may be thought right and found 
convenient in one age, may be thought wrong and found 
inconvenient in another. In such cases, who is to decide, 
the living or the dead ?" 

4. Progress is Unity. By this is meant that 
progress is possible only when there is an advance both 
in the political, and social spheres, "Social and political 
reforms are so intimately connected with each other that 
the neglect of the one vitally injures the other. They 
act and react on each other. Social disintegration ends 
in political subjection and vice versa" 

5. Humanity is one. As Mr. Sarda says: u lt 
is a matter of shame that those who believe in 


-*-^ Vasudhaeva Kutamblcam, which means 
that mankind is one family; whose astras teach 
them that all men are brethren, and that there is a 
divine essence in every man, woman and child, 
should practise untouchability and regard certain 
classes of men and women as untouchables." In 
another place, he has emphasized the same truth: 
"The interests of the country require that our social 
system must be modified so as to admit of social 
connections being established with people belonging 
to different denominations and faiths in the country." 

6. Equality oj Status and of Rights between 
the Sexes. In addition to this, he has put forth 
the plea for larger justice, equity, liberty and 
fraternity among mankind. If we fix our eyes on 
these truths and act on them, then the future of 
our country will indeed be brighter and more assured. 

7. Power of Ideas and the Need of Correcting 
and Reforming Them: Man has ever been governed 
and swayed by ideas, opinions, doctrines, true or 
false, real or fanciful. Such ideas, when impressed 
on our minds in our childhood and youth, become hard 
mental habits which become so difficult later on to 
change, modify or replace. We see everywhere how 
they become the directing forces, somewhat like those 
impulses which we call by the name of instincts. 
Right ideas have led man on the right path, wrong 
ideas have led him on the wrong. But the latter 
ones, coming much earlier in the field, have got a 
firm strong-hold on his mind and hence their develop- 
ment has gone on almost un-irnpeded from primitive 
times. And the one problem for modern science and 
education has been how to discard the old false ideas, 
and how to introduce and fix the new and true ones 
in their place. For we know that, if we cannot 
change a man's ideas, we cannot change his actions, 

At the back of every ceremonial, sign and symbol, 

SKETCH xliii 

practice and usage, lies an idea, conscious or unconscious, 
visible or invisible. What are our theories, ideals, 
opinions, conclusions but so many ideas ? What is 
religion but a set of ideas? The same is the 
case with every institution, monarchy, aristocracy, 
church, caste, custom, codes of laws and rules. 
All revolutions and reforms at first spring from, 
and are eventually wrought by, ideas. We thus see that 
progress consist in corrrecting and reforming our 
ideas, in accepting, adopting and acting on better and 
more useful ideas. And these, put on a wider and 
higher basis, become our ideals. Mr. Sarda advises 
his countrymen to reject the ante-diluvian ideas and 
notions, traditions and customs, to stick not to the 
worn-out dead ideas, as these impede our progress. 
In his third speech on the Child Marriage Bill, he thus 
exhorts the Members of the Legislative Assembly and, 
through them, his countrymen : 

"I beg you gentlemen to brush aside all objections, sacerdotal 
or profane, ancient or modern, based on tradition or 
custom which stint our growth or stand in the way of 
our achieving our goal. Listen not, gentlemen, to 
ante-diluvian notions which have spent their force ; 
stick not to the worn-out dead ideas, but live in the 
present, the living present, and fix your eyes steadfastly 
on the future, the glorious future ol our country." 

Our ideas generally go under different forms and 
names, opinions, notions, conceptions, views, theories, 
generalizations, doctrines beliefs, etc. Among them 
may be mentioned Fatalism, Kismat, Predestination, 
operation of an autocratic Divine will. These ideas have 
been handed down from an ignorant past and have now 
become in stagnant societies articles of blind faith. 
They express unscientific conceptions of causation, 
and bar the way to a full and free exercise of reason, 
reflection, experiment and analysis. They have such 
a strong tendency to excuse all inexcusable indifference, 


negligence, aimless drifting on the sea of life, resigna- 
tion, reluctance to reform individual and social evils 
and to establish better and healthier conditions of 
human life. Fatalism and the allied doctrines stand 
for the creed that all experiences and acts of men are 
predetermined by an immoveable, inexorable Fate, and 
that human effort cannot alter the course of things. 
Mr. Sarda does riot subscribe to this creed. This is 
clear from his sage observation: 

"With oriental fatalism, the Eastern poet ascribes the 
injustices of the world to Fate, while the practical 
worker of the West denounces them as the faults and 
shortcomings of social, political or religious organizations, 
and works to remove them." 

When the World-War broke out in 19 14 and Publicity 
Boards were formed in every province in India, Mr. Sarda 
was selected as the Honorary Secretary of the Ajmer- 
Merwara Publicity Board; and, for his services 
in connection with * the war activities, he was made 
a Rai Saheb and was mentioned in the Despatch of 
His Excellency the Coriimander-in-Chief. He was 
given the title of Diwan Bahadur in 1931 for his 
work in the Legislative Assembly. 

It was a tardy recognition of his merits and services 
to the country by a partial and grudging Government. 
In the case of Mr. Sarda, the titles bestowed on him 
are too petty to do full justice to his great character 
and many-sided activities. 

I have known him intimately for over half a century 
and have been struck with his high and varied attain- 
ments. As a judge (both on the Bench and^ outside) 
of persons, their acts and attitudes in private and 
public life, he is quick in comprehension, sound, just 
and well-reasoned in his judgments. As a writer and 
author, his several books will bespeak his merits. 
As a debater and conversationalist he is brilliant, 


polished and pertinent. I have heard him speak 
several times at semi-public meetings, and he was 
always complimented as a fine public speaker. He is 
also a good narrator of historical events of Rajputana. 
On several occasions he was asked, while on a short 
visit to my house in Bangalore, by my friends to give 
them some incidents of Rajput History ; and each time 
that he obliged us, we were so amazed with his 
retentive memory, logical sequence, chuirming style, 
and descriptive powers that we heard him spell-bound 
even for a couple of hours. 

Let me hope, however, that Mr. Sarda will be 
better honoured, recognized and remembered by his 
countrymen. He has already been widely and deeply 
appreciated, congratulated, complimented and thanked 
by the intelligentia among the different classes and 
communities of India. Here is one typical appreciation, 
from Colonel Sir Henry Gidney, KT., M. L. A., J. P., 
President, of the Angle-Indian and Domiciled 
European Association, India and Burma : 

"He has done excellent service to India, and the country has 
every reason to be proud of him. His Sarda Act is one of 
the far-reaching social reforms and in the years to come, 
Har Bilas's name will bo honoured by one and all. Indeed 
those who throw stones at him today will tomorrow pick 
them up and with these very stones, erect a statue in his 
memory as a leader of his community and its member in 
Legislative Assembly." 

"Many more examples of n like nature might be 
given. But they are hardly fit for a place in a brief 
sketch. The Child Marriage Restraint Act is practi- 
cally known all over India as the Sarda Act for which 
he has been highly extolled arid honoured as a great 
benefactor to the rising generations all over India." 

His name will long be remembered in Indian 
history along with those of the other reformers, such as 
Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chander Sen, Dayanand 


and others of the last century and a number of other 
stalwarts of the present century, who agitated for 
and finally succeeded in getting fully or partially 
abolished or modified the odious, pernicious and 
inhuman customs of Sati, Child Marriage, Child 
Widowhood, refusal of common elementary rights 
to women who form half the humankind, Human 
untouchability, and rigidity of caste and creed which 
prevents the fusion of different races inhabiting 
India. Mr. Sarda should fitly be placed among the 
ranks of the nation-builders. For, I consider that 
those who have long and laboriously worked for the 
removal of harmful and hateful political, social, or 
religious laws, usages and customs; or for the 
establishment of communal and religious union and 
harmony; or for mental emancipation by breaking 
the fetters of superstition and unreason ; or for the 
larger liberty, equality and fraternity of mankind; 
or for the better self-government of man, have a just 
claim to the title of Nation Builders. 

Some day India will properly recognise the services 
rendered to her by such sober and yet ardent and 
sincere patriots and reformers by erecting suitable 
memorials to them not only in their birthplace but in 
all the capital towns. Such memorials have an educative 
value as they are calculated to inspire future genera- 
tions with the true and lofty ideas, efforts and 
achievements of such persons. 



Ponder jvvell and know the right, 
Onward, then, with all thy might; 
Haste not, years can never atone 
For one reckless act alone. 

Rest not, life is sweeping by; 
Do and dare before you die; 
Something worthy or sublime 
Leave behind to conquer time. 

Haste not, rest not, calmly wait; 
Manly brave the storms of Fate; 
Duty be thy polar guide, 
Do the right, whate'er betide. 

(Goethe: translated by Carlyle) 


We willTenew the times of truth and justice, 

Condensing in a fair free commonwealth 

Not rash equality but equal rights, 

Proportioned like the columns to the temple, 

Giving and taking strength reciprocal, 

And making firm the whole with grace and beauty. 

BYRON, Doge of Venice. 

I MUST thank the Chairman and the members of the 
Reception Committee of the f ortysecond session of the 
Indian National Social Conference for the honour they 
have done me in asking me to preside at this year's 
momentous session. While I appreciate the great 
honour done to me, I am not unconscious of the fact that 
the office, to which I have been called, imposes upon 
me heavy obligations and responsibilities, especially 
as, after the passing of important social legislation by 
the Central Legislature this year, we have entered upon 
a stage in the evolution of our social life when the eyes 
of the whole world are fixed upon India, and the people 
of Europe and America and the advanced countries of 
Asia are watching us to see how we deal with those 
great social problems peculiar to India problems which 
have long stood in the way of our progress and 
whether we possess the necessary courage, intelligence 
and wisdom to solve them satisfactorily. For, by the 
results of our efforts in that direction, they will judge 
whether we possess the qualities necessary to enable 
our great country to retrieve her lost position. 

^residential address delivered at the Fortysecond Session of the Indian 
National Social Conference held at Lahore on 26 December 1929 A,D, 


We have, therefore, to bring all the ability, wisdom 
and courage we possess, to bear on the deliberations of 
this distinguished assembly representing as it does, the 
accumulated intelligence and united experience of social 
India. And I have ventured to take part in the deli- 
berations of this august body, because of my burning 
desire to serve my country, my unflagging interest in 
the social welfare of its people, my pride in her past 
and my unshakable belief in her great future. And if 
we continue to bring to the solution of the various 
social problems that face us the same spirit, wisdom 
and courage which have been shown by the representa- 
tives of the nation in the Legislative Assembly in 
dealing with the question of Child Marriage one of 
the greatest evils from which our country has long been 
suffering there can be little doubt that the dawn of a 
happier era is near and that our woes and troubles will 
soon come to an end. 

Gentlemen, while the fundamental principles of life 
remain permanent and unchangeable, the conditions 
of life keep ever changing, owing to the conflicting 
interests of individuals and communities and the vary- 
ing needs and requirements of the nations of the world 
in different stages of evolution. In view of this 
constant change, it is necessary to maintain a proper 
adjustment of relations between the facts and conditions 
of existence and our acts and practices in order to secure 
a healthy life and growth of society. When this 
adjustment is broken, the life of a society is threatened 
and its progress and prosperity stopped. Constant 
adjustment of relations is therefore a condition of 
healthy growth. In other words, reform, political and 
social, is the necessity of a healthy state of society. 
We in this conference are concerned only with the 
social aspects of Indian life, and our deliberations are to 
be confined to the consideration of social matters. A 
wise people therefore is always ready for reform, where 


mid when necessary. It will never nail its colours to 
the product or embodiment of a particular aspect or 
condition of life and say, we are wedded to it and by 
it we stand or fall. The principles of life, which guide 
us in readjusting relations are, as stated before, always 
true and unchanging ; and we must always hold by 
them. Bu4; the products of forces, generated by 
adjustment of relations, such as individual acts, customs, 
practices or attitudes towards things, must change 
according as the conditions of life change. A readiness 
to revise the valuations of facts and standards of life, 
whenever necessary or called for, is essential to the 
continuance and growth of social life. Thus only can 
a social system be kept as a living and growing organism, 
and thus only can social life lead to a healthy and 
vigorous national life. 

Both the social and the political aspects of life are 
equally important as they touch every individual 
member of society at every point of his life, and his 
well-being and happiness are promoted or retarded 
according as a proper and timely readjustment of 
relations is effected or neglected. This is why, social 
and political reforms are so intimately connected with 
each other that the neglect of the one vitally injures 
the other. They act and react on each other. Social 
reform, by releasing forces hitherto held in check and 
by generating others, gives dynamic force to the move- 
ment of political reform just as political emancipation 
powerfully helps to bring about readjustment of social 
relations and facilitate social reform. The emancipa- 
tion of the mind from thraldom, individual or communal, 
whether in the social sphere or the political, broadens 
the vision, quickens the impulses, strengthens the will 
and has an elating effect on every fibre of the person or 
persons emancipated, leading automatically to the 
breaking of chains in the other sphere. This truth is 
summed up in the aphorism, 'Progress is Unity.' Social 


and political advancement must therefore go hand in 
hand. Any effort in one direction only, to the neglect 
of the other, will be infructuous and of little value. 

We all know that India had a glorious past and that 
her achievements in the various domains of human 
activity were great. One great reason for this was that 
her social constitution was very elastic and gave freedom 
to individuals. It did not hamper growth but afforded 
full and free scope for their activities in all directions. 

The structure of society was based on two institutions 
peculiar to India; (1) Varnashrama and (2) the Joint 
Family System. The Varnashrama meant the division 
of the people into four classes Brahmans, Kshatriyas, 
Vaishas and Sudras. Those who devoted themselves to 
acquiring and imparting knowledge and dedicated their 
lives to the development of mental and spiritual powers, 
and guided the counsels of the nation, were called 
Brahmans and were accorded a place of honour in 
society. Their ideal was self-denial. They did not 
seek wealth or material advancement. Their rule of 
life was high thinking and plain living. They were 
therefore accorded the position which in the modern 
world, wealth and worldly power alone give. They 
thus enjoyed all the benefits which wealth and power 
confer without their drawbacks. 

The ideal of the Kshatriyas was not how best to 
live, but how best to die. Self-agrandisement was not 
their aim : service was their summum bonum in life. 
The Rajputs, the descendants of the Kshatriyas, 
illustrated in their lives the high ideals of the warrior 
class. To die worthily in a worthy cause or " to 
make the mother's milk resplendent" was their chief 
solicitude, The Rajputs in days gone by "loved 
strife, and sought opportunities of dying in a just 
cause." To die gloriously was what they lived for. 
The history of India is full of instances that prove this 
distinguishing feature of their character. The outburst 


of Devaldevi, the mother of the celebrated heroes, Ala 
and Udil, on their refusal to return to Mahoba to fight 
for their country on its invasion by Emperor Prithviraj 
sums up Rajput character in a sentence. She 

"Would thai the gods had made me barren, that I had never 
borne sons who thus abandon the path of the Rajput and refuse 
to succour their prince and country in danger. Her heart burst- 
ing with grief, her eyes raised to heaven, she continued : "Was 
it for this, Universal Lord, Thou madest me feel a mother's 
pangs for these destroyers of Binaf ur's fame ? Unworthy offspring, 
the heart of a true Rajput dances with joy at the mere name of 
strife, but ye, degenerate, cannot be the sons of Jasraj. Some 
carl must have stolen to my embrace and from such ye must be 

This was irresistible. The two heroes declared they would 
die fighting for Mahoba. On this, Devaldevi addressing the eldest 
son, said: 

"Well hast thou spoken my son. Nothing now remains but to 
make thy parent's milk resplendent by thy deeds. The calls of 
the peasant driven from his home meets the ear, and, while we 
deliberate, our villages are given to the flames. 

Ala added: 

"He who can look tamely on while the smoke rises from his 
ruined towns, his fields laid waste, can be no Rajput. He who 
succumbs to fear when his counfry is invaded, his body will bo 
plunged into the Hell of Hells, his soul a wanderer in the world 
of spirits for sixty thousand years ; but the warrior who performs 
his duty will be received into the mansions of the Sun and his 
deeds will last for ever. 

In the third division came the Vaishas. They were 
engaged in industry and trade. They produced things 
and distributed them and accummulated wealth and 
material resources. They were men of intelligence, 
industry and courage. They went to every part of the 
world and had the strength of arm to defend their lives 
and property. The \ 7r aishas were the mainstay of 
society. Those who were unfitted to follow any of 


the above mentioned three callings supplied labour and 
served the other three classes. 

These four classes however were not rigidly exclusive 
of each other. In the same family one was u, Brahman, 
the other a Kshatriya and the third a Vaisha. The 
Hindu scriptures themselves illustrate this feature of 
the Varnashrama system. The Puranas say that Raja 
Yuvnashav of the solar dynasty had a son called Harita. 
Harita's son became a Brahman and his descendants 
were known as Angiris Harit. The Vishnu Purana 
and Bhagwad say that Raja Nedishta's son Nabhag 
became a Vaisha. Raja Suhotra of the lunar dynasty 
had three sons, Kash, Leah, and Gritsmad. The latter's 
son Shunak had a son called Shaiuak. Shainak's sons 
became Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisha and Sudra respe- 
ctively. Take another instance. Kushik was the son of 
Raja Kushashva of the lunar dynasty. His grandson 
Vishwamitra's descendants are known in India as 
Brahmans of the Kaushik gotra. 

Individuals and communities took up the callings 
and pursuits that suited them and afforded free and full 
development to the physical, mental and moral qualities 
with which nature had endowed them. There w<is no 
rigid, hide-bound, watertight system of caste in the old 
days. The classification was based on individual 3% 
*rij, *wni (qualities, actions and temperament). But for 
all practical purposes of social life, they formed one 
class. There was perfect adjustment between the 
requirements of the time, the needs of the nation and 
the material required fully to satisfy those wants. 
People were thus enabled to make the best use of their 
talents and opportunities for their own happiness and 
prosperity, and employ them, when necessary, in the 
service of the nation. 

Coming now to the application of the theoretical 
propositions enunciated above to the practical facts of 
social life in our country at the present time, we find 


that our social life is at a very low ebb; that society is 
cut up into castes and sub-castes, and the sub-castes 
are again divided into smaller groups all exclusive of 
one another, with restrictions regarding food, marriage 
and association carried to a point beyond which 
this fissiparous tendency could not go. This, with the 
resultant narrow view of things, and the lowering of 
high ideals of conduct, made the nation impotent to 
protect itself from foreign inroads, and powerless to 
withstand the impact of forces foreign to its constitu- 
tion. The result was social disintegration ending in 
political subjection. The history of India illustrates 
most clearly how social evils have inevitably led to 
political degradation. In Ancient India, a free and 
elastic social system went hand in hand with political 
liberty and economic prosperity. 


The joint family system was a contrivance which 
the Hindu economists arid social thinkers invented in 
order to maintain the traditions of the nice, and give 
stability and continuity to family life, for the family and 
not the individual was the unit in the social system. 
The two bases on which the system rested, were (a) co- 
operation or mutual help between those who were 
nearest in blood and bound by ties created by nature 
herself, and (b) the care and protection of the weak and 
afflicted among them. This institution made for peace 
and order, promoted unity and prevented disintegration. 
But it did not ensure progress. So long as it worked 
properly, no necessity was felt for such institutions of 
the West as Poor Houses, Old Age Pensions and Poor 
Laws. But the joint family system was a product of 
the peculiar circumstances in which society was placed 
at the time. The system worked successfully and did 
useful work when the country was self-contained and 
self governed ; when the population was homogeneous 


and differences of religion were not serious ; when 
education was in the hands of the nation, and society was 
not subjected to the impact of foreign influences; and, 
lastly, when life moved in a narrow sphere. But things 
are completely changed now. India has long ceased to 
be self-governed and is no longer self-contained. The 
population is no longer homogeneous : religious 
differences are tearing the society asunder: education 
is in foreign hands. The impact of foreign influences, 
political, economic and social, is disintegrating society. 
New ideals of life and conduct, due partly to the 
introduction of foreign culture and partly to a new 
valuation of things, which both are being increasingly 
accepted in the country, resulting in the rejection of 
the principles and ideals on which the system was based 
are undermining it and must ultimately destroy it. 
Moreover, life has now begun to flow in much wider 
channels. Take the case of a father who lives in Simla 
and has four sons. One is a doctor in Lahore, another 
a contractor in Delhi, the third a shopkeeper in Agra, 
the fourth an Inspector in railway service, one day here 
and the next in another place, thus all having different 
interests, moving in different circles and forming no 
corporate life. Is it possible for them all long to form a 
joint family ? 

The Varnaslirama has disappeared giving place to 
the present caste; system. And the joint family system, 
which took away the personal rights of individuals and 
bestowed them on a corporate body the family has 
now ceased to function as originally intended. Natu- 
rally, the ^adjustment between the actual facts of life 
and the necessities of personal happiness and social 
welfare is, completely broken. 

My purpose in describing in detail the leading 
features of the social system of the Hindus is not to 
advocate its revival. The object is only to show that 
the elasticity of the social system of ancient India, 


and the freedom it gave to individuals to live the life 
that suited them best, enabled the people to achieve 
good results. Back to the past is not my cry. This, 
however, does not mean that we must discard every- 
thing that is old. Much of what is old has stood the 
test of time and has proved its efficacy; and we must 
retain what has been proved to be sound in the past. 
But we must be prepared to accept new things as 
circumstances require and we find them helpful. 
The interests of the country require that our social 
system must be modified so as to admit of social 
connections being established with people belonging to 
different denominations and faiths in the country. 
Economic forces beyond our control and foreign trade 
relations demand that the limitations and restrictions 
necessitated by a strict observance of the caste and 
other social conventions must be removed. 


As for the methods of social reform, there exist at 
present in India two ways in which reforms can be 
introduced: (a) public opinion crystalised into caste or 
communal regulations and (b) legislation. If the caste 
organizations were at the present time effective and 
fully operative, a great deal of social reform could be 
carried out through those organizations. But the 
caste system having lost its authoritative efficacy and 
its power to enforce discipline, the work done in old days 
through this agency cannot now be so accomplished. 
The only sure means of effecting social reform now is 
legislation. As a great English writer has said, where 
large communities or numbers are concerned, legislation 
is the only effective means of carrying out social 
reform. There is no country in the world where 
important social reform has been accomplished by 
means other than legislation. Those who contend that 
social reform should be carried out only by educating 


public opinion and through the agency of caste or 
communal organizations, have failed to understand the 
real nature of reform and the function of legislation. 
Nor do they appreciate the gravity of the situation. 
Reform becomes necessary where the rights of indivi- 
duals are withheld or denied. As the caste agency has 
no legal sanction behind it and is powerless to have 
those rights respected, the aggrieved party has every 
right to appeal to the State, whose primary duty is to 
see that the rights of individuals living within its 
jurisdiction are protected. We see this in daily life. 
When a right to land or money is invaded or the terms 
of a contract are broken, if an amicable settlement by 
the intervention of friends is not arrived at, the 
aggrieved individual appeals to the State and the 
courts of law enforce the right. If the just rights of 
a woman, on the exercise of which her happiness 
depends, cannot be protected by society; if public 
opinion or caste organizations have not the power or 
the inclination to redress her wrongs, it is the legiti- 
mate right of the woman to appeal to the State for 
protection. It is the inherent right of a child to get 
nourishment, to be allowed to grow up and develop 
physically and mentally. If food or protection are 
refused to it by parents, or if a child is sought to be 
sacrificed as an offering to some deity or to save the 
parents from expense, or fear of ignominy (vide the 
annals of infanticide) the law must step in to save it. 
Similarly, if the parents give away a girl in her infancy 
in marriage, whereby she may be subjected to the 
cruelties of early consummation or maternity, while 
she is physically quite undeveloped, the girl has a 
right of protection by the State against the custom- 
sanctioned, though non-malicious, cruelty of theparents. 
If the rights of a woman, who is entitled to equal 
treatment with man are systematically denied to her and 
she is treated like chattel, it is the duty of the State 


to intervene. Amongst the Hindus some of the 
primary rights of a woman are denied to her. Even 
in other communities, some of her rights, though 
recognised by the personal law governing her, are 
denied to her owing to the force of custom. In the 
Punjab, the^ right of inheritance conceded to a Muslim 
woman by Shariat (Muslim law) is denied to her by 
customary law, and so far as her right to property is 
concerned, she is very nearly in the same position as 
her Hindu sister. 

Hindu law chiefly centres round marriage, inheri- 
tance and the joint family system. The law of 
inheritance was based on the requirements and the 
incidents of the joint family. But as the joint family 
system is rapidly disintergrating and the individual is 
taking the place of the family as a unit of society, 
both the law of inheritance and that governing joint 
family must be modified in the light of changed 
circumstances. As the present law governing marriage 
was based on Varnashrama which has long since 
disappeared and even the caste system which took its 
place, is rapidly going to pieces, it is necessary that 
this law too must be materially modified. 

It is too late in the day to object to legislative 
interference with the Hindu law of inheritance or of 
the joint family or marriage. The State, irrespective 
of the scruples of the orthodox, has been enacting laws 
in social matters. In 1870 A.D. a law was passed 
providing that a member of a joint Hindu family 
could become a Christian and yet retain all the rights 
and privileges of a member of the joint family. And 
can there be a greater interference with the Hindu 
marriage law than that embodied in Act III of 1872? 
An Act of legislature has made it possible for a 
Hindu widow to remarry and yet retain under certain 
circumstances the property of her husband 

Readjustment or reform in the social system p the 


the country easily falls under three heads: 

(1) Rights and welfare of children ; 

(2) Rights and status of women ; 

(3) Social rights of individuals and classes ; 
As regards the rights of children, an important step 
has recently been taken by the country in forbidding 
marriages of boys below eighteen and girls below 
fourteen years of age. This law, if duly enforced and 
strengthened later in the light of future experience of 
its working, will put a stop to child-widowhood, protect 
girls sometimes from early death and lifelong ill health, 
and will give them opportunities to receive education. 
The physical degeneration of the race will be 
arrested, and boys will have a chance of growing into 
sturdy men. Children are also entitled to receive 
such education and training as will enable them to lead 
decent lives in the world. For this, the State should 
provide the necessary facilities. It has now been 
universally recognised that it is the duty of the State to 
give primary education to every boy and girl ; and we 
call upon our Government to recognise its obligations 
in this respect. In England, the State has also recognised 
its duty to look after the health of all children 
between five and fourteen years, which is the period of 
compulsory education there. 

So long as the caste system exists we must permit 
and, at times, encourage inter-caste marriages. Some 
communities are so small that it is not possible to find 
within their folds, suitable matches for boys and girls. 
Inter-caste marriages upto a certain extent are sanction- 
ed by the Sastras and they are now recognised by law. 
With such marriages becoming more frequent, the evil 
of prices being paid sometimes for bride-grooms and 
sometimes for brides will disappear. This pernicious 
practice has ruined many homes and has occasioned 
many suicides. Reform in this direction is urgently 
called for. 


The social system in vogue in ancient India had 
its own ways to secure the welfare of women, In the 
changed conditions of modern India, that welfare can 
only be secured by according to women their natural 
rights, and making those rights enforceable at law. 
In order that those rights may be fully exercised, it is 
necessary to break the bonds of caste, and free men and 
women from the shackles which tie them to the old order 
of things. Men and women must have full freedom to 
utilize all opportunities and avenues open to them to 
attain their full physical, mental and moral growth, and 
to arm themselves with all the modern weapons used 
in the economic, educational and social spheres to 
enable them to hold their own in the deadly struggle 
for existence going on in the world. Then only can 
we successfully compete with the advanced nations of 
the West. 


The most important question, however, as it con- 
cerns every man and woman in the country, and as it 
vitally affects society, is the position of woman and her 
rights. The woman question is in one shape or another 
a world-question. In India it has assumed especial 
importance at the present moment, as on the right and 
speedy solution of it, hinges the future welfare of 
the country. The pivot of life is the home, and 
the home is the woman's citadel. She is the presiding 
genius of the household. People test a nation's 
civilization from the position women occupy in it. 
In Islam, the most democratic religious organization 
in the world, theoretically her position is high and 
her rights are to a great extent safeguarded by law. 
Among the Hindus of old, she occupied a position of 
great respect and consideration, enjoyed great privileges 
and in certain respects held a dominant position in the 


The Rigveda (Mandate 10, verse 45) says: 

"Over thy husband's father and thy husband's mother, bear 
full sway. Over the sisters of thy lord and over his brothers, 
rule supreme/' 

The Shatpath Brahmana (5, 2, 10) says: 

" She, the wife, in sooth, is half of his own self, hence as long 
as he does not obtain her, so long is he not regenerated ; for, so 
long is he incomplete." 

Manu says : 

u The mouth of a woman is constantly to be held in the same 
esteem as running water, or a beam of sunlight." Oh. V. 133. 

"Where women are honoured, there the deities are pleased; 
and where they are not honoured, no religious rite yields rewards. 
Where women live in grief, the family soon perishes, but the 
family where they are happy ever prospers. " Ch. III. 55. 

The Mahabharata, the grandest of the epic poems 
o the world, says : 

a The wife is the best of friends : the wife is the root of three- 
fold worldly activity : the wife is the root of salvation/' 

"Strike not even with a blossom a wife guilty of 
hundred faults, 35 says a Hindu sage, "a sentiment so 
delicate," says Colonel Tod "that Reginald de Born, 
the prince of Troubadours never uttered any more 

Hindu scriptures show that women were given the 
highest education in ancient times. They were able 
to hold their own in philosophical and literary discussion 
with the most eminent scholars of the time. Gargi 
and Maitreyi are names well-known for their learning. 
Women occupied a position of equality with men in 
every respect. They accompanied their husbands 
everywhere, sometimes even to the battlefields, and 
fought by their side, performing deeds of valour. 
Kaikeyi, Satyabhama and others are instances in point. 


Women enjoyed rights of property. Even in the 
Vedas there is mention of women growing old in their 
father's houses and claiming their share of the paternal 
estate. A wife's co-ownership of property was recognised, 
in that the husband could not even make a religious gift 
without her consent. The legal status of a wife and 
the equal treatment accorded to her with her husband 
is thus defined in law: 

1. If a wife dies, her husband may marry another 
wife. (Manu, Ch. V. v. 168.) 

If a husband dies, a wife may marry another husband. 
(Manu, quoted by Madhava and Vidyanatha Dikshita; 
Parasara Smriti; Narada; Yagnavalkya, quoted by 
Krishnacharya; Agni Purana; Smriti, quoted by Chetti 
Koneri Acharya and Janardana Bhatta). 

2. If a wife becomes fallen by drunkenness or 
immorality, her husband rnay marry "another. (Manu, 
Ch. IX, v. 80; Yagnavalkya, page 416, v. 73.) 

If a husband becomes fallen, a wife may marry 
another husband (Manu, quoted by Madhava and several 
other authorities above mentioned). 

3. If a wife be barren, her husband mav marry 
another wife (Manu Ch. IX, v. 81). 

If a husband be impotent, she may marry another 
husband (Manu, and other authorities quoted above). 

4. In particular circumstances, a wife may cease to 
cohabit with her husband (Maim, Ch. IX, v, 79). 

5. If a husband deserts his wife, she may marry 
another (Manu, Ch. IX, v. 76, and several others). 

6. If a wife treats her husband with aversion, he 
may cease to cohabit with her (Manu, Ch. IX, v. 77). 

7. A husband must be revered (Manu, Ch V, 

1 f J \ * 7*7 

v. 154). 

A wife must be honoured by the husband (Manu 
Ch. Ill, v. 55). 

8. A good wife irradiates the house and is a goddess 
of wealth (Manu, Ch. IX, v. 26). 


A good husband makes his wife entitled to honour 
(Manu, Ch. IX, v. 23). 

With the political downfall of the Hindus came 
their social decline, and the legal position of women 
deteriorated. In the matter of marriage, in matters of 
inheritance and her position in the family, many of her 
rights have been taken away from her and her freedom 
has been restricted. But though her freedom has been 
restricted, and, owing to the desirability of maintain- 
ing intact the joint family system, legal power to 
enforce many of her rights has been taken away from 
her, yet it is true that the position she occupies in 
the family is sometimes predominant, and the influence 
she exercises in domestic matters almost supreme. 
Traducers of Indians, professional decriers of weak 
nations, who have made it a business to defame subject 
peoples for political purposes, like the notorious Miss 
Katherine Mayo, may with the aid of imagination, 
depict the condition of Indian women in family life as 
always deplorable. But those who are acquainted with 
the real condition of things and who have a knowledge 
of the working of family life in this country, know well 
that women occupy even now a most respected position 
in Indian house-holds, and that their influence remains 
unimpaired. The late Mrs. Ramsay Macdonald, on 
her return home from a tour in India with her husband, 
the present Prime Minister of England, declared that 
the influence of Hindu women in domestic and social 
matters was supreme and that they possessed a greater 
sense of honour than men. 

Monogamy should be made the strict rule of life. 
Polygamy in its origin was an economic measure. 
When more men were wanted for fighting purposes 
and tribal strength had to be kept up, polygamy perhaps 
had its use. But times have changed, and this institu- 
tion has now become positively harmful. Ethically, 
it cannot be justified; and students of Indian history 


know how disastrous have been its consequences on the 
political welfare of the country. The history of every 
State in Rajputana is stamped with the dire results of 
this evil custom. This practice created dissensions 
amongst the nobles of Mewar which paralyzed the 
Maharana's ipwer and allowed Babur to consolidate his 

If a man can claim restitution of conjugal rights, a 
woman is equally entitled to do so, though in the case 
of both, such a right should be governed by considerations 
of the welfare and happiness of the parties. 

Widow re-marriage should become as general as 
widower re-marriage at present is. If marriage is 
a sacrament, and can be performed only once in 
life, why is a widower allowed to perform it a second, 
a third, or a fourth time when a widow is not so allowed ? 
A husband is as much subject to the conditions of the 
sacrament as a wife is. The evils of enforced widow- 
hood are many and wide-spread ; and apart from the 
great injustice it does to women, it has its repercussions 
in the entire field of domestic life, and produces most 
harmful effects on the body politic of the Hindus. 

It has now also become imperative that full rights 
of inheritance should be secured to women. If a son 
gets a share in his patrimony, on what moral or 
spiritual grounds, can a daughter be refused her share P 
The natural rights of both are equal. Marriage and 
transplantation in another family may modify the 
extent of the right, but should not take it away 
completely. She is also entitled to a share in her 
husband's property. She becomes by marriage a 
member of her husband's family and must ipso facto 
acquire rights of property in that family. 1 have 
introduced in the Central Legislature, a bill to give the 
Hindu widow a right to inherit her husband's share in 
the family property along with her sons, if any. The 
key to secure and strengthen her lawful position in 


tfae family is to give her a legally enforceable right o 
inheritance. As soon as her just right in family 
property is secured to her by law. most of her troubles 
will be over. 

Hindu women have suffered, not at the hands of 
Indians only. Part of her troubles is due to the fact 
that India has the misfortune of having her Sastric 
laws interpreted and administered by strangers 
strangers to her traditions, strangers to her culture 
and ideals and ignorant of the language in which the 
laws exist. Moreover, these judges were till very 
recently very backward in their ideas of women's 
rights. We know with what difficulty and after 
what hard struggle, the Englishwoman has been able 
to secure her right of franchise ; while the Indians 
with age-long traditions of chivalry behind them have 
already conceded this right to women in some provinces, 
and are ready to give it to the rest as soon as it is 
desired. Mr. M. B. Jayakar, in his learned Presidential 
Address to the forty-first Indian National Social 
Conference held last year at Calcutta, said: 

"The Englishman was not accustomed until the eighties, to 
regard women in his own country as independently capable 
of acquiring or holding property. English women got this 
right at a very late stage. With this bias in his mind, it is 
not surprising that the English judge at Westminster, in inter- 
preting ancient Indian texts written in a language which he did 
not understand, and of the context of which too he was 
personally ignorant, adopted a position inclining more towards 
limited female rights than towards absolute ones. In a celebrated 
ruling which laid down for all time that inheritance derived by 
women from a male in their husband's family can never become 
their absolute property, the Privy Council, being solely dependent 
upon confusing rival quotations cited on opposite sides, have 
actually abrogated the Mitakshara rule in favour of more ancient 
and doubtful texts vaguely prescribing an ascetic life for Hindu 
Widows. The bias thus acquired by judical decisions has 
tmeonciously survived to the present day. The English judge 
in England and in India, owing to his natural caution born of his 


ignorance of the language and the habits of the people, has 
fought shy of liberal interpretations except when compelled by 
the clearest evidence. The whole administration has been, so 
far as Hindu Law is concerened, as grievously unnatural as if 
Japanese judges sat at Westminster in 1928, giving rulings on 
the domestic laws of Englishman from Japanese translations 
of Br acton or Coke or Lyttleton unconcerned with the mighty 
social changes* which had taken place in English society 
since those times of which they had no conception owing to their 

The time has now come to put an end to the judicial 
system under which English judges though capable 
and conscientious but ignorant of Indian traditions 
and ideals of life and the language in which the laws 
are written are invested with power to interpret and 
administer Hindu Law. 


I include under the head, {< Social rights of indivi- 
duals and classes" such questions as interdining ; f ree 
social intercourse between individuals belonging to 
different castes; admission in the various castes of 
people belonging to other faiths seeking such admission; 
untouchability; freedom to enter temples to offer divine 
worship; use of wells and tanks and public schools. It 
is only in this unfortunate country that one man is regarded 
as untouchable by another. And it is a matter o 
shame that those who believe in 3g%ft $***> (Mankind 
form one family), whose Sastras teach them that sill 
men are brethren, and that there is divine essence in 
every man, woman and child should practice untouch- 
ability and regard certain classes of men and women as 
untouchables. If it is true that "bani adam azai yak 
deegrand" and i all mankind are regarded as forming 
one family, why should those who follow certain most 
useful and necessary professions be regarded as un- 
touchables and be looked upon as less than men and 
women* Every one has a/right to use piiblic wells 


tanks and roads; to read in public schools maintained 
by public revenues; and to worship God in temples. 
Places of divine worship and temples are places 
dedicated to the Deity, and as God is the God of all 
peoples, irrespective of caste or colour, rich or poor, 
high or low, no person or persons can rightfully 
prevent any other class of persons from approaching 
the Creator and offering worship in those places. 
Those who do so prevent people, deny that God is the 
God of all mankind. 

It is of prime importance for the Hindus to do 
away with the evil of untouchability. It has yet to be 
realized by them that the future of the Hindus as a 
community depends, to a great extent, on a proper 
treatment of the depressed classes, and on their whole- 
hearted co-operation. All well-wishers of the country 
must therefore see that this question is solved to the 
satisfaction of those classes. Fortunately, the question 
of untouchability except in the case of the small class 
of sweepers is practically non-existent in Upper India. 

I cannot do better than quote here the excellent 
observations made by His Excellency Lord Irwin in his 
reply to the address presented to him by the Madras 
Depressed Classes Federation on the 12th of this 
month. In three sentences, full of profound wisdom 
and sympathy, he summed up in a masterly way the 
greatness of Hinduism and the strength and weakness 
of the Hindu caste system. He said: 

"All the world knows the greatness of the Hindu religion, 
its power for good as a religious and a social force, its ideals of 
national and family life, its inspiration in art and literature, 
its vitality and absorbent powers. With its roots deep in the 
soil of antiquity, it has produced a civilization which has stood the 
test of time, In that civilization, barriers of caste are a recog- 
nised feature and have no doubt served a useful purpose in the 
various stages of its progress; but the world never stands still, 
and looking at the political, intellectual and economic forces by 
which it is to-day being moved, I cannot doubt that a tenet 


which aims at debarring millions of human beings from concourse 
with their fellows must in the end prove a grave weakness to 
Hindu society/' 


Social reform, as popularly understood, is reform 
of evil customs and practices; but social legislation 
covers a much larger field and we must now enlarge 
the sphere of legislation in our country by including 
in it all measures calculated to promote the health 
and happiness of men and women, increase their 
comfort, and help the general welfare of society. 

And now I appeal to the women and young men of 
India. I appeal to the women to prove themselves 
worthy daughters of the brave women of India who, 
in days gone by, covered the history of this country 
with glory. It was the women of India who made 
heroes of men and inspired them to perform deeds of 
valour which are sung in the country and are remember- 
ed and admired everywhere. Take the case of the Rajputs. 
The history of Rajput heroism is the history of the 
heroism of Rajput women. It was the Rajput women 
who inspired their husbands and brothers and sons to 
do great deeds. They not only defended their minor 
sons' rights with exemplary valour, but actually headed 
troops in their places. Read the historian Ferishta's 
animated picture of Durgavati, the queen of Gurrah 
who, like another Boadicea, headed the army and fought 
a desperate battle with Akbar's general Asaf Khan, in 
which she was wounded. Scorning flight or surviving 
the loss of independence, she like the antique Roman 
in such circumstances, slew herself on the field of battle. 
Remember how, on the death of the Rana of Chitor on 
the battlefield of Thaneshwar, his heir Karan Singh 
being a minor, the queen-mother Korum Devi, headed 
her Rajputs and gave battle in person to Qutubuddin 
Aibak near Amber (Jaipur), when Qutbuddin was 
defeated and wounded. Jawahir Bai, another 


queen-mother of Chitor, in order to set an example o 
courageous devotion, headed a sally during the seige of 
that fortress by Bahadur Shah of Gujrat in vfhich she 
was slain. The unparallelled heroism displayed by the 
mother of Fattah during the seige of Chitor by Akbar 
is unforgettable. Says Colonel Tod ; 

" When the Saloombra fell at the gate of the Sun, the com- 
mand devolved on Fattah of Kailwa. He was only sixteen. His 
father had fallen in the last shock, and his mother had survived 
but to rear the sole heir of their house. Like the Spartan 
mother of old, she commanded him to put on the 'saffron robe' 
(the robe that Rajputs put on when determined to die in a fight) 
and die for Chitor : but surpassing the Grecian dame, she illus- 
trated her precept by example; and lest any soft 'compunctious 
visitings 1 for one dearer then herself might dim the lustre of 
Kailwa, she armed the young bride with a lance, with her 
descended the rock, and the defenders of Chitor saw her fall 
fighting by the side of her Amazonian mother. When their 
wives and daughters performed such deeds, the Rajputs became 
reckless of life/' 

Another instance of how Rajput women compelled 
the men to defend their country and die in its defence 
is related by the French traveller, Bernier. When 
Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur, after losing the^ 
battle of Fatehabad about the middle of the seventeenth 
century, retired with only a handful of followers to 
Jodhpur, his queen refused to receive him. Bernier 

" I cannot forbear to relate the fierce reception which the 
daughter of the Rana gave to her husband Jaswant Singh after 
his defeat and flight. When she heard he was nigh, and had 
understood what had passed in the battle, that he had fought 
with all possible courage ; that he had but four or five hundred 
men left ; and at last, no longer able to resist the enemy, had 
been forced to retreat ; instead of sending some one to condole 
with him in his misfortune, she commanded in a dry mood to shut 
t&e gate of the castle, and not to let this infamous man enter; 

fchat he was not her husband; In a word, he was to vanquish 

or to die. 









The magnificent example of woman's valour and 
devotion to her country so finely displayed by that 
immortal heroine, Queen Lakshmibai of Jhansi, during 
the days of the Sepoy War must ever inspire you to 
remain true to your ideals. 

I will not tire your patience with more examples of 
women's courage, sense of duty and devotion to their 
country. The noble traditions of heroism left by your 
forbears should ever be kept untarnished. Let the 
sons and daughters you rear, be such as would uphold 
the honour of the country and restore to our mother- 
land her past grandeur and glory. There was a time 
when in my part of the country, the ideal of motherhood 
was embodied in the famous line 

"0 Mother, let thy son be either a great benefactor 
or a hero/ 1 

My appeal to you, young men, is to break the 
bonds of convention and custom. Fight against evil 
customs and pernicious practices. Emancipate the 
women. Cultivate the spirit of self-denial of the 
Brahman of old and become as fearless and as devoted to 
duty as the Rajput of medieval times. Remember also 
that a sound social system is the only basis for a lasting 
political structure to be raised on it. Forget not that 
an enormous amount of social work has to be done in 
the country. Let every young man in India work with 
the unshakable resolution born of the conviction which 
inspired William Pitt at the age of twenty-four todeclare, 
" I know that I can save England and I know that no 
one else can save it." Lay to heart the sound advice 
of the great Goethe, and act accordingly: 

Ponder well and know the right 

Onward, then, with all thy might, 


Within the bond of marriage, tell me Brutus 

Is it excepted I should know no secrets 

That appertain to you ? Am I yourself 

But, as it were, in sort or limitation ; 

To keep with you at meals, comfort your bed 

And talk to you sometimes ? Dwell I but in the suburbs 

Of your good pleasure ? If it be no more, 

Portia is Brutus' harlot, not his wife. 

SHAKESPEARE, Julius Ccesar. 

IT is a happy sign of the times that the women of 
India are becoming conscious of the unenviable 
position they occupy in the country. They are 
awakening to the fact that their legal status whether in 
domestic life or in the social economy of the country is 
not only incompatible with the part they are ordained 
by nature to play, but is unjust and destructive of their 
welfare. They, the mothers, the sisters, the wives, the 
daughters of the nation have no rights worth the name, 
have no legal position they may be sorry to lose, no 
large possessions they may be deprived of. They have no 
rights of inheritance, no professions to adopt, no means 
of leading independent lives of usefulness or happiness. 
As daughters they inherit no property, as wives they 
enjoy no freedom, as widows they can claim no rights 
to their husbands' estate, and society puts a ban on their 
re- marriage. They are the daughters of India just as 
much as their brothers are the sous of India; the 
sons have certain birth-rights, for instance, a right to 
share in family property, the daughters have none. 

1 From the Diwali number of the Bombay Samachar, 12th November 1928A.D. 

OF WOiCfeN $0 

A widower may re-marry ; a widow may not. Every 
man has the road to serve his country open to him; a 
woman remaining in Purdah has no such opportunities. 
She has the same blood tingling in her veins, the same 
wish to serve her country, the same impulse to do her 
duty as a patriotic daughter of the motherland. But the 
Purdah and the innumerable disabilities imposed on her 
are insurmountable obstacles in the way of her fulfill- 
ing her desire and prevent her from performing what 
she regards as her duty as much as her brother, to 
whom all avenues to serve his country are open. And all 
these disabilities, these handicaps have been imposed on 
her by man, partly because of his selfishness, partly 
because of his prejudice, and partly because of his igno- 
rance. But whatever their origin, these disabilities and 
handicaps must now be removed and removed without 
delay in his own interest as well as in hers. Times have 
changed, circumstances have changed, conditions of life 
have so completely changed that what was calculated 
at one time to yield a certain result, produce a certain 
effect, and fit in a certain scheme of things, now not only 
does not produce that effect, does not yield that result, 
does not fit in that ancient scheme now completely out 
of joint, but has become a positive hindrance. When 
India was practically isolated from the world, when it 
was self-sufficing and self-contained, when it was inde- 
pendent, when it was not subject to foreign economic 
pressure, it led a life adjusted to those conditions 
that then obtained. But India now is open to foreign 
attack social, cultural, and economic at all points 
and is being exploited, and subjected to so many 
disabilities and drawbacks, that in the interests of 
women as well as in the larger interests of the 
country they should be emancipated and that without 
any delay. The necessity of this has been so clearly 
perceived, its urgency so fully understood that such a 
backward country backward in intellectual and moral 


culture, in the arts and amenities of life as Afghanistan, 
is giving up Purdah and removing obstacles in the 
way of woman to enable her to pool her energy, time 
and work with man to serve the country and maintain 
its independence. 

In India, too, the women are awakening to a precep- 

tion of the difficulties in their way and are here and 

there organising themselves to demand their rights, to 

enable them to take their proper share in the service of 

the nation. It is, therefore, the duty of every man who 

has the good of his country at heart, to support the 

women movement in India. With all the strength he 

could command, that great man and true patriot, Swami 

Day anand Saras wati, used to say that with the women in 

Purdah and under disabilities, India could never make 

much progress, for it was like a country bullock cart to 

which two bullocks had been yoked, but only one of 

which worked. Purdah must be abolished. Every girl 

in the country should be educated and facilities 

provided to enable her to lead a happy life and serve 

her nation. Whether the joint family system remains 

or disappears, she must be given her just rights as a 

member of the family in which she is born. 1C her 

brother has a right to re-marry, she must be given the 

same right, whether she chooses to exercise it or 

not. If she remains bound to her husband by 

unbreakable ties of affection and fidelity, he too must 

be bound by law to her by the same unbreakable ties. 

He must not be allowed to treat her as a chattel, as a 

slave or even as an inferior. If he is free to leave her, 

she must be equally free to leave him. As mothers, 

women must be loved and revered; as sisters, they must 

be loved and assisted; as wives they must be loved 

and protected; as daughters they must be loved 

and trained to lead useful and happy lives. It is only 

when this duty is fully recognised p,nd accepted by every 

maain India that he will get a helpmate who will bring 


him happiness and strength to overcome difficulties, 
conquer his enemies, and do his duty by his country. 
Woman is Lakshmi and will bring him wealth. She is 
Saraswafi and will bring him learning. Make her free 
and she will break man's chains. Slares cannot 
produce free men, and woman enslaved mil not bring 
forth, men who would be free. Keep her a bond-slave 
and you and your country will remain bond-slaves of 
others. If a woman could efficiently rule a kingdom 
as Ahalya Bai of Indore did ; if a woman can be the 
Regent of a State as the Maharanees of Travancore 
and Gwalior at present are, is it right, is it just, is it 
expedient, is it fair that a woman should have 
no right to inherit property ? If women are kept at 
the mercy of men, it follows, as the day the 
night, that men shall have to be at the mercy of others. 
Those who know something of the moral forces that 
imperceptibly, yet surely, regulate human affairs, those 
who understand the fundamental laws that govern the 
evolution of society and the working of the human mind 
and consequently the development of human institu- 
tions, fully realize that the subjection of women must 
ultimately result in the subjection of men. 

This lesson has been well learnt by New 
Turkey ; and the Government of Angora under that 
great patriot, Kamal Pasha, has abolished the Pnrdahand 
emancipated the women throughout the country. In 
ancient India, women were free. Queen Kekayi fought 
by the side of her husband Dashratha on the field of 
battle and saved his life. The Rajput women, clad in 
armour, sword in hand, defended the fortress of Chitor 
and fell alongside of their husbands and brothers on the 
battlements. The Rani of Jhansi, sword in hand, 
marched at the head of her troops and performed those 
deeds of valour which have covered her with imperi- 
shable glory and won for her the admiration of the 
British Commander-in-Chief who declared that she was 


the bravest soldier on the enemy side in the Sepoy War. 
The day may not be far off when Indians may have to 
fight and if women are not free, if they are not able 
to do their part in the fight that is coming, woe 
be to the country, and dark, and hopeless will be 
the future of the Hindu race. To save it from the 
fate which overtook the Babylonians, the Assyrians, 
the Carthagenians, the Etruscans and other nations 
of antiquity who have vanished from the world 
leaving only names on the pages of history, Hindu 
women must be emancipated. History blazes forth 
certain truths, which wise men have learnt, which men 
with eyes can see, but which doomed nations and men 
neither see nor understand. 



Say not "The struggle nought availeth 

The labour and the wounds are vain 
The enemy faints not, nor falleth, 

And as things havo been, they remain, 
For, while the tired waves, vainly breaking 

Seem here no painful inch to gain, 
Far back, through creeks and inlets making, 

Comes, silent, flooding in, the main, 


Sir, I rise to move that the Bill to regulate marriages 
of children amongst the Hindus be taken into 

The primary object of the Bill is to put a stop to 
child -widowhood. No country in the world, except 
this unhappy land, presents the sorry spectacle of 
having in its population child-widows who, according 
to the customs of the country cannot remarry. En- 
forced widowhood is a feature peculiar to Hindu 
society; and when we consider that some of the victims 
of this pernicious I had almost said inhuman custom 
were babies eight or ten months old when they were 
married, Honourable Members will realise how urgent 
and imperative is the call for legislation in the matter. 

The Bill before the House does not attempt to lay 
down the ages at which boys and girls should marry. 
For Hindus that was done by their law-giver Manu, 
who laid down that a girl may marry three years 
after she attains puberty; and Dhanwantri, the great 

* Speech d$livered in the Legislative 'Assembly at Simla on 
15 September 1927.' ' . . 


Hindu authority on the subject, declared that ordinarily 
girls attained puberty in India at sixteen. The social and 
domestic environments of the present day have perhaps 
slightly lowered the age of puberty in India. Yet, 
according to Manu, who allows marriage three years 
after puberty, even at the present day the marriageable 
age of a girl ought not to be below sixteen years. 

As it stands, my Bill does not go against the 
spirit or the letter of any religious behest; for no 
Sastras, ancient or modern, enjoin that a girl must be 
married before she attains puberty. And it is an 
admitted fact that girls do not attain puberty before 
they are twelve years old, Thus, while it does not come 
into conflict with any Sastras, the Bill removes what is 
probably the most oppressive burden under which Hindu 
womanhood is groaning. The Bill is a very modest 
attempt to recognise that female children even amongst 
Hindus have certain inalienable rights and that the 
State with any pretensions to civilization will deem it 
its duty to protect them, without heeding the vagaries 
that masquerade in the guise of social customs. 

Sir, a reference to the last Census Report will show 
how important the matter of the Bill is. That Report 
says that there were in India in 1921 A.D. 612 Hindu 
widows who were babies not even 12 months old; 498 
between 1 and 2 years; 1,280 between 2 and 3; 2,863 
between 3 and 4; and 6,758 who were between 4 and 5 
years of age, making a total of 12,016 widows under 5 
years of age. The number of Hindu widows between 
5 and 10 years of age was 85,580 and those between 
10 and 15, 2,33,533. The total number of widows 
under 10 was 97,596, and under 15 was 3,31,793. l 

1 According to the 1931 A. D. Census ( Vide Vol. 1, Part 11, p. 120 ). the 
figures are as follows: 

Hindu widows under 5 years 23,832 

10 1,08,176 

15 n 2,51,438 


These numbers include Jain and Arya widows, for 
Jains and Aryas have been separately classed in the 
Report for political purposes; otherwise they are all 
Hindus and are governed by the same marriage laws. 
And i we include Brahmos and Sikhs who are as much 
Hindus as the so-called Hindus, the total number of 
Hindu widows under 15 was 3,32,472 in 1921 A.D. 1 

The gravity of the question will however be realised 
when we remember that out of every 1,000 Hindu 
married women 14 are under 5 years of age, 111 below 
10, and 437 under 15 years of age. This means that 
a little over 11 per cent of the Hindu women are 
married, when they are below 10 years of age, 
i.e., when they are mere children, and that nearly 
44 percent of them who lead married lives when 
they are less than 15 years of age, i.e., when they are 
not yet out of their teens and before they have attained 
true and full puberty and are yet physically quite 
unfit to bear the strain of maternity. 

Sir, the secondary aim of the Bill is to remove the 
principal impediment to the physical and mental growth 
of the youth of both sexes and the chief cause of their 
premature decay and death. The measure, 1 propose, 
will help to remove the causes which lead to heavy 
mortality amongst Hindu married girls. The very 
high percentage of deaths among them is due to the fact 
that they are quite immature and are utterly unfit to 
begin married life when they actually do so. Speaking 
of the strain imposed on girls by married relations, 
Dr. Lancaster in his book *' Tuberculosis in India ", 
page 47, says: 

" People forget the fearful strain upon the constitution of a 
delicate girl of fourteen years or less, which results from the 
thoughtless incontinence of the newly married boy, or still more, 
the pitiless incontinence of the remarried man. Serious as these 
causes of strain are upon the health of the young married girl, 

Thift numUr became 2,55,333 ia 1931 A. D, 


they sink into significance in comparison with the stress of 
maternity which follows. It is a truism to say that the process 
connected with reproduction which, from one point of view, may 
be regarded as the most important of human functions, should be 
allowed to take place under the most favourable conditions possible. 
Surely, it would seem to be of fundamental importance that these 
processes should be delayed until the body, as a whole, shall have 
attained its full development and be prepared for this great 
crisis. For in no other crisis of the life does the ultimate result 
depend so much upon the physical condition of the body. " 

And he pleads; 

"Let even so much as two years be conceded, and in place 
of eighteen years which may be reckoned as the lower limiting age 
in ordinary cases of marriage in the West, let sixteen years be the 
age which popular opinion shall regard as the normal one for 
marriage in this country. The result will be an incalculable gain 
in the health of the women of India as also in that of the 
children whom they bear. " 

Sir, this is the opinion of an authority on the subject. 
My Bill falls far short of this aim : it is only a step 
towards this desideratum. 

Leaving this aside and I confess that I regard this 
as the most important aspect of the question I think 
the Bill deserves the support even of those to whom 
nothing matters but the political emancipation of the 


Sir, progress is unity. And if we are to make any 
advance, and the country is to come into line with, or 
nearly into line with the progressive countries of the 
West, or is to become free from their domination, a 
programme of social reform of a thoroughgoing charac- 
ter, of which the abolition of child marriage will be the 
principal item, must be taken in hand along with the 
pursuit of political reform. Much of this social reform is 
no doubt the domestic or private concern of the people of 
the country and does not call for legislation. I believe, 
Sir, that just as the veil, with all that it connotes, has 
disappeared in the greater part of Turkey and is fast 


disappearing from the rest of it, so must the purdah, 
the chauka, child marriage, enforced widowhood, the 
ban on inter-dining and inter-marriage, caste in its present 
rigid and ossified form, and untouchability disappear 
from India, if we are to be in a position to hold our 
own in the international conflict of interests, the clash 
of colour, and the struggle for life that are raging 
furiously in the world. For, we must remember, 
that even political emancipation, freedom or Swaraj, by 
whatever name you call that fact, droppeth not 
like sweet manna from Heaven. It has to be won. It 
has to be wrested from unwilling hands; and so long as 
these evils exist in this country, we will neither have 
the strength of arm nor the strength of character to 
win freedom. Once these evils are gone, a spirit will 
arise in the land which no power on earth will be able 
to quench; a strength of arm to fight for freedom will 
be developed, which the might of the mightiest will not 
be able to resist. I am sure, Sir, that as the day 
follows the night, so will these evils disappear, and 
disappear soon. But there are certain matters of a 
serious nature in which considerations of humanity and 
the inalienable rights of a human being and that 
human being, the innocent and helpless child call for 
the immediate intervention of the Legislature. The 
present Bill, Sir, concerns one of those matters. In 
order to protect the inalienable rights of the innocent 
children and to concede to them the right to live 
their lives, it is necessary that infant marriages and 
child marriages must come to an end at once and 
boys and girls grow up unfettered by marital ties and 
unburdened with family cares, which have not only 
immensely accelerated the death rate amongst the young 
married people, especially girls, but have dangerously 
lowered the vitality of the people, stunted their growth, 
and barred their way to prosperity and happiness. 
Sir, I will say one word more as to the utility of 


the measure I propose for enactment. The Bill, if 
passed, will give a real and effective protection to girls, 
which the Age of Consent Act does not do. That law 
is a sort of flank attack on the social and physical evil, 
I might say the crime, of child marriage. The law of 
the Age of Consent, so far as marital relations are 
concerned, is a dead letter, and has done little practical 
good except the slight educative effect which it has had 
on certain classes of people. The law regarding the 
Age of Consent has been in existence a pretty long 
time, yet the last Census Report says : 

"There is little evidence in the Census figures to suggest 
that the practice of infant marriage is dying out/' 

How long, Sir, shall we then allow this canker to 
eat into the vitals of our race ? Shall we stand by 
and see the race sink below the point when regeneration 
and resuscitation become impossible? 

I have a word to say to Government as to their 
attitude towards this Bill. A heavy responsibility 
rests on them for the continuance of this evil. Gov- 
ernment probably know that several Indian States, for 
instance, Baroda, Mysore and Bharatpur, have passed 
laws forbidding marriages of girls below twelve. 
Recently the Kotah State (Rajputana) promulgated a 
new Marriage Act with effect from 1st July 1927, 
prohibiting marriages of girls under twelve and boys 
under sixteen, as also of girls under eighteen with men 
above double their age, and of unmarried girls over 
eighteen with men over fourty-five. Even China 
has passed a law forbidding marriages of girls below 
sixteen and boys below eighteen. Sir, this shows 
what attitude Governments really interested in and 
solicitous of the welfare of their people, are taking in 
regard to child marriage, and the duty of the Govern- 
ment of India lies clear before them. 

I was taken aback when at the introduction of my 
Bill, the Honourable the late Home Member declared 


that he would oppose its passing, but that he did wot 
desire to break the convention that Bills should not be 
opposed at the introduction stage. That, Sir, was a 
surprise to me. For, had not this very Government, 
through its Home Secretary, expressed its sympathy, 
though in an apologetic tone, with the measure in 
1921 A.D. ? * 1 read from the Debates of the Legislative 
Assembly for the 17th February, 1921 : 

"Q. No. 123 Lala Girdhari lal: Do Government intend to 
undertake legislation forbidding marriage of girls before the 
age of 11 and that of boys before 14 ? 

Mr. S. P. 0. 'Donnell The answer is in the 
negative. Government consider that under the present conditions, 
in a matter of this kind which intimately concerns the social 
customs and religious beliefs of the people, it is preferable that 
the initiative should be taken by non-officials rather than the 

Does this not show by clear implication that in 1921 
the attitude of Government towards the question was 
one of sympathy, and by no means one of opposition ? 
Sir, it w r as a surprise to me, as it was to most people, 
to see that a Government which professes to work for 
the good of the people, a Government that is represen- 
tative of a nation that certainly is one of the most 
advanced in the world in wisdom and in the develop- 
ment of justice and freedom, arid claims and I think 
rightly that it has great respect for womanhood 
should take up such an attitude, and instead of wel- 
coming and promising to support such essentially 
necessary legislation for children and helpless girls, 
declare its intention to oppose it. Sir, if Governmet 
had said that they had in their hands unimpeachable 
and overwhelming evidence that the bulk of Hindu 
public opinion was dead against the measure, and that 
therefore they could not support it, we could under- 
stand their position. The attitude of the late Home 
Member has been condemned in the country and 
constructions have been put upon it which, though I 


think they are unjustifiable, Government would do 
well to prove to be groundless by taking up a 
helpful attitude towards this Bill. For, after all, the 
Government, like the humblest of men, would be judged 
by its acts and not by its professions. Take this 
month's number of the Modern Review, the premier 
magazine in the country. In an article entitled "Indian 
Social Reformers, etc. " the editor, Mr. Ramananda 
Chatter jee, says : 

"The abolition of child marriage and child mortality and the 
raising of the Age of Consent within and outside marital 
relations would tend to make Indians a physically, intellectually 
and morally a fitter nation, But British bureaucrats have all along 
been very unwilling to help Indian social reformers in effecting 
these reforms by direct and indirect legislation, They had no 
objection to abolish Suttee, probably because it was mainly 
a question of humanity; the abolition of Suttee was not 
expected to promote the building up of a stalwart nation. But 
the abolition of child marriage, etc., is indirectly and almost 
directly a political as well as a social remedy. So, in these 
matters our British bureaucratic friends fall back upon the 
cant of neutrality and non-interference in religious and 
socio-religious matters. As if Suttee, hook swinging, etc., were 
not such things, which the British Government have stopped by 
legislation ". 

He adds : 

"And this mentality continues, in spite of the following 
admission made in the Census Report of India for 1901 A. D. 
(Vol. I., page 484). 

4 Happily there is reason to believe that the leaders of Indian 
society are fully alive to the disastrous consequences, both to the 
individual and to the race which arise from premature cohabit- 
ation and arc anxious to use their influence to defer the 
commencement of conjugal life until the wife has attained the 
full measure of physical maturity requisite to fit her for 
child bearing'." 

The editor further adds : 

"Twenty-six years have passed since this was written, yet 
the late Home Member qf the Government of India declared 


that he would oppose Mr. Har Bilas Sarda's very modest Hindu 
Child Marriage Bill. It has to be seen whether his successor 
will carry out the threat. }) 

Though 1, for one, do not believe that British 
officers in India are inspired by such unworthy 
motives as are ascribed to them, in their attitude towards 
legislation such as that on the anvil, still it is my 
earnest hope that Government would reconsider their 
attitude towards this question of child widow- 
hood the tragedy of child widowhood as the Pioneer 
in its issue of the 9th of this month calls it. I would 
beg the Honourable the Home Member not to say or 
do anything which would give the social reformers 
arid workers in the country and the public generally, 
plausible ground to charge Government with 
hostility, based on political considerations, to all 
measures calculated to remedy social and physical evils 
which are a disgrace to all concerned and which 
effectually bar their way to physical or social welfare. 

Another danger lies before Government, which a 
book and a speech in England have brought to light. 
Let Government not furnish an excuse to its critics 
to suspect it of helping to perpetuate conditions 
which the base traducers of fallen and subject nations 
gladly make use of. Just as there are slimy creatures 
who burrow in dirt, eat dirt and throw out dirt, so 
are there persons like that notorious writer of Mother 
India, whose attempt to revile the u mother " has 
earned for her the contempt of all sensible people. 
While she will for a time enjoy the ill-repute of a 
defamer of a nation, to future students of Indian 
constitutional history she will appear as one of those 
contemptible characters, who lend themselves to become 
tools in the hands of scheming opponents of a nation's 

Sir, there are people who think, whether 
rightly or wrongly, that Government, who is the 


guardian of India's interests, does India an injury by 
conniving at the continued existence of child-widow- 
hood in the country ; for, the existence of this evil 
makes it possible for a Mr. Pilcher to utter base lies and 
vile calumnies against a suffering class of women whose 
high character and saintly lives amidst sufferings nobly 
borne, ought to put to shame those whose vile out- 
pourings in no way enhance the dignity, the prestige, 
or the glory of the English race. 

Sir, Providence, as a just retribution for the woes 
and sufferings to which our passive acquiescence in 
the continuance of an evil custom subjects the child 
widows of this country, has condemned us to centuries 
of political servitude and national impotence, when in 
our utter helplessness we have silently to suffer the 
outrageous insults heaped on our womanhood. Sir, 
when an insult was offered to the Queen of France, 
the great Burke in a memorable outburst of impassioned 
and noble eloquence exclaimed that the age of chivalry 
had passed, or ten thousand swords would have 
leapt from their scabbards to avenge that insult. 

How fallen are we, and not we alone pardon 
my saying so, but also those who having inhe- 
rited the noble traditions of the English race and 
being custodians of the honour, the good name and the 
reputation of this country, allow without a protest the 
womanhood of India to be so basely traduced and 
grossly insulted insulted in a manner which has 
moved At least one Englishman, a true missionary of 
Christ, to do public penance in Calcutta for the great 
crime of a countryman of his, 

Sir, if Government have no desire or have not the 
courage to initiate and carry through legislation pro- 
hibiting marriages of girls below twelve years of age, 
they might very well give at least this private measure 
their hearty support. But even if the Honourable the 
Home Member is not disposed to do this, as we think 


the representative of the Ma Bap Government, 
possessing a genuine solicitude for the welfare 
of the people ought to do, he will at least take up an 
attitude of neutrality, release Government members 
from the mandate handicap and permit them to 
vote according to their conscience; or, let the fate of 
the Bill "be decided by the vote of the Indian members 
of this House who are principally affected by it. 

I hope Government have noted that all the 
amendments so far proposed by Honourable Members 
not only support the Bill, but are directed towards 
making * the provisions of the Bill go much further 
than I have ventured to do. 

Sir, with your permission, 1 will read the report 
published in the Times of India of the 24th June 1926, 
of a heart-rending incident, the direct result of a 
child marriage ! 

"The sad story of how a young married Mahratta girl, eleven 
years old, named Bhingoobai, drowned herself in a well at 
Narayanpet Road Station, on the G. I. P. Railway between 
Raichur and Wadi, while being sent back by her father to her 
husband at Shahabad has reached here. 

The driver on 16 passenger train stated that while examin- 
ing his engine near the water tank at Narayanpet Station, ho 
noticed a giri get down from the third class bogie carriage and 
running to the station well to jump into it. 

The father of the girl told the police that his daughter 
Bhingoobai had been married to one Luxman, four years back 
when she was about six years old. In accordance with 
custom, she was sent to her husband's house two months after 
marriage. After remaining there two months, she returned to 
her parent's house, was sent back by the latter, but 
returned again. 

This happened several times. Her father talking advantage 
of one of his relations named Yedoo going to Shahabad 
determined to send his daughter back to her husband with this 
relation and himself took her to the station and saw her entrained. 
While he and Yedoo were engaged in conversation on the 


platform he was informed his daughter had fallen in a well. 
He ran to the well with others and a cultivator, named Samhoo, 
jumped into the well and brought the girl out still alive but 
senseless. She expired Soon after ." 

This is not a solitary incident of its kind in 
this country. I have personal knowledge of one or 
two similar sad things. Do Government with full 
knowledge of such happenings still feel that they are jus- 
tified in opposing, or by proposing dilatory proceedings, 
in postponing the fruition of the labours of people who 
are endeavouring to alleviate the lot of innocent, 
defenceless girls who are done to death by an ignorant, 
heartless custom, or a mischievously false notion of 
social decorum ? 

Before 1 resume my seat, I respectfully and with 
all the earnestness that I can command, invite the 
attention of Honourable Members on both sides of the 
House to the touching appeal of Mahatma Gandhi made 
at Madras on the 7th September 1927, for the abolition 
of child-widowhood. He said that there was no 
warrant for this kind of widowhood in Hinduism; and 
he exclaimed with intense grief and agony of mental 
pain, " I have often said in secret to God; If you 
want me to live, Oh God, why do you make me a 
witness to these tragedies ?" 


Custom, 'tis true, a venerable tyrant, 

O'er servile man extends her blind dominion. 

THOMSON, Tailored and Sigismunda. 

I move that the Bill to Regulate Marriages of Children 
amongst the Hindus, as reported by the Select 
Committee, be taken into consideration. 

As this House clearly expressed itself in favour of 
passing legislation in the matter of child marriage, 
and as the Honourable the Home Member speaking on 
behalf of Government last year, stated that the Bill 
had the cordial support of Government, I will not say 
anything regarding the policy of legislating on the 
question, except what a great English writer has said 
that, where large communities are concerned, legislation 
is the only effective means of accomplishing social reform. 
Honourable Members who read their daily papers 
are well aware that almost all public bodies in India 
are taking great interest in Social Reform; and almost 
every All-India Caste Conference, and the Indian 
National Social Conference that holds its Session every 
year unanimously demand the enactment of this 

This Bill has been circulated to the public and 
opinions have been received. Before I come to the 
opinions received by Government as a result of the 

Speech delivered on 29th January 1929 A. D. in the Legislative 
Assembly, New Delhi, 


circulation of the Bill, I must invite the attention of 
this House to the remarkably unanimous opinion of 
the party chiefly concerned in marriage, in full support 
of the Bill. Marriage affects the life of a woman more 
vitally and in a much fuller manner than that of a man. 
The reasons are many and obvious. One obvious 
reason is that marriage not only completely deflects her 
whole future course of life, but removes her completely 
from the scene of her premarried life. Not so with 
man. Arid then it is she who has to bear the burden 
of maternity. Society and the State should, therefore, 
attach much greater weight to her views and her consi- 
dered opinion in the matter of marriage. Now, what 
is the attitude of women towards this Bill which is of 
such paramount importance to them ? Hundreds of 
ladies' meetings have been held in the country ; District 
and Provincial Ladies' conferences have taken place, 
Ladies Associations and Sabhas representing different 
communities have met and passed resolutions on this 
Bill. Three All-India Ladies' Conferences in different 
parts of the country have met, discussed and passed 
resolutions in the matter. But do you find a single 
instance of such a public meeting of women protesting 
against the Bill? With a unanimity which is remark- 
able, almost astonishing, women all over the country 
have demanded that this Bill be passed and passed with- 
out delay. Even the Rajputana Provincial Ladies' 
Conference, composed in a preponderating degree of 
Marwari women, which met on the 19th November 
1928, emphatically demanded the immediate passing 
of this Bill. We thus find that half the number of 
people affected by marriage, and tha* half, considering 
the interests at stake, the more important and as is 
justly said, the better half, wholeheartedly supports 
the Bill. But this is not all. By far the major part 
of the opinion consulted by Government also welcomes 
and supports this Bill. Counting the printed opinions 


circulated by Government, we find that, leaving out of 
account the report of a Local Government saying that 
thirty-nine persons were consulted and the majority were 
against the Bill; leaving also out of account the report 
of another Local Government that all the officials and 
non-officials consulted were in favour of the Bill with- 
out giving numbers; and taking into account the 
printed opinions which include ten out of the thirty-nine 
mentioned above, and also all reports where numbers for 
and against are given, and leaving out Madras, opinions 
from which province are separately analysed, we find 
that, out of a total of 167 opinions recorded, ]28 are in 
favour of the Bill. Of the opinions received, only eighteen 
are for lowering the marriageable age of girls to twelve; 
and of these eighteen, two do not insist on such lowering. 
Five ask for thirteen, while three ask for sixteen, and 
one for eighteen, while the Madras Legislative Council 
unanimously demand sixteen years for girls. As 
for boys, four people want sixteen (two of these being 
Europeans) and one wants fifteen. 

As regards Madras, where it seems that special care 
has been taken to collect opinions arid from which 
province alone 87 opinions have come against 167 from 
the rest of India, we find it repeatedly stated that, except 
the Brahmin community which forms only about three 
per cent, of the population of that Presidency, the 
remaining 97 per cent, support the Bill. The women 
of Madras, as is clear from the womens' meetings held 
all over the Presidency, support it. Even among 
the Brahmins there are two parties, one, which contains 
a very large number of Brahmins, and perhaps the 
majority, and is ,not dominated by the priests^ 
supports the Bill; the other which has vested interests 
and is, therfore, very vocal, and which contains some 
who honestly believe that Brahmins are enjoined to 
marry their daughters before they attain puberty, 
oppose it. The fact that the majority even of the 


Brahmins o Madras is in favour of the Bill is clear 
from the report of Mr. Williams, who says : 

"I have received the opinions of twenty-two persons of standing 
in Berhampur. Of these twenty -two, thirteen are Brahmins and 
nine non-Brahmins. Of these sixteen support the Bill. Of the 
sixteen, ten are Brahmins. Thus, of the thirteen Brahmins 
consulted, ten support the Bill and only three oppose it." 

The Sub-Collector of Kumbakonam says: 

"At a meeting of the ladies of Kumbakonam town," which 
is a seat of Brahmins "the Bill was unanimously supported/' 

Mr. Upendra Poi Avergal, District Magistrate, 
South Arcot, says : 

"If the law is passed, I do not think that there would be 
serious discontent. The action of the Native States may serve 
as a precedent and guide in this case/' 

Mrs. Gomathi Ammal, speaking for the Women's 
Indian Association, Veerargaupuram, says that : 

"The Child Marriage Bill has not come a minute earlier and can- 
not be postponed for a minute later. Child marriages must be 

Mrs. Lakhshmi Ekambaram for the Ladies' Associa- 
tion, Tuticorin, warmly supports the Bill. The Hindu 
Patit Pavan Mission, Ganjam; and the Hindu 
Dharm Paripalan Sabha; the Madras League of Youth 
and the Indian Womens' Association in Madras whole- 
heartedly support the Bill. Only one Municipal 
Council in that Presidency was consulted, that of 
Guntur, and it has supported the Bill. 

Out of the eighty-seven opinions submitted to the 
Government of India from the Madras Presidency, 
fifty-eight support the Bill, only fourteen are against 
it, and the rest are either neutral, or express no definite 
opinion. Twelve opinions favour twelve years for 
girls, one favours thirteen, four want sixteen, one 
eighteen, one twenty, and the rest approve of fourteen. 


If we take the opinions of the different Local 
Governments in India, we find that the Governors of 
Bombay, Burma, Bihar andOrissa, the United Provinces, 
the Punjab, and the Central Provinces, us well as the 
Chief Commissioners of Coorg, of Ajmer-Merwara and 
of the North-West Frontier Province support the Bill. 
The Governor of Bengal is for dropping it, while the 
Governor of Assam and the Chief Commissioners of 
Delhi arid Baluchistan express no opinion on it. The 
Governor of the United Provinces records that he 
regards " the objects of this Bill as of the first 
importance for the social and physical well-being of the 
country as a whole." 

Turning to the opinions of the High Courts, we see 
that the Punjab High Court strongly support the Bill. 
The Chief Justice and four Judges of the Bombay 
High Court support the Bill, the remaining expressing 
no opinion. As for the United Provinces, the Chief 
Justice and six Judges support the Bill, and two others 
say that they do not oppose it. The Chief Justice 
and four Judges of the Bihar and Orissa High Court 
support the Bill, while three (two Europeans and one 
Indian) oppose it. The Burma Government say that 
the Burma High Court " apparently accept the 
principle of the Bill, " but consider that the draft Bill 
is so weak that it would prove a dead letter. The 
Calcutta High Court express no opinion. The Madras 
High Court have, since the last session of the Legislative 
Assembly, expressed their opinion; and a majority 
of the Judges opposes the Bill on the ground that 
it interferes with the religion of the people. This is 
not surprising coming, as it does, from a province 
where untouchability flourishes and where the Courts 
long hesitated to allow all people to use public roads. 

As for Judicial Commissioners, all the four Judicial 
and the Additional Judicial Commissioner of Sind fully 
support the Bill, as also the Judicial Commissioner of 


Ajmer-Merwara. Two of the four Judges of the Oudh 
Chief Court support it t one opposes it and one says 
that the Bill may be made applicable to Hindus 
only. The Judicial Commissioners of the Central 
Provinces, Baluchistan, and the North-West Frontier 
Province express no opinion. The above analysis 
shows that by far the great majority, a preponderating 
majority, even of those consulted by Government, 
support the Bill, and the clauses regarding the minimum 
marriageable ages laid down in it. 

But a complete and crushing answer to those who 
say that there is considerable opposition to the Bill 
in Madras is furnished by the Resolution unanimously 
passed by the Madras Legislative Council, without a 
single dissentient voice. The Resolution reads : 

" This Council recotnmonds to the Government that they may 
be pleased to communicate to the Government of India that, in the 
opinion of this Council, legislation raising the marriageable age 
of boys and girls to at least twenty-one and sixteen years 
respectively is necessary'', 

The Madras Legislative Council contains representa- 
tives elected by all the towns and districts in that 
Presidency and a number of eminent Brahmins are 
members of it. And if there is any body which may be 
said truly to represent the public opinion of Madras, it 
is the Madras Legislative Council. This Council not 
only unanimously supports the Bill but goes beyond it. 

Over and above all this, the proceedings of the Age 
of Consent Committee furnish the most complete and 
convincing evidence that the entire country wants this 
Bill to be passed at once. Day after day, witness after 
witness, appears before the Committee and demands 
that the first thing to do is to fix the marriageable 
age of girls at fourteen or sixteen. No better index 
of public opinion in the matter could possibly be 
found than that furnished by the evidence tendered 
before the Age of Consent Committee in every part of 


this country. That evidence almost unanimously 
demands this Bill to be passed. Several women 
witnesses have appeared before this Committee and 
every one of them has asked that the Bill be passed. 

With your permission, I will give you two 
samples of opinions of the opponents of the Bill to show 
to what straits they were reduced to find arguments to 
oppose the Bill. One is that of an Indian, the other 
that of an Englishman. The Indian is Mr. Deoskar, 
whose logical mind may be gauged by his statement; 

" The average longevity in India is much below that in 
European countries, and therefore the age for marriages and other 
important events in life should also be similarly lower, for there 
would otherwise be the calamity of children being born late in 
life and parents dying with very young children behind thorn." 

The dicta o the European opponent, who is Mr. Ferrers, 
Sessions Judge, Dharwar, are interesting reading. 
Giving his opinion on the Protection of Children Bill, 
he says : 

" I am wholly opposed to all legislation of this type. Every 
Hindu family is a little independent commonwealth. Self 
government is i/ birthright This birthright is now being stolen 
by external invaders. The intention of such an usurper may be in 
the highest degree benevolent. But there is no usurpation so 
dangerous as that which is undertaken with a benevolent 


1 wonder, if Mr. Ferrer can realise the significance 
and the full implications of the dicta he has laid 


As regards the marriageable age of girls, Sir, I 
would with your permission and with all respect to my 
orthodox friends, say a word with regard to a sloka 
which is always cited in Upper India as an authority 
for child marriage. It is from a book called Sheeghra 
liodh which may be roughly translated as " Royal 
Road to Knowledge " and which is not more than two 


centuries old. The sloka runs as follows J 
Ashta varshd bhavet gauri , 
Nava varshd cha rohinl, 
Dasa varshd bhavet kanyd, etc., etc., 

It means that a girl is a Gauri at eight, a Rohinl at 
nine, and becomes a Kanyd at ten. And then menstrua- 
tion ensues. If after that, she is not married, her 
father and mother go to hell. Now, Sir, no &ruti, 
Smriti or law books of the Hindus, none of the 
Darsanas, nor any of the recognised &astras classify or 
describe girls as Gauri, Rohinl, etc., according to their 
ages. It is only the Vdm Mdrga, a sect of the Hindus 
which worships girls, that has in its ritual called 
Tantra, given separate names to girls of one, two 
three, and so on, up to sixteen years old respectively. 
The liudra Ydmal Tantra and the Pishvasdra Tantra, 
which I hold in my hands, do so. The Rndra Ydmala 
Tantra says: 

"JEka varshd bhavet sandhyd 
Dwi varshd cha sarasioatl 
Tri varshd cha tridhd murtl 
Chatur varshdtu kdlikd." 

The Vishvasdr says : 

"Ashta varshdtusd kanya bhavet gauri varanane 
Nava varshd rohini sd dash varshd hi kanyakd." 
But even this Vishvasar Tantra demands and enjoins 
on its votaries that girls should be kept virgins up to 
sixteen and that every possible precaution should be 
taken that girls remain virgins till they attain the age 
of sixteen. It says: 

"Tasmat shodasha paryantam 
Ynvatlti prachakshate 
Hakshitavyd prayatnena 


Now, these Tantras are not accepted Hindu Sastras; 
but even the Vishvasar Tantra, as I have said, enjoins 
that the girls should not be married before they attain 
the age of sixteen. 

As for the parents who marry their girls after ten 
being sent to the place where the hero of Milton's 
great epic reigns, let me quote the opinion of 
Mrs. Bhagirathi Animal of Madras, who says : 

"While the hell to which the parents go is an imaginary one, 
what about the Karma or the sending of their girls now to a 
living hell by selling them to old widowers who cannot get 
women of their own age because of this pernicious custom of 
child marriage." 

Sir, the women of India do not talk of Sastras ; they 
do not bother themselves about the effect of marriage 
on their prospects in the next world. They are 
practical and think of this world, and they want that 
their sufferings in this world should come to an end. 

But the futility of it all in practice is clear from 
the one potent fact which could not be denied or ignored. 
The opponents of the Bill say that no legislation is 
necessary, as the marriage age is rising under the pressure 
of public opinion, and that in a few years, there will be 
no marriage of girls below fourteen. What becomes 
then, of the supposed Gastric injunction not to keep 
girls unmarried after ten ? It is a well-known fact that 
among the Rajas, Thakurs and Rajputs generally, girls 
are married after they are sixteen years old. These 
very pandits and pnrohits who cite the 6loka, "Ashla 
varsha bhavet gauri" fall upon one another to go and 
conduct those marriages among the Rajputs, Do these 
priestly gentlemen go and conduct ceremonies to assist 
in sending the parents of the girls to where Satan 
reigns ? And where were the supporters of child marri- 
ages when the Maharajas of Kashmir, Bharatpur, 
Alwar, Baroda, Rajkot, Mandi, and others prohibited 
by law child marriages in their territories. 


What I wish, however, to submit to this august 
Assembly is that this Bill is not merely a measure of 
social reform. With great deference to those who 
differ from me, I say that I regard child marriage as a 
crime, a crime against helpless boys and girls. And it 
does not cease to be a crime because it is done in the 
name of religion, or because the doers of it are not ill- 
disposed towards the victims. Recently a father and 
a son in the Madras Presidency murdered a barber 
boy, as a religious act to propitiate a goddess. The 
act was done in the name of religion, and the perpetra- 
tors bore no personal enmity to the victim. All the 
same, it was a crime and the Government and the 
public took it as a crime and a prosecution was launch- 
ed. Child marriage is a grave crime, for, while 
it leads to child widowhood, it sometimes leads to the 
death of girl victims at the first child birth. It sends 
many to a slow lingering death, and as a rule, it ruins 
the young girl mothers physically for life. Speaking 
of the effect of child marriage on girls, Dr. Campbell, 
Principal of the Lady Hardinge College, Delhi, giving 
evidence before the Age of Consent Committee on the 
10th October, 1928, described how girls were 
condemned to slow deaths by becoming mothers when 
quite immature. She said : 

"She had attended more than one thousand Hindu girls for 
child births at the ages of from twelve to sixteen years. And the 
evil effects seen in them and in others under observation or treat- 
ment as a result of early child bearing could be hardly exaggerat- 
ed. Tuberculosis was very often developed during pregnancy or 
lactation as the resistance of the tissues was lowered by the strain, 
unnatural at so early an age. This is the reason why tuberculosis 
was much more common in girls than in boys. About 40 per 
cent, of the children of girl mothers died in the first year and 
those who survived were weaklings/' 

Is child marriage then not a crime ? Questioned by 
Mr. KanhyalaJ, Dr, Campbell said that there was no other 


way to check early consummation but by fixiny the 
marriageable age of girls at 16 . The object of this 
Bill, Sir, is to put a stop to this crime and to that other 
fearful crime, viz., that of making virgin child widows, 
who, according to the customs of the country, cannot 
re-marry and are condemned to a life of suffering and 

Let us look a little more closely into the demand 
that if a man considers it his religious obligation to do 
a thing, the State has no right to interfere with him 
in his performance of it. Now, this proposition cannot 
be accepted or allowed to pass unchallenged. We can- 
not admit that a man has a right to do a thing because 
he regards it his religious duty to do it. If a man 
does a thing in the name of religion and if no one else 
is, in the slightest degree, adversely affected by that 
act, he may have some semblance of a claim to do it, 
though even then, sometimes he cannot be granted the 
liberty to do it. If a man offers himself as a sacrifice 
to some deity as an act of religious obligation, will 
the Government concede to him the liberty to commit 
suicide and not make that act penal ? Much more so, 
when he claims non-interference in doing an act in the 
name of religion which inflicts suffering upon others. 
What enlightened State in the world in the Twentieth 
century will concede to any one the right to do a thing 
in the name of religion when the doing of that thing 
injures another human being or inflicts suffering on him 
or her ? If a man regards it his religious obligation 
to sacrifice his child to a deity to attain salvation, will 
any one in his senses concede to that man the right to 
perpetrate that act ? Will any man in the same way, 
be given the right, in order to save himself from going 
to hell, or the fancied fear of going to hell, the right, 
the liberty, to condemn any other human being to a 
life of suffering or, as Mrs. Bhagirthi Anxmal puts it, 
to a living hell here in this world ? Sir, readers of 


history know well what oppression, what tyranny has 
been practised in the name of liberty ; and readers of 
history also know what inhuman crimes have been 
committed in the name of religion. Remember Galilio, 
Bruno, Latimer, Ridley. It is time we gave up 
invoking religion to cover the heinousness of some 
of our acts. Sir, if some of the Honourable Members 
who, when unable to defend acts on their merits, take 
shelter behind religion, were to read some of the heart- 
rendering letters, exposing the lacerated hearts of the 
writers, which I have received from unknown young 
women from different places in India, they would not 
be so ready to demand the perpetuation of this inhu- 
man custom, and would not consent to be parties to 
ruining so many innocent lives. They would not 
support the continuance of this evil practice, the sin 
of which more than anything else has, according to 
my conviction, led this sacred country of ours to a 
depth of degradation and a state of slavery from which 
we find it so difficult to extricate her. I humbly 
submit to Honourable Members, for Heaven's sake do 
not degrade our sacred religion the noblest heritage 
of our race by making it responsible for the great 
evils that exist in our society. 

A grave responsibility rests on this House in the 
matter. People in England and America are watching 
how we deal with this Bill. Writers like Miss Mayo, 
and politicians like Mr. Winston Churchill have 
declared that India cannot be granted self-government 
so long as she tolerates and commits acts of oppression 
against girls of tender age. Thoughtful people in 
England and America want to know if, after 170 years 
of English rule, that Government will still tolerate and, 
by its attitude, encourage the crime of compelling 
helpless girls of eleven and twelve to submit to 
the tortures of maternity, which makes most of them 
wrecks for life and sends many to an early 


grave. Does any one doubt for a moment that if there 
were women members in this House, this Bill would 
not have taken three months to pass into law instead of 
three years. I even hold in my hand a letter received 
from Mrs. Anusuvaben Kale, a lady Member of the 
Central Provinces Legislative Council. She says that 
she moved yesterday in the Central Provinces Legislative 
Council the following Resolution which was unani- 
mously passed: 

"This Council recommends to the Government to convey to 
the Government of India its considered opinion that the legal 
age of marriage for girls should be raised to fourteen and 
for boys to eighteen, and as a step towards this end 
it supports Rai Sahib Har Bilas Sarda's Child Marriage Bill &s 
amended by the Select Committee of the Legislative Assembly." 

Both the Legislative Councils of Madras and the 
Central Provinces, where they have women members, 
have passed resolutions demanding the passing of this 
Bill, and even going beyond it. 

The world is watching if the Members of this 
House possess the necessary self-restraint, the capacity 
and the liberal-mindedness to appreciate the rights of 
those who are at their mercy, who have been suffering 
oppression for a long time, whose true welfare is being 
trampled under foot in order to enable men to pander 
to their self-conceit and maintain their false notions 
of social decorum and fancied religious obligations. 
My earnest request is that we must no longer 
refuse to remedy the wrong inflicted on the helpless, 
hapless, hopeless women of India. If you refuse to 
remedy the wrong inflicted on them, people might 
well ask, what right have you to demand that justice 
should be done to you by a foreign power ruling over 
the country. 

Leaving aside for the moment the graver aspect of 
this question, and taking into consideration its character 
as a piece of social legislation, we must remember that 


progress is unity. No nation can live politically in the 
twentieth century and socially in the tenth or eleventh. 
Independent Asiatic nations like Turkey, in order to 
strengthen and stabilize their position in the hierarchy 
of nations, in order to keep pace with the advanced 
peoples and in order to be able to hold their own and 
not go down in the vast and world-wide struggle for 
existence, are taking all possible means to reform 
society to suit modern conditions, uproot old evil 
customs, cast off all outworn, antidiluvian notions, and 
to come abreast of the modern nations of Europe and 
America. We cannot keep the women of India igno- 
rant and helpless and slaves and yet ourselves become 
free. The greatest of the Americans, Abraham Lincoln, 
gave utterance to an eternal truth when he said "A 
nation cannot be half free and half slave." Let us, 
therefore, no longer tolerate this crime of infant and 
child marriage, no longer compel girls who have not 
yet entered their teens to become mothers and thus 
become wrecks for life. 

In all humility, and with all the earnestness I can 
command, and with due respect to the susceptibilities of 
the Honourable Members of this House, I appeal to them 
to those whom God has granted the privilege of sitting 
on the Treasury Benches of this great and ancient 
country as well as those who sit on the Opposition or 
the neutral benches, and have come here to serve their 
country, not to forget the sublime teaching contained 
in those lines of matchless perfection of the English 
poet, who says : 

"Hear Ye Senates, hear this truth sublime, 
He who allows oppression shares the crime." 



Such dupes are men to custom, and so prone 
To rev'rence what is ancient, and can plead 
A course of long observance for its use, 
That even servitude, the worst of ills, 
Because deliver' d down from sire to son, 
Is kept and guarded as a sacred thing. 

COWPER, Task. 

SIR, the Vedas inculcate adult marriage. Dr. Moonje 
has stated that the Sastras in different times prescribed 
twelve, fourteen and sixteen years as the marriageable 
age for girls. He has divided India into two parts, 
Southern and Northern India, and by some manipulation 
of medical topography, because he is a doctor he has 
included Bengal in Southern India. Now, as regards 
the Madras Presidency, opinions which the Govern- 
ment have received clearly show that the Madras 
Presidency is in favour of the Bill. Ninety-seven per 
cent of the people of that Presidency are non-Brahmins, 
and they unanimously support the Bill. Of the 
remaining three per cent the opinions show that a 
majority of them are also in favour of the Bill. I will 
give you one instance. Mr. Williams, Joint Magistrate at 
Guntur, says that he consulted twenty-two respectable 
people of the district of whom thirteen were Brahmins. 
Of the thirteen, only three were against the Bill, and 
ten were in favour of it. Sir, I receive telegrams 

Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, Simla, on 23 September 1929, 


everyday from every part of the Madras Presidency 
demanding that the Bill be passed at once. I will 
refer to only one of them. It is about a meeting 
promoted by Sir Sivaswami Aiyer and Diwan Bahadur 
Rangachariar. Both these Brahmin gentlemen are 
well known to Members of this House. The public 
meeting was held under the presidency of Sir Siva- 
swami Aiyer and a resolution was adopted that the 
Bill should be passed at once. The telegram to me 
says that this meeting was attended by many orthodox 
Brahmins. It reads : 

" To-day's public meeting presided over by Sir P.S. Sivaswami 
Aiyer and led by Diwan Bahadur Rangachariar, the Honourable 
V\ Ramdas, T. R. Venkatrama Sastri and other Brahmin 
orthodox leaders have accorded its whole-hearted support to the 
policy and principles of the Child Marriage Bill/' 

But the complete and crushing answer to the opponents' 
objection is the fact that the Madras Legislative Council 
has unanimously passed the following Resolution : 

" This Council recommends to Government that it may be 
pleased to communicate to the Government of India that, in the 
opinion of this Council, legislation raising the marriageable age of 
boys and girls to at least twentyone and sixteen respectively, is 

There was not one single dissentient voice, though 
many eminent Brahmins are Members of the Council. 

As regards Bengal, much has been made of the fact 
that the Provincial Hindu Conference at Dacca did not 
accord its support to this Bill. Those who are 
acquainted with the circumstances of that Conference 
know the peculiar condition in which that was done. 
But here is the opinion of the Bengal Provincial 
Hindu Sabha. The Secretary of the Provincial Bengal 
Hindu Sabha wires; 

" Bengal Provincial Hindu Sabha in general meeting 
unanimously passed resolution supporting Sarda Bill/' 


And my Honourable friend Dr. Moonje, the President 
of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, will not disown the 
Bengal Provincial Hindu Sabha. The telegrams which 
1 have been receiving every day, almost every hour, 
during the last few days say that meetings have been 
held in different towns of Bengal and many of them 
by ladies in Eastern Bengal, all unanimously demanding 
that the Bill should be passed, and stating that those 
who say that East Bengal does not want the Bill, do 
not represent the opinion of that province. (Hear, 
hear.) I have received telegrams from almost every 
part of India, asking when the Bill is going to be 
passed. They show that the people in the different 
parts of India are anxiously waiting to see that the 
Bill is passed. 

Sir, I come now to the charge brought against me 
by my Honourable friend Mr. Kelkar. Speaking on 
the amendment of the Honourable Pandit Nilakantha 
Das for making exemptions in cases involving hardship, 
he said : 

" That first point is this that this was an idea originally 
embodied in Mr. Sarda's own Bill when it was first introduced. 
I do not think he will deny it, if I put it to him. The Honoura- 
ble Member unfortunately is in the hands of the Select Com- 
mittee. If he has convictions of his own, he wil! stand up and 
say, * I accept this amendment, whatever the fate of other amend- 
ments,' I cannot sympathise with him over this matter when he 
is going against his own convictions by not supporting this 

My answer to my Honourable friend is : I deny 
that this idea as supposed by Mr. Kelkar was embodied 
in the original Bill. I deny that I am going against 
my convictions. My Honourable friend was not right 
in saying that, if I had any convictions of my own, I 
would have accepted the amendment. There is no 
connection whatever between the amendment proposed 
by the Honourable Pandit Nilakantha Das and the 


provision which I had made in clause 6 of my Bill. 
That clause, Sir, provided for the conscientious objector, 
when the objection was founded on religious tenets. 
The amendment supported by Mr. Kelkar has nothing 
to do with the " conscientious objector." It provides 
for cases in which the guardian of a girl is 
alleged to feel compelled to solemnise a marriage, 
the non-performance of which would involve a hard- 
ship to the girl or her family. Hardship to the 
girl or to the family, for instance, the illness of a 
guardian or the lack of means, is certainly not the same 
thing as a conscientious objection. I am sure, Sir, that 
had it not been for the annoyance caused to my Honour- 
able friend by the House summarily rejecting all his 
amendments, or had he had the provision of my Bill 
before him at the time he was speaking, he would 
not have been unfair to me. His chagrin is further 
shewn by his complaint, Sir, that Government gave 
me for this Bill several days which were reserved for 
official business and that this was a very peculiar thing 
and was not warranted. The Honourable Member will 
perhaps remember that when during the last Session, 
Government voted for the postponement of this Bill, 
they promised the House that in the autumn Simla 
Session they would provide sufficient time for the pass- 
ing of this Bill and would place at the disposal of the 
House as many days as may be found necessary in order 
that this Bill be passed. No one can therefore complain 
that Government, in fulfilment of that promise, are giving 
all the facilities necessary for the passing of this Bill 

A word, with regard to what fell from the 
Honourable Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya. Sir, he 
is the Leader of the Party to which I belong. I have 
the highest respect for him, as I am sure everybody 
else in the House has, for his high sense of duty and 
sincerity o purpose, his undoubted patriotism, and for 
the great services he has rendered to this country. It 


gives me pain to differ from him. It was a little dis- 
appointing to see him use in support of a dilatory 
motion, all those great oratorical gifts with which God 
has endowed him. Only the other day, in mellifluous 
accents, in those soft, persuasive tones, so characteristic 
of him and which we all admire, he moved for lowering 
the marriageable age of girls. Much as I should like 
to follow him, Sir, I feel that more powerful than his 
eloquence are the tears of the child widows , the woes 
of the child wives, the sufferings of the victims of 
this evil custom that call for justice and that beckon 
us to the path where lies our duty to the women of 
our country, our motherland. It is, however, a 
matter of some satisfaction that I do not differ from 
him in this Bill on any important matter of principle. 
He supports the Bill ; he does not want that the Bill 
should be wrecked, he wants that it should be passed. 
He only differs in a matter of detail ; he wants that the 
minimum marriageable age of girls which is fixed in 
this Bill at fourteen should be reduced to twelve. 

He said the other day that for the first time in 
the history of the world, penal legislation in respect of 
the marriage age was being passed in this country. When 
the Bill was first introduced, no penal clauses were 
attached to it. But the orthodox people would not 
have it. In other countries where marriage legislation 
has been enacted, the legislation is far more drastic. 
In those countries, marriages contracted below the 
minimum marriageable age are void. It is not so in 
this country. Even when this Bill is passed, the 
marriages of girls of two and three and eight will still 
remain legal, and will not be held to be void, which 
is not the case in other countries. Consequently, 
it serves no purpose to compare the marriageable age 
fixed in this Bill with the marriageable ages fixed in 
other countries, 

It is matter of satisfaction, that all the Honourable 


Members of this House recognise the evil of child 
marriage. There may be a difference o opinion with 
regard to the method to be pursued, and the measures 
to be employed to remedy this evil. 

A request was made by one of the Honourable 
Members that Government should not vote for the Bill 
but should remain neutral. That request, Sir, is tant- 
amount to a demand that Government should not per. 
form its primary function, which as everybody knows 
is to protect an individual or a class of its subjects from 
the invasion of his or its rights by another ; and, Sir, 
when Government finds that this evil exists on a very- 
large scale, Government is bound to interfere. The 
Honourable the Home Member in the brilliant speech 
which he delivered on the 4th September in this 
Assembly on this Bill, said: 

" The first and the most reasonable conclusion, the inevitable 
conclusion in reference to the particular contents of this Bill, is 
that there exists a great and a corroding evil in this country 
which is clamorous for a remedy. That evil, Sir, is one which 
afflicts, in the first instance, the most defenceless, innocent section 
of the community, those who have the greatest claims for our 
protection. The evil is not only limited to that. It is not merely 
the large number of young girls who year by year either die or 
sustain serious bodily injury ; but those who are acquainted with 
the case, those who have studied the evidence, those more parti- 
cularly who have come into contact with the practical facts and 
the practical consequences, cannot contemplate them without 
/ put it no higher than this the most serious searchings of mind, 
heart and conscience. It is not merely that generation after genera- 
tion of young girls should be exposed to or should suffer from these 
evils, but there are dangers to the future generations 'of the 
country from which, if the country is not willing to adopt a 
remedy, it win undoubtedly suffer in its most vital and im- 
portant interests. " 

And he concluded by saying I 

"We are convinced that this evil exists ; we are convinced 
that the measure of Rai Sahib Har Bilas Sarda is, at any rate, 
a first step in the direction of seeking a practical remedy, 


"Where we find so great an evil and where we find a promising 
remedy, we feel that we must support what we think to bo right. 
I trust, Sir, the great majority of this House will concur in that 
view. I trust they will concur in the view that this measure 
is a measure in the right direction and that it is their duty to 
support it with their suffrage." 

I take this opportunity to offer my grateful thanks to 
the Honourable Sir James Crerar for the very eloquent, 
able and closely reasoned speech in which he announced 
the fullest support of Government to this measure. 
That announcement has been received from one end of 
the country to the other with satisfaction and thank- 
fulness. It reminds me o the famous lines of Shakes- 
peare. The greatest of the poets says : 

"The quality of mercy is not strained; 

It is twice blessed ; 

It blesseth him that gives and him that takes :" 

The support of Government to this measure is also 
doubly helpful it will help the people to get rid of a 
widespread and a corroding evil, and it will also help 
Government inasmuch as it will strengthen the bonds 
between the Government and the people, as the people 
will now think that the Government is trying to help 
them in remedying this evil. In giving this support, 
the Honourable Sir James Crerar has therefore done a 
service to the Government as well as to the people. 

In order to show with what intense anxiety and 
almost breathless suspense, people in different provinces 
o India are waiting to see this Bill passed into law, 1 
will read a few lines from a telegram which I have 
received. It is from Montgomery. Rai Bahadur Ram 
Rakha Mai wires : 

" Kindly accept and convey all concerned sincerest gratitude 
and congratulations on Government's just, wise support for wealth 
and honour, nay, life-giving and nation-building Sarda Bill, for 
which millions helpless minor daughters, sisters and sons now 
sacrificed at alter of superstition like old suttee will bless all 


supporters for saving them from ruination by atrocities on minors 
which are cognizable offences like grievous hurt or rape under 
every civilized constitution." 

Then he goes on to say that he is sending a cheque 
of Ks. 500 for a certain purpose. He says that the 
names of all supporters to this Bill should be engraved 
on a column in the Assembly. That is, however, a 
matter with which 1 have no concern. I have quoted 
the telegram to show that the country appreciates the 
support given by Government to the Bill. 

This Bill, is a very moderate and a very mild 
measure. Moderate as it is, it will go a long way to 
rehabilitate this country in world opinion. Only the 
other day, we read a telegram published in the Pioneer 
and other papers saying that the Observer of London, 
a powerful paper, says that the welcome given to the 
Child Marriage Sill in the Assembly shotrs that a 
new India is in the making. In this connection, Sir, 
I will read to the House a passage which gives the 
opinion of one who is entitled to the highest respect 
and consideration. That passage will show that child 
marriage and enforced widowhood, pardah and other 
similar customs have been reacting against the liberties 
of our nation. I read from a book called " The India 
We Served ", by Sir Walter R. Lawrence, where he 
describes an interview between H. R. H. the Prince of 
Wales and Mr. Gokhale. He says : 

" Mr. Gokhale was the ablest Indian of his time. He was 
just then President of the Indian Congress and was nowly arrived 
from Benares, where he had made an important speech which 
had interested the Prince. ' I gather ', said the Prince, * that 
you think that the people of India would be happier if they were 
governed by Indians rather than by the British. I may be wrong, 
for I can only read by their eyes, but my impression is that the 
people I have seen are fairly happy. Are you sure that they 
would be happier if you changed the present system of Govern- 
ment ? ' * I cannot say, Sir, that they would be happier, but at 
any rate they would feel a pride in thinking that they were 


managing their own affairs, and taking their place among the 
self respecting nations of the world/ * Ah/ said the Prince, 'I 
can quite understand that ambition, but how can you achieve 
this while the women of India remain as they are at present 
in the unenlightened dark background ? ' Mr. Gokhale admitted 
that this was the blot, tho weak point in the progressive 

The Prince of Wales is now our King Emperor, 
and this Bill, Sir, is the first step towards removing 
that blot. 

In conclusion, I ask the Honourable Members to 
remember the times we are living in and act accor- 
dingly. When India was self-contained, when it was 
more or less isolated, when steamships, telegraphs, 
railways and airships had not conquered distances 
and broken the barriers, behind which India lived a 
sheltered and independent life, when these had not 
pulled her out of her isolation into the full blaze of 
publicity and exposed her to forces emanating from 
all quarters of the world, much of what is evil passed 
without doing her serious material or moral injury. 
Bnt things have changed now and the impact of 
foreign influences is not only disintegrating our life 
but, unless we fortify ourselves with all the strength 
that we can command, and get rid of the evils which 
are eating into the vitals of our nation, they will 
shatter our society into pieces. It is absolutely 
necessary that every man, woman and child in this 
country should grow to his or her full growth and 
be able to work without shackles for the good of 
the country so that we may reach the goal which we 
have set before ourselves. I beg you gentlemen to 
brush aside all objections, sacerdotal or profane, 
ancient or modern, based on tradition or custom which 
stint our growth, or stand in the way of our achiev- 
ing our goal Listen not, gentlemen, to antediluvian 
notions which have spent their force; stick not to the 


worn out dead ideas, but live in the present, the 
living present, and fix your eyes steadfastly on the 
future, the glorious future of our country which we 
must achieve if we are to prove ourselves true and 
worthy offspring of our worthy forefathers, whose 
bones lie mingled in the dust of our sacred land 
and call upon us to uplift our country from the 
slough of degradation, wretchedness and slavery into 
which our own deeds, our own sins of commission 
and omission have thrown her. 



While Europe's eye is fixed on mighty things, 
The fate of Empires, and the fall of Kings; 
While Quacks of State must each produce his plan, 
And even children lisp the Rights of Man; 
Amid the mighty fuss just let me mention, 
The Rights of Woman merit some attention. 


SIR, before I discuss the provisions of the Bill or 
give my reasons for bringing in this measure for enact- 
ment, I wish to make it clear that the Bill does not 
make any inroad into the basic principles of the Hindu 
law of succession or inheritance ; nor does it propose to 
make any material alteration in the law governing the 
Joint Hindu family. Its sole purpose is to ameliorate 
the lot of Hindu widows by restoring to them their 
right to be owners of their husbands' property and thus 
enable them to live their widowed lives without being 
left practically at the mercy of the male members of 
their husbands' families. 

The right of a widow to inherit her husband's 
property or rather become owner of her husband's 
property at the time of her marriage was allowed by Hindu 
law-givers just as a right of inheritance is allowed by 
the Muhammadan as well as the English law to widows. 
And in the rapidly changing conditions of Hindu society 

Speech delivered on 21st January 1930 in the Legislative Assembly, 
New Delhi, when a motion for taking the Hindu Widow's Right of 
Inheritance Bill into consideration was made. 


it has now become necessary that Hindu widows, who 
enjoyed this right in old days should now be restored 
that right and be declared entitled to inherit their 
husbands' property. In old days a Hindu widow was 
legally entitled to be owner of her husband's share in 
the family estate. Old texts make it abundantly clear. 

Under the Hindu law, as at present administered, 
a daughter does not get any share in her father's 
property as a son does, nor can she claim and sue for a 
share in her husband's property in the sense a son can 
do in his father's property. Where a widow does 
succeed to her husband, her right of inheritance is 
limited. For all practical purposes, her right has been 
reduced to a right of maintenance; and this right is 
often interpreted in courts of law in a very narrow 
sense. It is the modern case-law that has really reduced 
her to the position of a mere dependent on the family 
und entitled only to maintenance arid residence in 
family property. The student of Hindu law who does 
not go to the texts themselves is led to believe that she 
was never accorded any higher rights. If anything 
is primarily responsible for the great hardship which 
has fallen to the lot of Hindu women and which has 
reduced them to their present utterly helpless condition 
as regards their legal rights, it is the false notion 
harboured in the present system of Hindu law, that the 
woman has got absolutely no right in the property of 
her husband, except the right of maintenance. This 
was not what the old Hindu law-givers ever meant, 
much less did they lay it down. In order to remove 
misunderstanding, it is necessary that we should 
examine the import of the texts of the Hindu law. 

In spite of the very liberal conception of a 
woman's status in the family of her husband as 
co-owner of his property, formulated by the text- 
writers, as the foundation of all her rights either 
as wife or widow, English judges who decided the 


earlier cases, misunderstood this fundamental basis 
o her right, either because of their ignorance of 
the language in which Hindu law texts are to be 
found or because of the fact that, in their own 
country, rights of women were then not fully 
recognised. Mr. M. R. Jayakar in his learned pre- 
sidential address to the Forty-first Indian National Social 
Conference thus speaks of the matter t 

"The Englishman was not accustomed until the Eighties to 
regard women in his own country as independently capable of 
acquiring or holding property. Englishwomen got this right at 
a very late stage. With this bias in his mind, it is not surprising 
that the English Judge at Westminister, in interpreting ancient 
Indian texts written in a language which he did not understand, 
and of the context of which too he was personally ignorant, adopt- 
ed a position inclining more towards limited female rights than 
towards absolute ones. In a celebrated ruling which laid down 
for all time that inheritance derived by women from a male in 
their husband's family can never become their absolute property, 
the Privy Council, being solely dependent upon confusing rival 
quotations cited on opposite sides, have actually abrogated the 
Mitakshara rule in favour of more ancient and doubtful text 
vaguely prescribing an ascetic life for Hindu widows. The bias 
thus acquired by judicial decisions has unconsciously survived to 
present day. The English judge in England and in India, owing 
to his natural caution born of his ignorance of the language 
and the habits of the people, has fought shy of liberal interpreta- 
tions except when compelled by the clearest evidence." 

I will read one more passage from a valuable 
pamphlet written by Mr. V. V. Joshi, of Baroda: 

" A widow is entitled after the death of a person who was 
joint with other co-parceners at the time of his death, to succeed 
to his interest in the undivided property, she being a co-owner 
with her husband. As Vridha Manu states: 'A sonless widow, 
who keeps unsullied the bed of her lord, should alone offer the 
cake and succeed to his entire, share. Here the widow's right 
of succession to the entire share of her husband's property is 
definitely and very clearly asserted. In deciding the legal effect 
of death of either husband or wife on each other's rights, 
Brihaspati lays down: 'A wife deceased before her husband takes 


away his consecrated fire; but if the husband dies before his 
faithful wife, she takes his property". 

In the face of these texts, it is absurd to assume, 
as has unfortunately been assumed by the present 
case-made law, that with the death of her husband, 
wife's interest in the property as co-owner with her 
husband vanishes altogether. Brihastpati makes clear 
the whole legal position in stating thus : 

"In the Veda, by the traditional law of the Smritis, and by 
popular usage, the wife is declared to be half the body of 
her husband equally sharing the outcome of good and evil act. 
Of him, whose wife is not dead, half (his) body survives. How 
should any one else take his property, while half his body lives ? 
Although kinsmen, although his parents, although uterine 
brothers be living, the wife of him who dies without leaving a 
male issue shall succeed to his share." 

BabuGolap Chandra Sarkar Sastri, while commenting 
upon her right, summarises the whole situation thus: 

"Her right as co-owner of her husband's interest in the 
joint family subsists even after the husband's death, although her 
husband's right as distinguished from hers may pass by survivor- 
ship or by succession to sons or even to collaterals; these simply 
step in into the position of her husband, and she is required by 
Hindu law to live under their guardianship after her husband's 
death, The reason for recognising her right continues even 
after her husband's death. The inferior dependent status of her 
sex prevents her from taking the husband's interest by survivorship, 
while she is surviving half of her husband's body, a male issue is 
his consubstantial; and in a joint family, the female members 
occupy an inferior position and must live under the protection of 
the male members, but their interest in the family property 
remains unaffected by the husband's deabh. Besides, it is contrary 
to the reason for recognising this right, and contrary to the 
Mitakshara and to its fundamental doctrine, namely, that partition 
cannot create any right but proceeds upon the footing of pre- 
existing rights, and that it is by virtue of the wife's right to the 
husband's property that she obtains a share even when partition 
is made by her sons after the husband's death, and that it is by 
virtue of this right that she continues to enjoy the family property 
so long as it remains joint after the husband's death." 


The fact is, by marriage a girl is cut off from her 
father's family and introduced into the family of her 
husband as if she were born therein at the date of her 
marriage, her Gotra becoming the Gotra of her husband's 
family, she being united with her husband in blood and 
body. Husband and wife constitute one entity, the 
wife being half, ardhangini. And as the sage Datta 
puts it, "Wealth is considered as common to the married 
pair". Not only was wealth regarded as being owned 
by husband and wife jointly, but whenever occasion 
arose for dividing the estate among those having an 
interest in the family estate, the wife or mother was 
counted as a sharer as if she were a coparcener, and 
this is exactly the reason why the mother was given 
a share equal to that of a son on partition effected 
amongst her sons either in the lifetime of her hus- 
band or after his death. As an acute lawyer and an 
oriental scholar puts it : 

"She gets a share in virtue of the co-ownership she acquires 
from the moment of her marriage in her husband's property, by 
reason of her being the lawfully wedded wife. It is erroneous 
to suppose that partition creates her right to get a share ; for, 
according to the Mitakshara, partition does not create any right 
but it proceeds upon the footing of pre-existing rights." 

It is thus clear that the fact that the wife is the co-owner 
of her husband's property is the only basis upon which 
her right to a share on partition can be explained. 

If maintenance was to be all that she was 
entitled to, that right could have been secured by 
making a provision to that effect, as has been made 
in favour of those who are regarded as dependents 
on the family. Where then was the necessity of 
giving her a share equal to that of her son or 
husband unless it was as an assertion of her right as 
co-owner in the property ? Her right to succession to 
the property of her deceased husband was admitted on 
the basis of her status as co-owner with her husband, 


and Mitakshara expresses it in these words : 

"If it be objected that jointress is declared even as regards 
ownership of property in the texts : yes, the wife's ownership in 
the husband's property is certainly sho\\n by the text. Therefore 
the ownership in the husband's property is vested in the wife also/ 1 

Jimutavahana makes it clearer still. While criti- 
cising the position taken up by some commentators, he 
states : 

"Nor is there any proof of the proposition that the wife's 
ownership in her husband's property accruing to her from her 
marriage ceasett on his death." 

Eugene A. Becker in her "Short History of Woman's 
Rights with special reference to England and the 
United States 1 ', p. 2, (Edition 1911), says : 

"Throughout her life, a woman was supposed to remain abso- 
lutely under the power of father, husband, or guardian, and to do 
nothing without their consent. In ancient times this authority 
was so great that the father and husband could, after calling a 
family council, put the woman to death without public trial." 

Pollock and Maitland, quoted by Miss Hecker, say : 

"Our law institutes no community even of moveables between 
husband and wife. Whatever moveables the wife has at the date 
of the marriage become the husband's, and the husband is 
entitled to take possession of and thereby to make his own what- 
ever moveables she becomes entitled to during the marriage, and 
without her concurrence he can sue for all debts that are 
due her." 

It was only in 1882 A. D. that the Married Women's 
Property Act was enacted, which finally did away with 
the husband's ownership of his wife's property. Thus,as 
the English judges were unfamiliar with the rights of 
women in property in their own country, they interpre- 
ted the Hindu law in a most narrow spirit with the 
result that woman's ancient rights in India have 
been curtailed to an alarming extent not warranted by 
the true interpretation o the texts. 


The Allahabad High Court in 1879, in the case o 
Jamna vs. Machul Sahu, recognised the wife's co- 
ownership in husband's property in a subordinate 
sense, but this right was modified by the Bombay 
High Court in 1880 in Narmadabai vs. Mahadeo 
Narayan, Kashinath Narayan and Shamabai by 
implying that the co-ownership does not involve 
independent or equal powers of disposition or exclu- 
sive enjoyment or ownership in the ordinary sense; 
while the Calcutta High Court curtailed this right 
still further in 1903 in Punna Bibee vs. Radha Kissen 
Deis, by stating that the wife cannot be regarded as 
co-owner so as to be able to enforce a claim for mainte- 
nance against a purchaser for value. This curtailment 
has been done in the face of clear texts to the contrary. 
It is, however, clear that the Hindu law-givers made 
wives co-owners of their husband 9 s property and full 
owners of that property after the death of their 

Until recently, when Hindu society was not so 
much subjected to outside influence, though "women 
had been deprived of certain necessary rights enforce- 
able at law, the social traditions and the noble 
influences of Hindu culture secured to the Hindu 
widow a position of respect and comfort in the 
family. And those who are acquainted with the 
conditions obtaining in Hindu family life know that 
in all families where Hindu traditions have not been 
forgotten but are still alive, widows are treated 
with great respect and consideration, and elderly 
widows even exercise a predominant influence in 
domestic and social life. But with the gradual 
abandonment of those ideals which the originators 
of the joint Hindu family had in view, in consequence 
of the slow disintegration of the joint Hindu 
family system under the impact of foreign political, 
economic and social influences, and owing to the 


acceptance in an increasing degree of new ideals of 
life and conduct, due partly to the introduction of 
foreign culture and partly to a new valuation of 
things, the entire fabric of Hindu society is under- 
going a change, and the position of women and 
particularly of widows is becoming more and more 
difficult. With the disappearance of moral safe-guards 
which existed while old Hindu traditions were honoured 
and acted upon, and owing to their non-possession of 
legally enforceable rights to property, the position 
of widows is becoming precarious. The only remedy 
now is to recognise the right of a Hindu widow to 
family property and thus safeguard her legitimate 
position. This is the raison d'etre of this Bill. 

It must be remembered that women all over the 
country are now awakening to a realisation of their 
precarious position and are demanding that the time has 
arrived when their rights should be recognised in law. 
In their Conferences held in different parts of India in 
recent years, they have demanded rights of inheritance. 
The All-India Women's Conference, which meets yearly, 
and which met at Poona under the Presidentship of 
Her Highness the Maharani of Baroda; at Delhi under 
the Presidentship of H H. the Begum of Bhopal, and 
last year at Patna with the Rani of Mandi as President, 
and the various provincial constituent conferences of 
women have been demanding rights of inheritance for 
women. The Gujrati Women's Conference held at 
Ahmedabad on 8th December last; the Benares Consti- 
tuent Conference of Women on 10th December, the 
Simla Women's Conference on 10th September last, 
the Mysore Women's Conference, which met on 8th 
and 9th November last; the Delhi Branch of the All- 
India Women's Conference, which met on the 26th 
November; the Ajmer-Merwara Women's Conference, 
which met on the 2nd December last and various other 
Conferences have demanded this right of inheritance. 


The Indian National Social Conference, which is the 
most important social organisation representing men 
and women of the whole of India, in its forty-second 
session held at Lahore during the last Christmas week, 
over which I had the honour to preside, un- 
animously supported the present Bill and demanded its 
passage into law. The Kajputana Women's Conference 
held in November, 1928, also demanded the passing of 
this Bill. 

It is thus clear that there is a general demand on 
the part of the women of India that the law should 
recognise their share in the family property, and 
important public bodies like the Indian National Social 
Conference have given their support to the present Bill. 

Coming to the provisions of the Bill, I have to say 
that the Bill does not administer any deep cut across 
the Hindu law of succession ; nor does it alter the line 
of succession by disinheriting persons who are co- 
parceners under the Mitakshara school or who would 
become co-parceners on death of an ancestor under 
the Dayabhaga school. As I have said before, the Bill 
aims at improving the conditions in which a Hindu 
widow has to live by giving her a certain well-defined 
right of inheriting property from her husband, without 
in any way materially altering the general law govern- 
ing the joint Hindu family, and also without creating 
new rights in addition to those already existing. This 
Bill in no way affects the rights of those who possess 
those rights by birth in a Hindu family under the 
Hindu law. It only affects those who acquire some 
rights in addition to their birth-rights by the death 
of a member of the family, or those who had no rights 
in the family property at all and who, by the happening 
of a certain event, i.e., the death of a person leaving no 
male issue, acquire certain rights in the property of 
another family. In other words, it only affects the 
rights of survivors and reversioners, which rights have 


come into existence owing to recent interpretations of 
old texts. The Bill thus follows the line of least 
interference with the basic principles of the Hindu 
joint family system. 

Under the Mitakshara law, a male member of a 
joint Hindu family acquires coparcenary rights by birth. 
Under the Dayabhaga, the coparcenary rights accrue to 
sons not on their birth but on the death of their father. 
As a widow can only claim the share which her husband 
would have got under the Mitakshara law, leaving 
intact the shares of her husband's sons and other male 
members of the family, even the widows in families 
governed by the Dayabhaga law will be able, under the 
proposed law, only to claim that restricted share 
without in any way interfering with the shares of her 
husband's sons or other co-parceners. Thus, there is 
no disinheriting any coparceners or would-be coparce- 
ners. And this is made clearer by the contents of the 
proviso to clause 3, which lays down that if the husband 
leaves no male issue and the widow adopts a son, she 
will share her husband's property with the adopted son. 

Sir, I have known cases and Honourable Members 
cannot be unaware of them where people who 
throughout the life of a married man, were at logger- 
heads with him and were his enemies, laid claim on his 
death to all his property, depriving his widow of her 
ownership of it. It is true the present law gives a 
widow a life interest in her husband's property if he 
was the sole owner of that property, yet the general 
illiteracy and ignorance prevailing amongst the women 
in this country; the purdah and the seclusion of women 
from society, and other special features of life in this 
country make it well nigh impossible for widows 
to get even their restricted rights enforced by law. 

I find that the Honourable the Law Member has 
tabled an amendment asking that the Bill be 
circulated for eliciting public opinion thereon. 


J Government wish to adopt that course, I would not 
object to it. I would accept the amendment that 
the Bill be circulated for eliciting public opinion, if the 
amendment provides that the Bill, after circulation, 
becomes available for consideration at the next Session 
of the Assembly before the life of this Assembly 
expires. Sir, I move that the Bill be taken into 



Man to man so oft unjust, 

Is always so to woman; One sole bond 

Awaits them, treachery is all their trust; 

Taught to conceal their bursting hearts despond over their idol, 

BYRON, Don Juan. 

THE Hindu Widows' Right of Inheritance Bill was first 
introduced by me in the Legislative Assembly on 26 
September 1929 and was taken into consideration on 
the 21st of January 1930, and ordered to be circulated. 
In pursuance of that decision, the Bill was circulated, 
and opinions were received. On 15 July 1930, the 
Bill came up again before the House and a motion to 
refer it to the Select Committee was made. But before 
the discussion concluded and the Select Committee could 
meet, the Assembly was dissolved and the Bill con* 
sequently lapsed. The first session of the present 
Assembly took place last year in Delhi and I reintro- 
duced the Bill in a slightly modified form modified to 
meet the chief objection taken to the provisions of the 
first Bill by some of the associations and persons to 
whom it had been circulated. The Bill thus comes 
up before the House in a form acceptable to the vast 
majority of those who were consulted by Government 
on the previous occasion, and whose opinions were 
circulated to Members. It .will be observed that the 
Bill has been before the public for over two years. 

Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, New Delhi, on 26 January 
19S2 when the new Hindu Widows' Right of Inheritance Bill was taken 
into consideration. 


Before discussing the provisions of the Bill, I wish 
to read a few of the opinions of high judicial 
authorities and other responsible persons to show the 
urgency of the enactment of the measure. 

Mr, Justice Naimatullah says : 

"The position of widows in Hindu families except where she 
happens to be widow of a sonless person is one of helplessness." 

The S. D. 0. Bansdah, says : 

"Hindu widows are proverbial in their miserable condition. 
I know of many an instance in which the widow lived in luxury 
in the lifetime of her husband but soon after his death 
she had to bear untold suffering and trouble." 

The Collector of Balia says : 

"The present condition of the widow is the most deplorable 
thing imaginable. I know instances where ladies had to pass 
their lives on needle and other such income while in the lifetime 
of their husbands they used to live as Ranis. These are not 
exceptions, but a rule in all big joint Hindu families. The 
exception is when a widow is mercifully treated." 

The Chairman, District Board and President, Hindu 
Sabha, Balia, says : 

"The condition of a Hindu widow has become proverbial in 
helplessness. The treatment accorded to her is simply 
deplorable and repugnant to the very sense of humanity and 
decency. The moment the husband dies, his better half begins 
to be looked upon as a positive evil in the family. She is at 
the mercy of the collaterals who want to get rid of her as soon 
as possible. The manifold cruelties meted out to the widow can 
better be realised than described/' 

Rao Bahadur V. M. Kelkar says : 

"The lot of the Hindu widow in joint Hindu family left to tho 
tender mercies of her unsympathetic relatives who consider that 
there is no justification for her existence after her husband s death 
who look upon her as a superfluous person to be tolerated as an 
inevitable evil, has been the subject of numerous complaints in 
the Press and on the platform/* 


The Collector of Tinnevelly says : 

"The moral sense even of those who are not reformers is 
shocked by the preference of distant reversioners to the widow. 
I consider the Bill most welcome and most necessary." 

The Commissioner of Multan says : 

"The position of a Hindu widow under the Hindu law of 
inheritance is really deplorable." 

The Commissioner, South Division, Bombay, says : 
"The position of most Hindu widows is deplorable." 
The Sri Shivaji Mahratta Society, Poona says: 

"The plight of Hindu widows is extremely distressing and 
deplorable. She is completely at the mercy of the male 
relations of her husband/' 

The Honourable Mr. B. V. Jadhav says : 

"The condition of a Hindu widow is indeed very deplorable. 
She is completely at the mercy of her Ithaibands." 

Justice Sir Jwala Prasad says : 

"The widows of a joint Mitakshara family are left at the 
mercy of the agnates of her husband/' 

I will now deal briefly with a few of the matters to 
which attention has been called by various people 
to whom the Bill had been circulated. Some three or four 
of the people who were consulted, say that, the Bill 
goes against their semi-religious or religio-social belief s. 
Sir, where the belief is sincere and genuine, I sympa- 
thise with the people holding it. No one wishes to 
tread unsympathetically on the toes of people's beliefs. 
They are Hindus and I am a Hindu of Hindus. I 
would, however, respectfully point out to them that 
this Bill does not even remotely affect their religious 
beliefs. Devolution of property is a human device to 
promote personal and social welfare. It is governed 
by rights which the collective wisdom of peoples 


inhabiting different countries of the world attaches in 
those countries to relationship, some of which are 
natural and others created by necessities of life. And 
as human relationships are liable to change, readjust- 
ments of things have to be made to secure happiness 
and welfare ; and the laws governing those readjust- 
ments must also be changed as necessity arises. 
In one society a system called the joint Hindu family 
system prevails; in another it does not. Therefore 
the laws of property governing the two societies 
must necessarily be different. Joint Hindu family 
system is not a matter of religion. Were it so, no 
provision for separation of members forming a joint 
Hindu family could be provided or tolerated by the 
Sastras. The very fact that the system itself contains 
provisions for separation of members of a Hindu joint 
family and for bringing the joint character of the family 
to an end, proves conclusively that the system is not a 
matter of religion, but a social and economic 

Then we find that the laws relating to inheritance 
amongst the Hindus vary with provinces and com- 
munities according to values attached to human relation- 
ships, as illustrated by the Mitakshara, the Dayabhaga 
and the Mayuka schools; while there are communities 
which are governed by customary law, which also 
varies from province to province and community to 
community. Hindu law-givers differ radically amongst 
themselves as to the rules of inheritance. That being 
so, how can a solitary change in that law or the 
application of a rule of inheritance obtaining in one 
province to another be termed an interference with 
religion in any sense of the term. And if there 
are people who hold that every act of a Hindu during 
his life, whether as regards food, clothing, bath, travel, 
habitation, culture or social relations is a matter of 
religion, then these acts cannot beheld to be sacrosanct, 


for, how can rules, often contradictory of one another 
be all sacrosanct ? 

It is perfectly true that laws governing inheritance 
should not be lightly changed. But where grave 
changes in the social organisation of communities take 
place owing to the changing circumstances of a 
country, particularly where owing to the disintegrating 
action of foreign influences and of forces originating 
beyond national control, the outlook on life and 
ideals governing life are changed, changes must 
be made in the laws of inheritance to bring about 
a readjustment of relations in order to preserve just 
rights and secure happiness and prosperity. This in 
no way interferes with the basic principles of the faith 
to which people owe allegiance. 

An objection is sometimes taken, as has been done 
in this case, to social legislation on the ground that 
piecemeal legislation is not desirable. Dr. Ganganath 
Jha of Allahabad deprecates tinkering with Hindu law 
here and there. Does he then really expect that the 
whole of the Hindu law should be thrown away and a 
new system be substituted in its place? Reform can 
only be piecemeal. As times change and changed cir 
cumstances require readjustments, changes are introduc- 
ed. Conserve what is useful and change what altered 
circumstances require to be changed, Later, if what 
is now useful ceases to be useful and is found to be 
harmful owing to changed circumstances, then that 
should also be changed. A certain part of the human 
body becomes diseased, no doctor out of Bedlam would 
advise that instead of treating the diseased part by 
applying medicines to it or performing an operation 
on it, the whole body should be subjected to that 
operation. A crack occurs in the wall of a house, 
would you repair it or go and pull the whole house 
down and rebuild it ? 

Another objection raised whenever justice is sought 


to be done to the widow or the woman is that she is 
ignorant and does not know how to manage things 
and would only waste the property if it is given to her. 
This argument is of the any-stick-is-good-enough-to- 
beat-a-dog-with variety. You deprive people of all 
arms and then say they are not martial. Moreover, it 
is a libel on women to say that they would waste all 
property, i it is given to them. Members of this 
Honourable House will, I am sure, from personal 
experience, deny that. An instance here or there of 
waste would occur; but because in a rare case, a woman 
misuses her property, it does not follow that all women 
should be deprived of their rights. Do we not cons* 
tantly meet with cases of young men wasting their 
patrimony not only to their own detriment but to the 
grave injury of the women dependent on them. Have 
you ever proposed that young men should not be given 
shares in property ? Why is this argument trotted out 
when rights of women are concerned and riot when the 
inheritance law for men is discussed. The only proper 
and effective answer to this objection would be given, 
when women would assemble and discuss and decide 
what rights should be given to men and what with- 
held from them, for there are so many instances of 
men wasting their patrimony. And as sure as the day 
follows night, the day is coining when in our legisla- 
tures, women will have their say as to what rights 
should be enjoyed by men and what not 

It has also been alleged by one or two persons that 
if women are given rights of sharing property with 
men, grave disturbances would occur in Hindu society. 
May I ask in reply, what cataclysms have occurred in 
those societies where women do enjoy rights of property 
and where the law gives them shares in their father's 
property as well as their husband's? I am surprised 
that men should so far forget themselves and belie 
their courtesy and culture as to utter such deprecatory 


things about a class wherein are to be found their 
mothers, sisters, daughters and wives. 

I will now cite an instance to show how little 
thought even the highest judicial officers of Govern- 
ment ' sometimes give to Bills circulated to them for 
expression of their opinion. Mr. Macnair, Additional 
Judicial Commissioner of the Central Provinces, says: 

"In other systems of law, a widow succeeds only to a share 
in her husband's rights. I therefore do not approve oLthe Bill." 

Mr. Macnair betrays ignorance of the conditions arid 
facts of life in India, as also of the other systems of 
law of which he talks. He conveniently forgets when 
he talks of those systems of law that those systems 
of law give every girl a share in her father's property 
and what she gets from her husband's property is in 
addition to what she got from her parents. Amongst 
Hindus, a girl gets no share in the paternal estate. 
This makes all the difference in the world between 
Hindu law and the English and Muslim systems of law. 
He also thinks that clause 3 'disinherits adult sons'. 
Nothing of the kind. Those adult sons, unless they 
separated from their father during his lifetime and were 
given their shares, remain members of a joint Hindu 
family and, as coparceners, are under the Mitakshara 
law fully entitled to their shares. The share of the 
deceased husband of the widow which she would get under 
this Bill always was exclusive of the share of the sons. 

I now come to the provisions of the Bill and would 
deal with them briefly. Before I do so, however, 
I must make it clear that the present Bill differs 
from the Bill introduced and circulated in 1929 A.D. 
in one important respect. The old Bill provided in 
clause 3 (1) that the share that the widow was 
entitled to get on partition should become her absolute 
property. When that Bill was circulated, most of the 
criticism was directed against this provision. While 


sympathy with the object of the Bill was universally 
expressed, objection was taken in some quarters to 
giving a widow a share absolutely. The great majority 
of those who objected to that Bill objected only to 
property vesting absolutely in the widow as it cut 
across rights of survivors. They said that they 
would support the Bill if the share was of the nature 
of a widow's estate. 

Now, though justice requires that a widow should 
have full rights in the shares she gets, yet in order to 
disarm opposition and meet the views of the majority 
of those who took objection to the Bill only because of 
this provision of the Bill, I have in the present Bill 
deleted the words, "This share shall become her 
absolute property." 

If we now take this alteration in the Bill into 
consideration we find that an overwhelming majority 
of opinions of those whom the Bill was circulated is 
in favour of the Bill. Counting a High Court as 
one, when it has expressed no opinion, but counting 
separately the opinions of individual judges when they 
have expressed their opinions on the Bill, we find that 
leaving out of account about seventeen or eighteen bodies 
or persons who have not expressed opinion either way, 
there are ninety-six opinions in favour of the present Bill 
and forty-five against it. Many of those who are in 
favour of the Bill suggest minor amendments and many 
of those who are against the Bill also suggest some 
amendment or other. 

Of the opinions recorded, all are of men or bodies of 
men except three, two of which are opinions of individual 
women, and one of a women's association. This shows 
that the circulation of the Bill wag unfair and that 
in justice has been done to women by Government by not 
inviting the opinions of the class, to remedy the wrongs 
of which, the Bill has been introduced. The Bill ought 
to have been circulated to all woman's association* 


and to the prominent women in the country. Had this 
been done, there would have been a chorus of approval 
of the Bill in the country, for the entire woman-hood of 
India would have been found in favour of the Bill. 
This is clear from the unanimous support which all the 
women consulted have given to the measure. They all 
heartily support the Bill. The Bill has also received 
support from one and all of the Women's Associations 
that have otherwise come to know of this Bill. 

A significant fact comes to light in connection 
with these opinions. One of the opinions is that of 
Lady Jugmohandas, wife of Sir Jugmohandas 
of Bombay, who was asked to give her opinion. 
And what do we find ? While Sir Jugmohandas 
is against any change in the law and is against 
the Bill, Lady Jugmohandas supports the Bill, 
and adds that the Gujrati Stri Mandal (Gujrati 
Women's Association) of which she is President, 
whole-heartedly supports the Bill. What can be 
a better and a more forceful illustration than this 
difference of opinion between the Bombay Knight 
and his wife, of the awakening of women in Hindu 
society; for it proves that even the women of the most 
orthodox families, supposed to be under the influence 
and sway of old-world notions and of reactionary 
husbands and head* of families, are awakening to the 
realities of the situation, and are rapidly realising 
their abject, unstable and humiliating legal position 
in the social polity of India ? They are beginning to 
assert themselves and show their silent strength, and 
are determined to regain their proper and rightful place 
in society to enable them to contribute their full share 
towards the building of a strong, self-confident and 
self-respecting nation. I trust, this House will 
tke note of the fact that the women of India are 
determined to fight for justice and liberty for their 
country and for themselves. And it behoves the 


members of this House to recognize their claim and 
assign them a position in society which justice and 
honour require us to assign to them. 

Some of the criticism levelled against the Bill 
is due to a misunderstanding of the provisions of its 
clause 3, sub-clause (2), due perhaps to the fact that 
the language is not clear. It has been construed to 
mean that when a Hindu who is not a member of a joint 
Hindu family leaves a son or sons and a widow, his 
property under this clause goes to his widow to the 
exclusion of his sons, and critics have complained that 
the Bill favours the widow- to the deprivation of the 
sons of their rights. The Collector of Madras says : 

"I think that it will be enough if the widow takes an equal 
share along with the sons of the property left by her husband". 

This, as a matter of fact, is what the Bill provides. 
Sub-clause (2) of clause 3 states that the widow will 
take the property of her husband only when at his death 
he was not a member of a joint Hindu family. Now if 
he had a son or sons, he was, under the Mitakshara 
law, a member of a joint Hindu family with his son 
or sons, and this sub-clause does not apply to his case. 
His case would be governed by clause 3, sub-clause (1). 
The Select Committee may amend the language of 
clause 3 so as to make the intention of the Bill quite 
clear that, whether a family is governed by the 
Mitakshara or the Dayabhaga, the sons shall always 
have their shares in their father's property. Sir, when 
the proviso to sub-clause (2) gives half the property 
of the deceased even to an adopted son a son adopted 
by the widow to her husband after his death according 
to law or custom, how could the Bill be construed so 
as to deprive the sons of her husband by her or his other 
wives of their shares in the property ? Of course, if a 
man's sons separated from him after receiving their 
shares of the family property, then his property on his 


death passes to the widow. For a son could not claim 
a double share for himself. 

The Bill as it now stands does not touch any one's 
rights in the property. The right of survivorship 
remains intact. Even the rights of reversioners are, 
in the main, safe. Though the Collector of Tinnevelly 
voices the opinions (Paper 1, page 34) and sentiments 
of thoughtful people when he says that, "The moral 
sense even of those who are not reformers is shocked 
by the preference of distant reversiouers to the widow,' f 
yet even this is safeguarded and it is left to the Select 
Committee or this House to treat the widow more 
liberally and recognise her claims in preference 
to those of distant and very often hostile relations. 

In conclusion, I wish to emphasize that by 
accepting my motion, the House only accepts the 
principle of the Bill, which is that the lot of a Hindu 
widow, who at present neither gets a share in her 
father's property nor in her husband's, should be 
ameliorated by giving her some rights in the property 
which belonged to her husband, for her support in her 
widowed life. How much is she to get, and in what 
shape, are matters not vital to the Bill and will be 
decided by the Select Committee and this Honourable 
House. It is the business of the Select Committee 
to improve the draft where necessary and make clear 
any point that may be obscure and define the extent 
and nature of the right that the Bill gives to the 
widow. This may be necessary in view of the fact 
that when a man leaves a widow and one or more sons, 
the son under the Dayabhaga law does not become a 
coparcener by birth, though he does so under the 
Mitakshara law. The Bill has absolutely no intention 
to disinherit any son. 

1 appeal to the Honourable Members of this 
House to my European and Muslim colleagues, to 
support this Bill as it attempts only to give to the 


Hindu widow only a part of what their own laws 
already give to widows governed by those laws, 
and therefore deserves their support. (Mr. K. Ahmed: 
"We have no objection.") I also appeal to the Hindu 
Members that this Bill is but a humble attempt to 
ameliorate to some extent the lot of a helpless class 
of women who, as members of Hindu society, are 
subject to grave disabilities and have to stand the 
rigours of a life which, alas, only Hindu widows in 
this world have to do ! Sir, I will not read to you the 
many letters I have received from widows from the 
various provinces of India giving me harrowing accounts 
of their sufferings, all due to their possessing no legal 
rights to property. Sir, I move. 



fairest of creation, last and best 
Of all God's works, creature in whom excelled 
Whatever can to sight or thought be form'd, 
Holy, divine, good, amiable or sweet ? 

MILTON, Paradise Lost. 

I find, Sir, that fifteen Members have spoken on this 
Bill. Of these, five have spoken against it. One has 
spoken against the Bill because, though he sympathises 
with the object of the Bill, he says it is badly drafted 
and therefore he is against it. Thus six Members are 
against the Bill and nine are in favour of it. The principal 
opponent of the Bill, who made a long speech, was Raja 
Bahadur Krishnamachariar, and I shall first deal with 
the points which he made in that speech. My friend 
referring to me, said I use his words: 

" He said it is only a question of principle that is involved ; 
the rest and the more important thing would be done by the 
Select Committee, that question of principle being or at least 
asserting that the Hindu widow is subject to all sorts of persecu- 
tions and tyrannies which human wit could devise/ 1 

These are his words. I do not know, Sir, if any man 
could more grossly misrepresent what I said, My 
speech was delivered in the open House, I wonder if 
any one who heard me could say that the principle of 

Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, New Delhi on the 4th 
February, 1932, while replying to the debate on the Hindu Widows 1 Bight 
of Inheritance Bill 


the Bill was that the widow was subjected to all sorts 
of persecutions and tyrannies that human wit could 
devise. He then asks. " Has any widow complained 
to Mr. Sarda ? ". Yes, several. And then we find 
every day widows in various provinces complaining of 
their hard conditions and asking for relief. I will read 
only two of the letters I have received. One of them 
is in Hindi and I do not intend to read it to the Assem- 
bly. I will only say that it has been sent to me by the 
widow of an officer in Kotah, who was Assistant 
Inspector General of Police there ; and she relates her 
harrowing tale of misery, how she has been driven 
out of the family without any provision being made for 
maintenance by her relations. The second letter 
which I received yesterday is this : 

" Your active sympathy for the deplorable state of Hindu 
widows and your efforts to get them redress have inspired me to 
narrate you the pitiable condition of my daughter whose husband 
died some 5 months back. I belong to a Deccani Brahmin com- 
munity. My daughter was married at the age of 16 to a young 
man of the same caste. Ho was an employe of the Imperial Bank 
of India at Dhulia drawing Rs. 160 per month. All of a sudden 
he was thrown off the service. This was a great shock to him. 
The result was he caught consumption and died of it after a pro- 
tracted illness of one and a half year. My daughter could hardly 
enjoy the married life for 3 or 4 months. This is my only 
daughter. I spent on her marriage Us. 4,000 Rs. 2,000 dowry 
and Rs. 2,000 for other expenses. 

"As she has now become a widow, her father-in-law who is a 
moneyed man would not allow her to stay with him though they 
were living jointly during the life-time of her husband. In order 
to get maintenance allowance from her father-in-law, I asked a 
local pleader to issue a notice on her father-in-law claiming main- 
tenance at Rs, 25 per month, stridhan for about Rs. 5,000, and 
Rs. 2,000 on account of tho life policy of her husband. The 
pleader informed me that whatever property that belonged to 
her father-in-law was self -acquired and hence the father-in-law 
was not legally bound to maintain his daughter-in-law. It is only 
moral obligation. My daughter cannot therefore claim main- 
tenance as of right under the existing Hindu law. If the 


opposition party could see with their eyes wide open they will see 
this sort of injustice towards widows in almost every Hindu family. 
Hindu widows at once become foreigners to the house which 
belonged to them during the life-time of their husbands. By 
bringing forth a Bill in the Legislative Assembly for a share for 
Hindu widows in the husband's property you have certainly 
espoused the just cause of Hindu widov\s. May you be successful 
in your attempt." 

if my Honourable friend thinks that the condition o 
the Hindu widows is that of very happy women, he 
must be living in a dreamland of his own. Then he 
said : "of course any one could get some of these letters 
written, but whether the writers understood the contents 
of those letters or not is a different matter". I had 
hoped that a man of Kaja Bahadur's credentials would 
not stoop to make such unfair insinuations. I will not 
say much further on that point. 

Speaking of Government's attitude towards social 
legislation, my Honourable friend, speaking of his leader 
Sir Hari Singh Gour's Bill on the divorce question, said : 

" At that time the Home Member put his foot down very 
heavily and said that before Government decided to support that 
Bill, they ought to have before them strong cogent evidence that 
the community or a portion of the people affected would agree or 
welcome it." 

1 am willing to accept this attitude of Government 
towards social legislation. The Honourable the Home 
Member knows very well that the women of India 
demand this law. If Government want evidence " that 
the community or a portion of the people affected would 
agree or welcome it" what better evidence could there 
be than the fact that of the fifteen Members who have 
spoken, five have opposed it and ten supported the Bill. 
Of these, two were Muslims and the rest were Hindus. 
So far as the Assembly goes, the Bill has been opposed 
by only five and supported by ten. Mr. Sen, who 
spoke towards the end of the debate, seemed to 
deny the very basis upon which the Bill is based. He 


and Raja Bahadur Krishnamachariar did not admit 
or accept that the condition o the Hindu widow 
is at all miserable. They think that the widows 
are treated with every respect and consideration and 
nothing has to be done to ameliorate their condition. On 
this point the Raja Bahadur dismissed the Honourable 
Mr. Yamin Khan as being a non-Hindu and therefore 
absolutely ignorant of Hindu conditions. But as to the 
condition of Hindu widows, is not Justice Jwala 
Pershad a Hindu, who says that the unfortunate 
widows of Hindus are left to the mercy of their husbands' 
relations ? Are members of the Sivaji Maratha 
Society, Poona, who say that the plight of Hindu 
widows is extremely distressing and terrible, non- 
Hindus, and do they not know what the condition of 
the Hindu society is ? Is Rao Bahadur Kelkar, a most 
respectable man in the Centra,] Provinces, who says that 
the lot of the Hindu widow in joint Hindu family is 
deplorable as she is left to the tender mercies of her 
unsympathetic relatives who consider that there is no 
justification for her existence after her husband's death, 
not a Hindu? Is Saligram Singh, the President of the 
Hindu Sabha, Balliu, not a Hindu, because he says that 
the condition of the Hindu widow has become proverbial 
in helplessness, that the treatment accorded to her is 
simply deplorable and repugnant to all sense of 
humanity and decency ? Is not Mr. Justice Niamatullah, 
who has passed several years of his life on the Bench 
and became acquainted with the condition of all grades 
of society in the country, in a position to speak with 
authority on the question ? And do not also many 
other people who have had opportunities of studying 
the conditions of Hindu society, although they are 
not Hindus, consider that the position of Hindu 
widows is bad? Sir, here in this Assembly, Government 
allow all Members, Hindus as well as others, the right 
of voting and the right to make laws for the whole 


country concerning all people. Every member has a 
right to say what the condition of a particular section 
o the society is, if he happens to have experience of 
that society. 

The Honourable Member then read out the 
opinion of Diwan Bahadur Sundaram Chetty, and 
quoted him as saying : 

" This Bill, which is designed with the object of ameliorating 
the position of Hindu widows in respect of their rights of inheritance 
over their husbands' estate, tends to effect drastic changes in the 
Mitakshara law now prevailing in India, Two of the basic prin- 
ciples of this school of law as understood and settled by a long 
course of judicial decisions are the right of survivoiatup jn_tke 

JoinLBigdiLfal^^ a 

femalejieir^^ her. The present Bill 

cuts at tte very^root of "these principles in order to better the 
status of Hindu widows/' 

The Honourable Member omitted important passages 
and quoted some further passages to suit his case; but 
you will find, Sir, that in what he has quoted from the 
opinion of Diwan Bahadur Sundaram Chetty he has 
employed all the arts of an interested advocate and has 
quoted a few lines here and a few lines there out of their 
context and made a mosaic as the Honourable the 
Home Member told us yesterday. (Laughter.) For 
instance the Honourable Member omits these words. 

" Judged from the standpoint of the Hindu widow alone, 
regardless of all other considerations which prevail in laying down 
the principles of the Mitakshara law, the Bill may seem to be a 
laudable measure. I am not unmindful of the deplorable 
condition of the ^vidow of a co-parcener drifting from a state 
of affluence, respect and command on the death of her husband 
to a state of dependence on his surviving co-parceners for main- 

And also : 

" Instead of being a maintenance-holder, the widow can have 
the benefit of enjoying her husband's share till her death, with 
limited powers of disposition. I would suggest that larger powers 
of disposition may be granted to the widow while she enjoys her 


husband's estate, and a more liberal view of her disposing power 
may be taken. Her powers may be declared to be on a par with 
those of the manager of a joint Hindu family. This would be 
reasonable and serve the interests of the widow without affecting 
the reversionary rights." 

Now, Sir, all I have done is to embody the above in my 
Bill; I have given her only a limited nwnp.rafrjp aiy^ 
not absolute^ ownership cutting out the survivor sjor 

I wiir now quote from .'mother lawyer of the Madras 
Presidency, Mr. Venkatanarayana Nayudu Garu, C.I.E., 
Secretary to the Madras Government, Law Department. 
He says : 

" It would be sufficient if the widow is allowed an equal share 
along with the sons, of the property left by her husband and the 
whole of it in the absence of sons. I am to add that, as sug- 
gested by the Women's Indian Association, Tinnevelly, provision 
may be made in the Bill to the effect that, if the widow remarries, 
the property will revert to her; previous husbaacFs Jbfiil& rr "~ 

Now this is exactly what the provisions of my Bill 
amount to. The Raja Bahadur relies on the opinion 
of Sir Sivaswami Aiyar and he revels in quoting it. 
Now the fact is that Sir Sivaswami Aiyar, as has been 
stated also by my Honourable friend, the Leader of my 
Party, is against the framework of the Bill. He says : 

" It is, however, a settled law even in these Provinces thatjjhg 
cannoL enforce partition but is entitled to a share only when par- 
titiontai?es place at the instance of^sons or other jnale member* 
or when the interest of a member is severed ty a sale in execution, 
Though some of the text books speak of the co-ownership of the 
wife or mother, it is only in a loose sense, inasmuch as the widow 
or mother has no right to enforce a partition of her own motion 
and cannot object to alienation by her deceased husband for 
consideration or even to a testamentary disposition by him/' 

This is what the law at present is. I may say that this 
law is the law made by English judges who did not 
know the language of the original texts and who did 
not know that the texts of the Hindu law went much 


beyond what was allowed at the time in England by 
English law. The fact is that the Sastras do not 
speak in a loose manner of rights of co-ownership; it 
is the English judges who have interpreted the law 
so as seriously to curtail the Hindu women's right 
to property. Sir Sivastcami Aiyar simply accepts 
what the Knylish judges tell him the Hindu law is. 
But we are not going to do that. There are foreign 
scholars who interpret the holy Vedas, which all Hindus 
believe to be inspired, as songs of shepherds and 
goat-herds. Will my Honourable friend the Raja 
Bahahur accept this view of the Vedas which has been 
given by European scholars ? It' not, why should we 
accept the interpretation of our laws given by those 
who were ignorant of the language of those books. 

Then, most of the criticism which was levelled by 
Sir Sivaswami Aiyar against the Bill applied to the old 
Bill which gave an absolute right to the widow in the 
property she got from the joint Hindu family, and not 
to the present Bill which gives her only a widow's 
estate. The fact is that people like my Honourable 
friend, whose minds are cast in a mediaeval mould, 
neither care for the law as laid down in the older books, 
nor appreciate the changes the world is rapidly under- 
going now. Their mental attitude reminds me of a 
story given in that celebrated drama, Saknntala, by 
Kalidas It was becoming dark and a Brahman came 
and put a garland of flowers round the neck of a king. 
As it was dark, the king felt the coldness of the petals 
round his neck and thought it was a snake and cried 
out. " A snake is round my neck; save me, save me!" 
He would not touch the garland to see whether it was 
a snake or not, as it was dark and he was afraid of 
being bitten by it. This is the mentality of people 
who would not look into the texts themselves, who 
would not see what the Hindu law actually is as laid 
down in the Sastras, but would simply cry out in 


the darkness o their ignorance : u Save our religion, 
because it is in danger." 

Before, however, I leave the Honourable Raja 
Bahadur 1 wish to say a word about the way in which 
he wanted to make capital out of some opinion which I 
was reported to have given on some Bill of Bakhshi 
Sohuu Lai which had been referred to me by Government 
for opinion years ago. He has not produced the Bill 
to show what it was. He has only quoted two passage 
from my opinion and repeated one of those passages 
four times within 10 minutes as if he had nothing else 
to say. That passage is : 

"As in the field of politics so in social matters, short-cuts and 
sudden leaps taken in defiance of the laws of evolution which 
govern complicated organizations as well as individual lives, end 
in failure after causing endless suffering. In politics as well as 
in social matters the task before the people of India is laborious 
requiring unceasing labour, patienco, sacrifice and intelligent 

Have I anywhere in this Bill transgressed the 
lesson contained in these words ? Do these words 
mean that because short-cuts and sudden leaps end in 
failure, therefore no reform of any kind is to be effected, 
and no wrong of any kind is to be righted ? Does 
this mean that you should sit dumb and helpless and 
allow evils to flourish ? Have I ever said that in social 
matters the task before the people of India is not 
laborious, requiring unceasing labour, patience, sacrifice 
and intelligent direction ? Is not the fact that I had 
to work unceasingly and patiently for 4J years before 
one Bill of mine, the Child Marriage Bill, was passed; 
and has not this Bill dealing with a disability of a 
particular class of women, taken two years to reach the 
stage when I am able to move that the Bill be referred 
to a Select Committee? Have I done anything in the 
nature of a short-cut or taken a sudden leap ? Have 1 
proposed that the caste system as it obtains at present 


in Hindu society be declared illegal and put down as 
an offence ? That would have been a short-cut. Then, 
what is wrong in what I have said f If I have 
attempted to get an Act passed to remedy a minor 
or a major evil or remove a disability from which 
the Hindu widows suffer, have I done anything 
to give a lie to the statement quoted above ? The task 
o purging the Hindu society o the evils it suffers 
from is difficult enough, is wearisome enough and is 
long enough, but it is the existence of men 111 that 
society with the notions of the cavemen, with the 
ideals of the Stone Age, who wish to bring down 
humanity to the level of the obsolete, old-world ideas 
that is making the task still more difficult, still 
more onerous, far longer and far more wearisome. Sir, 
I will leave it at that and also leave with it my Honour- 
able friend Raja Bahadur Krishnamachamr. 

I will now proceed to say a word or two about what 
my Honourable friend Mr. Lalchand Navalrai has said. 
He says that he is not a reactionary and that he 
supported the Child Marriage Bill. He says that the 
present Bill is badly drafted and therefore he opposes 
it. As an illustration he says : 

"So far as the giving of the share for Hindu widows is 
concerned the preamble says : 4 A Bill to secure a share for 
Hindu widows in their husband's family property' ; it does not 
define the share." 

He complains that the preamble does not define 
that share. Now, may I ask him, if the preamble of a 
property Bill has ever defined a share ? Then he says 
that the Hindu law divides the property, on partition, 
in particular shares and those shares are not shown in 
the Bill. He complains that my Bill does not show 
clearly what share a widow would be entitled to. 
This reminds me of a story which many Honourable 
Members may have read. The love romance of Yusuf 


and Zuleikha was recited by a poet, and after it was 
finished and everybody had enjoyed it and said that 
it was very good, one of the hearers got up and said : 
This romance is very good, Sir, but was Zuleikha a 
man or a woman ?" This is the measure of my 
honourable friend's understanding. 

My Honourable friend Mr. Muhammad Azhar Ali 
says that he neither opposes nor applauds the Bill. 
He only wants to know why I have applied the 
provisions of the Bill to the Sikhs and Jains. Are 
they sub-sects of the Hindus ? Are also the depressed 
classes Hindus ? To use his own words, are both the 
higher classes and the depressed classes to be put 
under the Hindu religion. This is no occasion to 
enter into a philosophical examination whether Sikhism 
and Jainism are parts of Hinduism. But the widows 
amongst the Sikhs and Jains and the so-called depress- 
ed classes are in the same plight as those of the other 
Hindus and they are suffering under the same disability, 
and the only way to help them and ameliorate their 
lot is to include them in the Bill. I hope this will 
satisfy my Honourable friend. 

I now come to the Honourable Sir Lancelot Graham. 
His speech, I am sorry to have to say, is not free from 
misrepresentations and wrong inferences drawn from 
facts. To begin with, he remarked that he thought it 
right to intervene at an early stage of the debate to 
state the Government's position, and he then stated 
it. I question the justification for a Government to 
intervene at an early stage of the debate on a piece 
of social legislation, unless the Government support 
that legislation or have to say that they are neutral 
If the Government do not wish to support a measure 
but wish to be guided in their choice, whether to 
support or to oppose it, by the knowledge of what 
support the Bill has got in the House, they must 
wait till a majority of speakers have spoken in the 


Assembly. To intervene early in a debate is to give 
a lead to the Assembly to oppose a Bill which seeks to 
remedy a social evil ; and Government have no right, 
I submit, to do so unless it is their intention to help 
to perpetuate an evil, and they are resolved that the 
people o India shall not make any social progress, 
which 1 think is the foundation of all progress. 

My Honourable friend has misstated the policy and 
attitude of Government towards social legislation. 
He says that Government would not support 
any measure unless it is shown that the measure 
has a very very strong majority of opinion behind 
it. Is there any moral sanction for such a policy, 
I ask ? And has that been hitherto the policy which 
Government hjive pursued ? Has the policy of the 
Government not been different ? My Honourable 
friend Sir Hari Singh Gour has, by quoting 
instance after instance of social legislation under- 
taken by the Government of India, fully proved 
that the Government have initiated and supported 
social legislation that had, according to their view, 
moral sanction behind it, though those legislative 
measures were opposed sometimes almost unanimously 
by the people. In order to prove that the Honourable 
Member who spoke for Government has not presented 
the attitude of Government rightly, I would quote 
from a speech of a responsible Member of Govern- 
ment, the Honourable Sir James Crerar, the Home 
Member. Speaking on the 4th September, 1929 in the 
Legislative Assembly when the Hindu Child marriage 
Bill was on the anvil, he said : 

"The real truth, Sir, with regard to the attitude of Govern- 
ment in this matter, as in other matters of social legislation, is 
one which I think I may state in a few words. It occupies, I 
frankly admit, a middle course. I suggest, indeed, I most stre- 
nuously contend, that in the extreme of rash, hasty and intempe- 
rate legislation and the opposite extreme of obscurantism and 


purblind conservatism the dangers which lie are hardly distinguish- 
able in their magnitude. What I have always contended for is 
that, if important projects of social legislation are to be under- 
taken as they must be undertaken, it vhcnld be after a careful 
and deliberate examination of the evils which yon are endeavour- 
ing to correct^ and after the fullest ventilation and consultation 
of public opinion ; and that in matters of that kind we should 
make every possible endeavour to ensure that, behind such 
measures as we undertake, we should have that degree of public 
support which is in fact essential to the effective administration 
of any legislation in such matters V* 

Does this enunciation of policy stipulate that a 
measure to receive support from Government must 
have an overwhelming majority of opinion behind it 
and that it is not for Government to consider whether 
it is a good or a bad measure. The Honourable the 
Home Member lays down three propositions, that social 
legislation should be undertaken after a deliberate ex- 
amination of the evil it seeks to remedy; secondly, public 
opinion should be consulted, and thirdly there should 
be reasonable support of public opinion behind it. 
Has Sir Lancelot Graham not completely ignored the 
first two conditions when he enunciated his policy and 
exaggerated out of all recognition the third ? Sir, my 
Bill proposes a remedy to stop an evil, the existence of 
which is admitted by the highest authorities in India 
and not denied by Government. This Bill has been 
before the public for over two years. Government 
have circulated the Bill and consulted public opinion 
about it, and I claim that it has the greater part of the 
public opinion behind it. Not only is the majority of 
those consulted by Local Governments in favour of the 
Bill as now introduced, but the majority of the speakers 
in the Assembly are in its favour, which fact alone is an 
index that public opinion in this country supports 
the Bill. The Bill therefore fulfils the conditions laid 
down by the Home Member in his Simla speech to be 
to Government support. 


The Honourable the Home Member speaking on 
the same Bill further said : 

"At any rate, Sir, I wish to make my position, the position of 
Government, perfectly clear beyond any shadow of doubt, It is 
this. We are convinced that this evil exists ; we are convinced 
that the measure of Rai Sahib Har Bilas Sarda is, at any rate, a 
first step in the direction of seeking a practical remedy. Where 
we find so great an evil and where we find a promising remedy 
we feel that we must support what we think to be right/' 

My Honourable friend Sir Lancelot Graham was a 
little unfair to Mr. Yamin Khan. He said that Mr. 
Yamin Khan supported the Bill because he was a 
gentleman and a barrister. He has ignored the reasons 
given by Mr. Yamin Khan for supporting the Bill. 
Mr. Yamin Khan had said ; 

"I have come to know many cases in which the Hindu widows 
suffered a great deal. I have appeared on their behalf and I 
found them in the most miserable condition, and I found that a 
great deal of injustice was done in the name of law and religion." 

Furtheron he said : 

"I am glad Mr, Sarda supports my views, that these social 

laws are made for the time being to suit society I have 

seen a good many widows deprived of their food while they 
really enjoyed great luxury in the time of their husbands. If it 
is joint family property, the reversioner or the brother of the 
deceased does not treat the widow with as much cordiality as is 
her proper share. It is a pity that a woman, as scon as she loses her 
husband, loses not only her partner in life but also loses her life of 
enjoyment, and she becomes dependant on the charity and good 

will of the relations of the deceased husband In many 

cases they are not treated like human beings." 

This is the reason why Mr. Yamin Khan support- 
ed the Bill and not because he was a gentleman. 
Does the Honourable Sir Lancelot Graham mean to say 
that those who do not support the Bill are not 
gentlemen ? My Honourable friend further said : 

"The debate has been a listless debate and if it is permissible 
,o mention the galleries a singular emptiness in the galleries/' 


He then compares this state of things with the 
enthusiasm evoked by the Child Marriage Bill. You 
can see, Sir, that conditions are now quite different 
from what they were three years ago. In 1929 there 
was no upheaval in the land, there was no serious 
agitation, no grave unrest and the women had only 
their domestic duties to attend to. But the state of 
affairs is quite different today. There is an upheaval 
in the country, the like of which was never seen in 
the memory of the present generation; unrest is 
universal. Disaffection stalks in the land, trade is 
ruined and the jails are filled; taxes are high and the 
Government exchequer is empty. Is this the time 
when women will come out or even the men will enthu- 
siastically come forward to support a social measure ? 
But so far as the women are concerned, every Women's 
Conference in the country held since the introduction 
of this Bill, has whole-heartedly supported it. The 
Women's Associations throughout the country have 
without exception demanded the passing of this Bill. 
Let me read here a few of the opinions of the Women's 
Associations in the country. A Calcutta telegram says: 

"Whole-hearted support to Mr. Sarda's Bill to establish the 
right of inheritance by widows was recorded at a meeting held 
under the joint auspices of all the Indian Women Associations of 
Bengal at the Mary Carpenter Hall, Mrs. Kamini Roy took the 
chair. The hall was fully packed and the attendance, besides 
a large number of Marwari ladies, including Mrs. P. K. Roy, 
Lady Bose, Mrs. Kalyani Mukherji, etc," 

They passed a resolution whole-heartedly support- 
ing this Bill. It would do good to the Honourable 
Members from Bengal to read the full report published 
in the Liberty (Calcutta) of the 25th February 1930. 
I will now read a few telegrams which I have 
received during the last three days. Here is one from 
Bombay : 

"All-India Women's Conference at Madras sessions strongly 


supported Hindu Widows Inheritance Bill. Letter follows. 
Social Secretary, A. I. W. G." 

Then from Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Madras : 

"Women's Indian Association supports Sarda Bill secure 
widow's share in family property." 

Another telegram is from Kani Rajwade of Gwalior, 
the Organising Secretary of the All-India Women's 
Conference : 

"Sir L. Graham expressed doubts in the Assembly regarding 
volume of support behind Sarda Hindu Widows' Inheritance Bill. 
I wish to apprise you of the general support obtaining through- 
out constituencies of All-India Women's Conference to this 
measure in view of which conference in annual session Madras 
strongly protested against existing legal disabilities of Hindu women 
in respect of personal property and property rights and even 
demanded appointment of All-India Inquiry Committee in this 
behalf. Therefore request Government should lend whole-hearted 
support. Literature follows. 

This is a letter from the Conference of Delhi Women, 
and their resolution is this: 

"This conference of Delhi women lends its whole-hearted 
support to any legislative measure which may be designed to 
recognise and enforce the right of Hindu women to private property 
and inheritance." 

Then a telegram from that honoured lady, Sharifa 
Hamid AH: 

"Konkan Women's Conference urges Government not accept 
amendments Sarda Act. Support Bill securing share Hindu 
widows. Urges Legislature make provision mothers, sisters, 

Here are the telegrams which I received yesterday: 
"Baroda Women's Association heartily supports your Bill." 
The Bihar constituency of the All-India Women's 
Conference wires as follows: 

"Women of Bihar assembled in meeting whole-heartedly 
support Hindu Widows' Inheritance Bill and request Government 
to support it or at least give freedom of vote to official members." 


This is from Madras: 

"Madras Constituency All-India Women's Conference request 
Government support Widows' Inheritance Bill." 

This is a copy of a message sent to the Private 
Secretary to the Viceroy: 

"Please convey our message to His Excellency. The women 
of Amraoti assembled in public meeting whole-heartedly support 
Hindu Widows' Inheritance Bill and request Government to sup- 
port it or at least give freedom of vote to official Members. Secre- 
tary Berar Women's Conference/' 

I will now read some of the Resolutions passed by 
Women's associations. This is from Hyderabad (Sindh): 

"This Conference gives its whole-hearted support to R. S. 
Har Bilas Sarda's "Hindu Widows' Inheritance Rights Bill" to be 
discussed at the Delhi session of tho Assembly and urges the 
Members of the Central Legislature to help the speedy passage 
of the Bill and thus ameliorate tho lot of the long suffering Hindu 

Under the auspices of the local Committee of the 
All-India Women's Conference a public meeting of 
women was held at Karachi, at which the following 
resolution was passed: 

"This mooting of women of Karachi strongly supports Rai 
Sahib Har Bilas Sarda's Hindu Widows' Inheritance Rights Bill 
to be taken up at the Delhi session of the Assembly." 

Another meeting held at Karachi under the presi- 
dency of Begum Haji Abdulla Haroon passed this 
resolution : 

"This public meeting of the women of Karachi assembled to- 
gether as a subconstituent Conference of the All-India Women's 
Conference strongly support R, S. Har Bilas Sarda's Hindu 
Widows' Inheritance Rights Bill to be taken up at the Delhi 
session of the Assembly." 

This telegram has just come: 

"Representative gathering of seven Women's associations 
whole-heartedly support your Bill and request Government to 


support it or least give freedom of vote to official Members. Wire 
sent Viceroy, Faridoonji." 

This is Mrs. Rustomji Faridoonji, who is Secretary 
o the Women's Conference and General Secretary of 
the All-India Women's Education Fund. 

I do not know if I should read the twenty or more 
resolutions passed by different Women's Associations 
in different provinces, Andhra, Hyderabad, Kara- 
chi, Sukkhur, Bombay, Indore, East Punjab, Hoshiar- 
pur, Mysore, Tamil Nadu, etc This telegram is from 
the Secretay of the Kotah Women's Conference. And 
they are coming as I am speaking : 

"Kotah Women request you to do all you can for Hindu 
Widows' Inheritance Bill. Wish success." 

This is from Mrs, Kitchlew, President of the Gwalior 

"Women of Gwalior assembled in public meeting whole- 
heartedly support Sarda's Hindu Widows' Inheritance Bill and 
earnestly appeal to Government to support same." 

Speaking on the 26th January, the Honourable Sir 
Lancelot Graham said: 

"The Honourable gentleman himself certainly displays his 
sympathy for the Hindu widow and would like to do something 
for her. He is not alone in that attitude; we all share it. But the 
question is whether this is the right method and this the right 
time, and that is where we join issue with the Honourable the 
Mover of this Bill." 

Lip sympathy all this! Damning with faint praise as 
they say. What is the right method please, if not this? 
Will the Honourable gentleman promise to take the 
right method at once, and I propose to give up this 

The Honourable gentleman again did me less 
than justice when, speaking of me, he said : 

"My Honourable friend said that this little sheaf of opinions 


was not as large as it ought to be, and I think he indicated that 
that is the fault of Government." 

Nothing of the kind. I did not say a word of what 
the Honourable Sir Lancelot Graham represents ine as 
saying, that I was sorry that the sheaf of opinions 
received was not large, and that more opinions in favour 
of the Bill should have come. I never said that. All 
I said was that the Government had not circulated the 
Bill to the Women's Associations in the country as it 
should have done, because it is the women who are 
really affected by this Bill. To interpret this as a 
regret that the sheaf of opinions was not large is a 
travesty of facts. I quote my words : 

"Of the opinions recorded all are of men or bodies of men 
except three, two of which are of individual women, and one 
of a Women's Association. This shows that the circulation of 
the Bill was unfair and that injustice has been done by Govern- 
ment by not inviting the opinions of the class for which the Bill 
is intended. The Bill ought to have been circulated to all 
Women s Associations as well as to the prominent women in the 
country. Had this been done, there would have been a chorus of 
approval of the Bill in the country as the entire womanhood of 
India would have baen found in favour of the Bill; this is clear 
from the unanimous support which all the women consulted 
have given to the measure. Thoy all heartily support the Bill. 
The Bill has also received support from one and all the Womens' 
Associations that have come to know of this Bill." 

Then he says; "If people are not interested, you can 
not make them write opinions to Government about 
Bills.'* Is this not a misleading statement ? Are not 
Government to blame if they have not consulted pro- 
minent women of India in the matter, especially when 
women are considered by Government fit to work in the 
Round Table Conference and on the Committees appoin- 
ted to supplement the work of that Conference, and are 
considered fit to go as members of a Commission to 
the South African Government ? If the Bill was not 
sent to them and they did not send their views to 
Government, who is at fault? Government alone can 


call for opinions. Are then Government to blame or 
anybody else ? 

But what will astonish every one and what 
surprised me most was the conclusion to which the 
Honourable Member arrived. He said: 

"The attitude for which Government stands is that there must 
be evidence that there is a very strong feeling in the Hindu com- 
munity before they will lend any support to proposals to interfere 
radically with the Hindu Law. On those grounds I, on behalf of 
Government, oppose the motion." 

On what process of reasoning, on what canons of 
logic does the Honourable spokesman for Government 
rely when he says that because he does not find suffi- 
ciently large support from the Hindu community to the 
Bill, he will not support it and, therefore, he will 
oppose it ? Government have sympathy with the object 
of the Bill ; Government do not disapprove of the pro- 
posal to give a share to a widow in the family property; 
Government will only support social legislation if it 
has the strong support of the people; but as Government 
do not find strong support they will actively opposed 
Is there any reason why you must injure a man because 
you do not love him? Why cannot Government say 
that they cannot support the measure and stop there ? 
Why should Government join hands with those who 
are against all social reform, however useful or necess- 
ary and who have no sympathy with widows in their 
disability ? W by cannot Government remain neutral: 
Why cannot Government say, that, they will not take 
the "responsibility of supporting or opposing it, that 
they will stand aside and let the non-official Members 
of the Assembly or those alone who are affected by it 
decide the issue, and they will allow the Bill to be passed 
or rejected as that vote decides? In the alternative, if 
Government are not opposed to all social reform, they 
can let the Bill go to the Select Committee and then ask 
for re-circulation of the Bill as it emerges from the 


Committee, i it is found necessary to do so and await 
the verdict of the public. Why must they oppose its 
being sent to a Select Committee? 

Sir, before I sit down I want to say a word or two 
with regard to what fell from the Honourable the Law 
Member. The Law Member was not present at the de- 
bate on the last occasion and evidently he has been put 
up by Government now, as what fell from Sir Lancelot 
Graham was too flimsy to convince the Members of 
the soundness of the Government's case. We all know 
what an eminent advocate the Law Member was before 
he came to the Government of India. We know how 
cleverly, how skilfully he can put up a case which 
is lost from the very beginning; how he can "make 
the worse appear the better reason." The Honourable 
the Law Member does not say that the object of the 
Bill is bad. He says the Bill has been so badly 
drafted, that he does riot know what the principle of 
the Bill is; that he has been searching for it with a 
microscope but has not been able to find it ; and there- 
fore, he says, it cannot go to the Select Committee. 
He made one or two further observations with which 
1 shall deal later. 

Now, Sir, you have to take the principle of the Bill 
from the provisions of the Bill, from the Statement of 
Objects and Reasons, and what the author of the Bill 
says is the principle. A Persian proverb says: 

" Tasnif ra Musannif niko kunad bayan." 

which means " The author can best explain what he 
has written." And when I say what the principle -is, 
and the Statment of Objects and Reasons says what 
that principle is, that should be taken as the principle 
of the Bill. 

After stating what the legal status of widows is, ,1 
stated in the Statement of Objects and Reasons that 
this Bill "proposes to give relief to Hipdu widows ,by 


giving them a share in family property and making 
them sole owners of their deceased husband's personal 
property". Then in concluding my speech on the 26th 
January, I said : 

"In conclusion, I wish to emphasise that by accepting my 
motion, the House only accepts the principle of the Bill, which is 
that the lot of a Hindu widow, who at present neither gets a 
share in her father's property nor in her husband's, should be 
Bimeliorated by giving her some right in the property which 
belonged to her husband, for her support in her widowed life." 

The principle of the Bill is that some share in 
the property which was her husband's, should be given 
to her to ameliorate her lot during her widowhood. I 
further said : 

"How much is to be given and in what shape, are matters not 
vital to the Bill and will be decided by the Select Committee and 
this Honourable House. It is the business of the Select Committee 
to improve the draft where necessary and make clear any point that 
may be obscure, and define the extent and the nature of the right 

that the Bill gives to the widow I appeal to my European 

and Muslim colleagues, and tell them that this Bill attempts 
only to give to the Hindu widow only a part of what their own 
laws already give to widows governed by those laws ' } 

Then the Honourable the Law Member said that 
clauses 3 and 5 were in conflict and that the Bill over- 
rode the testamentary right of a Hindu. Now Clause 
3 gives a Hindu widow a share in the joint family and 
defines what the extent of that share would be. Clause 
5 says: 

"A widow's claim to maintenance from the funds of a joint 
Family shall cease on the partition and separation of her share as 
provided in this Act/' 

I do not see what the difficulty is. My Honourable 
friend said it was not clear whether in certain instances 
she would get both the maintenance and her share. 
I do not see how that view can be justified in the face 
of this clause. This clause plainly says that a widow 
under the present law has a right of maintenance and 


she will get maintenance only, until she invokes the 
new law and gets a partition of the property made and 
she is put in possession of that property. There is no 
occasion when both the maintenance and the share 
which she can get under the proposed law may be 
given to her. 

Take any law and try to analyse it, and you will 
find that a number of interpretations can be put on its 
sections. As my friend the leader of my Party said, 
look into the provisions and the details of any Bill with 
a microscope, you can never find unanimity of opinion. 
What is done in the courts ? What do our eminent 
lawyers do ? They are there because the words of the 
law are differently interpreted by different people. 
It is because the Bills framed by the Legislative 
Department of the Government of India admit of 
different interpretations being put on their sections 
by men of acute intelligence that we have every day 
battles of wits in courts. Whatever human ingenuity 
may devise, there will still be differences of opinion 
with regard to the interpretation of any particular Bill 
or any particular statement. The reason is that the 
human mind travels faster, and it goes much further 
than human language can express ; human language can 
never keep pace with the activity of the human mind. 

My Honourable friend laid stress on the words 
"family property" contained in the proviso to clause 3 
of this Bill. The sole object of this proviso is this. 
If a man dies leavii^g a widow and leaves instructions 
to_her tp ftdnpt a. son, and the widow in obediencejp 

_ , 

her husband's wislifift adopts a son^that son sbaltret 
half the probity 1ftf t- h y hi * Adoptive father. The 

WidOW Shall not t* ema ill the . nwnPr rtf ffrfi yfrplQ >f 

ttfat property; afre shall share it with the adapted ROP- 
By Family property I mean that part of the property 
belonging to the undivided Hindu family, which comes 
to the widow as her share under this Bill. 


In conclusion, I wish to say that this Bill affects a 
very large number of the women of the country. The 
womanhood of India has become conscious of its 
position and will no longer suffer indignity and 
oppression. If the Government will oppose this measure 
and throw it out, this will not be the last they will 
hear of it. Reformers will find means to agitate 
the matter further and in quarters to which the Govern- 
ment will have to listen with respect, Government can 
only retard social progress] they cannot stop it, they 
cannot scotch it, they cannot smother it. Let this 
Government not go down to history as a Government 
that treats with contempt and scoffing the weak and 
the humble, and bows with deference before the strong. 


Thou, Nature art my goddess ; to thy law 
My services are bound ; wherefore should I 
Stand in the plague of custom ? 


THE spread of education, the enormous facilities for 
travel, the ever-increasing intercourse between mem- 
bers of the various Hindu castes, and constant contact 
with non-Hindus of education and culture, coupled with 
the great difficulty, and sometimes the impossibility, of 
finding suitable matches within the circle of the caste, 
have made the question of marriage a problem of great 
importance for the Hindus. The emancipation of the 
intellect and the will from the fetters imposed by 
prejudice, due to education and contact with the more 
advanced peoples of the world, as well as the pressure of 
the conditions of life now obtaining in the country which 
is no longer an exclusive, self-sufficing and isolated part 
of the world, make it a matter of increasing difficulty 
for Hindus to conform to all the prevailing social 
customs which mostly originated under political, eccono- 
mic and social conditions which have disappeared or 
are fast disappearing. The Hindu social fabric has 
undergone such a change during the course of its 
evolution from the time of Manu and Yagnyavalka, that 
it is sheer mockery to accept or reject an important 
social measure solely on the ground that it does or 
does not conform to the old Hindu Texts. 

Leaving aside for the present the law laid down in 

1 From a Speech delivered in the Legislative Assembly, New Delhi, 
on Sir Hari Singh Gour's Special Marriage Bill on 22nd March 1928, A. D. 


the old Texts, but considering the actual practice of 
marriage amongst the Hindus in ancient times, we find 
that great freedom was enjoyed by the people in the 
matter of marriage. I will give three or four historical 
instances to show how great was the freedom allowed 
in ancient India in the matter of marriage. We have 
all read of the well known historic instance of the 
marriage of the Hindu Emperor Chandragupta with the 
daughter of the Grreek King Seleucus, about 303 B.C., 
so graphically described by Dr. Vincent Smith. The 
Junagarh inscription of the year 72 &aka era (A.D. 150) 
quoted in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, describes 
the marriage of Rudradaman, a Shak, with the 
daughter of a Hindu King according to the Swayamvara 
rite. The Kanehri cave inscription records the 
marriage, performed about 155 A.D., of Raja Vashishti's 
son Satkarni of the Andhra family, with the daughter 
of the Kshtrapa Rudra, a non-Hindu king. 

The sixth century A.D. inscriptions of the cave of 
Culvada near Ajanta also mention an instance of an 
intermarriage. The celebrated Atpur inscription of 
Shaktikumar of 977 A. D. mentions the marriage of 
Shaktikumar's ancester Allata with Hariyadevi, a Hun 
princess. It is mentioned there that the princess 
belonged to the Hun race. History records that the 
mother of Bappa, the great King of Chitor, was of 
Mauriya family. The twelfth century inscription of the 
Kalachuri King Yashkarandeva mentions that Yashka- 
randeva's father Karandeva had married Avaladevi, a 
Hun princess. Many other instances of marriages 
between Hindus and non-Hindus in ancient times can 
be cited. I cite an instance of a recent date. On the 
seventeenth of March this year, Miss Miller was married 
to H. H. the Maharaja Holkar by the Jagadguru 
Sankaracharya according to orthodox Hindu rites, which 
fact goes to show that marriages between Hindus and 
non-Hindus are not against the tenets of Hinduism. 

HAR A, D. 




To thy ownself be true; 

And it must follow as the day the night, 
Thou canst not then be false to any man. 


I must thank you for the honour you have done me 
in electing me President of the All-India Vaisha 
Conference this year. Besides doing rne honour you 
have, by electing me to the Chair, called upon me to 
contribute my humble mite towards the accomplishment 
of the great work which you took in hand thirty-one years 
ago, and which is making slow but sure progress in 
uplifting this great community. While sensible of the 
honour done to me and thankful for the confidence 
placed in me, I am not quite insensible of the obligation 
you have imposed upon me; for, I am not unconscious 
of the fact that the only qualifications I possess to fill 
the position to which you have called me, are my deep 
interest in the welfare of the community to which I 
have the honour to belong, my pride in its past, my 
sorrow at its deplorable present, and my firm faith in 
its prosperous future. 

Gentlemen, just as the trunk of the tree is its 
mainstay in as much as it distributes sustenance to 
the various branches; and on its strength and healthi- 

Presidential address delivered at the All India Vaisha Conference 
held at Bareilly on 28, December, 1924 A. D. 


ness, depends the prosperity of the branches, the leaves 
and the fruit, so is the Vaisha community the mainstay 
of a nation. Society has been divided and classified in 
various ways, in various countries; but the laws and 
principles governing the life and growth of nations 
are the same all over the world. In every nation, 
functions necessary for its life and growth have to be 
performed ; and agencies, varying according to time and 
circumstances, exist in every nation to ^ conduct 
those necessary functions. Take the two chief nece- 
ssities of the life of a nation. First, it must be able to 
protect itself from foreign attack ; secondly, it must 
produce means and possess resources to maintain 
agencies not only to insure such protection but to 
provide sustenance for its continued existence. It is 
a law of nature that a nation that ceases to grow, begins 
to decline. Every nation, therefore, must be able to 
make sufficient provision to meet its progresively 
increasing needs owing to its growth. This second 
function so vital to the life of the Indian nation is 
performed by the Vaisha community. 

It is not easy, owing to the innumerable political 
changes, social and racial upheavals, the rise and fall 
of various religious sects and denominations during the 
last three thousand years, to trace the origin and the 
history of the formation of the numerous castes and 
sub-castes into which we find the Vaisha community 
of India at present divided. As we all know, in ancient 
India there were only four Varnas. This classification 
of the people was the result of the various functions 
performed and the professions followed by them. 
Individuals, as they adopted the mode of life 
and took up the work suited to their temperaments 
and capacities, were classed as Brahmins, Kshtriyas, 
Vaishas and Sudras. Men and groups of men, were at 
liberty to change their Farm; and the Pnranas and 
Sastras show beyond doubt that the various 


members of a family and some times, the several sons 
of the same father belonged to different Varnas. At 
all events, there is no doubt that in those days, the 
Vaishas formed one undivided class, and were governed 
by common social rules and regulations, and had co- 
mmon customs and usages, There were then no castes 
and sub-castes among them, no mutually exclusive sub- 
communities, which moved in their separate narrow 
orbits, uninterested in and unconcerned with the lives 
and fortunes of one another. Later, owing probably 
to a variety of causes including among others, the spread 
of those tenets of dchar (conduct) preached by the 
Vaishnava Acharyas resulting in accentuating the 
disruptive tendencies and helping the disintegrating 
forces working in Hindu society, and the acceptance 
by large numbers of people of the doctrines of Ahinsa 
and Bhakti, the Vaisha community broke up into a 
number of separate sub-castes. These sub-castes were 
formed according as the various professions its members 
followed, and the localities they inhabited, or as cir- 
cumstances permitted. The names Khandelwals, Porwals 
and others ending in Wals betray the origin of those 
communities as Vaishas who came from the towns of 
Khandela, Pur (Mewar) and other towns respectively. 
Some like the Maheshwaris and Oswals came into 
existence when large numbers of people changed their 
creed. Records show that some Kshtriyas belonging to 
different clans inhabiting Khandela and its environs 
adopted the Vaishnava creed of BhaJcti and Ahinsa, gave 
up their profession of arms, took up peaceful avocations 
and assumed the name Maheswari "of great Ai*hwariya 
(material prosperity)." Later, the Rajputs of the town of 
Osian in Marwar under the influence of the Jain Acharya 
Ratnaprabhusuri, adopted the Jain faith and formed^a 
separate caste. It is a historical fact that certain 
Maheshwari families such as the Bhandaris, Mehtas, 
Kotharis later adopted the Jain faith and joined the 


Oswal community and were absorbed by it. Similarly, 
some Oswals of the Mantri family later joined the 
Maheshwaris. They, however, all retained their 
patronymic of Bhandari, Mehta, Kothari, Mantri etc. 
The Agarwals are also said to be Xshtriyas and are 
descended from the sons of King Agrasen and are 
so-called as they lived in Agroha a city founded by 
Agrasen. It appears that most of the classes forming 
the present Vaisha community of India were orginally 
Kshtriyas or Rajputs. The work of investigating the 
origin of the several communities is a most important 
and interesting one, and if the Vaisha Mahasabha takes 
it up, it shall be doing a great service to the Vaisha 

The functions performed by the Vaisha community 
in ancient times being so vital to the life and growth 
of the Hindu nation, its members naturally developed 
moral and physical qualities of a high order. They 
were men of vigorous constitution, of great courage 
and valour, clear and bright intelligence, of a daring 
nature, ready to face danger, cross seas, fight their 
way in distant and savage countries, and obtain and 
secure from all parts of the world, things necessary 
for the welfare and advancement of humanity, useful 
to man in peace and war, in health and sickness. They 
were keen to secure, and strong to keep what they had 
secured. They were self-reliant, resourceful and 
brave. Such were the ancestors, the progenitors of 
the various classes in India which are now classed as 
Vaishas. Even in medieval times, the Vaishas were a 
most prominent community in India, respected and 
esteemed by all They were great administrators, 
and held the highest offices in the State along with the 
Rajputs as Commanders, Ministers, Ambassadors and 
Governors. From early times up to the advent of the 
British in India, they held high positions in the financial 
administration of the country. In the Indian States, 


till very recently, the ministers, adminstrators and 
governors were generally Vaishas and in some of 
them even now, ministers are Vaishas. They have 
been and are now being elbowed out by others where 
the British influence has become predominent. All 
the strings of the commerce and trade of India, export 
and import, were in their hands in old days. They 
were to be found all over the world, in Europe, Africa 
and all parts of Asia in China, Japan, the Transgan- 
getic Peninsula, Arabia, Persia, Babylonia, Greece, 
Egypt and Rome. 

"India" says the Encyclopaedia Brittanica 1 "was 
once the seat of commerce." Professor Heeren* and 
others declare that the Hindus in old days were "a 
commercial people. " Professor Max Duncker, Sir 
W. Jones, Mr. Elphinstone, Mr. Sewell and others 
say that the "Hindus navigated the ocean more than 
2,000 years before Christ." 3 Dr. Sayce, the famous 
Assyrialogist says that "Indians went to Babylon with 4 
merchandise 3,000 years B. c. when Ur Bagas ruled 
there." 4 It was this commercial activity of the Vaishas, 
that brought untold wealth to India, and made her for 
ages famous as the richest country in the world and 
the cynosure of all eyes. The elder Pliny 5 complained 
that there was no year in which India did not drain 
the Roman Empire of a hundered million sesterces 
(about Rs. 1,50,00,000). He estimated the annual 
drainage of gold alone at Rs. 4,000,000. 

The trade with Egypt, Greece and Arabia was in 
the hands of the Vaishas of India. Mr. Cloupet 6 says 
"the commerce of Arabia Felix is entirely in the hands 
of the banians of Gujrat who from father to son have 

i Vol. XI, P. 446. ^ ^ 

'Historical Researches, Vol. VI. p. 266. 

s Elphinstone's History of India, p. 166. 

4 Hibbert Lectures for 1887 A. D. 

5 PliDv : Natural History. 

Allgem; Geogr. Bphem for November 1810, p. 235. 


established themselves in the country." Periplus, 1 the 
famous Greek writer, says that "the banians (Vaishas) of 
India established themselves at i^ocotra and the Cape 
of Guardafui." Professor Heeren 2 says that " it is a 
well-known fact that the banians were in the habit of 
traversing the ocean and settling in foreign countries". 
He adds that "the commercial Hindus made expeditions 
into the golden desert, Ideste, desert of Gobi in armed 
companies'* that "the Tokhte Suleman in Turkistan 
mentioned by Ptolemy and Ctesias was the starting 
point for these merchants/' arid that they (Vaishas) 
went to Khotan and Asku and thence to Peking. 

We thus see that the Vaishas of India used cons- 
tantly to go to Turkistan, China, Babylon, Arabia, 
Egypt, Greece and Rome, and remain out of India 
for years. It was thus that they helped in making 
India great. It was thus they made India not 
only the richest and the most prosperous country 
in the world, but also the mistress of the sea and the 
foremost maritime power in the ancient world. How 
fallen we now are that we ex-communicate our young 
men, who go to foreign countries to receive education 
and fit themselves to earn a decent living in India. It 
is being constantly dinned into our ears that we must 
stick to the customs and usages of our forefathers, that 
we must not violate them, that we must follow old 
practices. Are we then following the old practices of 
our forefathers, are we treading the path they tread 
when we not only decline to go out of India for trade 
to enrich ourselves and our country, but outcaste our 
young men, the pride of our community, the promise of 
our future, who face difficulties and undergo sufferings 
that foreign travel entails, and who suffer the privations 
the troubles, that residence in strange lands involves. 

*Hindu Superiority, p. 374. ( Third Edition). 
^Historical Researches Vol. II. 


Not only were the Vaishas of India in old days, 
men of great enterprise and adventure and pioneers 
of commerce, but as 1 have said before, there were 
amongst them warriors, statesmen and administrators. 
History records innumerable instances of Vaisha 
heroism and valour, of Vaisha statesmanship and 
administrative eminence. In Gujrat, you have the 
celebrated instances of Virual Shah, Vastupal and 
Tejpal, all Porwal Mahajans. Vimalshah was the 
Prime Minister of the Solanki king Bhirndeva I of 
Gujrat who ruled from 1022 to 1064 A. D. Under 
his command, the Gujrat army inarched and defeated 
the Parmar king Dhandhukh of Abu and Chandravati, 
who fled to the court of the famous King Bhoj of 
Dharanagri. He built the great temple at Abu called 
the Vimalvasahi at an expense of eighteen crores of 
rupees which would be equivalent to about ninety 
crores now. It is the finest temple at Abu and one of 
the finest in the world. 

The two brothers Vastupal and Tejpal were great 
warriors and scholars. They were ministers of Virdha- 
val, the administrator of Gujrat, Students of history 
know how Vastupal fought against and reduced to 
submission the Parmar king Dharavarsh of Abu, the 
Chauhan king Udai Singh of Jalor and many other 
smaller Chiefs. He proved himself to be a great Mili- 
tary Commander in the war against Sankh, the Chauhan 
king of Broach, when the latter attacked Khambhat, of 
which Vastupal was Governor about 1160 A. D. It 
is recorded how Vastupal gave up his AJtinsavrat and 
adopted the Purushvrat', how he advanced sword in 
hand, when his lieutenant Bhuvanpal failed to make an 
impression on the enemy, and fell on the Chauhan 
army and killed Sankh's famous warrior Jayant in 
single combat and defeated Sarikh. Later, he invaded 
the Deccan and defeated the Yadav king Singhan. 
Vastupal also led an army against Cutch and defeated 


Bhim Singh of Bhadreshwar in a great battle. 

He was a great minister like Chanakya and was the 
author of the poem "Nar Narayana" He was a great 
ddni (giftgiver). He built numberless dharmsalas, 
temples, baodis (wells) and gave Sadavrata (free dis- 
tribution of food). Though himself a Jain, he renovated 
Vaishnava and Shiva temples too. 

Tejpal distinguished himself by courageously 
volunteering to reduce to submission Gruggal, King of 
Mahikantha, when the generals and Sardars of the 
Grujrat Court hesitated to take up the challenge thrown 
by Guggal, who in reply to VirdhavaPs remonstrances 
to behave properly, had sent him a phial of kajal and 
a Sari, emblems of efftminacy. Tejpal marched 
against Guggal with a large army, defeated and cap- 
tured him and made him put on the sari and hang the 
phial of kajal round his neck. He fought many battles 
for Grujrat, and built the second great temple at Abu and 
named it Lunavasahi after his son Lunsi. 

The lives of Vastupal and Tejpal illustrate two 
important features of the Vaisha society of the time. 
The first is that while Tejpal was a Porwal mahqjan, 
his second wife Suhadadevi, daughter of Thakur Asa 
son of Jallan was of the Modh caste. This shows that 
intermarriages amongst the different Vaisha castes 
were prevalent in those days. The second important 
feature is that both Vastupal and Tejpal were sons of 
Asraj by Kumardevi,a widow whom Asraj had married. 
The story of this widow remarriage is told in the 
Prabandh Chintamani and other historical works. 

Jagdushah of Cutch was another great warrior. He 
was a merchant prince and had a fleet of ships which 
carried merchandise to Africa and Arabia. He wanted 
to build a fort at Bhadreshwar. Raja Peetdeva of 
Sindh threatened to dismantle it and declared that he 
would allow the fort to be built only when a donkey 
would grow horns. Jugdushah defied him and built 


his fort. When Peetdeva marched against him, 
Jagdushah fought with him and defeated him and 
brought him to see the fort wherein he had put up a 
gold donkey with horns on his head. When a wide- 
spread famine occurred in India, Jagdushah supplied 
Delhi and Gujrat with grain free. 

The bravery of Lakhmi Chaiid and Bagh Chand 
sons of Karam Chand Bachhawat, Minister of the 
Maharaja of Bikaner in the time of Akbar, is well* 
known. When Maharaja Sur Singh by treachery 
surrounded their residence with an army of 4,000 men, 
the two brothers, after grinding to dust their valuable 
jewels, killed their womenfolk and issued forth sword 
in hand and fell upon the Rajputs, and after perform- 
ing deeds of valour, went to Heaven. 

Sah Dayal Das, the Minister of the great Maharana 
Raj Singh I of Mewar was a great general. In the war 
which Aurangzeb waged against Mewar (1679-1681 A. D.) 
and in which, says Colonel Tod, "the Emperor de- 
nuded the very extremes of his Empire to assemble a host 
which he deemed must prove irresistible" ; when the 
Mughal armies arid generals from Bengal, the Deccan and 
the distant Cabul were called and led against Mewar-an 
unconscious tribute to the might and chivalry of that 
famous kingdom-this valorous Minister and General, to 
whom the task of defending Mewar in the Southeast had 
been assigned, assumed the aggressive and performed 
deeds of valour which shine in the pages of history. Colonel 
Tod says : u Dayal Shah, the civil Minister, a man of 
high courage and activity headed another flying column, 
which ravaged Malwa to the Narbada and the Betwa. 
Sarangpur, Dewas, Saronj, Mandu, Ujjain and Chanderi 
were plundered and numerous garrisons put to the 
sword; and, to use the words of the Chronicle, husbands 
abandoned their wives and children and whatever could 
not be carried off was given to the flames, For once 
they avenged themselves in imitation of the tyrant 


(Aurangzeb) even on the religion of their enemies I * the 
Qazees were bound and shaved and the Qurans thrown 
into the wells.' The Minister was unrelenting and 
made Malwa a desert and from the fruits of his incur- 
sions, repaired the resources of his master. Flushed 
with success he formed a junction with the heir of 
Mewar (Jai Singh) and gave battle to Prince Azim near 
Chitor and obtained a glorious victory, the Mughal 
Prince being defeated and pursued with great slaughter 
to Kanthambhor. " 

Students of the history of Rajputana know how 
Ratan Chand Bhandari, the naib of Maharaja Abhai 
Singh of Jodhpur (A, D. 1724-1750) Viceroy of Gujrat 
fought several battles against the Mahrattas and defea- 
ted them ; how Bhandari Bachhraj led the Marwar forces 
against Pilaji Gaekwar during the same period ; how 
Mehta Sahib Chand, the Commander of the Jodhpur 
forces led his army against Ghanerao and conquered it 
in Maharaja Man Singh's time ; how Mehta Gyan Chand 
fought against and reduced to submission the Shekha- 
wat Rajputs who had plundered Did wana in A. D, 1804; 
how Mehta Bahadur Mai led a punitive expedition 
against theMers of Merwaru and subjugated them ; how 
Singhi Jaswaiitraj, Commander of the Marwar army 
fought against the Maharaja of Bikaner and conquered 
Phalodi; how again Nawalmal Mahnot and Mehta Suraj 
Mai invaded Sirohi and defeated Maharao Udai Bhan 
and captured his capital; what brave deeds Suraj Mai 
performed in the battle; how in Maharaja Takht Singh's 
time Ghanshamji Sarda, the Kamdar of Alniavas led the 
Thakur's forces for twelve years and was several times 

The lives of the Singhi brothers Indraraj and 
Dhanraj of Jodhpur are full of interest and inspiration. 
Indraraj, the chief minister was also the Commander-in- 
Chief of the Marwar army. How he fought Marwar's 
battles; how by diplomacy, courage and military skill, 


he defeated the designs against his country, of the con- 
federacy formed by Sindhia, the Maharaja of Jaipur 
and the premier noble of Marwar, Thakur Sawai Singh 
of Pokaran. Maharaja Man Singh, the king of Marwar 
eulogised his work in the couplet. 


) t! 

(Jodhpur was surrounded: innumerable army of the 
enemy came: the sky was tottering- thou Indraraj 
supported it with thy powerful arms). It was this 
Indraraj who in 1807 A. D. led an army of 20,000 men 
against Bikaner. Though a Jain by religion he hesi- 
tated not to shed blood when that had to be done. 
During the campaign against Bikaner, the enemy 
defiled the water of the wells on the march by throwing 
bones and dead bodies of cows in them. Indraraj would 
take out the bones and the dead bodies, throw in some 
Ganges water in the wells,would himself first drink 
the water and then made his arrny use it. His brother 
Dhanraj was Governor of Ajmer when Sindhia's famous 
general, DeBogine, attacked that city in 1790 A. D. 
Dhanraj defied DeBoigne and declared that he would 
never give Ajmer alive. DeBoigne could not take 
Taragarh, the fortress of Ajmer, and had to move on to 
Merta. Later, when peace was concluded and Ajmer was 
ceded to Sindhia, Dhanraj true to his vow, refused t6 
hand over the fortress and prepared to fight. His master, 
the Maharaja of Jodhpur wrote a letter to him with his 
own hand asking him not to fight but to hand over the 
fortress to the Sindhia. Dhanraj not wishing to oppose 
his master and not willing to give up Ajmer alive, took 
poison, declaring "over my dead body alone, could a 
Deccani (Mahratta) enter Ajmer." 

I will give you one more instance of Vaisha heroism. 
The Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah granted the 


districts of Pur, Mandal and Mandalgarh to Nawab 
Ranbaz Khan, the leader of the Mewatis. Ranbaz 
Khan advanced at the head of the Imperial army to 
take possession of the districts, which had been forcibly 
incorporated by the Maharana of Udaipur into his 
dominions. Maharana Sangram Singh II (1710-1733) 
prepared to fight and ordered his Sardars to oppose 
the Nawab. K. Umed Singh of Shahpura, Thakur Jai 
Singh of Badnor, Maha Singh of Kanod and other 
Sardars came with their levies. The Rao of Begun 
sent his contingent under his kamdar Kothari Bhim 
Singh. When the council of war was held, the Rajput 
Sardars seeing Bhirn Singh smiled, and T. Gangadas 
addressing Bhim Singh said "Kothariji, there is no 
occasion to weigh ata here. " Bhim Singh, who was a 
Mahajan (Vaish), retorted, "I will weigh ata with both 
hands to-morrow, then you will see," The next morn- 
ing, when the two armies met on the banks of the 
Khari river, the first to appear in the field was Kothari 
Bhim Singh with swords in both hands. Addressing 
the Rajputs chieftains he exclaimed, " Come and see 
how I weigh ata." Saying this, he spurred his horse 
and charged the Imperial army with a vigour and dash 
that astonished the friend and the foe alike. The 
Rajputs feeling ashamed that the attack had been 
opened by a Vaisha, became furious and attacked the 
enemy, determined not to be outdone by any one. 
Ranbaz Khan had with him, 5,000 archers famous for 
their skill in archery. But the charge of the Rajputs 
led by Kothari Bhim Singh was so furious and sudden 
that the archers had no time to take out their arrows. 
Hand to hand fight with swords, daggers and lances 
took place, Nawab Ranbaz Khan and his brother 
Nahar Khan were killed, and Dindar Khan and his sons 
fled wounded to Ajmer, The Mewatis and the Delhi 
army sustained a disastrous defeat. 

You will thus see that there have been great 


warriors, statesman, administrators and generals among 
the Vaishas. The instances of Vaisha heroism here 
cited are all from the history of Rajputana, with 
which I have some acquaintance. Doubtless, equc^lly 
brilli nt illustrations of military valour exist in the 
history of the United Provinces, the Punjab and other 
parts of the country. 

The most important matter, however, before the 
community now is clearly to understand the bearings 
of the situation, investigate the causes of their fall, 
study the forces working in the country and think out 
and adopt necessary measures to enable the community 
to hold its own in the struggle that is going on. If we 
cannot emulate our forefathers and occupy in the polity 
of India, the position that they held, we ought at least to 
be able to occupy a respectable position which the wealth, 
the intelligence, the industry and the enterprise of our 
community entitle us to hold. If we consider for a 
moment the contrast between the position our ancestors 
held in India, and that which we occupy today, we will 
find it difficult to hold our heads high. The Vaisha com- 
munity was the richest in India. The highest offices in 
the State were held by them. They commanded armies, 
governed provinces, administered large States, held the 
trade and commerce of the country in their hands, and 
were highly respected and esteemed throughout the 
country and outside of it. And what is the condition 
of the Vaishas now. They are strangers to the 
army, and have been elbowed out of all high offices in 
the country. The import and export trade is in the 
hands of the Europeans, Parsis and others. The name 
Bania has become a byeword for a weak, spiritless man. 
As a community, the Vaishas are treated with con- 
tempt. Even though the business of the country in 
distributing commodities is mostly in their hands, and 
they are the shopkeepers and money-lenders of the 
nation, yet they are everywhere despised and oppressed: 


Whenever a war loan has to be raised, relief work to be 
organized, subscriptions for anything to be collected, 
the Vaisha community is asked to open its purse. 
But all the time they are being treated with contumely. 
In every town, though the Mahajans, forming the 
propertied and wealthy class, are made to bear the 
heaviest burden of taxation, yet they are often left to the 
mercy of the goonda, the plunderer and the incendiary. 
An officer once declared that he wanted their blood as 
they were the money-lenders in the country. Does it, 
not, therefore, behove them to study the .situation and 
find out the causes of this debacle. 

Some of the causes lie on the surface. For one 
thing, there is an absolute want of unity in the com- 
munity. No community is so disunited and disorga- 
nized as the Vaishas. Selfishness, mutual jealousy, 
pettimindedness are rife amongst them. They are 
divided and subdivided and held up in watertight 
compartments, hidebounvl by customs and usages, which 
have long lost their usefulness and now only serve to 
stifle them. Then, they have become so engrossed in 
making a little money that they have ceased to attend 
to their physical welfare. Bodily strength and courage 
are fast disappearing. While their ancestors were great 
fighters, they run away from a fight. They prefer to loss 
all, rather than fight for their rights or honour. No 
community in India is so afraid of death as the Vaishas. 
Eternal vigilance, says a historian, is the price of 
liberty. In the same way, readiness to fight in defence 
of your liberty, honour or property is the price you have 
to pay if you want to live in safety. As the best label 
to your luggage is to carry it yourself, so the best 
protection to your property and to your honour is the 
ability to protect them yourself. Just as Vastupal 
gave up the Ahitisavrat and took up the Puruskvrat 
when occasion arose, they must all cultivate the will to 
act like men, to kill and be killed, when duty and 


honour require it. As Mahatma Gandhi says (New 
India of 18 December 1924). " It is one's duty to 
kill and be killed, never to desert the post of duty." 
All customs, usages, practices that militate against their 
acquiring sufficient strength to protect themselves, must 
be given up without hesitation. It is their right to 
enjoy complete freedom, to follow all paths and pro- 
fessions that are honourable ; to go to all lands to 
acquire knowledge and wealth, to carry on trade, to 
better their prospects ; and any thing that obstructs 
their way should be brushed aside, whether it is old or 
of a recent date. If they are to live as a community 
in this world, they must adopt all possible means con- 
sistent with the equal right of others to protect their 
lives and property. They must assiduously cultivate a 
spirit of co-operation and unity amongst them- 
selves, which is so necessary for their preservation 
as a community. 

Gentlemen you must not look to your individual 
interests alone, but bear in mind the common good. 
And you must not lose sight of the fact that in mak- 
ing the Vaisha community, a great and enlightened 
community, you are laying the foundations of the 
greatness and prosperity of your country; for, the 
greatness of a country depends chiefly upon the 
strength and prosperity of its Vaisha or business 
and trading classes. Look at England and America. 
The English are called a nation of shopkeepers. 
They are true Vaishas. But they are not a helpless, 
spiritless people. They do not allow any prejudices 
or practices to come in their way to advancement. 
You have a most important and useful lesson to 
learn from them. The whole world knows how the 
financiers, the big business men, the commercial 
magnates, the monied classes of England are supreme 
in the country. They make war and peace. They 
control the foreign relations o England. They 


control the Press and guide public opinion. Practically 
they govern. You see all this going on before 
your eyes. And what of their confreres, the Vaishas 
of India. There is none so poor as to do them 
reverence. No one listens to them because they are 
disorganized, and take things lying down. Such 
people are always trodden upon, be they the most 
indispensable o beings. In Rajputana there is a 
saying that he is no man who does not resent a wrong. 

You owe a duty to yourselves, to your community, 
and to your country. Just as progress is unity, so is 
duty a unity. If you do your dharuia properly, you 
shall have done your duty to yourselves, to your 
community, and to your country. Remember that 
dharma does not consist only of a daily bath, a visit 
to a temple, making gifts to priests and to go on 
pilgrimage to a sacred place, to spend less money 
than we HOW do on marriages, and pass resolutions to 
raise the marriageable age of boys and girls. These 
are all very good things in themselves, and may be 
done. But most of these things are not in themselves 
the ultimate aim and object of the Vaisha community. 
They are but means to an end. The aim of the Vaisha 
community as a body must be to retrieve their lost 
position and regain the power to serve the State which 
their forefathers possessed. To achieve that, they 
must acquire physical strength and courage, the will 
to do and dare, to die for truth and right. 

If, as we all know it does, child marriage prevents 
you from having strong bodies and a courageous spirit, 
child marriage must be abolished. Justice as well as 
your interest as a community demand that there should 
not be enforced widowhood. You must therefore stop 
it. In order to acquire knowledge and experience, to 
earn money, even to gain a living, you have to go out 
of India. You should, therefore, encourage foreign 
travel, and remove all obstacles to it. In order to 


ensure a happy home life, to give proper training to 
children, to guide and control youngmen and keep them 
straight, the women ought to be educated and made 
to give up the Pardah. You must educate the women 
and give them freedom. No reform will be permanent, 
no act fruitful, unless the women take their share 
in it. According to our Sastras, a husband with his 
wife forms one whole. How then can you succeed in 
life, how can you achieve anything great, until the 
whole and not a part only is free. It is my con- 
viction that until the women are brave, you will not be 
brave ; until the women are free, you will not be free. 
The source of strength and power is woman, and unless 
the woman fully supports man, man cannot rise. Why 
were Rajputs great warriors and brave in old days ? 
Because the Rajputnis were brave and spirited. Remem- 
ber that slaves cannot give birth to freemen. Hindu 
ladies are the greatest asset the Hindus society poss- 
esses. Mrs. Ramsay Macdonald, the wife of the late 
Prime Minister of England, declared after a tour in 
India, that the women of India had a higher sense of 
honour than the men. 

You must not waste much time on kachi (baked) and 
pakki (fried), and as to who should cook your food. You 
must resolve firmly to do all in your power to retrieve 
your lost position, power and prestige, and with that aim 
constantly before your minds, you must work strenuously 
and unceasingly. You must never lose sight of the fact 
that social reform is only a means to an end and not an 
end in itself. You must have social reform to remove 
the obstacles lying in your way to achieve success in your 
efforts to regain your lost position for the good of your 
country, you must always be ready to co-operate with 
all communities, Hindu as well as non-Hindu, for the 
good of all. But the truth is that co-operation with 
non-Hindus is possible and useful only when you are 
able to stand on your feet and are yourselves able to 


achieve your salvation. And in order to attain to that 
position, you must support with your full strength the 
Hindu Sanghatan movement. 

Thomas Carlyle says that you must first do the duty 
that lies nearest you. And in order that your efforts 
bear fruit, you must start with what you can do at once. 
I would therefore suggest, for your consideration, certain 
practical measures to be taken at once. They are : 

(1) To send regular invitations to the Panchayats 

of the various Vaisha sub-communities of 
important places asking them to send 
delegates to the Vaisha Conference and 
thus interest the Panchay^its in the work 
of social reform. 

(2) To support wholeheartedly the Hindu Sangha- 

tan movement, which is not only most 
useful for the consolidation and preservation 
of the Hindu race, but is necessary for 
the protection and advancement of the 
Vaisha community. 

(3) To encourage interdiiiing and intermarriage 

amongst the various Vaisha sub-communities. 

(4) To take steps to collect accounts of great 

and good deeds of Vaishas of all communities 
in all parts of India, and publish them 
in book form, and make the book available 
to every Vaisha, and to place it in the 
hands of every Vaisha pupil studying in 
a public school. 

(5) To establish connection between the All-India 

Vaisha Mahasabha and the Mahasabhas of 
all sub-communities such as Agtirwals, 
Maheshwaris, Khandelwals, Porwals, Oswals, 
etc., arid invite the representatives of such 
Mahasabhas to take part in the meetings 
of the Vaisha Mahasabha. 

(6) To start Vaisha Sabhas in all important towns. 


(7) To help Vaisha youngmen who wish to go 

to foreign countries to receive education. 

(8) To award medals every year to such Vaisha 

youngmen as have done brave deeds during 
the year or have served the Hindu com- 
munity by acts of courage. 

(9) To secure co-ordination of efforts of the 

various Vaisha sub-communities for social 
welfare such as opening Schools, Orphanages, 
Boarding Houses, Libraries or other 
institutions to encourage education, and 
instituting Lectureships, Updeshakships. 

(10) To have a Press of our own and to invite 

the owners and the editors of all organs 
of the Vaisha community to the meetings 
of the Conference. 

(11) To take steps to protect and provide 

maintenance for Vaisha widows. Our 
honour, no less than our interest, demands 




A frame of adamant, a soul of fire ; 
No dangers fright him, no labours tire. 

"GREAT MEN are the fire-pillars in this dark pilgrimage 
o mankind ; they stand as heavenly Signs, 
ever-living witnesses of what has been, prophetic 
tokens of what still may be, the revealed, embodied 
possibilities of human nature." Thomas Carlyle. 

Great men are pillars of light to light up the path 
of man in this life ; their lives and their work serve 
as guides to men to enable them to traverse the 
passage of life in this world in safety and peace. They 
are the divine and never-failing embodiments of 
knowledge of the good that there was in the Past, and 
they reveal in an unmistakable manner what man- 
kind in future may be, and to what height of greatness 
every man may rise. Great men are the living illus- 
trations of the noble elevation to which humanity will 
eventually rise in the future. 

A Great Man, is an unfailing guide of mankind and 
embodies in himself the nobility and perfection of 
human nature. Dayanand Saraswati was, in this sense 
of the term, a perfect example of a great man. 

"Great men seem to be part of the Infinite, brothers 
of the Seas and the Mountains," says Colonel Ingersoll, 
the greatest of the American orators. Humanity 

introduction to the Dayanand Commemoration Volume published at 
Ajmer in October, 1933 A. D. 


is infinite. Great men, possessing in a greater measure 
the qualities that distinguish man from animals, help 
us to realise infinity in their greatness. As the skies, 
the seas and the mountains transcend our physical 
vision and appear to us to have no end, so do great 
men transcend our mental vision and their proportions 
fade into infinity. The seas and the mountains deter- 
mine on the physical plane, the settlement of people, 
the growth of cities and towns, and the flow of trade; 
so do great men elevate the moral and spiritual life of 
men, and bring into being ideas and forces, that control 
and regulate in a great measure, the ordinary day to day 
life of peoples, and permanently affect their out-look 
and their ideals. The influence of great men is lasting, 
as is the influence of the seas and the mountains. 

Great men are not all fashioned after one pattern. 
Every one has an individuality of his own. There is 
no single standard by which to measure them all. No 
one in this world can remain uninfluenced by the 
environment in which he grows up ; and the environ- 
ment never being the same, different people develop 
different qualities and in different measures. 

One generally accepted standard used in judging 
great men, however, is the good they have done to the 
world, the extent to which they have helped the masses, 
the level of happiness and prosperity to which they 
have raised mankind, the intellectual and spiritual 
advancement of the peoples of the world they have 
brought about. It is this standard that reminds one of 
the dictum that great men are part of the infinite. 

Sri Rama Chandra, Bhishma, Sagara, Asoka, 
Samudragupta, Vikramaditya, Harsha, Alexander, 
Caesar, Akbar, Charlemagne, Napolean were all great 
men, each in his own way. Great poets like Valmiki, 
Kalidas, Homer, Virgil, Shakespeare, Goethe; 
philosophers and thinkers like Vyas, Gautama, 
Kanada, Sankaracharya, Plato, Aristotle, Kant, 


Herbert Spencer have brought much light and joy to 
the world and have helped in raising the intellectual 
and spiritual level o mankind, and added to their 
happiness and contentment. Patriots like Pratap, 
Sivaji, William Tell, Mazzini, Garibaldi, Robert 
Bruce, Kamal Pasha have served humanity through 
their own countries, raised the moral level of 
mankind and have established landmarks which are 
a never-failing source of strength and inspiration 
to men in every country and clime. Greater than 
all these, however, are men, who having known Truth 
and received the light not vouch safed to ordinary 
men, love mankind; who, burning with the desire 
to promote human welfare, themselves lead lives of 
absolute purity and self-denial, and devote themselves 
to revealing fundamental truths of life, forgotten or 
long hidden; who hold aloft high ideals of conduct 
for people to follow, and ceaselessly work to lighten 
their burdens and to remove the injustices, the suffer- 
ings, the sorrows of the world by banishing ignorance, 
and guiding them towards truth, light and happiness. 
While heroes extort admiration and furnish inspira- 
tion; poets, thinkers and philosophers win gratitude 
and affection ; mankind offer their reverence, love, 
homage and adoration to the Regenerators of people 
like Krishna, Buddha and Jesus. Dayanand Saras wati 
belonged to this small number of the Elect. 

These men represent the highest and the noblest 
in humanity; they have reached the summit of human 
glory and greatness. 


According to Hindu belief, when God created 
man, he revealed the Vedas for his guidance. 
The Vedas radiated the light that illumined the 
world by teaching those eternal truths and principles 
that help us to realise the nature and the co-relation 


o God and man of Parmatma, Atmd and Prakriti 
of Humanity and Divinity. 

Professor Max Muller says; "In the history of 
the world, the Vedas fill a gap which no literary 
work in any other language could fill." Guigault 
says: "The Rigveda is the most sublime conception of 
the great high-ways of humanity." 'Mons Leon Delbos 
says : " There is no monument of Greece or Rome 
more precious than the Rig Veda." When the 
Yajur Veda was presented to Voltaire, he expressed 
his belief that "the Veda was the most precious gift 
for which the West had ever been indebted to 
the East." 

Sriyut Aurovindo Ghosh, one of the great living 
Indians, says: "The ancient civilization did possess 
secrets of science, some of which modern knowledge 
has recovered, extended and made rich and precise, 
but others are even now not recovered. There is then 
nothing fantastic in Dayanand's idea that the Veda 
contains truth of science as well as truth of religion. 
I will even add my own conviction that the Veda 
contains truths of science, the modern world does not 
at all possess, and in that case Dayanand has rather 
understated than overstated the depth and range of 
the Vedic wisdom. 

"In the matter of Vedic interpretation, I am 
convinced that whatever may be the final complete 
interpretation, Dayanand will be honoured as the 
first discoverer of the right clues. Amidst the chaos 
and obscurity of old ignorance and age-long misunder- 
standing, his was the eye of direct vision that pierced 
to the truth and fastened on that which was essential. 
He has found the key of doors that time had closed, 
and rent asunder the seals of the imprisoned fountain. 
The essential is that he seized justly on the Vedas as 
the Indian rock of ages and had the daring conception 
to build on what his penetrating glance perceived in 


it a whole nationhood. Ram Mohan Roy, that greai 
soul and puissant worker, who laid his hand on Benga 
and shook her out of her long indolent sleep by he 
rivers and her rice fields, stopped short at th< 
TJpanishads. Dayanand looked beyond and perceivec 
that our true or original seed was the Vedas. H< 
had the national instinct and he was able to mak< 
it luminous an intuition in place of an instinct 
Therefore the works that derive from him, howeve 
they depart from received traditions, must needs b 

profoundly national... If the character givei 

by the Vedic Rishis to their goals is admitted, we ar< 
bound whenever the hymns speak of Agni or som< 
other god, to see behind that name what was presen 
always to the thought of the Rishi, the One Supreme 
Deity, or else one of His powers with its attendan 
qualities and attributes. Immediately the whol< 
character of the Vedas is fixed in the sense, Dayanaiw 
gave to it, the merely ritual, mythological am 
polytheistic interpretation of Sayanacharya collapses 
the naturalistic and historical interpretation o 
Europeans also vanishes. We have instead a rea 
scripture, one of the world's sacred books and th< 
divine word of a lofty and noble religion. " 


The Indians were thus the original teachers an< 
leaders of mankind. They gave civilization an< 
religion to the world; and their country, Aryavart 
(now called India) became the sacred land of civilize* 
humanity. The Aryas carried dharma, truth an< 
enlightenment to the remotest corners of the world 
all over Asia, Europe, Africa and America. With th 
lapse of time, after reaching the highest meridian o 
earthly prosperity, decline set in amongst them, an< 
gradually, they lost the knowledge of the Vedas an< 
the sciences based on their teachings. They forgo 


the Dharma their forefathers had taught the world. 
Their spiritual light, their moral grandeur, their 
physical prowess and their purity of life deteriorated, 
till those eternal truths of Being that underlie true 
Dharma, fell in danger of disappearing. The knowledge 
of Sanskrit ($crwroft) declined ; true Dharma became rare. 
And the term Arya, once a term which connoted 
nobility, culture and greatness, gave place to "Hindu" 
which with the progress of time became synonymous 
with "the weak and the feeble." 

The people who taught higher philosophy and 
science to the Greeks and the Egyptians, and religion 
to the whole world, fell a victim to foreign invaders 
inferior to them in civilization, culture and refinement. 
So great was the fall that even a correct copy of the 
Vedas the most precious heritage bequeathed by 
the Kishis to mankind was not easily available in 
India. The Hindu nation became a byword for an 
inefficient, helpless and subject people. 

The people that first preached to the world the 
brotherhood of man and the unity of mankind 
became hopelessly divided into innumerable castes 
watertight compartments. They even began to 
regard it a sin for a member of one caste to marry 
into another caste, to take food cooked by a member 
of another caste, even to dine with him. Nay, in 
some parts of this sacred land, they even now 
regard it a pollution to be within a certain distance 
of a member of certain castes. Owing to this ignorant, 
narrow, exclusive and iron-bound caste system resulting 
in disunity, the country, fell a prey to the greed, 
oppression and domination of backward but virile 
tribes, who, from time to time invaded the hospitable, 
fertile and rich land of India from the West or the 
North West. The people who had reached the summit 
of spritual glory, and the pinnacle of worldly pros- 
perity, who carried their messages of peace, good-will, 


enlightenment and happiness to every part of the world ; 
who taught arts and sciences to the ignorant and un- 
enlightened nations of both the hemispheres, who were 
justly celebrated as the greatest, the richest, and the 
wisest people on earth, were found in the beginning 
of the nineteenth century A. !>., hopelessly divided, 
weak and ignorant, strangers to their sublime language 
and their superb literature, unable to defend them- 
selves against foreign invasion ; unable to protect 
their arts and sciences, their noble Culture, their 
magnificent civilization and their divine religion. 
Such was the state of affairs in this laud when 
Swami Dayanand Saraswati was born in Vikrama 
Samvat 1881 (A.D. 1824-25). 

The Hindu Sastras inculcate that truth reasserts 
itself, that when the salvation of mankind is in 
jeopardy, a great soul appears and leads men again 
towards those eternal springs which give life and 



This sloka of the Git a merely gives expression 
to the eternal truth that whenever the eternal truths 
of life are in danger of disappearance, whenever the 
race through which these truths were revealed to 
mankind is in danger of forgetting them, the Divine 
Mercy begins to operate and a great soul appears to 
re-unfold those truths and teach people anew the true 
faith that leads to life and happiness. 

Dayanand saw the world steeped in ignorance and 
superstition, torn asunder by prejudice and selfishness, 
and without light to guide the path of man and of 
mtipns to salvation. Life-long study and contempla- 


tion based on careful observation drove him to the 
conclusion that the prime cause of degeneration was 
the neglect of those eternal truths taught in the Vedas, 
which govern humanity and which, properly understood 
and practised, will elevate mankind and bring prosperity 
and happiness to the world. He determined to 
revive their study. 

Finding also that the evils that ate into the vitals 
of Hindu society were multifarious and manifold, he 
resolved to tackle them all; and in order to throw 
the light of Vedic teachings on all important matters 
that concerned the life of the people religious, 
social and economic he began to write books 
containing those teachings, all in Hindi, for the use 
and benefit of all classes of society for the Hindus 
as well as the non-Hindus. He travelled all over 
the country, spreading the light of truth wherever 
he went, preaching Vedic religion and ideals, giving 
public lectures, holding private discourses and friendly 
discussions with Christian missionaries, Muslim 
Mauliis and the protagonists of other religions as 
well as with the learned Brahmins. 

He knew that the Brahmins, who are the law- 
givers of India, accept without question, the supreme 
authority of the Vedas in all things and at all 
times they hold that the Vedas, being divine wisdom, 
override all Sastras and none may question their 
authority. As Aurovindo Ghosh says: " Even, 
when the Vedas were no longer understood, even 
when their traditions were lost behind Pauranic 
forms, they were still held in honour, though without 
knowledge, as authoritative revelation and inspired 
Book of Knowledge, the source of all sanctions 
and standard of all truth." He therefore decided 
that the best way to redeem his people was to 
teach them what the Vedas contained. He resolved 
to show them that the Vedas, the Revelation, the 


source of Hindu religion and its highest authority, 
did not support superstition, idolatry, class privilege, 
sex and caste disqualifications, pernicious customs, 
emasculating and degrading practices that had reduced 
the Hindu nation to a state o helpless decrepitude 
and weakness. 


Swami Dayanand Saraswati was not a mere 
Reformer. He was a World Teacher. His mission 
was to uplift all mankind. Some people, while fully 
admitting Dayanand's greatness and the great work 
he did for the Hindus, while also appreciating that 
his teachings would help to uplift mankind, find it 
difficult to reconcile their idea of his great and noble 
aim with his exposure and criticism of the doctrines 
and practices prevalent in Islam and Christianity 
and other religions. They think that the great man 
that he was, that his aim being the progress and 
unity of human race, he should not have denounced 
the religious beliefs or condemned the practices followed 
by the followers of those faiths. They approve of 
his denunciation of idol-worship, the caste system, 
untouchability, child marriage, enforced widowhood, 
class privilege evils prevalent amongst the Hindus. 
They do not mind the unrest and the disturbance 
he created amongst the Hindus by his ceaseless 
campaign against the evils that rent Hindu society 
asunder ; but they would not, dare not, expose or 
condemn the falsehoods and the evils prevalent in 
Islamic or Christian society. A highly placed English- 
man, while expressing his admiration for his noble 
character and the great work Swamiji had done, 
said to me that great men like him should not 
condemn or denounce the beliefs and practices of 
the followers of other religions. 

Those who hold such opinions, judge of the 


greatness of others by their own smallness. They 
fail to understand Dayanand's aim, his character or 
the work he had set before himself. They betray 
their ignorance of his mission. They fail to compre- 
hend the real greatness, the high nobility of purpose 
which inspired his work. They only look upon him 
as a Hindu Reformer, as one whose work was to 
purge Hindu Society of what they think are the 
evils and falsehoods in Hinduism. They only see a 
part of the man, not the whole of him. They fail to see 
that he was not a mere Hindu Reformer, but a lover 
of Humanity, a World Redeemer. His mission was 
to purge human society not Hindu Society only 
of the evils from which it suffered owing to wrong 
beliefs, whether those beliefs and doctrines were 
inculcated by Hinduism or Christianity or Islam. He 
made no difference between faith and faith. He was 
a World Teacher and his task was to uplift mankind, 
whether it lived in India and followed Hinduism, 
or in Persia or Arabia and followed Islam, or in 
Europe and America and followed Christianity. He 
loved all mankind, and his aim was to save from 
degradation and falsehood all men whether they lived 
in this country or that, or followed this faith or 
that. He says in the Satyarth Prakash : u Though 
I was born in Aryavarta (India) and still live in it; 
yet just as I do not defend the falsehoods of the 
religions prevailing in this country but expose them 
fully; in like manner I deal with the religions of 
other countries and their supporters I treat the 
foreigners in the same way as my own countrymen so 
far as the elevation of the human race is concerned. 
It behoves all men to act likewise." 

This declaration of his, clearly shows that when he 
criticised Hinduism or Islam or Christianity, it was 
not in a carping spirit, not as an antagonist, but in 
a spirit of love and philanthropy. A father anxious 


to secure the happiness and prosperity of all his 
sons who have gone astray does not confine himself 
to guiding and warning the eldest son, leaving the 
others to their fate; but loving all of them, points 
out to them all, the wrong paths they had taken, 
warns them all against the evils they suffer from ; 
shows them all, the right path they should follow. 
So did Dayanand. His aim was not to save Hindus 
only ; he looked upon Hindus, Muslims, Christians, 
Buddhists, Zoarastrians, all as his kith and kin, all as 
his sons ; and as he loved them all, he could not 
but point out the falsehoods and the evils of the 
various faiths they followed. He would not haye been 
the World Redeemer that he was, had he not done so. 


A remarkable thing about Dayanand Saras wati 
is that he and his teachings are the products solely 
of Hindu astras and Hindu culture. Foreign culture, 
Western civilization had not the slightest influence 
in making him what he was. He did not know 
English and was in no way influenced by European 
culture or European thought. 

English-educated people in India began to condemn 
idolatry, class privilege, caste system, evil customs 
and practices like the child marriage and enforced 
widowhood, in consequence of the English education 
they had received. And because they thought that 
these practices constituted Hinduism, they began to 
reject Hinduism too. Dayanand without receiving 
any Western education or coming under Western 
influence, by a study of the real Hindu Sastras 
found that these practices were against the teachings 
of Hindu Sastras and therefore rejected them. He 
shewed that the Vedic religion (true Hinduism) was 
free from all these evils that now go under the 
name of Hinduism. 



A study of Dayanand's life and work brings out 
prominently his three distinguishing features. They 
are : 

1. Love of truth and absolute rejection of 


2. The dedication of his life to the service 

of mankind. He set to work to free 
India from untruth, superstition, and the 
worship of false gods in all matters, 
religious, social, economic and political, 
and through India, the whole human race. 

3. His love of mankind. 


From his childhood he was a Seeker after Truth. 
His descriminating mind accepted truth as soon as he 
found it and instantly rejected untruth. Born in a 
rich, high class Brahmin family in a town which has 
since been identified as Tankara in the Morvi State 
in Kathiawar, when only eight years old, Mulshankar, 
for such was the name given to him by his parents, 
was invested with the sacred thread which marks 
the initiation of a child into Brahmacharya a life 
of celebacy, purity, acquisition of knowledge and 
search after truth. 

During a vigil at night, on the Shivratri day, 
in a temple of Siva, he saw mice play on the idol 
and eat the food placed before it, which he had 
been taught to worship as God. The truth flashed 
on his mind that the idol which was unable to 
prevent mice from running about on it and eating 
up its food, could not be God, who is the Creator 
and all powerful Ruler of the world. He woke up 
his father, who had fallen asleep during the vigil, 
and asked him to explain the phenomenon he had 
witnessed. The father's attempt to explain away 


the occurence proved futile and Dayanand lost faith 
in idol-worship. 

Dayanand Saraswati had an insatiable appetite 
for knowledge as he was determined to know the 
truth in every matter the real substance of things. 
He was not only a most diligent student, but had 
expressed his determination to devote his life to 
acquisition of knowledge, and to go for study to 
Benares, the chief seat of Sanskrit learning in India. 
Finding his parents resolved to prevent this by 
forcing him to enter into wedlock, he made up his 
mind to flee from the uncongenial atmosphere which 
stifled truth. He took the earliest opportunity to 
leave the environment where life moved in a narrow, 
false and artificial circle, He left home and his 
parents, and began to prepare himself for a life of 
service to truth, service to his country and service 
to humanity. He went wherever he could find a 
teacher to impart hirn knowledge. He spent a 
number of years going from place to place regard- 
less of bodily discomforts, gladly suffering hardships 
and privations, leading a life of strenuous, unceasing 
toil and wholeheartedly devoted himself to the study 
of ancient Sanskrit learning. He went to Mount 
Abu, the Satpura Hills, to the distant Himalayas, 
explored hermitages, lonely caves, and mountain 
retreats in search of sages, teachers of truth, yogis 
and Mahatmas who would initiate him into the 
realms of the highest knowledge which man can 
acquire in order that he may become fully fitted 
to lead a life devoted to the service of Humanity. 
He underwent strict discipline, led a life of true 
Brahmacharya to find the Truth. He found it at 
last in Muttra, where he became a disciple of Swami 
Virjanand Saraswati, from whom he acquired perfect 
proficiency in Sanskrit learning, in order to be able 
to hold his own against the most learned in the 


land, whose opposition he was sure to encounter in 
his campaign against untruth. 

Dayanand early realised that untruth leads to 
error and sin, and entails sorrow and suffering. He 
also realised that the world was full o sorrow and 
suffering because it had accepted untruth, and that 
it could be saved only by bringing it back to the 
citadel of truth. He went to Benares, stormed the 
chief citadel of prejudice and privilege and demolish- 
ed it. He challenged the most learned of the 
Pandits there to accept truth, and give up untruth 
and superstition. He told them that the Vedas, the 
Revelation, the sole authority on religion, condemned 
idol-worship, caste by birth, child marriage and 
untouchability, that the Vedas taught pure monotheism, 
equality of man and the sexes, and challanged them 
to prove the contrary. The Pandits failed to do so: 
orthodoxy was beaten in its own stronghold. Vested 
interests, class privileges and life-lonff habits and 
beliefs, but chiefly caste bondage, stood in the way 
of mankind and it was the birth-right of every person 
to read them and act according to their teachings. 
He therefore took up the work of translating them 
into Hindithe lingua franca of India the lingua 
Indica so that every one may have access to them 
and understand them. Dayanand believed that the 
acceptance of the Vedas and acting according to 
their teachings will bring salvation to mankind; and 
he set to work to achieve that object. He took to 
propagating the truth as taught by the Vedas by 
lectures, discourses, debates, discussions, conversations, 
and by writing books, and pamphlets. He went 
round the country taking the banner of Truth to 
every important town in India where Hindi was 
understood, every sacred place where large masses of 
people gather together to perform religious ceremonies, 
celebrate festivals and to bathe in the sacred waters 


of the Ganges, the Jumna, the Narbada, the Tapti, 
e.g. the Kumbha at Hardwar, the Ardha Kumbhis 
at Allahabad and Ujjain. He visited every place of 
pilgrimage, small or great, Pushkar, Benares, Gaya, 
Muttra, Ajodhia, Allahabad, Nasik, Badrinarain etc. 
He had no headquarters, no place to go to, for rest or 
recuperation. Day and night, night and day, he 
devoted himself to the service of the people writing, 
preaching, debating, advising, counselling. 

Not content to do what he would be able to 
accomplish during his own life, which he foresaw 
would not be long, and convinced that it was 
necessary to carry the message of Truth to all 
countries of the world, he created a Trust the 
Paropkarini Sabha and appointed 23 Trustees to 
continue his work after him and carry the Banner 
of Truth to every country in the world, in Europe, 
America and Asia, and thus free men from supersti- 
tions, falsehoods and shackles of all kinds. He 
enjoined upon the trustees the duty 

(1) To propagate and spread the knowledge 
of the Vedas and the Vedangas, i. e. to say, 
to expound them and get them expounded, to 
read and hear them read, to recite and get 
them recited, and to publish them. 

(2) To establish Missions and send mision- 
aries to all countries of the world to teach 
men the Vedic Faith, and to preach that Truth 
should be accepted and Untruth rejected. 

(3) To give protection and right education 
to the orphans and the poor people of India. 


The philosopher Helvetius says:- "Don't expect 
too much from men if you would love mankind/ 1 
Dayanand knew that the evil in the world was due 
to ignorance, want of knowledge of Troth. As his 


heart was full of love for mankind, he had only 
pity for the wrong- doing, even the wickedness of 
men. He denounced untruth, often in strong terms, 
but had no hatred for any one, not even for the 
wrong-doer, the criminal and the wicked. The 
infinite love and compassion that filled his heart 
left no room there for feelings of recrimination or 

Several incidents in his life illustrate how a 
wrong committed by a person against him instead 
of exciting hatred or anger invoked pity and com- 
passion in him. Once when he was in Anupshabar 
(U. P.) carrying on his crusade against untruth, a 
Brahmin, enraged by Swamiji's denunciation of idol- 
worship resolved to kill him, and gave him poison 
in a pan (betel leaf). Swamiji came to know of it 
in time, and saved himself by performing a yogic 
act, Neoli Kriya. He, however, said nothing to the man. 
Somehow or other the news of this reached the ears 
of the Tahsildar and Magistrate of the place, Sayad 
Muhammad, who arrested and imprisoned the Brah- 
min, Thinking that Swamiji would appreciate his 
action, he went to Swamiji to inform him of it. 
The Swami would not speak to him. The Tahsildar 
was surprised and asked him the reason of it. Swa- 
miji said to him "I have not come to this world to 
imprison people, but to free them from shackles. If 
men do not give up evil-doing why should we leave 
our nobleness and higher purpose." Swamiji then 
got the culprit released. 

When we think of Dayanand Saraswati, we see 
the sublime spectacle of a superman, who, knowing 
the Truth, and also knowing that the world is 
full of sorrow because it has left the path of Truth, 
stands before it with a heart full of pity and com- 
passion for erring mankind; with no resources except 
his own dominant intellect, his superb courage and 


his indomitable will; with only a piece of cloth round 
his loins and a stick in his hand; convinced that it 
was his duty to save mankind and determined to do 
so; conscious that he possessed the strength to free 
it from falsehood, superstition and sin which had taken 
a firm hold of it and were dragging it lower and 
lower down the slough of despondency and degradation. 


It is not possible at the present time to assign 
Swami Dayanand Saraswati his true place in History. 
We are too near him yet to get a full view of his 
proportions. True perspective is wanting. If you 
stand at the foot of a mountain, or fifty yards away 
from it you can only say that it is a great big thing, 
but you cannot say where it stands in the grade of 
mountains. You must stand at a great distance from 
a mountain and be able to get a comprehensive view 
of its length and height, of the space it occupies in 
the landscape as compared with the others, before 
you can give it its rank amongst the mountains of 
the world. So with great men. A century or two 
must pass before even the best informed can form 
a tolerably clear idea of a great man's proportions. 
You have to wait till the forces generated and set 
to work by a great personality have fully developed 
and adjusted themselves not only to the forces at work 
when that personality appeared on the horizon, but 
have also met and come to some adjustment with the 
reactions to the^ disturbing forces brought into being 
by that great man. You have to wait till this is 
done; for it is then that you can get a true perspective 
of the man and can assign him his true place amongst 
great personalities. 

Dayanand, as stated before, was one of the great 
teachers and redeemers of the world like Krishna, 
Buddha and Jesus. Time, however, is not yet for 


assigning Dayanand his true place among them. Could 
any one, fifty years after Buddha's death, or the 
Crucification of Christ, declare the position Buddha or 
Christ was to occupy in history ? Could any one 
even so late as the conversion of Emperor Asoka 
have assigned Buddha the place he now occupies in 
human history; or even a thousand years after his 
death assign Jesus the position he now holds amongst 
mankind ? It took centuries to bring to fruition 
the seeds sewn by them, It was several centuries 
before Buddha and Jesus were recognised as great 
benefactors of mankind. As a matter of History, 
within fifty years of their deaths no one assigned 
to Buddha or Jesus even that position amongst men, 
which, according to the informed people all over the 
world, Dayanand occupies to-day. And if the logic 
of things and human experience are any guide, there 
is no doubt that a couple of centuries hence, the 
world will accept Dayanand as as great a benefactor of 
mankind as Jesus or Buddha. 

The heart of Jesus like that of Dayanand was 
full of pity for the sufferings of men. Intellec- 
tually, however, Dayanand was far superior to him. 
Dayanand was a profound scholar. His supreme 
place in the field of knowledge of Vedic Literature 
was undisputed and unquestioned. Both Jesus and 
Dayanand tried to redeem the people. Both loved 
them and served them. Both had to give up 
their lives at the altar of the service of humanity. 
Jesus was crucified : Dayanand was poisoned. 

Buddha, one of the noblest of men, is nearer 
Dayanand than Jesus. Both spent a large part of their 
lives in search of truth, and at last finding it, gave up 
the rest of their lives to proclaiming it and making 
it accessible to all. Both were equally pure in their lives, 
and gave up the world to serve mankind. Both loved 
Humanity and were full of pity and compassion for 


the failings, the foibles, the follies, the fatalities of men. 
Both were incarnations of mercy and forgiveness. 
Buddha's mission, born as he was in the India of the 
sixth century B. a, was to do away with supersti- 
tion, ritualism run riot, and to teach men simplicity 
and brotherhood. Dayanand declared that he had come 
to the world to break the chains of slavery, and free 
mankind from error, superstition, ignorance, domina- 
tion of all kinds, ecclesiastical, social, economic. 
Dayanand was equipped for the purpose with a cultivated 
intellect of the highest order, and knowledge of the 
Vedic literature, unrivalled and supreme. In this, 
Dayanand had an advantage over Buddha. Then, 
Buddha had only to deal with the Brahmin priest- 
hood: Dayanand had to meet and overcome not only 
the Brahmin orthodoxy but the prejudices and errors 
of the votaries of Islam, Christianity, Jainiwm, Sikhism 
and others. 

Both Buddha and Dayanand were products of pure 
unadulterated Hindu culture and Hindu thought, and 
owed nothing to alien civilizations, cultures or reli- 
gions. In Buddha's time, little of the world outside 
India was known: Dayanand had a pretty clear idea 
of the great world outside India. Buddha found his 
people politically independent but suffering from 
excessive ritualism and presumption, and given to 
excessive self-indulgence. Dayanand found his people 
weaklings, steeped in ignorance and superstition, 
helpless and degraded, bound hand and foot, 
slaves politically^ economically and socially. He had, 
a harder task to perform to redeem them and, through 
them, the rest of mankind. Yet he has sown the 
seed which will bear the fruit of World Redemption. 
Time will prove that he was one of the greatest 
benefactors of humanity true Redeemer and Deliverer, 
true Regenerator of mankind. 


His life was gentle ; and the elements 

So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up 

And say to all the world, "This was a man!" 

SHAKESPEARE, Julius Ccesar. 

EMPEROR Asoka is a landmark in human history. He 
was a personality that defies time, extorts admiration, 
inspires reverence, and disarms criticism. If ever 
there was a Rdjarishi, he was one Amongst the 
rulers of the world, he stands supreme unapproach- 
able in moral grandeur, unequalled in spiritual 
splendour. He towers high above the greatest of 
the rulers whether in the East or in the West 
not, however, as a warrior, not as a great captain 
leading countless numbers to destroy kingdoms, enslave 
nations and impose his will on peoples. Alexander, 
Ctesar, Napoleon stand foremost amongst the military 
leaders of men. Vikramaditya, Samudragupta, Akbar, 
Charlemagne, Constantine, are some of the shining 
lights amongst the political rulers of men. Asoka 
was greater than these as a ruler, greater than 
Alexander and Napoleon as a conqueror. Their 
empires vanished as soon as their eyes were closed: 
their influence disappeared soon after they started 
on the journey from which no traveller returns. 
Asoka's conquests still abide. 

X A review of Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka published in the Hindustan 
Review, Patna. 


A study of Asoka's life-work is of perennial 
interest to mankind. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has 
done a service to the country by taking the great 
Emperor as the subject of his Carmichael Lectures 
in the Calcutta University and publishing the result 
of his labours in book-form. He has not only 
pieced together the various items of information 
yielded by the famous inscriptions left by Asoka, 
compared them with the traditions handed down 
to history, but has tried to show by an analysis 
of the inscriptions what further information may be 
obtained from them by a careful and informed scholar. 

Asoka was the grandson of Chandragupta, (called 
Sandracottas by the Greeks), the founder of the 
Maurya Empire. In old times, Indian Kings had 
more than one name, one being their proper name 
and the other birudas; and Asoka is styled in his 
inscriptions Devanam priy<id,rsiu (Beloved of the 
gods) Raja or priyadarsin Raja. Little is known of 
his early life beyond the facts that he was Viceroy 
of Taxila before he became king, that he ascended the 
throne of Pataliputra (Patna) on the death of his father 
Bindusara, probably in 279, B. o. (273 B. c. according 
to Dr. Vincent Smith), that he had several brothers and 
sisters, two queens, one named Karuvaki, and at least 
four sons. In his early life he was fond of the chase. 
The earliest event of his reign mentioned in the 
inscriptions is his conquest of Kalinga (B. C. 261 
according to Dr. Vincent Smith). His description of the 
horrors of war i& vivid. He says that in the war against 
Kalinga 1,50,000 men were carried away as captives; 
1,00,000 were slain, and many times as many died. 
The horrors of the war impressed him so strongly that 
he never forgot them and never ceased to regret them. 


Asoka's empire included the whole of India (except 


tfoe small strip of country lying below the present 
Mysore State) and Afghanistan. His Greek contempo- 
raries mentioned in his inscriptions were Antiochus II. 
Theos (B. c. 261-246) King of Syria and Turamaya, 
Ptolemy II. Philadelphos of Egypt (285-247), Antigonus 
Gonatus of Macedonia (276-239), Magas of Gyrene 
^(c. 300-c. 250) and Aliksamudra, who was Alexander 
of Epirus (272-255 B c.) or Alexander of Corinth (252- 
244 B. c.) The Indian Empire was coterminous with 
the Syrian kingdom under Antiochus, and included 
the greater part of Afghanistan (containing Kabul, 
Herat and Kandhar), Baluchistan and Mekran. 

The empire over which he ruled was divided into 
a number of provinces under four Viceroys who were 
all Jcumars, or princes of the royal blood. They were 
stationed at (1) Takshasila (Taxila), the head-quarters 
of the Gandhar (Kandhar) or the frontier province, 
(2) Suvarnagiri in the Deccan (3) Tosali (Dhauli) 
rapital of Kalinga, and (4) Ujjain in Malwa. The 
Junagarh inscription of King Kudradaman states 
that Surashtra or Kathiawar was governed in 
Asofca's time by his governor Tushapa, a Greek 


The close attention he gave to business is clear 
from a passage in Rock Edict VI, which says ; 
" This, therefore, I have done, namely, that at all 
hours and in all places, whether I am eating or I 
am in the closed (women's) apartments, in the inner 
chamber, on horse-back, or in pleasure orchards, the 
reporters may report people's business to me. People's 

business I do at all places I am never 

satisfied with (my) exertions or with (my) despatch 
of business. For the welfare of the whole world is 
an esteemed duty with me, and the root of that is 
again thi, namely, exertion and despatch o business. 


There is no higher duty than the welfare of the 
whole world." Asoka's duty towards his subjects, 
he himself describes in Kalinga Edicts! u All men 
are my children and just as 1 desire for my children 
that they may obtain every kind of welfare and 
happiness both in this and the next world, so do I 
desire for all men." Dr. Bhandarkar remarks that 
4C this presents a strong contrast to the notion that 
was prevalent before the rise of the Mauryan Power, 
and according to which the King was considered to 
be a mere servant of the State and was allowed to 
levy the prescribed taxes in order that he might 
receive the wages due to him for his services," 

Asoka became a Buddhist in the eighth year of 
his reign, and for the first two and a half years he 
remained a lay disciple; then for a year, he lived 
with the Sangha and took up with zeal the 
propagation of Dharma (Dbamma). During the first 
nine years of his reign, Asoka u used to go out on 
tours of pleasure. Here, there were chase and other 
diversions." Rock Edict VIII. Megasthenes, who 
was very nearly a contemporary of Asoka, thus 
describes the royal chase in India ; " For the chase 
the King departs in Bacchanalian fashion. Crowds 
of women surround him and outside of this circle 
spearmen are ranged. The road is marked oil with 
ropes, and it is death for man or woman alike, to 
pass within the ropes. Men with drums and gongs 
head the procession. The king hunts in the enclosures 
and shoots arrows from a platform. At his side 
stand two or three armed women. If he hunts in 
the open grounds he shoots from the back of an 
elephant. Of the women some are in chariots, 
some on horses, and some even on elephants and 
they are equipped with weapons of every kind as if 
they were going on a campaign." Indian Antiquary, 
VI, 132. In the tenth year of his reign, Asoka 


paid a visit to the Bodhi Tree (Sambodhi) and after 
that he gave up the chase. He later visited 
Buddha's birth-place. 


In Pillar Edicts II and VII , Asoka specifies the 
qualities which constitute Dhamma. They are (1) 
much good (2) little defilement (3) mercy (4) liberality 
(5) truthfulness (6) purity (7) gentleness. He then 
shows how these are to be practised. He sums up 
the duties of man as (1) non-slaughter o breathing 
creatures, (2) non-injury to existing creatures, (3) 
hearkening to father and mother, (4) hearkening to 
elders, (5) reverence to teachers, (6) liberality and 
seemly behaviour towards friends, acquaintances, 
relatives and towards Brahmin and Sraman ascetics 
and (7) seemly behaviour towards slaves and servants. 
Gift of Dharma, according to him is the highest 
form of gift (Rock Edict XI) In addition to 
acquiring the positive qualities which constitute 
Dharma, he exhorts mankind to get rid of certain 
qualities that lead to Pap or Asinava. They are 
rashness, cruelty, anger, pride and malice. (Pillar 
Edict III). A man should keep himself free from 
these and practise the positive virtues in order to 
fulfil Dharma. His Dharma is severely practical. 
He does riot preach theological or metaphysical 

Asoka enjoins constant self-examination. "Bud- 
dha exhorts Rahula to examine every act of the 
body, speech or mind before and also after it is 
initiated." And "Asoka insists upon self-scrutiny 
being carried on in order that man may not bring 
about his own fall." He says (Rock Edict VII): 
" But he is certainly a low man who has no self- 
restraint and purity of heart, though he may have 
lavish liberality," He insists that man should free 


himself from vice by his own exertions. 51 
The Dhammapada says: 
By ourselves is evil done 
By ourselves we pain endure 
By ourselves we cease from wrong 
By ourselves we become pure. 
None saves us but ourselves 
None can and no one may 
We ourselves must tread the Path ; 
Buddhas' only show the way 

His self -reliance or the principle of personal 
responsibility distinguishes Buddhism (and Hinduism) 
from Christianity and Muhammadanism. According to 
Christianity, salvation depends utterly on the grace 
of God, and according to Islam on the belief in the 
Prophet. Which of these beliefs stimulates human 
advancement can well be left to the reader. 

His attitude towards the various religions is 
portrayed in Rock Edict XII. He says: "A man 
must not make uri exhibition of reverence to his own 
religion and condemn another's without any good 
reason. On the contrary, the other religions should 
be shown reverence to, on this and that occasion. 
By so doing, a man exalts his own religion and does 
service to another's. By doing otherwise, he does 
harm to both." 

In the latter part of chapter IV, Dr. Bhandarkar 
discusses the essentials of Asoka's Dhamma, the aim 
and object of Dhamma, his assimilation of some of 
the psychological concepts of Jainism, and his 
perfectly tolerant attitude towards Brahminism and 
other faiths. 


He not only preached Dharma himself, but had its 
teachings carved out on rocks, pillars, caves to endure 
for ever; sent missionaries all over India and to 


foreign countries, but constantly made enquiries 
about the spiritual progress of the people. He 
studied the different aspects of Buddhism and under- 
took Dharma Yatras (tours) to preach religion. Pillar 
Edict Vll records his burning desire for the uplift 
of man. He says: 4< In times past, kings wished 
that men should grow with a befitting growth of 
Dhamma. But man did not grow with a befitting 
growth of Dhamma. How then may men be moved 
to conform to Dhamma ? How may I uplift some 

of them with a growth of Dhamma? 

This idea came to me ; Proclamations of Dhamma 
will I proclaim. Instructions in Dluumna will I 
instruct. Men hearkening thereto will conform, uplift 
themselves and mightily grow with the growth of 
Dhamma ". 

In Rock Edict III he says that in thetwelth yeju* 
of his reign he commended not only the Rajjukas 
but also the Pradesiktis and the Yuktas (all District 
Officials of the highest grade) to go out on circuit 
tour every five years to deliver instructions in 
Dhamma to the people as well as for the discharge 
of their official duties. The instructions in Dhamma 
were to impress on the people the necessity of 
ethical practices which make up Dhjunma. In Rock 
Edict XII, he preaches mutual toleration. He says: 
4< And those who are favourably disposed towards 
this or that sect should be informed : The Beloved 
of the gods does not think so much of gift or 
reverence as what? that there should be a growth 
of the essential among all sects and also mutual 
appreciation.' 5 

In Pillar Edict VII he enumerates some of his 
philanthropic acts and gives reason for his so 
doing, " On the roads, I have planted the banyan 
trees. They will offer shade to man and beast. 
I have grown mango-orchards. I have caused wells 


to be dug at every eight koses (sixteen miles), and I 
have built rest-houses. I have made many watering 
sheds at different places for the enjoyment of man 

and beast But I have done this with the 

intent that men may follow the practices of Dhamma." 
He made endeavours through the Dharma Mahamatras 
(officials) to induce his relations as well as the 
general public to perform philanthropic acts. He 
asks his sons and queens in the Edicts to follow 
his example and spend money in charities. He 
established hospitals for men as well as animals in 
his empire and also in the territories of the neigh- 
bouring kings. Addressing himself to his sons and 
grandsons, the great Emperor says : " But that 
conquest is considered to be the chiefest by the 
Beloved of the gods, which is conquest through 
Dharma. And that, again, has been achieved by the 
Beloved of the gods here and in the bordering 
dominions even as far as six hundred Yojanas.*' 
Thus Dhamma was disseminated not only in the 
whole of India but also in those parts of Syria, 
Egypt, Macedonia, Epirus and Cyrene, Pegu, Moulrnein 
and other places. 


The inscriptions of Asoka are of the utmost value 
in determining the ethical advance of mankind and 
understanding the forces which make for the spiritual 
elevation of humanity. These inscriptions are inscribed 
either on rocks or stone pillars or in caves. The 
rock inscriptions may be divided into (1) The 
fourteen Rock Edicts and (2) The Minor Rock Edicts. 
The former are found in seven different localities, 
all on the frontiers of India, the latter in three 
places in Mysore. 

The Pillar inscriptions may also be divided into 
two classes (I) seven Pillar Edicts and (2) minor 


Pillar inscriptions. The former constitute a group, 
but the latter are four different epigraphs. The Rock 
and Pillar Inscriptions were called Dhamma lipis by 

The cave inscriptions o Asoka are those found 
engraved in the caves in the Barabar Hills of Behar 
and are thirty-three in number. 


Dr. Bhandarkar describes the social and religious 
life of India in Asoka's time, the position of women in 
society, the script in use in the country, and finally, 
the art culture as illustrated by the architecture of his 
monuments, particularly, the pillars on which his 
inscriptions, are engraved. He describes the wonderful 
skill of Indian craftsmen in making the pillars on which 
the edicts were engraved. " The erection of pillars *', he 
says, " independent and not forming part of any edifices 
seems to have originated in India alone and is not 
found in Western Asia or Europe before the time of 
the Roman emperors. Again the Asokan columns are 
monoliths of singularly massive proportions from 40 to 
50 feet in length and with an average diameter of 2*7 ". 
Quarrying blocks nearly four feet square and fifty feet 
long is an occupation most taxing even to the powers 
of the twentieth century when we so much boast of our 
modern scientific knowledge, training and appliances. 
How the workmen of the Mauryan period achieved this 
gigantic task two thousand years ago cannot but fill 
our minds with wonder. But to cut true, dress, and 
proportion blocks of such stupendous dimensions into 
beautiful round columns and varnish them like mirror 
at which even a modern mason stands aghast was a 
still more arduous and delicate task. Of this even, 
they acquitted themselves with eminent success. But 
this is not all. The pillars of Asoka are one and all 
composed of sandstone from a quarry near Chunar in the 


Mirzapur District of the United Provinces. They are 
believed to have been chiselled there and transported 
to the different places. The carriage of such unwieldy 
masses to great distances (und some of the pillars were 
sent hundreds of miles away from the hillsides where 
they had been quarried) and setting them up at diverse 
and remote places demanded an amount of mechanical 
appliances and ingenuity which would have been most 
trying, if not impossible, to the modern age ". 


In chapter VII, Dr. Bhandarkar discusses Asoka's 
place in history. He tries to frame an estimate of his 
work with a view to determine his place in history. 
He endeavours to understand the ideal which guided 
Asoka and the inner springs of action that prompted his 
incessant activities. He quotes Kock Edict VI wherein, 
Asoka says, " There is no higher ditty than the welfare 
of the whole world and what little effort I make is in 
order that I may be free from delt to the creatures, 
that I may render some Itappy here ......... " He 

felt that his duty lay in regard to the whole of mankind 
and not simply his subjects. In the second Kalinga 
Edict, he instructs his officers to leave no stone un- 
turned to induce the subjects of the neighbouring 
independent States to repose full confidence in him and 
convince them that 4< the King (Asoka) is unto us even 
as a father: he loves us even as he loves himself I we 
are to the King even as his children. " His loving 
activities embraced mankind, nay, all living creatures. 
This sublime ideal, his love for all creatures, and the 
earnest life-long efforts he made to bring happiness to 
mankind give him a place in history which cannot be 

Dr. Bhandarkar shows how Asoka was superior 
to Constantine and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, and 
greater than Napoleon, Csesar, Charlemagne, and 


Akbar. Constantino espoused a winning cause. He 
was calculating, shrewd, superstitious, cruel and 
cynical. Constantine leaned towards toleration for 
a political purpose. His consummate foresight alone 
entitles him to be called great. " Asoka, on the other 
hand, possessed a soul, thoughtful, all-compassionate, of 
lofty ideals, strenuous endeavour, singleness of purpose 
and wonderful resourcefulness." 

Marcus Aurelius was Roman in civil nobility and 
pride, Roman in tenacity of imperial aim. He systema- 
tically persecuted Christians, because Christianity was 
incompatible with the ideal of Roman prosperity, The 
life and administration of Asoka were not vitiated by 
any narrow or sordid ideal or sullied by inhuman 
hostility to any section of the human race. No racial, 
national or family pride marred his life of self efface- 
rnent. Akbar was " before all things, a politician and 
a man of the world, and was in no mood to endanger 
his sovereignty for the cause of truth. " Well does 
Mr. H. Gr. Wells in his Outline of History ask about 
Alexander, Caesar, and Napoleon, "what were their 
permanent contributions to humanity these three who 
have appropriated to themselves so many of the pages 
of our history? " As Alexander's power increased, " his 
arrogance and violence grew with it. He drank hard 
and murdered ruthlessly. After a protracted drinking 
bout in Babylon, a fever came on him and he died at 
the age of 33 ". As for Caesar, " what do we find him 
to be ? Just when he was at the height of power, and 
might have done good to the world if he were endowed 
with a lofty vision, we find him feasting and frolicking 
in Egypt with that siren, Cleopatra, for nearly a year, 
although he was then fifty-four." As regards Napoleon, 
Mr. Well says: "the old order of things was dead or 
dying: strange new forces drove through the world 

seeking form and direction Had this man any 

profundity of vision and power of creative imagination, 



he might have done work for mankind that would 

have made him the Sun o history Napoleon could 

do no more than strut upon the crest of this great 
mountain of opportunity like a cockerel on a dunghill". 

Of Asoka, Mr. Wells says: "Amidst the tens of 
thousand of names of monarchs that crowd the columns 
of history, Their Majesties, and G-raciousnesses and 
Serenities and Royal Highnesses and the like, the name 
of Asoka shines and shines almost alone, a star, From 
the Volga to Japan his name is still honoured. China, 
Tibet, and even India, though it has left his doctrine, 
preserve the traditions of his greatness. More living 
men cherish his memory to-day than have ever heard 
the names of Constuntine or Charlemagne". 

From the materials furnished by his lithic records 
alone, Dr. Bhandakar has succeeded in producing a 
figure of the great monarch, splendid in proportion, 
perfect in form, imbued with human spirit, pulsating 
with life. As it happens, the figure stands forth head 
and shoulders above the great monarchs of the East or 
the West. There, however, is the rub. For an Indian, to 
be compared with the greatest of the European monarchs 
and found superior to them all is, in the eyes of some 
of the political votaries of the European civilization, 
nurtured from infancy on the doctrine of the eternal 
superiority of the West over the East, if not blasphe- 
mous, certainly incredible. ^ hat becomes of the 
theory so diligently disseminated by the politically- 
minded scholars and critics, that there is no achieve- 
ment intellectual, moral or physical in science, 
literature, art, administration or personal greatness 
which w r ould entitle an Indian to stand with his head 
erect and shoulders square amongst the citizens of the 
Western world ? If anything great or remarkable is to 
be found in the present or the past history of his country, 
is it not the result of Hellenic or Assyrian or other 
foreign influence ? There is no good in Galilee. Has 


not an English writer put the whole case in a nutshell 
when he declared ; 4t There is nothing worth knowing 
in India till the British came to the country. " 

Is Dr. Jarl Carpentier's criticism of Bharidarkar's 
Asoka an illustration o the present-day critical attitude 
towards things Indian? The two particular points in 
the book on which the learned doctor animadverts 
are ; (i) that Christianity Dr Carpentier's " Our 
religion" was deeply influenced by Buddhism, an alien 
religion of Indian origin, and (2) Bhandarkar compar- 
ing Asoka with Alexander the Great, Cicsar, Constantine 
and Marcus Aurelius and pronouncing him greater than 
any one of them. 

The missionary achievements of Asoka in foreign 
climes is thus derisively described by the learned doctor 
in the journal of the Royal Asiatic Society: "For does 
he not tell us how he caused Dharma to be spread also 
in the realm of the Yavana king Antiyoka (Antiochus) 
and even further. And is not the legitimate reference 
that the Ambassadors of that pious prince to foreign 
courts not only preached Buddhism much as the dutas 
of the Moscow Government preach their doctrines, but 
also succeeded in converting at least the non- Greek 
populations of Egypt, Syria etc , to their faith. " 

Mark the use of the word Prince. We, however, 
find a truer appreciation of Asoka's great achievements 
in the work of Dr. Sir \ 7 incent Smith. In his book on 
Asoka (p 45), he says : 

Wo must allow Asoka the honour to having personally 
organized with the aid of his enormous Imperial power, the most 
comprehensive scheme of missionary enterprise recorded in 
the history of the world. 

He adds (p. 43) that Asoka ''ventured to send his 
proselytizing agents far beyond the limits of India into 
the dominions of Antiochos Theos, the king of Syria 
and Western Asia (B. c 261-246) Ptolemy Philadelphos, 
King of Egypt (B.C. 285-247); Magas, King of Gyrene 


in North Africa, half brother of Ptolemy (about B.C. 
285-258), Antigonas Gonatas, King of Macedonia (B.C. 
277-239), and Alexander, King of Epirus (ace. B.C. 272)." 
He further says (p. 105-6): "We can discern a 
man of strong will, unwearied application and high aims, 
who spared no labour in the pursuit of his ideals, 
possessed the mental grasp capable of forming the vast 
conception of missionary enterprise in three continents 
and was at the same time able to control the intricate 
affairs of Church arid State in an empire which the 
most powerful sovereign might envy." 


But there is no such thing as unmixed good in this 
world. Dr. Bhandarkar, after describing the unifying 
influence of Asoka's work and teaching in India, shows 
what he thinks is the other side of the picture. He 
says that the unceasing efforts of Asoka to realise his 
loity aim destroyed the equipoise between material 
progress and spiritual culture in India arid tended so 
far to subordinate the material element in Hindu 
civilization to the spiritual, that it became unprogressive 
and decadent. Says Dr. Bhandarkar, "Love of peace 
and hankering after spiritual progress were no doubt 
engendered and have now been ingrained in the Indian 
character. The Hindu mind which was already spiritual, 
became infinitely more spiritual. But that must have 
created some apathy to militarism, political greatness, 

and material well-being Asoka's new angle of 

vision, sounded a death-knell to the Indian aspiration 
of a centralised national State and world-wide empire. 
The effects of his policy were manifest soon after his 
death. Dark clouds began to gather on the North- 
Western and hardly a quarter of a century had 
elapsed since his demise when the Bactrian Greeks 
crossed the Hindu-kush and began to cause the decay 
of what was once a mighty empire ". He adds : "What 


is worse is that the Greek inroads soon after the demise 
of Asoka for which his change of policy appears to be 
responsible, opened a passage into India to the various 
wild hordes such as the Sakas, Palhavas, Kushanas, 
Hunas, Grurjars, and so forth whom we now find 
pouring unceasingly into the country till the sixth 
century A. i>." 

It is well that Dr. Bhandarkar has drawn attention 
to this aspect of the pacifism preached in the third 
century B. c. Just as an abnornal development of the 
material power of people and the neglect of spiritual 
culture lead to brutality, cruelty and repudiation of the 
moral doctrine, so does constant harping on the spiritual 
development of a people and the neglect of its physical 
and material resources lead it to imbecility, cowardice 
and disunity. Both are ruinous. Wise attention to the 
development of all the powers and resources of a nation, 
material as well as spiritual, alone makes for real and 
lasting improvement. A harmonious and simultaneous 
development of the physical and the spiritual powers 
and resources alone constitutes a real advance in 
human civilization and world welfare. 

R, A 


Who live again in minds made better by their presence, 

Who live in pulses stirr'd to generosity, 

In deeds of daring rectitude, 

In scorn for miserable aims that end with self, 

In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars ; 

Who, with their mild persistence, urge man's search 

To vaster issues. 


"OLD order changeth, yielding place to new." So sang 
Tennyson in his day. But the singing has rung 
through the ages, more truly and intensely through 
recent times. 

The amazing discoveries of Science, the wonderful 
advance in human arts, the birth of new conceptions 
of rights and duties, the emergence of new sociological 
truths, have brought about a rapid evolution of 
things in the world, upsetting old political ins- 
titutions, undermining religious organizations, and 
revolutionizing Society. Old governments, social 
orders, usages and religious sanctions have been swept 
away in Europe and America. The same process has 
for some time been at work in Asia in Turkey, 
Japan, China, India, and other countries. There is 
hardly a country of the world that has not been 
touched by the "divine discontent" with the old 
order based on the exigencies of earlier times. 

India is now in a ferment. Caught amidst the 
vortex of the new world-forces which have shaken 

1 Foreword to Mr. Ram Copal's Selections from Ingenoll, published 
in 1931 A. D. 


the foundations and fabrics of the old institutions 
and civilizations, it could not but be influenced by 
them. Intellectual revolution, that is, revolution in 
thoughts and ideas, which always precedes a 
material and moral revolution, has for some time past 
been going on in India, and old values of things are 
now being revised, modified and sometimes rejected. 

Change is the law of life, as it is of nature. 
Stagnation and want of movement bring death. A 
society that fears and fights against change, that 
refuses to move, withers and dies. An adjustment 
of relations between the ever-changing facts and 
conditions surrounding a man and his acts and prac- 
tices, is necessary to enable him to live and prosper. 
So is it with a community or a nation. 

The publication of the "Selections from Ingersoll" 
at this juncture is therefore very opportune, and 
Mr. Ram Gopal has done a service to the country 
by bringing out the new view-points and outlooks 
of this great American touching some of the most 
vital questions that are now agitating India. Old 
beliefs are crumbling, old institutions and practices 
are found unsuitable, and old values are proving false. 
New beliefs, ideas and institutions are being presented 
to the country for acceptance. This book will fur- 
nish material to test the truth and soundness of 
the new presentations. Leaving aside Ingersoll's 
views on agnosticism and Free-thought, the book 
places before us principles to guide human conduct 
which the highest thought of the new world has 
established after a thorough examination of the old 
and new forces working therein, and after a careful 
consideration of the results of the old institutions 
that have worked under modern conditions in Europe 
and America. Ingersoll represents the high water- 
mark of thought and conduct which the most pros- 
perous, successful and advanced of the modern 


nations of the world' has attained. 

Ingersoll was a most remarkable man. A devoted 
husband, a loving father, a sincere friend, an ideal 
citizen full of love for mankind, he possessed all the 
qualities that make a man perfect. Intellectually and 
morally he was a great man. He was the greatest 
orator of his time. One of the most sincere of men, 
he was one of the greatest lovers of liberty and an 
implacable enemy of superstition and untruth, of 
injustice, cruelty and slavery of every kind. There 
never was a greater worshipper of truth, a more stead- 
fast supporter of personal freedom in the world. 
U I would not smother/' he exclaimed, "one sentiment 
of my heart to be the emperor of the whole world." 
He was one of the most loving, charitable and 
generous of men. 

The sublimity of his nature, the greatness of 
his mind, the tenderness of his heart full of bound- 
less paternal love, express themselves in the beautiful 
homily : 

"But I will tell you what I say to my children: 'Go where 
you will, commit what crime you may, fall to what depths of 
degradation you may, you can never commit any crime that will 
shut my door, my arms or my heart to you. As long as I live, 
you shall have one sincere friend/ " 

Having attained the greatest measure of freedom 
from prejudice, he surveyed men and their institu- 
tions from a high altitude. The views and opinions 
of so noble and so grand a man cannot but be of 
great value to the people not only of this country 
but of the whole continent of Asia. 

IngersolPs writings and speeches make it abun- 
dantly clear that the one outstanding feature of his 
character was his consuming love of liberty. And this 
love of liberty was genuine and true, unlike the 
love of liberty of those who, while desiring liberty 
for themselves, like to have the liberty of enslaving 


other nations. These latter love not mankind nor 
liberty. They love themselves and exploit others for 
self-aggrandisement. Ingersoll loved mankind, and 
his heart's desire was to see men in all climes and 
countries free and happy. He realized the truth that 
no nation can be happy unless it is free. He believed 
with Walt Whitman that "the liberty of no man is 
safe unless the liberty of each is safe." In Inger- 
soil's own words, "Liberty can be retained, can be 
enjoyed, only by giving it to others." His thrilling 
invocation to liberty in his lecture on 'Liberty of 
Man, Woman and Child/ shows his love of humanity: 

"0 Liberty, float not for ever in the far horizon ; remain 
not for ever in the dream of the enthusiast, the philanthropist 
and poet ; but come and make thy home amongst the children 

of men I know that, coming from the infinite sea of the 

future, there never will touch this bank and shoal of time, a 
richer gift, a rarer blessing, than liberty for man, for woman, 
and for child." 

The only justification and vindication of Govern- 
ment is that it protects liberty. A government that 
protects not liberty, stands self -condemned. Ingersoll 
believed with Voltaire that "there is but one use for 
law, but one excuse for government the preserva- 
tion of liberty." The instructive fable of the fat do<j 
and the lean wolj\ quoted by him in his article on 
"The New Party" in the North American Review, in 
1887, illustrates his genuine love of liberty: 

"A fat dog met a lean wolf in the forest. The wolf, 
astonished to see so prosperous an animal, enquired of the 
dog where he got his food, and the dog told him that there 
was a man who took care of him, gave him his breakfast, his 
dinner and supper with the utmost regularity and that he had 
all that he could eat and very little to do. The wolf said, 'Do 
you think this man would treat me as he does you ? ' The dog 
replied. 'Yes, come along with me/ So they jogged on 
together towards the dog's home. On the way the wolf 
happened to notice that some hair were worn off the dog's neck, 


and he said, 'How did the hair become worn ? ' 'That is/ said 
the dog, 'the mark of the collar ; my master ties me up at night.' 
Oh/ said the wolf, 'are you chained ? Are you deprived of 
liberty ? I believe I will go back, I prefer hunger/' 

Ingersoll's life- work was to free mankind from 
superstition, from the tyranny of the dead and the 
living; to instil truth and liberty in the hearts of men 
and women, and to inspire them with pity, charity 
and love for humanity. His whole life is an illustra- 
tion of the dictum of Thomas Paine, "The world is 
my country, and to do good my religion." He found 
the world steeped in superstition, engaged in worship- 
ping false gods in religious and other matters, because 
it had abandoned the one and only true guide of 
conduct in life Reason. As he says, "Reason is a small 
and feeble flame, yet it is the only light we possess. " 

Reason, is the compass of life. Leave it behind, 
and you embark on a sea of troubles. Dethrone 
Reason, and Superstition usurps its place and Tyranny 
is the result. Innumerable crimes have been committed 
in this world, untold suffering has been inflicted on 
men, all in the name of religion, because Authority 
had usurped the place of Reason. Ingersoll appeals 
to all to discard mere authority, and to follow reason. 
Therein lies the happiness, the prosperity, the salvation 
of mankind. By authority is meant authority as 
opposed to reason. Where authority is founded on 
reason, or is not opposed to reason, as the authority 
of the loving parent, the authority of a just law or 
custom, or the authority to which one has given his 
free and willing consent, that authority must be 
respected and obeyed. 

Authority, not based on reason, stifles action and 
bars progress. "Custom/ 5 says Ingersoll, "is a prison 
locked and barred by those who long ago were dust, 
the keys of which are in the keeping of the dead* 
Nothing is grander than when a strong or intrepid 


man breaks chains, level's walls, and breasts the 
many-headed mob like some great cliff that meets 
and mocks the innumerable billows of the sea." 

The history of nations shows that when authority 
takes the place of reason, religion becomes the chief 
instrument of a nation's fall. The gentlest of the 
English poets and the most religious of them all, 

When nations are to perish in their sins 
Tis in the Church the leprosy begins ; 

* * # 
Then truth is hush'd that heresy may preach 
And all is trash that reason cannot reach ; 
Then Ceremony leads her bigots forth, 
Prepared to fight for shadows of no worth ; 

* * * 
As soldiers watch the signal of command, 
They learn to bow, to kneel, to sit, to stand, 
Happy to fill religion's vacant place 

With hollow form and gesture and grimace." 

Cowper's Expostulation. 

A religion that does not teach love of justice, love 
of truth, love of liberty; that does not advocate 
relentless war against slavery in all its forms; that 
does not admonish its votaries to discard error, to 
destroy prejudice, is not religion but a delusion, and 
the sooner it disappears the better for the good of 
the world and the salvation of mankind. 

Ingersoll rightly recognizes that science, philosophy 
and religion, all deal with the various aspects of the 
theory and practice of "How to live". There is 
perfect accord amongst them. Any science, philosophy 
or religion that sins against this consonance, is false 
and a mockery. Where priests, pandits, or mullahs, 
whose chief aim is to maintain the authority of the 
dead over the living, hold sway over the minds of men, 
anything against their teachings is denounced as 
blasphemy. Every effort to free mankind from slavery 


and superstition, every step taken to discard error, 
every attempt to get rid of an evil custom or pernicious 
practice sanctioned and honoured by length of time, 
is denounced as blasphemy. But nothing should be 
condemned or rejected merely because a priest, a pandit 
or a mullah condemns it. lugersoll defines blasphemy 
in his own superb way : 

To live on the unpaid labour of other men, that is 

To enslave your fellow-man, to put chains on his 

body, that is blasphemy. 

To enslave the minds of men, to put manacles upon 
the brain, padlocks on the lips, that is 

To deny what you believe to be true, to admit that 
to be true which you believe to be a lie, that 
is blasphemy. 

To strike the weak and the unprotected, in order 

that you may gain the applause of the ignorant 

and the superstitious mob, that is blasphemy. 

To persecute the intelligent few at the command 

of the ignorant many, that is blasphemy. 
To pollute the souls of children with the dogma of 

hell, of eternal pain, that is blasphemy. 
To violate your conscience, that is blasphemy. 
The jury that gives an unjust verdict, and the 
judge that pronounces an unjust sentence, 
are blasphemers. 

The man who bows to public opinion against his 

better judgment and against his honest 

conviction, is a blasphemer. 

Judge every custom, every practice, dogma, every 

commandment, in the light of reason that is in you; 

accept or discard it as reason tells you ; allow the same 

liberty to every man and woman ; injure no one because 

of his or her honest beliefs; assist the weak and fight 

against the enslavement of men everywhere ; give every 


one his due ; regard all men and women as entitled to 
equal consideration and justice, and it will follow as 
the day the night that communal animosities, hostili- 
ties and bickerings that are now rending India 
asunder, will disappear. The world will become a 
happy place to live in, and life will be filled with peace, 
prosperity and bliss. 

Ingersoll justly condemns those who assume or 
arrogate superiority because of their particular race, 
nationality or colour. He rightly rejects the preten- 
sions of the West or the East, the White or the Brown, 
to the leadership of men, or to the monopoly of power 
and capacity to help progress or spread civilization. 
As he says: 

"The good men the superior men, the grand men are 
brothers the world over, no matter what their complexion may 

be I pity the man, I execrate and hate the man who has 

only to boast that he is white. Whenever I am reduced to that 
necessity I believe shame will make me rod instead of white 

"A government founded upon anything except liberty and 
justice cannot and ought not to stand. All the wrecks on 
either side of the stream of time, all the wrecks of the great 
cities and nations that have passed away, all are a warning that 
no nation founded upon injustice can stand. From sand- 
enshrouded Egypt, from the marble wilderness of Athens, from 
every fallen, crumbling stone of the once mighty Rome, comes 
as it were a wail, comes as it were a cry, that no nation founded 
upon injustice can permanently stand." 

Dissatisfied with the defective development of the 
moral sense in men, and with the inadequate recogni- 
tion of the responsibilities of Government, Ingersoll 
says in sorrow : 

"I would like to see this world at least so organized that a 
man could die and not feel that he left his wife and children a 
prey to the greed, the avarice, or the cruelties of mankind. 
There is something wrong in a government where they who do 
the most, have the least. There is something wrong when 
Honesty wears a rag and Rascality a robe/' 


Very much akin to these noble sentiments are the 
observations of the celebrated Persian poet, Hafiz, 
embodied in his famous Ghazal beginning with, 

"We see that the fools get syrup of rose, 
While the food of the wise is their heart's blood ; 
The Arab horse gets galled under a pack saddle, 
While an ass wears a golden collar round his neck." 

With Oriental fatalism, the Eastern poet ascribes 
the injustices of the world to Fate, while the practical 
worker of the West denounces them as the faults and 
shortcomings of social, political or religious organiza- 
tions, and works to remove them. 

Ingersoll's luminous lectures on Shakespeare, Burns, 
Humboldt, Thomas Paine, Abraham Lincoln, Walt 
Whitman, and others, prove not only his high culture 
and noble nature, but are replete with gems of thoughts . 
"Shakespeare was an intellectual ocean whose waves 
touched all the shores of thought." Burns voiced the 
ideals of the human race in that superb production of 
his, 'A man's a man for all that.' Writing of the 
German scientist, Humboldt, Ingcrsoll says, "Great 
men seem to be a part of the infinite brothers of the 
mountains and the seas." Voltaire, who for 60 years 
waged unrelenting war against hypocrisy arid supersti- 
tion. was, according to Ingersoll, the greatest friend 
of freedom and the deadliest foe of superstition. "He 
was the greatest man of his century and did more to 
free the human race than any other of the sons of men." 
Thomas Paine was "one of the bravest soldiers in the 
army of human emancipation and always espoused the 
cause of the weak against the strong." His pamphlets, 
"Common Sense" "Rights of Man " and the "Age of 
Reason" first enunciated those great principles of 
freedom which have now been universally accepted. 
Abraham Lincoln, "the grandest figure of the fiercest 


Civil War, the greatest memory of our world," the 
liberator o four millions of slaves, was one of the best 
and noblest o men: "Wealth could not purchase him, 
power could not awe him. He knew no fear except 
the fear of doing wrong. He had the brains of a 
philosopher and the heart of a mother." He gave 
expression to a grand truth when he said, "In giving 
freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free." 
IngersolPs speech in favour of Protection in 
America lays down a great truth which any nation 
may ignore at its peril. He declared : 

"A nation that sells raw material will grow ignorant, poor 
while the people who manufacture will grow intelligent and rich. 
To dig, to chop, to plough, requires more muscle than mind, 
more strength than thought. But to invent, to manufacture, to 
take advantage of the forces of nature, this requires thought, 
talent, genius. This develops the brain and gives wings to the 
imagination, It is better for Americans to purchase from 
Americans, even if the things purchased cost more. But if wo 
purchase a ton of steel rails from England for 20 dollars, thon 
we have the rails, and England the money. But if we buy a 
ton of steel rails from an American for 20 dollars, then America 
has both the rails and the mon'vy*." 

After showing that the raw material of a locomotive 
is worth five dollar* while the locomotive is worth 15,000, 
and that labour has added to the locomotive 14,995 
dollars, Ingersoll says ; 

"Now, then, whoever sells raw material gives away the 

great profit I want you to remember this because it lios 

at the foundation of the whole subject. Most people who talk 
on this point bring forward column after column of figures, and a 
man, to understand it, would have to be a walking table of 
logarithms. I do not care to discuss it that way. I want to 
get at the foundation principles, so that you can give a reason 
as well as myself why you are in favour of protection." 

In his Review of Prof. Denslow's "Modern Thinkers/' 
dealing with Adam Smith's theory, Ingersoll says: 
" I was glad to find that a man's ideas upon the subject of 


Protection and Free Trade depend almost entirely upon the 
country in which he lives or the business in which he happens 

to be engaged It gratified me to learn that even Adam 

Smith was no exception to this rulo, and that he regarded all 
protection as a hurtful and ignorant interference, except when 
exercised for the good of Great Britain, Owing to the fact 
that his nationality [quarrelled with his philosophy, he succeeded 
in writing a book that is quoted with equal satisfaction by both 
parties. The protectionists rely upon the exceptions ho made 
for England, and the Free Traders upon the doctrines laid down 
for other countries. He seems to havo reasoned upon the 
question of money precisely as we have, and he has argued both 
sides equally well. Poverty asks for inflation ; wealth is conser- 
vative and always says thore is money enough/' 

How true of India of to-day ! 

Ingersoll further remarks *'It may truthfully be 
said that without money liberty is impossible," for 
the only other way to get work done is by using force 
and making people work without payment, and that is 
slavery. It is therefore true that deflation of currency 
means restriction of liberty. 

Ingersoll did not believe in the doctrine of States' 
Sovereignty. He said in his famous Brooklyn Speech 
delivered in 1880 : 

"I believe in the rights of the States, but not in the 
Sovereignty of the States. States are political conveniences. 
Rising above the States, as the Alps rise above the valley, are tho 
rights of man. Rising above the rights of the Government even in 
this nation, are the sublime rights of the people. Governments 
are good only as long as they protect human rights, But the 
rights of a man should never be sacrificed upon the alter of the 
States or upon tho alter of a nation." 

The writings and speeches o Ingersoll are full of 
inspiration and replete with truths, sparkling wit, and 
gems of thought. Many of them will stick in the 
memory of the reader : 

1. In all countries where human beings are held in 
bondage, it is a crime to teach a slave to read 
and write. 


2. Sirens cannot be changed into good citizens; 

wild beasts, even when tamed, are of no 
possible use. 

3. The highest philosophy is the Art of Living. 

4. Fear is the Jailer of the mind ; and Superstition 
is the assassin of liberty. 

5. If nobody has too much, everybody will have 

6. He who has no rights, has no duties. 

7. Hypocrisy has been sincere only in its dread of 

8. Small men appear great only when they agree 

with the multitude. 

9. Liberty sustains the same relation to mind as 

space does to matter. 

10. Colleges are places where pebbles are polished 

and diamonds are dimmed. 

11. Wisdom is the science of happiness. 

12. He who endeavours to control the mind by 
force is a tyrant, and he who submits is a slave. 

In his masterly introduction Mr. Ram Gropal has 
given an illuminating account of the high and heroic 
character of Ingersoll, his mission and his achievements. 
A mere glance at the contents of this book will show 
the wide range and diversity of subjects presented to 
the reader. A deep earnestness and high ethical 
tone pervades all writings and speeches of Colonel 
Ingersoll, and their sparkling wit, wisdom and humour 
make them all so attractive and of lasting benefit to 
the reader. 



Things of the noblest kind his genius drew, 

And look'd through nature at a single view: 

A loose he gave to his unbounded soul, 

And taught new lands to rise, new seas to roll; 

Call'd into being scenes unknown before, 

And, passing nature's bounds, was something more. 

CHURCHILL, Rosciad. 

HAIL! Rishi of Modern India: the land o Chivalry, 
Rajputana, tenders its greetings to you on your seven- 
tieth birthday. Hail } the embodiment and the true 
representative ot all that is high and noble in the Culture 
of India. You embody not only the spiritual culture of 
Ancient India, but have given it a beautiful expression, 
in language as inimitable, as sublime, as soul-stirring 
as the spirit of that culture, carrying a message of joy 
of life in nature. Your work illustrates not only the 
depth of that culture but also its all-embracing 
universality, thus vindicating not only the glory and 
greatness of Aryan (Hindu) Culture but its triumph over 
modern thought and modern feeling which the world 
is slowly recognising and realising. 

A great poet is a great seer. You, the greatest poet 
of Asia of modern times are also its greatest seer. You 
have the vision to find the joy o life in every thing that 
lives and lives eternally, though it assumes new shapes 
and new forms, thus illustrating the eternal nature of 
Truth and proving that Truth is Joy and Joy is Truth. 

The highest representative of true Indian Culture, 
your exposition of it in the various cultural centres of 

1 From The Golden Book of Tagore, 1931, A. D. 


the West and the Far East has had favourable reper- 
cussions, and has placed India, the source of that 
culture, in a new light, rehabilitating it in the minds of 
leaders of thought in every country, giving it a high 
place in the heirarchy of nations. Your genius 
has the quality of universality and it is because 
of this unique quality which no one else in the East or 
the West is known at the present time to possess in such a 
striking degree, that you are the first and so far the only 
true interpreter of the Eastern Thought and Culture 
to the West. Indian Culture and Art have found their 
supreme expression in you, and because of this you are 
best fitted not only truly and satisfactorily to interpret 
the East to the West but co-ordinate the best in both in 
a new whole. 

You are a great poet and a great philosopher, imbued 
with the true spirit of philosophy. You are a novelist. 
As a teller of short stories, you are unrivalled in the 
world. The pathos in them stirs the soul deeply. You 
are a, dramatist and an essayist. As an educationist you 
belong to the highest order, as your vision sees through 
the barriers which baffle even trained minds, and your 
imagination reaches the further flights of human nature. 
Your realisation of the essential elements of human 
nature transcends colour, dogma or nationality. 

Your consummate art, apart from its literary expre- 
ssion, shows itself in your drawings and paintings and 
your histrionic gifts and musical compositions. Your 
superb mind shows its high qualities in whatever 
department of mental activity it finds occasion to work. 
As a poet, a philosopher, a patriot and a philanthropist 
you have achieved world-wide fame and brought honour 
to the country which has given you birth, and through 
which, as your countrymen are proud to recognise, you 
are serving Humanity. 


Gashed with honourable scars 
Low in glory's lap they lie, 
Though they fell, they fell like stars 
Streaming splendour through the sky. 

J. MONTGOMERY, The Battle of Alexandria. 

HEROISM exalts life. The world would have been a 
very poor place to live in, if the heroes who have 
flourished in all countries and in all ages had not made 
human society rich with their deeds. Their lives, their 
acts, are a perennial source of inspiration to mankind, 
and men and women derive strength and support in 
their lives by reading the lives of heroes, and by listen- 
ing to a recital of the heroic deeds of past generations. 
The heroes have enriched life in every part of 
the globe and taught men and women to stick fast 
to the path of duty. The noble deeds of heroic 
men and women live for ever. When one reads or 
hears an account of these brave deeds in prose or in 
poetry, he feels himself lifted up to a freer, a more 
refreshing atmosphere and forgets the depressing 
surroundings created by the grinding drudgery of life 
rendered more and more difficult by the rapidity with 
which the world is being mechanised. 

The silent but sure action of the ennobling feelings 
and sentiments aroused in human breast by reading or 
by listening to the recital and contemplation of the 
noble deeds of heroes produces a very wholesome effect 
on the character and conduct of countless men and 

1 From HuminThe Martyr, published by the Provincial Shia 
Conference, Patria, in 1932 A. D. 


women in all countries, Hazrat Imam Husain was 
one of the foremost heroes produced by Islam. The 
supreme sacrifice he made and the noble spirit in which 
he gave up his life for the sake of truth and honour, 
are shining examples of what a man, inspired by the 
highest motive of serving humanity can and should do. 
The life of Imam Husain is moulding the lives and 
actions of millions of people in Asia and Africa and 
helping them to bear with fortitude and courage the 
ills, troubles and misfortunes which at some time or 
other come to every man and woman in life, and 
which unfortunately increase as life becomes more 
and more complicated under the stress of modern Civili- 
zation. The Bihar and Orissa Provincial Shia Conference 
have done public service by publishing "The Golden 
deeds of Imam Husain" and arc to be congratulated 
on their intention to bring out another more compre- 
hensive volume on the life of Imam Husain. The wider 
the knowledge of the heroic deeds of Imam Husain 
spreads in the world, the better will it be for all, as not 
only will it remove many misunderstandings regarding 
the life and work of one of the greatest men produced 
by Islam, but the lesson of his life will help to elevate 
life in all ranks and till climes. 




Clime of the unf orgotten brave ! 
Whose land from plain to mountain cave 
Was freedom's home or glory's grave 
Shrine of the mighty! Can it be, 
That this is all remains of thee ? 

BYRON, The Giaour. 

THIS celebrated historical poem, written to sing the 
glories of the last Hindu emperor of India, the 
illustrious Prithviraja Chauhan, records the gallant 
deeds of the Chauhan kings of Ajmer, and is of great 
importance to the history of India. Only one 
manuscript copy of the poem is known to be in 
existence. It is a birch-bark MS. in Sarada characters 
and is in the Deccan College library, Poona, where it is 
numbered 150 in the catalogue 2 of the collection of 
1875-6, It was discovered in Kashmir in A. D. 1875 
by Dr. Biihler in the course of his tour in search of 
Sanskrit MSS. 3 

All that is known of the contents of this poem is 
from (1) the few lines in Dr. Biihler's report 4 of his 
Kashmir tour; (2) Dr. Biihler's article on ** Ajmer" 
in the Indian Antiquary, vol. xxvi, pp. 162-3; (3) 
his letter to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, published 
in the Proceedings of the Society for April-May, 
1893, pp. 94-5 ; and (4) Mr. J. Morison's short article 

1 Prom the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain 
and Ireland, April, 1913. 

2 Catalogue of the Collections of MSS. deposited in the Deccan College^ 
by S. R. Bhandarkar, 1888, p. 81. 

8 Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, extra 
No. xxxivA, 1877 A.D., p. 63. 4 Ibid. 


headed " Some Account of the Genealogies in the 
Prithviraja Vijaya JJ , in the Vienna Oriental Journal, 
vol. vii, pp. 188-92. 

The condition of the MS. is far from satisfactory. 
"In many places," says Mr. Morison, "the material 
has been frayed away, and the text is therefore 
defective." In fact, the lower portions of most of the 
bark leaves are gone, and of the twelve sargas (cantos) 
contained in the MS. not one is complete. Dr. Biihler 
says : C4 It is a great pity that the old MS. is mutilated 
and in such a condition as to make the work of reading 
it very difficult. The beginning is wanting. The 
leaves which contain cantos i x, have been broken in 
the middle by the friction of the thick string used for 
sewing the volume. Further, the lower portions of a 
considerable number of leaves have been lost, and as 
the lower left-hand side of the margin on which stood 
the figures numbering the leaves have also been broken 
off, it is impossible to determine the connection of the 
upper and the lower halves by any other means than 
by the sense." 1 

Last year I got a transcript of this MS. made by a 
pandit through Mr. (now Dr.) Belvalkar, of the Deccan 
College, Poona, and after a careful perusal of the poem 
a brief summary of such of its contents as are of 
historical value is given below. 

The name of the author of the poem has, unfortu- 
nately, not been preserved in the MS. He appears, 
however, to have been a court poet of Prithviraja, as, 
in the first sarga, the emperor is expected to listen to 
the recitation of the poem. He was probably a 
Kashmiri pandit, 3 as (1) his style closely resembles 
that of Bilhana, the author of ViJcramdnJcadevacarita ] 

J Jouraal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, extra 
No. xxxm, 1877 A. D., p. 63. 

*w afcro Dr. Btthler's letter in the Proceeding* of the Bengal 
Asiatic Society for 1893, p. 94. t 


(2) the Manga] acaran and criticism of other poets in 
the beginning of the poem are on the same lines as in 
Bilhana's work, (3) Kashmir is praised (sarga xii, leaf 
83); (4) the camel, perhaps the most useful animal 
in Kajputana, is ill-spoken of in the poem, which no 
poet of Raj pu tana would do; (5) the Kashmiri poet, 
Jonaraja, the author of the second Zlajatarahgini, 
has written a commentary on it, and (6) so far r-R is 
known, the work has been mentioned and quoted 
from only by a Kashmiri writer, Jayaratha, and that 
soon after the composition of the work. 

It is possible that Jayariaka, the Kashmiri poet, 
whose entry in the court of Prithviraja is recorded 
in sarga xii just at the end of the MS., was the 
author of Prithvlraya Vijaya, but until a complete 
copy of the work is discovered, the mystery is likely 
to remain uncleared. 

As regards the date of the poem, it appears that 
it was composed during the lifetime of Prithviraja. 
This finds confirmation from the fact that the poet 
Jayaratha, who flourished about A. D. 1200, 1 quotes 
in his work Viamarsini,* from the Prithviraja Vijaya. 
And though the probabilities are that the poem was 
composed after the achievement of Prithvi raja's chief 
exploit, his great victory over Sultan Shahab-ud-din 
Ghori in A. D. 119 1, 3 it is clear that as the poem 
mentions in sarga ii the defeat of the Ghori Sultan 
at the hands of the king of Gujrat (Bhimadeva), 
which event, according to the Talaqat-i-Nasiri, 
took place in A. H. 574 (A. D. 1178), 4 the poem must 
have been composed some time after A. D. 1178, but 
before A. D. 1200. 

Apart from the literary merits of the poem, which 

1 Duffs Chronology of India, p. 171. His brother Jayadratha lived 
about J.D. 1150 (ibid., p. 153). 

3 Bombay edition, p. 64 8 Duff's Chronology of India t p. 167. 

*Baverty's Tabaqat-i-NMri, p. 452 ; also Duff's Chronology of India, 
p. 162. 


are considerable, the accuracy of the historical 
information contained in it is not only vouched for 
by the fact that the well-known historian, Jonaraja 
the author of the second Rajatarangini and the 
well-known commentary on Kiratarjuniya (written in 
A. D. 1448), has written a commentary on it, but 
receives full support from important inscriptions 
discovered in various places. The mention by 
Jonaraja of various readings shows that the poem 
enjoyed great popularity in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries A. D. 


The first sarga sings the praises of the poets 
Valmiki, Vyasa, Bhasa, 1 the author of Vishnudharmah, 
and mentions the contemporary poets Krisna and 
Visvarupa; and, while running down Krisna, eulogizes 
Visvarupa and the Emperor Prithviraja, who is said 
to have been conversant with six languages. 
Visvarupa is stated to have belonged to Ajmer and 
to have been the friend and guide of the author. It 
is stated that the author was greatly esteemed by 
Prithviraja. He (the author) then dilates on the 
promise of greatness given by Prithviraja in his 
childhood. The author's residence in Pushkar 5 is 
then mentioned, and we are told that a temple of 
biva named Ajagandha Mahadeva existed there at the 
time. The poet makes Brahma say to Visnu that 
originally there were three yaynakunds (sacrificial pits), 
but in course of time they became lakes. The sarga 
ends with an account of the great sanctity of Pushkar. 

The second sarga contains an account of the 

1 The greatest of the dramatists who flourished before the time of 
Kalidasa. Only recently some thirteen dramas of Bhasa were discovered 
in Travancore, though Visnudharmah is not one of them. Vide, Svapna 
Vasavadatta (Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, No. xv), Introduction, p. 1. 

*For a detailed account of Pushkar see Aimer: Historical and 
Descriptive, pp. 136-46. 


descent into this world of Chahamana the founder of 
the Chauhan clan of Rajputs from Suryamandal. In 
several places he is mentioned as belonging to the Solar 
dynasty of kings. His brother, Dhananjaya, was his 
cominander-in-chief . In his family was born Vasudeva, 
who was greatly respected by his contemporaries. 

The third and the fourth cantos are taken up with 
an account of Vasudeva and his going to Sakambhari 
(Sambhar), the famous salt lake which is situated at a 
distance of 53 miles north-east of Ajmer. The origin 
of the salt lake is thus described by the poet : 

Vasudeva one day went on *i hunting expedition. 
Being impelled by good omens he did not return to 
his capital, but had a lofty palace built there which 
no one else was allowed to enter. One day, after 
spending the midday in the hunt, he retired to his 
palace, where he found a divine being, decked in 
jewels, sleeping on his bed. The king was very much 
surprised, and from a magic pill which slipped from 
the sleeper's half-open mouth and rolled towards the 
king's feet, he inferred that the sleeper was a 
Vidyadhar. Suddenly the Vidyadhar awoke, arid as 
the power to fly in the air which these celestial beings 
possess depends on the possession of the pill, he was 
very disconsolate at losing it. The king offered him 
the pill, at which the Vidyadhar complimented him 
on his magnanimity in not having taken advantage 
of his sleep to get possession of a charm of such power, 
even when lying at his feet. He then told the king that 
his father was a Vidyadhar named Sakambhar, whose 
devotions in that forest had pleased the goddess 
Parvati so much that she resided there under the name 
Sakambhari; that the speaker often paid visits to the 
shrine, the fruit of which he had obtained in meeting 
such a high-minded personage as the king. He then 
told the king to send away his army, and at sunset 
to plant his lance in the ground and ride away towards 


his capital l without ever looking back, adding that 
that would be some small recompense to the king for 
his favour to the Vidyadhar. Saying this, the 
Vidyadhar vanished. The king did as he was told. 
While he was riding away at full spaed he heard the 
sound of ocean's waves behind him, and forgetting the 
advice of the Vidyadhar he looked behind to see what 
was following him. The Vidyadhar appeared, this 
time in the sky, and said that that was to be a salt 
lake. Kurukshetra (5 yojans=40 miles in extent) 
conferred benefit in the next world only, while the 
salt lake would bring renown to the king's line, as it 
would yield advantages in both the worlds. He added 
that the goddess Sakambhari and Asapuri, the family 
deity of the king, would keep up the lake, which would 
always remain in the possession of his family. The 
Vidyadhar then disappeared, having first pointed out 
to the king that he had corne to the shrine of Sakam- 
bhari, to whom he should now go to pay his respects. 
The king dismounted and tasted the water of the lake 
and having spent the night not very far from the feet 
of the goddess started for his capital the next morning. 2 
The fifth sarga contains the genealogy of the 
descendants of King Vasudeva, with short accounts of 

1 According to the Bijolian inscription, Vasudeva's capital was 
Ahichhatrapur. In inscription recently found in the possession of the 
descendants of Gyanchandra Jati, Colonel Tod's guru, says that Ahichhatra- 
pur was the capital of Jangladesa the country which subsequently came 
to be known as Sapadalakhsh. 

2 Tradition says that when in s. 741 (A. D. 684) Dula Kai, the Chauhan 
king of Ajmer, was slain, and his younger brother "Manik Bai fled, 

Eursued by his foe, the goddess Sakambhari appeared to him and bade 
im establish himself in the spot where she manifested herself, 
guaranteeing to him the possession of all the ground he could encompass 
with his horse on that day but commanded him not to look back until 
he had returned to the spot where he left her. He commenced the 
circuit with what he deemed his steed could accomplish, but, forgetting 
the injunction, he was surprised to see the whole space covered as with a 
sheet. This was the desiccated sirr, or salt lake, which he named after 
his patroness Sakambhari, whose statue still exists on a small island in 
the lake, now corrupted to Sambhar ". Tod's Kajasthan, vol. ii,p. 490 
(Calcutta edition). 


some of them. After Vasudeva came Samantaraja, 
but it is riot stated whether he was Vasudeva's son or 
even his immediate successor. The genealogy given 
here corresponds exactly with that given in the famous 
Bijolian (Mewar) inscription of A.D. 1170, which begins 
with Samant and ends with Somesvara, except that the 
latter has Guvaka in place of Govinduraja, (No. 8) and 
Sasinripa (synonym of Charidraraja) for Chandraraja 
(No. 9), and one Sinhata between Chainundaraja(No. 19) 
and Durlabha (No. 20), which latter mine appears as 
Dusal. Also, that in the Bijolian inscription, Vakpati- 
raja (No. 12) is called Vappyariija, and Govindaraja 
(No. 16) Gandu, Vide, the Journal of the Bengal 
Asiatic Society, vol. LV, pt, i,, p. 40. The text is full 
of mistakes, and some of the names have not been 
correctly deciphered. I have referred to the correct copy 
of the inscription prepaicd by P. Gauri Shankar Ojha. 
The genealogies given in (1) the Bijolian inscription of 
A.D 1170, (2) the Harsa Stone inscription of A I). 973 
(JKpigraphia Indicv, vol. ii, pp. 116 130), (3) at the 
end of Prabandhahwi, stated to be four or five centuries 
old (vide, GaiwlavuhOi Introduction, p. cxxxvi, n. ii), (4) 
the JTammlra Mahakavya, written about the beginning 
of the fifteenth century A.D., (5) the Surjun CariUt 
(written in the sixteenth century A.D. x ), which last we 
owe to the courtesy of Mahainahopadhyayn P. Har 
Prasada Sastri of Calcutta, are given below in tabular 
form to show that the genealogy in the Prilhriraju 
Vijnya, finds full support from the inscriptions, and 
that with the lapse of time and the disappearance 
of writings like the PntJn'lraja Vijayci and old 
inscriptions, the genealogical li*ts became more and 
more inaccurate. 

1 No. 1135 of the Government collection of MSS. in the library of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal. It ia an epic poem of twenty cantos, and was 
written at the request of Surjana Singh of Bundi, at Chunar, during 
Akbar's reign, by the poet Cyhandra Rekharn, a Bengali Va ; dya by caste. 


(1) Vasudeva. 1 

(2) Samantaraja. 

(3) Ajayaraja (Ajayapala). 2 

(4) Vigraharaja 

(5) Chandraraja I. (6) Gopendraraja. 

(7) Durlabharaja I. 

(8) Govindaraja or Guvaka I 3 (about A.D. 820). 

(9) Chandraraja II. 

(10) Guvaka II. 

(11) Chandanaraja. 

(12) Vakpatiraja I. 

(13) Sinharaja. 

(14) Vigraharaja II 4 (A.D. 973) (15) Durlabharaja II. 

(16) Govindaraja II. 

(17) Vakpatiraja II. 

(18) Viryarama e (about A.D. 1040). (19) Chamundaraja. 

(20) Durlabharaja III 6 (21) Vigraharaja III. 

(about A.D. 1075). \ ^ p ^ 

(22) Prithviraja I 7 (A.D. 1105). 

(23) Ajayaraja, 8 also called Salhan a 

(24) Arnoraja 9 (A.D.) 1139). 

(25) Name not given" (26) Vigraharaja I V " (29) Somesvara " 
I (about A-D. 1153-64). (A.D.! 170-77). 

(28) Prithvibhata 1S (27) Aparagangeya : 
(A.D. 1167-69). 

(30) Prithviraja the Great lc 131) Hariraja 10 (A.D. 1193-95), 

(died A.D. 1192). (the last Chauhan king of Ajmer) 

ir The genealogy given at the end of the Pralandhakoaa MS., which is 


The Prithvlrdja Vijaya says that Guvaka IFs sister 
named Kalavati had twelve suitors for her hand. She 

stated to be four or five centuries old, gives v.s. 608 (A.D. 551) as the 
date when Vasudeva flourished. Vide Gaudavaho (Bombay Sanskrit Series, 
No. xxxiv), Introduction, p. cxxxv, note. 

* Called Jayantraja in Jonaraja's Commentary. According to the 
PrabandhaJcosa genealogy, this Ajayaraja was the founder of Ajmer. 

8 The Harsa Stone inscription (Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, p. 121, 
verse 13, u. 26) says that CKivaka ** attained pre-eminence as a hero in the 
Assembly of the prince " Nagavaloka. This Nagavaloka was undoubtedly 
the Pratihara king Nagabhata of Marwar and Kanauj, whose Buchakala 
inscription is dated the v.s. 872 (A.I>. 815), and who died in s. 890 (A.D. 833). 
Guvaka must, therefore, have flourished about A.D. 820. Mr Morison omits 
this l4 Govindaraja " in the genealogy given in his article in the Vienna 
Oriental Journal, vol. vii, pp. 188-92, though the MS. plainly says : 


(Sarga v, 21). 
* The Harsa Stone inscription (Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 116-30) 

5 Viryarama was a contemporary of King Bhoja of Malwft (A. D. 


Durlabharaja III assisted King Udayaditya of Malwa (\.L>. 1059-86) 
in defeating King Karan of Gujarat, who reigned A.D. 1063-93. 

7 The Jina Mata Temple inscription (unpublished) of v.s. 1162, vide 
Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for 
1909-10, p. 52. 

8 The genealogy after Ajayaraja is given in cantos vi-viii. 

9 Another inscription in the temple of Jina Mata, of the time of 
Arnoraja, vide Progress Report A.S. India, W.C., for 1909-10, p. 52. 

10 Though the Prithvirdja Vijaya nowhere mentions the name of 
Arnoraja's eldest son by Sudhava, we find from the Hammira MdhdMvya 
the PrabandhaJcosa , and Surajan Cartira that his name was Jugdeva and 
that he succeeded Arnorftja as king of Ajmer. The Gwalior and Kamaon 
MS. genealogies consulted by General Cunningham also mention Jugdeva ; 
see A.S. Reports, vol. i, p. 158. 

11 The HaraMi Ndtalca, by Emperor Yigrahar&ia IV (Indian 
Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 212), gives the date of the play as Margha Sudi 5, s. 
1210 (November 22, A.D. 1153), and the Delhi Sivalik pillar inscription of 
Vigrahar&ja (Ind % Ant., vol. xix, p. 218) is dated the Vaisakha Sudi 15, 
v.s. 1220 (April 9, A.D. 1164). 

12 Mr. Morison omits this name in his article in the Vienna Oriental 
l) but the MS. contains it. Sarga viii, verse 54, says 

The Pralandhakosa genealogy mentions him as Visaldeva's (Vigraharftja) 


chose for her lord the King of Kanauj, to whom she was 
married. Guvaka defeated the remaining eleven princes 
and gave their wealth to her sister. 

Guvaka's son Chandanaraja's 1 queen was named 
Rudrani, also called Atmaprabha and Yogini. She fixed 
1,000 lingas of &iva on the ghats of the Pushkar lake. 
They were like lamps to remove darkness. ChandanarajVs 
son, Vakpatiraju I,' 2 was a great w r arrior and w r on 188 
victories. He built a large Siva temple at Pushkar. 
Sinharaja (No. 13) also built a Siva temple at Pushkar. 3 
He possessed a large force of cavalry and was called 
" the cnveloper in darkness by the dust raised by the 
heels of his horsemen. 5 ' He was very forbearing 
towards his enemies. 

successor and names him Amurgiiugeya. The historian Abu-1-Fn.zl 
mentions him, but calls him Amargangu. The Kamaon and Owalior 
MS. genealogies call him (rangadcva or Amardeva ; vide Archaeological 
Survey of India, vol. i, p. 1.08 

33 TheHansi inscription (Indian Antiquary for 1912, p. 19). See 
also the Mainal inscription of A.D. 1169 in the Journal of the Bengal 
Asiatic Society, vol. LV, pt. i, p. 64. Prithvibhata died in A.D. 1169, 
us his successor Somesvara is mentioned as reiguing in the Bijohan 
inscription of v.s. 12526, Plmlgun Vadi 3 (February 5, A.D. 1170) ; vide, 
Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, NO! LV, pt. i, p. 40. 

14 The (unpublished) Anvalda inscription of the time of Somesvara 
in P. Gauri Shankar's collection is dated the Bhadrapad Sudi 4, v.s. 1134 
(A.D. 1177). 

15 The earliest known (unpublished) inscription of the time of Emperor 
Prithviraia is the Sati Pillar inscription in Lobari (Mewar), and is dated the 
twelfth day of the dark half of Asarh, v.s. 1236 (A.D. 1179). 

10 The Tantoti inscription (unpublished) of King Hariraja, dated 

ir&ia's son (Govindraja) from the i___ _ ...... 

Mu'izz ud-din (Shahabud-din) Gliori had placed him after Prithvirfija's 
death, and not only proclaimed his independence, but advanced towards 
Delhi to recover it from Qutb ud-din Aibak (Elliott's Hirtory of India, 
vol. ii, p. 225). It was in A.D 1195 that Hariraja was finally defeated and 
>Ajmer passed under Qutb-ud-din. Vide Duff's Chronology, p. 170, and 
Raverty's Tabaqat->-Nasiri\i). 519. 

1 The Har6a Stone inscription (EpigrapUa Indica, vol. ii, p. 117), 
says Chandaua defeated or slew in battle the Tomara leader Rudrena 
(probably I'anwar Kudrap&la of Delhi). 

ft Vakpatiraja I put to flight Tantrapala, a neighbouring chief, by 
whom he had been attacked ; see ibid. t p. 117. 

8 The Ham Stone inscription also mentions his building a Siva 


Vigraharaja II (No. 34) conquered the country to 
the south as far as the Narbada and defeated 1 King 
Mulraja of Grujrat, who fled to the fort of Kanthdurga 
(Kaiithkot in Catch). lie (Vigraharaja) built a temple 
to the goddess Adapura (fulfilment of hope) at Broach, 
on the banks of the river R&wa (Narbada). 

Durlabharaja IL's (No. 15) minister was named 
Madhava. Durlabha's son (Jovindraja- (No. 16) was 
followed by King Vakpatiraju II (No. 17), who killed 
Amba Prasada, 3 ruler of Aghat (Ahad, the old capital of 
Mewar), and rent his mouth asunder with a dagger. 
He was a great warrior and was well remembered 
at the time the poem was written. King Viryarama 
(No. 18) was killed by the famous King Bhoja of 
Malwa. Yirj urarrw's brother. Chamundaraja 4 (No. 19), 
built ti temple of Vishnu at Narpur 5 (Narwar). Durla- 
bharaja III (No. 20), also called Vira Singh, was 
killed in a battle with the Matangas (Musalmans). 

temple, and adds that he ''defeated the Tomara leader together with 
Laviina, and annihilated in war rulers of men in every direction 1 ' 
(Kpitfrapliia Indira, Vol. ii, p. 1*27). According to the PralandhaJccka 
jjeiiealogy, Sinliaraja defeated Hii.iji-ud-Din at Jethan (tfethfinft, '20 miles 
from Ajmer). The Uammira Mahakavya (p. 14) says Sinharaja killed 
the Musalmaii general named Hatim. 

lf rho Trabanfjha Chititamani of Merutun^a also mentions this event; 
vide, C. H. Tawney's Translation, pp. '23-24. The llammira Mahakavya, 
(P. 14) savs Vj grah arajii killed King Mnlra.ia and conquered his country. 

-According to the Prdbandhaho^a (Gaudavaho, Introduction, 
p. cxxxvii), Oovindraja defeated Sultan Mahmud. Tf this Sultan was 
Mahmiid of Ghnzni, then the event is the one that took place in 
A. j>. 1()'25 on Sultan MalimwVs way to Somu&tli (Duff's Chronology of 
India, p. 113; also Tod's RjyastJian, Calcutta edition of A. \>. 1884, vol. 
ii, p. 493). 

3 The Chitor inscription of s. 1331 (A. D. 1254) published in the Indian 
Antiquary, vol. xxii, p 80,c:ills him Ambra Prasada, while the (unpublished) 
inscription of s. 1517 (A. D. 1460) found at Kumbalgarh in Mewar (P. 
Gauri Shankar's collection) gives the name as Ambfc Prasada; so also the 
Eklinga Jlfahatama, written during the reign of Rana Kumbha of Mewar 
(A. D. 1423-68). The Chitor and Kumbalsrarh inscriptions make him the 
successor of Sakti Kumara, whose Atpur inscription (Ind. Anti.^ vol xxxix 
p. 191) is dated the v.s. 1034 (A. D. 977). 

4 The Bijolian inscription (v. 14) also nlakes Chamundaraja as the 
successor of Yiryarama (Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. Iv, 
pt. i. p. 40) 

B Narwar is situated in Kishengarh territory at a distance of about 
15 miles from Ajmer. 



Harfia Stone Inscription 
(A. i>. 973). 

Bijolian Rock Inscription 
(A.D. 1170). 

Prithvlraja Vijaya. 










Viyraharaja I 


| I 
Chandraraja Gopendraraja 









Guvaka II 












Durlabh a 


) 1 
Vigraharaja Govmdraja 
(A.D. 973) 


Vigraharaja II 1 





Yakpatiraja II 




Viryarama Chamunda 



Durlabha Vigraharftja III 











Vigraharaja IV 



Prithvlbhata Somesvara 

Somesvara (A. D. 1170) 


Prithviraja Harirftja 



Prabaridhakoua MS, 
(probably 14th century A.D 

Hammira Mahakavya 
(early in the 15th Century 

A, D.) 

Surjana Carita 
(16th century A. D. ) 










A Jayapala 










Jayapala Chukri 







Samant c nilia 








































"V isaladeva 
































I | 

| j 


Prithviraja Hariraja 

Prithviraja Manikyaraja 


Vigraharaja III 1 (No. 21) gave a horse named Saranga 
to King Udayaditya of Malwa, who with the help of 
that horse conquered King Karan of Gujrat. 

Prithviraja I (No. 22) 2 attacked and killed in 
Pushkar 700 Chalukyas who had come to rob the 
Brahmins. He built an alms-house on the road to 

Ajayaraja (No. 23) was also called Salhana. He 
attacked and vanquished Sulhana, 3 King of Malwa. 
Ajayaraja filled the world with silver coins, and the 
poets filled it with dramas composed in suvarna (good 
letters), His queen Somalekha (Sornalludevi) used to 
coin fresh rupees every day. She built a vapi (stepped 
well) in front of a temple. Ajayaraja attacked and 
defeated the Musalmans in battle. Ajayaraja founded a 
town and named it after himself. This is the town of 
Ajayameru or Ajmer. The poet is eloquent in praise 
of the town and the palaces in it. He says: "Ajayameru 
is full of temples of gods and fully deserves the title of 
Meru (the abode of gods). The sacrificial fire is the 
cause of rain. From its lofty houses one could 
pick up the stars like flowers, can bow to the 
celestial river (the Milky Way) and can listen to 
the seven sages (in the Great Bear) reciting the Vedas 
in the evening. Kaliyuga, though it goes everywhere, 
cannot see it, although a thing situated on an elevation 
is visible to all. The god Siva is present in the hearts 
of men, and Cupid blazes in the hearts of ladies, the 
amorous glances from whose eyes fan him. The rulers 

1 Vigraharaja Til is the famous Vir Visala According to the Bijolian 
inscription, his queen's name was Rajadevi. 

2 Prithvi raja's queen was Rassalladevi: Bijolian inscription. 

3 The Bijolian inscription says that Ajayaraja captured in a battle 
Sulhana, the Commander-in-chief of the Army, tied him to the back of 
a camel, and brought him to Ajmer. He is further stated to have killed 
three kings named Chacbig, Sindhul, and Y&soraja (verse 15). A stone 
inscription found in the Adhai dhika Jhonpra, Ajmer, and now in the 
Rajputana Museum, Ajrner, says that Ajayariija conquered the country 
up to [Jjjain. 





rule over the country as far as the sea and their fame is 
not confined to the earth. Bdories (stepped wells), 
wells, lakes, and water depots are full of water. 
People sitting in jharokds enjoy the cool breezes of the 
Ganges of Paradise. The god Varuna, afraid of the 
oceanly fire, has taken shelter here, which is the cause 
of water being so plentiful, even in the wells on the 
hill-fort of Ajmer. The perfumed incense burnt by 
ladies to dry their hair, gathers in thick clouds and 
hides the moon The increasing prosperity of the 
city has laid low the pride of the city of Indra. Other 
towns are infested with thieves, have tyrannical rulers, 
are dependent on rain, have famines, and are poor. 
People get water from Pushkar and revere it. Lovers 
exchange excellent repartees. Servants laugh at 
nurses when the latter cry out at children laying their 
hands on lamps of jewels (which give forth light but 
burn not). The big blocks of white stone used in 
building houses in this city make the black spots in 
the moon appear white by reflected light. The 
camphor and musk which drop from the bodies of the 
citizens in the streets make the cloths of the passers- 
by white-black. The city Rama conquered after 
crossing the sea (the Golden Lanka) and that founded 
by Krishna in the sea (Dwarka) are not fit to be 
handmaids of Ajmer. This city is, as it were, the 
husband of Indra's city, Amravati." 

The sixth sarga contains an account of Arnoraja 
(No. 24). Arnoraja completely vanquished the Musal- 
mans who had come via the desert, where for want of 
water they had to drink the blood of horses. Large 
numbers of them in heavy armour were killed by the 
heroes of Ajmer. The victory was celebrated with 
great eclat, and in order to purify the place where the 
Musalmans had fallen, the king constructed a lake 1 

1 This lake, called Ana Sagar, after Arnoraja, who is popularly known 


and filled it with the river Chandra, 1 which takes its 
rise in the forest of Pushkar ( Pushkararanya ). 
Arnoraja built a temple of Siva in the name of his 
father Ajayaraja, 9 which was, like the Himalayas, to 
fill up the lake. 

Arnoraja had two queens, one named Sudhava of 
Avichi (lit. without waves) or Marwar, and the other 
Kanchandevi, the daughter of the celebrated Sidharaja 
Jayasingh of Gujrat. 3 By Sudhava, Arnoraja had 
three sous, who differed from one another as the three 
gunas (Satva, Rajaa, and Tamas), Vigraharaja being 
like the Satva. About the eldest the poet simply says 
that he "rendered to him (his father) the same service 
as Bhrigu's son (Parasurama) had rendered to his 
mother, and went out like a batti, leaving behind an 
evil smell". Kanchandevi gave birth to Some^vara. 
As the astrologers had foretold that SomeiSvara's son 
would be an incarnation of Rama, so his maternal 
grandfather took him (Somesvara) away to his Court. 
The astrologers said that when Rama declared that 
after incarnating as Krishna and Buddha, he would 
again incarnate, Kausalya (Rama's mother) said she 
would also incarnate and be his mother, and Laksmana 
said he would be his brother. Then follows an account 
of the Somavan^a t or the lunar race of kings. The 
Moon, Buddha, Pururava, and Bharat are described (here 

ID Rajputana as Ariaji, is the most beautiful sight of Ajmer. Sanskrit 
writers call Arnoraja, Anak, Aimalladeva; vide the Delhi Siwalik Pillar 
inscription (Indian Antiquary, vol. xix, p. 218). The Hammlra Mahakavya 
(p. 15) says that l 'Anala dug a tank at Ajmer 1 '. 

1 Now called the Baridi River. Further down its course, it is known 
as the Luni River. 

This is the well-known temple of Ajayapala, situated in a beautiful 
valley 7 miles from Ajmer, to the south of the Taragarh Hill. 

8 The Klrti Kawnadi of Somesvara says that Sidharaja Jayasingh 
differed from Vishnu in this respect, that while Vishnu conquered 
Arnoraja (ocean) and took his daughter (Lakhshmi), Sidharaja Jayasingh 
conquered Arnoraja (King of Ajmer) but gu-e his own daughter to him 
in marriage (Kirti Kawnadi, Bombay Sauskrit Series, canto ii t verses 


there is a break in the MS.), then Kartavirya (or a 
thousand arms), whose family later became known as 
Kalchuri. In his line was born Sahasikh (courageous), 
who came to Tripuri, and in the masan (public burning- 
place for the dead) there saved a man who was at the 
point of death. 

In canto vii, Jayasingh is declared to have been an 
incarnation of Kumbodhar, a follower of Siva, 
Jayasingh was succeeded by his nephew Kumarpala, 
and as he brought up young Sorne^vara, his name 
Kumarpala (protector of a child) became a significant 
one. Kumarpala always kept Some^vara near himself. 
Some^vara with his own sword cut off the head of the 
Kaja of Konkan, 1 during Kumarpala's invasion of that 
country. Some^vara married Karpurdevi, 2 daughter 
of the King of Tripuri (Tewar, near Jubbulpur, in 
Central India), and Karpurdevi gave birth tp 
Prithvlraja. The poet says that when Karpurdevi 
went into the confinement room it was the end of 
Vaisakh, bright half, that Mars was in Capricorn, 
Saturn in Aquarius, Jupiter in Pisces, Sun in Aries, 
Moon in Taurus, and Mercury in Gemini (the portions 
of the MS. giving the positions of Venus, the ascending 
and descending nodes are gone). Prithvlraja was 
born on Jaistha 12 (the bright or the dark half and the 
3 7 ear are not given). 

The eighth sarga describes the festivities and 
rejoicings on the auspicious occasion of the birth of 
Prithvlraja. A wet nurse was appointed for Prithvlraja. 
A tiger's claw and illustrations of the ten incarnations 
of Visnu were placed in his necklace. The queen, 

1 Malikarjuna was the name of this prince. An inscription of his time, 
dated the Saka year 1078 (April 24, A. D. 1156), is given in Kielhorn's 
List of Inscriptions of Southern India, No. 311. Malikarjuna must have 
been killed some time between A. D. 1160 and A. D. 1162 (vide Bombay 
G-azetteer, vol. i, pt. i, p. 186, where, however, Ambada, Kumar pala's 
general, is stated to have cut off Malikarjuna's head). 

2 The Bammira Mahaledvya (p. 17) also mentions this marriage. Bo 
does the Surjana Carila of Chand Sekhar. 


Karpurdevi, again became pregnant, and Hariraja was 
born on Magh Sud 3. 

Vigraharaja IV (No. 26) heard that the earth had 
been blessed with two sons o his brother (Somes vara); 
he was pleased and he died in peace. With his death 
the name "the friend of poets" * disappeared. His 
son, Apargangeya (No. 27), who was unmarried, also 
died. Prithvibhata a (No. 28), the son of the eldest 
son of Sudhava (the parricide), also departed, as if to 
bring back Vigraharaja. Then Lakshmi left the line 
of Sudhava, from which males, like pearls, were drop- 
ping off, and wished to see Somes varadeva. The minis- 
ters therefore brought Somes vara to the Sapadlaksh 3 
country, and Karpurdevi entered the city of Ajayaraja 
(Ajmer) with her two sons (Prithvlraja and Hariraja). 
Somes vara (No. 29) thus became king. Where the 
palaces of Vigraharaja stood he founded a town 
and named it after his father, to .wipe off the blot 
cast by the murder of Arnoraja by his (Arnoraja's) 
eldest son. His brother, Vigraharaja, had constructed 

1 Vigraharaja himself was a great poet and was a patron of learning 
His work, Harakeli NataJca, parts of which inscribed on stone slabs are 
preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Aimer, is described in the Indian 
Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 201, where Dr. Kielhorn says : * l Actual and un- 
doubted proof is here afforded to us of the fact that powerful Hindu 
rulers of the past were eager to compete with Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti 
for poetical fame." According to the Bijolian inscription (verse 22) 
Vigraharaja conquered Delhi. The Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription of 
A. D. 1164 says that he conquered the country between the Vindhya and 
the Himalaya Mountains and cleared the country of Aryavarta of the 
Musalmang and again made it Aryavarta, the abode of Aryas. The 
Prabandhakosa calls him "the defeater of Turushkas" (vide Gaudavaho* 
Introduction, p. cxxxvii). 

a An (unpublished) inscription dated the_Jaishta Vadi 13, v. s. 1225 

This plainly shows that he defeated Amargangeya, the son and successor 
of Vigraharaja IV (Visaladeva) and took back the kingdom his father 
(Jugdeva) had lost to Vigraharaja. This inscription says that Suhavadevi 
was the queen of Prithvibhata. 

The kingdom of Ajmer was so called in those days. The Hindi 
translation Sawalakh, or Siwalikh, is used by Musahnau writers to denote 
this country. 


in Ajmer the same number of temples as the hill forts 
he had conquered ; in their midst Somesvara built a 
temple of Vaidyariatb, which towered above them all. 
In it he placed "an effigy of his father on horseback, 
with his own effigy in front, facing his father's. He 
placed the images of Brahma, Visnu, and Siva in one 
place in a temple. He built five temples, and so Ajmer 
vied with Meru, which boasted of its five Kalpbrakhsfies. 
He built so many temples in Gaugnak (Gangwana, 9 
miles north east of Ajmer) and other places that the 
population of the City of Gods dwindled away. 
Somesvara then departed to see his father in Heaven, 
where all came to receive him from Chahamana to 
Prithivlbhata except the parricide (Jugdeva), who was 
in hiding in Hell. Somesvara went to Sivaloka. 
Before leaving this world he had appointed the Devi 
(Karpurdevi) to protect his son in his childhood. 

The ninth sarga says that during Karpurdevi's 
regency the city was so densely populated and there 
were so many gardens, tanks, and wells, that not more 
than one-tenth of the earth was visible to the sun, 
and water in the wells was only two cubits from the 
ground surface, Karpurdevi also founded a town. Her 
father's name was Achalaraja. Prithviraja' s minister 
was named Kadamb Vasa, 1 who, like Hanurnana, had 
a projecting chin, and was as able and loyal as that 
famous servant of Rama. He always guarded the six 
virtues of Prithviraja, and sent the imperial armies in 
all directions to add to the glory of his sovereign. All 
the different branches of learning which have their 
abode on the two thousand tongues of the king of 
serpents (Vasuki) began to unite and come to 

The emperor was extremely handsome in body, 
and Kamadeva (Cupid) took service with him so that 

1 Dr. Buhler read it as Kadamb Yam, but the transcript obtained 
by me has Kadamb Yasa. 


he might learn archery from the king and lose all 
fear of Siva. When Prithviraja came to be o age, 
the knowledge of all such sciences and arts as a king 
should have, came spontaneously to him. 

^ In order to find out how Prithviraja, the son of 
his elder brother's daughter, though possessing only 
two arms, was able to protect the world, Bhuvanaik 
Mnlla came to the emperor. Varuna's direction (west) 
was thus purified by the dust of Bhuvanaik Malla's 
lotus feet. He was reckless of his life in battle, and 
gave away in charity all the wealth that came to him. 
He did not go to the Deccari forcibly to bring away 
jewels from that country, as he thought that his doing 
so would produce agitation in the mind of the Brahmin 
Agastya,* who lived in that country. Frithvlraja 
and Hariraja were incarnations of Rama and Laks- 
mana; and, as Rama and Laksmana suffered trouble 
owing to Meghuad's sarpapash (serpent noose) and 
Garuda eventually saved them from the posh (noose), 
so, in this birth, Bhuvanaik Malla, the incarnation of 
Garuda, ever served llama and Laksmana (Prithviraj 
and Hariraja) loyally. As the daughter of the 
Himalayas (Parvati) with her two sons (Kartika 
Swami and Ganapati) was adorned by Menaka 3 with 
his wings, so Karpurdevi, with the support of this 
hero the glory of her father's house was adorned 
by her two sons. Like Garuda, Bhuvanaik Malla 
extirpated the Nagas 3 Just as Rama, with the help 
of Garuda and Hanumana crossed the sea and did other 
things, so Prithviraja, with the help of Ha-numana-like 
Kadamb Vasa and Garuda-like Bhuvanaik Malla, did 
many things for the welfare of the people. 

ir The sage Agastya was the first Arya who ia said to have crossed the 
"Vindhya Mountains and gone to the Deccan. 

2 Indra had removed the wings of all mountains except Menaka, the 
BOB of the Himalayas. 

'Nagas evidently means the Nagavansi tribe. 


The tenth sarga says that when Prithviraja attained 
manhood, several Princesses began to desire to marry 
him. Good fortune furnished him with opportunities 
to undertake several wars. Nagarjuna, son of Vigra- 
haraja Vigraharaja, who was of extraordinary prowess 
and valour, and whose prosperity was unsurpassed by 
any king desirous of acquiring territory, took 
possession of Gudpur. 1 Prithviraja, without taking 
Kadamb Vasa or Bimvanaik Malla with him, started 
with a large army of horsemen, infantry, elephants, 
and camels to attack Nagarjuna, and laid siege to 
Gudpur. Nagarjunn, relinquishing the dharma (duty) 
of a warrior, fled from the fort, and Prithviraja slew 
his warriors and conquered the fort. Prithviraja 
brought to Ajmer the wife and the mother of Nagarjuna, 
and placed the heads of his enemies on the battle- 
ments of the fort of Ajmer. 

The land of the North-West, where horses abound 
the beaf-eating Mlechha, named Ghori, who had 
captured Garjani (Ghazni) hearing that Prithviraja had 
vowed to exterminate the Mlechhas, sent an ambassador 
to Ajmer. This man had a wide forehead, but no hair 
on his head. The colour of his beard, eyebrows, and 
the eyelashes was of the grapes that come from Ghazni, 
and his speech was like that of wild birds ; it had no 
cerebrals. His complexion was like that of a leper, 
and he wore a long choga (A few pages here are miss- 
ing.) Rajas took shelter in fortresses from fear of him. 
When these fiends in the shape of men (Mlechhas) 
took possession of Nadul (Nadole), the warriors of 
Prithviraja took up their bows and the emperor became 
angry and resolved to lay Ghori's glory to dust. 

In the eleventh sarga, Kadamb Vasa submits to the 
king that there is no occasion for him to become angry 
as it shows no strength in Garuda to threaten such 

l l am unable to identify this Gudpur. The affair may be a rebellion 
of a son of Vigraharaja IV. 


serpents as even a camel would swallow. He says that 
just as Sundh and Upsundh destroyed each other for 
the sake of Tilotma, so the enemy will ruin himself by 
his desire to possess the emperor's wealth. The 
minister has not finished when the Pratihara (cham- 
berlain) announces the arrival of a messenger from 
Gujrat with a letter. Hearing this, the Bharatesvara 
(the emperor of India) orders him to be called in. 
The chamberlain presents the messenger, who informs 
Prithvlraja that the king of Gujrat has utterly routed 
the Ghori forces. On hearing of the rout of the Ghori 
forces, Prithvlbhatta, the chief of the bards submits to 
the emperor that he must rejoice that he has got such 
a minister as Kadamb Vasa, for the Ghori has been 
destroyed without any imperial effort. He then gives 
all account of Tilotma. The emperor bestows gifts 
on the messenger and dismisses him. Prithviraja 
then retires to his picture gallery, where Prithvlbhatta 
shows him pictures illustrating all the various incidents 
contained in the Ramayana, and describes the emperor's 
deeds in his former birth. As the emperor looks at the 
portrait of Tilotma, Kamadeva (Cupid) overpowers him 
and he begins to long for Tilotma. It now becomes 
noon and the emperor leaves the gallery wounded by 
Cupid's arrows. 

In the twelfth sarga, Padmsmabha, the minister 
of Vigraharaja, introduces a Kashmiri poet to Prithvl- 
bhatta the bard, who has come out of the gallery in 
deep thought, and having heard someone recite 
a verse saying that everything comes to him who strives 
to get it, inquires who the reciter is. Padmanabha 
says that the reciter is a poet named Jayanaka come 
from Kashmir, the seat of learning and is a profound 
scholar. The poet then explains why he left his native 
country, in the last leaf of the MS. (No. 83) which 
is much mutilated, there are a few broken sentences 
probably meaning that the poet knew six languages 


and had been directed by the goddess o learning to 
go and serve Prithviraja, the incarnation of Visnu. 

How much more there was in the complete poem 
we have at present no means of knowing. But 
there is no doubt that the complete poem contained 
many more cantos. The very name of the poem, 
"Prithviraja Vijaya," shows that it was composed to 
celebrate the victories of Prithviraja, the most 
important of which the great victory of Tarain 1 near 
Thaneshwara in A. D. 1191, when Sultan Muizz-ud- 
din bin Sam (Shahab-ud-din Grhori) fled from the 
field badly wounded, and his great army was 
utterly routed was but the last of a series of 
brilliant exploits which have shed lustre on the 
Rajput race, that still shines undimmed after seven 
centuries, and have made the name Prithviraja 
a synonym of chivalry and heroism. 

1 Duffs Chronology of India, p. 167. Also Raverty's Talaqat-i-Nariri, 
p. 460. 



Where'er we tread 'tis haunted, holy ground; 
No earth of thine is lost in vulgar mould, 
But one vast realm of wonder spreads aio ind, 
And all the muse's tales seem truly told. 

BYRON, Childe Harold. 

JANGALADESA is mentioned in the Mahabharata but 
it is not stated where it was situated (Mahabharata, 
Bhishma Parva, Adhyaya 9, 39 2 ). The physical 
characteristics of Jangaladesa as given in Sanskrit 
works (Sabdakalpadruma Kosa, Vol. II, p. 529 3 ) are 
"Scarcity of water and grass; high winds; intense heat, 
and abundant grain production after Drains." It is also 
stated (See JBhtiva Prakasha, and Sabdakalpadruma 
Kosa, Vol. II, p. 529 4 ) that in Jangaladesa, the sky 
remains clear and such tree>s grow as require little 
watering for their growth ; for instance, &aml ( *nft ) 
(prosopis spicigera), Karira (Capparis aphylla), Bilwt 
(Aegle marmelos), Arka (Calotropis procera), Pilu 
(Salvadora persica), and Karkandhu. 

1 Paper read before the First Indian Oriental Conference, held at Poona 
on 6 November 1919 A. D. 

: II 


The above description shows that Jangalade^a 
must have been situated somewhere in the sandy 
plains of Rajputana, where, owing to comparative 
scarcity of rainfall, the sky is clear ; where water and 
grass are scarce; where high winds blow and con- 
stantly shift sand-hills from one place to another; where 
intense heat keeps the air in constant vibration during 
a part of the day in the hot season ; and where the 
principal trees are the Saml (Khejda), (the KarriaKer) 
and the Pilu. A part of the present Bikaner State in 
Rajputana is still termed Jangalu which is the Prakrita 
form of Jangala The kings of Bikaner, evidently 
because they ruled over the country which in ancient 
times was known as Jangaladesa and a portion of which 
is still known as Jangalu are called by the Bhats, 
(the bards of Rajputana), as " Jatigaladhar Patasdh" 
which means Padshah, or king of the Jangaladesa. 
u Jai Jangaldhar Badshah " is the inscription borne on 
the coat of arms of the Rulers of Bikaner, and this 
would show that a portion at least of the old Jangala- 
de&i is incorporated in the dominions over which the 
Maharajas of Bikaner hold sway. 

Mr. Nando Lai Dey has not included in his 
" Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval 
India" the name of Jangaladesa, but mentions Kwru 
Jangala as one name which he describes as : 

"A forest country situated in^ Sirhind, north west 
of Hastinapura. It was called &rikarithadesa during 
the Buddhist period. Its Capital was Bilaspura. It 
was included in Kurukshetra" (p. 15). 

4. This view of Babu Nando Lai Dey cannot be 
accepted as correct for two reasons, In the first place, 
there is no warrant for the assumption that Kuru 
Jangala was the name of one country, for the Mha- 
bharata regards Kuru and Jangala as two separate 
countries (Mahabharata, cited above). Secondly, the 
Kuru and Jangala countries were never known, as 


Srikanthadesa. Banbhatta in his Harshacharita 
(translated into English by E. B. Cowell M. A. and 
F. W. Thomas, M.A., p. 73 and note 6) gives the name 
of Harsha's ancestral kingdom as Srikantha, by which 
is meant the Kingdom of Thane6vra. 

The compound terms, "Kuru Jangala" and "Kuru 
Panchala " which occur in Sanskrit works, indicate 
a certain relationship between the two component 
parts of the two terms, and evidently the same 
relationship exists between Kuru and Jangala as 
between Kuru and Panchala. Kuru and Panchala 
were admittedly two separate dea or territories which 
lay adjacent to each other. Kuru and Jangala must 
similarly have been two separate territories and the 
term Kuru Jangala means or expresses a political, 
economic, or geographical unit or idea as much as the 
other term " Kuru Panchala. 55 As Panchala was 
situated on one (the eastern) side of Kuru, it is 
probable that Jangala was also situated on another 
side (south) of it and both Kuru and Jangala formed 
one portion of Bharatavarsha for some administrative 
or geographical purpose. 

The physical characteristrics of Jangaladesa given 
above and the use of the term " Kuru Jangala " 
lead us to believe that the country lay towards the 
south or south-west side of Kuru, comprising parts 
of the Bikaner and Jaipur States and the northern 
part of Mar war territory. The road from Dwarka to 
Hastinapura is said to have passed along these parts, 
the journey terminating with the passing up of the 
Kuru-Jangala in the Bhagavata. The present day road 
seems to keep the same course. Kuru-Jangala may 
mean Jangala adjoining Kuru in contradistinction to 
other portions of Jangala or other Jangalas. 

The boundaries of countries vary from time to 
time, and expand and contract, as the political power 
of. their rulers increases or decreases. It is therefore 



difficult to lay down with any precision, the limits 
of the JangaladeSa. We know that the Chauhans 
ruled over a large part of Rajputaria from the seventh 
to the twelfth century A. D. and that the country they 
ruled over was called Jangaladesa or Sapadalaksha 
(one and quarter lakh). Of these two names, Jangalade&i 
is the more ancient one as it is found in the Mahabharata, 
while the other, Sapadalaksha, came into prominence 
only during the Chauhan times. It also appears that 
the Chauhans originally ruled over the country round 
the town of Nagor, for that part of Kajputana is still 
called ct Savalak " (vernacular form of Sapadalaksha) 
As the power of the Chauhans increased, their kingdom 
expanded ; and when Sambhar and Ajmer became their 
capitals, the whole of the country over which their 
rule extended came to be called Sapadalaksha or 
Jangaladesa. The eastern (or some) part of Mewar, the 
major parts of the present Jodhpur, liikaner, and Jaipur 
States, the whole of Ajmer-Mer \vara and Kishengarh, 
were included in the Sapadalaksha country. That part 
of Mewar which lies to the east of Chitor and which 
includes the districts of Mandalgarh, Jabazpur,Bijolian 
and others, was under the rule of the Chauhans, when 
Ajmer was their capital, and hence the Mewar fortress 
of Mandalgarh (Mandalafcara) is recorded as situated in 
the Sapadalaksha country. The Dharmawtrita oastra 
of Ashadhar, who flourished about A. D. 1230, says: 

(Prasasti at the end of the work.) 

" There is a country (called) Sapadalaksha the 
ornament of which is bakambhari (Sambhar) ; there 
is in it a great fort called Mandalakara " (Mandalgarh 
in Mewar), vide Dr. Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, 
on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts, p. 390; see 
also pp. 103-6 of the Preface. 


The principal victories gained by the Chaulukya 
(Solanki) king Kumarapala (A. D. 1143 to 1174) were 
three, jind they_were achieved by defeating, (1) Arno- 
raja (Anaka or Ana) the Chauhau king of Sapadalaksha 
or Jangaladesa, (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, 
pp. 184-85); ,md (2) King Ballalu of Malwa (Ibid 
p. 185); and (3), Mallikarjuna, the king of Konkan 
(Ibid, pp. 185-86). The inscription of the Vikramn, 
Samvat 1207 (A. D. 1150), found in the Mokalji'* 
temple at Chitor (Mewar), and published in the 
Epiyraphia Indica Vol. 11, pp. 422-3, while_describing 
the victory of Kumarpala over Arnoraja (or Anaka) the 
Chauhan King of Ajmer," says; 

JHIT ^ui^ti'N 1 II 

" When the King Kumarpala had defeated the 
King (Anak) of akambhmri, (Sambhar, the old Capital 
of the Chauhaiis of Ajrrier) arid devastated the 
Sapadalaksha country (line eleven), he went to 
Salipura (line twelve) (Salera, four miles from the 
Chitor hill), and having pitched his great camp there, 
he came to view the glorious beauty of the Chitrakuta 
(Chitor) mountain." 

This war took place about V. S. 1207 and was 
undertaken by Kumarpala to avenge 1 the insult and 
ill-treatment to which Kumarapala's sister, Devaladevi, 
the queen of Arnoraja, was subjected by her husband. 
Devaladevi was offended by some remark of Arnoraja 
and accused him of want of manners as he belonged to 

1 Indian Antiquary for 1912, p. 196. 


to the Jangala country. This enraged Arnoraja who 
gave her a kick. She left Ajmer and went to her 
brother, who invaded Ajmer (Kumdrpala Charita by 

The Visalpur inscription of Emperor Prithviraja, 
dated Samvat 1244 (A, D. 1187), calls Prithviraja the 
King of Sapadalaksha country. It says : 

" During the reign of Maharaja Uhiraja Prithviraja- 
de.vsi in SapadaLiksha " etc. (Cunningham's Arcluvolo- 
gical Survey Reports, Vol. VI, Plate XXI). 

Merutunga ^JT in his Prahiu>dh<t Chiu,tain&ni 9 
written in V. S. 1361, (A.B. 1304), calls the kingdom 
of the Chuuhaiis, Sapadulaksha, in a number of places. 
(1) While describing the invasion of Gujrat by the 
Chauhan King, Vigraharaja, between 973 and !M)6 A.D. 
Merutunga says: 

"On a certain occasion the king of the country 
of Sapadalaksha came to the border of the land of 
Gujrat to attack Mulraja. (C. H. Tawney's translation, 
p. . W i3). (2) The Prithviraja Vijaya (Canto V, verse 
51) describes this war, as also the Hammir Mahakdvya 
(Canto 11). 

(3) The Prabandha Chintamani^ in the course of 
its account of the invasion of Gujrat by Arnoraja, 
undertaken (about Samvat 1200 to 1202) to support 
the claims of Bahada, son of Udayana, (^pw) and the 
adopted son of Siddharaja Jayasinha, to the throne 
of Anhilwara against Kumarpala, says that "Bahada, 


despising Kumarpala, made himself a soldier of the 
King of Sapadalaksha country. He, desiring to make 
war on Kumarpala, having won over to his side all the 
officers in those parts with bribes, attentions and 
gifts, bringing with him the King of the Sapadalaksha 
country, surrounded with a large army, arrived at the 
borders of Gujrat." (Prabandha Chintamani by 
Tawney, p. 121). 

(4) The Dvyasrya of Heinchandra, written about 
A.D 1160, describing this war, says; 

"The Raja of Sapadalaksha, whose name was Anna, 
when he heard of the death of Jayasinha, though 
he had been a servant of that monarch, now thought 
the time was come for making himself known" 
(Indian Antiquary for 1912, p. 195); also Forbes' 
Rasmrda, p. 142, which gives the Dvyasrya's account 
of the war. Thus, while both the Prabandha 
Chintamani and the Dvyasrya style Anak or Arnoraja 
as the King of the Sapadalaksha country. Some^vara 
in his Kirtikaumudi, (Canto II Verse 46) written 
about A. l). 1225, (Vikrama Samvat 1282) calls this 
enemy of Kumarpala "Jangalakshoriipala" or the 
Lord of Jangaladssa 1 ) while in his other work, 
Surathotsava (Canto XIV, Verse 22), he calls 2 the 
same Anaji ''Supadalukshapati" or King of 
Sapadalaksha. " 

Arisimha in his Sakrita gpf samklrtana (Canto II, 
verse 43) calls Arnoraja as "Jangalesh or the King 
of the Jangaladesa." It is thus clear that the kingdom 
over which the Chauhans of Ajmer ruled was called 
Sapadalaksha as well as JangaLtdesa; that Sapadalaksha 
and Janyaladesa were not two separate countries but 
one and the same country, and that the country known 
in ancient India as Jangaladega came in latter times to 

canto. II, 46); 

: (canto XV, 22) 


be called Sapadalaksha. That the country continued 
to be called Siwalak the Hindi rendering -of Sapad- 
laksha even during the Pathan times is clear from 
the Tabqati TSasiri, which always terms the territory 
of: Nagor as Siwalak country. 


The name of the Capital of Jangaladesa is not 
recorded. Mahamahopadhyaya P. Gauri Shanker Ilira 
Chand Ojha, during a visit paid in 1905 A. D. to Maiidal 
(in Mewar)to see the collection of manuscripts and copies 
of old inscriptions, left by Yati Gyanchandra, guru 
of Colonel James Tod the illustrious author of the 
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan,- found in the 
collection, a paper containing the names of twenty-six 
different countries and their Capitals. No. 10 on that 
list is Jangaladesa and its Capital (or principal town) is 
stated to be "Ahichhatra". Now, there are more towns 
than one which bear this name: vide Bombay Gazetteer., 
Vol. I, Part 11, 560, note 11. The best known town 
which bears this name and which the famous Chinese 
pilgrim Hiouen Thsang calls "0-hi-ch-ta-lo" (Buddhist 
Records of the Western World, Vol. J, p. 200) was the 
capital of the northern Panchala country, the ruins of 
which were stated by General Cunningham (Cunning- 
ham's Archaeological Survey lieports Vol. 1, p. 255) to 
be still existing near Ramnagar, 20 miles from Badaun 
in the United Provinces. This Ahichhatra, however, 
could not have been the capital of J angaladea. The 
capital of Jangaladesa must have existed somewhere 
in the heart of Kajputana. 

The geneologies of the Chauhan rulers of Sambhar 
and Ajmer declare that the founder of that family was 
one Vasudeva and his first visit to Sambhar or 
Sakamhhari is described in the third and the fourth 
cantos of the epic poem, Prithriraja Vijaya, the most 
reliable work on the early history of the Chauhans. 


This account 1 of the origin of the Salt Lake of 
Sambhar shows that Vasudeva had come to that place 
from some distance, that the journey had caused 
him fatigue, that he had been a stranger to the 
name Sakambhari, that Sakambhari or Sambhar was 
not the capital of the Chauhans till Vasudeva 1 s reign 
and that the Chauhan Kings came to be called 
"Sakambharishwara" (Lord of Sakambhari) sometime 
after Vasudeva's reign. We have now to see which 
town was the residence of the Chauhan Kings before 
Sakambhari became their Capital. In the Chauhan 
geneologies, the name of Samantaraja (or Samanta) 
comes next to Vasudeva. The Prithviraja Vijaya 
too(Sarga5, Sloka7) mentions Samantaraja and says 
that he was Vasudeva 's kinsman and successor. 

The Bijolian Rock inscription of the time of the 
Chauhan King Somesvara dated the Phalgun Vadi 3rd, 
Sam vat 1226 (A.D. 1170) gives the Chauhan geneology 
from Samanta to Somesvara and states that the capital 
of Samanta was Ahichhatrapur. (Journal of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LV, Part I, page 41). 
The Prithviraja Vijaya 9 s account of Sakambhari has 
already shown us that Vasudeva's Capital was some 
town other than Sakambhari, and that it was situated 
at some distance from it. We have now the following 
facts before us: 

(1) That the Capital of the Chauhan king Samantraja 
was Ahichhatrapur. 

(2) That Ahichhatrapur was a town distinct from 

(3) That Ahichhatrapur, the capital of the early 
Chauhans, was situated at a distance from Sambhar 
but within a day's hard ride from it. The town that 
best answers to this discription is Nagor (in Marwar) 
which is an abbreviated form of Nagapur. This 

1 For this account see pp. 195-6 SUJTA. 


town is situated at a distance of about 65 miles 
to the northwest of Sambhar. The name of 
Nagapur means the same thing as Ahichhatrapur 
(Nagapur means 'the city of the Serpent'; and 
Ahichhatrapur, the city whose chhatra or protector 
is the serpent). Nagapur and Ahichhatrapur are 
thus synonyms. In Sanskrit, different names having 
the same significance are sometimes given to the same 
object. For instance, while the Harsha stone 
inscription of A. i*. 973 calls the successor of the 
Chauhan King Guvaka as Chandraraja (Epigraphia 
Indica Vol. II p. 117), the Bijolian Rock inscription of 
A. D. 1170 (quoted above) calls him %< Sasinripa, "both 
meaning the "Moon King." 

The first Capital of the Chauhan Kingdom of 
Sapadalaksha must therefore have been Nagapur or 
Nagor. The territory round Nagor is still called 
"Svalak" (Sapadalaksha) by its people, and as 
Jangalade^a is the ancient name of Sapadalaksha 
territory, its capital Ahichhatrapur was no other 
town than the modern Nagor in Marwar, which is a 
place of great antiquity. 


mountains, give me of your strength ! 
Above the clouds ye rise, 

A huge impact of Titan force ; 

1 look on you with eyes 

That drink deep thought : May I that thought 
In action realize ! 


PROFESSOR Sir Jadunath Sarkar, in his review of my 
paper on the Prithviraja Vijaya in the Journal of 
the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 
Ireland, published Jit p. 318 of the Modern Review 
for September 1913, says: "He (Mr. Sarda)^ takes 
Sapadlaksha (or Sawalakh) as another name for the 
kingdom of Ajmer: but Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar holds u 
different view. (See Indian Antiquary, January 1911)." 

But the view expressed by Mr. Bhandarkar in 
the Indian Antiquary for 1911 does not appear to 
support the above remark of the learned professor. 
The fact that the kingdom of Ajmer and Sambhar 
during the Chauhan times and even in the times of 
the Pathan rulers of Delhi was called the Sapadlaksha 
country admits of no doubt and is beyond the 
pale of controversy. 

It was P. Bhagwanlal Indraji who nearly forty 
years ago indentified the Sapadlaksha country with 
the tracts now known as Gurhwal, Kumaon &c. 
(Vide, Indian Antiquary for 1879, Vol. VIII), but 
Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar/ though he holds that the 

1 From the Modern Review (Calcutta) for December 1913 A. D. 


name Sapadlaksha had originally been applied to 
the above-named, tracts admits that "there can 
be no doubt that the kingdom of the Chahmans 
(Chauhans) was called Supadalksha" ......... Indian 

Antiquary for 1912, p. 2i>, ft. note. 

He also says: "From inscriptions and early 
Muhammadan writers it seems that Sapadlaksha 
included Hansi in the Punjab, Ajmer, Mandor the 
Capital of Marwar, six miles north of Jodhpur, 
and Mandalgarh in Mewar. All this was exactly the 
territory held by the Chauhans and there cannot be 
even the shadow of a doubt as to this province 
being called Sapadlakslui only after their occupa- 
tion." Indian Antiquary for 1912, p. 29. 

Whether the country came to be called Sapadlaksha 
after its occupation by the Chauhans or before that 
event took place is another matter; but it is clear 
that even in Mr. D. R. Bhaiidarkar's opinion the 
Chauhan Kingdom of Ajmer during the times of 
which the PritJiriraja Vijaya speaks, was known as 
the Sapadlaksha country 

1 now give below a few out of the many 
references found in old Sanskrit works and inscrip- 
tions to show that the Chauhan kingdom of Ajmer 
and Sambhar was known as the Sapadlaksha country. 

The Prabandha Cliiniamani, written in A i>. 
1304 (v.s. 1361) by Meerutunga Acharya mention* 
Sapadlaksha as the' country of the Chauhan kings of 
Ajmer and Sambhar in at least eight different places. 
Describing the invasion of Gujrat while Mulraja was 
king of that country, Meerutunga says: 

sronrnm i (p. 40) 
'* On a certain occasion the king of the country of 
Sapadlaksha came to the border of the land of Gujrat 
to attack Mulraja." Tawney's translation, p. 23. 


This war is described in the Prithviraja Vijaya 
(Canto v) and the Hammir Mahakavya (written 
about the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D.); 
and in both, the name of the king of the Sapadlaksha 
country is given as Vigraharaja. The Hammir 

u (Canto II) 

Dr. Buhler and Mr. Tawney both identify Sapad- 
laksha with the kingdom of Sambhar in Eastern 
Rajputana. Vide, Tawney's Prabandha Ohintamani, 
p. 120, ft. note; also p. 23, ft. note. 

Again, describing the war between Anak or 
Annaji (also called Arnoraja) the Ohauhan king o 
Ajmer, who built the famous Anasagar lake at Ajmer 
(Vide, Ajmer: Historical and Descriptive, pp. 34 
and 152) and Kumarpala king of Gujrat, the 
author of the Prabaudha Chnitaniani says: 

: I (P. 15)9) 

which Principal Tawney thus translates: "Then 
the Clialukya king said to the king of the Sapad- 
laksha country, named Anak. " Tawney J s Prabandha 
Chintamani, p. 121. 

The Dvyasraya of Jainacharya Hem Chandra 
written about A.D. 1160, describing this war between 
Kumarpala and Annaji says _ that "the Raja of 
Sapadlaksha whose name was Anna, when he heard 
of the death of Jai Singh, now thought the time 
was come for making himself known." Indian 
Antiquary for 1911, p. 195. Also Forbes* Rasmala, 
p. 142. 


The Prabandha Ghintamani calls the famous 
Prithviraja Chauhan "the king of Sapadlaksha 
Country." See Tawney's translation, p. 188. Also 
p. 190, where the battle between Shahabuddin Ghori 
and Prithviraja is described. The original says; 

(p. 323) 

Trans! "Then once upon a time the son of 
that king of the Mlechhas, being now himself king 
remembering his father's feud and being desirous of 
making war on the king of the Sapadlaksha country 
came with his host, but that army was driven away 
by the arrows of the valiant bowmen that formed 
the advance guard of Prithviraja's army." 

Another old Sanskrit work of historical value, 
the Kirti Kaumadi, written about A. D. 1225 (v.s. 
1282) by the poet Someshwara who lived at the 
court of the kings of Anh.'ilwara Patan, describing 
the war between Annaji king of Ajmer and Siddhanija, 
Jai Singh the predecessor of Kumurpala of Gujrat 
calls Annaji, the lord of Sakambhari (Canto 11) and 
then in his other work the Surothotxava J\avya 
(Canto XV, V. 22) calls the same Annaji 
"King of Sapadlaksha." He says: 

(Canto XV, V.22) 

Another important Sanskrit work, the Dharmamrita 
Sastra of Ashadhara, who flourished about A. D. 
1230, says; 

"There is a country (called) Sapadlaksha the 
ornament of which is Sakambhari (Sambhar); 


there is a fort called Mandalkara (Mandalgarh) 
in Mewar." Vide, Dr. Bhandarkar's Keport for 
1883-84, p. 39. S^e also Preface pp. 103-6. And 
Mr. D. K. Bhandarkar says: "Sakambhari is no doubt 
Sambhar, the capital of the Chauhan kingdom" 
Indian Antiquary for 1911, p. 29, ft. note 15. 

1 we refer to the inscriptions of the Chauhan 
kings of Ajmer and Sambhar we find the kingdom 
of the Chauhans called the Sapadlaksha country in a 
number of them. 

The Chitorgarh inscription (Epigraphia Indica, 
Vol, II, p. 423) says : 

Trans; "When this king (Kumarpala) had 
defeated the rulers of Sakambhari and devastated 
the Sapadlaksha country, he went to a place named 
Salipura &c. M 

The Visalpur inscription of Emperor Prithviraja 
dated Samvat 1244 (A. D. 1187) calls Prithviraja the 
king of Sapadlaksha territory. It says : 

Trans: "During the reign of Maharajadhiraja 
Prithviraja Deva, Sapadlaksha &c.&c." Cunningham's 
Archaeological Survey Report, Vol. VI., plate XXI. 

Even the Muhammadan historians have called 
the country containing Sambhar, Ajmer and Nagor 
as the Siwalikh country. Siwalikh or Sawalakh is 
only a Hindi rendering of Sapadlaksha. The 
Tabqati Nasiri of Minhaji Siraj, written about A. D. 
1259, mentions the Siwalikh country in more than 
a dozen places. He mentions "Nagh war (Nagor) in the 
territory of Siwalikh" and "Naghaur in Siwalikh." 
Major Raverty's translation, pp. 110 and 200. 


Speaking of the conquest of Ajmer by 
Sultan Muizuddin-bin-Sam (Shahbuddin Ghori) the 
author says: "The seat of Government, Ajmer, with 
the whole of the Siwalikh territory &c." were 
subjugated p. 468. Further on, the author says: 
"In G24 H. he marched against the fort of Mandawar 
(Mandor, six miles from Jodhpur) within the limits 
of the Siwalikh territory." p. 61. 



Wherever the bright Sun of heaven shall shine, 
His honour and the greatness of his name 
Shall be, and make new nations. 


CEHATR \?ATI Maharaja Sivaji was one of the 
greatest Hindu sovereigns who reigned in Medieval 
India. His reign is a landmark in Indian History. 
He was one of those great men whom nature throws 
out into the world at various times to fulfil various 
missions. Sivaji was a military commander of the 
first rank; and, had India been the Europe of the 
eighteenth century, he might have rivalled even 
Napolean Bonaparte in glory. As a statesman, he 
would do honor to any country : as a hero, he would 
be worshipped by any people. As the embodiment of 
powers which ushered in a new epoch in India and 
marked the end of an old one, he holds a place in 
history which time cannot efface, nor subsequent 
events belittle. He will ever remain an ornament to 
the Hindu race, and a source of pride and inspiration 
to generations to come. 

Students of Indian history naturally feel interested 
in the origin and history of the family and the clan to 
which Sivaji belonged. Curiously enough, the ques- 
tion of Sivaji's ancestry arose in his lifetime. After 
he had carved out an independent Hindu kingdom, a 
strict and pious Hindu that he was, he determined to 
perform his Coronation ceremony in accordance with 
the traditional Vedic rites, which govern such functions 


From a Painting in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. 

By the Courtesy of 
Shiva Chitra Karyalaya. Poona. 


in Rajputana. Now, according to orthodox Brahrnin- 
nical notions, kingship is a calling exclusively for the 
Kshtriyas, and a Kshtriya alone is entitled to the 
llajyabhishek or the Coronation ceremony. 

The question whether Sivaji may be crowned 
according to Vedic rites arose owing to the peculiar 
circumstances of the Deccan. As the knowledge of 
the Vedas declined and the Puranas took their place 
as the religious books of the Hindus, the Brahmins 
accepted the Puranas as authority in all religious 
matters. The following text common to the Matsya, 
Vaya and Bralirnanda Puranas was accepted by the Brah- 
mins as the final authority in the matter of kingship: 



Afatsya Pnrana, Adhyaya 272, SI. 18-22. 

" A son of Mahanandin by n Sudni will be born a 
king, Mahapadma (Nanda), who will exterminate all 
Kshtriyas. Thereafter, kings will be of Sudra origin". 1 

The Biahmins of the Deccnn began to hold that in 
that p.'irt of India there had remained only two Varnas, 
the Bmhnnns and the Sudras; and as the Kshtriyas 
jind Vaisliaa were inconspicuous in the Deccan, the 
view of the Deccan Brahmins was gradually accepted. 

It must be remembered that the term Mahratta 
(Prakrit: Maharatha; Sans : Maharashtriya) is a purely 
geographical, and not a generic or ethnic or caste 
term and signifies only inhabitants or natives of the 
Maharashtra country, just as the Marwarees are the 
inhabitants of Marwar, the Gujratees of Gujrat, the 
Punjabees of Punjab, though there are Brahmins, 
Rajputs, Vaishas and Sudras amongst them all. As 
a matter of fact, there are a number of Rajput or 

iPargiter : The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, page 25. 


Kshtriya families amongst the Mahrattas. The Mores 
or Maures are none other than the Mauryas; the 
Guptes are the Guptas ; the Panwars are the Parmars 
or Panwars of Rajputana; the Chalkes are the Chalu- 
kyas (Solarikees) and the Jadava are the Yadavas. 

The Brahmins began in time to perform the reli- 
gious rites of the Mahrattas according to the Puranas 
and not according to the Vedas. P. Kamalakar wrote 
a book, c< Sudra Komalakar" prescribing religious 
rites for them according to Pauranic injunctions. Thus 
when these Rajputs of the Deccan gave up the Vedic 
rites, the Kshtriyas (Rajputs) of Rajputana and other 
provinces gave up marriage relations with them. 

When Sivaji decided to perform his Coronation 
ceremony it became necessary to convince the 
Brahmins, who alone perform priestly functions, that 
he was a Kshtriya. Sivaji possessed ample evidence 
to show that he was a scion of the Sisodia family of 
the Rajputs, and that his ancestors, who belonged to 
the Royal House of Chitor, had come from Rajputana 
to the Deccan early in the fourteenth century A. D. 
The orthodox stricklers after the letter of the law 
amongst the Brahmins the natural custodians of 
Hindu religious rites-- seeing that the rites and cere- 
monies pertaining to the Dvija (twice-born) castes 
amongst the Hindus, were not regularly performed in 
the family to which Sivaji belonged, declared that he 
was not entitled to have his RajyabhisJiek performed in 
strict Vedic religious fashion. Sivaji was made of 
sterner stuff, and refused to accept the decision of 
the Deccan Brahmins. An appeal was made to 
Benares, the chief seat of Hindu learning and the final 
court of appeal in matters of Hindu religion- 

One of the most renowned Pandits o Benares, 
named Gaga Bhatta went to Poona and after careful 
investigation came to the conclusion that Sivaji was 
a Kshtriya, and entitled to be coronated according to 



the Vedic ritual. He held, however, that as religious 
observances pertaining to the Kshtriya clan had been 
neglected in Sivaji's family for sometime past, Sivaji 
must first undergo certain penances enjoined by the 
Sastras on those, who though Kshtriyas, had neglected 
to perform religious rites. The penances prescribed 
by him were performed under his superintendence, 
and then the Rajyabhishek or coronation was celebrated 
in strict accordance with the traditional Vedic injunc- 
tions. All classes of Hindus, including the whole 
of the Brahmin community of the Deccan joined in 
this public celebration. 

Some historians and students of history in recent 
times, have demurred to the pronouncement and 
decision of Gaga Bhattfi though it was accepted by 
the entire Brahmin Community of the Deccan. 

Mr. M. G. Ranade, in his brilliant little book, ftixe 
of the Mahratta Power, politician and not a historian 
that he was, makes a rapid survey of the origin and 
growth of the Mahratta Power and dismisses ^ the 
question of Sivaji's descent from the Sisodia Rajputs 
of Chitor, " raised in connection with Sivaji's coronation 
as a case of a more or less deliberate manipulation of 
facts and religious rites in aid of a foregone conclusion 
adopted for a purely political purpose." (p. 228). 

Professor H. G. Rawlinsoii, in his monograph f 
Sivaji the Mahratta, (page 25) also dismisses the 
claim of Sivaji to be a Rajput in the same airy fashion. 
He says, u The family of Bhonsle claimed that the 
founder of their house, a certain Bhosawat Bhonsle, 
was a descendant of nothing less than the princely 
house of Chitor, whose ancestors in the troubled times 
of Allauddin, had migrated to the Deccan. Bhosawat 
Bhonsle, however, was merely a patel or village officer 
of the district of Saiganapur when we first hear of him, 
the story of his princely origin can hardly be regarded 
seriously," Mr. Rawlinson did not know that in 


Rajputana there are thousands of Rajputs who own 
only a few acres of land, but claim their origin from 
the princely houses o Chitor, Jodhpur and Jaipur. 

Mr. Kincaid and R B. Parasnis, whose ''History of 
the Mahratta People' is based on old Mahratta records 
accept the claim that Sivaji's father Shahji Bhonsle 
was descended from liana Sifrjjjm Singh, the grandson 
of Rana Lakshman Singh of Chitor, (p. 112-13). 

Sir Jadunath Sarkar, in his book, Sivaji and his 
Times, holds that the genealogy of Siva ji kept in the 
Raigarh fort is n fabrication and disbelieves that Sivaji 
was a Rajput He has, however, given no facts or 
arguments in support of his opinion. Mr. S. M. 
Edwards, the editor of Grant Duff's famous History of 
the Mahrattas, has in a footnote on page 205, while 
referring to the account of Sivaji's coronation given 
by incaid and Parasnis, says in the same sneering 
way that the statement that "the king was no doubt 
of Rajput origin" is quite unworthy of credence. 

Leaving aside the opinion of cynical or sceptical 
writers whose political predilections colour their 
historical beliefs, or who suspect as untrue any facts 
of history recorded by Hindu historians, unless 
they are supported by Muhammadan historians, let us 
see what the Mahratta historians and the historians 
of Rajputana hold in the matter. 

Messrs Kaluskar and Takakhava in their excellent 
Life of Sivaji Maharaj (pages 348-6^) while giving 
a full account of the Coronation of Sivaji, state that 
the conference of the Pandits and Sustries of the 
Deccan held after careful investigation that Sivaji 
was a Kshtriya and was fully entitled to have his 
coronation ceremony performed in accordance with 
the old Vedic religious rites. 

Colonel Tod, the father of Rajput history, in his 
wonderful work "The Annals and Antiquities of 
Rajasthan" (Vol. I, page 314, Oxford Edition) speak- 


ing of Kana Ajaisi's (Ajaisingh) son Sajjan Singh, says 

that he "departed for the Deccan and was 

the ancestor of Sivaji, the founder of the Satara throne 
whose lineage is given in the Chronicles of Mewar." 

Mehta Nainsi, in his famous Khayat (Chronicles) 
states that Sivaji was descended from the Mewar 
Royal family. (Vol. I, p 23, Benares edition). 

The great history of Mewar by Kaviraj Shamaldas, 
Vir Vinod, written (luring the reign of Mahararia 
Sajjan Singh (1874-1883), declared that Sivaji was in 
direct lineal descent from Kana Ajai Singh. This 
fact has been accepted by the Royal House of Mewar. 

In Rajputana, not only is it a living tradition that 
Sivaji was a lineal descendant of Kana Sujjan Singh, 
although family relations between the Sisodias of 
(Jhitor and the Mahratta descendants of Sajjan Singh 
have not continued partly because the descendants of 
Sajjan Singh remained obscure and petty chieftains 
for several generations before they emerged as Rulers 
of States in the Deccan. As soon, however, as they 
achieved the status of Rulers they claimed their 
privileges as scions of the Kuling family of Mewar. 

That Sivaji was u Sisodia Rajput is further proved 
by the fact that Raja Shahu of Satara, (1707-1749 
A. n.) the fourth in descent from Sivaji, having no 
male issue, claimed the privilege of adopting a son 
from the parent stock of Mewar and asked Maharana 
Jagat Singh II (1734-53 A. D.) to give ^his younger 
brother Mathji, Bagor Nahraj, in adoption to occupy 
the throne of Satara. Colonel Tod says, "The Satara 
throne, but for the jealousies of Udaipur, might on 
the imbecility of Ramraja have been replenished from 
Mewar" (p. 314, ft. note) AlsoFiV Vinod.Vol II. p. 1595. 

In 1848 A. D. again, the last Raja of Satara, Shahu 
Pratap sent Shivariand Sastri to His Highness the 
Maharana Sarupsiugh of Udaipur and begged him to 
give in adoption to the Satara throne, Shiverati 


Maharaj Dal Singh's son Gaj Singh. The same 
shortsighted considerations as had influenced Maharana 
Jagat Singh II prevailed with Maharana Sarupsingh, 
and the request was turned down. (Prohit Devnath's 
Short History of Mewar, p. 174). 

Recently, however, Sivaji's family has been fully 
recognised in a practical manner by the Mewar Durbar 
as an offshoot of the Royal House of Mewar, His Highness 
the present Maharana of U Jaipur at the earnest 
request of Uaja Sahib of Mudhol conveyed in his 
letter dated the 25th of April 1931 A. D., presented 
at the Udaipur Court by Mr. Bakshi, guve on 31st 
July, 1931 A. D., K. Lakshman Singh son of Daulat 
Singh, uncle of Maharaj Harisingh of the Netawal 
branch of the Bagor House, in adoption to the late 
Narain Rao, uncle of Raja Maloji of Mudhol. The 
significance of this adoption will be fully appreciated 
when we remember that the P>;igor House has supplied 
four Maharanas to the throne of Udaipur, viz Maharana 
Sardar Singh in 1838 A. D., Maharana Sarup Singh 
in 1841 A.D , Maharana Shambhu Singh in 1861 A. I), 
and Maharana Sajjan Singh in 1874 A.D. 

It is a notable fact that while Maharana Saiigram 
Singh II (A.D. 1710-1734) was reigning at Udaipur, 
there was internal turmoil in the Satara State and big 
Sardars of Satara began to defy the authority of 
Chhatrapati Maharaja Shahu The latter appealed to 
the Maharana o Udaipur who sent Rawat Bagh Singh 
of Piplia (Mewar) to Satara. Bagh Singh brought about 
an amicable settlement of the dispute and restored 
fully the authority o Raja Shahu. Later, when the 
Mahratta armies began to make inroads in Mewar and 
the other States of Rajputana in the eighteenth 
century, Raja Chhatrapati Shahu, in 1726 A.D. wrote 
to the Mahratta generals in Rajputana forbidding them 
from making inroads into or harass the territory of Piplia 
Estate in Mewar in particular and other Sisodia Estates 



in general, telling them that not only did the Rawat 
of Piplia and the Sisodia Rajputs belong to the same 
family as the Rulers of Satara, but that it was due to 
the services of these Mewar kings that the Hindu Raj 
had been preserved in India. 1 

Another independent testimony of the fact that in 
Rajputana, Sivaji has always been regarded as belong- 
ing to the Sisodia Rajput family is furnished by the 
fact that in the collection of the horoscopes of great 
men made about Samvat 1732-37 (1675-1680 A. D.) 
by Pandit Shivram, a descendant of the famous 
Jodhpur State astrologers, the Chandu family, the 
following horoscope of Maharaja Sivaji appears under 
the heading, " Rulers of the Rana family," along with 
those of Maharana Pratap, Maharana Rajsingh, 
Maharana Amarsingh and others : 

A notable fact is that no Musalman historian of the 
Mughal times has denied that Sivaji was a Rajput by 

1 Gauri Shariker Ojha's History of Rajputana, Vol. II, p. 1259. 


descent. Hashim Khafi Khan, the author of the 
celebrated Persian history, " JMuntakhab-ul-lubab" 
holds that Sivaji was a descendant of the Ranas 
of Chitor. 

Original historical research in the Deccan has 
during the last few years brought to light docu- 
mentary evidence which places beyond all doubt the 
fact that the great Sivaji was descended from the 
Chitor family. Before, however, we discuss that evidence 
we would briefly state when and the circumstances 
in which, Ajaisingh's son, Sajjansingh, left Mewar 
and migrated to the Deccan. 

The kings of Chitor used to be styled ' Rawal ' 
and not 4 Rana' up to the time of Ratan Singh (A.D. 
1302). Rawal Ran Singh, also called Karan Singh 
(A. D. 1158) of Chitor had three sons, the eldest of 
whom, Kshemsingh, succeeded his father as ruler of 
Chitor (A. D. 1168) while the second son, Mahap, was 
given the Jagir of Sisoda, and ruled there as Rana 
of Sisoda. The ninth in descent from Karansingh, 
was Rawal Ratan Singh who ascended the throne of 
Chitor in A D. 1302. And the eleventh in descent 
from Mahap, was Rana Lakshman Singh of Sisoda, 
who was the contemporary of Rawal Ratan Singh of 
Chitor. On 26th August, 1302 A. D., Sultan Allauddin 
Khilji took possession of Chitor after a six months siege. 
Rawal Ratan Singh of Chitor and Rana Lakshman Singh 
of Sisoda with his seven sons were killed in the war. 
The eighth son of Lakshman Singh named Ajai Singh 
was wounded and, at the urgent request of his father, 
retired to Sisoda to save his line from extinction. 

Rana Ajai Singh while ruling in Sisoda was greatly 
troubled by the raids of Munja, a Balecha Rajput 
chieftain of Godwar. He asked his two sons, Sajjan 
Singh and Kshem Singh, to punish the Balecha. 
They failed to do so. He then asked his nephew, 
Hammh> son of Ajai Singh's elder brother Arisingh, 


who had also died fighting at Chitor to rid him of 
the Balecha. We relate the incident in the inspiring 
words of Colonel Tod, the author of the Annals and 
Antiquities of Rajasthan. 

" Hammir was summoned, and accepted the feud 
against Munja, promising to return successful or 
not at all. In a few days he was seen entering the 
pass of Kelwara with Munja's head at his saddle-bow. 
Modestly placing the trophy at his uncle's feet, he 
exclaimed: " Recognise the head of your foe! Ajaisi 
kissed his beard (chin) and observed that fate had 
stamped empire on his forehead; impressed it with 
a tika of blood from the head of the Balecha. This 
decided the fate of the sons of Ajaisi ; one of whom 
died at Kelwara, and the other, Sajjansi, who might 
have excited a civil war, was sent from the country. 
He departed for the Deccan, where his issue was 
destined to avenge some of the wrongs the parent 
country had sustained, and eventually to overturn the 
monarchy of Hindustan; for Sajjansi was the ancestor of 
Sivaji, the founder of the Satara throne, whose lineage 
is given in the Chronicles of Mewnr." (p. 314.) 

It is thus clear that Sa-jjansingh migrated to the 
Deccan a few years after the conquest of Chitor by 
Sultan Allauddin Khilji in 1303 A. D., but before 
A. D. 1326 when Hammir reconquered Chitor. 

Recent research has brought to light many royal 
Farmans arid other contemporary documents which 
prove that Sajjansingh and his descendants won dis- 
tinction by valorous deeds in the Deccan. They 
served the Bahmani Sultans of Gulbarga and were 
given Jagirs. They eventually became Rajas of 
Mudhol. From the various Farmans issued by the 
Bahmani Sultans of Gulbarga and the kings of Bijapur 
and preserved in the archives of the Mudhol State, 
and the Satara State records, a geneology of the 
descendants of Rana Sajjansingh has been prepared 


and is given below. Vir Vinod (History of Mewar) 
Vol. II, p. 1582 also supports it. 

Rana Ajai Singh. 
Sajjan Singh. 

Dule Singh (Dalip Singh). 
Singha (Rana Siddhaji). 

Bhairavji (Bhosaji). 



Rana Karan Singh 


(Mudhol State). 




Raja Bhimsingh Ghorpade Bahadur. 




Raja Kheloji. 




Raja Maloji. 




Raja Akhai Singhji. 




Raja Karau Singh. 




Raja Cholraj. 




Raja Pilaji. Vallabh Singh. 




Raja Pratap Rao. 


and so on. 



(Founder of the Mahratta Empire). 

I . I 

Ramraja Sambhaji 

(Kolhapur Branch). (Satara Branch), 



Shahu II 



The first Farman dated the Hijri era 753 (A. D. 
1352) granted by the Bahmini Sultan Allauddiii Hasan 
Grangoo (A. D. 1347-1358) to liana Dalipsingh says, 
"Being pleased with the valient deeds displayed on 
the battle-field by Rana Dalipsingh), Sardar-i- 
Khaskhel, the son of Sajjansingli and yrandson of 
Ajaisinyh, ten villages in Mirath, Tarf Devagadh, are 
granted to him for the maintenance of his family. 
So, in accordance with his desire, they should be given 
over to him. Dated the 25th day of the month, 
Ramzan, (Hijri) year 753." 

Rana Dalip's son Siddhaji popularly called Singha 
was the military governor of Sagar in A. D. 1393. 
Sultan Firozshah Roz Afzoon Bahmani (A. D. 1397- 
1422) received great help from Siddhaji and his son 
Bhairavsingh in winning the throne. The Sultan's 
Farman dated the 25th Rabi-Ul-Akhir, H. 800 (13th 
January 1398 A.D.) says "Rana Sidhaji, Thanedar of 
Sagar, on receipt of the news of our Imperial presence 

came to us and joined ourcause He fell and 

sacrificed himself in the thick of the fight Sidhaji's 

son Bhairav Singh who had fought shoulder to shoulder 
with his father against our enemies had attracted our 
Imperial notice. In view of the sacrifice of life made 
by his father, the township of Mudhol with the 
adjoining 84, villages in the Raigarh Tarf have been 
granted to Bhairavsingh. " 

Bhairavsingh was succeeded by Deoraj, who had 
two sons, Ugrasen and Pratapsingh. Ugrasen who 
succeeded Deoraj, was killed fighting for his master 
Sultan Ahmad Shah in the battle of Konkan. 
Ugrasen had two sons Karansingh and Shubhkaran 
or Shubhkrishna. 

Farman dated 8th Shawal A. H. 827 (3rd Sep- 
tember, A.D. 1424) granted by Sultan Ahmad Shah 
Bahmani (A. D. 1424-1435) to Rana Ugrasen says 


that Sidhaji liana, Thanedar of Sagar and his son 
Bhairav Singh who are the great grandfather and 
grandfather of Rana Ugraseu son of Rajsingh Deo 
(Deoraj Singh) stood beside us in the period of 
Firoz Shah Bahmani." 

The Farman dated A.H. 858 (21 December, 1454 A.D.) 
granted by Sultan Al laud din Sani (II) Bahmani 
(A. D. 1435-1457) to the two sons of Rana Ugrasen, 
after saying that the Jagir after the demise of Deoraj 
was continued to his sons Ugrasen and Pratapsingh, 
adds that "all the possessions are to be continued to 
Karansingh and Shubhkrishnaji sons of Ugrasen and 
their uncle Pratapsingh." 

The Farman dated the 7th Jamadiul Awwal A. H. 
870 (22nd October 1471 A D.) of Sultan Muhammad 
Shah Bahmani II (A. D. 1463-1482), in granting terri- 
tory and the title of Raja Ghorpade in place of the 
title 'Rana', and a standard of the colour of the 
Iguana to Rana Bhimsingh son of Karansingh, 
describes how Rana Bhimsingh, son of Karansingh and 
grandson cf Ugrasen made the Ghorpads (Guana) 
ascend the ramparts of the fort of Konkan and then 
with their help scaled the fortress, and that, owing to 
this contrivance," in place of the title Rana, the high 
title of Raja Ghorpade Bahadur was conferred on him." 

Farman dated 22nd Rajab, A. H. 896 (31st May, 
1491) granted by Sultan Mahmud Shah Bahmani II 
(A. D. 1482-1518) confirms the Jagir to Raja Kheloji 
son of Bhimsingh and grandson of Karan Singh. 

During the reign of this monarch, his governors 
of several provinces became independant and the 
Bahmani Kingdom of Gulbarga broke up into five 
independant kingdoms: 

(1) Adil Shahi of Bijapur (2) Qutub Shahi of 
Golkunda (3) Imadshahi of Berar (4) Nizamshahi of 
Ahmadnagar and (5) Bareedshahi of Ahmedabad Bidar 
Yusuf Adil Shah was the first king of Bijapur and was 



succeeded by his son Ismail Adil Shah in 1510 A. D, 
The Nizamshahi Sultan of Ahmadnagar invaded 
Bijapur. During this war, Kheloji fought for Sultan 
Ismail Ali Shah and was killed in the battle of 
Alappur near Bijapur. Sultan Ismail Adil Shah in 
his Farman dated A.H. 928 (19th November 1522 A.D.) 
praises the bravery shown by Maloji in the 
battle on the banks of Krishna against Timraj of 
Vijianagar and confers on Raja Maloji Ghorpade the 
privilege of using two morchals and exempts him from 
performing obeisance of a subject. The Farman dated 
A. H. 972 (28th July, 15(35 A.D.J granted by Sultan 
Ali Adil Shah 1 (A. D. 1557-1580) to Raja Cholraj 
Ghorpade after the battle of Talkot when his father, 
Raja Karansingh, was killed, says that it was " issued 
to Cholraj son of Karansingh and grandson of 
Akhaisingh" and confers on Cholraj the rank of 
"Commander of Seven Thousand and the Jagiroi Mudhol 
and tracts round about Baibag and Hukeri" etc. 

Karansingh and his descendants continued to rule 
as Rajas of Mudhol. Shubhkaran (Shubhkrishna) son of 
Ugrasen separated from Karansingh. Sivaji was a 
descendant of Shubhkrishna. Apte's History of the 
Mudhol State gives an account of Karan Singh's 
descendants, Bhimsiugh, Kheloji, Maloji and Akhai- 
singh. Akhaisingh's eldest son, Karansingh won the 
favour of Sultan Adilshah of Bijapur by rendering 
him valuable services; and his son Cholraj obtained 
from him, in addition to his old Jagir, the pargannah 
of Torgal and Munsab of Seven Thousand. Cholraj had 
three sons Pilaji, Kanoji and Vallabhsingh. Pilaji lost 
his life fighting vaiiently in the army of Sultan Ibrahim. 
The Sultan pleased with his bravery, bestowed on 
Pilaji's son Pratap Singh, a Mansub of 7000 and 
renewed the Jayir of Mudhol, Shahji (the father of 
Sivaji) who was descended from Shubhkrishna son of 
Ugrasen, claimed a share in the Mudhol State, then 


ruled by Prataprao, on the plea that the State had 
been first granted to Bhairav Singh and then confirmed 
by a fresh Fartnan to Ugrasen, their common ancestor. 
Shahji had been in the service o the Sultan of 
Ahmadnagar. Relinquishing that service, he later 
took service with Sultan Muhammad Adilshah of 
Bijapur. Shahji chimed a share in the Jagir of Mudhol 
and applied for redress to the Sultan whose favour 
Shahji had won by rendering important services to 
him. Sultan Adil Shah's Farman dated the 17th 
Rajab A. H. 1047 (25th November 1637 A. D.) says 
"Raja Shahji Bhonsle recently represented to the 
lofty court that the grandson of Cholraj, Prataprao 
Bahadur Ghorpade, had by force withheld his half 
share from ancient times, in the Mudhol Jagir, the 
townships of pargannah Wai and the fort therein and 
the possessions in Karad; also no share is given to 
Rao Maloji, 1 the grandson of Valltibhsingh and great 
grandson of Cholraj but he has given a share to 
Amansingh and Ainbaji in the villages of Mudhol. 
Hence his (Shahji's) own share and that of Maloji, the 
grandson of Vallabhsingh, be granted by the holy 
Sarkar. This representation has been considered by 
our holy and great mind and our attention has been 
drawn to it; for, it is a matter of our imperial policy 
to see that the requirements of this honest and 
obedient ancient house are provided for, this has ever 
been our policy, in accordance with which the 
following agreeable Farman is issued. Prataprao, the 
grandson of Cholraj, should feel himself satisfied 
with Mudhol and 84 villages, the pargannah of 
Torgal, half the townships of Karnatic and Karad 
and the Mansub of Seven Thousand; Raja Shahji should 
receive half the pargannah of Wai, twenty-six 
townships of Karad and half of the Karnatic as his 

1 Prataprao's father Pilaji and Vallabhsingh were brothers and were 
sons of Cholraj. 


portion, with the Mansub of Five Thousand; arid 
Mahaloji, the son of Bhairav Singh, the son of 
Vallabhsingh has been granted thirty villages in the 
neighbourhood of Vijianagar, with the command of 
Two Thousand. Separate sanads have been issued. 
Hence all the members of the family should be satisfied 
with the liberal grants conferred and they should pay 
all attention to the welfare of the ever-increasing 
empire and the services pertaining to it. Dated the 
17th of Rajab A. H. 1047." 

The acceptance of Shahji's claim by the Sultan 
of Bijapur, the master or overlord of both Shahji 
and Prataprao, that Shahji, father of Sivaji, belonged 
to the same family as Mudhol sets at rest all doubts 
regarding the descent of Shahji. It is proved that 
Shahji, father of Sivaji was descended from the same 
ancestor as had obtained the grant of the Mudhol State 
and whose descendants are still Rajas of Mudhol. 
The Farmans granted to the Rulers of the Mudhol 
State given above, show that the rulers of that State 
were direct descendants of Rana Sajjan Singh, who 
had left Mewar to seek his fortune in the Deccan. 
And as Shahji was also descended from Rana Bahirav 
Singh who was the first to be given the fief of Mudhol, 
it is established beyond doubt that Shahji and his son 
Sivaji were direct descendants of Rana Sajjan Singh 
son of Rana Ajaisingh of Mewar. 

An almost irrefutable proof of the fact that Sivaji 
was a lineal descendant of Rana Sajjan Singh who had 
migrated to the Deccan from Sisoda (Mewar) is the 
fact that oivaji's ancestors, from DalSpsingh son of 
Sajjansingh to Bhimsingh ail bore the title of 'Rana', 
which was the hereditary title of the rulers of the 
Sisoda branch of the Chitor family and which later 
became the title of the sovereigns of Mewar after the 
accession of the Sisodias to the throne of Chitor. 


This title 'Rana' was transformed into Raja by the 
command of Sultan Muhammad Shah Bahmani II in 
1471 A.D, It is noteworthy fchat history does not 
know of any Sardars or Chieftains amongst the 
indigenous Mahrattas, who ever bore the hereditary 
title of Rana, which is a distinctive Rajputana title. 
The Farmans quoted above give an unbroken chain 
of the descendants of Rana Sajjansingh who bore 
this title. 

All these Farmans in original are in the possession 
of the Raja of Mudhol, and their photographic copies 
may be seen in Pandit Graurishankar's collection, Ajmer. 

The portraits of Sajjansingh, Dalipsingh, Karan- 
singh, Maloji and Pratapsingh given in Apte's History 
of Mudhol show that they kept up in the Deccan 
the dress of the Sisodia Rajputs of Mewar, and that 
in that dress they can hardly be distinguished from 
the Mewar nobles. 


See the conquering hero comes. 

NATHANIEL LEE, Theodosius. 

"THERE is no spot in Rajputana", says Colonel'Tod, 
"that does not contain some record of the illustrious 
Chauhan ; and though every race has had its career of 
glory, the sublimity of which, the annals of the Sisodias 
before the reader sufficiently attest, yet with all my 
partiality for those with whom I long resided, and ivith 
whose history I am best acquainted, my sense of justice 
compels me to assign the palm of martial intrepidity 
to the Chauhan over all the u royal races" of India. 
Even the bards, to whatever family they belong, appear 
to articulate the very name as if imbued with some 
peculiar energy, and dwell on its terminating nasal 
with peculiar complacency. Although they had 
always ranked high in the list of chivalry, yet the 
seal of the order was stamped on all who have the 
name of Chauhan, since the days of Prithviraja, the 
model ot every Rajput and who had a long line of 
fame to maintain. Of the many names familiar to 
the bard is Goga of Bhatinda who with forty-seven 
sons " drank of the stream of the sword " on the 
banks of the Sutlege, in opposing Mahmud of 
Ghazni." 2 

The Clmuhans rose and fell before the Gehlots 
or the Sisodias attained to fame and before the 
Rathors had their birth in Rajputana. They stemmed 

1 lleprinted (and enlarged) from the Vedic Magazine and Gurukula 
SamacTiar of Anrin V. S. 3969, (October 1912 A.D.) 
'Tod's Rajasthan, VoL I, p. 549, (Cal. Ed. 1877). 


the tide of Afghan aggression for a very long time 
until they were finally submerged in the fateful 
year 1192 A.B. From the seventh to the thirteenth 
century A. 1). they adorned the annals of Rajputana 
with deeds of chivalry and valour, which found their 
highest expression in the chivalrous career of 
Emperor Prithviraja, which put a seal on their 
position at the head of Rajput hierarchy, and earned 
for them the undisputed title to the crown of Rajput 

Emperor Visaldeva IV, also called Vigraharaja, 
was the ^second son of Arnoraja or Anhaldeva, (also 
called Anaji) king of Sapudlaksha, as the kingdom 
of Ajmer was then called, and came to the throne 
about A.D. 1152, after expelling his elder brother, 
the parricide Jugdeva. Both Jugdeva and Visaldeva 
were sons of Arnoraja by his queen Sudhava 
of Marwar. By his second queen Kanchandevi, the 
daughter of the celebrated Sidhraj Jai Singh, king 
of Gujrat, Arnoraja had a third son, named 
Someshwara, the father of the renowned Emperor 

Visaldeva' s reign is a landmark not only in the 
history of the Chauhan Rajputs but also in the history 
of India. He was the first Chauhan Emperor of 
India. He reduced to submission the various kings of 
Hindustan. The principalities of Pali, Jalor and Nadole 
(the last, once an independent Chauhan kingdom) had 
during the time of Arnoraja acknowledged the suze- 
rainty of the Gujrat king Kumarpal and transferred 
their allegiance to him. Visaldeva therefore attacked 
them. He " burnt Jalor, reduced Pali to a hamlet 
and Nadole to a marsh/' 1 All these were once 
Chauhan feudatories of Ajmer, and Viealdeva once 
more reduced them to their original status, and 

1 Seethe Bijolian inscription dated the Samvat year 1226, (A. D. 1169), 


compelled them to look to Ajmer rather than to 
Anhilwara Patan for protection and safety. 

Visaldeva conquered Delhi from the Tanwars and 
made the king of Delhi a feudatory of Ajmer. He 
then advanced further north and then towards the 
East and drove the Musalmans out of Hindustan 
and became Emperor of India. 

There is difference of opinion as regards the date 
of his conquest of Delhi. It has been placed by 
various authorities between A. D. 1139 and 1166. 
As a matter of fact, the event took place sometime 
between A. D. 1153 and 1163; for, according to 
an inscription 1 in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 
Visaldeva was making preparations, in Ajrner to move 
towards Delhi and the north in A. D. 1153; arid the 
inscription on the famous Siwalik Pillar in Delhi 2 
dated the 9th April 1164 says that the Emperor had 
conquered the whole of Hindustan. 

The Bijolian Inscription also disposes of another 
popular error that Prithviraja of Ajmer got Delhi 
by inheritance when he was adopted as son by 
king Anangpal of Delhi. It is now clear that 
it was not Prithviraja who got Delhi, as wrongly 
stated in the famous Prithviraja Rasa, but his father's 
elder brother, Visaldeva, who had conquered it, and 
who, by extending his conquests to the whole of 
Upper India, was the first of the Chauhan Emperors of 
India the Chauhans being the last of the Kshtriya 
races who became Lords Paramount of India. This 
fact has now been proved beyond doubt by the 
Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription. 

The history of this pillar called the Delhi 
Siwalik Pillar is a chequered one. Built by Emperor 

1 For this inscription, see Dr. Kielliorn, Indian Antiquary, Vol. xx, 
p. 201. 

3 See Indian Antiquary, Yol. xix p. 215 ; and Asiatic Be$earche8, 
Vol. viii, p. 130. 


Asoka nearly three hundred years before Christ, it 
has seen many a dynasty come and go in India. 
It is a single shaft of pale pinkish sandstone, 42 ft. 
7 inches in length, of which the upper portion, 35 ft. 
in length, has received a very high polish. Its 
upper diameter is 25-3 inches and its lower diameter 
38*8 inches, the diminution being 3-9 inches per foot. 
Its weight is rather more than 27 tons. 

This celebrated pillar was originally erected at a 
place called Topar Suk or Topur or Tobra and was 
situated on the bank of the Jumna in the district 
of Salora near Khizrabad, 180 miles from Delhi. 
This position at the foot of the mountains points out 
the present Khizrabad on the Jumna just below the 
spot where the river issues from the lower range of 
hills. Salora is perhaps Sidhoni, only a few miles 
to the west of Khizrabad. Visaldeva, after conquering 
the territories from Vindhya to the Himalayas reached 
this place at the foot of the latter mountain, and seeing 
this pillar there had his inscriptions engraved on it. 
From this place it was removed to Delhi about A.D. 1356, 
by Firoz Shah Tuglak (A.D. 1357-88) The pillar was 
conveyed by land on a truck to Khizrabad from whence 
it was floated down the Jumna to Ferozabad or New 
Delhi and fitted on the top of the three-storied 
building called Firozshah's Kotilla. When it was 
fixed, " the top was ornamented with black and 
white stonework surmounted by a gilt pinnacle 
from which it received its name of Minar Zarin or 
Golden pillar. This gilt pinnacle was still in its place 
in A. D. 1611 when William Finch came to Delhi." 1 

This pillar was one of several such put up in 
the middle of the third century B. c. by Emperor 
Asoka for the promulgation of his edicts in the Pali 
language. The Asoka inscription on it ends with a 

1 Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. I., p. 164. 


;entence in which the Emperor directs the setting 
ip of these monoliths in different parts o India as 
follows : " Let this religious edict be engraved on 
Jtone pillars and stone tablets that it may endure 
:or ever." 

The other inscriptions on it are those of 
Emperor Visaldeva. They are three in number and 
ire of great historical importance. The first is imme- 
liately above Asoka's edicts, and the other two 
mmediately below them. The upper one is engraved 
n much larger characters than the lower ones. 

An impression o these inscriptions was presented 
to the Asiatic Society of Bengal by Lt.-Col. Polier, 
ind from it an account and partial translation of the 
ascriptions as explained by lladhakant Sharma were 
;iven in 1788 A.D. in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. I, 
Dp. 379-382. Another impression of the inscriptions 
prepared under the supervision of Captain James 
Joare was presented to the same society in the 
)eginning of the 19th century. These inscriptions with 
in English translation by H. T. Colebrooke was 
Dublished in 1801 A. D in the Asiatic Researches, 
Vol. VII, pp. 179-181. Captain Wilford referring to 
;hem in Vol. IX, pp. 188-189, pointed out that 
Visaldeva was mentioned also in the Sarangadhra 
Paddhati nearly in the same words with the inscrip- 
tions. On this, Colebrooke amended his reading of 
:he text See his Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II, 
pp. 232* 237; see also Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I, 
D. 325. Later, Mr. Fleet supplied correct impressions 
ind photo-Lithographs of these inscriptions to 
Professor Kielhorn who has edited them in the 
Indian Antiquary^ 

The first inscription covers a space of about 1' 11" 

1 Professor F. Kielhorn of Gottingen in the Indian Antiquary for 
uly, 1890, Page 215. 


broad by from 8" to 10" high ; and the size of the 
letters is between 2" and 2". The second covers a 
space of about 3' 10" broad by about 8" high ; and 
the size of letters is i". The third covers a space of 
about 5' broad by about 1' V high ; and the size of the 
letters is about If in the first four, and about 1" in 
the remaining two lines. Throughout, the writing is 
well preserved, so that the actual reading of the text 
of the inscription is nowhere in the least doubtful. 
The characters are Nagri, with nothing renmrkable 
about them except that the sign for bh shows a rather 
peculiar form e.g. in Sakambhnri-bhupati, in the first 
inscription, line 2, which we meet again, e.y., in the 

* Palam Baoli' inscription of the Vikrama year 1337. 
All the three inscriptions were evidently written by 
the same writer, the Kayastha Sripati, a son of 
Mahava, of Gor descent (third inscription, line 5). 
The language of the inscriptions is Sanskrit; the first 
is in prose; the second in verse; and of the third, 
lines 1-4 are in verse, and lines 5-6 in prose. As 
regards Orthography the consonant b is denoted by 
the sign for v in the word vrute in the third 
inscription, line 3, the only word in which it occurs. 

In the * Palam Baoli' inscription of the Vikrama 
year 1337, which has been already mentioned above, 
we are told that the country of Hariyanaka, to which 

* Delhi' belonged, was first ruled by the Tomaras, 
afterwards by the Ohauhans, and later by the Saka- 
rulers, i.e. the Muhammadans. And similarly, the 
Delhi Museum inscription of the Vikrama year 1384 
relates that 'Dhillika' was founded by the Tomaras, 
and that it was afterwards the residence of Chahamanas, 
until it was conquered by the Mlechchha Sahabadin. 
Our inscriptions show that the Chahamana Visaldeva- 
Vigraharaja, king of Sakambhari (or Sambhar), had 
conquered a considerable tract of country even beyond 
Delhi, and had apparently checked for a time the 


progress o the Muhammadan invaders by whom his 
own descendants were defeated twenty seven years 
after the date of these inscriptions. 


The first inscription simply says : " Samvat 1220, 
Vaisakh Sudi 15th (9 April 1164 A.D.), this monument 
is of the Lord of bakambhari, Sri (illustrious), Visaldeva, 
the son of Sri (illustrious) Anhaldeva." 

The second inscription is a eulogy of Visaldeva 
and says that when he goes on an expedition he 
resembles Vishnu. 1 It says: 

" Om; tears are evident in the eyes of (thy) enemy's 
consort ; blades of grass are perceived between thy 
adversary's teeth ; thy fame fills with glory all 
space; the minds of thy foes are void (of hope); 
their route is the desert where men are hindered 
from passing, Vigraharajdeva, when the Jubilee of 
thy onward march has come. May thy abode, 
Vigraha, Sovereign of the Earth, be fixed, as in reason 
it ought, in the bosoms (akin to the mansion of 
dalliance) of the women with beautiful eyebrows, who 
were married to thy enemies. There is no doubt of thy 
being the highest of embodied souls. Didst thou 
not sleep in the lap of Sri (prosperity) whom thou 
didst seize from the ocean, having churned it." 

The third is the most important of all and says: 
"In the year 1220 (9th April, 1164), on the fifteenth day 
of the bright half of the month of Vaisakh (this 
monument) of the fortunate Visaladeva, son of the 
fortunate Anhaldeva, king of Sakambhari. As far as 
the Vindhya, as far as the Himadri (Himalayas) having 
achieved conquest in the course of travelling to Holy 
places ; striking at the haughty kings and gracious to 
those whose necks are humbled, making Aryavarta 

1 Atiatic Researche$ % Vol. viii, p. 130. 


once more what its name signifies (Land of Aryas), 
by causing the barbarians (Mlechhas) to be exter- 
minated j Visaldeva, supreme ruler of Sakambhari 
and sovereign of the Earth, is victorious in the 
world. This conqueror, the fortunate Vigraharaja, 
king of Sakambhari, most eminent of the tribe which 
sprang from the arms (of Brahma) now addresses his 
own descendants ; ' by us the region of the earth 
between Himavat and Vindhya has been made 
tributary; let not your minds be void of exertion 
to subdue the remainder/ In the year, from Sri 
Vikramaditya, 1220 on Thursday the 15th day of the 
bright half of the month of Vaisakh. This was written 
by order of the king in the presence of the astronomer 
Sri Tilak Raja, by Sripati, the son of Mahava, a 
Kayastha of the Gor family. At this time the fortunate 
Salakshana Pala, a Kaja-putra is prime minister. 
Siva the terrible, and the universal monarch." I 

This proud boast of Visaldeva that he had 
exterminated the barbarians and made Aryavarta once 
more what its name implies, marks the birth of the 
Empire which attained its zenith of glory under 
Emperor Prithviraja, the beau ideal of Rajput chivalry. 
His earnest appeal to his successors to drive them 
beyond the borders of India, though unheeded by the 
first three of his successors, found an echo in the thril- 
ling heart of his nephew, the chivalrous Prithviraja, 
whose glorious exploits shed lasting lustre not only 
on Chauhan arms but on the whole Hindu race. 

This expulsion of the Musalmans from Hindustan 
occurred when the Yaminia dynasty of the Ghazni 
Sultans founded by Sultan Subuktagin was still 
reigning. Though the Musalman historians, as is 
customary with them, omit defeats and skip over 

1 See Professor F. Kielhorn's translation in the Indian Antiquary, 
July, 1890 A. D, p. 215. Also, Professor Colebrooke's translation in the 
Asiatic Researches, VoL viii, p. 130. 


reverses, and do not describe this event, it is clear that 
the Sultan who was driven out of Hindustan by 
Visaldeva was either the last but one of this line, 
the Khusrau Shah, who ascended the throne in A B. 
1150 and who, according to the TazHrat-ul-Maluk, 
returned from the Punjab to Ghazni subsequent to 
the retirement of Alaud-din Hasan, son of Hasan 
Ghori from Ghazni after plundering it; or, his son 
Khusrau Malik, the last of the descendants of 
Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni who had come to the 
Punjab in A. D. 1160, and who was eventually impri- 
soned and murdered by Sultan Muizzudin bin Sam, 
popularly known as Shahbuddin Ghori, in A. D. 1186. 1 

Visaldeva's immense army, as stated in the stone 
inscriptions in the Eajputana Museum, Ajmer, (Lalita 
Vigraharaja Natak of the poet Someshwara), consisted 
of one thousand elephants, a hundred thousand cavalry, 
and several lakhs of infantry. His Prime Minister 
appears to have been one Sulakhshanapdl. 3 

Visaldeva founded a number of towns in different 
parts of his dominions and named them all Visalpur. 
One of them still stands about seven miles to the south- 
west of Thoda, at the south-west corner of the Girwar 
mountain range in Mewar. Its situation is striking. 
It lies at the mouth of the chasm-like gorge which runs 
through the range to Raj Mahal. The Dai and Khari 
rivers here join the Banas and form a triveni and the 
united streams then run through the pass to the east of 
the range. The pass is very narrow at each end with 
high precipitous cliffs closely approaching each 
other from the opposite sides, but it widens out into a 
great mountain-girded amphitheatre in the centre, 
where the Banas river in the rainy season forms a great 
lake called Anasagar, after Visaldeva's father Anaji. 

1 Duff's Chronology, p. 165. 

The Indian Antiquary, Vol. xx, p. 201. 


" At the entrance to the pass is the temple of Visaldeva 
undefiled by the Muslim, which contains inscriptions 
of Emperor Prithviraja, dated Sam vat 1231 and 1244 
(A. D. 1174 and 1187)." 

Emperor Visaldeva was a monarch as much distin- 
guished for letters as for valour. Like the Roman 
emperor Marcus Aurelius or Sri Harshadeva who 
flourished in the sixth century A. D., his literary 
achievements rivalled his military glory, and show that 
he was as pre-eminent in arts of peace as in deeds of arms. 

Visaldeva was a great poet. Fragments of his drama 
" Harakeli Natak" engraved on slabs of blackstone 
found buried in the courtyard of the Adhai Din ka 
Jhonpra at Ajmer in 1875 A. D., prove his scholarship. 


Emperor Visaldeva- Vigraharaja has left two 
memorials of his memorable reign in Ajmer. The 
first is the College built by him which was converted 
into a mosque during the time of Qutbuddin Aibak 
and Sultan Shamsuddin Altamash and is now known as 
the Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra. From an antiquarian as 
well as an architectural point of view, the Jhonpra 
is one of the most important buildings in India. 
General Cunningham the first Director- General of 
Archaeology, says: "There is no building in India 
which either for historical interest or archaeological im- 
portance is more worthy of preservation. 5 ' 1 Colonel Tod 
holds it to be " one of the most perfect as well as the 
most ancient monuments of Hindu architecture" 2 still 

In its conception and execution, this building was 
a fit monument of the reign of Emperor Visaldeva. 
As a work of art, it was an exquisite ornament of the 
Capital of his Empire. As a specimen of Hindu 

1 Annals and Antiquities of RajastJian, Vol. i, p. 778. 

9 Cunningham's Archaeological Survey'Btportot el i, p. 456. 


sculpture, this college building marks the high water- 
mark of excellence attained in the art. " For gorgeous 
prodigality of ornament, beautiful richness of tracery, 
delicate sharpness of finish, laborious accuracy of 
workmanship, endless variety of detail, all of which 
are due to the Hindu masons, this building'', says 
General Cunningham, " may justly vie with the noblest 
buildings which the world has yet produced. >u 

Mr. Fergusson 2 says: "As examples of surface deco- 
ration, the Jhonpra and the mosque of Altamash at Delhi 
are probably unrivalled. Nothing in Cairo or in Persia 
is so exquisite in detail, and nothing in Spain or Syria 
can approach them for beauty of surface decoration." 

The building was originally constructed as a 
College house. It was built in the form of a square 
259 feet each side, with cloisters on all the four sides 
enclosing a spacious court-yard, and four splendid 
star-shaped cloister towers on the four corners, 
surmounted by magnificent chhatrees. The building 
stood on a high terrace, and was originally constructed 
against the scarped rock of the hill, having the 
Saraswati Mandir (Temple of Learning) on the western 
side, and entrances towards the south and east. The 
interior consisted of a quadrangle 200 feet by 175 feet. 
A comparison of this building with an almost similar 
one at Dhar also converted into a rnosque, and which is 
still known as Raja Bhoja's Pathshala (School), would 
remove all lingering doubts regarding its origin. The 
towers, the exquisitely-designed fluting and ornamental 
bands of the columns, and the wonderful cloisters in the 
shape of a quadrangle, which originally extended to 
770 feet, and of which only 164 feet are now left, 
were destroyed by the ignorant bigotry and fanaticism 
of the Afghans of Grhor, who attacked Ajmer under 
Shahabuddin Ghori in 1192 A. D. 

1 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. ii, p. 263. 
a History of Eastern and Indian Architecture, p. 


They then began to convert it into a mosque; the 
alteration consisted principally of the addition of the 
magnificent screen-wall, consisting of seven arches 1 
fronting the western side, and the insertion in the 
back wall, of the inevitable mehrab or arch inseparable 
from a mosque, and the erection of a pulpit or mimbar 
near it. The imamgah or mehrab in white marble 
was built in 1199 A. D., and the screen wall was added 
during the time of Sultan Shamsuddin Altamash, about 
1213 A. D. The conversion was carried on under the 
management of different persons, the names of two of 
whom are recorded Abubaker, the son of Ahmad 
(1200 A. D.), and Ahmad, son of Muhammad the Aariz. 
Thus, the work of reconstruction or conversion took 
more than fifteen years from 1199 to 1213 A. T>. 

The Western side of the quadrangle is a 
vast pillared hall 248 feet long by 40 feet wide, 
covered by a flat recessed roof, which is divided into 
nine octagonal compartments corresponding with the 
seven arches of the screen wall and the two corners of 
the cloisters. In this hall there are five rows of 
columns, of which one row is placed against the back 
wall. Altogether there are 70 pillars now standing. 
These pillars have a greater height than those at the 
Kutub, and are more elegant in their sculpture and 
general appearance than the converted mosques in 
Malwa and Ahmedabad. 3 

" After confessing and admiring the taste" says 
Colonel Tod, "of the vandal architect, we passed under 
the arch to examine the more noble production of the 
Hindu. Its plan is simple and consonant with all the 
more ancient temples of the Jains. It is an extensive 
saloon, the ceiling supported by a quadruple range of 
columns, those of the centre being surmounted by 

1 The number of columns of the pillared hall ill fit in with the size of 
the arches, and clearly shows what is old and what is new. 

2 Captain H. H. Cole's Preservation of National Monuments in 
Rajputana (1881). 


a range of vaulted coverings; while the lateral portion, 
which is flat, is divided into compartments. But the 
columns are most worthy of attention. They are 
unique in design, and with the exception of cave 
temples, probably among the oldest now existing in 
India. On examining them, ideas entirely novel, even 
in Hindu art, are developed. Like all these portions 
of Hindu architecture, their ornaments are very 
complex, and the observer will not fail to be struck 
with their similarity; it was evidently a rule in the 
art to make the ornaments of every part unlike the 
other, which I have seen carried to a great extent. 
There may be forty columns, but no two are alike. 
The ornaments of the base are peculiar both as to 
form and execution; the lozenges, with the rich 
tracery surmounting them, might be transferred, not 
inappropriately, to the Gothic Cathedrals of Europe. 
The projections from various parts of the shaft (which, 
on a small scale, may be compared to the corresponding 
projections of the columns in the Duomo at Milan), with 
the small niches still containing the statues, though 
occasionally mutilated, give them a character which 
strengthens the comparison, and which would be yet 
more apparent, if we could afford to engrave the details. 
The elegant Camacumpa, the emblem of the Hindu Ceres, 
with its pendant palmyra branches, is here lost, as are 
many emblematical ornaments, curious in design and 
elegant in their execution. Here and there occurs a 
richly-carved corbeille, which still further sustains the 
analogy between the two systems of architecture; 
and the capitals are at once strong and delicate. The 
central vault, which is the largest, is constructed after 
the same fashion as that described at Nadole; but the con- 
centric annulets, which in that are plain, in this are one 
blaze of ornaments, which with the whole of the ceiling 
is too elaborate and complicated for description." 1 

1 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. i, p. 780, 



The second memorial o Emperor Visaldeva is 
the lake built by him named Visalsar, and now called 
Vislya or Bislia. This beautiful lake was in old times, 
one o the two most notable and picturesque features 
of Ajmer. It is an artificial lake, oblong in shape. 

The celebrated Prithviraja Rasa says that the 
Emperor, returning from a hunt, one day finding 
springs of water and hills amidst beautiful surroun- 
dings called his ministers and ordered a lake like 
Pushkar to be built. 1 

I **t rat ^f 

And Visalsar was constructed accordingly. It received 
the overflow from the Anasagar, which had been built 
by Visaldeva's father, Anaji or Arnoraja(1135-1150 
A.D ) as well as water flowing down the western and 
northern slopes of Taragarh and the adjacent hills 
this side of Lakshmi Pol, through the Inderkot. It 
is about 2| miles in circumference. The surrounding 
embankment was faced in stone, with steps leading to 
the bottom of the lake. Temples and bouses stood all 
round, and there were two islands in the lake in 
which stood palaces for the king. 

Though the embankment remains all round in a 
more or less ruined state, as also the massive stairs on 
the eastern side a short distance from the water weir, 
nothing is left of the temples and buildings to mark 
the ancient grandeur of the place. 2 Images were extant 
on the embankment during the time of the Mahrattas 
(1790-1818 A.D.), which sent forth jets when the water 
rose to their lips. 

1 Prithviraja Rasa, Adiparva, Chhand 364. 

2 "The vestiges of an island are yet seen in the lake, and upon 
its margin; but the materials have been carried away by the Goths," 
Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 783. 


The islands are hopelessly ruined, though marks 
of a reservoir and foundations of buildings remind 
the spectator that in ancient times the Visalsar 
was a beautiful lake with island palaces fit to adorn 
the capital of an Emperor distinguished as much for 
letters as for valour. Up to the time of Jahangir the 
place had some pretensions to beauty, as the Emperor 
in his memoirs (Tuzake Jahangiri) says that while at 
Ajmer in 1615 A.D., he ordered repairs to be executed 
to the lake. 

The English church now stands on the south-west 
embankment of the lake, where once stood the temples 
of the sun-god. In the north-east corner of the lake, 
on the embankment, is an enclosure containing 
Chhatrees and Chabutras built over the remains of 
the ancestors of the Osival Seths called the Dddd bari 
(ancestors' enclosure). 


Ten inscriptions of the time of Visaldeva have so far 
been found, three on the Siwalik Pillar at Delhi of the 
year A.D. 1164; one, on a pillar in the Bhuteshwar 
temple in Lohari village in Mewar dated the Samvat 
year 1211 (A.D. 1154) stating that Vishneshwara Pragya 
Acharya of the Shaiva religion bestowed a golden dome 
to the Siddeshwara temple, and six in the Adhai 
Din ka Jhonpra, Ajmer. 

Of these six inscriptions, two are very small ones 
and are engraved on the lintels of the two small stair- 
cases by the back wall of the cloistered hall, leading 
from the roof of the hall to the top of the Imamgah 
Mehrab of white marble. The one in the northern 
stair-case is fading fast, while the other one is in good 
condition, ^and is rft ftfuptra $8R ssrifewwdHfiH, which 
means: "This building was constructed by the illus- 
trious King Vigraharajadeva." The other one simply 
says, "Made by the illustrious King Vigraharaja." 


The remaining four, recovered in 1875-76 A.D., 
consist of six tablets of polished basalt, inscribed in 
Devanagri of the twelfth century A.D., and are more or 
less in fragments. Four of these tablets contain frag- 
ment of two old plays in Sanskrit and Prakrita, hitherto 
unknown. On slabs one and two are engraved parts 
of the play called the Lalita Vigraharaja Nataka, 
"The Lovely Play of Vigraharaja," composed by the 
learned poet Sornadeva, in honour of the Emperor 
Vigraharaja of Ajmer. Slabs three and four contain 
portions of a play by Emperor Vigraharaja himself in 
honour of Siva, called Harakeli Nataka, or the play 
of Hara (Siva). The play is partly in imitation of 
Bharavi's Kiratarjunlya. It also contains the praise 
of the Emperor by Siva for the play. The date of 
the play as given in the inscription, corresponds to 
Sunday, the 22nd November, 1153 A.D. 

These inscriptions were engraved by Bhaskar, son 
of Mahipati and grandson of Govinda (a favourite of 
King Bhoj), belonging to a family of Hun chiefs. 

The fifth inscription is engraved on a slab and is 
the beginning of a poem, the name of which is not 
given. It contains the Stuti, invocation to and praises 
of various devtas (gods), and finally comes to Surya, 
from whom, says the poem, the Chauhans are descended. 
The remaining portions appear to have been engraved 
on other stones, which undoubtedly still lie buried 
in the debris of the Jhonpra. This inscription is in 
pure Sanskrit language. 

The sixth inscription was evidently a Praasti 9 
concerning the Chauhan Kings of Ajmer. Only a 
few pieces of one of the slabs of the Prasasti have 
been found. This inscription mentions that "Ajmer 
was made for his residence by King Ajaideva," that 
he conquered Narvarma (King of Malwa) on the 
border of Avanti (Ujjain), and that after giving his 
throne to his son, he became a Vanaprasti and took 


up his abode in the forest of the sacred Pushkar. It 
is further stated that his son adorned the land of 
Ajmer with the blood of Turushkas, as a woman whose 
husband returns alive and victorious from war adorns 
herself in clothes of red Kusunhk colour. It is also 
stated that the warriors of this king captured the 
elephants of the king of Malwa. The name Kumar 
Pal is also found engraved on one of the pieces, but 
for want of the next connected piece nothing further 
can be made out of this name. 

Pr. Kielhorn has edited the two inscriptions 
engraved on the first four of the slabs mentioned 
above, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol XX, p. 201-212. 
The first inscription engraved on slabs one and two, 
contains a portion of JJalita Vigraharaja Ndtaka. He 
say s:" The first slab contains thirty seven lines of writing 
which cover a space of about 3' 5" broad by I'll* high. 
The writing of lines 1-18 and 21-32 apparently is in 
a state of perfect preservation, though in the rubbing 
the first line is very indistinct. At the commencement 
of lines 33-36 some aksharas are mising, owing to 
the lower proper right corner of the stone having 
broken away. The lines 1 to 36 cover the whole 
breadth of the inscribed surface; the line 37 measures 
only 9|" in length, and is placed below the centre 
of the preceding line. The size of the letters is 
about jV'. The characters are Nagari of the twelfth 
century A.D. They were well and regularly written 
and carefully engraved by learned Bhaskara, the son 
of Mahipala. The languages employed in the inscrip- 
tion are Sanskrit and several Prakrita dialects. 

The inscription contains the end of the third act 
and a large portion of the fourth act of the Lalita- 
Vigraharaja Nataka. It opens with a conversation 
between Sasiprabha and the king (Vigraharaja), from 
which we may conclude that the king was in love with a 
daughter of a prince Vasantapala. The two lovers^ 


one o whom apparently has seen the other in a dream, 
being separated, Sasiprabha, a confidant of the lady, 
is sent to ascertain the king's feelings ; and, having 
attained her purpose, she is about to depart to gladden 
her friend with her tidings, when the king confesses 
that he cannot bear to part with Sasiprabha, and proposes 
to send Kalyanavati to the princess instead. Accord- 
ingly Kalyanavati is despatched with a love-message, 
in which the king informs the lady that his 
march against the king of the Turushkas, a battle 
with whom appears to be impending, will soon give 
him an opportunity of joining her. Suitable prepara- 
tions having been made for making Sasiprabha 5 s stay 
with the king comfortable, the latter goes to 
attend to his mid-day ceremonies. Thus ends 
the third act. 

At the opening of the fourth act, two Turushka 
prisoners appear on the scene, which represents the 
camp of the King (Vigraharaja) of Sakambhari or a 
place close to it, in search of the royal residence. 
In their perplexity they luckily meet with a country- 
man, a spy, sent to the camp by the Turushka king. 
This man tells them how he has managed to enter the 
enemy's camp, in the guise of a beggar, together with 
a crowd of people who went to see the god 
Somesvara. fle also informs them that the army of 
the Chahamana (Vigraharaja) consists of thousand 
elephants, a hundred thousand horses, and a million of 
men; in fact, that by the side of it the ocean would 
appear dry. And having pointed out the king's 
residence, he departs. The two prisoners take their 
places near the royal quarters; they meet with the 
king, who is thinking of his beloved, address him (in 
rerses which unfortunately are greatly damaged in 
the text), and are sent away richly rewarded. 

Vigraharaja now expresses his surprise that his 
own spy, whom he has sent to the camp oi the 


Hammira, has not returned yet. But just then the spy 
comes back and informs his master of what he has 
been able to learn regarding the enemy's forces and 
his movements. According to his account, the 
Hammira's army consists of countless elephants, 
chariots, horses and men and his camp is well guarded. 
On the previous day it was three Yojanas distant 
from Vavveraa, the place where Vigraharaja then is, 
but it is now located at a distance of only one Yojana. 
There is also a rumour that the Hammira, having 
prepared his forces for battle, is about to send 
a messenger to the king. 

The spy having been dismissed, Vigraharaja sends 
for his maternal uncle, the Raja Simhabala, and, having 
explained the state of affairs, consults with him and 
his chief minister Sridhara as to what should be done. 
The cautious minister advises not to risk a battle with 
the powerful adversary. But the king, intimating 
that it is his duty to protect his friends, is too proud 
to enter upon peaceful negotiations, and is encouraged 
by Simhabala to act according to his own views. 
While they are still consulting, the arrival of the 
Hammira's messenger is announced. The stranger is 
admitted into the royal presence, expresses his wonder 
at the splendour and the signs of power which 
surround the king, is struck with Vigraharaja's own 
appearance, and cannot conceal from himself that the 
task entrusted to him will be a difficult one to perform. 

Here the inscription on the first slab ends. It may 
be assumed that Vigraharaja and the Hammira on the 
present occasion did not fight, and that the king 
eventually was united with his lady-love. 

The second slab contains 38 lines of writing which 
cover a space of about 3' broad by 1/10* high, and 
contains a large portion of the first act and the beginning 
of the second act of the play. The writing appears to 
be well preserved, but the stone has several cracks by 


which some aksharas may have been damaged or lost. 

And from the commencement of the second act it 
appears that the name of Vasantapala's daughter, with 
whom Vigraharajadeva is represented to be in love, was 
Desaladevi; and from line twenty, that this princess 
resided in the north, near or at the town of Indrapura(P) 

The second inscription also consists of two slabs, 
slabs no. three and four. The third slab contains the con- 
cluding portion of the fifth act, called Kraunchavijaya, 
of the JTarakeli-nataka which in line 40, as well as in 
lines 32 and 35, is distinctly called the composition of 
the poet, the Mahdrdjddhirdfa and Paramesvara, the 
illustrious Vigraharajadeva of Sakambhari (line 37). 
It opens with a conversation, held by Siva, his wife 
Gauri, the Vidushaka, and a Pratihara, in which, so 
far as the fragmentary state of the inscription permits 
one to see, the worship rendered to Siva by Havana is 
spoken of with approval. Siva and his attendants 
then, for reasons which are not apparent turn into 
Sabaras or mountaineers. Noticing some fragrant 
smell, as of some oblation presented to him, the god 
despatches his attendant Muka to ascertain the cause of 
it. Muka returns and reports that Arjuna is preparing 
a sacrifice. He is told to assume the form of a 
Kirata, to go near Arjuna, and there to await Siva. 
As soon as he has left, Siva perceives that Muka and 
Arjuna, who were enemies before, begin fighting with 
one another. He therefore goes himself, as a Kirata, 
to assist his attendant; and behind the scene a terrible 
battle ensues between the god and Arjuna the 
progress of which is related to Gauri by the Pratihara 
and which ends with the god's acknowledging the 
valour of his opponent, and bringing him on to the 
stage. It is hardly necessary to say that the poet 
here has imitated the Kiratdrj aniya of Bharavi. 

The two deities, Siva and Gauri, reveal to 
Arjuna their real nature; and Arjuna asks their 


forgiveness for whatever he may have done to offend 
them, and praises Siva as the most supreme divine 
being. Siva, pleased with Arjuna's valour and piety, 
presents him with a mystical weapon and dismisses 
him. After Arjuna's departure, Siva tells Gauri that 
the poet Vigraharaja has so delighted him with his 
Harakeli-nataka that they must see him too. 
Vigraharaja then himself enters, and after a short 
conversation, in which he pleads in favour of his 
Harakeli ; and the god assures him of the pleasure 
which that play has afforded to him, and tells him that 
his fame as a poet is to last for ever, he is sent home 
to rule his kingdom of Sakarnbhari, while the god with 
his attendants is proceeding to Kaila^a. 

The fourth slab contains 41 lines of writing which 
cover a space of about 3'1J" broad by 2' 2" high and 
contain portions of the second and third acts of the 
play. Of this inscription too the writing appears on 
the whole to be well preserved. 

Dr. Kielhorn says (Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, 
p. 203) ; "The metres of the twenty eight verses which 
my extracts contain are Sardulavikridita(in ten verses), 
Vasantatilaka (in seven verses), Sikharini (in four 
verses), Sragdhara (twice), and Anushtubh, Arya, 
Pushpitagara, Harini, and Mandakranta (once each). 
None of these verses occurs in either Sarngadhara's 
Paddhati or Vallabhadeva's Subhashitavali, and 
Professor Pischel, informs me that none is quoted in 
any of the work on Alamkara, accessible to him". 

Dr. Kielhorn Says: l ' The Prakrita dialects employed 
in the first inscription are besides the ordinary 
Sauraseni, Maharashtri, in the two Arya verses recited 
by the lady &aiprabha, in lines 2 and 3, and 
Magadhi, spoken by the two Turushka prisoners 
arid the Turushka spy, in lines 13-18. According to 
Professor Pischel, to whom I have submitted the 
Prakrita passages with my Sanskrit translations and 


to whom I am indebted for several suggestions, the 
Prakrit furnished by this inscription is highly intrest- 
ing, because it agrees more closely with the rules laid 
down by Hemachandra, than is the case with the 
Prakrita of any of the known plays. 

These inscriptions serve a threefold purpose. 
Firstly, they show that Vigraharaja (Visaldeva) fought 
against the invaders o India from the north-west, 
and thus supports the Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription 
of the same monarch, and tends to show that the event 
took place about 1153 A.D. or soon after it- Secondly, 
they show that Visaldeva was not only a great king but 
was a great scholar and poet, and was a patron of learn- 
ing. ''Actual and undoubted proof is h^re afforded," 
says Dr. Rielhorn, "to us of the fact that powerful 
Hindu rulers of the past were eager to compete with 
Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti for poetical fame." 1 

Thirdly, the inscriptions help us in fixing the date 
of the building, which would be sometime before 
1153 A.D. ; and if we remember the design of, and 
similar inscriptions in the famous Pathshala of King 
Bhoj, which was evidently the prototype of the Adhai- 
din-ka-Jhonpra, also in showing that the building was 
originally a college building. 

J Dr. Kielhorn adds: "And it shows the strange vicissitudes of 
fortune that the stones on which a royal author, who could boatt of 
having repeatedly exterminated the barbarians (Turushkas, Musalmans) 
and conquered all the land between the Vindhya and the Himalaya, made 
known to his people the products of his Muse, should have been used 
as common building material" by the descendants of those barbarians 
Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX., p. 201. 


Breathes there the man, with soul so dead, 
Who never to himself hath said, 
This is my own, my native land ! 

SCOTT, Lay of the Last Minstrel. 

THE Afghans were in possession of Chitor. "This 
repository of all that was precious, yet untouched, of 
the arts of India, was stormed, sacked and treated with 
remorseless barbarity 2 by Alla-ud-din, the Khilji 
Sultan of Delhi. This was the first occasion that this 
far-famed fortress passed out of the hands of the 
"Children of the Sun." The llth of Muharrum A.H. 703 
(25th August, 1303 A. D.) 3 was the day of the first 
Saca of Chitor. Rana Ratan Singh, before meeting his 
glorious death while defending the ancient heritage of his 
forefathers, had laid on the survivors, the sacred duty 
of recovering Chitor and not resting till it was in the 
possession of its rightful sovereigns. No lineal descen- 
dant of Ratan Singh surviving his death, Lakshman 
Singh the head of the Rana branch of the Gehlots 
succeeded him. But he also with his eldest son, Ari 
Singh, died bravely defending the Capital of his race. 
His younger son, Ajai Singh, was severely wounded 
and was carried away to the hills of Kailwara, where 
the Jati of Sanderao treated his wounds 4 and saved 
his life. 

1 Reprinted from The Hindustan Review for April, 1917. 

Q Tod 1 s Annals and Antiquities of Rajaathan, p, 262. (First Edition). 

8 Duff's Chronology, p. 211. 

4 Kaviraj Shyamaldas' Ftr Vinod, p. 289. 


The descendants of the Jati have ever since been 
treated with distinction and respect by the Mahdranas of 
Chitor. Ajai Singh thus became the Rana of Mewar, 
but he was Rana only in name ; for, the whole of the 
country except small portions of it situated near the 
hills of Kailwara had passed out of his hands. Kail- 
wara is at the highest part of one of the most extensive 
valleys of the Aravalli, termed the Sher Nallo, the 
richest district of this Alpine region. Surrounded by 
his faithful adherents, Ajai Singh cherished for future 
occasion the wrecks of Mewar. Nay, he issued from 
the hills with his followers, ravaged the country neat 
Chitor, delivered attacks on the fortress whenever 
occasions offered themselves and made the lives of the 
Sultan's officers in the fortress, unused to this guerrilla 
warfare, a burden to them. 

Sultan Alla-ud-din Khilji had on the reduction of 
Chitor conferred it on his eldest son, Prince Khizr Khan, 
whom he publicly proclaimed his successor to the throne. 
The Sultan, however, soon found that he could not long 
keep Chitor; and seeing that it could only be kept by a 
Rajput chieftain, ordered Khizr Khan to evacuate it, and 
entrusted it to the care of Sonigraha Maldeva 1 brother 
of the famous Chauhan king, Rao Kanhardeva of Jalor. 

Ajai Singh had two sons, Sajjan Singh and Kshem 
Singh. While Ajai Singh was devising means to 
recover his patrimony, the well-known Munja Balecha 
$ chieftain of God war began to plunder the small tract 
of Mewar that had remained with the Maharana. The 
Maharana was ill : he ordered his two sons to punish the 
Balecha, but they could do nothing and the Balecha 
continued his depredations. The Rana was confined to 
his bed and was very sore at the incapacity of his sons. 
His anxieties helped his illness and he became weaker and 
weaker when one day a follower of Ari Singh reminded 

1 Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 363. Duff's Chronology, p. 211. 


the Rana o Ari Singh's young son, who was living in 
the village of Unwa) saying that, that valiant son o a 
valiant father would ; probably minister to the aching 
heart of the chief. Hammir was the son, destined to 
redeem the promise of the genius of Chitor and the lost 
honours of his race. His birth and early history fill 
many a page of the history of Mewar. Ajai Singh 
summoned Hammir, who answered the call and presen- 
ted himself before the Rana. The Rana was greatly 
gratified at seeing in Hammir, though a boy of 13 or 14, 
a young man of great physical strength and high 
courage whose dignified bearing gave promise of a 
spirit that could deal successfully with the foes that had 
surrounded Mewar. He was ordered to punish Munja. 
Hammir accepted the commission. Promising to give 
Munja his deserts, he departed with the faithful adhe- 
rents of the Maharana. "Hearing that Munja was 
present in the Semari village of Godwar in an assembly 
of his caste, Hammir lost no time in attacking him 
there. In a few days, Hammir was seen entering the 
Kailwara pass with Munja's head at his saddle bow. 
Modestly placing the trophy at his uncle's feet, he 
exclaimed " Recognize the head of your foe! " Ajaisi, 
overjoyed, kissed the future hero. Remembering the 
last behest of his father, Rana Lakshman Singh, that 
when he attained ''one hundred years/' (figuratively 
death) the son of his elder brother Ari Singh should 
succeed him, and clearly observing that Hammir alone 
possessed the qualities requisite for the redemption of 
the land of his fathers, the Rana handed his own sword 
to him and drew the raj tilak on Hammir's forehead 
with the blood from the head of Munja, saying that 
he alone was fit to wrest Chitor back from its foes. 

Sajjan Singh and Kshem Singh, sons of Ajai Singh, 
who were thus superseded left Kailwara and migrated 
towards the Deccan, where there descendants founded 
ihe kipgdoms of Satara, Kolhapur, Sawantbadi, Tatijare 


and Nagpur, and "avenged some of the wrongs the 
parent country had sustained, and eventually over- 
turned the monarchy of Hindustan; for Sajansi (Sajjan 
Singh,) was the ancestor of Sivaji, the founder of the 
Satara throne." 

Such was the advent of Hammir in the public arena 
of Me war. He had inherited from his father the love 
of independence and the reckless bravery of the Gehlot, 
and from his mother, the chivalry, the high spirit and 
the fearlessness of a Chauhan, His mother was a 
woman of remarkable character and courage and was 
married to the heir-apparent of Rana Lakshinan Singh 
under circumstances that call to mind the marriage, in 
later times, of the mother of the renowned Kathor 
leader Durgadas, son of Askaran. 

Ari Singh, the eldest son of Rana Lakshman Singh, 
was on a hunting expedition towards the western hills 
in the Kailwara district with gome young chiefs of the 
court, and in the hunt, wounded a wild boar which had 
entered for refuge a field of maize. Ari Singh 
came in pursuit and, with his horse, was about to plunge 
into the field, when a young girl, who was looking 
after the field on behalf of her father, asked him not to 
spoil the cultivation, herself offering to drive out the 
game. Pulling a stout stalk of maize, which grew to 
the height of ten or twelve feet, she pointed it and 
mounting the platform made to watch the corn, impaled 
the hog and dragged him before the hunters and 

Though accustomed to feats of strength and heroism 
from the nervous arms of their countrywomen, the act 
surprised them. They descended to the stream at 
hand under the shade of an ample mango tree and pre- 
pared the repast, as is usual, on the spot. The feast was 
field and comments were passing on the fair arm which 
transfixed the boar, when a ball of clay from a sling 
fractured a limb of the prince's steed. Looking in the 


direction whence it came, they observed the same 
damsel, from her elevated stand preserving her field 
from aerial depradators ; but seeing the mischief she 
had occasioned, she descended to express her regret 
and then returned to her pursuit. As they were 
proceeding homewards, after the sport of the day, they 
again encountered the damsel, with a vessel of milk on 
her head and leading in either hand a young buffalo. 
It was proposed in frolic to overturn her milk, and one 
of the companions of the prince dashed rudely by her; 
but, without being disconcerted, she entangled one of 
her charges with the horse's limb and brought the 
rider to the ground. On enquiry, the prince learnt 
that she was the daughter of a poor Rajput of the 
Chandano tribe. He returned the next day to the same 
quarter and sent for her father, who came and took 
his seat with perfect independence close to the prince, 
to the merriment of his companions, which was checked 
by Ari Singh asking his daughter to wife. They were 

S3t more surprised by the demand being refused. The 
ajput, on going home told the more prudent mother, 
who made him recall the refusal and seek the prince. 
They were married and Hammir was the son of the 
Chandano Rajputni." 

When the Maharana (Lakshman Singh) and Ari 
Singh were killed in battle, the Chandano Rani began 
to pass her days with her little son like humble village 
people for fear of revealing Hammir's royal birth, until 
at the age of thirteen, he was suddenly called upon to 
leave his village and take up the burden of a kingdom- 
a kingdom to be won back on his shoulders. 

The day on which he assumed the ensigns of rule, 
he gave in the Tika dower the earnest of his future 
energy. He signalized the occasion by a rapid inroad 
into the heart of the country of the Balecha and cap* 
tured his stronghold, Passalio. 

Rana Ajai Singh was, saon assured that the fortunes 


of Mewar were in worthy hands and the anxiety for 
the future of his country that was keeping his soul a 
prisoner in the emaciated and worn-out frame, dis- 
appeared. In a few days, Ajaisi went to the abode of 
Indra and the son of Ari Singh unsheathed the sword, 
thence never a stranger to his hand. 

Unable by force of arms to expel the invaders from 
Mewar owing to their superiority in numbers and 
resources, Hammir made the whole country desolate and 
useless to them. Hammir made Kailwara his head- 
quarters and constructed a lake there still called after 
him the Hammir talao. Mewar being thus deserted, 
the people also migrated to the territory round Kail- 
wara. Kailwara can be reached after passing over 
several ranges and intricate defiles. Just behind it is 
a pass which leads to a most difficult and inaccessible 
retreat where Maharana Kumbha, the grandson of Maha- 
rana Lakha, who was Hammir's grandson later built in 
the fifteenth century the f arfamed fortress of Kumbhal- 
garh. The tract of Kailwara is well watered arid has 
abundance of pastures and excellent fruits and roots. 
It is three thousand feet above sea level and is about 
50 miles in breadth. Supplies can be obtained from 
Grujrat and Marwar and the Bhils through the passes 
in the Western declivity. The Bhils have ever been 
the friends and allies of the Rulers of Mewar, and 
guarded the safety of their families while they fought 
the enemy in the plains. They furnished a contingent 
of five thousand bowmen whenever required. Hammir 
devastated the plains and left to his enemies only the 
fortified towns in which alone they could live with any 
safety. He commanded all who loved Mewar to retire 
with their families to hills on pain of sharing the fate 
of the public enemy. He closed all mountain passes, 
made all roads impassible and turned the country into 
a veritable desert. Thus though the Sultan of Delhi 
Jhad given the whole of Mewar as Jagir to Maldeva 


Padhihar, yet all that remained to the Padhihar was 
the citadel of Chitor with his own and the Musalman 
garrison in it. The entire resources of the country 
having been laid waste by the ever vigilant arm of the 
Maharana, and the land being a constant prey to his 
parties who issued from the hill fastnesses carrying 
destruction with them, Maldeva, unable to carry on 
the administration of the country with the resources of 
the fortress, left Chitor in the charge of his officers 
and took up his residence at Jalor, his ancestral abode. 

Hammir attacked Chitor several times, but with all 
his brave efforts, failed to take it. The destructive 
policy adopted by Hammir was not without its effect 
on his own army. His resources also dwindled and 
many of his followers, unable to maintain themselves, 
left him. Hammir, Avishing to give rest to his suppor- 
ters, and collect sinews of war ceased his attacks, and 
later started with a handful of his faithful Rajputs, on 
a pilgrimage to Dwarka. Reaching the borders of 
Gujrat, he encamped at the village Khod, which 
belonged to the Charans. Hearing that in that village 
there resided a Charan lady by name Barudi, who could 
read the future and who was regarded by the whole 
village as an incarnation of Devi, the Rana went to 
visit her. Barudi, seeing the Maharana anxious and 
distressed, advised him to return to Mewar, saying <c 
hero, go back to Kailwara ; you will get back Chitor. 
Refuse not the offer of betrothal you will get, for, 
it will be the means of your getting back your country." 
The Rana said : "Bai (sister) how can we take Chitor, 
we, who have no horses to mount, no soldiers to fight 
with, and no money to provide food for us." Barudi 
said : "Hero, my son, Baru, will come with a caravan 
of horses to Kailwara: take the horses from him, think 
not of paying their price that you may do when you 
have money." 

The prophetic words of the Charan lady made a 


deep impression on the Maharana who immediately 
returned to Kailwara. The Barudi ordered his son to 
take a caravan of five hundred horses to Hammir at 
Kailwara, Baru was a rich dealer in horses and had a 
large number of them in his stables. He purchased 
some more and making up the number came to Kail- 
wara. Hammir was waiting for the caravan and at 
once took the horses and treated Baru with respect, 
and gave him the confidential post of " Keeper of the 
gate." He made him his Bdrhet and bestowed on him 
the village of Antri with several other villages, which 
are still enjoyed by his descendants. * 

In the meantime the ministers of Rao Maldeva 
submitted to him that his daughter had grown up and 
if they were permitted to do so, they would take leave 
to suggest to him the adoption of a policy which would 
be very useful. The Rao permitted them to speak 
freely. They said that though the Sultan of Delhi had 
given him the whole of Mewar, it was a country only 
in name ; for so long as Hammir Singh and his descen- 
dants lived, the land would yield to him not a shell. 
To keep Chitor under these conditions was to keep up 
unremunerative expenditure, without earning any 
credit for bravery. Their advice was that the Rao's 
daughter be married to Hammir, and the western part 
of Mewar which was hilly, barren, unproductive and 
difficult of access be given to him in dower for his 
maintenance and the rest of the country which was rich 
and fertile be kept to yield good profit. The Rao 
approved of this counsel and sent Mehta Juhad and 
Purohit Jaipal with Tika and large presents to Kail- 
wara, These men went to the Aravalli Hills and 
delivered the Rao's message to the Maharana, submit- 
ting with great respect that his father and grandfather 
had been killed by the Muslims, not by Maldeva; 

1 Kaviraj Bhyamaldas' Vir Vinod % p. 294. 


that no doubt his country was in the Rao's possession, 
but he was willing to give his daughter and some land 
to him and that he should accept the offer. Hammir's 
advisers regarded this as a snare to entrap him. Hammir, 
however, scouted every danger which gave a chance to 
recover Chitor. He cooly remarked on dangers pointed 
out. "My feet shall atleast tread in the rocky steps 
in tvhich my ancestors have moved. A Rajput should 
always be prepared for reverses; one day to abandon his 
abode covered with wounds, and the next to re-ascend 
with Mor (Crown) on his head." And, remembering the 
prophesy of Barudi he accepted the coconut. The 
Purohit and the Mehta requested the Rana to go 
with them to Jalor and celebrate the nuptials. The 
Rana mounted his followers on the horses of Baru 
Barhet and left for Jalor. The marriage was 
celebrated with the usual ceremonies; and Maldeva 
gave the Maharana the following eight pargannas in 
dower : Magra, Shernallah, Girwa, Godwar, Barath, 
Shyalpatti, Merwara and the Grhatta District. When 
the Rana returned to his residence with the bride, 
the Maharani Songiri who was a very sensible and 
wise lady declared to the Rana that her future was 
thenceforth bound up with him, not with her father, 
and that she would advise the Rana if he still 
desired to take Chitor to ask for the services of his 
minister Mehta Moji Ram, who was a very honest 
and wise man. Acting on her advice, the next 
morning, Maharana Hammir broached the subject to 
Maldeva saying that he had given him a large 
tract of country in dower, larger than he (Rana) 
ever expected, but that in his adverse circumstances 
he had not got a capable officer who could properly 
carry on the administration of the country. The 
Maharana added that he would be obliged if the Rao 
could give him Mehta Moji Ram. Maldeva was glad 
to hear this and liked the affectionate tone of the. 


Maharana. Thinking that if one of his own men 
was at the head of Rana's affairs, the chances of 
friction between them would be minimized, he sent 
fof Moji Ram and entrusting him to the Maharana 
told the Mehta that till that day he had been his 
(Rao's) servant, but that from that day he would be 
the Mahararia'a servant and that he should thence- 
forth consider his profit in the Rana's profit and 
his loss in the Maharana's loss. The Rao took the 
Mehta's hands and placing them in the Rana's said 
" from this day forth he is your servant/' The 
Harm returned with Moji Ram to his camp. As 
soon as they arrived, Moji Ram said ; " if you wish 
to accomplish the purpose for which you have asked 
me of the Rao, this is the time." The Rana assured 
him that he had his complete confidence and that the 
Rana was willing to do whatever he advised him to do. 
On hearing this, Moji Ram said that he had received 
Khabbar of a lion at a certain place and that they 
should immediately start. The Maharana with his 
Rajputs took to their horses and started ostensibly 
on a hunting expedition. The next day at midnight, 
they arrived at the gates of the fortress of Chitor. 
Moji Ram advanced and calling out the gatekeepers 
said; "I am Moji Ram, open the gates." As Moji 
Ram used often to go into the fort to disburse the pay 
of the garrison, the gatekeepers recognising his voice 
opened the gates. The Rana and his Rajputs rushed 
into the fortress as soon as the gates opened, slew 
those who showed opposition and turning out the 
others, he raised his standard on the fort. The 
Muhammadan officers were tied hand and foot and 
thrown over the walls of the fortress. The PacA- 
raftga once more flew over the ramparts of Chitor. 
At Jalor, Rao Maldeva awaited the return of the 
Rana from hunting; bat when twenty-four hours 
passed his suspicions were aroused, which were 


deepened when he heard that the Maharana had gone 
towards Chitor. He started for Chitor with his army 
arid his five sons Jaisa. Kirtipal, Banbir, Randhir 
and Kailan. The Rajputs flocked to Chitor on 
hearing that it was again in the Rana's possession. 
They received Maldeva with musket balls. Maldeva 
was defeated and returned to Jalor, After making 
suitable preparations he twice invaded Chitor, but 
was each time defeated. 

"The standard of the Sun once more shone 
refulgent from the walls of Chitor, and was the 
signal for return to their ancient abodes from their 
hills and hiding places to the adherents of Hammir. 
The valleys of Kumbhalmer and the western highlands 
poured forth their streams of men, while every chief 
of true Hindu blood rejoiced at the prospect of 
throwing off the barbarian yoke.' 3 Finding that he 
himself could not cope with the Maharana, Maldeva 
carried his complaint to Delhi where Muhammad 
Tughlak was on the throne The king listened to 
him and determined to recover the lost provinces. 
He left Delhi with a large army to conquer Chitor. 
He, however, unwisely took the eastern route to 
Mewar where numbers were rendered useless by the 
intricacies of the country. The king encamped at 
Singholi on the central of the three steppes which 
mark the physiognomy of the eastern plateau of 
Mewar. So powerful was the feeling in Rajputana 
in favour of the valiant Maharana, and with such 
activity and skill did Hammir follow up this favour 
of fortune that he advanced quite confident of 
success against the Sultan. The Maharana attacked 
the Sultan who was defeated and made prisoner. His 
army was annihilated and he suffered a confinement 
of three months in Chitor. 1 He purchased, hk 

1 Tod's Majasthan, Vol. I, p. 272. 


freedom by surrendering Ajmer, Ranthambhor, Nagor 
and Sawai Sheopur besides paying fifty lakhs of 
rupees and one hundred elephants. Hammir would 
exact no promise of cessation from further inroads, 
but contented himself with assuring the king that 
from such he should be prepared to defend Chitor, 
not within, but without the walls. 

Maldeva's grandson Hari Singh (Haridas) was 
killed by the Maharana himself in this battle, but 
Banbir, Maldeva's son offered henceforth to serve the 
Rana who assigned the districts of Neemuch, 
Ratanpur and Kairar to maintain the family of his 
wife in becoming dignity: while giving the grant, he 
remarked: "Prosper, render service and be faithful. 
You were once the servant of a Turk, but now of a 
Hindu of your own faith ; for I have but taken back 
my own the rock moistened by the blood of my 
ancestors, the gift of the deity I adore, and who 
will maintain me in it." Banbir proved worthy of 
the Maharana's confidence and in a few days, carried 
Bhainsror by assault, thus adding again to Mewar 
this ancient possession guarding the Chambal. The 
chiefs of Rajputana rejoiced once more to see a 
Hindu take the lead, paid willing homage and aided 
him with service, when required. 

The Rana had not forgotten the prophetic Barudi 
of Khod. As soon as he was firmly established at 
Chitor, he invited her there and kept her in the fortress 
shewing her great respect and consideration. On 
her death, the Rana built in her memory a temple, 
which stands to this day and is known as the Anna 
Poorna temple. 1 Rao Maldeva died soon after this, 
and the Maharana on receiving a request from 
Maldeva's queen and his own queen Songiri, sent 
for the -latter to Chitor. She brought with her, sent 

1 Kaviraj Shyamaldas Vir Vinod, p. 298 


by her mother, three things which were regarded as 
magical by the people, having been given to Maldeva 
by the deaf yogini a skull, a garland ($^) and a 
sword, which latter is still annually worshipped at 
Udaipur with great ceremony, during the Aswin 
Navratri festival. 

Hammir furnished Devi Singh, a Hara (Chauhan) 
Sardar of his, who lived in Bhainsror (Mewar) with 
sufficient force to attack the Mina Chief of Bundi and 
wrest that kingdom from the Minas. Mehta Nninsi 
says in his Chronicles that Ari Singh, father of Rana 
Hammir, is said to have married Devi Singh's daughter. 1 
Bundi was taken by Devi Singh in 1341 A. D. and 
its rulers remained feudatories of the Maharanas till 
Emperor Akbar separated them from Mewar. 

The Shringirishi inscription of 1428 A. D. says 
that Hammir attacked and took Cholakyapur, 
(Jilwara) from the Bhils and destroyed Pahalanpur 
(present Palanpur). 2 The EUinci Mahatamya also 
mentions these conquests and gives the name of the 
king of Palanpur as Raghava. The Eklingji inscrip- 
tion of A. D. 1488 (Sam vat 1545) also mentions the 
wresting of Jilwara from the Bhils. The Shringirishi 
inscription mentions that Hammir conquered Idar, 
killing its ruler, Raja Jaitra. 

The Chitor Mahavir temple inscription of A.D. 1438 
(Samvat 1495) of Maharana Kumbha's time says that 
Hammir achieved victories and earned fame by putting 
to the sword innumerable Musalmans. This probably 
refers to the defeat of the Sultan of Delhi. 

The Mokalji temple inscription of A. D. 1429 
(Samvat 1485) says that Hammir built a temple with a 
gold Kulus on it, and excavated a tank in Chitor. 
This is the Anna Poorna temple mentioned above. 

1 Chronicles, Vol. I, p. 136. M ^ 

2 Palanpur was founded by Pahalandeva, younger brother of Dhara- 
varsh, the Parmar King of Abu. 


The fame of Hammir spread far and wide in the 
land, and the kings of Mar war, Dundhar (Jaipur) 
Gwalior, Chanderi, Kaysen, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu and 
other places were ready to render willing service to 
the Mabarana, " Extensive as was the power of 
Me war before the Tatar occupation of Delhi, it 
oould scarcely have surpassed the solidity of sway 
which she enjoyed during the two centuries following 
Hammir's recovery of the capital. From this event 
to the next invasion from the Cimmerian abode led 
by Babar, we have a succession of splendid names 
recorded in her annals, and though destined soon to 
be surrounded by new Muhammadan dynasties in 
Malwa and Gujrat as well as Delhi, yet successfully 
opposing them all. Her power was now so consoli- 
dated that she not only repelled armies from her 
territory, but carried war abroad leaving tokens of 
victory at Nagor, in Surashtra, and up to the walls 
of Delhi." 

Hammir died full of years, leaving a name still 
honored in Mewar as one of the wisest and most gallant 
of her princes, and bequeathing a well-established and 
extensive power to his son, Khaitra Singh, who 
ascended the throne in Samvat 1421 A. D. 1364). 


The vengeful Rajput rode with thirsty spear 
That never wearied of its draught of life. 

SHEERING, the Romance of the Twisted Spear. 

THE Gujrat chroniclers mention only one war between 
Kumarapala, the successor of Siddharaja Jayasimha, 
king of Anhalwara and Arnoraja, king of Sapadalaksha, 
as the kingdom of Ajmer was then called. Recent 
research, however, shows that two distinct wars, 
separated from one another by several years, took 
place between the two combatants and that the 
incidents of the war mentioned by the Gujrat writers 
belong some to the first and some to the second war. 

The Prabandha Ckintdmanl of Merutunga and the 
Dvyd&raya Mahdkdvya of Hemachandra place the war 
they describe at the beginning of Kumarapala's 
reign. The Prabandha Chintdmani says that prince 
Bahada, son of Udayana, who had been adopted by 
Siddharaja Jayasimha as his son, despising Kumarapala, 
made himself a soldier of the king of the Sapada- 
laksha country. He, desiring to make war on 
Kumarapala, having won over to his side all the 
officers in those parts with bribes, attentions and 
gifts, bringing with him the king of the Sapadalaksha 
country, surrounded with a large army, arrived on 
the borders of Gujrat. 2 

The Dvydtraya of Hemachandra says that^ the 
Raja of Sapadalaksha, whose name was Anna, 

1 Reprinted from the "Indian Antiquary", Vol. XLI.Part DXXIL 
August 1912 A.D. 

2 Prabandha- Chintamani by Tawney, p. 121. 


when he heard of the death of Jayasimha, though 
he had been a servant of that monarch, now thought 

the time^ was come for making himself known 

Anna began to make friends with Ballala, 

the king of Ujjain and the Rajas of the country on 
the west of Gujrat, holding out threats to them 
as well as promises. Kumarapala's spies made 
known to him that Anna Raja was advancing upon 
the western frontier of Gujrat with an army. 1 

Both writers are agreed that the aggressor was 
Arnoraja of Ajmer and that the war took place 
soon after the ascension to the throne of Kumarapala 
which event took place in Sam vat 1200 (A.D. 1143.) 

The Dvyasraya, in verse 34 of Canto XVI, 
mentions Vikramasimha as being the Paramara Raja 
of Abu and is furtheron stated as having led the 
men of Jalor and followed Kumarapala, 2 esteeming 
that Raja as his lord. 

Jinamandana in his Kumarapala Charitra states 
that Kumarapala while returning to Gujrat from 
the war with Arnoraja deposed Vikramasimha the 
Paramara ruler of Abu as he was disloyal to 
Kumarapala, and placed on the throne in his place 
his nephew YaSodhavala. 

The inscription dated Maylia sud 14th, Samvat, 
1202 (A.D. 1146), recently discovered by P. Gauri- 
shanker Ojha, the learned Superintendent of the 
Rajputana Museum, Ajrner, in Ajari (Sirohi State), 
4 miles from Pindwara, and now in the Rajputana 
Museum, Ajmer, shows that Yasodhavala was king of 
Chandravati (Abu) in that year (i.e., in Samvat 1202.) 
This Ajari inscription coupled with the statement of 
Jinamandana^ about Ya^odhavala's coming to the 
throne of Abu fixes the date of the war between 

1 Forbes 1 Rasmala (p. 142), which gives DvyasraycCs account of 
the war. 

*IUd p, 143 (edition A. D. 1878.) 


Kumarapala and Arnoraja in which Vikramasimha 
was present as a vassal of Kumarapala sometime 
between Samvat 1200 and 1202. 

Now, the Chitor inscription o Kumarapala dated 
Samvat 1207 (A. D. 1149-50) on a stone in the 
temple o Mokaljl, the object o which is to record 
Kumarapala's visit to Chitor or Chitrakuta, distinctly 
states that "when this king (Kumarapala) had 
defeated the ruler of Sakambhari and devastated the 
Sapadalaksha country (line eleven) he went to a place 
named Salipura 1 (line twelve) and having pitched his 
camp there, he came to view the glorious beauty of 

the Chitrakuta mountain; Kumarapala 

was delighted with what he saw there and having 

come to a temple of the god Samiddhesvara 

he worshipped the god and his consort and gave to 
the temple a village, the name of which has not 
been preserved (line twenty six)" etc. 2 

From Chitor, Kumarapala entered Mewar, visited 
the temple of Mataji in the village Palri near Morwan, 
a few miles west of Nibhahera, and placed an 
inscription there dated Pausha, Samvat 1207. 8 This 
shows that Kumarapala was at Chitor in Pausha or 
Marydsirshsa, and that the war with Arnoraja took 
place in the month of Kartika or Asvina of that 
year, t'.tf., Samvat 1207. 

The causes of the two wars appear also to have 
been distinct. The first war evidently took place 
because Arnoraja, who had married Siddharaja- 
Jayasimha's daughter, Kanchanadevi (vide Prlthviraja- 
vijaya, Canto VII), espoused the cause of Siddharaja's 
adopted son Bahada and wished to place him on the 
throne of Gujrat in place of the usurper Kumarapala. 

J Now called Salera, about 4 miles from the foot of the hill on 
which the fortress of Chitor stands. 

*Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 422. 

a Tod r s Rajasthan, Yol. II, p. 618, (edition 1832 A.D.) 


The result of this war appears to have been unfavorable 
to Kumarapala, as he hastened to make peace with 
Arnoraja and gave the latter his sister to wife. 
He had also to take the field against the Malwa 
king Ballala who had succeeded in winning over 
Kumarapala's two generals sent against him, and was 
advancing from the east towards Anhalwara. 

The second war of Sam vat 1207 appears to have 
taken place in consequence of Arnoraja's ill-treatment 
of his queen Devaladevi, sister of Kumarapala. 
Jinamandana in his Kumarapala-prabandlia says that 
Kumarapala was incited to undertake the expedition 
against Arnoraja by Devaladevi, who had been insulted 
by Arnoraja and when threatened by her with the 
wrath of her brother, " the demon for kings,' 5 was 
kicked by Arnoraja and told to go to her brother 
and tell him what she liked. Kumarapala invaded 
Arnoraja's country to avenge this insult. And as 
Devaladevi was given to Arnoraja after the first war 
with Kumarapala, this campaign of Kumarapala 
against Arnoraja must taken place some years 
after the first war between them. All these things 
therefore point to the fact that there were two wars 
between Kumarapala and Arnoraja, the first of which 
took place sometime between Samvat 1200 and 1202 
in which Arnoraja was the aggressor, and the second 
in Samvat 1207 in which Kumarapala invaded the 
territory of Arnoraja, king of Ajmer. 


There was a day when they were young and proud, 

Banners on high and battles passed below ; 

But they who fought are in a bloody shroud, 

And those which waved are shredless dust ere now, 

And the bleak battlements shall boar no future blow. 

BYRON, Childe Harold. 

THERE are several historic forts in Rajputana. Much 
of the Rajput history revolves round them. They are 
associated with so many deeds of chivalry and heroism 
that the mere mention of some of them stirs the blood 
and elevates the souls of those who know the history 
of those forts and also know to what sublime heights 
of nobility, patriotic fervour and love of their home- 
lands carried the men and women of this province in 
days gone by. 

The most celebrated of these forts are the forts of 
Chitor, Kumbhalgarh, Ranthambhor, Garh Beetli or 
Taragarh of Ajmer and Achalgarh (Mount Abu). Those 
of lesser renown are a legion. 

In the province of Ajmer, there are several forts 
besides the celebrated Garh Beetli of Ajmer (now 
known as Taragarh) which have played important 
parts in history. One of them is Athoon. 

The fort of Athoon is one of the chief strongholds 
in Merwara and has played an important part in its 
history. Merwara is a hilly tract which separates 
the northern part of Me war historically the most im- 
portant of the Rajput States from Mar war, which lies 
to its west, and Ajiner which lies to the north. The 
Aravalli range of hills which commencing at 

*A historical account of the Fort of Athoon written in June 1929 A.D. 
at the request of Mr. E. C. Gibson, Commissioner, Ajmer-Merwara, 
for the Director General of Archaeology, India. 


ridge at Delhi runs through the whole of Kajputana, 
assumes to the south of Ajmer the form of a compact 
double range enclosing the greater part of the district 
of Merwara and attains near its southern border at 
Goramji a height of 3,075 ft The area enclosed 
within this double range is a hilly rugged region ; and 
before it came into British possession was covered with 
dense impenetrable forests. It was inhabited by Mers 
and contained several strongholds from which they 
issued to rob travellers, and plunder the country all 
round. Their depredations are a matter of history 
till the British finally took possession of the District 
in 1821 A. D. and cleared the dense jungle. Secure 
in their inaccessible fastnesses, they continued for 
centuries to ply their trade of plundering the neighbour- 
ing villages of Mewar, Marwar and Ajmer. ^ With the 
decline of the Mughal power and the rise of the 
Mahrattas and the consequent weakening of the 
military strength of Mewar and Marwar owing to 
Mahratta inroads, the Mers became more and more 
bold, their predatory activities increased and the 
villages lying on the borders of Merwara became a 
regular prey to this scourge. 

History records that when in 1195 A. x>., Qutbuddin 
Aibak, the Afghan general of Sultan Shahbuddin Ghori 
started from Ajmer to invade Anhalwara Patan, the 
Mers combined with the Rajputs of Gujrat and inflicted 
a severe defeat on Qutbuddin, who fled wounded to 
Ajmer and shut himself up in the fortress of Taragarh. 
The Mers invested the fortress and only retired to 
their hills after a six months' siege when reinforce- 
ments arrived from Afghanistan. They plundered the 
camp of Emperor Jahangir in 1616 A. D. and later 
harassed the army of Aurangzeb, when foiled in his 
attempt to conquer Mewar, the Emperor marched 
towards the Deccan to meet the advancing tide of 


Mahratta aggression. 

In the eighteenth century, on the decline of the 
Mughal power, the Maharajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur and 
the Maharana of Mewar severally made several attempts 
to reduce Merwara to submission; but all such attempts 
failed. Maharaja Sawai Jaisingh in 1725 A. D. invaded 
Merwara with a large army and demolished the forts of 
Jhak and Kalinjar which had been vacated by the Mers 
who had retired to the hills. The Jaipur army, lifter 
suffering severe losses in their attempts to reach the 
retreats of the Mers returned to Jaipur. In 1778 A. D. 
Maharaja Bijai Singh of Jodhpur despatched a force 
against Chang, and in the following year sent Thakur 
Arjun Singh of Raipurto reduce Kot Kirana. In 1790 
the Thakur of Kantalia with the reinforcement sent 
by the Marwar Durbar attacked Bhailan but no impres- 
sion was made on the Mers by any of these invasions. 
In 1800 A. D,, Sivaji Nana, the Mahratta governor of 
Ajmer negotiated a treaty with the Mers in order to 
put a stop to their depredation in the villages of the 
province of Ajmer. But when these depredations did 
not cease, Nana's successor Bala Rao invaded Merwara 
with 60,000 men. But even this expedition foiled to 
achieve its object and Bala Kao returned to Ajmer. 
In 1810 A. x>. Raja Man Singh of Marwar attacked 
Jhak, but without any useful result. 


The Mers declare that they are the descendants of 
Hariraj (the younger brother of Emperor Prithviraj), 
the last Hindu King of Ajmer. Some historians, 
however, say that the Mers and the Meos of Mewat 
are the descendants of the Kshatriyas, who came 
to India in large numbers and overran the whole of 
Rajputana, Gujrat, Sind and Western Punjab in the 
second century A. D. They were followed by the Shaks 
from Eastern Persia. Both the Kshatrapas and the 


Shaks were, however, eventually overcome by the 
Parmar and other Rajputs and their remnants retired 
into hilly tracts and inhospitable regions and began 
to maintain themselves by robbery and plunder. A 
large number of them settled in the hilly tract of 
Merwara and regions lying to its east and west. 
They founded small principalities and their rulers were 
called Kawats. Some of them became converts to 
Islam and began to call themselves Mentis and their 
leaders became known as Khans. 

Vardhanpura (Badnor) Chang, Athoon and Jhak 
were amongst the principal settlements of the Mers. 
With the rise of the Sisodia Power, the Mers were 
pressed back on the Mewar side ; and by the time 
of Maharana Lakha (A. D. 1382-1397), Vardhanpura 
passed out of their hands and was incorporated in 
Mewar, Athoon lying next to Badnor, naturally came 
into greater prominence and had to bear the brunt of 
Rajput reprisals. 

Plunder was the sole means of subsistence of 
the Mers and Merats. Tradition says that when 
Maharana Lakha attacked Vardhanpura, the Khan of 
Athoon joined hands with the Maharana The 
Maharana after raising Vardhanpura to the ground, 
built the present town of Badnor, and in order to 
protect it from future raids from the Merats of Athoon 
and Jhak and the Mers of other places, brought about 
an alliance between Badnor and Athoon. This is 
proved by the fact that on the death of the Khan of 
Athoon, the Thakur of Badnor always performed the 
ceremony of sword-binding at the accession of the new 
Khan to the Gaddi and vice versa. The importance of 
Athoon is also proved by the fact that whenever the 
Khan of Athoon went to make his Mujra (do obeisance) 
to the Maharana of Mewar, he made a present of Rs. 100 
and received a horse as reward. 

Of the strongholds built by the Mers, Athoon was 


one of the most important. As no regular researches 
in the history o Merwara have yet been made, no 
authentic historical records are available to show when 
this fort of Athoon was first built. Tradition says that 
Dooda Khan built it 600 years ago. Its Khans were 
amongst the most powerful of the Mer chieftains. 
Before the present fort of Athoon was built, the 
principality was known as Dhawalgarh and the Raja 
of Dhawalgarh, as he was then called, is said to have 
been entitled to the seventeenth seat in the Durbar 
of the Maharana, the principal nobles of Mewar 
occupying the first sixteen. 

We find Athooii in existence during the Mughal 
period of Indian history. This fort was a point d'appni 
during the operations of 1819 A. D. to 1821 A. D., 
when the Mers and Merats were subjugated for the 
first time in history, and the turbulent marauders 
compelled to settle down as agriculturists, their 
swords being battered into ploughshares. 

While Chang is mentioned as having been reduced by 
the celebrated Maharaja Hammirdeva of Kanthambhor 
(about 1285 A. D.) one of the earliest mentions of the 
important fort of Athoon is to be met with in the 
account of the conquest of Vardhanpura (Radnor) by 
Maharana Lakha in 1383 A. D. 

The history of Badnor says that in Kartik, Samvat 
1762, (November 1 705 A.D.) the Mers of Mugra Merwara 
and the Khans of Athoon, Chang and Jhak began to 
make depredations in Mewar and the Maharana sent an 
expedition against them under Dhabhai Nagji. But he 
failed to overpower them. The Maharana then sent 
Thakur Jaswant Singh of Badnor who attacked Haji 
khan at Kalinjar and inflicted a defeat on him. 

The same year, Haji Khan of Athoon raided Harda 
in Mewar and carried its Hakim prisoner to Athoon. 
Thakur Jaswant Singh thereupon invaded Merwara, 
killed Haji Khan in a pitched battle and destroyed 


fort of Chang and released the Hakim of Harda from 

The Mers raised their heads again in 1713 A. D. and 
the Maharana sent Thakur Amar Singh of Nibhera 
against them ; but Amar Singh and his son Akhshai 
Singh were killed in the first encounter, and the army 
retired. The Maharnna then sent Thakur Jawahar 
Singh of Badnor, who attacked Athoon and a battle was 
fought on Kartik Sud 9th; but it was indecisive. In the 
meanwhile, Sahib Singh, brother of Thakur Amar 
Singh of Nibhera who had gone to Delhi with presents 
from the Maharana on King Farrukhsayar's accession 
to the throne, returned and determined to avenge his 
brother's death. Assisted by the troops of Badnor, 
Deogarh and Shahpura, he inflicted a decisive defeat on 
the Khan of Athoon, who also had been reinforced by 
other Mer chieftains. 

In 1730 A. D. the Maharana sent an expedition 
against the Khan of Athoon and other Mer Thakurs 
under Thakur Jai Singh of Badnor. Thakur Jai Singh 
invited Thakur Sultan Singh of Masuda to co-operate 
with him in the enterprise. In the war that followed, 
Sultan Singh was killed arid Jai Singh was wounded, 
but the Mers were defeated. 

Hari Khan, Khan of Athoon, again commenced his 
depredations in Mewar. These marauders used to make 
raids in Mewar which extended to Bhilwara, Mandal 
and Chitor, and a fourth share of the loot used to go 
to the Khan, who commanded a band of 400 horsemen. 
One tradition says that his retainers consisted of 80 
horses and 600 matchlocks. Thakur Jai Singh now 
resolved to rid the country of Hari Khan and took 
up his position in a pass with his two brothers, Sangram 
Singh and Nahar Singh. As Hari Khan returned with 
booty after one of his expeditions, he was attacked 
and killed by Jai Singh after a sanguinary fight. 
Later, in 1793 A. D. (Samvat 1850) Jai Singh son of 


Gaj Singh the great grandson of Jai Singh of Badnor 
attacked Athoon and took posession of it, and 
demolished the forts of Saroth and Ajitgarh and 
excavated a lake at the latter place. 

With the passing of Ajmer into British possession 
in 1818 A. D., the days of Mer aggression came to an 
end. On the complaint of the inhabitants of the 
villages bordering on Merwara, Mr. Wilder, the first 
Superintendent of Ajmer, opened negotiations with the 
Mer leaders of Jhak, Lulwa, Shamgarh and Athoon to 
cease making depredations into the British province of 
Ajmer. These efforts proving fruitless, Mr. Wilder 
represented to the Marquis of Hastings that the aggres- 
sion on the part of the Mers would not cease till 
Merwara was subdued and the Mer marauders compelled 
to settle down on land. The Governor- General 
directed Col. Hall, Quarter-Master-General at Nasirabad 
to start operations against the Mers. Major James 
Tod who had recently been appointed Political Agent 
at Udaipur persuaded the Maharana to send an 
expedition against the Mers and Merats under Thakur 
Salim Singh of Rupaheli. These combined operations 
resulted in the final subjugation of Merwara in 
A. D. 1821. During these operations, the fort of 
Athoon played a prominent part. 

A British detachment occupied Jhak and Lulwa in 
March 1819. In 1820 A. D. Thakur Salim Singh after 
inflicting a defeat on the Mers at Borwa and taking 
possession of that stronghold, advanced and stormed the 
fort of Athoon and took possession of it. But Salim 
Singh returning to Rupaheli, the Merats again took 
possession of Athoon, Jhak and Lulwa. A general 
insurrection broke out 1 in November, 1820 in Merwara 
and the Thanas (military outposts) established by the 
Maharana of Udaipur and the British Government in 

1 Brooke'a History of Mewar, p. 125, 


the chief centres of Merwara were overpowered 
and destroyed. Thereupon, Col. Hall sent Lt.-Col. 
W. G. Maxwell with a strong force and a few light guns 
against Athoon and Borwa to quell the insurrection. 
This force divided itself into three parts and invaded 
Merwara from three sides, Todgarh, Kharwa and 
Masuda respectively. The chief objective was, "The 
strongholds of Athoon and Bairar in which the Mers 
had been accustomed to defy whatever troops the 
native States might send against them." 1 

Borwa was taken without much difficulty but Athoon 
offered stout resistance. Bhopat Khan, the Khan of 
Athoon shut himself up in the "strong fort built of 
pucca masonry, capable of resisting any force not 
provided with breaching artillery." 3 As there were 
no metalled roads, it was not easy to bring heavy 
artillery from Ajrner. "An attempt to blow up the 
gateway failed. Order was then given to abandon the 
gun and retire, so hot a fire was kept up from the walls. 
This was not done before a great number of men had 
been killed and wounded on our side." 3 During the 
night, however, Bhopat Khan evacuated the fort and 
retired to Ramgarh Sarotan. 

After taking Athoon, the force advanced to Bairar 
and then to Barsawada (now Todgarh) where a fort was 
built. News came here that Bhopat Khan was in Ram- 
garh. A detachment of eight companies and a few guns 
were sent atonce against Bhopat Khan. After a 
difficult all-night march, this force reached Ramgarh 
early in the morning and surrounded the place. In the 
fight that ensued, Bhopat Khan was killed with 150 
men and his son Lakha Khan was captured with 200 
followers. The whole of Merwara was thus reduced 
and brought under submission, 

1 Brooke's History of Mewar, p. 125. 

3 Colonel Dixon's Sketch of Merwara, p. 22. 

8 Ibid. 





And statesmen at her council met 
Who knew the seasons when to take 
Occasion by the hand, and make 
The bounds of freedom wider yet 

TENNYSON, To the Queen. 

AJMER MERWAKA is a small British Province situated 
in the heart of Eajputana, and is surrounded by the 
important Rajput States of Jodhpur, Jaipur, Udaipur 
and Kishengarh. It is 2710 sq. miles in area, and has 
a population of 6,60,292, according to the Census of 
1931 A.D. For administrative purposes, the province is 
divided into two districts, Ajmer and Merwara; and 
into three Tahsils. The district of Ajmer lies to the 
north of Merwara, and was obtained from Scindhia in 
1818 A. D. The district of Merwara was formed by 
combining the hilly tracts of the States of Marwar and 
Mewar adjoining Ajmer, which were temporarily placed 
under British administration by the two Durbars for 
bringing under control the turbulent Mers, with a part 
of the district of Ajmer, about the year 1820 A, I). 
Merwara remained a separate district from Ajmer 
under a Superintendent till 1842 A. D., in which year, 
the two districts were united and placed under one 
officer, Col. Dixon, who was styled Superintendent of 

*Note submitted to the Consultative Committee of the Government 
of India at the request of its Secretary, Mr. Latifi, LC.S., on 12 May, 


Ajmer and Merwara. In 1853 A.D., Col. Dixon was 
made Commissioner of Ajmer Merwara. Ajmer 
Merwara remained a part of the N. W. Provinces (now 
United Provinces of Agra and Oudh) till 1871 A.D., 
when it was placed under the Foreign and Political 
Department of the Government of India. Thus, 
Ajmer Merwara was till 1871 A.D. a part of the 
N.W.P., and was administered by the Lt. Governor of 
that Province. Since 1871 A.D., Ajmer Merwara has 
been a Chief Commissionership and is administered by 
the Agent to the Governor-General, Rajputana who 
is ex-officio Chief Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwara 
under the Political Department of the Government of 


Ajmer, the chief city of the province, has a popula- 
tion of 1,19,524 and is situated at the head of the 
watershed of India. The plateau on which the city of 
Ajmer stands marks the highest elevation of the plains 
of Hindustan; and from the hills which surround it, 
the country slopes to all points of the compass. Its 
superb strategical position in the centre of the region 
inhabited by the warlike races of Rajputana, and its 
picturesque situation, hemmed in as it is on all sides 
by hills and adorned with a beautiful lake, have made 
the place celebrated in history. 


Its administrative isolation since 1871 A.D. when 
it was transferred to the Political Department of the 
Government of India solely to facilitate British political 
control of the various States of Rajputana (vide 
Ashworth Committee's Report) and its subjection to 
the Scheduled Districts Act XIV of 1874 in the year 
1877 A.D. have seriously impaired its administration, 
undermined its importance, and retarded its progre&s.j 


The present position o Ajmer Merwara is that of a 
minor administration under the direct control of the 
Government of India in the Political Department. 
Though the Legislative Assembly has legislative 
authority hi the province, yet practically all its laws are 
made by the Grovernor-GreneraTs Executive Council. 
Though its Budget is nominally passed by the Legisla- 
tive Assembly, it has never been discussed in that 
Assembly; and if the procedure and the constitution 
remain as they are, there is no chance of its ever 
being subjected in future to scrutiny and discussion in 
the Central Legislature. The people of the province 
have, unlike those of other provinces, no voice in its 
administration. The inauguration of the Minto-Morley 
Reforms in 1909 A.D. and the Montagu-Chelmsford 
Reforms in 1919 A.D. completely ignored Ajmer Merwara. 


In 1921 A.D., a committee known as the Ashworth 
Committee, was appointed to consider the future posi- 
tion of this province in the Constitution of India. It 
took evidence, and after full investigation and a careful 
consideration of the question, recommended its transfer 
to the United Provinces. But nothing has been done to 
give effect to this proposal; nor has anything else been 
done to enable this province to participate in the 
general political advance of the country under the 
Montford Reforms, except giving it in 1924 A.D. a 
right to return a member to the Legislative Assembly. 

Thus, so far as its administration is concerned, not 
only has Ajmer Merwara been rigidly excluded from 
sharing in the political progress of the country, result- 
ing from the various progressive changes in the 
Government but I regret to have to say that the 
tendency recently has been to deprive it even of 
the nominal benefit of returning a member to the 
Legislative Assembly. 


The Indian Statutory Commission appointed by 
His Majesty the King Emperor in 1927 A.D. in res- 
ponse to the persistent demand of the Central 
Legislature, commenced its work in 1928 A.D. and 
submitted its report in 1930 A.D The Report of the 
Commission, so far as Ajmer Merwara is concerned, 
is not only extremely "reactionary'' but is animated 
by a spirit of hostility to Indian aspirations. The 
Commission formed its opinion without recording 
any evidence or consulting public opinion or any 
opinion in Ajmer Merwara : and, in stating that opinion, 
it has shown a complete contempt for public opinion, 
public feeling and people's aspiration, by disdaining 
to give any reasons for its arbitrary conclusions. 
Without giving any facts or figures, without assigning 
any grounds for its opinion, it has simply dismissed 
the question of the future administration of Ajmer 
Merwara with the remark that ''neither can the form 
of Government in (Delhi or) Ajmer Merwara be usefully 
altered 1 ' (Vol II, p. 107), and that "for the present, the 
representative of Ajmer Merwara (in the Legislative 
Assembly) should be nominated by the Chief Commis- 
sioner after ascertaining the views of responsible 
"citizens". (Vol. II, p. 122.) 

This cavalier treatment of a province that stands 
second in point of literacy in the whole of India and 
ranks with the most advanced in social and cultural 
amenities of life, and which has been conspicuous for 
its loyalty, and which furnished the largest percentage of 
military recruits of any province of India to defend 
Great Britain in her dire need, has caused universal 
disappointment, disaffection and alarm in Ajmer 
Merwara. The recommendation of the Simon Commis- 
sion was so openly and definitely reactionary and 
retrograde, that even the Local Government of this 
province, found it impossible to support it. The 
Hon'ble the Chief Commissioner of Ajmer Merwara 


giving his views on the recommendations of the Indian 
Statutory Commission, says; 

"No reason have been given by the Commission for depriving 
the province of a privilege which it has enjoyed since January 
1924. The attitude of the province as a whole towards the 
civil disobedience movement has been sane and loyal. A change, 
therefore, from representation by ejection to representation by 
nomination in the absence of substantial grounds for so retrograde 
a measure, seems to me not only unjustifiable, but politically 
unsound." Views of Local Governments on the Recommenda- 
tions of the Indian Statutory Commission, 1930, p. 429. 

But the Hon'ble the Chief Commissioner's recom- 
mendations are no less reactionary than those of the 
Simon Commission; for he recommends that the 
member for Ajmer Merwara in the Federal Assembly 
should be "chosen at a joint session of the 
members o the Municipalities of Ajmer, Beawar and 
Kekri, the Cantonment Board of Nasirabad and the 
District Board of Ajmer Merwara", thus securing exactly 
the same result as nomination by him would yield, by 
having the member of the Assembly chosen by local 
bodies, forty-five per cent of the members of which 
are nominated by him. 


The Government of India's Despatch dated the 20th 
of September 1930, to the Right Hon'ble the Secretary 
of State for India, forwarding their "Views on the 
further progress which might now be made towards 
the development of responsible Government in India 
as an integral part of the British Empire," is equally 
disappointing. Ajmer Merwara has been disposed of 
in a paragraph of 13 lines, para 81 of the Despatch. 
In this short paragraph, the Government of India 
express their conclusion without giving any reasons for 
differentiating Ajmer Merwara from other provinces, 
many of which are behind it in possessing qualifications 


which prove fitness for further political advance. 
The Despatch says that "in agreement with the Com- 
mission arid with the Chief Commissioner, we consider 
that at present no constitutional reform can suitably 
be introduced in Ajmer Merwara." 


No reasons whatever are given for denying Ajmer 
Merwara a share in the reforms. It is difficult to 
understand the force of the words 'at present' in the 
sentence quoted above. Does it mean tbit so long as 
Ajmer Merwara remains loyal and peaceful and does 
not, like the N.W.F.P. develop a lied Shirt movement 
jind give trouble to the jiuthorities, no political rights 
will be given to the province? Or, does it mean 
that so long as Ajmer Merwara remains an isolated 
small unit, it must remain a non-Kegulation province 
subject to all the disabilites of a Scheduled district, 
and should not hope to share with the other 
provinces of India, even in the smallest degree, 
the rights, privileges and benefits of responsible 

Government ? 


The Government of India further say: "We 
agree with the Chief Commissioner that the respresenti- 
tive of the province in the Assembly should as now be 
elected, and should not, as suggested by the Commis- 
sion be nominated". While we note with some relief 
that the Government do not favour nomination, 
they have failed to state whether they also con- 
template like the Local Government giving to 
the people the shadow of election, instead of the 
substance, however small may be the value of that 
substance. If the words "as now" mean anything, 
they can only mean election of the representative by 
-the 'general public* of Ajmer Merwara as is the case at 


present, and not as the Chief Commissioner suggests, 
by a few local bodies which are completely controlled 
by the Local Government. Or, is it, that the Govern- 
ment of India's agreement with the Chief Commis- 
sioner as stated above only menus that the Government 
are against nomination, but favour election by local 
bodies as against election by the public of the province ? 
The Government should, in the circumstances, have 
stated their views more clearly than they have done. 

1 have dealt at some length with the views and 
recommendation of the Simon Commission, the Local 
Government and the Government of India as they 
show that the real attitude of the authorities, who hold 
in their hands the political future of Ajmer Merwara, 
is neither sympathetic nor just, and that nothing in 
the way of justice or political advance of any kind can 
be expected, until this attitude of Government under- 
goes a radical change. 

The question, therefore, before us is as to what 
should be done to let the people of Ajmer Merwara 
have the same right to participate in the new reforms, 
and enjoy the same political rights and privileges as the 
rest of India, in the same way as they are subject to the 
same duties and obligations as the people of other parts 
of India The Government cannot, with justice, refuse 
to Ajmer Merwara, representation in all representative 
institutions on the same lines and to the same extent, 
and allow the province the same share in shaping its 
destinies, as it does to the people of other provinces, 
who pay the same taxes and are under the same 
obligations to Government as the people of Ajmer 
Merwara. The clear aim of the province being, full 
participation in the reforms, and the enjoyment of all 
the rights and previleges granted to the other provinces 
under the new constitution, we have to consider the 
means to be adopted to achieve this aim. Now there; 
are only two ways to achieve this; 


(1) Making Ajmer Merwara an autonomous province 

with the same powers and status as the other 
provinces, or 

(2) Amalgamating it with a major province. 

The chief objection to granting Ajmer, if it remains 
a separate unit, the same constitution as the other 
provinces, is its small size and its small revenue. 
The objections to its amalgamation with the United 
Provinces fall under two heads : 

(1) Those taken by the Government of the United 

Provinces, and 

(2) Those which the people of Ajmer Merwara are 

alleged to have to such amalgamation. 
The objections taken by the United Provinces 
Government are, as stated in the Indian Statutory 
Commission's Report, Vol. I, page 328: 

(a) The great distance of Ajmer Merwara from the 

United Provinces, and 

(b) Its differences of laws, customs and administra- 

tive interests. 

A further objection, as stated by the Home Member 
of the Government of India, is that, 

(c) "Ajmer Merwara is a deficit province." 

The objection which the people of Ajmer Merwara 
are alleged to have to amalgamation is thus stated in the 
Statutory Commission's Keport, Vol. I, pages 328-29; 

(d) "To the majority of the inhabitants of the 

province, the preservation of their distinctive 
culture and the continuance of the methods of 
administration with which they are familiar 
are of greater moment than Reforms." 


Let us briefly examine these objections. The 
objection to making Ajmer Merwara an autonomous 
province with the same powers and status as the other 
provinces (for instance, the newly created N. W. F. P.), 


is that its size and revenue are too small to enable it to 
have the same administrative machinery as those 
provinces. There is no doubt some basis for the 
objection. But it may be urged that there is no 
necessity to have in Ajmer Merwara the whole of the 
departmental machinery that obtains in a big province. 
The questions to deal with here will be simple in nature, 
and if one Executive Councillor nnd one minister with 
a council o 41 members are considered sufficient to deal 
with all the financial, legislative, economic and other 
administrative questions that will arise intheN.W.F.P., 
a province almost six times as large as Ajmer Merwara, 
surely one Minister on a thousand rupees a month with 
a small and efficient establishment and a Council of 
21 members should be able to deal satisfactorily with all 
administrative questions and legislative measures that 
will arise in Ajmer Merwara. And if the Government 
of India can afford to give a crore of rupees every year to 
the N.W.F. Province, it ought to be able to give ten or 
fifteen lakhs a year to a province which in its loyalty, 
peacefulness and cultural status, yields to none in India. 
The only difficulty, however, which we can foresee 
is as to who will take the place of the Governor of an 
autonomous province, the A. G. G. for Kajputana being 
out of the question. An officer on Es. 3,000 a month 
to be called Governor or Superintendent or Chief 
Commissioner or by some other name could be appointed 
to be the head of the administration arid to exercise 
the same administrative functions as the Governor of 
a province. With suitable assistance from the central 
revenues which might bear the same relation to the 
annual grant of one crore to N. W. F. P., as the 
size of Ajmer Merwara bears to that of the Frontier 
Province, we can well achieve the object in view, which 
is to give the people of Ajmer Merwara the same voice 
in making laws and sanctioning expenditure for the 
province as the peoples of other provinces possess. 



I now come to the objections taken to the amalga- 
mation of Ajrner Merwara with the United Provinces. 
The objections taken by the U.P. Government to accept 
amalgamation, when it was consulted in the matter, 
were either based on misconception of facts or on 
an exaggerated view of administrative difficulties. 
They are: 

(J) Great distance between the U. P. and Ajmer 
Merwara, the distance between the two being 
nowhere less than 150 miles. 

(2) "Its difference of laws, customs and administra- 
tive interests." 

As regards (1) it may be urged that when the 
Lieut. -Governor of the N.W.P. could satisfactorily 
administer the Ajmer Merwara province sis a part of 
the N.W.P. till 1871 AD., at a time when there were 
no railways, it is difficult to believe that the difficulties 
of distance in these days of railways, telegraphs, 
motor cars, aeroplanes, telephones, and other mechani- 
cal devices to ensure rapid locomotion and easy 
communication are deserving of serious consideration. 
The distance between the southern and northern parts 
of the Madras Presidency is very nearly double that 
between Lucknow and Ajmer; and many places in the 
liombay arid the Madras Presidencies are more distant 
from the seat of their respective Governments than 
Ajmer is from Lucknow. 

It may also be remembered, and it is admitted by 
Government, that Ajmer Merwara was separted from 
the N.W.P. in 1871 A.D., not because the U.P. Govern- 
ment complained of any difficulty in administering a 
distant or isolated area, but because the Government 
of India found it convenient to do so, in order to 
facilitate the working of its policy of political control 
of the Indian States of Rajputana. 

The second objection which, according to the Indian 


Statutory Commission, the U. P. Government have tc 
amalgamation, is "the difference of laws, customs and 
administrative interests." Nowhere in the published 
reports o Government has the nature of this difference 
been stated or explained So far as I am aware, there 
is absolutely no difference of laws between the U. P. 
and Ajmer Merwara. The same school of Hindu law, 
'Mitakshara', governs the Hindu population of the twc 
provinces. The Muslim law is the same in the U. P. 
and Ajmer Mcnvara. The law governing the Istiniarar- 
dars of Ajmer Merwara contained in the Ajmer Land 
and Revenue Regulation of 1877 A. J). has been bodily 
taken word for word from the Oudh Talukdars' Kegula- 
tion. All laws in force in the U. P. except those 
required to protect special interests peculiar to a part 
of that province, are in force in Ajmer Merwara. 


As regards customs, all those who are acquainted 
with the two provinces know very well that there are 
no such differences as are alleged to exist. Customs 
prevalent in the outlying parts of the U. P. differ far 
more materially from the customs of the central parts 
of the U P., like Agra, Meerut and Cawnpur, than 
the customs prevailing in Ajmer differ from those 
of the above-named places. As for administrative 
interests and differences that there may be, do not 
and should not interfere with the administration of 
this province by the Governor of the U, P. Adminis- 
trative interests of Oudh differ from those of Agra, 
yet both are satisfactorily administered by the same 
Government. And in this matter, the isolation of 
Ajmer-Merwara would be a help rather than a 


The real objection of the U. P. Government 
however, has not been mentioned in the Statutory 


Commission's Report. It was stated by the Hon'ble 
Sir Alexander Muddiman, Home Member o the Govern- 
ment of India, when replying to my speech moving a 
resolution in the Legislative Assembly on 24th 
February, 1925 asking for the establishment of a 
Legislative Council for Ajmer Merwara. He said 
(Legwlalicv Assembly Debates. Vol. V.part II, p. 1467): 

The Government of India when fchey first considered how 
this district (Ajmer iMerwara) might bo brought within the 
scope of the Reforms scheme, proposed that it should be transfer- 
red to the United Provinces Well, it takes two to make 

a bargain The United Provinces Government seeing 

that it is a bad bargain, were not inclined to take it over. They 
were going to lose money over it, and provinces in these days, 
owing to the rigorous check exercised by popular Assemblies, are 
very particular not to take over propositions which are not 

paying propositions If, in the near future Ajmer Merwara is 

able to balance its budget and stands as a paying proposition and 
not a losing proposition, / have no doubt the attitude of the 
U. P. might be modified and I have no doubt that 9 if so, the 
attitude of the Government of India might be modified too. 

This speech of Sir Alexander Muddiman gives the 
real objection of the U. P. Government to take over 
Ajmer Merwara, the objection being that Ajmer 
Merwara is a deficit province. In the first place, when 
Ajmer Merwara was a part of the U. P, and the 
Government of India took it under its direct control 
for a certain purpose in 1871 A. D.,aud the Government 
of U. P. did not object to it; now that the Govern- 
ment of India wish to return the province to the U. P. 
thus restoring the 'status quo,' the U. P. Government 
should not in fairness, object to it. The U. P. Govern- 
ment had no choice when Ajmer was first tacked on to 
it early in the Nineteenth century. It had no choice 
when Ajmer Merwara was taken away from it. In 
equity and justice, therefore, it should not object 
to its restoration. 



Apart from that, Ajmer-Merwara is not a deficit 
province, The Inchcape Committee, which examined 
the matter, showed (vide, page 273) that of all 
the ten minor administrations, including the N.W. 
F.P., Delhi, Coorg and Baluchistan, Ajmer 
Merwara is the only surplus province. It is only 
owing to a wrong representation of facts that the 
expenditure on Ajmer-Merwara is shown as higher 
than its income. This is done by including in the 
expenditure, the large item of interest paid by the 
Government treasury at Ajmer to holders of Govern- 
ment securities. This item has as much to do with 
the administrative expenditure of Ajmer-Merwara as 
the Consultative sub -committee of the Round Table 
Conference has to do with the introduction of the 
Roman script by Turkey in its schools. Speaking in 
the Legislative Assembly during the budget discussion 
on 5 March, 1931 (Legislative Assembly Debates 
for 1931, Vol. II, page 1513), 1 said: "According to 
the latest published Administration report of Ajmer- 
Merwara (that for 1927-28) the total income of 
Ajmer-Merwara is Rs. 27,65,371-3-1 and the total 
expenditure Rs. 26,10,038-7-7. In the balance-sheet 
of the Administration Report, however, a sum of 
Rs. 15,80,092-15-1, which is paid as interest on public 
debt from the Government Treasury, Ajmer, is included 
on the expenditure side." 

Speaking again this year, during the general discus- 
sion on the Budget on 9th May, 1932, 1 said; "Accord- 
ing to the Budget estimates before us the income of 
Ajmer Merwara is, after excluding currency and receipt 
in aid of superannuation, Rs. 16,96,600; and the ex- 
penditure Rs. 14,79,000 to which if we add all 
expenditure under other heads, excluding of course 
interest on ordinary debt, currency, political and terri- 
torial pensions, superannuation pensions, etc., which 


practically have nothing to do with the administrative 
expenses of Ajmer, it comes to Rs. 15,07,500, thus 
leaving a credit balance of Us. 1,89,100. If we deduct 
from this, say, Rs. 89,000 on account of civil works 
which come under a separate head, still there is a 
saving of one lakh. Even if we give up the whole of 
Rs. 1,89,000, still Ajmer is found to pay its way and 
is in no sense of the term a deficit province. " 


In the face of these facts and the additional fact 
that the administrative expenditure in Ajmer-Merwara 
is further proposed to be reduced to the extent of 
Rs. 3 lakhs as a measure of retrenchment, it cannot be 
disputed that Ajmer-Merwara is a surplus province, 
and, in no sense of the term, a deficit one. Will 
Government in the light of these facts and the declara- 
tion made by the Hon'ble the Home Member in 
the Legislative Assembly on 24th February, 1925, 
reconsider the matter? 

We now come to the objection which some of the 
people of Ajmer-Merwara are alleged to have to 
amalgamation with the United Provinces. The chief 
objection as stated by the Indian Statutory Commission 
is this: "To the majority of the inhabitants of the 
province, the preservation of their distinctive culture 
and the continuance of the methods of administration 
with which they are familiar are of much greater 
moment than the reforms." The "distinctive culture" 
of Ajmer-Merwara is a piece of news to most of us. 
We never heard of such distinctive culture. The 
Ashworth Committee does not mention it. And as 
it has nowhere been defined or described, I must leave 
it to take care of itself. 

As for the statement that the people prefer 
administrative methods with which they are familiar, 
to reforms, there is no doubt that if it means that the 


people like to be governed in the way they are at 
present governed rather than in the way the new 
reforms would provide, I say without hesitation that 
it is a thoroughly mistaken idea and is a misrepresenta- 
tion of the people's views. The Ashworth Committee's 
report shows that many even of those people who 
then opposed amalgamation with the U. P. were 
thoroughly dissatisfied with the existing form and 
methods of Government. They asked for a change in 
the judicial administration and the transfer of the admi- 
nistration of the province from the Political to the 
Home Department of the Government of India. 

The real objection of those people who did not 
favour amalgamation was purely sentimental. They 
said that Ajmer-Merwara would loss its individuality. 
i. e. its character as a separate entity, and would be 
treated by the U. P. Government as Mainpuri, Etawah 
or any other district of that province. 


In addition to this, several other objections were 
raised, most of which are fanciful or imaginary. 
They are enumerated in pages 41 and 42 of the 
Ashworth Committee Report. Of the 17 objections 
there stated, I will take the most important of them, 
those numbered 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14 and 16 (a) arid show 
their nature : 

(1) "From a province it will be reduced to the 
status at most of a district. This will be a great fall." 

Verily, there are people who would deliberately 
prefer the shadow to the substance. But the masses 
whose benefit is the determining factor in the matter, 
think that the status of a district of a self-governing 
province is always preferable to that of a province 
autocratically governed. 

(2) u In disputes with the surrounding States of 
Rajputana, Ajmer, if united to the TJ. P., will 


always be at a disadvantage and a settlement of 
these will be far more costly than at present which 
is done by means of a sort of family arrangement, 
i.e., provincial and local punchayats." 

"Sort of family arrangement' 5 is delicious; but 
who has ever heard of provincial and local panchayats 
of the people themselves ? Do they exist anywhere 
in Ajmer-Merwara ? Should a dispute with an Indian 
State occur, Ajmer as a part of the U. P. would be 
in a far stronger position than now, and the 
boundary being now well defined, what disputes are 
likely to occur ? The only one that occurred in 
recent times, that between Ajmer and Kishengarh 
about an irrigation matter, was decided by an 
Irrigation Engineer deputed by the U. P. Government 
because there is no Irrigation Engineer in the 
province of Ajmer-Merwara. Dealing with the matter, 
the present Chief Commissioner in his Memorandum 
to the Ashworth Committee (p. 33) said, " I do not 
think that in practice this objection has much validity. 
I do not remember any question arising with the 
surrounding States while I was Commissioner which 
necessitated a reference to the local administration; 
and many instances e. #., Lalitpur in the United 
Provinces, could be quoted where isolated portions 
of the United Provinces are surrounded by Indian 
States under the Central India Agency without giving 
rise to any practical difficulties. 

Another objection is : 

(6) " Its administration will suffer in efficiency 
because as a small district, it could not claim to 
have an exclusive Commissioner, Inspector-General 
of Police, a senior I. M. S. man. Registrar of Co- 
operative Societies, Excise Officer and two senior 
revenue officers." 

The result, on the contrary, will be greater 
efficiency. The Ashworth Committee Report says; 


"Amalgamation with the U. P. is the only means of securing 
to the province administrative efficiency", and that "amalgama- 
tion will substitute in the superior posts of the administration, 
officers trained in district administration for officers from the 
political department, who are usually not so trained." 

Most of the officers enumerated in the objection 
quoted above must remain after amalgamation. Nay, 
Ajmer-Merwnra will have the advice and the guidance 
of highly trained senior officers in all departments. 


The next objection is : 

(7) " In the matter of education, Ajmer will 

simply be ruined The United Provinces 

Government is not expected, under the circumstances, 
to spend so much in this deficit area over the 
Government College with a negligible number of 
students." This is not a true statement of facts as 
they now exist. Ajmer-Merwara is not a deficit 
area : the number of students in the Government 
College, Ajmer, is not negligible. The number is 
250 and a large number of applications for admission 
were last year refused for want of room. Moreover 
in Ajmer-Merwara primary education is nowhere 
compulsory. Ajmer will doubtless improve in 
education, rather than deteriorate. 

A further objection is; 

(S) "It is very doubtful if the Chiefs College 
will continue in Ajmer after it is denuded of its 
paraphernalia and status.' ' This is not a valid 
objection. The political progress of Ajmer has 
nothing to do with the Mayo College, and there is 
no connection between the existence of the Mayo 
College at Ajmer and the amalgamation of Ajmer- 
Merwara with the U. P. Moreover, the Principal of 

1 The number is 350 now and would be 500 if there were room in the 


the Mayo College in his memorandum to the 
Ashworth Committee did not anticipate any difficulty 
from the Mayo College remaining an Imperial 
institution while the province of Ajmer-Merwara 
becomes a district of the United Provinces. 


Then there is the astounding objection : 

(14) "The local and Police officers are likely to 
become more irresponsible and autocratic.* 3 This 
fear is quite unfounded; the result will be exactly 
the opposite. The supervision and the u vigilant 
watch " exercised on the subordinates will remain as 
it is ; the only change will be that the head-quarters 
of the administration, instead of being in Mount 
Abu will be in Lucknow and Nainital. It will, be 
controlled by an Indian Minister and will thus become 
far more amenable to public opinion and responsive 
to public feeling. 

The next objection is that "if Ajmer is attached to 
the United Provinces, crime of a serious nature will 
increase at least tenfold." This is a hysterical 
outburst. Evidently the United Provinces, according 
to people who hold this opinion, are a criminal 
settlement and the Government of that province an 
incompetent authority; else, how will serious crime 
increase, at least tenfold and possibly sixty-fold, by 
Ajmer being governed by the U. P. Government ? 
No reasons have been given for holding this absurd 
view, particularly when it is a well known fact that the 
higher Police officers of Ajmer-Merwara are even 
now on the cadre of the United Provinces Police 
Department and come from that province. 

It is true that some people believe that Ajmer- 
Merwara, by being amalgamated with the U. P. would 
be neglected. It is true that personal contact with 


the head of the administration would be rare, but 
as constitutional rule develops, the personal element 
will become more and more unimportant. Moreover, 
the disadvantages entailed by the merger would be 
far outweighed by the solid advantages of a rule 
which would be far less autocratic and far more 
democratic, and which as time goes on, will become, 
to a greater and greater extent, responsible to the 


Official opinion is unanimous that considering 
the size and the situation of Ajmer-Merwara, the 
only way in which it can receive the full benefit of 
the reformed constitution is to become a part of a 
Major Province. In 1921 A. D. a Committee was 
appointed by Government to take evidence and report 
whether, in order to enable Ajmer-Merwara to 
participate in the Reforms and on other grounds, it 
would be advisable to ' retransf er ' Ajmer-Merwara 
to the United Provinces. The conclusion to which 
the Committee, with only one member dissenting, 
arrived at after a thorough investigation of the 
question, and after recording official and non-official 
opinion of all classes was, that "merger is the only 
means of securing to the province complete partici- 
pation in the Reforms and Administrative efficiency" 
(p. 16). The Report further says: " To sum up, 
merger appears to us to be the most effective and 
the least expensive methods of securing to the 
province administrative efficiency and participation 
in the Reforms/' (p. 18). The Committee give a 
clear warning that if Ajmer Merwara remains a 
separate unit, "the people of Ajmer Merwara must 
understand that they cannot be given real participa- 
tion in the Reforms." (p. 18). 

The Hon'ble Sir Leonard Reynolds, the present 


Chief Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwara, who was for 
several years Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwara, in a 
statement, he submitted to the Ashworth Committee 
said: "The conclusion seems irresistible that if 
Ajmer-Merwara, with the rest of India, is to advance 
towards the goal of Self Government, it must do so 
as part and parcel of a larger unit." (p. 29). 

The Hori'ble Sir Alexandar Muddiman, Home 
Member of the Government of India speaking on the 
24th February, 1925, said: (Legislative Assembly 
Debates for 1925, p. 1467) "The Government of India 
when they first considered how this district might be 
brought within the scope of the Reforms scheme, 
proposed that it should be transferred to the United 
Provinces." They could think of no other way 
This clearly shows that the Government of India 
think that the only way to give Ajmer-Merwara 
benefits of the Reforms is to amalgamate it with 
the United Provinces. 

The Indian Statutory Commission too says (Vol. 
II, p. 107) " The form of Government in Ajmer- 
Merwara cannot be usefully altered," which means 
that while Ajrner-Merwara remains a separate unit, 
its form of Government cannot usefully be altered. 
The Government of India also says: " In agreement 
with the Commission and with the Chief Commissioner 
we consider that at present no constitutional Reform 
can suitably be introduced in Ajmer-Merwara." 
Despatch to the Secretary of State on proposals for 
Constitutional Reform page 79. 


Thus it is clear that so long as Ajmer-Merwara 
remains a separate unit, it cannot participate in the 
Reforms and cannot have responsible Government like 
the rest of India. It cannot have the benefits of 
representative government, but must continue to 


remain under an autocratic form of government. It 
is also clear that the only way to share with the 
rest o India in the benefits of responsible govern* 
ment is amalgamation with a major province. 

Now, the United Provinces are the only major 
province with which, owing to historic traditioa* 
social affinity, religious connections, and present 
official relations in several departments of adminis- 
tration, Ajmer Merwara can be amalgamated. The 
conclusion arrived at by the Ashworth Committee 
was also the same. It said ; " Neither the terms of 
reference nor the opinions collected by us suggest 
merger in any other province. The United Provinces, 
both on geographical and historical grounds, are 
clearly the only larger province in which it would 
be fitting to include Ajmer Merwara." (p. 16). 


After taking into consideration the various aspects 
of the question, I am strongly of opinion that all 
shades of opinion would be satisfied if Government 
can find it possible to make Ajmer Merwara an 
autonomous province enabling its people fully to 
participate in the benefits of the new constitution and 
to have the same voice in the administration of 
their province as the people of the other provinces 
have in theirs. If, however, that is impossible, then 
the interests of the people demand that Ajmer 
Merwara should be amalgamated with the United 
Provinces. Nothing else will satisfy the people ; 
nothing else will meet their requirements. 


I am also of opinion that considering the special 
position of Ajmer Merwara and its distance from 
the United Provinces, its historic past, and its long 
connection with the Government of India, Ajmer 


Merwara should also have separate adequate represen- 
tation in the Central Legislature. This demand is 
a most reasonable and proper one. No one acquainted 
with the real character of the Central Legislature 
and the rights and privileges of the various major 
and minor provinces of India can take exception to 
such representation. All major provinces in addition 
to their local Legislative Councils, enjoy adequate 
representation in the Central Legislature. The United 
Provinces have their own Legislative Council and, in 
addition, return 16 members to the Legislative 
Assembly and 5 to the Council of State. If the people of 
the various districts forming the United Provinces have 
a right jointly to be represented in both the Chambers 
of the Central Legislature in addition to their Local 
Council, there can be no possible objection to Ajmer 
Merwara forming part of the United Provinces, and owing 
to its especial position, having representation in the 
Central Legislature. 

Moreover, when it is proposed to give Coorg a 
much smaller province than Ajmer Merwara repre- 
sentation in both the Chambers of the Central Legislature 
in addition to giving it a Legislative Council of its own, 
it is only just and fair that Ajmer Merwara should enjoy 
representation in the United Provinces Council as well 
as the Federal Legislature. 

As the accredited representative of the people of 
Ajmer Merwara, I ask that Ajmer Merwara should 
be amalgamated with the United Provinces and should 
also have separate representation in both the Chambers 
of the Central Legislature, 


Stand upright, speak thy thought, declare 
The truth thou hast, that all may share; 
Be bold, proclaim it everywhere ; 
They only live who dare, rightly dare. 

Sir Lewis Morris. 

THE British Government have decided to accept the 
progressive association of Indians with the Government 
of India and to enact legislation conferring increasing 
power on them to manage their own affairs in 
Municipal and Provincial matters, and thus gradually 
lead them to attain self-Government under the 
aegis of the British Throne. The New Government 
of India Act is intended to set the country on the road 
to achieve this end. The eyes of the Government and 
the people are turned towards this goal, and preparations 
are being made on all sides to reach it without any 
unnecessary delay. The way, however, is long and 
weary, and much patience, thought, courage, public 
spirit and co-operation is necessary to enable the 
country to travel steadily onwards without faltering 
and without meeting a set-back. Thus, while the 
whole of India is pulsating with new life, new hopes 
and new desires; and while all the surrounding provinces, 
the United Provinces, the Punjab, and Bombay are 
leaving the old path for the new, what part is Ajmer- 
Merawra going to play in the new order of things ? 

1 Memorandum submitted in 1921 A. D. to the Committee appointed 
by the Government of India to report on the Administrative and 
Judicial arrangements in the Province of Ajmer Merwara, known as the 
Ashworth Committee, 


Under British Rule, Ajmer Merwara is entitled 
to enjoy, and is desirous of enjoying, the same rights 
and privileges, the same protection and benefits of that 
rule as the other provinces of India. Being the heart 
of Rajputana, the pulsation of life is quicker in Ajmer- 
Merwara than in the rest of Rajputana ; and its social 
and political life, what with its character as a British 
Province situated in the midst of Indian States, and 
what with its important position not only physically 
but still more from a religious point of view, as the 
meeting ground of both Hindus and Musalmans, owing 
to Pushkar and the Durgah Khawaja Sahib, from all 
parts of India, from distant Madras, Bengal and the 
Frontier Province, to the United Provinces, Gujrat 
and Malwa, social and political life here is likely to 
gather accelerated speed as time goes on. And it 
would probably be wise as well as expedient not to 
leave it where it has remained since its acquisition by 
Government, while the rest of the country is steadily 
travelling towards a well-defined goal by ^definite, 
decisive and carefully determined steps. The interests 
of peace, contentment and good Government would 
probably be better served by keeping Ajmer Merwara 
abreast with other provinces and not with-holding 
from it advantages and benefits which other provinces 
would be enjoying as of right. 

The question is, can all this be done while Ajmer- 
Merwara remains a separate entity, cut off administra- 
tively from the rest of India? 

Its small size and population, and its geographical 
position preclude the application of those principles 
and measures of Government which may, and will be, 
adopted in the case of bigger provinces. It is imposible 
to create for this small area, the same administrative 
aud governmental machinery and establish institutions 
and adopt means to provide full scope for the 
exercise of the growing activities and energies of 


the people and to assure the advancement of all 
educational, commercial, social, economic and political 
interests of its inhabitants. The financial position of 
Ajmer Merwara, if it is made to stand by itself, 
will for ever bar the way of its people getting all the 
advantages, the other provinces are and would 
soon be enjoying in a still greater degree, whether 
political or economical. Ajmer Merwara will never 
be able to get the same facilities as other provinces in 
the matter of education whether literary, commercial, 
technical, legal, medical or agricultural as, for instance, 
the United Provinces. Its young men will never have 
the same field for employment and work in these and 
other departments of administration or spheres of 
activity as the people of any district in the United 
Provinces or Bombay. Its judiciary can never be of 
the same calibre and high status as it would be, if it 
were a part of the United Provinces, and the adminis- 
tration of justice is the most important function a 
Government has to discharge in peace times. Leaving 
the benefits of a Chartered High Court aside, it can 
hardly ever afford to have even a Judicial Commissioner 
with the legal knowledge, experience, training and status 
of a High Court Judge; or even a Chief Commissioner, 
whose time and energy would be devoted, as they 
should be devoted, in the absence of a Legislative 
Council, solely to the administration of this small 
province, and to a study of the needs of its people 
and the adoption of measures necessary for their 
progress to keep them at a level with the people of 
other provinces. 

Its best interests, therefore, demand that it should be 
incorporated with an advanced province. In my humble 
opinion, it would not lose its individuality by its 
association with the United Provinces ; for, individuality 
is a matter not of machinery of administration, but of 
mental and moral resources of a people, and such 


resources, I am apt to think will receive greater 
development with increased opportunities of education 
and association. Its advantageous position, it being the 
centre of arteries carrying life and activity to the 
different parts of the great and historical province of 
Rajputana, and also as forming a principal link in the 
chain which connects life in Northern India with that in 
the South-Western would never allow it to be submerg- 
ed under any reactionary and prejudicial forces operat- 
ing in a province administered from a place so far away 
from Ajmer as Allahabad or Lucknow; for we must 
always remember that the telegraph, the railway, the 
air service and other means of speedy communication 
have, if not annihilated time and distance, reduced 
these factors to their minimum importance. In fact, 
I am of opinion, that while it would enjoy all the 
advantages and benefits that an advanced and big 
province must provide for its component parts, the 
peculiar position of Ajmer Merwara would ensure for 
it some privileges which would be found specially 
suited to its requirements. 

It appears to me that the United Provinces is the 
only province with which Ajmer Merwara can, with 
any advantage be associated. Historic tradition points 
towards it as an unmistakable aim. Throughout the 
Musalman period of Indian History, Mughal as well as 
pre-Mughal, the Subah of Ajmer was more closely 
associated with the country now styled the United 
Provinces, which then included Delhi, than with the 
Punjab. And during its existence of 102 years as 
British territory from 1818 A. D. to 1920 A. D. Ajmer- 
Merwara was under the United Provinces Government 
from 1818 A. D to 1870 A.D. for more than half the 
period of such existence. Even now, several depart- 
ments of its administration, the Forest, the Police and 
the Public Works are administered by officers on 
the United Provinces Cadre. 


Educationally, Ajmer Merwara is affiliated to the 
University o Allahabad. l The United Provinces High 
Court is still the Court o Reference for this province. 
There is greater affinity between Ajmer and the 
United Provinces than any other British Province in 
language, habits of the people, in the matter of caste, 
social customs and manners (even in food and dress) 
all matters, that ensure success in administrative 
amalgamation and thereby in achieving public welfare 
and advancement. 

It is impossible to link this province with the 
Punjab, for there is absolutely nothing common between 
the two provinces, except that both are parts of 
British India. The language, the mode of life, 
the manners and customs of the people inhabiting 
Ajmer Merwara differ completely from those of the 
Punjab. Historical tradition, which is an unerring 
embodiment of achieved results of past effort, and 
which is an important factor in the success of any scheme 
of amalgamation, is completely lacking in this case. 
History shows that Ajmer Merwara never had anything 
to do with the Punjab politically or socially during 
the last thousand years, and more. The mere fact that 
during the last four or five years, two officers who are 
on the Punjab cadre have been borrowed to run the 
co-operative movement in the province, cannot seriously 
be considered as any ground for tacking Ajmer Merwara 
on to the Punjab. 

Delhi may be called a province only by courtesy, 
for it consists only of a city, and though administrative 
convenience and economy may render it desirable to 
combine Delhi, mainly for Delhi's sake, with Ajmer, 
yet the public interests of Ajmer Merwara would in no 
way be advanced by this arrangement. On the 
contrary, Delhi would be a serious handicap for Ajmer- 

1 Now to the Agra University. 


Merwara, and political, social and economic advancement 
of Ajmer Merwara would be retarded by its 
close association with Delhi, which city, being the seat 
of the Imperial Government, demands special treatment. 

The presence of Istimrari Estates in Ajmer-Merwara 
does not affect the question at all. Their relations 
with the chiefs and chieftains in Rajputana are of 
a social character and will not be affected by 
Ajmer Merwara being administered by officers on 
the United Provinces cadre or a cadre of its own. 
The special treatment and the privileged position 
these estates enjoy, will in no way be imperilled by 
the Estates corning under the jurisdiction of a Local 
Government, which, as in the case of the Oudh Taluk- 
dars, controls estates, many of whom are individually 
almost equal in revenue to the Ajmer Istimrari Estates 
combined. Moreover, when their interests were 
admittedly in no way adversely affected when they, for 
the first time, came under the control of the United 
Provinces Government in 1818 A. D. and remained in 
that position for 50 years, there can be no shadow of 
an apprehension on that score, now that the position of 
the Istimrardars is consolidated and their individual 
rights properly defined and both better understood 
than at the beginning of the British Rule. 

I, therefore, submit that, after a careful 
consideration of the matter, I am decidedly of opinion 
that in the interests of the people of Ajmer Merwara, 
as well as the general interests of the inhabitants of 
Rajputana, Ajmer Merwara should be amalgamated 
with the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. 





We held debate 

on mind and art 

And labour and the changing mart, 
And all the framework of the land. 

TKNNYSON, In Memorium. 

SIR, I move that "This Assembly recommends to the 
Governor-General in Council that he will be* pleased to 
establish a Legislative Council for Ajmer Merwara." 

The matter of the motion must not be taken to be 
of local importance only, as affecting only a small part 
of the country. The history and traditions of Ajmer- 
Merwara, its great strategical importance, its peculiar 
geographical situation situated as it is in the heart of 
the land of the Rajputs, and more than 220 miles 
away from the nearest British territory and its great 
religious associations invest the question of its 
administration with an importance which will be felt 
more and more as time progresses. 

As that noble historian and political officer, Colonel 
James Tod, whose memory is revered throughout 
Rajputana, says, Ajmer is celebrated in the history 
of the Mughals as well as the Hindus. It was the last 
capital of the Hindu Empire in India. Ajmer was the 
place where the splendours of Rajput chivalry and 
the resplendant glories of the Chauhan Empire shone 

1 Speech delivered in the Legislative Aaiembly, New Delhi, on 
24 February, 1925 A. D. 


so brightly as to light up the firmament of the whole 
of Southern Asia. 

Even now Ajmer contains one of the most sacred 
of the Hindu places of pilgrimage as also one of the 
important Muslim shrines in India. The importance 
of Ajmer and the part it has played in the political 
history of the country are best illustrated by the fact 
that no one achieved political supremacy in this great 
country, until the possession of Ajmer adorned his 
ambitious brow. 

Ajmer was one of the earliest possessions of the 
British in India: it became a part of British India 
long before Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Lucknow, Allahabad, 
Karachi or Nagpur. 

And if any province deserves well of the British 
Government, it is Ajmer Merwara. For, it was this small 
province, rather its district of Merwara, which furnished 
the highest percentage of fighting men in India to 
the Government during the World War. I remember 
well the head of the Province declare, with evident 
.pride at a public meeting in Ajmer after a prolonged 
tour in Merwara in 1916, that he had been to all the 
villages in the district and had looked in vain for 
grown-up men in the villages; that he had found that 
all who were capable of bearing arms were serving 
their King either in Flanders or in Mesopotamia or 
Africa, and that only women, children and old men 
were to be seen in the villages and the hill-sides of 
this nursery of soldiers. 

Ajmer is called the heart of Rajputana. It is here 
that those vital impulses are generated that reach the 
furthermost parts of this great province. Being the 
centre of Rajputana, it radiates light which lights up all 
the nooks and corners in this historic province and 
affects the lives not only of the millions who reside 
there, but of millions who possessing homes there, are 
spread all over India and are found in large numbers in 


Madras, in the Central Provinces and Khandesh, in 
Sindh and all over the Bombay Presidency, in 
Hyderabad, in Bengal, in distant Assam, in Rangoon, 
in Singapore and in Africa. Their happiness and 
prosperity are affected by the political conditions and 
administrative changes in the homelands of this race 
of born traders and business men. These homelands 
take their cue from this important province of Ajmer- 
Merwara, which in all matters administrative or social, 
is looked up to by the rest of Rajputana containing the 
most important and ancient Rajput States of India. 
What Ajmer thinks to-day, the rest of Hajputana will 
think to-morrow. 

The form of administration of Ajmer Merwara -is 
thus of importance not only to the citizens of this 
British Province, but also to all residents of Rajputana, 
a province as large as France, whether they reside in 
Rajputana or are engaged in commercial pursuits in 
other parts in India. In this sense, the question of 
the administration o Ajmer Merwara travels beyond 
the limits of provincial importance and enters into 
the domain of national importance. 

But while the situation and the circumstances of this 
province invest it with especial importance, its small 
size subjects it to serious drawbacks. In big provinces, 
the outcry reverberates throughout their length and 
breadth and even beyond them, and the volume ensures 
hearing. Then, the income and the extent o territory 
in the case of bigger provinces make the maintenance 
of regular and permanent services possible, and 
make the members of those services take real interest 
in its problems, its conditions^ in its welfare, as 
most of them have to pass their lives there. Not so 
in small provinces, and particularly those under -the 
Political Department of the Government of. India, 

Rightly or wrongly, the British Government have 
accepted, the ideal that the Government jbf India shall 


be a federation of provinces, all self-contained and 
independent, with only foreign relations, finance and 
national security centralized. This involves provin- 
cialization of services, and the breaking of many of 
those bonds which serve to unite the various provinces 
together and to cement the various parts of the country 
into one whole. Provincial autonomy is a spoke in 
the wheel of Indian progress. It is a question whether 
the present policy, if carried to its logical conclusion, 
in a country like India will not to some extent hinder 
the building up of the Indian nation as a unit, as an 
organic unity gathering nourishment from every part 
of it and supplying vitality to its various component 
parts by a single alimentary canal reaching its furthest 
limits. I believe, Sir, that provincialization has been 
introduced into India, not because it has any virtue in 
itself, but because Government have conceded control 
of the services and local interests in provinces to local 
Councils and Ministers who would be Indians and 
who would thus be able to exercise some control over 
the administration. 

I believe, Sir, that nationalization of the important 
and skeleton services would be more useful to the 
country in keeping up a high standard of efficiency and 
in strengthening the unifying influences at work in 
the land. Whether this view is right or wrong, ^ I 
think it is desirable that a Government, imperial in 
character, with an imperial outlook, should not shape 
the administration of each province or district irres- 
pective of attendant considerations, merely on the 
relation its revenue bears to its expenditure. Certain 
principles applicable to big provinces cannot with 
justice or fairness be strictly applied to small but 
important provinces. 

Ajmer Merwara, though in no way behind the 
bigger provinces in intellectual and moral evolution, 
is being left behind in the race, through no fault of its 


own, but owing to historic incidents, owing to circum- 
stances beyond the control of its inhabitants. Ajmer- 
Merwara with a history and traditions second in 
importance to no other province, inhabited by a people 
who in intelligence, industry, enterprise and loyalty are 
able to hold their own anywhere, have to live in 
unsatisfactory conditions, in spite of the efforts of some 
of the best officers that have served any Government, 
as the administration is starved and educational 
facilities to the people denied. If literacy is any test 
of the fitness of a province to secure representative 
institutions and a Legislative Council, Ajmer Merwara 
is far in advance of many a province which possesses a 
Council. The Punjab and the United Provinces are 
situated nearer to Ajmer Merwara than any other 
British province. Now, according to the census of 
1921 the average literacy of Ajmer Merwara is 113 
compared to 37 in the United Provinces and 25 in the 
Punjab. The electorate in Ajmer Merwara is thus 
much better educated, if I may use the word, than in 
these neighbouring provinces. 

Let us apply another test. It has often been said 
that the fitness of a province to possess a representative 
Assembly is in proportion to the number of electors 
that go to the polls. If we apply this test to the 
various provinces of India, Ajmer Merwara would be 
found to be the foremost province in India entitled to 
possess an elected Council ; for, at the last Assembly 
elections, 75 per cent of the voters went to the polls, 
as compared with 53 in the Punjab and 45 in the 
United Provinces. No single constituency anywhere 
in Ii*dia sent more than 70 per cent or 65 per cent of 
its voters to the polls. Ajmer Merwara sent 75 
per cent. 

Leaving aside this view, it may be noted that while 
the rest of India is making progress towards self- 
government, there has been hardly any progress in the 


administration of Ajmer Merwara. The Province is 
still a Scheduled District : local laws passed fifty years 
ago are still in force practically unimproved. The 
Municipalities Act passed forty years ago stands intact. 
And whenever a new Regulation is made in any 
matter, it is framed and passed without the people 
having any voice in the framing of it. 

Now, Sir, a great injustice was done to my province 
when it was made a Scheduled District. Up to 1870 
A.D. it was a part of the North- Western Provinces 
and was administered by the Lieutenant-Governor of 
that Province. In 1871 it was taken away from the 
North- Western Provinces and made a minor adminis- 
tration under the Government of India, and was placed 
under the Agent to the Governor General in Rajputana 
as an ex-officio Chief Commissioner. The Scheduled 
Districts Act of 1874 was applied to it in 1877 A.D. 
This was a great injustice. Sir, the Scheduled 
Districts Act is intended for very backward tracts of 
the country. The Honourable Mr. Hobhouse while 
presenting the Report of the Select Committee on the 
Scheduled Districts Bill and Laws Local Extent Bill 
in the Council of the Governor- General of India on 
8th December 1874 referred to the power conferred by 
the Acts on the Executive Government and said : 

"In fact it was supposed by some that with regard to certain 
outlying districts which we now call Scheduled Districts, the 
Local Governments were to have absolute and unlimited powers 
of altering the law from time to time by proclamation and 
similar summary process/' 

He further said : 

" Other enactments again known as deregulationising Acts 
have been passed for the purpose of removing from the operation 
of the General Acts and Regulations certain districts which 
were too backward to benefit by them and of giving large powers 
of administration to the Executive in those Districts." 

Towards the end of his speech, he again used the 


words ''except the backward parts called the Scheduled 

Sir Courtney Ilbert in his "Government of India 1 ' 
(Chapter 2, page 145) says: 

"Besides the formal power of making laws through the 
Legislative Council, the Governor has also, under an Act of 1870 
power to legislate in a more summary manner by meens of 
Regulations for the government of certain districts of India of a 
more backward character which are defined by orders of the 
Secretary of State and which are Scheduled districts within the 
meaning of certain Acts of the Indian Legislature." 

These extracts will show that the backward parts o 
the country, some outlying districts were the tracts 
intended to be treated as Scheduled districts, and the 
Scheduled Districts Act was intended to be applied to 
them only. By 110 stretch of imagination, no straining 
of the English language, could Ajrner be called or 
treated as a backward province, deficient in the posses- 
sion of the necessary elements of a civilised part of the 
country; as being inhabited by a people in any way 
behind Agra, Delhi, Cawnpore, Lahore, Ahmedabad or 
Poona in the common amenities of civilisation, in social 
or moral evolution, in the peaceful arts of life or in 
intellectual culture. Is the fact that Ajmer was once 
the capital of Upper India under the Chauhan Emperors, 
or, where the high traditions of its elevated position, 
courtly manners, high Hindu culture and refinement 
concomitants of the seat of empire still linger, a proof 
of its backwardness ? Is the fact that it contains the 
most ancient and sacred places of the Muslims and the 
Hindus in this country, places of pilgrimage where 
Hindus and Muslims from all parts of India have for 
centuries been meeting and bringing with them their high 
culture and traditions any evidence to show that Ajmer 
is a semi-civilised province or is it that its flourishing 
cotton, lace and dyeing industries, its higher average 
iteracy than that of most of the other provinces of 


India, the peaceful pursuits of its residents, the total 
absence of violent crime in it, make it a backward 
tract ? The answer can only be an emphatic " no." 
How is it then that it has been classed as a Scheduled 
district ? There is a Persian proverb, Sir, Ae 
raushani-e-taba tu bar man bald shudi. "(Oh enlighten- 
ment, thou hast become a source of trouble to me. 55 ) 
Its important strategical and political situation, situated 
as it is at the head of the watershed of India, and 
commanding equally all the great Rajput States from 
its central position has been its misfortune. ^ Govern- 
ment knew well from the beginning that Ajmer was 
more advanced in the amenities of civilisation than 
many Regulation Provinces and was abreast of the best 
of them, yet because of the political considerations that 
its geographical situation in the midst of great and 
historic Rajput States gave rise to, it was considered 
necessary to treat it in a special way. That is why it 
was made a Non-Regulation province. The Ashworth 
Committee's report on the Administrative and Judicial 
arrangements in the province of Ajmer Merwara, 
1921, under the heading " Historical Restrospect", 
after mentioning that in 1853 Ajmer Merwara was 
administered by the Government of the North Western 
Provinces through a Commissioner who was assisted 
by a Deputy Commissioner and an Assistant Commis- 
sioner, says : 

"From 1858 the office of the Commissioner was held 
ex-offidv by the Agent to the Governor-General in Rajputana 
who was subordinate in his former capacity to the Government 
of the North Western Provinces and in his latter capacity to 
the Political Department of tho Government of India. This 
was found to be an undesirable system, The Agent to the 
Governor General in Rajputana could not spare sufficient 
time for the constant correspondence which his position as 
Commissioner under a Local Government entailed, while his 
subordination as Commissioner to a Local Government was 
detrimentail to hs influence as Agent with the Indian Princes. 


At the same time, the situation of Ajmer-Merwara among 
Indian States in the heart of JRajputana was held to render 
necessary the retention of its administration by the Agent to 
the Governor-General. Accordingly in 1871 A.D. the province 
was taken under the direct administration of the Government 
of India in the Foreign Department, that department being 
preferred to the Home Department on the ground of the 
district's geographical position among Indian States and of 
its circumstances requiring less rigidity of procedure." 

It is thus clear, Sir, that it was not because of the 
people being backward that it was made a Non-Regu- 
lation province, but because this was considered 
necessary for the furtherance of the foreign policy of 
the^ Government of India in its dealings with the 
Indian Princes. And as the Government of India in 
the interests of their foreign policy would not allow 
Ajmer-Merwara to be administered by the Home 
Department or as a Regulation Province, which it fully 
deserved and to which it was fully entitled in every 
sense of the term; and as Government had at their 
command no other machinery of administration except 
what was provided by Statute 33 Victoria c. 3; Act I 
of 1870 was applied to it and it was subjected to all the 
hardships, the injustices, the disabilities and disqualifica- 
tions of a Scheduled or a backward province. Sir, my 
province has thus been suffering from a wrong done 
to it by Government, though perhaps Government 
never intended to injure the people by designedly 
retarding their progress. 

But the times have changed, the goal of British policy 
in India has changed, old methods have been discarded 
and new ones adopted, and the interests of my province, 
imperatively demand that to save it from permanent 
injury, it should be given the benefit of the measures 
which the Government in their wisdom have considered 
it necessary to apply to the rest of India to ensure 
the progress and happiness of its people. (Pandit 
Shamlctl Nehru: "What are the benefits that the rest 


of India enjoys ?") Why, the application of the 
Reform Scheme, the increasing association of the people 
with the administration and with the Government. 
The latest authoritative report on the administration 
of Ajmer shows how great the need for a reformed 
administration there is in Ajmer Merwara. At page 
10, it says that "there is urgent need of the revision of 
the Ajmer Merwara Regulations." Furtheron (page 
18) it says: "While, we agree that the administration 
as it exists is amateurish, we are impressed with 
grave deficiencies which exist. 1 ' Is there not a 
sufficiently strong case for us to ask Government to 
uijdo the wrong done to us, however unwittingly and 
unintentionally, and associate us in the administra- 
tion, and frame laws and regulations with the willing 
co-operation and loyal assistance of the people in a 
Legislative Council and thereby ensure the advance- 
ment, the happiness and contentment of the people, 
who have proved their loyalty, and who stand abreast 
of fhe most advanced and enlightened of the provinces 
of India in intellectual and moral evolution P 

Government received possession of Ajmer in 1818 A.D. 
from the Scindia. Since then, great improvements have 
been made. While the Mughal Empire was declining 
and dissolving, the possession of Ajmer, owing to its 
central position, was coveted by the different warring 
elements in the country; and it became a bone of con- 
tention in the eighteenth century between the Mughals 
and the Rajputs, and later between the Rajputs and the 
M^hrattas. The population of Ajmer in 1818 sank to 
25,000 men all told. With the era of peace and 
settled government ushered in by the British, 
the population began to increase, till it is now a 
lakh- Be^war, which, a hundred years ago, was a 

1 Ashworth Committee Report. 

'According to the 1931 Census Report, it is 1,19,524. 


village, has now become one of the most important 
commercial centres of India, with a rising cotton 
industry of considerable importance and a wool trade 
second only to that of Fazalka in the Punjab. The 
district of Merwara, inhabited by a people who in olden 
days preferred the sword and the rapier to the plough, 
has been made an agricultural district and a centre of 
industry. Its daring people who enjoyed virtual 
independence till 1820 A.D.; who plundered the camp of 
Emperor Jahangir and did not allow Emperor Aurangzeb 
and even Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur to pass 
unmolested by it, have been converted into agricul- 
turists, industrialists and soldiers. But while acknow- 
ledging the good done to Ajmer Merwara in the past, 
it is our duty to see that the people of that province 
who have stood fast by the Government and shed their 
blood freely on the battle-fields of Flanders and 
Mesopotamia are enabled to march with the times and 
keep abreast of the other provinces and not left 
behind them. 

In Ajmer Merwara, the European civil officers 
belong to the Political Department of the Government 
of India, and though some of them are masters* of 
their craft and are sympathetic, they are handicapped 
in various ways. The fact is that most of those who 
come to the province have little experience of adminis- 
tration. As Mr. L. W. Reynolds, recently Commis- 
sioner of Ajmer-Merwara, says (vide, page 29 of the 
Asworth Committee's Report). 

" Under the existing system there is no certainty that either 
the Chief Commissioner or his First Assistant (now Secretary) 
will have any administrative experience of Ajmer Merwara or 
indeed any administrative experience at all, the appointment 
being made from the cadre of the Political Department which ia 
composed of officers, many of whom have never served in 
"Internal India*" Similar criticism applies to the Commissioner. 
Some Commissioners have had revenue knowledge, some judicial, 
most of them have had neither, and in only one instance, daring 
the last fifteen years has the. incumbent of the office bad, prior 


to his appointment, any recent experience of district work. 1 ' 

These are the words of Mr. Reynolds, Chief Commis- 
sioner of Ajmer-Merwara). (later, Sir L. W. Reynolds, 
Regarding the work of the Commissioner, he says: 

" The Commissioner, in addition to being Sessions and Civil 
Judge and District Magistrate, a combination of duties which in 
the present day it will, I think, be found hard to defend, is 
Director General of Education, Inspector General of Jails, 
Inspector General of Forests, Chairman of the District Board, 
Convener of the Managing Committee of the Mayo College, 
Registrar-General of Births and Deaths in Rajputana/' 

Mr.J Reynolds forgot to .'add, Collector of Revenue and 
Inspector General of Registration. He adds: 

"In addition, he has general supervision over Excise, 
Income-tax, Co-operative Societies and the ordinary duties of 
district, municipal and revenue work. Though practically the 
final arbiter on these special branches he is as a rule entirely 
innocent of any knowledge of education, forests, co-operative 
societies, excise and such matters. Common sense is his only and 
not always a safe guide in matters requiring technical knowledge 
and experience." 

The seriousness of the drawback increases with 
the development of the administrative machinery of 
British India, the changing of the goal of British 
policy and the awakening of the people to a 
consciousness of their position and their rights. The 
acquaintance of these officers with the conditions 
and circumstances of the province is meagre and 
superficial and their interest in its welfare, in spite 
of their goodwill, of a fleeting nature owing to the 
fact that there is no permanent bond between them 
and the province, as is the case in bigger provinces. 
The Commissioner of Ajmer is to-day in Ajmer and 
to-morrow he is Resident of Kashmir. Owing to 
these conditions, in all matters executive and 
judicial, rules and regulations framed by other 
Provincial Councils and Governments to suit their 
own requirements are applied to this Province. 


I know that the officers there are doing their 
best according to their lights, but the conditions 
of service are such that it is impossible for them to 
do all that should be done. 

If, however, there were a Council, the represen- 
tatives of the people in view of the chronic famine 
conditions obtaining there, necessitating periodic 
adjustment in certain matters, and in view of the 
especial requirements of the province owing to its 
peculiar geographical and political situation, would 
not apply the Rules and Regulations framed for 
other provinces in their entirety, without material 

It is unnecessary for me to take all the Regula- 
tions and Acts applied to Ajmer Merwara from time 
to time Regulations which were framed for the 
North-West Frontier Province, the Punjab and 
other Provinces and which were applied to Ajmer- 
Merwara without carefully considering whether they 
were good for Ajmer Merwara. 

It will perhaps be said that there is no desire 
whatever to withhold the benefits of a Legislative 
Council from Ajmer-Merwara and that the Govern- 
ment wish to give the same voice and the same 
status to the people there as to those of the United 
Provinces or the Punjab, but that its financial 
resources do not allow of the application of the 
scheme. This objection, when examined in the light 
of justice and fair-play, would not be found to be 
tenable. In the first place, the province is really 
self-supporting. It is not now a deficit province. 
According to the Inchcape Committee's Report, of 
the ten minor administrations, Ajmer Merwara is 
the only surplus one. It is, however, said that if 
certain Public Works Department charges are included, 
the expenditure would slightly exceed the income. 
We think, Sir, that some of these charges are not 


properly chargeable to Ajraer. Moreover, the Public 
Works administration of Ajmer Merwara is unjustifi- 
ably top-heavy. There is only one Executive Engineer 
in the province and over him there is a Superintend- 
ing Engineer. 1 So is the case with the Police; 
there is a single District Superintendent of Police 
and over him there is an Inspector General of Police. 9 
Surely there is am pie room for reduction of expenditure. 

Leaving the question of top-heavy administration 
aside, is it any fault of the people of Ajmer-Merwara 
that the province is a small one ? The Government 
took possession of it, bacause of its supreme political 
importance. The Mughals and the Afghans did the 
same before the British and for the same reason. But 
in the Mughal times, the people of Ajmer enjoyed 
the same rights as those of Allahabad or Agra Are 
we, who are equally advanced with the people of 
other provinces in the peaceful arts of life and in 
intellectul culture, not entitled to the same rights 
and privileges in provincial matters, as those around 
us are P Once the Government take possession of 
any part of India, they by the very act of taking 
possession, undertake certain liabilities and duties 
and one of them is that its people become entitle 
to enjoy the Fame rights and privileges as people 
in the same stage of social and moral evolution in 
other provinces do. Why are we, then, though 
equally the subjects of His Majesty with those of the 
United Provinces or Madras, and perhaps more 
serviceable in war, not to have the same voice in 
the administration as they have ? 

As the Government of India pay immense regard to 
precedent witness their judicial aministration; for, in 
a court of law a previous ruling is generally decisive 

1 The post of the Superintending Engineer has since been abolished. 
* The Retrenchment Committee appointed by the Government 
of India in 1931 A* D. recommended the abolition of this post. 


I will quote a precedent in support of my case. 

Government have given a Legislative Council 
to a province much smaller and infinitely less 
important than Ajmer-Merwara. It is Coorg. The 
area of Coorg is about half of that of Ajmer Merwara, 
while its population is only a little over a third. 
Coorg has not one town worth the name. Mercara 
with a population of 5,67") souls standing on the 
border line between a town and a large village : 
while my province contains the city of Ajmer with 
a population of a lakh (the last census report says 
114,000) and occupying a most important place in 
the hearts of the Hindus and the Muslims, for no 
other city in India, so far as I am aware, enjoys 
the surname Sharif (great) riot even Delhi, not 
even Simla. 

Besides Ajmer, there is the town of Beawar, which is 
not only one of the most important commercial towns 
in the country but the second greatest market for 
wool in the whole of India. There are other towns too 
with a larger population than the chief town of Coorg, 
Ajmer is an older possession of the British than 
Coorg. There is not a single college in Coorg and 
only one high school. In Ajiner there is a first 
grade Government College, one of the oldest in 
Upper India and one of the most efficient, thanks to 
the life-long labours of the late Principal, Mr. E. F. 
Harris, to whom Ajmer owes a debt of gratitude. 
The beginnings o English education in Ajmer- 
Merwara carry us to the early thirties of the last 
century. Then there, is the Mayo College, the 
premier College for the Princes of India. The city 
of Ajmer alone has a number of large high schools 
and even those are too few for the boys seeking 
education. Ajmer is a Bishopric, and contains several 
European schools. If then, Coorg has been given a 
Legislative Council to enable the people to participate 


in its administration, what valid reason is there 
that Ajmer Merwara should not have one ? 

I wish to add, Sir, that i Ajmer Merwara had 
not been a Non-Regulation province, not a Scheduled 
District, but had been administered by the Govern- 
ment of India with the Legislative Assembly, the 
case would have been somewhat different. 

His Excellency the Viceroy has often given very 
wholesome and useful advice to the Indian Princes 
asking them to recognize the spirit of the times and 
to associate their people in the administration of 
Indian States. Nothing will make this advice more 
effective than the establishment of a Legislative 
Council in the heart of Rajputana as an example for 
them to follow, and an act for them to emulate. 

I appeal to Government therefore to consider our 
request, to consider the priceless services rendered 
by Ajmer Merwara in the great war, to consider its 
present unique and important position, to consider 
its high development in the peaceful arts of life, to 
consider its past history and the glories it is heir 
to, and to consider the far-reaching beneficent 
consequences that the progress and advancement of 
Ajmer Merwara in representative government would 
have on the lives and happiness of the millions that 
inhabit Rajputana and are engaged in trade and 
industry, and are abreast of the people of the most 
advanced provinces in India in culture and civilization, 
and extend the benefits of a Legislative Council to 
Ajmer Merwara, which justice demands and policy 


Blest be the gracious Power, who taught mankind 
To stamp a lasting image of the mind ! 
Beasts may convey, and tuneful birds may sing, 
Their mutual feelings in the opening spring ; 
But Man alone has skill and power to send 
The heart's warm dictates to the distant friend ; 
' Tis his alone to please, instruct, advice 
Ages remote, and nations yet to rise. 


AJMBR enjoys a distinction of its own amongst the 
cities of India. Not only was it the last Capital of the 
Hindu Empire, but it is proudly and inseparably 
associated with the glories of Rajput chivalry, having 
been the capital of the most famous of the Kajput 
sovereigns of the country, the Emperors Pirthviraj and 
Visaldeva. Geographically, it marks the head of the 
water-shed of India, the plateau on which it stands 
being the highest elevation of the plains of Hindustan. 
It is admittedly one of the most picturesque places in 
India. Its superb situation, the great strategical 
importance of its position in fche centre of the warlike 
Rajput States, and crowned, as it is, by the impregnable 
fortress of Gurh Beetli (Taragarh), famous in song, 
which, according to Bishop Berber, * might easily be 
made a second Gibralter," have given Ajmer a unique 
position amongst the cities of India and have made 
it a living illustration of what human genius aided 
by Nature can achieve. 

1 Reprinted from the Ajmer Government College Magazine for 
November, 1928 A.D. 


Colonel James Tod, the father of Rajput hstory, 
whose knowledge of the history, traditions and the 
character of the people of Rajputana has never been 
equalled, calls Ajmer, " the heart of Rajputana." As 
the vital impulses that take their origin in this 
favoured spot travel to the farthest corners of this 
land of chivalry; so do education and enlightenment 
radiate from this centre to illumine this province, 
which is as large as that great country which gave to 
the world the trinity of human emancipation, 
"Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." 

It was, therefore, in the fitness of things that the 
first public school to impart education on Western 
lines in Western India was opened at Ajmer. It was 
in 1836 A. D. while the Punjab was still under Hindu 
rule and Oudh under the Muslims ; before Sir Charles 
Napier had won the battles of Miani and Hyderabad, 
which later in 1843 made Sindh a British province; 
while Nagpur still had its Bhonsla king, and a 
degenerate descendant of the mighty Akbar occupied 
the throne at Delhi, that an English school was 
opened at Ajmer. A few years later, in 1847, the 
Court of Directors of the East India Company 
established a regular High school, which has since 
developed into a first grade College, the present 
Government College at Ajmer. Ever since its 
inception, the institution has been spreading enlighten* 
ment in Rajputana, and its alumni have carried the 
lamp of learning to the various States which surround 
Ajmer, and have furnished men to strengthen and 
carry on the administration of these remnants of 
ancient Hindu sovereignty. The Government College 
has furnished the various Indian States in Rajputana 
with Ministers and Diwans who have systematized the 
administrations of those States and introduced in them 
many enlightened principles. Though the Ajmer 
Government College has done valuable work in 

HAi 1886 A, 


Rajputana, which does it credit, and which entitles it to 
the gratitude of the people, its development into a 
university has, for the time being, been arrested. The 
coping-stone on the magnificient edifice which was 
begun in 1847 and has been reared by loyal and loving 
hands has yet to be placed. 

Many of the Colleges that came into being long 
after our College had become an Intermediate College, 
have developed into universities. The Ajmer College 
has yet to become a university. The attempt lately 
made, by the well-wishers of education in Rajputana, 
did not come to fruition, owing to reasons which 
must be removed, and which, being against the spirit 
of the times we are passing through, cannot long hold 
the field. The establishment of a University is 
desirable, not because it enables us to stamp on 
the spot the product of that mine, not even because 
it applies the fiery test of examinations to sort the 
genuine from the spurious; not because it provides, 
within easy reach facilities for higher education^ but 
chiefly because it creates an atmosphere congenial to 
the development of the human mind. 

By bringing together and centralising different 
departments of learning; by the convergence inclose, 
mutual association of various sources and agencies^ of 
teaching, a new spirit is produced, which liberalizes 
the mind, broadens the vision, widens the sympathies, 
and elevates the general level of character. The 
university becomes a centre of activity, wherein will 
come to birth intellectual and moral forces, which not 
only have a great unifying effect, uniting by cnlturfe 
and moral ties the whole of the area served by the 
university, but which infuse new spirit in the dead 
bones of social life to vitalise and enliven it, and 
generally promote research and reform in the entire 
domain of society, religion and economics, freeing 
them from the cobwebs of ages and destroying the 


ancient shibboleths of ante-deluvian times, substituting 
in their place, principles and precepts in harmony with 
modern thought and requirements, calculated to help 
in the ushering in of an era of general progress 
and welfare. 

This is a desideratum not only generally desirable 
but one which has become inevitable. Its advent can 
be delayed, but not prevented. It is sure to confer great 
benefits on the p rovince. The university should be cast 
in a mould, so that the high principles of true Western 
teaching which lay stress on the formation of character 
and inculcation of moral principles, could coalesce with 
the tenets of ''Swadharma," the basic principle on which 
the traditions of Rajputana rest. The institution then 
will produce youngmen devoted to duty, alive to 
obligations, and sensitive to the dictates of honour. 

And it is inevitable. India being one whole, no part 
of it, and especially such an important part as 
Rajputana, covered as it is, with the glory of great 
deeds and associated with traditions that have won 
universal praise, approbation and admiration can 
long be held back from taking part in the general 
movement onwards. 

And it behoves all those who have had the privilege 
of receiving education in this seat of learning, or have 
been in any way connected with it, at one time or 
another, to do their^duty to their Alma Mater, and help 
in bringing about conditions which are conducive to 
the fullest development of this institution. The time 
will come, and come perhaps earlier than many people 
think, when this desire of all, who love Rajputana, 
will be fulfilled. 


'Tis education forms the common mind : 
Just as the twig is bent, the tree 's inclined. 

POPE, Moral Essays. 

A CAREFUL consideration of the facts brought to 
light during the investigation clearly shows that 
neither the Government, nor the local bodies have 
done their duty fully by the people of Ajmer M erwara 
in the matter of primary education. While in the 
major provinces, education being a transferred subject 
has received more or less adequate consideration and 
support at the hands of Ministers; while, even in Delhi, 
which like Ajmer Merwara is a centrally administered 
area, a great deal has been done in the cause of 
primary education; in this unhappy province of 
Ajmer Merwara neither the Government nor the local 
bodies have taken any appreciable interest in primary 
education and shown that they are alive to their 
responsibilities in the matter. 

Both Delhi and Ajmer Merwara are Chief Com- 
missionerships under the direct administration of 
the Government of India with populations almost 
equal, Delhi having a population of 488,188 and Ajmer 
495271 souls, according to the census of 1921 A. D.; 
but in the matter of primary as well as secondary and 
college education, Delhi is far ahead of Ajmer. Taking 
the year 1926-27 A. D., for which figures are available, 
we find that in Ajmer there was one school for every 18 
square miles, while in Delhi there was one for 4 miles. 

1 Minute attached to the Beport of the Primary Education 
appointed by the Government of India in 1930 A. D. 



Owing to the introduction of compulsion, however, 
in the Delhi province, primary schools have since 
multiplied, and the proportion now is far higher 
than in 1926-27 A. i>. In 1928-29 A. D. the latest year 
for which figures are available, in Delhi 65-4 per cent 
of the boys of school-going age attended school, while 
in Ajmer Merwara only 2 7 '9 per cent did so. As for 
girls, while in Delhi 23-3 per cent of the girls of 
school-going age attended school, in Ajmer only 7*3 
per cent, did so. The quinquennial report on educa- 
tion in Ajmer Merwara (A. D, 1922 to 1927) says 
(page 42): "Out of a total female population of 
2,25,705 in Ajmer Merwara only 1,395 girls are under 
instruction, giving a percentage of O62"! The 
percentage even of the male population receiving 
primary education, according to the Hartog Committee 
Report issued in 1929, is 3*9 only. Then the rate of 
progress in Delhi is far more rapid. Enrolment, of 
boys in the municipal schools of the city of Delhi went 
up six times, from 1,468 in 1922-23 to 8,549 in 
1928-29, and of girls from 336 in 1922-23 to 2,214 in 
1928-29. In Ajmer, however, the total number of 
boys in all schools rose from 6,610 in 1922-23 
to 10,524 in 1928-29. As for girls' education, the 
progress may be measured by the fact that the number 
of primary schools for girls decreased from 12 in 
1921-22 to 7 in 1926-27, and, as the quinquennial 
report (pages 42 and 44) says, the expenditure on those 
schools went down from Rs. 10,595 in 1921-22 to 
Rs 6,909 in 1926-27 A. D. Evtn in the North-West 
Frontier Province, 30 per cent of the girls of school- 
going age attend school in urban areas. 

Whether this " deplorable state of affairs ", to use 
the words of the quinquennial report, is due to the fact 
that Ajmer Merwara has no contact with the Central 
Government like Delhi, where the Government of 
India stays for half the year, or whether because the 


Educational Commissioner with the Government of 
India, as ex-officio Superintendent of Education of 
Delhi and Ajiner Merwara, has his headquarters in 
Delhi and is able personally to watch the progress of 
education in Delhi, while the unfortunate province of 
Ajmer Merwara for the last several years has had 
eagerly to wait for an occasional, almost furtive, visit 
of the Superintendent of Education, always hoping 
against hope that he would at least give a little of his 
precious time to the many educational problems of the 
province and gain a little personal acquaintance with 
the actual working of its educational department, 
whatever the reason, Ajmer Merwara has suffered 
grievously in the matter of education. 

Even the quinquennial report condemns in unequi- 
vocal terms the system of educational administration 
of Ajmer Merwara After describing its vital defect^ 
the report says : " A system with the above accumula- 
tion of defects is not, and clearly can not be, in the 
interest of educational administration in Ajmer- 

Since the retirement in 1921 A. D. of Mr. E. F. 
Harris, the last resident educational officer in charge 
in Ajmer Merwara, who devoted all his time and 
energies to the rause of education in this province and 
to whom it is beholden for such stable educational 
conditions as it possesses and what little progress it 
has been allowed to make in education, its educational 
problems and nee Is have not received adequate 
attention from either the Government of India or the 
higher educational authorities. Long has it looked 
with anxious, expectant, yearning eyes to the 
Government of India for proper attention to its 
educational needs; often has it appealed to Govern- 
ment to consider the requirements of the province. 
But the Government of India, while happily not so 
unresponsive to the calls for assistance of the other 


two provinces under its direct control, has given little 
help to Ajmer Merwara. 

The first necessity of the province, if its educational 
needs are to receive adequate attention, is that the 
head of its education department must be an officer 
not only imbued with true educational ideals but 
resident in the province, to remain in direct and 
personal touch with the working of the department 
and able to direct each important step that the depart- 
ment has to take. He must be able to direct and 
control the working of the primary, secondary and 
college education in the province, not from a distance 
but from the centre of these activities. Barely one 
per cent of the girls of the school-going age attend 
school in the rural ureas of the province, so that the 
entire edifice of women's education, practically non- 
existent now, has to be built up. The appointment 
of a whole-time Superintendent of Education for 
Ajmer Merwara is, therefore, a sine qua non if any 
progress in education is to be made in this province, 
and the province is to be pulled up to somewhere near 
the level of other provinces. 

The recommendation of the committee that a single 
officer be appointed as Superintendent of Education 
both for Ajmer and Delhi, and failing that, a separate 
Superintendent of Education be appointed for Ajmer 
Merwara is halting, inadequate and, unsound. This 
recommendation is, I believe, due chiefly to the solici- 
tude of the Committee to demand for Ajmer Merwara 
as little financial help from Government as possible. 

The condition of things in Ajmer Merwara is so 
different from that in Delhi, the educational problems 
of the one province differ so materially from those of 
the other, that it is a mistake to put the educational 
administration of the two provinces in the hands of 
a single officer. The committee have themselves ack- 
nowledged the extreme difficulty of the task. Giving 


its reasons for writing separate reports for Delhi and 
Ajmer Merwara and the North-West Frontier Province, 
the Committee say (paragraph 6): "It was extremely 
difficult, if not actually impossible, to write a review 
of existing conditions and to make recommendations 
which would be equally applicable to areas so widely 
different from one another/' 

The most important witnesses who gave evidence 
before the Committee in Ajmer regarding the educa- 
tional needs of Ajmer Merwara, Mr. E. C. Gibson, 
Commissioner, and Mr. P. B. Joshi, Assistant 
Superintendent of Education, Ajmer Merwara both 
advocated the appointment of a separate Superinten- 
dent of Education for Ajmer Merwara. Mr. Joshi, in 
his written replies to the questionaire issued by the 
Committee, answering question 5 detailing the forces 
that have tended to prevent the extension of primary 
education in rural areas in Ajmer Merwara gave the 
first place to " want of a whole-time Directorate and 
of an independent educational policy worked out to 
suit local conditions and requirements." 

Mr. E. C. Gibson, who is well acquainted with the 
educational requirements of the province, strongly 
advocated the appointment of a separate whole-time 
Superintendent of Education for Ajmer Merwara. In 
his oral evidence, he said: 

"It would be advantageous if there were a whole-time 
Superintendent of Education for Ajmer Merwara under the 
Chief Commissioner. There would be plenty of work for a 
whole time officer to do in directing and extending educational 
activities, especially if Government decides that the work of 
accelerating the process of expansion of primary education should 
be taken up in earnest, There is still greater scope for 
extending and developing female education in the district. 7 

And now that the Committee have strongly 
recommended that the expansion of primary education 
should be taken up in earnest and have recommended 


the introduction of compulsion; and, as the entire 
fabric of female education has yet to be raised, the 
province cannot do without a whole-time Superinten- 
dent of Education. 

When this important question was raised in the 
Assembly, the reply of Government, if my memory 
does not fail me, was that the matter would receive 
due consideration on the receipt of the report of the 
Primary Education Committee. But it is a pity that 
before the report of the Primary Education Committee 
has been written, even before the Committee concluded 
its deliberations, Government have, without waiting 
to consider the requirements of the province as shewn 
by the evidence tendered before the Primary 
Education Committee, decided to appoint a single 
officer as Superintendent of Education for Delhi, 
Ajmer Mervvara and Central India and sought and 
obtained the agreement of the Standing Finance 
Committee of the Legislative Assembly to its proposal. 
May it yet be hoped that the Government of India 
would, in the light of the facts disclosed by the 
evidence of witnesses examined by the committee give 
due consideration to the extreme desirability, nay the 
necessity, of appointing a whole-time Superintendent 
of Education for Ajmer Merwara ? 

Considering the very limited financial resources of 
the province of Ajrner Merwara, the Government of 
India should give adequate financial assistance to the 
province to enable it to come into line with the 
provinces of Delhi and Agra. The small grants given 
to Ajmer Merwara by Government, when compared 
with those given to Delhi, show how little attention 
Government have paid to Ajmer Merwara as compared 
with Delhi. Taking the case of Delhi and Ajmer, we 
find that they are both small provinces containing an 
almost equal number of boys and girls of the school- 
going age, about 64,441 in Delhi and 65,376 in 


Ajmer Merwara. But the total expenditure incurred 
by Government and the local bodies in 1928-29 A. D. 
on primary education in Delhi was Rs. 3,60,868, while 
in Ajmer the amount (including that on an European 
school) was barely Us. 1,38,181. Out of these amounts, 
the Government expenditure on Ajmer Merwara was 
only Rs, 57,828, while in Delhi, calculating at 75 per 
cent contribution by Government to the Delhi District 
Board and 66 per cent to the Delhi Municipal 
Committees, as brought out in evidence before the 
Committee, Government's contribution comes to 
Rs. 2,56,949 Rs. 57,828 in Ajmer against Rs. 2,56,949 
in Delhi. The generous way in which Government 
assists local bodies in Delhi is proved by the fact 
that while the Delhi District Board's own annual 
income was Rs. 90,000, Government gave it an annual 
grant of Rs. 1,60,000 (vide Kishenlal's evidence). 

The case of Ajmer Merwara for compulsion in 
primary education is overwhelming. For one thing, 
Ajmer Merwara, which in point of literac}^ stood second 
amongst the various provinces of India in 1921 A. D., 
is now losing ground day by day; and while the rest of 
India is forging ahead in the matter of education, 
Ajmer Merwara, owing to the neglect of primary 
education in it, is sadly lagging behind. The next 
Census report will prove this in a convincing manner. 

Leaving aside the North- West Frontier Province, 
where conditions may be said to differ materially from 
the rest of India, compulsory primary education has 
been introduced in every province of British India 
except Ajmer Merwara. Even in Delhi, which like 
Ajmer Merwara is a centrally administered area 
compulsion was introduced in 1926-27, and by the end 
of 1929-30 A. D. the whole of the city of Delhi came 
under it. Even in the rural areas of the province of 
Delhi, compulsion has been sanctioned for 10 villages, 
and has been fully introduced in some of them. Now, 


in the amenities of civilised life, in general culture 
and in the matter of peaceful and progressive social 
life, Ajrner is in no way behind Delhi ; and there is 
no reason why, if Government had done its duty by 
this province, compulsory primary education should not 
have been introduced in Ajmer Merwara along with 
Delhi. Not only does public opinion demand it, but 
the peculiar conditions of Ajmer Merwara make its 
introduction a matter of necessity for its welfare. The 
Report of the Royal Commission on Agriculture lays 
special stress on the spread of primary education in 
Ajmer Merwara. It states (page 659) that "Ajmer- 
Merwara, in consideration of its long history of famines 
should, in our view, receive special consideration and 
might well be a model to the States of Rajputana." 

Showing the connection between education and 
economic welfare, the Report says (page 514) " Without 
a satisfactory all-round advance in primary education, 
there can be little hope of any widespread economic 
progress." And again (page 560) "We are persuaded 
that the only hope of substantial progress lies in the 
mobilisation of all the available forces, both public and 
private, in a determined attack upon illiteracy," 
Commenting on the duty of the local bodies in the 
matter of education, the Report says (pages 523-524). 

"It is therefore, essential to convince local bodies that a 
bolder policy is needed, if primary education as a vital factor 
in rural development is to be efficient and widespread, and that 
the heavy responsibility lies on them of making the rural 
communities realise that nothing hinders their moral and 
material well-being, so much as delay or reluctance in bringing 
primary education within the borders of their villages. It is 
needless to point out that nothing does more to promote and 
facilitate the co-operative movement in all directions than 
primary education/ 7 

The Royal Commission on Agriculture fully realised 
that progress in Educational and other matters in 


Ajmer Merwara and other minor Administrations 
depended entirely upon the help the Government of 
India gave them, not only because they were under 
the direct administration of the Government of India, 
but also because the slender resources of these Adminis- 
trations made it impossible for them to discharge their 
duties to the people of those provinces without 
substantial monetary help from the Government of 
India. The Report of the Royal Commission says 
(p. 662): 

" We trust that no effort will be spared by the Government 
of India to remove the reproach that, because of their insigni- 
ficance, the claims of these small units to share in the benefits 
of the general advance which is being made, not only in 
agricultural science but in all matters affecting rural welfare, 
have not received a due measure of attention. In order that 
agricultural progress in the minor provinces may be on sound 
lines, it is, in our opinion, essential that increased attention 
should be paid to the development of education and 

The conclusion which the Royal Commission on 
Agriculture arrived at, after an exhaustive survey of 
the conditions in the country and which has especial 
significance for Ajmer Merwara, is thus set forth by it: 

" The only remedy for the unsatisfactory state of 
primary education in India is the introduction of the 
compulsory system" (paragraph 445, page 561), and 
that " compulsion should be introduced as rapidly as 
local conditions permit " (paragraph 445, page 561). 
The Report adds : 

" We are convinced that the progressive adoption 
of the compulsory system is the only means by which 
may be overcome the unwillingness of parents to send 
their children to school and to keep them there till 
literacy is attained" (page 523). 

The officer in charge of the Education Department 
in Ajmer is clearly of opinion that in order to make 


any progress in Ajmer Merwara now, compulsion 
should be introduced in the cities. Answering 
question No. 5 of the questionnaire, the Assistant 
Superintendent of Education said : " In urban areas 
primary education seems to have reached the limit 
under the voluntary system. Those who can afford to 
send their children to school do so and primary schools 
appear to be full." In answer to question 6, he said: 
44 1 think extension in cities should now be on a 
compulsory basis. Poor people in urban areas will 
take to primary education only under compulsion." 
Mr. E. C 9 Gibson, the Commissioner of Ajmer, in his 
examination, stated: "I think there is need for 
making a start in compulsion in the towns." 

I am therefore strongly of opinion that no time 
should be lost in introducing compulsory Primary 
education in Ajmer, Beawar, Kekri, Nasirabad and 
Pushkar, and that it should be extended, in the near 
future, to the villages. 

In paragraph 12 of the Report (Supervision and 
Inspection of Schools), the Committee has only recom- 
mended that a full-time inspectress of schools to 
supervise girls' education in Ajmer Merwara should be 
appointed and that the officer to be appointed should 
be of the standing of an officer of the Indian 
Educational service (women's branch). Considering 
however, that practically nothing has so far been done 
in the matter of girls' education in Ajmer Merwara, 
that only 0.62 per cent of the female population of 
Ajmer Merwara is at present receiving education, I am 
strongly of opinion that if any real progress in girls' 
education is to be made, the appointment of an assistant 
or deputy inspectress of schools, to organise and look 
after the girls' education in rural areas, in addition to 
an Inspectress of schools, is absolutely necessary. 

Girls' education in Ajmer Merwara is in a dep- 
lorable state as admitted in the Quinquennial Report 


on Ajmer Merwara. As stated in paragraph 14 of 
this report, only 1 per cent of the girls of the 
school-going age in rural areas attend school. Such 
a state of affairs exists in no province in India, and 
if any progress in agriculture or any other matter 
is to be achieved, it is absolutely necessary to pay 
special attention to the spread of girls 5 education in 
rural areas in Ajmer Merwara. A deputy Inspectress 
of schools to work in rural areas leaving the Inspec- 
tress to devote herself mainly to administrative 
matters and to education in the urban areas should 
be appointed. An officer of the standing of an officer 
of the Indian Educational Service with multifarious 
duties in the towns will hardly be able by herself 
to organise or give proper attention to the education 
of girls in the villages. 

As regards the medical inspection of students 
(paragraph 36) I am of opinion that the medical 
exc^mination of children should be introduced with- 
out delay. In Delhi, medical inspection is in full 
sway and there is absolutely no reason why it should 
not be introduced with equal benefit at once in Ajmer, 
Beawar and other towns in this province. Considering 
the lack of proper sanitary arrangements in Ajmer 
and Beawar, as evidenced by the continued abnormal 
deathrate in these towns and the prevalence of 
tuberculosis therein, it is of especial importance to 
introduce medical inspection of boys and girls in the 
towns of Ajrner Merwara without delay. 


Knowledge to their eyes her ample page, 
Rich with the spoils of time, did ne'er unroll; 

GRAY, Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard. 

SIR, I rise to support the Resolution moved by my 
Honourable friend Revd. J. C. Chatterji, The 
education of girls is no less important than the 
education of boys, and in certain areas, considering the 
condition of things I think it is comparatively more 
important, A college for the education of girls with 
a suitable curriculum is a very desirable thing ; and 
to begin with, one such college should be established 
in a central place. But what is of far greater impor- 
tance is that schools for training women teachers should 
be established in each of the areas under the direct 
administration of the Government of India. 

My province of Ajmer Merwara is under the 
direct administration of the Government of India, and 
we have therefore to look to this Government for 
the necessary facilities. 

We are a small province and, according to the last 
Census report of 1921, though in point of literacy, 
we were in the forefront amongst the provinces of 
India, in the matter of girls' education we are very 
backward ; and were it not for the interest taken by 
non-Government agencies by private bodies and 
individuals in the matter of girls- ' education, we 

1 Speech delivered on 18, September, 1928 A n. in the Legislative 
Assembly, Simla on Mr. J. C. Chatterji's Resolution on "Education 
of Girls and Women in the Territories administered by the Central 


should have been nowhere. There is Qnly out 
Government school for secondary education in the 
whole of my province against nine private ones\ only 
six Government primary schools against 15 non* 
Government ones; and there is not one Government 
training school for women teachers, though there is 
one such private institution at Ajmer ! Thus, there 
are altogether only seven Government schools for 
primary and secondary Education in the whole of the 
province, against 25 Non-Government ones. As for 
the number of girl pupils, out of 56,935 girls of 
school-going age in my province, only 2,033 are at 
present receiving education; that is to say,2*H per cent. 
And if we take the entire women population of the 
province, 2,25,705; only *9 percent, receive education ; 
that is to say, not even 1 per cent. This deplorably 
low percentage is due to the neglect of girls' education 
on the part of Government. If we exclude the girls 
receiving education in Non-Government institutions, 
we find that only 228 girls in the whole of the 
province are receiving education in Government 
institutions, that is to say, only -4 per cent, of girls 
of school-going age of my province, 

If we consider the Government expenditure on 
education, we find that on secondary and primary 
education for girls, Government spends only Rs. 20,608 
per annum, against Rs, 74,687 spent by private indivi- 
duals and institutions. Compared with the expenditure 
on boys' education, which in itself is very small in my 
province, this comes to only 9 per cent of that on 
boys' education. Taking the entire population of 
Ajmer Merwara, we find that Government spends only 
eight pies per head every year on girls' education J 

I would therefore earnestly invite the attention of 
Government to this state of affairs and request that 
an earnest effort should be made to put a stop to this 
deplorable condition of things. Government should 


establish secondary schools for girls in all the towns 
of Ajmer Merwara, and there are only five towns in 
my province, The first necessity, however, in my 
province is an up-to-date training school for women 

Sir, Ajmer Merwara is cut off from the rest of 
British India. The nearest British province to Ajmer. 
Merwara is more than 200 miles away from it. 
Considering this and the difference in language, 
manners, customs and conditions of society generally, 
it is not very easy for people of Ajmer Merwara to 
send girls and young women far away from the 
province to receive education or training as women 
teachers. If a good suitable school for training 
women teachers is established in Ajmer Merwara, the 
surrounding States of Rajputana will also be able to 
send women there to be trained as teachers and will 
gladly contribute towards the maintenance of such an 
institution. That would be a great financial support 
to the Training School. 

I would, therefore, urge, and hope and trust that 
Government will lose no time in establishing a good 
up-to-date training school for women teachers at 
Ajmer, as also secondary schools for girls in all the 
towns of Ajmer Merwara, and good primary schools 
for them in all the important villages. 


How long shall disease claim ;its heavy toll 
Without awakening the feeting soul. 


THE town of Beawar is the chief centre of trade in 
Rajputana, and is famous for cotton and wool industry. 
It is the second greatest wool mart in India, Fazilka 
in the Punjab being the first. Beawar is the chief 
distributing centre for cloth, yarn, sugar, gur, ghee 
and other things for the eastern parts of Marwar and 
a very large part of Mewar. It contains three Spinning 
and Weaving Cotton Mills, which employ about 3,500 
men and women, and has several cotton pressing and 
ginning factories. 

Beawar, or Nayanagar as it was originally named, 
and by which name it is still popularly known, is a 
modern town. It was founded 93 years ago, in 
1835 A. D., by Colonel Dixon who was Superintendent 
of Merwara from 1836 to 1842 A. D., and Commissioner 
of Ajmer Merwara from 1842 to 1857 A. D. Founded 
principally for stratagical reasons to bring under 
control the Mers whose turbulence and lawlessness 
during the last six centuries is a matter of history, as 
well as to keep the Bhils of the hilly tracts of Mewar 
under control its geographical position on the border 

1 Introduction to Rai Sahib Yyas Tamjukh's Abnormal Death Rait 
in Beawoft 19&Q-A.&. ^ , - 


separating Mewar, Marwar and Ajmer, eminently 
fitted it to become a commercial town for distribution 
of merchandise both to Mewar and Marwar. Its 
salubrious climate and the settled conditions of life 
which followed the British occupation of Ajmer in 
1818 A. D., materially helped the growth of the town 
of Beawar. Its population, which in 1847 A. D. was 
9,000, rose to 12,308 in 1876 and 15,829 in 1881 A.D. 
Thereafter, there was a rapid increase, till in 1891 A.D. 
it rose to 20,978. Upto 1891 A.D., the growth of the 
population was satisfactory. After 1891 A. D., 
however, the growth has not been appreciable, though 
industry and business have increased in the town. 
The population of Beawar was 21,928 in 1901 A. D. 
showing an increase of only 950 in 10 years as com- 
pared with an increase of 5,149 during the preceding 
decade (1881 to 1891). 

The Census Report of 1911 A. P. gives the popula- 
tion of Beawar as 22,800, showing an increase of 
only 872 during the preceding 10 years. The next 
ten years shows retrograde progress, as the population 
decreased by 438, and was only 22,362 in 1921 A. D. 1 
Thus, during the 20 years from 1901 to 1921, the 
increase was only 434, though during the same period 
of 20 years between 1881 to 1901, the population had 
risen by 6,099, from 15,829 to 21,928. And this, 
inspite of the fact that there is a continual flow of 
immigration into Beawar from the surrounding parts 
of Rajputana, not only because it is a trade centre, but 
because it is the chief Mill area in the province. 

There must be some reason for this state of affairs, 
for one would naturally expect that with the opening 
of new mills, activity in trade, facilities of locomotion, 
and improvement of communications, the rate of growth 
of population would at least be maintained, if not 

1 Rajputana 'and Ajmer-Merwara Census Report for 19UtPa?fe J,p. 6X 


accelerated. If the rate of growth had been main- 
tained, the population of Beawar should have stood 
somewhere between 28,000 and 29,000 now. The 
non-growth of population in a mercantile place like 
Beawar should have attracted attention long ago. But 
the absence of public opinion and the lack of facilities to 
study important aspects of life in this Province, have 
failed to attract the attention even of the Census 
authorities to the matter ; for, we do not find any 
attempt made in the last Census report to discuss 
the matter, and justify or explain this unsatisfactory 
state of affairs. 

Beawar is a new town planned on modern lines, 
with broad streets, sufficiently wide lanes, and satis- 
factory medical and police arrangements. There is a 
Municipal Committee to look after the sanitation, the 
conservancy and other conveniences o the town. The 
climate of the place is salubrious and is reputed to be 
the best in Ajmer Merwara. How is it then, that with 
all these advantages and with a growing cotton 
industry, the population of Beawar is more or less 
stationary and has shown no appreciable increase 
during the last 30 years ? How is it, that the matter 
has not attracted public attention? The author of 
this book, Vyas Tansukh has therefore done well in 
writing this book, thus drawing the attention of the 
public to this subject and awakening interest in the 
matter. The Local Government which must be keenly 
interested in the prosperity of the province will no 
doubt now give attention to the matter. 

The author has attributed the non-increase of the 
population to the heavy rate of mortality obtaining 
in Beawar. There is no doubt of it. He bases his 
conclusion on facts and figures collected from the vital 
statistics for the last 30 years, kept and published 
by the Municipal Committee of the place. The care- 
fiilly-coinpiled statistics, he gives in the appendix, prove 


that though immigration into Beawar from the 
surrounding territories continues unabated, yet, owing 
to the high rate of mortality, the population of Beawar 
shows no increase. The population of Beawar which 
had been 21,921 in 1901 A. D. was only 22,362 in 
1921 A. D., which means that the net growth in 20 
years was 434 inspite of steady immigration from 
Mewar and Marwar. A comparison of the figures of 
births and deaths during these 20 years explains the 
situation fully. Against 18,547 births during the 
period, there were 23,429 deaths, showing that the 
deaths exceeded births by 4,882. Thus if there had 
been no immigration from the surrounding States, 
the population of Beawar would have decreased by 
4,882 during this period. So far, therefore, as the 
population is concerned, immigration alone has saved 
Beawar from dwindling. It is equally clear that if 
deaths had not exceeded births, the population of 
Beawar in 1921 should have been very near 26,810 
instead of only 22,362. 

It is regrettable that even these arresting facts 
failed to arouse the interest of the Census Superinten- 
dent R. B. Braj Jiwanlal in this matter of vital impor- 
tance. Beyond noting (p. 68) that the excess of deaths 
over births was annually 3,865 or 17 per cent of the 
total population of Beawar, he did not give a thought 
to this appalling state of affairs, or draw the serious, 
attention of the Government to the extraordinary 
fact that in a place with a dry and healthy climate 
like Beawar, deaths exceeded births to the extent of 
1 7 per cent of the total population. 

The disquieting feature of the situation is that 
this high mortality and low birth rate continue to 
exist giving cause for anxiety. During the last eight 
years from 1921 to 1928 A. D., there have been 566 
more deaths than births. And if this state of affairs ; 
continues, the Census of. 1931 and 1941 will show 


ft further decrease in the population over that of 
1921 A. D., inspite of the continual stream of immi- 
gration flowing into Beawar. 

It is deplorable that deaths should exceed births 
in a town of rising cotton and wool industry. 
Unless remedied, this will operate as a permanent 
bar to the prosperity of Beawar. It is true that 
heavy mortality in this unfortunate province is not 
peculiar to Beawar. It is an unfortunate feature of 
Ajmer too, the chief town of the province. But that 
it should be so in a newly populated town so different 
from Ajmer where, in certain parts, there is great 
congestion and where, narrow lanes remain in an 
insanitary condition all the year round, is a particularly 
deplorable thing. 

It appears from the figures compiled by the author 
with commendable industry that the mortality is 
particularly heavy amongst children. There were 
23,429 deaths during the 20 years, 1901 to 1920 A.D. 
As, however, out of this period, figures of infant 
mortality for twentysix months are not available, we 
take 21,958 as the total number of deaths in Beawar 
during the remaining period of 17 years and 10 months 
for which period, figures of infant mortality are 
available. Now, out of 21,958, deaths of children 
under 12 months were 6,726 and under 10 years, 
11,264. We thus find that out of every 100 deaths 
in Beawar a little over 30 were of children under 
12 months and 51*3 of children below 10 years of age. 

Infantile mortality in the first year of birth during 
1901 to 1920, was 402*17 per thousand and rose to 
408*04 per thousand during the years 1921 to 1928. 
Infantile mortality below 10 years of age was as 
high as 662-11 per thousand for 1921-1928! This 
heavy mortality should have attracted the attention 
of Government to the alarming state of affairs long 
ere this, and ought to do so now. 


The comparative statement of births and deaths 
in the five principal towns of Ajmer-Merwar* for 5 
years, 1922-23 to 1926-27 A. D., which the author 
has appended to the book, clearly shows that for 
every hundred births, there were 104-3 deaths in 
Beawar; 69*5 in Nasirabad; 75-8 in Kekri; 55-4 in 
Todgarh, and 152*3 in Ajmer! 

In Beawar, during these 5 years, there were 4,170 
births and 4,352 deaths; while in Ajmer ^ there were 
12,336 births and 18,800 deaths \ In Beawar, there 
were 186-17 births per thousand population, but in 
Ajmer only 107-78! The death ratio is 194*61 for 
Beawar and 165'62 for Ajmer. It may, however, be 
remarked that this ratio for Ajmer is based on the 
population figure o 1,13,512 for Ajmer, according to 
the Census of 1921. This figure is misleading, for as 
the report itself says, there were on the Census day, 
14 148 L outside pilgrims in Ajmer, as the chief day of 
the Khwaja Sahib Fair which attracts pilgrims from 
all parts of India to Ajmer happened to fall on the 
day when the final enumeration for the Census of 
1921 was made. This extra population should be 
deducted from 1,13,512 to show the true population 
of Ajmer. If, therefore, we take 99,364 as the popu- 
lation of Ajmer, we find that the Ajmer death ratio 
would be 189-20 arid the birth ratio 124-15. The 
report of the Ajmer Municipal Committee for 
1922-23 A. D. truly sayst "The sanitation of the 
city of Ajmer could hardly be worse than it is, 
and this insanitary state of affairs has been com- 
mented upon for many years in this report." The 
Reports for subsequent years continue to tell the same 
sorry tale. 

The number of births and deaths in the city of 
Ajmer during the last 14 years as given in the 

1 Rajputana and Ajmer Mer war a Censu* Report, Vol. I, p. 58. 



Reports of the Ajmer Municipal Committee should be 
an eye-opener : 




Excess of deaths 
over births, 

























































These figures prove the woeful fact that the public 
health of Ajmer has been deteriorating. The Health 
department of the Ajmer Municipal Committee does 
not at all appear to be perturbed at its utter failure 
to discharge its duty. Nor does the Committee 
seem to be alive to its first duty to the citizens of 
Ajmer. The public are not aware of any special 
attention that the Committee have paid to this deplor- 
able state of affairs. It is a pity that though these 
reports have been submitted year after year to 
Government, Government have neither drawn the 
serious attention of the Municipal Committee to their 
almost callous indifference to the health and lives of 
the citizens of Ajmer, nor have themselves taken any 
action in the matter to set things right. 

The birth rate of Beawar has gone down from 
38-82 in 1922-23 A.D. to 34-68 in 1926-27 A. J)., while 


the death rate has gone up from 34-88 in 1922-23 
A. D. to 42-79 in 1926-27 A, D. The child mortality 
has gone up from 379'4 per thousand in 1922-23 A. D. 
to 460-3 in 1926-27 A. D., giving an average for 
the five years of 401-1. 

When the death rate rose to 30 in Delhi and 34 
in Calcutta this year, there was a shudder and a shiver, 
and the health officers began issuing bulletins. Such, 
however, is the death-like peace in Beawar and Ajmer 
that the death rate of 42-79 has not produced a 
ripple on the placid waters of the social and political 
life in this sleepy hollow of Ajmer-Merwara. 

In Ajmer, the state of things is equally bad. While 
the birth rate which was 21-53 in 1922-23 A.D., is 22-85 
in 1926-27 A.D., 1 the death rate has gone up from 
30*40 to 36-51. Where there were 1406-27 deaths for 
1,000 births in Ajmer in 1922-23, A.D. there are 
1604-10 deaths for 1,000, births in 1926-27 A.D. 
Thus in Ajmer, out of every one thousand babies 
born, 448*5 die in their first year. 

The two interesting statements No. 18 and 19 
tell their own tale Statement No. 18 compares the 
births and deaths in Beawar with those in Delhi, Agra, 
Muttra, Lucknow, Ahmedabad and Baroda during the 
five years 1923 A.D. to 1927 A.D. This comparative 
statement shows that in all these cities, births exceed 
deaths, while in Beawar and Ajmer the reverse is the 
case. While there are 110-3 deaths for 100 births in 
Beawar, there are only 75-7 in Delhi, 70-8 in Agra, 
84*3 in Muttra, 83*5 in Lucknow, 99 in Ahmedabad 
and 92-8 in Baroda. 

Statement No. 19 shows that while the infant 
mortality below one year in Beawar during the five 
years (1923-27 A.D.) was 418-38 per thousand and 
448*5 in Ajmer, it was only 201-62 in Delhi, 239-49 in 

1 * igures for later years are not available. 


Muttra, 204-63 in Agra and 337-98 in Ahmedabad. 

The author has compared Beawar with the other 
towns of this small British province, and the result 
shows that leaving aside Ajiner, where the state of 
affairs is still more deplorable, Beawar is the only 
town where deaths preponderate over births. 

It would have served a very useful purpose, if a 
comparison in this respect could have been made 
between Beawar and some of the other towns of Raj- 
putana, like Jaipur, Jodhpur, Udaipur, Bikaner, Kotah, 
Alwar and Jhalrapatan; but the author tells us that all 
efforts made by him to obtain information from these 
various States proved fruitless. It is a pity that 
the authorities of Indian States of Rajputana do not 
find it possible to co-operate in a matter of such impor- 
tance even to their own States. The comparison made 
by the author with some towns in the other provinces 
of British India only emphasizes the sorry plight of 
the inhabitants of Ajmer-Merwara in this respect; for, 
the comparison brings home to us the fact that in all 
these towns situated in other provinces in British 
India, the death-rate is much lower than the birth-rate. 

In view of the facts brought prominently to public 
notice by the author, it appears to me very necessary 
that the Local Government should without delay 
appoint a Committee to go into this question of vital 
importance to the people of Ajiner and Beawar, and 
after a thorough investigation of the causes of this 
lamentable state of affairs, recommend measures 
calculated to put a stop to the appalling death-rate in 
these two chief towns of this province. 






Let such approach this consecrated Land, 

And pass in peace along the magic waste; 

But spare its relics let no busy hand 

Deface the scenes, already how defaced ! 

Not for such purpose were these altars placed ; 

llevore the remnants Nations once revered : 

So may our Country's name be undisgraced, 

So may'st thou prosper where thy youth was reared, 

By every honest joy of Love and Life endeared: 

BYKON, Childe Harold. 

SIR, I rise to move that this Bill, this very unwelcome 
Bill be circulated for eliciting public opinion thereon. 
It was with feelings of deep sorrow and pain that I 
read some of the provisions of this Bill, and it is with 
an oppressed heart and a feeling of helplessness that 
1 rise to move this motion. The matter of the Bill is 
not only of the greatest, but is of vital importance to 
those who have the pride of their country in them, or 
who have even the slightest idea of their duty to the 
dead and to the living in this country. The Bill is so 
cleverly, so skilfully, so unfairly drafted as to conceal its 
real, sinister object behind a number of superfluities and 
details, behind a hypocritical show of solicitude for the 
preservation of the ancient monuments of India. The 
Bill is styled, The Ancient Monuments Preservation 
(Amendment) Bill. Verily, its object is nothing more 
and nothing less than to amend, to alter, to modify, in 

1 Speech delivered on the Ancient Monuments Preservation (Amend- 
ment) Bill in the Legislative Assembly, Simla, on 29 September 1931 A.D. 


fact, partly to do away with the provisions lor Preserv- 
ing things, that exist in the Ancient Monuments 
Preservation Act of 1904. The shade of Lord Curzon 
must be watching with sadness and sorrow the blasting 
of some of his dearest hopes, the destruction 
of the work, of which he was justly proud, and with 
the distinction of the initiation of which, his memory 
will in this country be associated for all time to come. 

Sir, the object of this measure is, to put it plainly, to 
legalise the removal from India of some of its most 
cherished possessions, its most sacred objects, some of 
the remains of its ancient greatness, its choicest 
treasures which nothing in the world can buy, which no 
price can secure. And the beauty of it all is that this is 
sought to be accomplished in the name of preservation 
of India's sacred trust, in the name of scientific research, 
in the name of helping civilization. Sir, what great 
wrong has been done to any country, to any people but 
the perpetrators of it started to do it after trumpeting 
forth their earnest desire to help their victims or 
to advance the cause of civilization and culture. Well 
has an American poet, Bertrand Shadwell, said : 

If you dare commit, a wrong 

On the weak, because you're strong, 

You may do it if you do it for his good; 

You may rob him, if you do it for his good ; 

You may kill him, if you do it for his good ; 

And, Sir, would you regard it as a piece of good, 
fair work to attempt to rush this Bill through, 
towards the fag end of a short session without 
consulting public opinion, and without letting those, 
whom it deeply touches, have a chance of saying what 
they think of this sinister measure, and when half the 
elected Members of the House have gone home, and 
the minds of those who still remain in the House are 
occupied by urgent matters of grave financial and 
economic importance to the country ? 


Sir, the ancient monuments of India and the anti- 
quities that lie buried underground in his country are, 
so far. as antiquarian matters are concerned, the only 
things left in the country of which Indians feel proud, 
and which they are anxious to preserve against the 
inroads of the outsiders. Most of the rare and priceless 
antiquities, invaluable works of art, sculptures, paint- 
ings, manuscripts, precious stones that could be 
removed have already been taken away to England 
and other countries of Europe and America. Nearly 
all that could be removed has been removed out of 
India and there is little doubt that if it had been possible 
for European science and engineering skill to remove 
the Ajanta and the Ellora caves, the Taj, the Qutab 
Minar and the Adhai din ka Jhonpra, the Sanchi Stupas 
and such other things, they should by this time have 
been found adorning London and other cities in Europe. 

Not satisfied with robbing India of all products 
of genius and works of art found on the surface, 
it is now sought to remove out of this country 
what lies buried underground. Are the Government 
of India, willing to stand by and see the country 
denuded of all those rare things that human genius 
could devise, invent or produce in this country, and 
are they willing to allow all and sundry of the exploiters 
of Europe and America to excavate and take away its 
heirlooms and the remains of its ancient greatness 
treasures which are either the products of the highest 
efforts of human genius or are, which is a matter of the 
gravest consequence, the remains of our great ancestors 
who have, and will continue to, shed lustre on the name 
of our sacred Motherland as long as history endures, 
and whose memory we revere, and whose lives are a 
perennial source of inspiration to us in our lives. 

Sir, to have allowed our antiquities to be taken out 
of the country is the greatest injury that the Govern* 
ment of India have done to India. Sir, the things that 


,have been and are sought to be taken out of India 
roughly fall into four classes (1) Sacred objects, such as 
the remains of founders of great religions, or other 
great men, whom large classes of people worship or 
hold in religious reverence and respect. (2) Works of 
art such as sculptures, antiquities, paintings, frescoes, 
illuminated manuscripts, bequeathing to posterity results 
of centuries of work and labour, of thought the 
achievements, intellectual and spiritual, of the pioneers 
of civilization, in science, literature, philosophy and art, 
that illumine the pages of history and constitute a most 
brilliant chapter in the annals of mankind. (3) Records 
of facts and events necessary and essential to a proper 
understanding and elucidation, not only of the history 
of India, political, social, religious and economic, but 
of the evolution of art itself in its multifarious branches, 
and the reconstruction of that history by proper research 
and piecing together the results of such research in 
the various branches of human effort, for instance, 
coins, stone and copper-plate inscriptions, sculptures, 
arch-stones to show that true arches were known in 
ancient India ; historic manuscripts found buried in 
mounds ; and, fourthly, rare products of nature such as 
the wonderful Kohinur, the Pitt, the Regent, the 
first two being the greatest and the most glorious 
diamonds of the world, associated with the history of 
India in its various stages and the glorious deeds of 
the great men it has produced. 

Sir, I am at present concerned only with objects 
which may come to light on excavations under a 
licence and are liable to be removed out of the country. 
These objects all fall under the four classes enumerated 
above. In the first class are sacred objects, And 
I will give here two instances where the feelings 
of the people of this country have been outraged. 
A few years ago a stupa at Shahji ki Dheri, 
near Peshawar, built by Emperor Kanishka in 


the second century, was excavated and the remains 
deposited there with the greatest reverence and 
religious veneration by leading Indians of that time, 
of one who is worshipped and venerated by more 
than a third of the human race at the present time, 
one who has shed ever-lasting lustre on this great 
and ancient land, one who has ennobled the lives and 
has been the solace of millions of human beings in the 
last twenty-four centuries ; one of the noblest of men, 
the Great Sakyamuni of Kapilavastu, the Buddha, were 
removed from its sacred place of rest and sent out of India 
to Burma which is on the eve of becoming a foreign 
country to us. In 1916, some of the relics, remains 
of Buddha or other religious and holy men of India, 
found in stupas at the Dharmrajika Stupa at Tak- 
shashila, modern Taxila, were given away to Buddhists 
of Ceylon, a foreign country, and removed out of 
India. Sending them to Burma or Ceylon, where 
Buddhism prevails is no palliation of the wrong 
done to India. Sir, these sacred remains are the 
property, not of the Government of India for the 
time being, not even the exclusive property of the 
present people of India, but also of the generations 
of Indians yet to come. 

Sir, Buddha occupies a permanent and a high 
place in Hinduism. He is held to be the tenth 
Avatar or Incarnation of the Deity, just like Sri Ham 
or Sri Krishna. What country in the world except 
India has the right to keep in its sacred and reverential 
possession, the remains of the Enlightened, the Great 
Buddha, who was born in India, who lived all his 
life in India, and who died in India, and whose parents 
and ancestors all lived and died in India? Buddha was 
a product of India, son of Mother India in body and 
soul, the pride of India, and the crown of its glory. The 
glory of having given birth to Buddha and the privilege 
and honour of returning his mortal remains to Mother 


Earth belong to India ; and it is the pride and privilege, 
the honour and the duty of the sons and the daughters 
of India to guard those remains for all time to come. 

To exhume his remains from their sacred resting 
place and send them out of India is, I say in extreme 
humiliation and sorrow, a great outrage against 
our feelings of religious reverence and veneration. 
I apologise for using strong language, but the occasion 
demands it, and we have felt this act as strongly 
as our weak, humiliated nature is capable of feeling. 

And I say, Sir, that I would look with horror upon 
any attempt to exhume the remains of any Muslim 
saint in India. All Indians, whatever their faith and 
religion, whatever their culture, must and do look 
upon the remains of Muslim saints and Muslim great 
men that lie buried under mounds and ruins as sacred 
objects to be guarded and kept undisturbed by 
exploiters. I would condemn and resist all attempts 
to remove out of India to any country those sacred 
remains. It is the duty of all Indians to hold them 
as a sacred trust, and we regard it our duty to prevent 
their removal from India. 

Sir, has any country, I ask, but Arabia the right 
to keep the sacred remains of the last of the Prophets? 
Has any country but England the right to keep the 
remains of the greatest of Englishmen, who though 
not held in sacerdotal or religious reverence, yet is 
the glory of England the divine poet, Shakespeare? 
Would England or any other power dare think of 
removing the sacred Christian remains from Jerusalem 
because Jerusalem is now a non-Christian country 
to Europe which is peopled by Christians? It 
has been said that Government have dared to 
remove the sacred remains of Buddha from 
India and to deprive the country of its most 
cherished possession held sacred by its teeming 
millions, because Government can treat with indifference 


the weakness and the helplessness of a disorganised, 
disunited and a degenerate race. Sir, 1 do not hold 
this view, My belief is that Government when they 
removed those sacred remains, were ignorant of the 
feelings and sentiments of the people of India, and did 
not view the matter in the light in which they should 
have viewed it. We hope the Government will take 
a correct view of the matter after the present discussion. 
As regards Indian antiquities and works of art, 
Europe is full of them. All provinces of India have 
been ransacked, every nook and corner of it has been 
searched and antiquities and works of art that were 
buried in various parts of the country or lay on its 
surface, metalware, sculptures, stone and copper plates, 
paintings, old jewellery and old pottery prehistoric or 
post-historic, have been taken away; and the museums 
of England, France, Germany, Denmark, Holland, 
Austria and America, full of them, stand mocking at 
our helplessness and powerlessness to protect our 
cherished possessions. Byron's lament about Greece 
is equally true of India. 

Cold is the heart, fair Greece ! that looks on Thee, 

Nor feels as Lovers o'er the dust they loved ; 

Dull is the eye that will not weep to see 

Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed 

By British hands, which it had best behoved 

To guard those relics De'er to be restored : 

Curst be the hour when from their Isle they roved 

And once again thy hapless bosom gored, 

And snatched thy shreaking gods to Northern climes 

abhorred ! l 

The country has been denuded of its old manu- 
scripts, invaluable for writing a proper history of 
India, and tracing the evolution of its social polity 
or its economic annals. I will give two instances 
to illustrate the loss suffered by India in this 

1 CUlde Harold. 


direction. Kautilya's Artha Sdstra, the standard 
work on Government and Economics in Sanskrit, 
unique of its kind, dealing with complicated problems 
of overseas and inland trade, international law and 
finance, was till recently a mere name. Several 
manuscripts of it were taken away to Europe but none 
was published. By a mere accident, a copy of it fell 
into the hands of Pandit Shyama Sastri of Mysore and 
he published it. It then became known that there 
were several copies of the book in Europe. 

Sir, when I was writing a history of Ajmer, my 
native city, in 1911 A.I)., 1 could not obtain in India 
any book containing an account of Sher Shah's capture 
of Ajmer, the only book which contains such an account, 
Tarikhi Daudi, was not to be found anywhere. 1 went 
to Calcutta and searched the Imperial Library, and the 
Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ; I went to 
the famous Khuda Bux Library of Bankipur ; I examin- 
ed the Library of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asia- 
tic Society, and I wrote to Lucknow and Hyderabad, 
but all to no purpose. After a deal of enquiry, I learnt 
that only one copy of the Tarikhi Daudi was known 
to exist, and that was in the British Museum in 
London. Through the kind offices of Dr. Codrington, 
Mr. Edwards of the British Museum kindly had two 
pages of the work describing Sher Shah's visit to 
Ajmer photographed and sent to me and I was then 
able to complete the account I wished to give. 

Then again Sir, when I wrote my monograph on 
Maharana Kumbha, one of the greatest of the 
Maharanas of Chitor, I could find no old portrait or 
painting of him. Eventually I was able to trace an old 
portrait of him to the India Office Library in London, 
and I obtained a photographic copy of it. 

Sir, this shows to what difficulties and troubles 
students of history, literature and art in India are put 
by the removal o antiquities and manuscripts from 


this country. This exportation of priceless treasures 
and heirlooms, which neither love nor money can 
produce or get, has been going on for a century and 
a half, and this Bill is going to help it further. 
Lord Byron thus condemns the taking away of 
antiquities from Greece: 

What ! shall it e'er be said by British tongue, 

Albion was happy in Athena's tears ? 

Though in thy name the slaves her bosom wrung, 

Tell not the deed to blushing Europe's ears ; 

The Ocean Queen, the Free Britannia, bears 

The last poor plunder from a bleeding land : 

Yes, she, whose generous aid her name endears. 

Tore down those remnants with a Harpy's hand, 

Which envious Eld forbore, and tyrants left to stand. 

Childe Harold. 

Colonel Tod, the great historian of Rajputana, is 
stated to have taken away eight hundred boxes full of 
antiquities, sculptures, coins, manuscripts, inscriptions, 
some of which have not yet been wholly deciphered 
and identified. Twenty thousand Sanskrit manuscripts 
were sent away from Nepal to Oxford only a decade 
ago, and who knows what invaluable and now unobtain- 
able works have thus gone out of the country ? Students 
of archaeology know that Sir W. Jones, Colonel 
Mackenzie, Taylor, Fleet, Balkntyne and others took 
away large collections of Sanskrit manuscripts and 
antiquities which are kept in the India Office Library, 
London. The Bodleian Library of Oxford, the Indian 
Institute of Oxford, the Trinity College Library of 
Cambridge, the Edinburgh University Library possess 
large collections of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian manu- 
scripts taken away from India. The library of the 
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 
contains thousands of such manuscripts and antiquities. 
Professor Biihler's large collection of Sanskrit manu- 
scripts has found its way toVienna and Hermann Jacobi's 
to Berlin. Germany is full of ancient Indian manuscripts 


and antiquities and works of art. The libraries 
of Berlin, Tubingen, Stuttgart, Bonn, Strasburgh, 
Gottingen, Wurzburgh and Leipzic are full of them. 

Sir, rather than allow any antiquities and finds to 
be taken out of India, the problem before India is how 
to get back all those antiquites, sculptures, manuscripts 
and works of art which have been taken away from 
India. Sir, when the final settlement is made between 
England and India, I do hope and trust that India would 
insist on England returning all these treasures which 
are now kept in its various museums and libraries and 
which are the great heirlooms of the people of India. 

It has been said that in Palestine and Egypt, licences 
for exploration and excavations have been given to fore- 
igners and that in the interests of research, the same may 
be allowed in India. Bat even in Egypt the licence to make 
excavations at Luxor in favour of Mr. Howard Carter 
was cancelled in twenty-four hours when it was suspected 
that Egyptian antiquities were being removed from 
Egypt. Is the Government of India at present in the 
hands of Indians to enable them to take the same action 
should an eventuality of a like character arise here ? 
I would further say that I should like to see 
foreigners secure such licences in England, France, 
Germany or America. Where a country is under 
foreign rule and has no controlling voice in its admini- 
stration, this exploitation has been permitted or tolerated, 

His mind as barren and his heart as hard, 
Is he whose head conceived, whose hand prepared, 
Aught to displace Athenae's poor remains : 
Her sons too weak the sacred shrine to guard. l 

But, Sir, we have enough sense of shame left in us 
to refuse to consent, and become parties, to this rob- 
bery being legalized. I am told that exploiters frorr 
America are anxious to obtain licences to rob India oi 

1 Byron's Childe Harold. 


her treasures ; that certain high officers and others are 
anxious that licences should be given to foreigners, 
who have the support of foreign financiers and who 
wish to undertake this exploitation and carry away 
from our country our antiquities and sacred objects, 
which no nation with any self-respect or sense of 
honour, or a sense of duty to the country and to its 
future generations would allow or tolerate. 

It has been suggested that these finds would be 
better looked after in Europe and America and made 
good use of there. Sir, I would undertake to look 
after the valuable possessions of some of the protago- 
nists of this doctrine. Would they give them to me ? 
Why cannot the foreigners, if they are only honest and 
genuine students of Archaeology and are inspired only 
with a genuine love of research, excavate the mounds, 
but let the relics of India's glorious past, remain 
in India, in her museums and libraries ? Indians are 
more deeply and directly interested in them than any 
foreigners, however well intentioned. 

Sir, if some of this material remains even unutilised 
for the present, let it remain so. We will make use 
of it in good time, but let us not be deprived of its 
possession. It has also been argued that if there are 
duplicates of a thing, if there are two images of a deity 
or two coins, why should one of them be not allowed 
to be taken away ? This argument is the argument 
of a robber against his victim, of the strong against 
the weak, and reminds us of the fable of the wolf 
and the lamb which we have all read in our childhood. 
Will England or America listen to an argument like 
this, and on the strength of it part with its priceless 
treasures. Is there not enough room in the far-flung 
provinces of this vast country for duplicates or 
triplicates to be kept ? And then, are there real exact 
duplicates of any antiquity, except coins? 

Sir, as the matter of this measure is by no means 


a matter of urgency, as no question of law and order 
and peace of the country is involved j as this is not a 
question of administrative stability, no harm will come 
to the matter if the Bill is taken up in January after 
circulation to the country. The rainy season has gone 
and no existing excavations will be affected and those 
-not yet excavated will in no way be affected. I there- 
fore request Government to allow this Bill to be 
circulated for eliciting public opinion, and not 
rush it through. Government will be in a better 
position to judge of the consequences of the measure 
when they are in possession of the considered views 
of those whom it affects so deeply. 

I wish to make it clear that I am in no way against 
any excavation made in a proper and scientific manner. 
1 will allow, even welcome, foreigners imbued with a 
desire to know things to come and help us in research 
work and make full use, as freely as we ourselves can 
do, of all finds. But I oppose, with all the strength 
there is in me, the removal out of India of any of 
the finds whatsoever. My only object in making this 
motion is to enable public opinion to express itself 
on the question of giving licences to foreigners and 
the terms on which such licences may be given. 
Absolutely nothing is lost by giving the public an 
opportunity to express its view, and taking the Bill 
into consideration after three or four months instead 
of at once. I would therefore earnestly appeal to the 
Honourable Member in charge of the Bill to give the 
public in India a fair opportunity to consider the 
provisions and the implications of this measure. 




Then a soldier, 

Full of strange oaths, and bearded like the pard, 
Jealous in honour, sudden and quick in quarrel, 
Seeking the bubble reputation 
Even in the cannon's mouth. 


IN ancient times, the Hindu kings had their chins 
clean shaved. All available portraits of them show 
that they wore moustaches in various styles, some also 
having sidelocks clipped. No one, however, removed 
moustaches : no one appeared without them. Their 
faces were never clean shaved like Ca3sar's or Napoleon 

Throughout the Orient and especially by the 
Hindus, the moustache has always been regarded as the 
*ign of manhood and the symbol o manliness. Curling 
the moustache means defiance. Simply touching it with 
the hand, signifies consciousness of strength and self- 
reliance. Curling the moustache in the presence of a 
superior is a sign of arrogance and has often resulted in 
bloodshed and mortal combat The war between 
Someshwar, the Cbauhan King of Ajmer, (A D. 
1160-1179) and KingBhimdeva II of Gujrat, according 
to the Prithviraja Rasa, was the result of a Gujrat noble 
curling his moustache. It is stated that Solanki Pratap 

1 Reprinted from the Hindustan Times, Delhi. 


cousin of King Bhimdeva, who at the time was a 
fugitive and a guest at the court of King Someshwar 
at Ajmer, innocently curled his moustaches as his 
blood was stirred, while the brave deeds of the 
heroes of the Mahabharata were being recited in the 
Durbar of Someshwar. The Chauhan Commander-in- 
Chief, Kan Rai, who was present at the Durbar, mis- 
interpreted this act of Pratap as a sign of defiance, drew 
his sword and felled Pratap to the ground. This brought 
about a war between the Chalukyas of Anhilwara 
Patan and the Chauhans of Ajmer. 

Religious people, priests, Brahmins and old men 
wore beards. The beard was a sign of old age and 
demanded respect and veneration. Rishis, Munis and 
venerable teachers usually wore beards. With the 
advent of the Musalmans in India, things began to 
change, and their habits and customs began to influence 
the manners and customs of the Hindus. Their 
domination weakened Hindu respect for old Hindu 
ideals. The outward appearance of the leaders of the 
people including their dress and fashion of wearing 
the hair on the face and the head also underwent a 
change. The Musalman who came from the North-West 
wore a beard. Akbar, the founder of the Mughal 
Empire in India, and his immediate successor, Jehangir 
adopted the Hindu custom of shaving their chins, but 
their successors, with the firm establishment of their 
rule, and their coming more and more under the influ- 
ence of the Mullahs, gave up shaving the chin and 
began to wear beards. The Hindu Rajas who came in 
contact with the Mughal Emperors, by degrees adopted 
their fashion, modifying it to suit their notions of 
their character as the military leaders of the people. 
Thus when the Rajputs began to grow beards, instead 
of letting the beards hang down like the Musalmans, 
they made their beards stand upright and tied them to 
keep in position. 



The last Hindu Emperor of India, the illustrious 
Prithviraja Chauhan ( A.D. 1179 to 1192 ) wore only 
moustaches. The first Musalman Emperor of India, 
Akbar the Great (A.D. 1556-1605) also had only 
moustaches. In appearance he did not differ in any way 
from an ordinary Hindu monarch. He often dressed 
like a devout Hindu, applied sandal-wood paste to his 
forehead, put on a pearl necklace, held a pearl rosary 
in his hands and wore ear-rings. The best extant 
portraits of him show him as a devout Hindu king, 
His son Jahangir (1605 to 1627 A.D ) grew only 
whiskers, but had no beard. Emperor Shahjahan 
(A.D. 1627 to 1658 ) was the first to grow a beard. His 
successors, Aurangzeb (1658-1707), Bahadurshah(1707 
to 1712) and Jahandarshah ( 1712-13 ) had beards. 
Furrukhsayar ( 1713-1719 ) wore a close-clipped 
("khaskhashi'') beard. The puppets, Rafiuddarjat and 
Rafiuddaula (17 19), had small beards, but Muhammad 
Shah ( 1719-1748 ) reverted to the old Hindu practice of 
having his chin ( like the Great Akbar ) clean shaved. 
He wore ear-rings with pearls and looked like an 
ordinary Hindu monarch. His successors, Ahmad Shah 
( 1748 1754 ), Alamgir II ( 1754-59 ), Shah Alam (1759 
to 1806), Akbar Shah II (1806-1837) and Bahadur Shah 
II ( 1837-1859), all grew beards. 


Since the passing of India under the British Crown 
in the time of Empress Victoria, there have been two 
Emperors, Edward VII and George V, who have both 
rejoiced in beards. 

All the Governors-General of India from Warren 
Hastings (1774-1785) to Lord Dalhousie ( 1848-1856 ) 
had their faces clean shaved ; no one grew a beard. 
Of the Viceroys, the Earl of Canning (1856-1862 ) and 
the Earl of Elgin (1862-63) were also clean shaved. 


Lord Lawrence ( 1864-1869 ) was the first Viceroy 
whose face was adorned with a beard ; his successor 
the Earl of Mayo, (1869-72), had his face clean shaved. 
His three successors, Lord Northbrook (1872-1876), 
the Earl of Lytton (1876-1880), and the Marquis of 
Ripon (1880-1884) all had beards, the first a short one, 
and the last a very respectable one. The Marquis of 
Dufferin (1884-88) wore a French beard. Lord 
Lansdowne( 1 888-94) had only a moustache and sidelocks 
like the Hindu Rajas of medieval times. The Earl of 
Elgin (1894-99) wore a beard. The face of Lord 
Curzon (1900-05) was clean shaved. Both Lord Minto 
(1905-10) and Lord Hardinge (1910-16) grew 
moustaches. Lord Chelmsford (1916-2 1), the Marquis of 
Reading (1921-26) and Lord Irwin (1926-31) were clean 
shaved. The present Viceroy, Lord Willingdon, wears 
small moustaches. 


The kings of Mewar, the most respected of the 
Rajput rulers in India, upto Maharana Arnarsingh II 
(1698-1710) had only moustaches and thin close-clipped 
side-locks coming down to the lobes of the ear. The 
pride of Hindu chivalry, the Great Maharana Pratap, 
his son Maharana Amarsingh and the famous Maharana 
Rajsingh, the great opponent of Aurangzeb, were all 
without beards. Amarsingh II had a thin line of hair, 
a continuation of the moustache extending to below 
the lobes of the ear an apology for whiskers. Maharana 
Sangaramsingh II (A D. 1710-34) was the first to grow 
a beard, but a short-clipped one. Since then none of 
his successor has had his chin clean shaved. Jagutsingh 
II (1734-51), Pratapsingh II (1751-54), Rajsingh II 
(1754-61), Arsi (1761-73), Hamirsingh (1773-7 8) wore 
only short-clipped beards. Bhimsingh (1778-1828) 
was the first to grow a full beard, the hair drawn 
upwards in true Rajput fashion, a custom which was 


kept up by the succeeding Maharanas, Jawansingh 
(1828-38), Sardarsingh (1838-42), Sarupsingh (1842-61), 
Shambhusingh (1861-1874), Sajjansingh (1874-1884) 
down to Maharana Fatehsingh (1884-1930). The present 
ruler, MnJinrnna Bhopalsingh, like the old Hindu kings, 
has his chin clean shaved. 


The kings of Marwar ( Jodhpur State)f rom Rao Sihaji 
(died in A. I). 1273), the founder of the Rathor Power in 
Rajputana, down to Maharaja Mansingh (J 803-1 843), 
had their chins clean shaved. Rao Ranmal, also called 
Ridmal, (about 1427-143'S), wore long moustaches curled 
up and prominent sidelocks. From 1438 to 1453, 
Marwar was in the possession of the Maharana of 
Mewar. Rao Jodha (1453 1488), the founder of the 
town of Jodhpur, had side-locks and moustaches. Rao 
Satal (1488-91) and Rao Suja (1491-1515) and Ganga 
(1515-1531) had long moustaches. Maldeva (1531-62) 
one of the greatest of the kings of Marwar, followed 
suit. Chandra Sen (1562-1580), Askarun (1580-1581), 
Raisingh (1581-1583), Udaisingh, the Mota (fat) Raja 
(1583-1595), who accepted Akbar's suzerainty, had side- 
locks and curled moustaches. Sursingh (1595-1619), 
Gajsiiigh (161 9-1638), Jaswantsingh(l 638-78), Ajitsingh 
(1678-1724), and Abhaisingh (1724-1749), had their 
faces adorned with side-locks and moustaches. Ramsingh 
(1749-1751) was the first to wear mutton-chop whiskers. 
Maharaja Bakhtsingh (1751-52) and Bijaisingh (1752-93) 
contented themselves with side-locks and moustaches. 
Bhimsingh (1793-1803), was the first to have a full 
growth of whiskers. Mansingh (1803-43) was a close 
follower of Bhimsingh in this respect. Maharaja 
Takhtsingh (1843-1873) was the first to grow a beard, 
and Maharaja Jaswantsingh (1873-1895) kept up the 
beard. Maharaja Sardarsingh (1895-1911) was beardless 
and Maharaja Sumersingh (1911-18) and the present 


Maharaja Umedsingh (1918) have also discarded the 
beard, contenting themselves with moustaches. 


Of the kings of Jaipur, Ramsingh II (A.D. 1835-80) 
was the first to grow a beard. Prithviruja (1503-27), 
Puranmal (1527-34), Bhimsingh (1534-36), Ratansingh 
(1536-47), Askaran (1548), Bharraal (1548-74), and 
Bhagwandas (1574-89) wore only moustaches and very 
thin side-locks. Bhagwandas's successor Mansingh 
(1589-1614), the famous General of Emperor Akbar, 
wore nothing but small moustaches. His successors 
Bhaosingh (1614-21), Jaisingh I (1621-67), Ramsingh 1 
(1667-89), Bishansingh (1689-1700), wore side-locks. 
Sawai Jaisingh II (1700-1743) had sidelocks and 
very prominent moustaches. Ishrisingh (1743-50), 
gave up the sidelocks and contented himself with 
moustaches. Maharaja Madhosingh I (1750-68) wore 
side-locks rather broad towards the lower end reaching 
a little below the lobes of the ear. Prithvisingh (1768- 
1778) died young and Pratapsingh (1778-1803) wore 
sidelocks. Jagatsingh was the first and the only ruler 
of Jaipur (A.D. 1 803-1818) who wore full whiskers. 
Jaisingh (1818-1835) did not shave the chin and Ram- 
Singh 11 (1835 80) was the first to have a full beard, 
and his successor Maharaja Madhosingh (1880-1922) 
followed his example. The present ruler Maharaja 
Mansingh (1922) is clean shaved. 


The portraits of the kings of Bikaner clearly show 
the various stages the beard has passed through. 
Rao Bika, a son of Rao Jodha, the king of 
Jodhpur, founded Bikaner in A.D. 1488. Rao Bika 
(1488-1504), Rao Kara (1504) reigned only four 
months. Rao Lunkaran (1505-26), Jaitsi (1526-42), 
Maldeo, king of Marwar, who remained in possession of 
Bikaner from 1542 to 1544, Rao Kalyansingh (1544-71), 


Raja Raisingh (1571-1612), Dalpatsingh (1612-13), Soor 
singh (1613-31), Karansingh (1631-69), Anupsingh 
(1669-98), Sarupsingh (1698-1700), all wore only 
moustaches and side-locks. Maharaja Sujansingh (1700- 
35), and Zorawarsingh (1735-1745), wore side-locks 
reaching much lower down than their predecessors, 
with the pointed end of the locks coming near the chin. 
Maharaja Gajsingh (1745-87), and Rajsingh (1787) who 
only reigned for ten days wore muttonchop whiskers. 
Pratapsingh (1787), and Maharaja Suratsingh (1787- 
1828), and Ratansingh (1828-51) wore full whiskers. 
Maharaja Ratansingh's successor, Maharaja Sardarsingh 
(1851-72) was the first to give up shaving the chin and 
grow a beard. Maharaja Dungarsingh (1872-87), also 
wore a beard. The present ruler, Maharaja Gangasingh 
has given up the beard reverting to the old Hindu 
practice of shaving the chin. 


Of the Maharaos of Bundi, no one indulged in a 
beard till the year A.D. 1681. Uptil Rao Surjan, the 
Chiefs of Bundi were feudatories of the Maharanas of 
Mewar. Rao Surjari, who became Maharao in 1554 A.D. 
went over to Akbar in 1568 A.D., who recognised him 
as Rao Raja of Bundi. He died in 1585 A.D. Neither 
he nor his successors Bhoj (1585-1607), Ratansirigh 
(1607-11), Shatrusal (Chhatrasal) (1611-58), Bhaosingh 
(1658-81) grew a beard. They were all contett with 
keeping side-locks and moustaches. Maharao Anirudsingh 
(1681-1695), was the first to grow a beard. His 
successor Bhudhsingh (1695-1739), had only mutton- 
chop whiskers. Maharao Umedsirigh, who came to 
the throne in 1739, grew a beard. Umedsingh reigned 
from A.D. 1739 to 1771 and then retired from the 
throne and subsequently grew a beard. Ajitsingh 
(1771-73) had only moustaches. Maharao Bishansingh 
(1773-1821) had whiskers, Maharao Ramsingh (1821-90) 


had his chin shaved, but wore whiskers in Rajput 
fashion, the hair standing upright. Maharao Raghubir- 
singh (1890-1927) enjoyed a big flowing beard. The 
present ruler, Maharao Ishrisingh (1927), also grows a 



None of the kings of Kotah has uptil now kept a 
beard. Maharao Madho Singh, who was the second son 
of Maharao Ratan Singh of Bundi, was given Kotah in 
1625 A.D. and became an independent sovereign (1625- 
47), Mukand Singh (1647-58), Jagatsingh (1658-83), 
Paimsingh (1683-84), Kishorsingh (1684-95), Ramsingh 
(1695-1719) and Bhiinsingh (1719-20) all had side-locks. 
Maharao Arjunsingh (1720-23), Durjarisal (1723-56) 
Ajit Singh (1756-58) and Shatrusal or Chhatarsal (1758- 
64) gave up even this slight growth of the hair by 
the ears. Maharao Gumansingh (1764-71) again adopted 
side-locks. Maharao Umedsingh (1771-1819) had 
whiskers, but Maharao Kishor Singh (1819-27) wore 
neither whiskers nor side-locks. Maharao Ramsingh II 
(1827-66) and Maharao Chattarsal (1866-89) had 
whiskers only. Maharao Umedsingh (1889), the 
present ruler of Kotah, has only moustaches, and his 
chin is clean shaved, 


Zalimsingh (died 1824 A.D.), who had been Prime 
Minister of the State of Kotah, was recognised by the 
British Government, in lieu of great services rendered 
by him during the Pindaree War, as the hereditary 
Prime Minister of the State. He grew only mousta- 
ches. His son Madhosingh (1824-34) showed no talent. 
His grandson Madansingh (1834-45) was recognized by 
the British Government as the first Raj Rana of 
Jhalawar in 1838 A.D. (date of creation of the State). 
He, like his grandfather Zalimsingh, wore whiskers. 
Madansingh's successor Prithvisingh (1845-75) grew a 


beard. His successor, Maharaj Rana Zalim Singh 
(1875-96) wore only moustaches, as also his successor 
Bhawanisingh (1896-1929). Both had their chins clean 
shaved. The present Chief, Maharaj Rana Rajendra- 
singh (1929), has his face clean shaved, no moustaches, 

no beard. 


Of the rulers of Sirohi, Lakha (1451-83), Jagmal 
(1483-1523), Akhairaj (1523-33), Raisingh (1533-43), 
Dudha (1543-53), Udaisingh (1553-62), Mansingh (1562- 
1571), Surtan (1571-1610), Kajsingh (1610-20) no 
portraits are available. Akhairaj II (1620-73) alone has left 
a portrait and he appears to have kept only side-locks and 
prominent moustaches. Akhairaj's successor Udaisingh 
(1673-76), Berisal (1676-97), Chhatarsal (1697-1705), 
Mansingh alias Umedsingh (1705-49). Prithviraja 
(1749-1772), Takhtsingh (1772-82), Jagatsingh (1782), 
Berisal 11 (1782-1808), and Udaibhan (1808-47), have 
also left no available portraits. Shivsingh (1847-62) and 
Umedsingh (1862-75), wore full whiskers, Kesrisingh 
(1875-1920) had a regular beard drawn up arid 
turned round the ear. The present ruler, Maharao 
Sarup Rarnsingh (1920), has only slight moustaches. 


Rao Raja Pratap Singh (1775-90J was the first Raja 
of Alwar, and he wore whiskers. Bakhtawarsingh 
(1790-1815) and Benaisingh (1815-1857) had beards. 
Their successors Sheodansingh (1857-74) and Mangal 
Singh (1874-92) had only moustaches. The present 
ruler, Maharaja Jaisingh (1892), has his face clean 
shaved, no moustaches, no whiskers, no beard. 


The Rajas of Karauli were beardless till the time 
of Ratanpal (about A. D. 1680) who was the first 
to grow a close-clipped beard. Proximity to the 
Mughal capitals, Agra and Delhi, was evidently the 


cause of thu rulers of Karauli thus early succumbing 
to Muslim influence in this respect. Ratanpal's son 
Kunwarpal followed his father in this respect, but 
his successor Gopalpal (1725) contented himself 
with large side-locks only. His successors, Turuspal 
(1757-72), and Manikpal (1772-1804) had only mous- 
taches, though large and prominent ones. Amolakpal 
(1804) alone of all the rulers of Karauli had whiskers 
Harbakshpal (1804-1837) and Pratappal (1837-49)grew 
beards. Narsinghpal (1849-54) appears to have given it 
up, but Madanpal (1854-69) adopted the beard again. 
Lakshmanpal (1869) who probably died young, grew 
no beard. Jaisinghpal(1869-76)and Arjunpal (1876-86) 
and Maharaja Bbanwarpal Deva (1886-1927) had 
flowing beards. The present ruler, Bhompal Deva 
(1927), also wears a beard. 


The Maharawals of Jaisalmer are Yadavas and claim 
direct descent from Sri Krishna, the great Hindu 
Avatar (Incarnation of God). The dynasty has had a 
chequered history. Jaisalmer is the last of its nine 
capitals and was founded in S. 1212 (A.J). 1165) The 
capitals are enumerated in the couplet: 

Muttra, Benares, Allahabad, Ghazni and Bhatner, 
Digam, Dirawal, Ladarwa and the ninth Jaisalmer. 

The rulers of Jaisalmer style themselves Pachham 
Ice Padshah (Kings of the West). No portrait is avail- 
able of the Maharawals who ruled before RamsingL 
Bhimsingh (1577-1613) had moustaches and side- 
locks. Portraits of Kalyandas (1613) and his successors, 
Manohardas and Ramchander, are not available. Sabal 
Singh (1651-60) and Arnarsingh (1660-1701) kept to 
moustaches and side-locks. Jaswantsingh (1701-08) 
adopted muttonchop whiskers. Budhsingh (1708-22) 


gave up shaving the chin but only allowed the hair to 
show themselves on the chin and the jaws, an apology 
for a beard. Tejsingh (usurper), who ruled about a 
year wore prominent sidelocks like Maharawal 
Amar Singh. Sawaisingh, who also ruled for a 
year, has left no available portrait. Maharawal 
Akhaisingh (1723.62) wore sidelocks, which became very 
prominent and broad as they approached the chin. His 
successor Maharawal Mulraj (1762-1820) was the first 
to grow a beard. Maharawal Gajsingh (1820-46) did 
the same, Maharawal Ranjitsingh (1846-64), who came 
to the throne when 3 years old and died when 21, had 
no beard. Maharawal Berisal (186491) had a regular 
beard. Maharawal Salivahan (1891-1914) also had 
a beard. The present ruler, Maharawal Jawaharsingh 
(1914), wears only moustaches but no beard. 


The first Raja was Lokendrasingh. Hut no portrait 
of his is available nor are those of Kirtisingh and 
Bhagwantsingh (1836-73), Nihalsingh (1873-1901) 
grew only moustaches as also Ramsingh (1901-11). The 
present chief Udaibhan Singh (1911) also contents 
himself with moustaches. 


The first thirteen rulers of Kishangarh, Maharaja 
Kishansingh (1597-1 615), the founder of the State; Sahas- 
mal (1615-28), Jagmal (1628-28), Harisingh (1628-43), 
Rupsingh (1643-1658) (who founded Rupangarh), 
Mansingh(1658-1706), Raj Singh (1706-1 748) Sawantsing 
(1748-64), Sardarsingh(1764-66)Bahadursingh(1766-82), 
Biradhsingh (1782-88), Pratapsingh (1788-98) and 
Kalyansingh (1798-1838) grew only moustaches and 
side-locks. Some of them had the hair of the side-locks 
curled but wore no whiskers or beard. Mohkamsingh 


(1838 41) was the first to have a beard, but it was a 
close clipped one. His successor Prithvisingh (1841- 
79) was the first and the last to grow a regular beard. 
SarJulsingh (1879-1900), however, gave it up. 
Maharaja Madansingh (1900-26) did not nurse it. 
The present ruler, Maharaja Yagyanarain Singh 
(1926) has only moustaches. 


The State was founded by Maharana Kumbha's 
younger brother Kherna's son, Suryamal. He died in 
1531. His successors Baghsingh (1531-:$5), Raisingh 
(1535-53), Bika (1553-79) Tejsingh (1579-94), Bhanu- 
singh (1594-1604), Singha (1604-23), Jaswantsingh 
(1623-34), have left no portraits. Harisingh (1634-74), 
Pratapsingh (1674-1708), Pirthvisingh (1708-1717) 
grew only moustaches and side-locks arid looked like 
the early Maharanas of Mcwar. Ramsingk (1717-18) 
wore sidelocks with heavy flowing whiskers. Umed- 
singh (1718-23), Gopalsingh (1723-58) and Salimsingh 
(1758-75) wore thin side-locks. But Sanwatsingh (1775- 
1844) gave up the side-locks and grew only moustaches. 
His successor Dalpatsingh (1844-64) was the first to 
grow a beard. Udaisingh (1864-90) and Raghunath 
singh (1890-1929) kept up the beard. The present ruler, 
Ramsingh (1929), has a slight moustache but is 
otherwise clean shaved. 


Bharatpur is a state, where the ruling family belongs 
to the Jat clan. No ruler has had whiskers. Maharaja 
Jaswantsingh (1853-93) was the first and the last to 
grow a beard. The first four Rajas of Bharatpur, 
Thakur Badansingh (1732-55), Raja Surajmal (1755-63), 
Jawahirsingh (1763-65) and Ratinsingh (1765-69) wore 
thick prominent curled up moustaches. The portrait of 
Kesrisingh (1769-77) is evidently of young age as it 
shows no hair on the face. His successor Ranjitsingh 


(1777-1805), Randhirsingh (1805-23) Baldeosingh 
(1823-25), Durjansal (1825-26) and Balwantsingh 
(1826-53) wore moustaches in the same style but a 
little smaller and less prominent. Jaswantsingh grew 
a beard but his successor, Ramsingh, who came to the 
throne in 1893, was deposed in 1900. He only wore 
moustaches. His successor, Maharaja Kishansingh 
(1900-29) had only moustaches and died in 1929 A.D. 
The present Maharaja, Brajendrasingh(1929), is a minor. 


The Nawabs of Tonk are Musalmans and grow 
beards. Amirkhan (1817-34), the founder of the State, 
was succeeded by Wazirmuhammed Khan (1834-64). 
Muhammed Ali Khan came to the throne in 1864 but 
was dethroned in 1866 and sent to Benares. His son 
Muhammad Ibrahim Ali Khan reigned from 1867 to 
1930 A.D. He was succeeded by his eldest son Nawab 
Muhammed Saadat Ali Khan in June, 1930 

Thus it appears that neither the Mughal Emperors 
nor the Rajput Maharajas had anything to do with the 
beard till the year 1627 A.D. The seventeenth century 
marks the adoption of the beard by the Crown in India. 
Shahjahan was the first Emperor of India to adopt 
it, and the Raja of Kanuili (1680) was the first Maharaja 
in Rajputana to grow a beard. Bundi followed close 
with a beard in 1682; Mewar (1710), Jaisalmer (1711) 
and Alwar (1791) adopted it in the eighteenth century. 
The rest, with one exception, Jhalawar, Sirohi, Jaipur, 
Marwar, Bikaner, Kishangarh and Bharatpur, 
adopted the beard in the nineteenth century. The 
solitary exception is Kotah, whose Rulers have 
unanimously discarded the beard. 



When riseth Lacedemon's Hardihood, 
When Thebes Epaminondas rears again, 
When Athens' children are with hearts endued, 
When Grecian mothers shall give birth to men, 
Then may'st thou be restored ; but not till then. 

BYRON, Childe Harold. 

IF it is true, as Pope says, that the proper study of 
mankind is man, it is no less true that the proper study 
for a Hindu living in the twentieth century and cons- 
cious of the forces working round him, is the study of 
the history of the Hindu race. The future "has its 
roots in the past/ 5 says Lord Morley. It is the past 
that in its results is present in the present and will to a 
certain extent, shape the future. The law of causation 
is inevitable and unerring. Those who are vitally 
interested in the present and the future welfare of the 
Hindu race, as well as those whose interest in the matter 
is merely intellectual, find the history of the Hindus, 
their culture and civilization, their social and spiritual 
ideals and their practical philosophy of life, a subject 
of absorbing interest. 

All serious students of the history of sociology have 
before them the extraordinary historical phenomenon 
of a great race, which occupying at the dawn of history 
a high position in the world and having survived all 
the political cataclysms, social upheavals and racial 
eruptions that engulfed powerful nations and destroyed 
old world empires, still shows in no uncertain degree, 

1 Reprinted from the Swadethmitram (Madras English Weekly) Annual 
Number, 1928 A,D. 


spiritual and moral vitality. This amazing vitality of 
the Hindu race compels the attention and challenges 
the interest of all who study the evolution of man or 
of human society. 

The chequered career of the Hindu nation during 
the last thousand years furnishes abundant materials to 
a historian to be able to trace and well appraise the 
influence of spiritual ideals on the political life of a 
people, as also the effect of their social beliefs and 
practices on it. He will see how the wholesome 
influence of a highly intellectual culture and spiritual 
ideals governing the ordinary life of a civilized nation 
are checked, modified and marred by evil customs, 
pernicious practices and wrong and narrow social ideals, 
which create distraction, division and disunion. 

India, the most fertile and favoured of climes, in 
all ages the cynosure of all eyes, has been the centre 
of gravity in the world's affairs. Seekers after truth, 
and the spiritually inclined from Greece, Persia, China 
and other countries, like Pythagoras, Pyrrho, Demo- 
critus of Thales, Fa-Hian, Hiouen-Thsang and Alberuni 
came to India to learn wisdom: the worldly-minded to 
get the good things of the world. "The gorgeous 
East" and "Wealth of Ind" of Milton, "India, the 
sole mother of precious stones" of Pliny, the "Golden 
India" of Alexander the Great stirred the imagination 
of the Europeans in all ages. Its fabled wealth fired 
the ambition of powerful rulers of distant lands and 
attracted the adventurers and free-booters of Asia from 
Semiramis and Alexander to Mahmud Ghaznavi, 
Changez Khan, Timur and Ahmad Shah Durrani. 
India repelled the earlier invasions and the enemy 
returned home beaten and battered or perished on the 
way foiled in his attempt. Semiramis, Alexander and 
Seleucus are instances in point. Later attempts partly 
or wholly succeeded as the internal dissensions in India 
increased and developed. Most of the invaders of the 


first few centuries of the Christian era, however, who 
came to conquer remained to worship. Victorious Rome 
was held captive by vanquished Greece: India did better 
still. It absorbed the invaders and made them its 
votaries, as the history of the Bactrian Greeks, Huns, 
Kushans, Kshtrapas and Shakas (Scythians) amply 

But a time at last arrived when a new school of 
social thought arose in India with a vision blurred and 
an outlook, narrow, limited and exclusive. It rejected 
the simpler, purer, higher ideals of life inculcated by 
the earlier Sages and Thinkers of India. Taking shelter 
under the cover of mistaken notions of heredity, con- 
servation of spiritual energy, and preservation of the 
purity of blood and culture, it introduced in Hindu 
society a spirit of exclusiveness and disruption that 
began to destroy the solidarity of the Hindu race and 
weaken its power of resistance. The disruptive forces 
once set in motion continued to gather strength, with 
the result that the social organisation of the country 
deteriorated and the political ideals of the people 
became degenerated; for the ideas of nationality and 
independent national existence became dimmed. The 
consequence was that the foreign invader obtained a 
more or less firm footing in the exposed parts of India; 
their advent and presence in the country being due to 
dissensions and disunion amongst the Hindu Rulers. 

The early Arab raids in Sindh and the free- 
booting expeditions of Mahmud Ghaznavi, while giving 
a precarious foothold to the foreign enemy in the 
Western regions of India made little permanent im- 
pression on the heart of the country. But it proclaimed 
to the world that the body politic of India suffered 
from a chronic illness. The Ghori invasions followed 
the proclamation. For the first time, foreign enemies 
secured permanent lodgement in the heart of the 
country. It is, however, remarkable that though 


successive waves of racial eruptions from Central Asia 
broke on the shores of India and submerged parts of 
it, and the last wave developed into an inundation 
lasting for about two centuries, Hindu India emerged 
from all this welter of history very nearly whole. 

For about three centuries and a half beginning 
with the end of the twelfth and ending with the begin- 
ning of the sixteenth century, Hindustan (Upper India) 
remained engaged in a death-struggle with its neigh- 
bours, the Afghans, who though enemies politically were 
ethnically allied to the Hindus, for, not only was the 
blood that ran in their bodies the same as that of the 
Hindus, but Afghanistan itself had only recently ceased 
to be a part of Hindu India. The founding of Ghazni 
by Gajsingh, an ancestor of the Maharaval of Jaisalmer, 
and the extending of the dominion of King Sobhagsen 
and others over the whole of Afghanistan and Baluchis- 
tan was then a matter of recent history 

Though during this period of three centuries, the 
Afghans retained possession of Delhi and a part of the 
Punjab, and now and then attacked the neighbouring 
princes and provinces, and whenever a powerful and 
ambitious ruler came to the throne, exercised suzerain 
power over some of them, yet the whole of Rajputana 
was independent and many Hindu princes in the Punjab 
and the United Provinces enjoyed sovereign power. 
The Afghan kings of Delhi were often reduced to such 
straits by the Hindus that except a semblance nothing 
of real sovereignty remained with them. The extent 
of their power and the precarious nature of their rule 
is fully exposed by what Zia-uddin Barni in his cele- 
brated Tarikhi Firoz Shahi says of the time when 
GrhayasuddinBalbancame to the throne: "The Western 
gates of the city of Delhi were shut at afternoon prayer 
(5 p.m.) and no one dared to go out of the city in that 
direction after that hour whether he travelled as a 
pilgrim or with the display of a Sovereign !" 


These three centuries of Afghan rule was that 
of adventurers and military chiefs of tribes and factions 
over Delhi and the Punjab interspersed with raids into 
neighbouring and distant parts of India, as the 
internal dissensions in the Hindu States and their 
mutual recriminations or jealousies gave opportunities 
to the Sultans to secure loot or vaunt military power. 
There was no settled or stable Government, one dynasty 
following another in quick succession, assassination 
and murder opening the way to the throne. The Sultans 
had no idea of statesmanship or statecraft. The social 
life of the people organized in complete independence 
of political conditions which were liable to violent 
fluctuations, flowed undisturbed and unconcerned, taking 
little heed of the change of rulers, violent and bloody 
palace revolutions and occasional raids. 

While the current of this Afghan rule ebbed and 
flowed, the inherent strength of the military castes of the 
Hindus asserted itself and not only was the territorial 
strength of the Sultanate eventually reduced to narrow 
limits but its military power was completely crushed. 
Led by Maharana Kumbha, the Hindus conquered 
Malwa, took Ajmer, defeated the Sultan of Grujrat and 
reduced the rule of the Sultan of Delhi to a small 
circumscribed area. The political horizon of India 
showed unmistakable signs that the time was not distant 
when the Hindus would recover lost supremacy and 
drive out the foreigners. All that was wanted ^was the 
appearance of a man of commanding personality, the 
emergence of a leader who could gather together the 
scattered units of power and lead them against the 
common enemy. Such a leader appeared in the person 
of Maharana Sangram Singh, known in history as Rana 
Sanga of Mewar. Mr. Erskine in his Memoirs of Babur 


says : " The Empire (?) of Delhi was in confusion. It 
had become the prey to the strongest, and the former 
success, and the mighty power of the Rana might 
seem to justify at once his hopes of seating himself on 
the vacant throne of the Lodis,and his more reasonable 
and glorious ambition of expelling the Afghans and 
Toorky invaders from India and restoring her own 
Hindu race of kings and her native institutions." 

Such promising prospect, however, was darkened 
by those fatal defects in Hindu character which had 
developed with the rise of certain social and religious 
beliefs and practices. The cup of success so near to 
the lips was dashed to the ground. While the inherent 
vitality of the Hindu race was asserting itself, the 
fissiparous tendencies of Hindu society aided by the 
anti-national influences of feudalism were having their 
full play. The single unifying influence of the personality 
of the heroic Maharana whose valorous exploits, 
chivalrous character and political foresight had won 
him the willing allegiance of the rulers of Kajputana 
was eventually neutralized by the centrifugal forces 
and the disruptive tendencies of Hindu society at 
whose heart gnawed the disintegrating caste-system with 
sharpened teeth. The ravaging effect on the Hindu nation 
of the narrow and exclusive anti-national tendencies 
of the teachings of the Vaishnava Acharyas and others 
separating brother from brother, caste from caste began 
to loom large in the heavens as evil portents, when, on 
the ruins of Afghan rule, a capable adventurer from 
the distant highlands of Samarkand appeared on the 
scene and made a bid for political ascendancy in India, 
That a Turk driven from his home in Turkistari and 
setting up rule in Kabul should cross over to India with 
twelve thousand men all- told, to conquer the country 
inhabited by thirty crores of people immeasurabl} 
superior to the invaders in Arts and civilzation, with 
great traditions of military glory behind them, and 


actually succeed in founding a kingdom is a unique 
phenomenon of the highest significance in the history of 
the world. The phenomenon is so astounding that the 
world a thousand years hence might well be excused if 
it declined to accept it as a historical fact. 

With the defeat of the Hindu Confederacy under 
the valiant Maharana Sauga at Kanuri in 1526 A.D. and 
the triumph of Babar, the hopes of Indian independence 
disappeared for the time being. The Mughal (Turk) 
empire founded by Akbar, the grandson of Bubar, 
remained intact for two centuries. For the first time a 
Muslim State in the real sense of the term came into 
existence in India. The fame of this empire was wafted 
to distant lands. Ambassadors from England and Persia 
came to India in acknowledgment of its greatness. But 
the founding, the rearing up and the maintenance of 
this empire was mainly due to the co-operation and the 
active help of the Hindus. Colonel Tod, the incompa- 
rable historian of Rajputana, says : "The Mughals were 
indebted for half their conquests to the Lakh Tulwar 
Rathoran" (hundred thousand swords of the Rathor 
Rajputs) and again, "the most brilliant conquests 
of these monarchy (Akbar, Jehangir and Aurangzeb) 

were by their Rajput allies, who encountered 

at command the Afghans amidst the snows of the 
Caucasus or made the furthest Chersonese tributary 
to the empire. " 

And as soon as this Hindu aid was withdrawn, the 
empire crumbled to pieces like a house of cards. With 
the decline of statesmanship in the Mughal empire 
under Aurangzeb and the eclipse of the political genius 
of the race made illustrious by that enlightened monarch, 
Akbar the Great, the empire rapidly declined under the 
steady pressure of the Hindus, the Rajputs in the West, 
Mahrattas in the South and the Sikhs in the North. 
The Mahrattas eventually reduced the Mughal monarchs 
of Delhi to a position of subordination to themselves 


and began to levy tribute in the shape of chouth from 
the Mughals everywhere in the Deccan, in Bengal, in 
Oudh and the Punjab. They overran the whole of India. 

The invasion of India by Nadir Shah was of the 
nature of a raid against the Mughal monarch of Delhi 
and left the question of the political supermacy in the 
country untouched. The attempt of the Afghan King, 
Ahmed Shah Durrani to revive Muslim supremacy failed 
to achieve its object. The battle of Panipat in 1761 A.D. 
failed to shatter the Mahratta power. All it did was to 
prevent the Hindus becoming at once the dejure masters 
of India which they had become in actual fact. Iheir 
domination over the Mughal puppets on the throne of 
Delhi remained undiminished and absolute. Even this 
temporary check was due to a division in the Hindu 
camp, to the Hindu States of Rajputana in a body 
holding aloof at the critical time and letting the 
Mahrattas bear the burnt of the Afghan attack at Panipat. 
But the fact that the resistance to the foreign invader, 
Ahmad Shah, was offered principally by the Hindus 
fully proves that the predominant power in India at 
the time was the Hindus. 

The Mahrattas speedily reasserted their complete 
supremacy over the whole of India including the 
Punjab, Bengal and Rajputana and would have driven 
out the last representatives of the Mughals, had not 
the English appeared in this unfortunate country at the 
psychological moment. It was the English who prevent- 
ed the Hindus from finally consolidating their power 
and sweeping away the remnants of Mughal power 
from Delhi, Lucknow and the Deccan. Sir William 
Hunter and other English historians duly acknowledge 
that it was from the Hindus that the English took India. 
That the Hindus after two centuries of Mughal Rule 
not only regained their independence but established 
their predominance in the country shows the vitality 
of the Hindu race. 


Is the torrent in spate? He must ford it or swim, 

Has the rain wrecked the road ? He must climb by the cliff. 

The service admits not a but, nor an if, 

While breath's in his mouth, he must bear without fail, 

In the name of the Emperor, "the Overland Mail," 


I MUST thank you for affording me an opportunity 
to study the conditions in which the Post Office 
works in India, and thus enable me to do my duty by 
a large section of my constituents. For, when I 
received an invitation from you to preside at this fifth 
session of the Central Circle Postal and R. M. S. 
Conference, I looked upon the proposal as a call to 
duty and not as an honour proposed to be done to me. 
As the representative of Ajmer-Merwara in the 
Legislative Assembly of India, it is my duty not only 
to understand and appreciate the work done by this 
department with such a meritorious record of service 
of public utility, but to interest myself in the welfare 
of a class of public workers who deserve all the 
sympathy and support that may be given to them, as 
well as to help in getting justice done to them. Thus 
by calling upon me to take part in your deliberations 
today, you have given me an opportunity to do my 
duty towards the public; for, no agency works for the 
public in the way the Post Office does. You are, 
therefore, not beholden to me for any slight service 

1 Presidential address delivered at the fifth Session of the Central 
Circle Postal and R. M. 8. Conference at Ajmer on 19, May, 1929 A. D. 


I may be able to render to the cause you are fighting 
for, but have enabled me to discharge a part of my 
public duty. 

Gentlemen, though the Post Office is the most 
essential and therefore the most valued of the utility 
services in any country, it is an unfortunate fact, that 
in our country it is treated with a want of considera- 
tion and a lack of justice that would probably not be 
tolerated elsewhere. The Post Office touches at so 
many points the daily life of every man and woman in 
the land, high and low, poor and rich, living in the 
town or in the country, that it is the interest of every 
one to see that contentment and a sense of satisfaction 
prevails in the rank and file of this most useful branch 
of public service, so that it may be able, in the fullest 
degree, to contribute its quota towards public good. 
Speaking of the service, Dr. Nandlal, presiding at the 
Rawalpindi Conference, said: "The Postal Depart- 
ment is the ear and the eye of the public. The 
commercial, social and political progress of the country 
is due, as in other countries, to this service to a great 
extent." People have become so thoroughly accus- 
tomed to the wonderful facilities provided by the post 
office in securing the daily amenities of civilized life 
of modern times, that they regard as matters of course 
and nothing extraordinary, the marvellous results 
yielded by a combination of trained intelligence, skill, 
patience, thought, diligence and devotion contributed 
by these servants of humanity in making the present 
high standard of life possible. If we gave a little 
thought to the various steps taken by these devoted 
workers to achieve the present cumulative wonderful 
result, and consider how we would fare if we were 
deprived of the service daily rendered by the post 
office at the present time, as also how all business 
would come to a standstill, and how anxious and 
miserable we would feel for want of news of those 

406 si*EEckES AND 

who are near and dear to us; how we would want 
those small and little cared for things which make 
life worth living in modern conditions ; if all this is 
even visualized, the most cynical amongst us will 
soon appreciate the over-whelming importance of the 
work done by the Post Office, and become conscious 
of the gratitude we owe to a succession of devoted 
workers, whose imagination and powers of organiza- 
tion, sense of duty and public spirit, have made the 
Post Office such a necessary part of present day life. 
Sir Arthur Fanshawe, a former Director-General of 
the Post Office in India rightly said, that " no 
department of Government was more than the Post 
Office to the natives of India." 

It is a matter of gratification that the members 
of the Postal service a service which has played such 
an important part in the evolution of civilized life 
and which is justly proud of having rendered inesti- 
mable service to the people and the Government 
are endowed with a laudable sense of responsibility 
and duty to Government, which they have not allowed 
to be obscured though they have received less than 
justice at its hands and have often been treated with 
unmerited hardship. In all its sufferings and its 
injustices, the Service as a whole has never swerved 
from its path of stedfast loyalty to Government. It 
is fully cognizant of the fact that loyalty and honest 
work are its chief assets, and will in the long run 
bring it justice and prosperity. It also realises that 
it is not free to employ the weapons which ordinarily the 
sufferers may legitimately employ to secure their rights 
and obtain fulfilment of their just claims. It recognises 
and accepts the limitations and restrictions under 
which Government servants, however keenly they may 
feel the unjust and sometimes cruel treatment meted 
out to them, have got to work to have the wrongs 
wittingly or unwittingly done them, righted. You 


are of course fully conscious of the fact that those 
who control the working of the Postal Department 
gain no personal profit by keeping you ill-paid and 
hard worked. And then, they suffer no harm by your 
refusal to work. The adoption of coercive measures, 
therefore, is out of question in your case. Fortunately, 
both the Government and the public know that the 
means and methods adopted by you to have your 
grievances redressed are what servants should employ 
to gain the goodwill of their masters hard, honest, 
loyal work and a respectful, true and restrained pre- 
sentation of your case for consideration. We, therefore, 
hope that Government would also appreciate this self- 
restraint which makes the workers of the Service 
patiently suffer the arrows and slings of fortune and 
the indifference and want of thought of those who are 
at the head of affairs, rather than do anything to 
embarass them, and, in future, show greater sympathy 
with the rank and file of the Service, and a readiness 
to redress their just grievances. 

Government are no doubt aware that there are 
many just grievances from which the Service suffers. 
A perusal of the minimum demands submitted by the 
authorised spokesmen o the Service would show that 
they are very modest, and should be granted. It is 
unnecessary for me to discuss their merits, but I 
must state here a few of them which merit immediate 
consideration and redress. 

Take the case of the Postmen. They are the feet 
of the service, the lowest in the scale and yet its 
greatest strength. It is the postman, that constantly 
reminds the public of the existence of this most 
essential service, and is the symbol of its glory. To 
the poor and the needy, to the toiling millions, to the 
common folk, it is the inferior staff of Government 
Departments that symbolize the might and majesty of 
Government ; and yet what a difference between the 


subordinate staff of the Post Office and the other 
Services! The Court Process-server, the Police 
constable, the Excise peon, the Income-tax chaprasi 
are all feared, disliked and shunned, while the postman 
is welcomed everywhere. In the villages, as in 
towns, people look forward to his visits and anxiously 
await his appearance. They greet him when he 
comes; while a police constable or a chaprasi of the 
departments mentioned above scares people away and 
spreads fear and distrust. The postman represents 
the beneficent aspect of the Government and adds to 
its popularity and strength; and is, therefore, deser- 
ving of special consideration. As a rule he is helpful, 
kindly and courteous. 

And if you look at him a little closely, he is a 
wonderful phenomenon, and his work is amazing. 
The Postal Committee's Report of 1920 says : "To be 
qualified for his work, the postman must have know- 
ledge of the script of at least two languages, one being 
English. His duties involve considerable pecuniary 
responsibility. He is in fact in a small way a cashier; 
valuables and cash are entrusted to him. He has to 
render a daily account, to furnish security and to make 
good losses. ..The efficiency of the Postal service very 
largely depends upon the postman. )J Sir Geoffrey 
Clarke, in his book, " The Post Office of India and its 
Story," speaking of the postmen, says: "The articles 
received by the postmen often form a strange medley 

in many languages In a large town, letters are 

received addressed in as many as a dozen different 
languages/' Then he has to know all the lanes *aad 
byelanes of the locality in which he works. He has, 
in large towns and cities, to go up to the second and 
third storey of a house, and has to walk about eight hours 
a day. He has to deliver V. P. articles and money 
orders and, as Sir G. Clarke says, " The postman has 
to bear the brunt in case of the indeatificatioja not 


being complete, and his responsibility in the matter 
is great Large sums are entrusted daily to men on 
small pay. He is admittedly one of the most impor- 
tant factors in the department and upon his energy 
and honesty much depends." 

The lot of the village postmen is hard indeed. "He 
has to visit villages in his beat once or twice every 
week. He opens letter boxes, receives articles for 
despatch, delivers letters, registered and insured 
articles, money orders, value payable articles etc. He 
has to sell stamps and quinine. In fact, he is a kind 
of perambulating branch office. " He often has to close 
bags. He has to sleep in any village he happens to 
be in at nightfall, keeping his money and articles "with 
him. He has to walk fifteen to twenty-five miles in his 
round according as he returns from it in two or three 
days. He is never sure of his meals, though in this 
hospitable country he is never allowed to starve. And 
yet what does a postman get? Does he get a "living 
wage" ? Is he able to live a decent life, in health and 
strength to perform his duties during a normal period 
of life, provide sufficient nourishing food and proper 
clothes for his children, give them the rudiments of 
education secure a sanitary house with sufficient accom- 
modation, pay for medical aid, meet the marriage and 
other social expenses and save sufficient money for 
contingencies. Have Government considered what his 
requirements are, and what useful service he renders? 
The 1920 Revision fixed his salary at the magnificent 
sum of Rs. 18 a month, rising, to Rs. 24 in 24 years by 
annual increments of annas 4. Rs. 18 a month! Jn 
Berar, a field-labourer gets Rs. 1/8 a day or Rs. 45 a 
month. Even in Rajputana, a day labourer, illiterate and 
unskilled, gets -/12/- a day or Rs. 22/8/- p.m., in a 
town, though in a village he often gets Re. I/- a day. 
A village postman could not rise beyond Rs. 22/-. As 
a result of years of agitation and petitioning, the 


benign Government have been pleased to fix his 
salary at Rs. 18-1-38. It cannot think of giving the 
postman more than /9/5 a day, when he starts service. 
The service demands Rs. 30*0-60. Is a salary of 
Rs. 30 rising to Rs. 60 in 30 years not a modest 
demand, considering the literacy and other qualifications 
a postman is required to possess, and the arduous duties 
he is made to perform? I consider that for the work 
he does, Rs. 30 a month is a very moderate salary, 
and the demand, minimum as it has been rightfully 
termed, errs on the side of modesty. It speaks volumes 
in favour of the intelligence, the honesty, the high 
sense of duty that an Indian postman possesses that 
there are so few cases of misappropriation or defalca- 
tion amongst them. The Chief Justice of Madras, 
while giving judgment in a case against a postman, 
observed: <4 I have listened with astonishment to the 
evidence about the system in which these matters are 
done, a system by which a man on Rs 23 a month is 
actually entrusted with a sum of Rs. 1200 to go about 
and distribute it broadcast over a quarter of Madras. 
I have said before and I say it again that I think it i 
putting altogether monstrous temptations in the way 
of men of small salaries. I do not think that the salary 
is in any way commensurate with the burden of trust 
imposed." A stronger condemnation from a more 
competent authority in the matter, could hardly be 
met with of the niggardly, I had almost said cruel, 
system, which takes advantage of the poverty and 
helplessness of the people, sweats their labour, and 
makes them work without giving them a living wage. 

You will realise the stinginess shown by Govern- 
ment to postmen in India when you compare them with 
their confreres in England In England, a postman 
starts on a salary of Rs. 175 a month and rises to 
Rs. 304-8 after 13 years. In Rajputana, he starts on 
Rs. 18 and rises in 20 years to Rs. 38. Till two years 


ago, he could not rise beyond Ra. 24. 

The case of Postal Kunners is, if possible, worse. 
They are no doubt a class of illiterate people and their 
work does not require much intelligence. But the 
physical labour they have to put in and the risks they 
have to run, must be taken into account. They have 
often to risk their lives. Innured as they are to hard 
living, they have no prospects in life. They know no 
comforts and know no future. A runner has to cross 
jungles and hills infested with tigers and other wild 
animals. He has to run in dark nights, in pouring 
rain and in the broiling heat of the sun, and has been 
known to lay down his life fighting with robbers to 
protect his mail bags. He has to ford flooded rivers, 
and cross swamps. Unknown numbers of them have 
lost their lives doing their duty. The heroism with 
which a postman serves the public and the State is 
unique and exacts admiration. He defies rain; defies 
the sun. He braves danger and darkness, fords rivers 
and climbs hills. 

And how is he treated by Government ? He is now, 
after the 1927 revision, allowed a salary of Rs. 13 a 
month rising by annual increments of As. 4 each, to 
Rs. 18. Is this justice ? 

The revision of salaries of postal employees done 
in 1927 A. D. has in some case been reactionary and 
unfair. In 1920 A. D., the salary of a mail guard was 
fixed at Rs. 24-1-32, The Post Office Deputation 
demanded that it be raised to Rs. 40-2-60. Those res- 
ponsible for the Revision of 1927 have had the grace 
to reduce the starting salary of a mail guard from 
Rs. 24 to Rs. 18 ! The Revision has given no relief to 
mail peons, packers and practically none to van peons 
and others. Mail guards who were classed with Over- 
seers and Branch Postmasters before the revision are 
now ckssed with postmen. 

Speaking from his presidential chair, the Hon'ble 


Mr. Khaparde, President of the last year's Conference 
declared that in "the recent revision of pays of the 
clerical cadre, absolutely nothing was given to the 
postmen, village postmen, runners, R. M. S. Sorters, 
Branch Postmasters, Overseers etc." And yet these 
are the people who stand most in need of relief and to 
whom relief is more than overdue. 

Take the case of Branch Postmasters. As a rule, 
capable and experienced postmen are made Branch 
Postmasters. After long service aa postmen, they 
become Branch Postmasters, generally towards the end 
of their service. Starting on minimum salary, they 
take eleven years to reach the maximum. As a matter of 
fact, they rarely reach the maximum. Leaving aside 
the question of higher salaries, the yearly increment in 
their case should be so regulated that they may all 
have an opportunity of enjoying the maximum for 
some years before they retire, if a man joins service 
as a postman at Rs. 20 and retires at Rs. 55, he ought 
to be able to reach the maximum as Branch Postmaster 
at Rs. 50 if the promotion is to do him real good. As 
he becomes a Branch Postmaster after several years 
service as postman, the period which would take him 
to the maximum must not be very long. 

The case of postal clerks also deserves Government's 
favourable notice. The Postal Committee of 1920 say : 
"The conditions of service of postal clerks differ very 
much from those of an ordinary clerk in a Government 
office. Their hours of work are longer and much more 
irregular, beginning in some cases at 5 a. m. and 
ending as late as 10 p. m. They get no holidays to 
speak of, and they have considerable pecuniary 
responsibilities. The Member for Labour and In- 
dustries, Sir Bhupendra Nath Mitra, stated in a meeting 
at Simla in 1920 A. I).: "On the other hand, in the 
Postal department clerical service is unpopular and 
the duties are harder than those of ordinary clerical 


establishment/' Considering these conditions of service, 
the starting pay of Rs. 80 a month for graduate clerks 
demanded by the postal Deputation and of Rs. 70 for 
I.A. and 60 for others is reasonable, but the Government 
has only granted them Rs. 55, 45 and 35, respectively. 

Another relief to be given is the raising of the 
proportion of selection grade appointments to 20 per 
cent, as even in the Telegraph Department, the propor- 
tion is 18 per cent. Proper reserves should be kept in 
places where it is not done for clerks arid postmen, 
who are as human as other men and who have 
to go off duty owing to sickness or urgent work. 
Head clerks of Superintendents of post offices may also 
be allowed duty allowance as they have to do the 
work of Superintendents when the latter go on tour. 

Ill-paid as they are, the postal clerks are always over 
worked. There is no standard to judge of the strength 
of the establishment in Divisional offices. A standard 
should be laid down for them as well as for the postmen. 
There should be a time test. Insufficient time is 
allowed to R. M. S. sorters and the Divisional office 
clerks to do the work assigned to them. It is however 
a pity, that postmen were excluded from the investiga- 
tions that have been made by Mr. Bewoor, LC.S., who 
was specially deputed for the purpose. 

Another matter of some importance is that the 
inferior servants of the post office get leave on half pay, 
and never on full pay. This defect in service regula- 
tions should be removed and leave on full pay should 
be allowed to this deserving class of postal servants. 

Then, these people do not get more than Rs. 6 a 
month as pension. This amount was fixed at a time when 
the pay of a servant was Rs. 8 a month. And it is only 
fair that, when the scale of pay has risen and has become 
double or treble of what it was in old days, the amount 
of pension should also be proportionately increased. 

An important matter which causes hardship to its 


employees, and is therefore causing grave discontent in 
the Postal department, is the unfair discrimination 
between the employees of the Postal and the Telegraph 
departments, which are both branches of the same 
service and under the same head. In the Telegraph 
Department, a Telegraphist starts on Rs. 75 per month 
and has since been recommended to do so on Rs. 80, 
while a postal clerk even if a graduate, starts on only 
Rs. 55. Even the Telegraph Committee of 1920 A. l>. 
admit that the work in the Department does not require 
higher intelligence while it certainly entails less res- 
ponsibility. Higher and better conditions of service 
prevail in the Telegraph than in the Postal Service. 
The latter is treated as an inferior one. No such 
distinction exists in England. Postal work requires 
wider knowledge, higher intelligence, greater tact, care 
and diligence, and a higher sense of responsibility. You 
often find in it men of far higher education than in 
the Telegraph department, and yet the latter is treated 
as the favourite wife. The reason apparently is 
political. But if discontent is to be removed and a spirit 
of justice and fairness is to pervade in the combined 
service which is necessary to maintain the high standard 
of work put forth up to now and keep up the high 
traditions of this great service, this unjust discrimina- 
tion must come to an end. 

The justice of most of the grievances of the Postal 
department, numerous as they are, is, fortunately for 
its employees, admitted by the authorities that control 
their official destinies. The one reason, however, they 
always advance in defence of their non possumous 
attitude in the matter is that fresh taxation will have 
to be levied to find money to redress the grievances of 
the postal employees. This is wholly untrue. The 
post office is an earning department and a large amount 
of the earnings is saved year after year after meeting 
the expenses of the Post Office. But the savings are 


used for purpose other than postal, for which there is 
no justification whatever. Mr. N. M. Joshi, the 
Labour member of the Legislative Assembly, speaking 
during the budget debate of 1927 A. D., declared: 
"The Government of India are making huge profits out 
of the Postal department. They make losses on the 
other two departments, the Telegraph and the Telephone. 
Last year's profit on the Postal Department was 21 
lakhs and every year before there hus been a profit 
of 20 lakhs or 25 lakhs or 30 lakhs " This, though 
Government profess, as Sir Geoffrey Clarke says, that 
44 the Post Office has never been regarded as a revenue 
producing department/' What a contrast between 
profession and fact ? If this large amount of twenty to 
thirty lakhs a year were not arbitrarily used by Govern- 
ment on a non- postal department, there would always be 
available money sufficient to enable Government to 
redress all the grievances of the Postnl Department 
and to spare. Thus, the money earned by the postman 
and his fellow workers by their own exertions and 
work is used by Government for the benefit of others. 
And it is very like adding insult to injury, when 
Government say that the grievances of the Post Office 
cannot be redressed for want of money. If Government 
could be persuaded to give up this policy of feeding 
the Telegraph Department on the earnings of the 
Postal Department, there is no doubt that the happy 
day would dawn when contentment would reign in the 
Postal Department, 

There is of course no lack of lip sympathy on the 
part of the highest authorities of the Postal Depart- 
nient with the employees. The Honourable Sir 
Bhupendra Nath Mitra, who has done much in help- 
ing the cause of the subordinates in the Departments 
under him, stated in the Assembly in 1926 A. D., that 
he had examined the grievances of the Postal employees 
personally in all their varied aspects, and had done all 


he could within his resources. It is thus clear that if 
all your grievances have not been removed by him, it 
is because a higher authority has imposed conditions 
on him under which he is helpless. But in this very 
declaration of his, there is a ray of hope and 1 feel 
sure that a time will soon come when the justice of your 
demnnds will prevail, and your just grievances will be 
redressed. And here I must invite the attention of the 
Government to the declaration of the Finance Member 
of the Government of India made in 1866 A.D. : "The 
Post Office is so potent an engine of civilization that 
no Government would be justified in allowing fiscal 
considerations to stand in the way of its improvement." 
In concluding my address, gentlemen, I must draw 
your attention to a matter of importance, and ask you 
all to give serious attention to it. In order to command 
attention to your demands, you must be able to place 
them before Government as the corporate opinion of 
the Postal and B, M. S. as a whole. The demands, 
whether they affect the Postal or the R. M. S., must be 
put forth in the name of the united Service. In the 
interests of solidarity, the Unions representing different 
grades and cadres such as Postmen, Inspectors, Circle 
office clerks should be merged into one all India Union. 
The formation of a Town Inspectors Association and 
Government's recognition of it is to be regretted as 
encouraging fissiparous tendencies exhibited by some 
classes of Postal service. All members of the Postal 
Service including the K, M. S. must recognise that 
their common interests, as well as the interests of the 
various cadres, will be infinitely better served by all of 
them joining one all-embracing Union representing the 
entire Service, and that their cause will be hopelessly 
weakened by various cadres forming separate Unions. 
I draw the particular attention of the Railway Mail 
Service to this matter and ask them to join the All- 
India Union in larger numbers. 


Where Science, Art and Labour have outpourM 
Their myriad horns of plenty at our feet. 

TENNYSON, Ode for the opening of the 

International Exhibition, London. 

IT is my privilege to offer you, Hon'ble Col. Ogilvie, 
on behalf of the Dayanand Nirvana Ardha Shatabdi 
Sabha, a warm welcome here. I tender you 
our grateful thanks for so kindly accepting our 
request to open this All India Swadeshi Industrial 
Exhibition, organised under the auspices of the 
Dayanand Nirvana Ardha Shatabdi Sabha. We are 
fully conscious of the honour and kindness you are 
doing us to-day, for we know that you have specially 
come all the way from Mount Abu to open this 
Exhibition and that you are going back tomorrow. 

You hold one of the most responsible positions 
in the Government of this country. You are the 
highest political authority in this great and historic 
province of Rajputna a piece of territory much 
larger than Great Britain and Ireland combined, and 
inhabited by the ancient and honoured Rajput races, 
the glorious Gehlots, the chivalrous Chauhans, the 
valiant Rathors, the clever Kachhwahas, the respected 
Yadvas with their chequered history, representing 
the entire Rajput chivalry, and including this province 
of Ajmer which has played a part in the history of 
India second to none. Responsible as you are for the 
welfare and prosperity of so many diverse communities 

1 Speech delivered as President of the All India Swadeshi Industrial 
Exhibition Committee, at the opening of the Exhibition at Ajmer on 
13, October, 1933 A.D. 


and interests involving arduous duties and engrossing 
cares, demanding careful consideration of questions of 
far-reaching importance which the present critical 
times in the history of this country continually press 
themselves on your attention, necessitating constant 
vigilance, unremitting attention and manifold engage- 
ments, it is so good of you to have been able to find 
time to come to Ajmer from the Parnassus of India 
to open this Exhibition. This not only illustrates 
the saying of the great Italian statesman of the 
nineteenth century, Cavour, that whenever he wished 
to get anything done, he always went to the busy man, 
for the idle men never have time to do anythiug, but 
also proves conclusively how responsive you are to 
the reasonable wishes and requests of the people to 
help them. 

Swadeshi ought to be as much a concern of the 
Government as of the people. Swadeshi, in the 
ultimate connotation of the term, means nothing more 
than the fundamental economic interests of the people. 
It means the material well-being of the people, result- 
ing in their happiness and contentment. The 
Swadeshi we are advocating is a purely economic 
matter, and the encouragement of Swadeshi industry 
means the economic development of India by fostering 
Indian industry. 

It has often been alleged by people ignorant of 
Indian history that India has always been an 
agricultural country, and that agriculture has been 
the principal occupation of the bulk of the people of 
India. This is a mis-representation of facts. India 
was in old days a highly advanced Industrial country, 
though agriculture too, owing to the natural 
advantages it enjoys, and owing to its frugal and 
industrial population reached a high degree of 
development. The gifts which nature has lavished 
with both hands on this great country, in the shape of 


its wonderful mineral resources, its enormous fertile 
tracts, its great rivers and sheets of water, immense 
forests and its salubrious climate enabled its people 
not only to make great progress in scientific 
agriculture, but to achieve amazing results amazing 
for those days in industrial development and in 
the arts. "Art", says Col. Tod, ''seems to have 
exhausted itself in India/' One of the greatest 
art critics in England, Mr. E. B. Havell, in his "Indian 
Sculpture and Painting" (p. 24) after describing the 
spiritual character of the Hindus and the meaning 
they understood of the winds which swept through 
the forest trees, the waters which poured down from 
the Heaven-built Himalayas, the power and beauty 
of the rising and the setting sun, the radiant light 
and heat of rnid-day, the glories of the Eastern moonlit 
nights, the majestic gathering of the monsoon clouds, 
the fury of the cyclone, the lightning flash and 
thunder and the cheerful dripping of the life-giving 
rain, says; "From this devout communion with 
nature in all the marvellous diversity of her tropical 
moods, came the inspiration of an art possessing 
richness of imagery and wealth of elaboration which 
seems bewildering and annoying to our dull Northern 
ways of thinking.'' 

"India", says the Encylopadia Britannica, "was 
once the seat of commerce." The author of Ancient 
and Medieval India says, "the Hindus have ever 
been a commercial people". Now how can a people 
be commercial unless its industries are in a flourishing 
state. Would the English, the Americans and the 
Japanese be commercial people if their own industries 
had not been in a prosperous state? 

The Hindus were also a maritime people. Their 
ships in old days were to be found in every part of 
Europe, Egypt and Asia. They were great ship- 
builders. Prof. Max Duncker's History of Antiquity 


and Mukerji's Indian Shipping show that the Hindus 
were the greatest ship-builders in the old world. 
Indian muslins and Indian silk were sold in every 
great city of Europe. "It (silk) sold for its weight 
in gold" in Rome, says the Encyclopaedia JBritannica. 
The elder Pliny complained that there was no year 
in which India did not drain the Roman Empire of a 
hundred million sesterces. He adds that a sum 
equivalent to 4,000,000 was annually remitted by 
the Romans alone to pay for their investments, and 
that in the reign of the Ptolemies, 125 sails of Indian 
shipping were at one time lying in the ports of 
Egypt, Syria and Rome. 

Not in the products of the loom alone did India 
excel. The celebrated Damascus blades, says Manning, 
have been traced to the workshops of India. It is 
the considered opinion of Industrial chemists that 
India produced as good steel in old days, as Europe 
does now. It was because of its manufactures that 
India accumulated vast wealth, of which Milton sings in 
the opening lines of the second book of Paradise Lost. 

1 have said enough to show that in old days, 
Indians were an Industrial people and Indian manufac- 
tures were sold in all countries of the world. India 
was an exporting country, and the products of its 
industries sold in every market in Europe, Egypt, 
China, Persia and the East Indies. It remained the 
centre of world trade till about two centuries ago. 
It is only since the advent of the machine that 
Indian industries have been destroyed and India has 
ceased to be a manufacturing country. The past, 
however, shows the possibilities of the future and 
potentialities of progress. 

The object of this Exhibition, as of all genuine 
Exhibitions in this country, is to encourage industrial 
development and to bring to the knowledge of the 
people the products of Indian industry. 


But the twentieth century world is a new world 
altogether. The destiny of the nations is governed 
not by individuals now as was the case in old days, 
but by the bulk of the populations themselves. The 
State represents the people, the nation, the country 
in a much truer sense now than it ever did before. 
The State, as the term is understood in Europe, 
America and at least in some parts of Asia, is an 
embodiment of the people, the muscle and the brain of 
the entire populace It has therefore become increas- 
ingly necessary that the State should be at the back of 
the industries of the country. With the annihilation 
of distances owing to the rail-road, the motor car, the 
aeroplane and the telegraph, the Government of a 
country has become for the first time in the history 
of the world, the deciding factor in its industrial 
development; and, it has, therefore, become essential 
that Government should not only fully support the 
industries of the country but should make such support 
one of its chief concerns. 

Every country requires manufactured goods for 
its use. And as manufactures mean money, every 
advanced country now a days tries to manufacture 
goods in mass for consumption in other countries, 
The other countries have therefore every right to 
protect their own manufactures. They are entitled to 
try and produce goods at a cheaper cost and it behoves 
the Governments of those countries to take all possible 
steps to help their people to develop industries and 
themselves produce goods, which they import from 
other countries. 

The three chief factors in production are men, 
material, and machinery in other words, capital, 
labour, raw material, technical knowledge and 
mechanical equipment. India has abundance of raw 
material and cheap labour. What it lacks is 
technical knowledge and mechanical facilities. And 


it is the duty of the Government of India to 
provide schools, technical instil utes, laboratories and 
workshops to give its people, technical knowledge and 
practical training to enable it to produce goods of 
high quality to be able to compete with foreign 
manufactures. I am gind to say that the Govern- 
ment of India is not unmindful of what has to be 
done in this respect. 

The Indian Finance Commission of 1880 and the 
Education Commission of 1884 A D. invited the atten- 
tion of the Government of India to the necessity 
of promoting technical education. Sir John Hewett. 
the Lt. -Governor of the U. P. speaking at the 
Industrial Conference held by the Government in 
1907 A.D. said, " The question of technical and 
industrial education has been before the Government 
and the public for over 20 years. There is probably 
no subject on which more has been written and 
said, while less has been accomplished." 

The question of Industrial education has been 
discussed since then by the Indian Industrial 
Commission of 1916-18, the Calcutta University 
Commission of 1917-19, the Technical and Industrial 
Education Committee of 1921-22. All these commi- 
ttees have made useful recommendations. 

The agriculturists of India are out of work for five 
or six months out of the twelve. These masses of 
people can only be absorbed, either in large industrial 
concerns or get employment in cottage industries. 
India has always been a country of cottage industries. 
The advent of the machine driven by power destroyed 
the cottage industries of India and reduced it to a 
purely agricultural country. But the machine has 
come to India too, and with its help, India is 
rapidly becoming an industrial country again. 

It is a matter of gratification that Government 
have of late given proper attention to protection of 


Indian industries. Jfot only have the cotton excise 
duties, the most indefensible o tuxes, been abolished, 
but Government is consistently pursuing the policy 
of rational protection and has taken measures to 
protect the indigenous industries of India. The 
iron and steel industry has been protected. The 
textile industry, the greatest industry of India, has 
been protected to a great extent. Paper, match and a 
host of small industries have been given piotection. 
The Indian Tariff Board investigates all cases of 
Indian industry which claim or require protection, 
and the Government as advised by it, tnkes prompt 
measures to afford protection to industries. I will 
give you only two instances to show what Government 
are doing in the matter now. India was the first 
country in the world to produce cotton and sugar, and 
yet it is India which has for some time been importing 
from other countries the bulk of the suizar and the 
cotton cloth it consumes. Thanks, however, to the 
action recently taken by Government a large number 
of sugar factories have beun opened and sugar 
produced in India has displaced Java, Mauritius and 
beet sugar in the Indian market. 

When Japan began to dump cotton cloth in India, 
and helped by bounties, subsidies and other commercial 
devices began to sell it under cost price in this 
country, Government denounced its commercial agree- 
ment with Japan. This has made the way clear for 
Government to levy protective duties on Japanese 
imports into India. Japan, appreciating the 
significance of this action of the Government of, India, 
and also afraid lest it might lose its most valuable 
market, is now negotiating f<>r some agreement, which, 
while satisfying the legitimate claims of Indian 
manufactures, may not completely bar Japanese 
imports into India. The action takeu by Government 
in these .two :cases; has been most; beneficial to 


and shows that Government now is not unmindful of 
the economic interests of the people of this country. 
Such being the attitude of Government, it now behoves 
the people and the princes of India to devote their 
attention to improving the industries of the country. 
For this purpose, Exhibitions of Indian Industries 
should be held periodically in all important towns to 
stimulate industrial effort and to revive lost or 
dormant Indian art. Permanent Shows displaying 
Indian manufactures and products of art should be 
established in all provincial centres, where art and 
manufactures of the province should be brought to the 
knowledge of all and sundry. Japan has set an 
admirable example in this respect. Japan has got a 
permanent show of her manufactures in Calcutta. Her 
enterprise is marvellous and extorts admiration. 

The princes and the people of Rajputana should 
devote special attention to Art and Industry, and I hope 
and trust this Exhibition will direct the attention 
of the people of Raj pu tana to the necessity of a 
co-operative effort on their part to improve the arts 
and industries of this great and historic province. 

There are nearly three hundred stalls besides open 
spaces. The demand for participation in this Exhibition 
by merchants and industrialists has been unprecedented, 
and as such we have been forced to accommodate them 
wherever space could be found. This has no doubt 
cramped the little open spaces that were left after the 
heavy rains of this year, but as the traders have come 
from long distances, as far south as Trivandrum and 
Mysore and as far east as Calcutta and Dacca, we could 
not but find room for them at the last moment. 

Every trade and industry, we claim, is represented 
in this Exhibition. On the one hand, you will find 
some of the new mills selling their products which 
vie in fineness of texture with Lancashire goods, 
on the other, you will see in the Khadi Court, spinners 


o Andhra Desh spinning by their old Charkha finer 
counts thun the Mills have yet succeeded in producing. 

India is famous for enamel and inlaying work and 
we have succeeded, by the participation of the U. P. 
Arts arid Crafts Emporium, in securing practical demons- 
tration of these arts by experts some of whom have 
won admiration i" the British Empire Exhibition of 
Wernbly and the International Exhibition of Paris 
of 1931 A. D. 

The big clock on the main gate of the Exhibition 
is also of Indian make with all its component parts, and 
those who have used such clocks praise their correctness 
of time and durability, The manufacturers, Swadeshi 
Electric Clock Co of Bombay are to be congratulated 
for this rare manufacture which deserves all encour- 
agement and patronage. 

You will further see in the Exhibition the actual 
manufacture by Poona artists of glass bangles and 
other glassware which were uptil now the monoply 
of Japan. Our Health, Hygiene, and Educational 
Court is also unique as it contains models illustrative 
of consequences of neglect of ordinary sanitary 
precautions. Through the efforts of the students 
of the Dacca Engineering College, we have succeeded 
in getting some plans for ideal homes of which 
we have shown wooden models, This is also a feature 
which is new to this Exhibition. We are indebted 
to the Ahmedabad Sanitary Association for the loan 
of their Sanitary models. 

1 deem it my duty here to express my deep 
gratitude to Major G. L. Betham, M. C., Commissioner, 
Ajmer-Merwara for the unstinted help he has 
given us to make this Exhibition a success. He 
has been very generous with his help and there 
is no request which we made and he did not grant. 

I now request you, Sir, to open the Exhibition. 


In every rank, or great or small 
'Its industry supports us all. 


I must tender you, Hon'ble Colonel Ogilvie,my grateful 
thanks and the thanks of the Exhibition Committee 
for taking the trouble to come all the way from Mount 
Abu to Ajmer to do us the honour of opening our 

The function of to-day is a unique one, not only in 
its setting, but also because of the unique character of 
the conception and the achievement of the enterprise 
represented by the exhibits here. This function is 
being celebrated to-day in a place of exquisite beauty, 
hallowed by memories at once sweet and sad and recalling 
to mind the hoary traditions of the last Hindu Empire 
in India as well as the might of the Mughal Empire. 
As we stand on the historic embankment of Anasagar, 
the imagination takes wings and the mind tijes, not 
only to the great exploits of the Chauhan King Anadeva 
whose memory will ever remain enshrined in the 
beauties of the Anasngar lake, but begins to revel in the 
glories of the Emperor Vistildeva and of his nephew, 
the celebrated Prithviraj Chauhan, u the flower of Rajput 
chivalry", whose life was one great romance ending in 
the romantic love of Sariyogta and the fateful battle 
fields of Panipat and Thaneswar. More than seven 
centuries have parsed, but the sun of his fame still shines 
brilliantly in the firmament of Rajputana. The 
splendour of his exploits, sung in every home in this 
province, lights up the pages of history. 

^Speech delivered as Chairman of the Dayalbagb Industries 
Exhibition Committee at the opening of the Exhibition at Aimer on 
14, October, 193:3 A. D. 


Those venerable old trees and the ruins just below 
this terrace carry the mind to the scenes where 
Jahangir and his beloved consort, Nur Julian, (Light of 
the World), passed three years in Ajmer often enjoying 
in the transports of love, the cool breezes wafted on 
the laughing waters of this beautiful lake. 

The ruins to the right, as we go down the road 
leading to Qaisarbagh, remind us of Jahangir's palaces, 
in one of which the ambassador of King Jarnes 11, Sir 
Thomas Roe, was entertained by Jalaluddin Hnssan, 
the Turk Governor of Bihar. Sir Thomas Koe gives 
interesting descriptions of the palace, its paintings and 
the pictutes in it. He also gives a quaint description 
of the storm of rain in the Anasagar that occurred on 
the 20th of August, 1616 A. l)., the consternation it 
caused in the camp of Prince Ehurram (afterwards 
Shah jahan) and other nobles, the abandonment by them 
of their homes, and the alarm it caused to the English 

The marble pavilions, perfect gems of art, glittering 
in the lingering rays of the setting sun slowly sinking 
behind the IS' tig Pahar as if unwilling to leave the soul- 
satisfying scene like a lover his love, but compelled 
to say au reroir every evening to the Anasagar, remind 
us of the magnificence of the reign of Emperor Shah 
Jahan, the ravishing beauty of whose buildings in 
Ajmer, Delhi, Agra and other places are standing 
monuments of his artistic genius. 

The beauty of the scene when the sun sinks behind 
the Nag Pahar while his rays dissolve into all the 
hues of the rainbow as they strike the crystal waters 
of Ana's Lake fills the mind with ecstatic delight 
and rapture. Once seen, it is never forgotten. 

Standing on the balcony in front of the marble 
pavilion surveying the enchanting scene, one is 
reminded of the beautiful lines, with which the most 
lovable of the English poets, Lord Byron, opens his 


Curse of Minerva ; and which if we substitute "The 
^agpahr" for '* Korea's" aptly describe ihe scene; 

Slow sinks, more lovely ere his race be run, 

Along the Nagpahr hills the setting sun ; 

Not, as in northren climes, obscurely bright, 

But one unclouded blaze of living light; 

ver the hushed deep the yellow buam he throws, 

Gilds the green wave that trembles as it glows ; 

Such is the setting of today's function. 

The Duyulbagh Industries, the products of which 
form the exhibits kept in those twenty stalls inviting 
inspection, are the result of the constructive effort of a 
great personality, applying itself to the solution of a 
problem, which is the theme of discussion everywhere 
in India and which touches the lives of the 
millions who inhabit this great country That persona- 
lity is the Sahabji Maharaj, the hefid of the Hadhasoami 
Satsimg with its headquarters at Agra. He is the tifth 
Guru or leader of the Satsang The headquarters of 
the Satsang, which before his time were of a peripatetic 
nature, were given a permanent home by him at 
Dayalbagh which he founded with the eye of a seer. 
The little place of four hir/has which constituted the 
Dayalbagh in January, 1915 has expanded in 1933, A.D. 
into a colony covering an area of nearly 3000 acres 
and containing a population of 3000 souls. The 
colony has beautiful roads, avenues of shady trees, 
playgrounds, fountains, flower gardens, electric supply 
and water works of its own, and lime and brick kilns, 
It has its Municipality and its own Bank. It has a 
small "League of Service" of men and women. It has 
its own forest in another province to supply timber 
arid other forest produce. It has a large printing press 
of its own, which issues three Papers, the English 
Day alba fjh Herald and the Urdu and Hindi Prem 
Pracharak, besides other literature. 

There is an Arts College and a Technical College, and 


boys and girls high schools with boarding houses, and 
there is a hospital. Dayalbagh contains a dairy, one 
of the finest in India, with up-to-date equipment. 

Not content with giving spiritual guidance to the 
increasing numbers of the Kadhasoami Satsang, the 
Sahabji Maharaj felt the necessity of providing for 
the Satsang, and, through the Satsang, for the people 
outside the Satsang, avenues of profitable employment 
of time and energy by establishing industries. No 
great community which lives only on spiritual food can 
Live long and survive the buffet of time. The body as 
well as the mind requires nourishment. With the 
foresight and wisdom of a born leader, Sahabji Maharaj 
conceived the idea of combining an industrial outlook 
on life with the spiritual development of his followers, 
thus ministering to the mind as well as to the body. 
And he has achieved marvellous success in his under- 
taking. Starting in 1917 with a small workshop at a 
cost of Rs. 4,000, the Dayalbagh Model Industries have 
during the last fifteen years made wonderful progress and 
have developed into a unique institution containing large 
leather works, iron and steel works, textile factories 
and wood workshops. And when we consider that 
there are no capitalists at the back to finance these 
undertakings, the whole thing appears to be a 
marvellous achievement. 

I had the pleasure of paying a visit to this colony 
last year and was greatly impressed and struck by the 
thorough orderliness, peace and cleanliness of the place 
and by the devotional attitude and the spirit of service 
animating the lives and activities of its inhabitants. 

It is a matter of gratification and delight that the 
Founder and organiser, the brain behind the "Model 
Industries," whose hands hold the strings of this great 
enterprise and who is also the spiritual head of the 
Satsang, is present here amongst us to-day. 

I ask you now, Sir, to open this Exhibition, 


Their country conquers with their martyrdom 
And Freedom's fame finds wings on every wind. 

BYRON, Sonnet to Chilian. 

I rise to support the motion to repeal Regulation 
111 of 1818. This Regulation should have been 
repealed long ago. Its continued existence on the 
Statute-book of India redounds to the credit of no one. 
It is no credit to Government that after hundred years 
of British rule during which period, the Government 
claim that this country, inhabited by a not ungrateful 
people, has been making steady and rapid progress in 
moral and material prosperity the situation is the 
same as a century ago when Government thought it 
necessary to forge a weapon to enable it to deport people 
without trial; and it is no credit to the people who 
claim that they are fit for self-government that they 
should have failed to convince the Government that 
they have advanced far beyond the stage when such 
arbitrary and autocratic measures were necessary to 
keep peace and order. 

This Regulation, in its conception, is a negation of 
justice, a negation of the natural rights of a human 
being. When a country or a nation is in the throes of 
a war, when all its energies and resources are employed 
in repelling a foreign invasion, and no distraction in 
the shape of keeping the internal peace should be 
permitted, measures like these may be justified and 

Speech delivered on 20 March, 1924 A.D. in the Legislative Assembly, 
New Delhi. 


may even be necessary. But when a country is at 
peace with its neighbours, when it is in the enjoy- 
ment of friendly relations with foreign powers, the 
retention of such measures on the Statute-book is 
nothing but an arrogation of power that rightfully 
belongs to no one, and which can only be exercised in 
defiance and derogation of Right and Reason 

This Regulation III of 1818 was framed, Sir, when 
the whole of Upper India, including the Punjab, Sind, 
the United Provinces and Oudh w r as under the rule of 
Indian Rulers. The Regulation is reminiscent of the 
days when another European Power and its agents 
had not quite given up running a race with the British 
for supermacy in India. It was framed at a time when 
the British military power and British diplomacy had 
not finally vindicated themselves in the country. It 
was framed when foreign adventurers and free-lances 
without a stake in the country were harassing the land, 
and the Pindari freebooters and the Thugs those 
pests of society were infesting the land, murdering 
the weak, plundering the rich, and terrorising all. It 
was framed at a time when the Ruling Powers of India 
were flowing into a melting pot, when peace was 
unknown, trade was at its lowest ebb, and money and 
metal had burrowed themselves underground : when 
the one desire of all India was peace, riddance from 
unscrupulous adventurers and merciless marauders and 
a settled Government from one end of the country to 
the other. The Regulation was framed in those days 
to be helpful in achieving this universal desire. This 
desideratum has long been reached. There has long 
been a settled Government in the land : the country 
has long been enjoying peace. For the Government 
still to cling to obsolete measures, and to hug to the 
heart out of date weapons suited to the troublous times 
of the early days of British rule is really to confess that 
they have failed to win the confidence and the attachment 


of the people even after a hundred years' effort; 
that the peace that exists in the land is not the peace 
of contentment and satisfaction, but a peace imposed 
on the country because one party is too strong and the 
other too weak. Such a belief, if generally prevalent 
it would be a wrong belief and I believe it is not 
generally prevalent, for India has in every respect 
travelled far beyond the conditions existent in 1818 
such a belief would be destructive of good will between 
the two parties, and would not make for prosperity in 
the present or progress in the future. Moreover, for 
Government to proclaim on the one hand that their goal 
is responsible Government which pre-supposes their 
confidence in the sense and the intellectual and moral 
capabilities of the people, and on the other hand, to 
declare their unwillingness to give up methods and 
measures which betoken undiluted autocracy, is to take 
up a contradictory position, bewildering to their suppor- 
ters and tending to deepen in the minds of their critics 
their disbelief in Government's good intentions. As 
the Hon. Mover has said, that great Liberal states- 
man, Lord Morley, when as Secretary of State he had to 
uphold the action of Government of India taken under 
this Regulation about eighteen years ago, felt all the 
time uncomfortable about it. But what was invisible 
to his mental eye has now become the avowed aim of 
British policy, namely, the establishment of representa- 
tive Government in this country. If Lord Morley who 
could see nothing but autocracy for this country so far 
as his vision could go, got shivers when he sanctioned 
the use of the Regulation, is it not time that with the 
changed outlook, Government discarded the discredited 
weapon and relied on more humane and acceptable 
measures to attain their object ? 


How happy is he born and taught 
That serveth not another's will, 
Whose armour is his honest thought 
And simple truth his utmost skill! 

SIR HEXK\ WOTTON, Character of a Happy Life. 

THE Daroghas or Chakars form a caste amongst the 
Hindus o Rajputana. They are to be found in every 
Rajput State and in every town and important village 
in Rajputana. Wherever there are Rajputs, Daroghas 
or Chakars are to be found there. The mime by which 
they first became known was *'GWws." ''(jo/a" is an 
abbreviation of the Sanskrit word "tiolak" which means 
"a widow's won by her puramotir" (ride the Sanskrit 
Dictionary, Amur A'osli). They dislike being called 
"Gola&" as the term is one of contempt and is 
reminiscent of their low origin and status. They are 
now called Daroghas, Khawas, Pnswania, Chakar, Chela, 
Wazir, Dhikdia, Khasai Chakar, Rawna ke Sath Ka, or 
Rawnas; and their women, Daodi, Khalsai Daodi, 
Manas, Vadaran, Goli, Daroghan. They are generally 
referred to as Golas or Chakar but the class is often 
called the Darogha class. In Marwar and Mewar 
(Jodhpur and Udaipur) they are called Rawnas and 
Khalsai Chakar. Those of the Daro^has who serve the 
Princes and members of the Royal family hold their 
heads high and regard themselves ashigher in status than 
those who serve the poorer Rajputs. They call each other 
Thakur, and give themselves out as Rajputs and their 

1 Paper written at the request of the Political Secretary, Government 
of India in 1926 A.D. 


caste as Chauhan, Rathor, Sodha, Sankla, Panwar, 
Solanki, Gehlot, Tak, Bhati, Tanwar, Badgujar, Gor, 
Baghela, etc. Many of them are descended from the 
illegitimate off-spring of Rajputs by women of the 
Darogha or other castes. Many Mahajans and Charans 
with their close association with the Rajputs, and 
owing to their holding high positions in Indian States 
also keep Daroghas as their hereditary servants, but 
the 1 hiroghas of the Rajputs disdain to enter into 
marriage relations with them. In Mewar, the off-spring 
of Bhil women by their Rajput masters marry amongst 
the Daroghas and become Daroghas. There is a saying 
in Mewar that in the third generation the off-spring 
of Bhil women become Daroghas and the off-spring of 
Darogha women by Rajputs become Rajputs. There 
are several well-known instances at the present time 
in Rajputana of Daroghas having become Taj puts and 
been accepted by them as such. Rajputs of pure blood 
reduced to poverty and finding it impossible to keep 
up their position as Rajputs, have sometimes joined 
the Darogha class and became Daroghas. 

The Daroghas have, in course of time, become a 
necessary part of a respectable Rajput house-hold. 
Their close contact with them has often proved dis- 
astrous to the latter. The young scions of Rajput 
families often go wrong in their society; take to drink- 
ing and contract liaisons with young women of the class. 
These women later becoming their recognized mis- 
tresses, are styled Khawasji, Pardayatji, Vadaranji, 
when they are allowed to wear gold ornaments on their 
feet. Their brothers and fathers take pride in being 
called brothers and fathers of Pardayatji. When the 
Darogha women become wet nurses in Rajput families, 
they are called Dhawadji and their sons Dhabhais. 

As a class, however, the Golas are looked down 
upon and treated with scant courtesy by the public. 
The adages ^ irtSTI cfr STC ^jft (A house is empty 


though a hundred golas live in it) and 
3P51TC sfawj *TFCT WV (Being himself a man devoid 
of virtue, to whom can he be useful) show in what 
estimation they are held by people. The Hindi poet, 
Rajia, has in a well-known couplet, warned the Rajputs 
against close association with them. He says t 

(Rajputs who allow Golas to come too near to them 
lose all respect Rajia says that they will find this out to 
their cost when they go to the battle-field). 

In support of this, the incident that befell one of 
the Thakurs of Auwa (Jodhpur State) is cited- The 
Thukur was wounded in a buttle and fell off his horse. 
A Gola who was with him in the fight, rode home on hit* 
horse and announced the Thakur's death. His wives broke 
their bangles and assumed the widows' garb. A little 
while after, the wounded Thakur with the help of his 
Rajput followers left the field and returned home. 
Since then no Gola is allowed to ride on horseback in 
Auwa (Marwar). 

The following couplet says that when Rajputs 
are neglected and (tola* arc pampered, the result is 
that the State is ruined. 

sft mv\ *r\m \ 
rofaft rraif n 

(The Rajputs were fed on onions : and the Golas 
on Ghee I See the result, Thakurs, Churn (a town in 
Shekhawati) is being taken away by beat of drums). 


In ancient times, Hindus of all classes were free 
men. Kautilya, writing in the fourth century B.C., says 
in his Artha Sastra, the best known work in Sanskrit 
literature on Political Science, that no Arya (Hindu) 
could be made a slave (Dasa). Later, when the caste 


system became crystallized into its present form, and 
various castes formed themselves into separate and 
mutually exclusive communities, and inter-caste marri- 
ages were forbidden ; and as women, owing to various 
causes came more and more to be kept in seclusion, 
new social needs, particularly among the military 
classes, arose and these were met by introducing 
changes in the Hindu social organization. Kajput 
men often remained away from their homes fighting or 
serving in distant parts of India, and as their women lived 
in purdah, the necessity for employing servants who 
would do any kind of service demanded of them and 
who indentified their interests with those of their 
masters, arose. A class of domestics and dependants, 
hereditary in character was created and fostered. The 
nucleus of this class was formed by Golaks or Golas. It 
received as recruits, the illegitimate off-spring of Rajputs 
by Bhil and other lower class women. They accepted 
a modified form of slavery in lieu of a permanent 
provision for the ordinary needs of life. Some of 
them Avere, in course of time, given positions of res- 
ponsibility and then they came to be called Daroghas 
(heads of establishment) which name was later applied 
to the whole class of Golas or Chakars, just as the 
name Pancholi came to be applied to the Kayasthas 
in Rajputana. (Pancholi is a corruption of Panchkuli.) 
The Panchkulies were members of a committee whose 
functions were to control and collect taxes in Indian 
States. Brahmins, Alahajans, Gujars were often 
appointed members of these committees but as Kayasthas 
came to be appointed to these Committees in large 
numbers, they came to be called Pancholies and 
Kayasthas in Rajputana are now called Pancholies. 

The Daroghas or Golas are Chakar as distinguished 
from NanJcar. The latter are free to serve or to go 
away as they please ; not so the Chakar. The emer- 
gence of the Chakar or Gola Class thus forms a 


landmark in the evolution of Hindu Society. 


The position of the Daroghas in their masters' 
house-holds may be summarized as below : 

(1) The master gives food, clothes and marriage 
and other necessary expenses to Golas. The expense* 
incurred in performing Mosar ceremonies are given to 
Gharjaya (Golas born in their masters' houses) Chakars. 

(2) The master is entitled to take whatever service 
he likes from a Chakar. The Chakar is not free to 
leave his master's service. 

(3) The Children of Daroghas have a right to get food 
and clothes, but are liable to be made to serve in any 
capacity the master likes. 

(4) The master has the right to give in the dowry 
of his daughter, any daughter or daughters of his 
Daroghas (Golas). These girls then become the 
property of the person to whom the master's daughter is 
married. Sometimes whole families are thus given away. 

(5) If a master finds that his Chakars have multi- 
plied and are more numerous than he has need of, he 
may keep as many as he may like and has the right to 
tell the others to go and seek livelihood elsewhere, but 
he claims the right to requisition their services on 
occasions of marriages, etc., and of sending for and 
giving away their daughters in dowry. 

(6) When a Darogha's daughter is married to a 
Darogha, the Reet money paid by the bridegroom is 
taken by the girl's master. In some cases half of it is 
given to the girl's father. 

(7) A Chakar can become completely free of his 
master only if he pays off all expenses incurred by his 
master on his account. 

The master's plea everywhere is that as he feeds 
and clothes his Chakar and bears the expenses of his 
marriage, the Chakar becomes his property: and not the 


Chakar only 'but his children too. It is a one-sided 
argument. The master does not take into account 
the unstinted services the Chakar renders, all the time he 
is fed and clothed. The master often contends that he 
feeds him, looks after him, as he looks after his own 
child. But does his own child become his property in 
the sense in which he claims the Chakar to be ? 

The institution is a form of slavery. The fact, 
that some of the Chakars lead pretty comfortable lives 
and are employed in positions of responsibility and 
trust, does not alter the essential character of the 
system. The slaves of the G-hori Sultans rose to the 
highest position in the State and founded a ruling 
dynasty known as the Slave Kings of Delhi. What is 
slavery is thus described by the learned Judges of the 
N. W. P. High Court (Queen Versus Sikandar Bakhat 
H. C. R., N. W. P. for 1871, P. 146): 

(a) A person is treated as a slave if another 
asserts an absolute right to restrain his 
personal liberty and dispose of his labour 
against his will, unless that right is confirmed 
by Law as in the case of a parent or 
guardian or jailor. 

(b) Children are purchased from their parents or 
strangers and are brought up as domestic 
servants having little or no liberty conceded 
to them. These children are practically 
slaves and it cannot be too widely known 
that their condition is such as will not be 
tolerated by English Law, and that persons 
who detain them in their homes are liable to 
punishment under the penal code. 

The above two clauses give a pretty fair description 
of the status of a Darogha or Chakar. 

During the Mughal times, this institution flourished. 
With the advent of British Rule in the country, things 
began to change. . The maintenance of the system was 


found to be inconsistent with the principles on which 
the Government of the East India Company was based. 
It was repugnant to the minds of the people to whom 
personal liberty was as precious as life itself. The 
right of personal freedom and, to order one's life as one 
liked, subject only to the same freedom for others, was 
recognized and given effect to. The Government of 
the East India Company therefore refused to recognize 
the rights, the masters claimed over their Chakars and 
not only declined to enforce those claims but made the 
practical assertion of them, penal. 

In 1843 an Act (Act V of 1843) for declaring and 
amending the Law regarding the condition of slavery 
within the territories of the East India Company was 
passed declaring that : 

(1) No public officer shall in execution of any 
decree or order of Court, or for the enforce- 
ment of any demand for rent or revenue sell 
or cause to be sold any person or right to 
the compulsory labour or services of any 
man on the ground that such person is in a 
state of slavery. 

(2) No rights arising out of an alleged property 
in the person and services of another as a 
slave shall be enforced by any Civil or 
Criminal Court or Magistrate within the 
territory of the East India Company. 

(3) No person who may have acquired by his 
own industry or by the exercise of any art, 
.calling or profession or by inheritance, 
assignment, gift or bequest shall be dispos- 
sessed of such property or prevented from 
taking possession thereof on the ground that 
such person or the person from whom the 
property may have been derived was a slave. 

(4) Any act which would be a penal offence if 
done to a free man shall be equally an offence 


if done to any person on the pretext o his 
being in a condition of slavery. 

In British India, therefore, the right to have the 
claims of the master over their Chakars or Daroghas 
enforced came to an end, and the latter became in law, 
free agents again. But the operation of this law was 
not extended to the territories which are under the 
rule of the Indian Princes. There the system has 
continued to flourish. Education and enlightenment 
which teach men that they have certain inalienable 
rights, have not spread to the same extent in Indian 
States as in British India, and the masters there, have 
continued to assert rights enumerated above, and have 
generally succeeded in having them enforced against 
their Chakars. Speaking generally, resistance to such 
claims has been offered only by those who have had 
opportunities of breathing the freer atmosphere of 
British India. 

The continuance of the system of keeping Chakars 
is inconsistent with the declaration recently made by 
the British Delegate before the Assembly of the League 
of Nations that slavery had been abolished in the 
British Empire. The requirements of the situation 
would perhaps be met if it be ordered that no Court 
shall enforce any right claimed by a master over his 
Chakar which cannot be enforced against an ordinary 
servant. This would ease the situation and the agita- 
tion would subside. The institution came into 
existence in consequence of the adoption of the purdah 
system and would automatically disappear with it. But 
that time is not yet. 


Abnormal Death Rate in Beawur, by Vyas Tansukh. 

Agni Pur an a. 

Ajmer: Historical and Descriptive, by Har Bilas Sarda. 

Amar Kosh. 

Ancient and Mediaeval 2ndia y by Mrs. Manning. 

Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by Colonel James Tod. 

Art ha Sastra, by Kautilya. 

Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. I and II, by General 

As yon like it, by Shakespeare. 

Asoka, by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. 

Asoka, by Dr. Vincent Smith. 

A s wo r t h Co mmittee' s Repo r t . 

Battle of Alexandria, by J, Montgomery. 

BJ tag wad Gita. 


Bhava Prakasha, by Bhava JMisra. 

Bojtibau Gazetteer, Vol. 1 and 77, by J. M. Campbell. 

Brahmanda Pur ana. 

Catalogue of the Collections of Manuscripts deposited in 
the Deccan College, Poona. 

Census Report of India for 1901 A. D. 

Census Report of India for 1031 A. D. 

Childe Harold, by Lord Byron. 

Chronology of India, by Duff. 

Curse of Minerva, by Lord Byron. 


Dayanand Commemoration Volume, by Har Bilas Sarda. 

Despatch to the Secretary of State on Proposals for 

Constitutional Reforms. 


Dharmamrita Sastra, by Ashadhar. 
Doge of Venice, by Lord Byron. 
Don- Juan, by Lord Byron. 
Dvyasraya Mahakavya^ by Hemachandra. 
Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard, by Gray. 
Ekling Mahatamya, by Maharana Kumbha. 
Encyclopaedia Britannica* 
Essays, by Princeps. 
Gaudavaho, by Vakpatiraja, 

Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, 
by Nandolal Doy. 

Giaour, by Lord Byron. 
Golden Book of Tagore, The 
Golden Book of Imam Hussain, The 

Golden Deeds of Imam, Hussain, published by the Behar 
Shia Conference. 

Gujrat Chronicles. 

Government of India, by Sir C. Ilbert. 

Hamlet, by Shakespeare. 

Hammira Mahakavya, by Naya Chandra Suri. 

Harishacharita, by Banabhatta. 

Harkeli Natak, by Emperor Vigraharajadeva. 

Hibbert Lectures for 1887 A. D. 

Hindu Superiority, by Har Bilas Sarda. 

Historical Researches, by Prof. Heeren. 

History of Antiquity, by Prof. Max Duncker. 

History of Eastern and Indian Architecture, by Fergusson. 

History of India, by Elphinstone. 

History of India, by Elliot. 

History of India by Ferishta. 

History of Mewar, by Colonel Brooke. 

History of the Mahratta people, by Kincaid and Parasnis. 

History of the Mudhol State, by Apte. 

Outline of History, by H. Q. Wells. 


Parasar Smriti. 

Paradise Lost, by Milton. 

Post Office of India and Its story, by Sir Geoffrey Clarke. 

Prabandha Chintamani (Tawney's translation). 

Prabandha Kosa, by Rajasekhara Suri. 

Preservation of National Monuments in Rujputana, 

(1881 A. D.\ by Capt. H. H. Cole. 
Prithviraja Rasa, by Chand Bardai. 
Prithviraja Vijaya, by Jayanak. 
Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 

W. C. 

Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, by Pargiter. 
Quinquennial Report on Education in Ajmer-Merwara, 

by R. Little hailes. 
Rajatrangini, by Kilhana. 

Rajputana and Ajmer-Merwara Census Report, 1921 A.D. 
Rasmala, by A. K. Forbes. 
Report of the Indian Statutory Commission, or Simon 

Commission Report. 
Report of the Primary Education Committee appointed by 

the Government "of India, 1930 A. D. 
Report on the Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1888-8 

by Prof. S. R. Bhandarkar. 

Report of the Royal Commission on Agriculture. 

Rise of the Mahratta Power, by G. E. Ranade. 
Romance of the Twisted Spear, by H. Sherring. 
Rosciad) by Churchill. 
Rudra Yamla Tantra. 

Sabda Kalpadruma Kosa, Vol. 77, by Raja Radha Kant. 
Sarangadhar Paddhati, 

Satyarth Prakash, by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. 
Selections from Ingersoll, by Ram Gopal. 


Shatpath Brahmana* 


Short History of Mewar, by Purohit Devanath. 

Short History of Woman's Rights with special reference 
to England and the United titates, by E. A. Hecker. 

Sivaji, the Mahratta, by H. G. llawlinson. 

Sketch of Her war a, by Colonel Dixon, 

Subhashitavali, by Vallabhdeva. 

Sudar Kami altar. 

Snrjan Carita, by Chanel Shckhar. 

Surdhotsav(i 9 by Somcswara. 

Savpna Vasavadatta, by Bhasa. 

Tabqati Nasiri (Raverty's Translation). 

Tajul Muasar, by Hasan Nizanii. 

Tarik/ii Firozshalii^ by Zia Barni. 

Tat*k 9 by Cow per. 

Tancrcd and Sigisnuwda, by Thomson, 


TheodosinS) by Nathaniel Leo. 

To the Queen, by Lord Tennyson. 

Tuzake-Jaha'ngirii by Jahangir (English Translation by 

Vaiju Purana. 

Vedas, the. 

Viamarsini, by Jayaratha. 

Views of Local Governments on the Recommendations of 
the Indian Statutory Commission, 1930 A. D. 

Vikramankadeva Carita by Bilhan. 

Vridha Mann Smriti. 

Vir Vinod, by Kaviraj Shyamaldas. 

Vishnu Dharmah, by Bhasa. 

Vishnu Purana. 

Vishvasara Tantra. 

Yagnavalkya Smritit 



Ajmer Government College Magazine, November 1928 A.D. 

Allgem] Geogr. Ephemifor November 1810 A. D. 

Asiatic Researches, Vol. 1 & VII and VI IL 

Bombay Samachar, Dewali Number, 1928 A. D. 

Dayal Bagh Herald. 

Epigraphia fndica, Vol. II. 

Hindustan Review, April 1917. 

Hindustan Times. 

Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX and XLL 

Journal of the Bombay Branchofthe Royal Asiatic Society 
of Great Britain and Ireland, April, 19 IS A. D. 

Journal of the' 9 Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 
Ireland, Bombay Branch, 1877 A. D. 

Liberty (Calcutta). 

Modern Review, December 1913 A. D. 

North American Review. 

Observer, The (London). 

Prem Pracharak. 

Pioneer, 9th September, 1927 A. D. (Allahabad.) 

Proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic Society. 

Swadeshamitram (Madras English Weekly) Annual Number, 
1928 A. D. 

Times of India, 2^ June, 1926 A. D. 

Vedic Magazine and Gurukula Samachar, (Kangri) 
October, 1912 A. D. 

Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII. 


Abdulla Haroon, Haji, Begum, 107. 

Abhai Singh, Maharaja, 387. 

Abu, Mi 123, 124, 151, 281, 282, 284, 

287, 314, 418, 426. 
Abu-Bakar, 258. 
Achalaraja, 209. 
Achalgarh, Fort, 287. 
Adam Smith, 182, 153. 
Adhai-Din-ka-Jhonpara, 256 to 259. 
Afghanistan ,30, 160, 288 
Agastya, 210. 

Age of Consent Act, 38, 40, 50. 
Age of Consent Committee, 50. 
Agra, 298, 307, 323, 326, 331, 338, 350, 

366, 367, 391, 428. 
Agrasen,King, 120. 
Agroha, 120. 

Ahalya Bai of Indore, 31. 
Ahichhatrapur, 196, 214, 221223. 
Ahmad, 258. 

Ahmadnagar, 242, 243 244. 
Ahmadshah, 241, 885. 
Ahmad Shah Durrani. 397, 403. 
Ahmedabad, 76, 242, 258, 344, 366, 

367, 426. 

Ajaipal, 198, 203, 206. 
Ajairaj I & II, 198, 202, 203, 204, 

206, 208. 
Ajaisingh, Rana, 237, 238 , 240, 245 

269, 270, 271, 273. 
Ajanta, 116, 373. 

Ajari Inscription (Sirohi State), 284. 
Ajayadeva, 202. 
Ajayasi (Ajai Singh), Rana, 235, 239, 

241, 274. 
Ajitgarh, 293. 

Ajit Singh, Rao, 387, 389, 390. 
Ajmer, 127, 128, 191, 194, 195, 198, 

199, 201, 204, 205, 206, 208, 209, 

211, 217, 221, 224 to 229, 248, 255. 

to 257, 249, 280, 283, 284, 286 to 

289, 293, 294, 297 to 340, 359 to 

367, 379, 378, 383, 384, 400, 417, 

Aimer-Merwara, 49, 50, 76, 217, 297- 

340. 345 to 355, 356, 358, 364, 404. 
Ajodhia 153. 

Akbar, 125, 140, 158, 168, 281, 384, 385, 

389, 402. 

Akbarshah II, 385. 
Akhairaj, 391. 
Akhai Singh, 240, 243, 393. 
Akhahai Singh, 292. 
Alamgir II, 385. 
Alappur, '243. 
Alberuni, 397. 
Alexander of Corinth, 160, 
Alexander of Epirus, 160, 171. 
Alexander the Great, 158, 168, 170, 


Alik-Samudra, 160, 
Allahabad, 84, 153, 322, 323, 326, 392, 
Allanadeva, 203, 
Allata, 116. 

Allauddin Hasan. 241, 255. 
Allauddiri Khilji, 233, 238, 269, 270. 
Allauddin Sani, II, 242. 
Alia, and Udil, 9. 
Alniavas, 126 
Alwar, 53, 367, 391, 395. 
Amaragaugeya, 200, 203, 208. 
Amar Singh, 244. 
Amar Singh, Maharana, 237, 386, 392, 


Amar Singh, Thakur, 292. 
Ambaji, 244. 
Amba Prasad, 201. 
Amb6r, 25. 

America, 5, 56, 58, 173, 182. 
Amir Khan, 395. 
Amolakpal, 392. 

Anaji or Anna 206, 220, 227, 255, 260. 
Annaladeva ) O^Q OHA 
Analdeva } 2U5 ' M ' 
Anangpal, King of Delhi, 249. 
Anasagar, 205, 226, 255. 
Andhra, 108. 
Angora, 31. 
Anhaldeva, 253, 286, 427. 

Anhalwara, ) 219 2 o 7 2 83, 288, 384. 
Anhilwara, ) 
Anirudsingh, 389. 

Anna Pcorna Temple 280, 283, 284. 
Antigonus, Gonatus of Macedonia, 

160, 171. 
Antiochus II, 160, 170. 



Antonius Marcus Aurelius. 167, 

168, 170, 
Antri, 276. 
Anupshahar, 154. 
A nup Singh, 389, 
Anusuvaben Kale, Mrs. 57. 
Aparagangeya, 198, 202, 208. 
Arabia, 121 122. 
Aravalli (Hills), 270, 276, 287. 
Arcot, South, 48. 
Ari Singh, 238, 269, 270, 272, 273, 

Aristotle, 140. 
Arjuna, 266. 
Arjun Singh, 289, 390. 
Arnoraja, 198,202, 205, 206, 208, 218, 

220, 226, 248, 260, 283 to 286. 
Arsi, 386. 
Asa.Thakur, 124. 
Asaf Khan, 25. 
Askarari, 387, 388. 
Asku, 122. 
Asoka, Emperor, 140, 156, 158, 192, 

Asapuri, 196. 
Asraj, 124. 
Assyrians, 32. 
Atamprabha, 200. 
Athens, 180. 
Athena, 379. 

Athoon, (Fort), 287294. 
Atpur Inscription, 116, 201. 
Aurangzeb, 125, 126, 288, 335, 385, 


Aurovindo Ghosh, 142. 
Auwa, 435. 
Avaladevi, 116. 
Avanti, 262, 

Ayer, Sir Sivaswami, 60, 97, 98. 
Azim Prince, 126. 

Baba, 240. 

Babur, 21,282,400,402. 

Babylonia ns, 32. 

Babylonial21, 122. 

Bachhraj Bhandari, 126. 


Badan Singh, 394. 

Badnor, 290, 291, 292. 

Badri Narayan, in Himalaya, 153. 

Bagh Chand, 125. 

Bagh Singh, Rawat, 236. 

Bahada, 219, 283, 285. 

Bahadur Mai Mehta, 126. 

Bahadurshah, I, 385, 

Bahadur Singh, II, 26, 385, 393. 

Baibag, 243. 

Bairar, 294. 

Bakshi, 237. 

Bakhtawar Singh, 391. 

Bakhtsingh, 387. 

Bala Rao, 289. 

Baldeva, 203. 

Baldeo Singh, 394. 

Balecha, 239, 372. 

Balia, 81, 95. 

Ballala (King of Ujjain), 284, 


Ballala (King of Malwa), 218. 
Ballantyne, Dr. 379. 
Baluchistan, 309. 
Balwant Singh, 395. 
Banas, (River), 255. 
Banbhatta, 216. 
Banbir, 279, 280. 
Bankipur, 378. 
Bappa, Rawal of Chitor, 116. 
Bara (Hills), 166. 
Barath (Pargana), 277. 
Bareedshahi, 242. 
Bareilly, 117. 
Barhat, 240. 

Baroda.38,53,71,76, 106,366. 

Barsawara, 294. 

Baru, 275, 276. 

Barudi, (Charan lady), 275, 276, 277, 

Beawar, 307, 339, 354, 355, 359367. 

Behar, 106. 

Behrampur, 48. 

Belvalkar, Dr. 192. 

Benares, 66, 76, 151, 152. 153, 232, 

235, 392, 395. 
Binai Singh, 391. 
Bengal, 59, 60, 61. 
Bengal Regulation III of 1818, 

430 to 432. 
Berar, 242, 409. 
Berisal, 391, 393. 
Berlin, 379, 380. 
Bernier, 26. 
Betwa, River, 125. 
Bewoor, Mr. 288, 413. 
Bhadreshwar, 124. 
Bagh Singh, 394. 
Bhagirthi Ammal (Mrs.), 55. 
Bhagwanlal, Indraji, 224. 




Bhagwad, 10. 

Bhagwan Singh, 391. 

Bhagwant Singh, 393. 

Bhagavata, 216, 282. 

Bhailau, 289, 290, 91. 

Bhairavji (Bhosaji), 240. 

Bhairav 'Singh, 241, 242, 244, 245. 

Bhaiusror (Mewar), 280, 281. 

Bhandarkar, D. R., 158-160, 161, 166, 

167, 217, 224, 225, 228. 
Bhandarkar, S. R., 141, 161. 
Bhanwarpaldeva, 392. 
Bhanu Singh, 394. 
Bhao Singh, 388, 389. 
Bharat, 206. 

Bharatpur, 38, 53, 394, 395, 
Bharmal, 388. 

Bhaskar, s/o Mahipati, 262, 
Bhasa (poet), 194. 
Bhatuer, 392. 
Bhatinda, 247. 
Bhavabhuti, 208, 268. 
Bhilwara, 292. 
Bhima, 203. 
Bhimdeva II, of Gujrat, 123, 193, 

383, 384. 

Bhim Singh, of Bhadreshwar, 124. 
Bhim Singh, Ghorpade Bahadur, 240, 

242, 243, 245. 
Bhim Singh t (Kothari of Begum), 

Bhim Singh, II, (Maharana), 386, 387, 

388, 390, 392. 
Bhopal Singh. 387. 
Bhofa. King, 123, 199, 201, 257, 262, 

269, 389. 
Bhishma, 140. 
Bhompaldeva, 392. 
Bhopat Khan, 294. 
Bhosawat Bhonsle, 233. 
Budh Singh, 389,392. 
Bhumendra, 240, 
Bhupal, 76. 

Bhupendra Nath Mitra, Sir,:412, 415. 
Bhuvanik Malla, 210, 211. 
Bhuvanpal, 123. 
Bidar, 242. 
Biiai Singh, 289387. 
Bijapur, 239, 242, 243, 244, 245. 
Bijolian, 217. 

Bijolian Inscription, 201, 202, 223. 
Bika (Rao), 388, 394. 
Bikaner, 215, 216, 217, 367, 388, 395. 
Bilaspur, 215. 

Bilhaua, 192, 193. 
Binafur, 9. 
Biradh Singh, 393. 
Bishan Singh, 391. 
Boadicoa, 25. 
Hodld (tree), 161. 
Bombay, 82, K. 8, 188. 
Bonn, 380. 
Bose, Lady, 105. 
Brajendni Singh, 395. 
Brajjiwanlal R. B., 362. 
Broach, 201. 
Brooke, Col, 293. 
Bruce, Robert, 141. 
Bruno, 56. 
Brutus, 28. 

Buddha, 141,54,57. 206. 
Bundi, 197, 281, 389, 390, 395. 
Burke, Edmund. 42. 
Burns, B. 69. 181. 
Biihler, Prof., 379, 191, 192, 209. 
Byron, 5, 80, 191, 214, 287, 371, 377, 
379, 380, 396, 427, 430. 

Cavour, 419. 
, Cabul, 125, 160. 
Caesar, Julius 140, 158, 167, 168, 

170, 383. 
Cairo, 257. 

Calcutta, 22, 36, 105, 366, 425. 
Calcutta University Commission 

(1917) 422. 
Calvada, 116. 
Camacumpa, 259. 
Cambridge, 379. 
Campbell, Dr. 54 V 
Canning Lord, 385. 
Carlyle Thomas, 134, 139, 158, 168 


Carpentier, Dr. Jarl, 170. 
Carthagenians, 32. 
Caucasus, 402. 
Cawnpur, 307, 339. 
Chachig, 204. 

Chahamaria, 195, 202, 203, 209. 
Chambal, River, 280. 
Chamundraja, 197, 198, 201203. 
Chanakya, 124. 
Chandanraja, 198, 200, 202. 
Chandragupta, 116, 159. 
Chandraraja, 197, 198, 202, 203, 223. 
Chandrasekhar, 197. 
Chandra Sen, (Rao), 387. 



Chandravati, 123, 284. 

Chanderi, 282, 125. 

Chandu Family of astrologers, 237, 


Chandano (tribe), 273. 
Chang, 289, 292. 
Changez Khan, 397. 
Charlemagne, 140, 167. 
Chattar Singh, 390. 
Chatterjee, J. C., 356. 
Chatterjee, Kamanaiid, 40. 
Chetty, D. B. Sundaram, 96. 
Chelmsford, Lord, 386. 
Chhattarsal, 391. 
Child Marriage Act, 6, 33, 45, 54, 57- 

60, 64, 66, 99, 100, 102, 105. 
Chillon, 430. 

China, 38, 121, 122, 169, 173. 
Chitor, 25, 26, 31, 126, 201, 217, 218, I 

232234, 237239, 245, 269, 270, 

Chitorgarh Inscription, 228. 
Chitrakuta, 218, 285. 
Cholakyapur (Jilwara), 281. 
Cholraj, 240, 243, 244. 
Chunar, 166. 
Churchill, Winston, 56. 
Churchill, author of ftowiad, 185. 
Churu, 435. 

Clarke, Sir Geoffrey, 408, 415. 
Claupet Mr. 121. 
Ctesias, 122. 
Cleopatra, 168. 
Gobi, 122. 

Codrington, Dr. 378. 
Coke, 23. 

College, Lady Hardinge, 54. 
Colebrooke, Dr. 251,251. 
Coorg, 309, 318, 339. 
Conference, All India Women's, 46. 
Conference (Provincial Hindu), 60. 
Congress, Indian National, 66. 
Constantino, 158, 167, 168, 169, 170. 
Corinth, 160. 
Cowper (poet), 178. 
Crabbe, 341. 

Crerar, Sir James, 65, 102. 
Cunningham, General, 199, 221, 228, 

256 257. 

Curzon, Lord, 372, 386, 
dutch, 201. 
Cyrene, 160, 170. 

Dacca, 60, 424, 425. 

Dai River, 255. 

Dalhousie, Lord, 385. 

Dal Singh, Maharaj, 236. 

Dalpat Singh, 389,394. 

Damascus, 420. 

Daroghas of Rajputana, 433 to 440. 

Dashrath, 31. 

Datta, 73. 

Daulat Singh, 231. 

Dayalbagh Industries. 426, 427. 

Dayaldaa Sah, 125. 

Dayalbagh, 77, 78, 83, 89, 90. 

Dayanand Saraswati, 60, 139, 141 to 57 

Dayanand Nirwan Ardha Shatabdi, 

De-Boiirne, General, 127. 

Delbos Leon, 142. 

Delhi, 12, 49, 54, 76, 80, 106, 107, 208, 
224, 249, 250, 252,257,274, 276, 279, 
281 282, 288 300, 309, 323, 324, 
326, 331, 339, 342, 345, 346, 366, 
391, 399, 347, 352, 355, 400 to 403., 

Delhi Siwalik Pillar, 206, 208. 

Deogarh, 292. 

Democritus, 397. 

Derislow, Prof. 182. 

Deoraj, 241. 

Deoraj Singh, 242. 

Devagarh, 240. 

Devaldevi,218, 266, 286. 

Dev Nath, 236. 

Dev Raj, 240. 

Dev Singh, 281. 

Dewas, 125. 

Dhandhukhraja, 123. 

Dhanwantri, 33. 

Dhananjaya, 195. 

Dharirai, 126, 127. 

Dhar, 257. 

Dharanagri, 123. 

Dharavarsh, 281. 

Dharavarsh, (King), 123. 

Dharwar, 51. 

Dhawalgarh, 291. 

Dhillika (Delhi), 252. 

Dholpur, 393. 

Didwana, 126. 

Digam 392. 


Dixon, Col. 294,297,298,359. 

Dooda Khan, 291. 

Durlabha or Durlabharaja, (III and 
III), 197, 198, 201, 202, 203. 

Dudha, 391. 



Duff, G. 234. 

Dufferin, Lord, 386. 

Dula Kai, 196. 

Dule Singh, (Dalip Singh), 240, 241, 

245, 246. 
Dundhar, 282. 
Durgadas s/o Askaran, 272. 
Durga Singh, 389. 
Durgawati, Queen of Gndha, 25. 
Durjan Sal, 390, 395. 
Duryodhana, 203. 
Dusal, 202. 
Dusaldeva, 203. 
Dwarka, 216, 275. 

Education Commission, 422. 

Edinburgh, 379. 

Edwards, S. M. 234. 

Edwards (of British Museum), 378. 

Edwards VII, 385. 

Egypt, 121, 160, 170, 180, 380. 

Eld, 379. 

Elgin, Lord, 385. 

Eliot, George, 173. 

Ellora, 377. 

Elphinstone, Mr. 121. 

England, 16, 27, 41, 56, 74, 98, 182. 

Epirus, 160. 

Erskine, 400. 

Etawah, 311. 

Etruscans, 32. 

Fa-Hian, 397. 

Fanshawe, Sir Arthur, 406. 

Farrukhsayar (King), 292, 385 

Fatehabad, 26. 

Fateh Singh, 387. 

Fattah, 26. 

Fazalka, 335, 359, 

Federal Assembly, 301. 

Fergusson, 257. 

Finch, William, 250. 

Firozabad, 250. 

Firozshah's Kotla, 250. 

Firozshah Roz Afzoon, 241, 242. 

Firozshah Tughluk, 250. 

Flanders, 226, 335. 

Fleet, Dr. 251,379. 

Forbes, 226. 

Gangwana, 209. 

Gaj Singh, 236,293,393. 

Gaj Singh (Rao), 387, 399. 

Galilee, 169. 


Gandhi Mahatma, 44, 131. 

Garidu, 202, 203. 

Gaga Bhatta, 232, 233, 

Gauga (Rao), 387. 

Gangadas, Thakur, 128. 

Gan^adeva, 203. 

Ganga Nath Jha Dr., 84. 

Gangapal, 203. 

Ganga Singh, 389. 

(ranges, 153. 

Gangoo, 241. 

Ganpati, 210. 

Gantoor, 59. 

Gargi 15. 

Garh Beetli, 287. 

Garibaldi, 141. 

Garjani (Ghazni), 211. 

Garuda, 210, 211. 

Gaugnak, 209. 

Gauri Shanker Ojha. 197, 200, 201, 

Gautama, 140. 

Gwalior, 106, 108, 109, 199, 282. 

Gaya, 153. 

Gehlot, 272. 

George V, 385. 

Ghatta (District), 277. 

Ghazni, 254, 255, 392. 
1 Ghor,257. 
j Ghorpade, 240, 242, 243, 244, 

Gibraltar, 341. 

Gibson, Mr. E.G. 349, 354. 

Girwa (Pargana), 277. 

Girwar, 255. 

Godwar, 238, 277. 

Goethe, 27, 140. 

Goga of Bhatinda. 247. 

Gokhale, 66, 67. 

Golkuuda, 242. 

Gopalpal, 392. 

Gopal Singh 394. 

Gopendraraja or Gopendra, 198, 

Goramji, 288. 

Gottingeu, 251, 380. 

Govind 262 

Goviridraja I & 31, 197, 198, 201-203. 

Graham, Sir Lancelot, 101,103, 104, 
106, 108. 

Gray (poet), 356, 427. 

Greece, 121. 
j Guardafui, Cape, 122, 



Guggal, King of Mahikantha, 124. 
Gujrat, 26, 201, 212, 219, 225, 226, 

231, 274, 275, 282, 283, 284, 288, 


Gulbarga, 239, 242. 
Guman Singh, 390 
Gurjara, 203. 

Guvaka, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203. 
Gyan Chand Mehta, 126. 
Gyan Chand Yati, 196, 221. 

Hall. Col, 293, 294. 

Ha ji Khan, 291, 292. 

Ha'jji-uddin, 20L 

Hainirdeva (Maharaj), 291. 

Hammir, Rana, 238. 269-282, 38(1 

Hunumana, 209, 210. 

Harda, 291, 292. 




Harita, 10, 

Hariraja, 198, 200, 202, 208, 210, 


Hari Singh, 820, 393, 394. 
Hari Singh Gour, Sir 94, 102. 
Hari Singh Maharaja of Notwal 

Family, 236. 
Hariyadevi, 116. 
Haris, Mr. E. F., 339, 347. 
Harshadeva, 256. 
Harsha, King, 140. 
Ilarsha Stone Inscription, 202, 223. 
Hasan Ghori, 255. 
Hasan Nizami, 200. 
Hastings, Marquis of, 293. 
Hastinapur, 215, 216. 
Hatim 201. 

Havell, Mr. E. B., 418. 
Heber, Bishop, 341. 
Hecker, 74. 

Heeren, Prof. 121,122. 
Helvetius, 153. 

Hemchandra, 220, 226, 268, 283. 
Herat, 160. 

Hewett, Sir John. 422. 
Himawat (Mountain). 254 
Himalaya, 269. 
Hindu Widows Right of Inheritance 

Bill, 69, 80 92, 105-108. 
Hiouen Thsang, 221. 
Hoare, Capt. James, 251. 
Hobhouse, Mr. 330. 
Homer, 153. 

Hoshiarpur, 108. 

Howard Lord Carter, 380. 

Huen Tsang, 397. 

Hukeri, 243. 

Humbolt, 181, 

Hunter, Sir William, 403. 

Hyderabad, 107, 108, 342, 378. 

Ibrahim (Sultan), 243. 


Ilbert, Sir courtney 331. 

Imam Hussain, Hazrat 187188. 

Imam Shahi, 242. 

Indian Tariff Board, 423. 

Indraj, 126, 127. 

Indore, 108. 

Indrapura, 266. 

Ingersoll, Col, 139, 175 to 84. 

Irwin, Lord, 22, 386. 

Ismail Adil Shah, 243. 

Ismail Ali Shah, 243. 

Ishrisingh, 388, 389. 

Jacobi Hermann, 379, 

Jadava, B. V., Mr. 82. 

Jagat Singh II, Maharana 235, 236, 


Jagat Singh 388, 390, 391. 
Jagdushah 124, 125. 
Jagmohandas (Lady) 88. 
Jagmal 391, 393. 
Jahangir261,288, 335, 384,402,426, 


Jahandarshah, 385. 
Jaipal Chakri, 203, 276. 
Jaipur, 217, 234, 282, 289, 297, 367, 
Jai Singh, Raja, 389, 392. 
Jai Singh, Prince, 125. 
Jai Sinha, 219, 220,283,284. 
Jai Singh, of Badnor, 128, 292, 293. 
Jai Singh Sidhraj of Gujrat, 206,207, 
Jai Singh, (Sawai) II 226, 227, 333, 

388, 389, 391. 
388, 395. 
Jaisa, 279. 

Jaisalmer, 392, 395, 399. 
Jaitra (Raja) 281. 
Jaitsi, 388. 
Jallan, 124. 

Jalaluddin Hassan 427. 
Jalor, 248, 271, 275, 277-279, 284, 
James II (King), 427. 
Janardhan Bhatt, 19. 
Jangaladesa, 196, 214 to 223. 
Japan, 12 1, 169, 173. 
Jasraj, 9, 



Jaswantraj Singhi, 126. 

Jaswant Singh, Maharaja, 26. 

Jaswant Singh (Thakur) 

Jawala Prasad, Justice Sir, 82, 95. 

Jawahar Bai, 25. 

Jawahar Singh, 292, 393, 394. 

Jawan Singh, Maharana, 387, 392, 

Jawarit Singh Thakur, 291. 

Jawanfc Singh 387, 394, 395. 

Jayakar, Mr. 22, 71. 

Jayanaka 212, 193. 

Jayant 123. 

Jayapal Chakn 203, 276. 

Jayaraja 202, 203. 

Jayaratha 193. 

Jayaritraja, 199. 

Jerusalem, 376. 

Jhalrapatan, 367, 390, 395. 

Jhak, 289, 290, 291, 293. 

Jhansi, Rani of, 31. 

Jjlwara, 281. 

Jimutavahana, 74. 

Jinmata Temple 199. 

Jinamandana, 284, 286. 


Jodhpur, 26, 126-127 217, 225, 229, 

234, 289, 297, 367, 387, 388, 433, 435. 
Joint Family System, 8, 11,75,77, 

78,81,83;86,89, 95,97, 98. 
Jonaraj, 193, 194, 199. 
Jones, Sir, W. 121. 379. 
Joshi Mr. P. B., 349. 
Joshi Mr. N. M., 415. 
Joshi Mr. V. U., 71. 
Jugdera, 199, 203, 209, 248. 
Julius Caesar, 28, 158. 
Jumna, 153. 
Junagarh, 160. 
Jwala Prasad, Justice Sir, 82. 

Kabul, 401. 

Kadamb Vasa, 209, 210, 212. 

Kailan, 279. 

Kailwara, 269, 270, 271. 274-276. 

Kairar. 280. 

Kalawati, 199. 

Kalchuri, 207. 

Kalidas (poet), 98, 140, 194, 208, 268. 

Kalinga, 159, 161, 167. 

Kalinjar, 289 291. 


Kaluskar, 234. 

Kalyandas 392. 

Kalyani Mukerjee, Mrs., 105. 

Kalyan Singh, 388, 388, 393. 

Kalyanwati, 264. 

Kamadeva, 209, 212. 

Kamahkar, P. 232. 

Kamal Pasha 31, 141. 

Kamirii Rao, Mrs., 105. 

Kanada, 140. 

Kanahardeva, Rao, 271. 

Kanauj 199. 

Kancharidevi, 206, 248, 285. 

Kandhar, 100. 

Kanhayala], Mr. 54. 

Kanishk (Emperor) 3 4. 

Kan Kai, 384. 

Kanod, 128. 

Kanthdurga, 201. 

Kanoji, 243. 

Kant, 140. 

Kanth Kot, 201. 

Kanua, 402. 

Karachi 187, 188,326 

Karad, 244. 

Karam Chand Bachhawat, 125. 

Karan, King. 199, 204. 

Karan Singh, 25, 237, 240, 243, 246. 

Karandeva, King, 116 

Karauli, 391, 392, 395. 

Karaatic, 244. 

Kartika, Swami, 210. 

Kapilavastu 375. 

Kapurdevi, 207, 208, 209. 

Karuvaki, 159. 

Kashmir, 53, 191, 193, 212, 336. 

Kathiawar, 160. 

Kautilya, 378, 435. 

Kausalaya, 206. 

Knushik, 10. 

Kekri, 304, 354. 

Kekayi (Queen), 31. 

Kelkar.Mr. N. C. 61. 

Kelwara, 239, 272. 

Kesri Singh, 391, 394. 

Khafi Khan Hashira, 232. 

Kharabhat, 123. 

Khaitra Singh, 282. 

Khandela, 119. 

Khaparde, Mr. 412. 

Kharwa, 294. 

Khari (River), 

Kheloji (Raja), 240, 242, 243. 

Khema, 394. 

Khizrabad 250. 

Khizr Khan, Prince, 270. 

Khod, 275, 280. 

Khotan, 122. 



Khurrum, Prince, 428. 

Khusrau Malik, 255. 

Khusrau Shah, 255. 

Kielhorn Dr. 207,208,249,251,254, 

263, 267-269. 
Kincaid, Mr. 234. 
King Lear, 115. 
Kishangarh, 201, 217, 297, 312, 393, 


Kishen Singh, 393, 395. 
Kishor Singh, 390. 
Kirtipal, 279. 
Kirti Singh, 393. 
Kitchlew (Mrs.), 108. 

Ladarwa, 392. 

Lahore, ] 2, 77,326, 331. 

Lakeudra Singh, 393. 

Lakha (Maharana), 274 290, 291, 391. 

Lakshman Pal 392. 

Lakhmi, 206, 208. 

Lakshmi Bai, Queen of Jhansi, 27. 

Lakshmi Chand, 125. 

Lakshmi Pol, '260. 

Lakshmana, 206,210. 

Lakshman Singh, 236, 238, 269, 271. 

Lakshman Singh Ratia, 234, 272, 273. 

Lai Chand Nawal Eai, 100. 

Lalitpur 312, 314. 

Lancaster, Dr. 35. 

Lansdowne Lord, 386. 

Latifi, Mr., i.c.s., 297. 

Latimar, 56. 

Lawrence, Lord, 386. 

Lawrence, Sir Walter, 66. 

League of Nations, 440. 

Leipzic, 380. 

Legislative Assembly, 6, 33, 39, 45, 

57, 59, 94, 299, 300, 302, 308, 310, 

316, 318, 325, 340, 356, 371, 404, 

415, 430. 
Legislature, Central, 5, 21, 69, 80, 92 . 

102, 318. 

Legislature, Provincial, 57. 
Lincoln, Abraham 58, 181. 
Lohari, 200. 

London, 66, 378, 379, 418. 
Lucknow, 306, 326, 366, 379, 403. 
Lulwa, 293. 
Lunkaran (Rao), 388. 
Lunsi, 124. 
Luxor, 380. 
Lyttelton, 23. 
Lytton, Lord, 386. 

Mackenzi, 379. 

Macnair, 86. 

Madan Singh, 390, 394. 

Madhava, 19, 201, 254. 

Madho Singh, 388, 389, 390. 

Madras, 47, 50, 59, 60, 89, 97, 105, 106, 

107, 338, 410. 
Magas, 160, 170. 
Magra, 277. 
Mahabharata, 18. 
Mahap, 238. 

Maha Sabha, All India Hindu, 61. 
Maha Singh, 128. 
Mahava, 252. 
Maheshwarees, 119, 120. 
Mahipal, 263. 
Mahmud (Sultan), 255. 
Mahmud Sultan, of Ghazni, 201, 261. 

247, 397, 399. 
Mainpuri, ,311. 
Maitland, 74. 
Maitriyi. 18. 

Maldeva (Padhihar), 274, 275. 
Maldeva, Son ig rah, 271. 
Maldeo, Kao, 276, 277, 281, 387, 388. 
Malikarjuna, 207, 218. 
Maloii, Raia, 236, 240, 243 to 246. 
Malwa, 106, 160, 199, 201, 218, 258, 

282, 286, 321, 400. 
Malavaiya, P. Madan Mohan, 62. 
Mandal, 127, 292. 
Mandalgarh, 128, 217. 
Mandi, 53, 76. 
Mandu, 125. 
Mangal Singh, 391. 
Manik Pal/ 392. 
Manik Rai, 196. 
Manning, Mrs. 421. 
Mauohardas, 392. 
Mansingh, Maharaja, 126, 127, 387, 

388, 391, 393. 

Mansingh, Kaja of Marwar, 289. 
Manu, 18, 19, 33, 34. 
Marcus Aurelius, 167, 168, 170, 256. 
Marwar, 199, 222, 274, 282, 287, 288, 

395, 433, 435. 
Masuda, 292, 294. 
Matangas, 201. 
Max-Duncker, Prof. 121. 419. 
Max Muller, 142. 
Maxwell, Col. W. J. 294. 
Mayo, Catharine, 10, 20, 56. 
Mayo, Earl, 386. 
Mazzini. 141. 
Meerut, 307, 



Magasthenes, 161. 

Meghriad, 210. 

Mehta Juhad, 276, 277. 

Mehta Moji Kara, 277, 288. 

Mehta Nainsi, 235, 279. 

Mekran, 160. 

Mercara, 339. 

Merutunga, 283. 

Merwara (Parana), 277, 288, 289. 

Mesopotamia, 326, 335. 

Mewar,201, 225, 228, 231, 285, 240, 

245, 255, 272, 274, 276, 279, 280, 

282, 287, 288, 394, 395, 433. 
Mewat, 289. 
Miani, 342. 
Milan, 259. 
Miller, Miss, 116. 
Milton, (poet), 53, 92, 420. 
Minto, Lord, 386. 
Minto-Morley, Reforms, 299. 
Mirath, 241. 
Mirzapur, 167, 
Mitakhashra, 72, 73, 74, 77, 78, 82, 83, 

86, 89, 90, 96. 
Mohaba, 9. 
Mokalji, 218. 

Molcalji Temple Inscription 281, 285. 
Mokhara Singh, 393. 
Moonji, Dr. 59, 61. 
Montgomery, 65, 187. 
Montague- Chelmaford Reforms, 299. 
Morison, J. 191,192,199. 
Morley, Lord, 396, 432. 
Morris, Sir Lewis, 319. 
Morvi, 150. 
Morwan, 285. 
Moscow, 170. 
Mota Raja, 387. 

Mudhol, 236, 239, 240, 941, 245, 246. 
Muddiman, Sir Aleiander, 338, 316. 
Mugra-Merwara, 291. 
Muhammad Azhar Ali, 101. 
Muhammad Adil Shah, 244. 
Muhammad Ali Khan, 395. 
Muhammad Ib ahim Ah Khan, 395. 
Muhammad SLah, 385. 
Muhammad Shah, Emperor, 127. 
Muhammad Shah II, Bahmini, 242, 


Muhammad Saadat Ali Khan, 395. 
Muhammad Tuglaq, 279. 
Muizzuddiri bin Sam, 200, 213, 229, 


Mukand Singh 390. 

Mukerjee, R. K. 421. 
Mulraj, 201, 219, 225, 393. 
Mulshanker, 150. 
Multan, 82. 

Munja, 238, 239, 270, 271. 
Muthu Lakhshmi Heddi, 106. 
Muttra, 151, 153, 367, 392. 
Mysore, 38, 76, 108, 379, 424. 

Nabhasr, 10. 

Nadir Shah, 403 

Nadole, 248, 259. 

Nagabhata, 199. 

Nugavaloka, 199. 

Nagji Dhabhai, 291. 

Nagor, 217, 222223, 228, 248, 282. 

Nagpur, 272, 280, 326. 

Nahar Khan, 128. 

Nahar Singh, Thakur, 292. 

Naimatullah, Justice, 81, 95. 

Nairntal, 314. 

Nandana, 203. 

Nandlal Dr. 405. 

Nandohl Dey, 215. 

Napier, Sir Charles, 342. 

Napoleon, Bonaparte, 140, 158, 167. 

168,169, 230,383. 
Narad, 19. 
Naradeva, 203. 
Nara Rao, 388. 
Narbada, 201, 125, 153. 
Nagarjuna, 211. 
Narpur, 201. 
Narsinglipal, 392. 
Narvarma, 262. 
Narwar, 201. 
Nasik, 153. 

Nasirabad, 293, 301,354. 
Nathji, Maharaj of Bagor, 235. 
Nawal Mai, 126. 
Neernuch, 280. 
Nepal, 379. 
Nedishta Raja 10. 
New Delhi, 45, 69, 80, 92, 114, 430. 
Nibhera, 292. 
Nihal Singh, 393. 
Nilakanthadas, 61. 
Nimbhahera 285. 
Nizam Shahi (Sultan), 242, 243. 
Nur Jahan (Queen), 427. 
Northbrook, Lord, 386. 

Ogilvie, Colonel Q. D., 417, 426. 



Osian (Marwar) 119. 
Oswal, 119, 120. 
Oxford, 379, 

Padmanabha, 212. 

Pahalanpur (Palanpur), 281. 

Paim Singh, 390. 

Palam Baoli Inscription, 252. 

Palestine, 380. 

Pali, 248. 

Palri, (Village) 285. 

Panchala /Lake), 216, 221. 

Panipat, 403, 426. 

Parasar, 19. 

Parasim, R. B., 234. 

Pardah, 29, 37, 66, 78, 133. 

Paris International Exhibition, 425. 

Parnassus of India, 418. 

Partapgarh, 388, 394. 


Passalio, 272, 

Patliputra, 159. 

Patna, 76. 

Peetadeva, 124125. 

Peking, 122. 

Pethaldeva, 203. 

Periplus, 122. 

Persia, 121,257. 

Peshawar, 374, 

Phalodi, 126. 

Pilaji 243. 

Pilaji Gaikwar, 126, 240. 

Pilcher Mr. 42. 

Pindwara, 284. 

Piplia, 236, 237. 

Pischel, Prof. 267. 

Pitt, (a diamond), 374. 

Pitt. William, 27. 

Plato, 140. 

Pliny, 121, 421. 

Polier, Lt. Col., 

Pollock, 74. 

Poona, 76, 82, 95, 191, 192, 214, 231, 

232, 426. 
Pope, A. 345, 396. 
Portia, 28. 
Pragya Acharya, 261. 
Pratap. 384. 

Pratap, Maharana, 141, 237, 386. 
Pratap Singh II, 386. 
Pratap pal, 392. 
Pratap Rao, 240, 244, 245. 
Pratap Singh, 241243, 246. 889, 391, 

393, 394. 

Pratihara, 212. 

Prmce of Wales, 65, 67. 

Prithvibhata 198, 200, 208, 209, 

Prithviraja. Emperor, 9, 191194, 

198, 200, 202, 219, 221, 222,224, 

226, 228, 247-249, 254, 256, 260, 

Prithviraja, 203, 204, 207,-211, 213. 
Prithvi Singh, 388, 390, 394. 
Privy Council, 22. 
Provincial Shia Conference, 187. 
Ptolemies, 420. 
Ptolemy, 122, 171, 
Ptoleomyll Philadelphos- 160,170 
Punjab 231, 255, 431. 
Pur(Mewar)119, 128. 
Puran Mai 
Pushkar, 153, 194, 200, 204-206, 260, 

2<tt, 354. 
Pyrrho, 397, 
Pythagoras, 397. 

Qutab Miiiar, 373. 
Qutab Shahi, 242. 
Qutabuddiu Aibak, 25, 256, 288. 

Radhakant Sharma, 251. 

Radhasoami Satsang, 428, 429. 

Rafiudaula, 385, 

Rafiudidarjat, 385. 

Raghava, 281, 

Raghubir Singh, 389, 


Rahula, 162, 

Raichur, 43. 

Raigarh, 234, 241. 

Raipur, 289. 

Rai Singh, 387, 391,394, 

Rajia, 435. 

Rajendra Singh, 391. 

Rajkot, 53. 

Rajmahal, 255. 

Rajputana, 21 27, 215, 217, 221, 231 
232,234, 235, 246, 298, 306, 320, 
322,324, 226, 327, 341, 344, 352, 
358,359,387, 399, 400, 402, 403, 
404, 417 424, 426, 433, 434, 436. 

Raj Singh 389. 

Raj Singh I & II Maharana 125,, 
237, 241,386,391. 

Ram Chandra (Sri), 140. 

Ram Chandra 392. 



Ramdas, V. D. B. 60, 

Ramgarh, Sarotan 294* 

Rama, 203, 205, 206, 209, 210. 

Ram Gopal, Mr. 173, 174, 184. 

Ram Mohan Rai, Raja, 143. 


Ram Nath, 203. 

Ramraja, 240,7. 

Ramrakha Mai R. B. 65. 

Ram Singh II 387, 388, 390, 392- 395. 

Ram Singh I 388, 389. 

Ranbaz khan, 127, 128, 

RanadeM.GK 233, 

Randhir, 279, 

Randir Singh, 394, 

Rangachariar, D. B. 60, 

Rangoon, 327. 

Ranjit Singh, Maharaval, 393, 

Ranjit Singh, 394. 

Ran Mai, 387. 

Ran Singh I 238. 

Ranthambhor, 126, 280, 287, 291. 

Rapa, 240, 

Rassaladevi, 204, 

Ratan Chand Bhandari, 126. 

Ratan pur, 280. 

Ratan Singh, Raiia, 238, 269. 388-390 


Ratan prabhusuri, A chary a, 119. 
Ravana, 266. 
Raverty, Major, 228, 
Rawalpindi, 405. 
Rawlinson, Prof. H. O. 233. 
Raysen, 282. 
Reading Lord, 386. 
Regent, (a diamond), 374. 
Reginald-de-Born, 18. 
R6wa, 201. 

Reynolds Sir Leonard, 315, 335, 336. 
Ridley. 56. 
Ridmal, 387. 

Ripon, The Marquis of, 386, 
Rock Edicts 162-167, 
Roe, Sir Thomas, 428. 
Rome, 121, 122. 180, 421. 
Ramsay Macdonald, Mrs. 133. 
Round Table Conference, 109. 
Rao, Mrs P. K. 105. 
Rudradaman. 116 
Rudra khstrapa, 116 
Rudrani, 200. 
Rudrapal, 200. 
Rudyard Kipling, 404. 
Rudrena, Tomara, 200. 
Rupaheli, 293. 

Rupangarh, 393. 

Rup Singh, 240, 397 

Rustomji Faridoonji, Mrs. 108. 

Sabal Singh, 392. 

Sabha, Bengal Provincial Hindu, 60 

Sagar, 141, 24'2. 

Sagara Emporor, 140. 

Sahabadm, 252, 

Rahabii Maharaja, 427,429. 

Sahasikh, 207. 

Sahasmal, 393. 

Sahibchand Mehta, 126. 

Sahu I & IT, 240. 

BajjaiiBi, 239,,272. 

Sajjan Singh, Maharana.'387. 

Saian Singh , Karia, 234-236, 238-241, 

Saktikumaia, 201 
Sakya-Muni, 375. 
Sakambhari or Sumbhar, 195,1%, 

208, 217, 218, 121-228, 251-254, 

264, 266, t>85. 
Salhana, 204. 
Bali, 40, 65. 
Sahpura (Salera) 285. 
Salig Ram Singh 95. 
Salini Singh, Thakur, 293. 394. 
Saloombra, 26. 
Salora, 250. 

Samantraja, 197,198, 202, 203, 222, 
Samarkand, 401. 
Sainiddheshvara, 285. 
Sarnudragupta, Emperor, 140, 150. 
Sanchi, 3*73. 
Sanderao, 269. 
Sanga or Sangram Singh Maharaiia, 

128, 236, 400, 402, 386, 400. 
Sangram Singh, Thakur, 292. 
Sanka, (King), 123. 
Sanyo<$ta, (Queen) 427. 
Sapadlaksha, 196, 208, 217, 218, 219-229 
Sapadlaksha, 283, 285. 
Sarang, (a horse), 204. 
Sarangpur. 125. 
Sarstoati Mandir, 257. 
Sarda Bill, 60, 61, 65. 
Sarda, Har Bilas 41, 57. 
Sarda Ghanshyamji, 126. 
Sardar Singh, Maharaja, 236, 387, 

389. 393. 

Sardul Singh 394. 
Sarkar, Sir Jadunath, 224, 234. 
Saronj, 125. 



Sarup Ram Singh, 391. 

Sarup Singh, Maharana, 235, 236, 

387, 389. 
Sasmripa, 202. 
Sasiprabha 263, 264. 
Sastri, P. Har Pershad, 197. 
Sastri, Shivanaud 235. 
Sastri T. K. Vankatrama, 60. 
Satal, 387. 

Satara, 235-237, 239, 240, 271, 272. 
Satkarni, 116. 
Satpura, (Hills), 151. 
Sawai Sheopur, 280. 
Sawai Singh 393. 

Sawai Singh, Thakur of Pokaran, 127. 
Sawantbadi, 271. 
Sawant Singh 393 & 394. 
Sayanacharya, 143. 
Sayce Dr., 121. 

Sayad Muhammad Tahsildar, 154. 
Scott, Sir Walter, 261, 269. 
Seleucus, Kiug, 116. 
Semari, 271. 

Semiramis, (Qneou) 397. 
Sen, Mr., 94. 
Seshadri P., 359. 
Sewell, 121. 
Shah Alam, 385. 
Shahabuddin Ghon, 193, 213, 227, 

255, 257, 288. 
Shahabad, 43. 
Shah Jahan,385,395,427. 
Shahji, 240, 243245. 
Shahji Bhonsla, 244. 
Shah'ji-ki-Dheri, 374. 
Shahpura, 292. 

Shahu, Chhatrapati Maharaj, 236. 
Shahn Raja, 235. 
Shainak, 10. 
Shakespeare, 28, 65, 115, 117, 140, 

158, 180 230, 383. 
Shaktikuraar, 116. 
Shakuntala, 98. 
Shamaldas, Kaviraj, 235. 
Shambha, 240. 

Shambhu Singh, Maharana, 236, 387 
Shamgarh, 293. 
Shamlal Nehru, 333. 
Shamsuddin Altamash 256, 258. 
Shankracharya, 140. 
Sharifa Hamid Ali, Mrs., 106. 
Shastri Gopal Chandra, 72, 73. 
Shatrusal, 389, 390. 
Shernallah, 277. 

Sher Nallo, 270. 

Sheodan Singh, 391. 

Sherring, H., 283. 

Shershah 378. 

Shiva Ram, Pt. 237. 

Shive Singh, 391. 

tihringirifthi Inscription, 281. 

Shunak, 10. 

Shyalpatti, 277. 

Shyama Sastri, 378. 

Sidhora 250. 

Siddhaji 240. 241. 

Siddbaraja Jayasingh, 227, 283. 

Siddhora, 250. 

Sihaji (Rao), 387. 

Sikandar Bakht, 438, 


Simhabala, 265. 

Simla, 33, 59, 62, 76, 103, 412. 

Sind, 49, 431. 

Sindhul, 204. 


Singhan, (King), 123. 


Siiiharaja, 198, 200202,203. 

Sinhata, 197, 202. 


Sisoda, '238, 245, 246. 

Sivaji, 141, 230 to 246, 254, 272, 289. 

Sivaji Naiia, 289. 

Siwalak, 221. 

SiwaliJc 1'illar Inscription (Delhi), 

249, 253, 258, 199. 
Smith, Dr. Vincent, 116, 159, 170. 
Socotra, 122. 
Social Conference, Indian National, 

5. 22, 45, 71, 77. 
Social Reform, 5 to 27. 
Sohanlal Bakhshi, 99. 
Solanki Pratap, 383. 
Somadeva, 262. 
Somalekha (Queen), 
Somalldevi 204. 
Someshwara (Poet), 227. 
Someshwara (King) 195-198, 200, 

202, 203, 206-209, 220, 248, 

255, 383-384. 
Somnath, 201, 204. 
Spain, 257. 

Spencer, Herbert, 141. 
Special Marriage Bill, 1 15. 
Sridhar, 265. 
Srikanthadesa, 215, 216. 



Sripati Kayastha, 252. 

Strosburgh, 380. 

Stuttgart, 380. 

Subhkarau, 214, 243. 

Subhkrishna, 240243. 

Subuktagin, Sultan, 254. 

Sudhva (Queen), 199, 248. 

Suhada Devi. 124. 

Suhotra Raja, 10. 

Sujan Singh 389. 

Sulakhshanpal,254. 255. 

Sukkhur, 108. 

Sulhana, King of Malwa, 204. 

Sultan Singh, Thakur, of Malwa, 292 

Sumer Singh, 387. 

Suraj Mai, 394. 

Suraj Mai Mehta, 126. 

Surashtra, 282. 

Surat Singh, 389. 

Surjan Singh, 197. 

Surjan Rao, 389. 

Sur Singh ,387 389. 

Sur Singh Maharaja, 125. 


Suryu Mai, 394. 

Suvarnagiri, 160. 

Syria, 1GO, 170, 257. 

Tugore, Dr. Rabindra Nath, 18f>, 18C. 

Taj, 373. 

Takakhava, 234. 

Takshashila, 375. 

Takht Singh, Maharaja, 387, 391, 12G. 

Talkot, 243. 


Tankara, 150. 

Tansukh Vyas, 359. 


Tantrapal, 200. 

Tapti, 153. 

Taragarh, 287, 288, 294. 

Tarain, 213. 

Tawncy, C. H. 219, 220,225,216, 226, 

227, 201, 283. 
Taxila, 151, 16o, 375. 
Taylor, 379. 
Technical and Industrial Education, 

Committee (1921-22,) 422. 
Tejpal, 123, 124. 
Tej Singh, 393, 394. 
Tell, William, 141. 
Tennyson, 173, 297, 325, 418. 
Tewar, 207. 
Thaneshwar, 25, 213, 216, 426. 

Thoda, 255. 

Thomas, F. W., 216. 

Thomas Paine, 177, 181 

Thompson, 45. 

Tilak Raja, 254. 

Timur, 397. 

Tinnevelly, 82, 90, 97. 

Tod, Col ., 18, 20, 125, 196, 200, 221, 

234,235, 23q, 247, 256, 258, 293, 

Todgarh, 26'). 
Tonk. 395. 

Topur, or Tobra, } orn 
TopurSuk, ] 
Torgal, 244. 
Travan core, 31. 
Tripuri, 202. 
Trivandrum, 425. 
Tubingen, 380. 

Turkey, 31, 36, 58, 122, 173, 309. 
Turuspal, 392. 
Tushapa, 160. 

Udaibhan Singh, 393. 

Udai Bhan, Maharawal of Sirohi, 126 

Udaipur, 128. 235, 236, 280. 293, 297, 

297, 433 

Udai Singh, King of Jalor, 123. 
Udai Singh, Rao, 387, 391, 394. 
Udayaditya, 199, 204. 
Udayana, 283. 
Ugrasen, 240-244. 
TJjjain, 125, 153, 160, 204, 262, 284. 
Uiued Singh, 388, 391, 394. 
Umed Singh, of Shahpur, 128. 
Untouchability, 2324. 
Unva, 271. 
Ur. Bagos, 121. 

Vaidyanath, 209. 

Vaisha Community, 117 to 135. 

Vaisha Conference, All India, 117, 124. 

Vaisha Maha Sabha, 120, 134. 

Vaisnava Acharyas, 119. 

Vajara, 203. 

Vakpati, Raja, 197, 198, 200-202. 

Vallabhraja I & II. 

Vallabh Singh. 240, 243-245. 

Valmiki, 140, 194. 

Vappeyivara, 203. 

Vapraraja, 203. 

Vardhaupura, 290, 291. 

Varna, 210, 231, 



Varnashrama, 8, 10, 12, 15. 

Vasantpal, 263, 265. 

Vashishti Raja, 116. 

Vastupal, 123, 124, 130. 

Vasudeva, 195199, 202, 203, 221, 222. 

Vatsaraja, 203. 

Yavverra, 265. 

Veerargaupuram, 48. 

Vonkatanarayana Nayudti Guru, 97. 

Vidbyadhar, 195, 190. 

Vidhya Nath, 19. 

Victoria, Queen, 385. 

Vienna, 379. 

Vigraharaja, (I to I V), 11)8, 11)9, 201. 
21)2, 203, 206, 209, 210, 212, 218, 
226, 248, 253, 254, 256, 261. 

Vijai Singh. 

Vijaraja, 203. 

Vijninagar, 243,245. 

Vikramaditya, 140. 158, 254, 

Vikramasmha, 284, 285. 

Vimal Skah, 124. 

Vindhya (Mount), 250, 253, 254, 269. 

Virdhaval, 123, 124. 

Virgil, 140. 

Virjanand, Swami, 151, 175. i 

Vir Singh, 201. ' 

Visala, 202. 

VisalaVir, 204. 

Visnldeva, 203, 208, 247 to 268, 341, 426 

Visalpur, 255. 

Visalsar or (Bislu), 260, 261. 

Vishnu, 201,209, 213,253. 

Viahvamitra, 10. 

Vishvapati, 203. 

Vishvarupa (poet), 194. 

Volga, 169. 

Voltaire, 142, 176. 

Vyas, 140, 194. 

Wadi, 43. 
Wai, 244. 

Walt Whitman, 173. 181 
Warren Hastings, 385. 
Wazir Muhammad Khan, 395. 
Wells, H. G. 168, 169. 
Whittier. J. G. 33. 
Wilder, 293. 
Wilford, Captain, 251. 
Williams, Mr. 59. 
Willingdon Lord, 386. 
Women, Awakening of 28 -32, 88. 
Women's Association, 87, 88, 97, 105, 
106, 107, 109. 

Women's Conference, All India, 76, 

105, 108. 

Women, Heroism of, 25. 
Women, Position of. 17. 
Wotkm Sir Henry, 433. 
Wurzburgh, 380. 

Yagnavalkya, 19. 

Yagya Narain Singh, 394. 

Yaminia dynasty, 254. 

Yamin Khan, 94, 104. 

Yaskarandeva, 116. 

Yasodhavala, 284. 

Yogirii, 200. 

Yusuf, 100. 

Yusul Adi] Shah, 242. 

Zalim Ririph, (Rana). 390, 391. 
Ziauddni iiarni, 399. 
Zorawar Singh, 389. 
Zuloikha, 101. 









33 Poetic heading 4 





























those whom 

those to whom 








Secretary . 



Pred eminent. 




















Dos criminating. 























Ft. Note 10, 3 




16, 8 










beef -eat ing. 

























Ismail Ali Shah. 

Ismail Adil Shah. 


























Para (2) 









Para (2) 














Para (3) 



















Ft. Note 

New Delhi. 







last line 












Para (2) 


As worth. 



Para (2) 






Bishop Herber 

Bishop Heber. 














Para (2) 










in his country. 

in this country. 


Para (3) 


is fully. 

are fully. 
















Ft. Note 

New Delhi. 



Para (2) 









Col. (2) 


Yusul Adil Shah. 

Yusuf Adil Shah. 




(PP. 428 + XXXII.) 

Full Cloth, Royal Octavo, illustrated RB. 6. 

1. The Liberty Review (LONDON) :" The facts which he brings 
forward to establish the pre-eminence of India in every department and 
sphere of human activity are of a character which it would be difficult 
to dispute, and the style in which they are set forth is both clear and 

2. The Indian World (CALCUTTA) : "Mr. Sarda's book is the 
most interesting account of the ancient civilization of India that we have 
ever had the pleasure of reading. Mr. Sarda's style is easy, clear and 
sometimes rises even to eloquence ; his manner of presenting an argument 
or advancing a theory is always happy and attractive : his study is 
encyclopaedic. To the future historian of India this book will prove a 
mine of information, to the student of the civilization of the world it will 
be indispensable." 

3. The Amrita Bazar Patrika : " The researches of the author 
prove his tireless energy, uncommon industry and his vast knowledge." 
" In that remarkable book he has done invaluable service to the Hindus 
by showing them by facts and figures the great achievements of their 
ancestors. And what Hindu heart will not glow with pride to know that 
the ancient Hindus were not only a highly patriotic and most warlike 
nation, but they rose to the highest pinnacle of glory in all walks 
of life." 

4. The Indian Mirror (CALCHTTA) : " Mr. Har Bilas Sarda, has 
done an inestimable service to his country by publishing a remarkable 

book entitled * Hindu Superiority, Let every patriotic Hindu 

come and cast a glance at the inspiring picture of 'his country's past 
greatness painted in the pages of * Hindu Superiority.' It is needless to 
dwell at length upon the vast erudition and antiquarian research of the 
author. The book is a priceless treasure." 1 

5. The Morning Post (DELHI) : "As a contribution to the 
history of his country, it is intensely interesting from beginning to end. 
As a brief synopsis of a vast subject, the work is a most valuable 
contribution to our knowledge." 



Historical and Descriptive. 

With $$ full page illustration, full cloth, gilt lettered ... Rs. 5. 

1 The Morning Post (DELHI) : " For the book under review 
we have nothing but praise. It is the work of a scholar in love with his 
subject, and his research in all the bj-ways of Indian history does him 
great credit. 

2. Dr. A.F.R. Hoernle, C.I.E., LL.D. (ENGLAND):"! write to 
congratulate you on the production of your book 'Ajraer : Historical and 
Descriptive.' it is replete with useful and interesting information, and 
the illustrative plates give a good idea of the fine sights of Ajmer." 

3. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu : I think your book is most interesting. 
It is of great interest to every reader who has the " pride of country " 
in his veins. It is really a patriotic kind of work to write so compre- 
hensive, instructive arid attractive a history of a city famous and dear to 
every Indian, whether he bathe spiritually in Brahma's Lotus Lake or bow 
his head at the Chishti shrine. 

4. The Indian Antiquary : " The author has spared no pains to 
make his book as accurate, full and reliable as it was possible to do. The 
reader is sure to be amazed at the mass of information so critically 
collected and so interestingly set forth." 

5. The Hindustan Review (ALLAHABAD) : We can unreservedly 
commend it to all lovers of the picturesque in India and to all students of 
its history. The book is beautifully got-up, embellished with 29 most 
excellent illustrations." 


Full Cloth, gilt lettered and Frontispiece ... Rs. -8-0. 

1. The Modern Review (CALCUTTA) says ; Mr. Sarda's method 
is most up-to-date. His facts are based on contemporary records, 
inscription and official chronicles. Being a gentleman of the Rajput 
country and fully familiar with the living traditions of history still current 
in that country and with Indo-Muhammadau histories he occupies an 
unrivalled position as a Rajput historian. His writings have the further 
advantage of being products of a pen used to judicial weighing of facts. 
It is really an epic booklet. Personalities vie with each other in nobleness, 
valour and sense of honour. The mind becomes awe-stricken by stories 
which are more romantic than the greatest romances, Their virtues thrill 
the heart and electrify the soul. 

2. Dr. A. Vincent Smith, Litt. D. (Oxford) : This book on 
Maharana Sanga is well turned out and carefully printed. The author 
has used Sanskrit, Hindi and Persian materials as well as the ordinary 
books in English, and the book thus possesses independent value as a work 
of original research. 



(pp. 845 + xxx n.) 

Full C^oih, Gold lettered, profusely illustrated ... Jis. 5. 

Dr. D. L. Barnett, D.Litt, British Museum London : " 

The work is indeed a most interesting and able study of a striking and 
many-sided personality." 

Sir George A Grierson, O. M., K. C. I. E , Ph.D., I. C. S. :~ lt I 

am glad to be able to offer you my congratulations on the successful 
completion of an important historical work. The texts of the inscriptions 
given by you at the end of the book are of great value.' 1 

Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, Rector, University of Leyden, Holland : 

Your book gives an able and accurate account of one of the most 
prominent historical personages of Rajputana. I note with great pleasure 
that the information it supplies is largely based on epierahical records. 

Professor E. J. Rapson, M.A., Cambridge: "The work is full 
of interest and the illustrations are excellent. You are to be congratu- 
lated on this important contribution to the history ot the life and 
achievements of one of the most illustrious princes of Udaipur." 

The Hon'ble Sir Frank Noyce, Kt., C.S.I., C.B.E., I.C.S., 
Simla: u I can only say that I have found it most interesting and am 
amazed at the erudition of its author." 

1. Dr. 0. Codrington, Hon. Librarian of the Royal Asiatic 
Society of Great Britain and Ireland : - I have read Maharana 
Kumbba with the utmost interest. I congratulate you on the production 
of a well set up book containing a well told account of a remarkable 
and great Rajput Ruler the first, I am glad to see by the foreword, of 
a series of monographs." 

2. Mahamahopadhyaya P. Har Prasada Sastri, C.I.E., Vice- 
president, Asiatic Society of Bengal : Your Rana Kumbha will be 
appreciated throughout Bengal. It gives a very full account of the man 
and his times. Your book reads like a novel. 

Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D The book is a scholarly 
production, is written in such a style that it reads like a novel and is 
much more of a history than a compilation of history of which we have 
recently more than one instance, so far at any rate as Rajputana is 

Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni, Director-General of Achaeology : 

11 You have rendered scholars interested in ancient history of India a 
real service by putting into their hands this volume and your previous 

monographs on Rana Sanga and Hammira of Ranthambhor In the 

preparation of your monograph on Maharana Kumbha vou have not 
limited your researches to printed books but also made use of unpublished 


materials including hitherto unknown inscriptions in private possession 
and of local tradition embodied in khyats and ballads of which you possess 
an unrivalled knowledge." 

India and the world, Calcutta : u It is very opportune that one 
of the noble and learned sons of modern Rajasthan, Dewan Bahadur 
Har Bilas Sarda, M.L.A., has brought out recently the most up-to-date 
monograph of Maharana Kumbha, a sovereign, soldier and a scholar, who 

ruled the historic kingdom of Mewar between 1433 to 1498 We hope 

that books like Maharana Kumbha, Hindu Superiority^ Maharana Sanga, 
IJammira, testifying to the scholarship and patriotism of Mr. Sarda will 
be read by Hindu students all over India. The noble life of Maharana 
Kumbha has been delimited here with the help of authentic records, 
original inscriptions, rare texts and pictures which go to make the volume 
a precious possession to any school or college library." 

The Modern Review : "Rai Sahib Har Bilas Sarda, whose name 
has now become a household word in India as the author of the Sarda 
Marriage Bill, had long before established his fame in literary circles 
as a sound scholar with half a dozen well- written books to his credit. 
Among these his Hindu Superiority is perhaps the most popular and 
Ajmer : Historical and descriptive the most original and scientific though 

others are equally learned productions The book contains a full 

bibliography, a good index and several beautiful illustrations. In the 
appendix he has given useful extracts from inscriptions and Kumbha's 
Klrtistamlha Prashasti. Mr. Sarda can justly claim to have used fully 
all available sources of information with skill and discrimination. This 

was a very delicate task ; Mr. Sarda's method of historical study 

is scientific, and his st\le peculiarly free from verbosity and ambiguity. 
Graphic topographical details of Mewar familiarize the reader with every 

scene of history enacted there by the main characters in this book 

Mr. Sarda has 'shown rare insight in analysing Rajput character 

We have but all praise for Mr. Sarda's book. 

The Liberty, Calcutta: U A social reformer and legislator, Mr. 
Har Bilas Surd a is none the less known as historian of merit and 
reputation. Of the history and traditions of the historic land of 
Rajputana there is no more well informed and brilliant expositor than 
Mr. Sarda ; and being one hailing from the land and fully familiar with 
the living traditions of history still current in that country as well as 
other records of history, has an advantage which few can aspire to 
possess. He writes with warmth and fervour, but more than that he 
writes as a scientific historian should do ; and his books Maharana Sanga 
or Hammira of Ranthambhor, for example show that he leaves no source 
of information epigraphic, numismatic, literary, traditional or monu- 
mental untapped, and deals with them with a critical insight and judicial 

weighing facts We commend the book to all those who take pride 

in Rajput chivalry and heroism as also to all serious students and 
scholars of Indian history." 

The Hindustan Times, Delhi: "Mr. Har Bilas Sarda belongs 
to Rajputana and is an authority on the history of Rajputana and has 
deservedly enjoyed a wide reputation as a historian and research scholar... 

The author gives (pp. 167-187) an account of what the inscriptions 

contain, where they may be seen, where they were found, their dates 


and the condition in which they exist at present). He gives the original 
inscriptions in Sanskrit in an appendix to the book. This not only adds 
immensely to the value of the book but makes this work unique of its 
kind. The book under review is the first scholarly monograph on a 
great Indian monarch which not only is based on old records, contem- 
porary writings and inscriptions but places before the reader the ganskrit 
texts of the inscriptions, which are not available to an ordinary reader. 

Moat of these inscriptions are now published for the firxt time We 

would strongly recommend all readers who care for the past glory of 
their nation to read this excellent monograph." 

The Amrit Bazar Patrika, Calcutta : A n> thing written by the 
talented author is always of absorbing interest. The doings of the llajput 
princes are stimulating rd.iding, and those of Maharana Kuinbhakarna of 
Mewar and of his immediate predecessors, as delineated in this book, are 

doubly so The heroic lives of these Eajput princes and their 

chivalrous deeds should be a perennial source of inspiration ^to all Indians, 
and specially to Hindus. It will be a valuable addition to every 
library in India. 

The Leader. Allahabad: 1 ' The author ha* left no source of 
information available at the present time, and n perusal of the book which 
contains many illustrations, shows that its production must have involved 

a great amount of labour and investigation The book corrects a 

number of misrepresentations of Muslim historians regarding the 
Mahrana's military achivements and will be found of absorbing interest 
by those who wish to derive inspiration from the ro'-ords of Rajput 

The Hitavad, Nagpur: " Diwun Uahadur Sarda has done his 
work faithfully and well. He has resorted to the direct method of a 
scrupulous narration, and has succeeded in depicting the glory that was 
Hindu. Some of his incidental portraits of contemporary personalities 
fascinate us notably those of Chonda and Rao Jodha. The Bharmali 
incident reads like a romance. The subtle and suggestive bardic songs 
and anecdotes quoted with considerable skill embellish the narrative. 

The Hindustan Review: -As a work of original research the 
book ought to commend itself to students of history, as presenting the life- 
activities of Maharana Kumbha, an invincible and victorious warrior and 
erudite Vedic Scholar, a renowned architect and an eminent poet and 


Price : Re. 1. 

The Modern Review (CALCUTTA) : " This essey contains a highly 

valuable and critical account of a Sanskrit poem on Prithviraja. ;;; 

Mr. Sarda learnedly compares six chronological tables of Prithviraja s 
dynasty from six different sources and gives interesting descriptions of 
Ajmer city and the king's personal appearance." 



Price ... ... ... Rs. 1-8-0. 

1. The Bengalee (CALCUTTA): "It is an illuminating record of 
Rajput daring and achievement coupled with Rajput chivalry and 

2. The Hindustan Review sa)s: u lt is an inspiring life which 
Mr. Sarda describes. The nobility, the faithfulness to his plighted word, 
the bravery of Hammir have been often sung in Sanskrit and Hindi 
verse ; his is really a household name. Mr. Sarda has done well to 
familiarise the English-knowing public with the shining achievements and 
noble character of this mediaeval Rajput monarch." 

3. The Hindu (MAPKAS) says : This monograph, boldly printed 
on fine art paper and got up in excellent style with an index contains a 
thrilling^ account of the last of the Chauhan mouarchs, one who is 
celebrated in Hindustan as a Rajput hero reputed for his chivalry and 
determination. His life embodies a fine example of Hindu-Muslim 
harmony and friendship. Its study must be particularly valuable at this 
time of India's history as revealing the extent to which such union had 
existed in the past. 

4. The Vedic Magazine says : "Hammiradeva was the last of 
the brave Chauhan dynasty. He was one of the bravest of India's son. 
As regards valour and chivalry, he maintained the best traditions of his 
race. His reply to Sultan Alauddm when the latter demanded the 
surrender of Mir Mahomed Shah will live for all time in the annals of 
Hindustan. The Sun would sooner rise in the west and Sumeru be levelled 
with the earth than he would break his plighted faith." 

5. The Independent says : The story is well written in an 
easy and flowing style The annals of Rajput dynasties abound in a 
variety of chivalrous deeds and the author has done a good service 
to the reading public, young and old, by his books on the heroes 
of India. 

To be had of : 






1. Selections from Ingersoll, by Ram Gopal, Bar-at-Law 

Price Rs. 3-8-0. 

2. Sociology by Ram Gopal, Bar-at-Law and G. R. Josyer, MA, 

F.R.E.S., Price Rs. 2-0-0. ' 

3. Notable Poetic Selections from Bhartrihari, Burns, etc.. by 

Ram Gopal, Bar-at-Law, Price Rs. 2-0-0 

4. Useful Prose Selections from Johnson, Helps, Schopenhauer, 

etc., by Ram Gopal, Bar-at-Law, Price Rs. 2-0-0. 

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