Skip to main content

Full text of "Speeches on questions of public policy"

See other formats 


Google 


This  is  a  digital  copy  of  a  book  tliat  was  preserved  for  generations  on  library  shelves  before  it  was  carefully  scanned  by  Google  as  part  of  a  project 
to  make  the  world's  books  discoverable  online. 

It  has  survived  long  enough  for  the  copyright  to  expire  and  the  book  to  enter  the  public  doinain.  A  public  domain  book  is  one  that  was  never  subject 
to  copyright  or  whose  legal  copyright  term  has  expired.  Whether  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  may  vaiy  country  to  counti^y.  Public  domain  books 
are  our  gateways  to  the  past,  representing  a  wealth  of  history,  culture  and  knowledge  that's  often  difficult  to  discover. 

Marks,  notations  and  other  marginalia  present  in  the  original  volume  will  appear  in  this  file  -  a  reminder  of  this  book's  long  journey  from  the 
publisher  to  a  library  and  finally  to  you. 

Usage  guidelines 

Google  is  proud  to  partner  with  libraries  to  digitize  public  domain  materials  and  make  them  widely  accessible.  Public  domain  books  belong  to  the 
public  and  we  are  merely  their  custodians.  Nevertheless,  this  work  is  expensive,  so  in  order  to  keep  providing  this  resource,  we  have  taken  steps  to 
prevent  abuse  by  commercial  parties,  including  placing  technical  restrictions  on  automated  quen'ing. 

We  also  ask  that  you: 

+  Moke  non-commercial  use  of  the  files  We  designed  Google  Book  Search  for  use  by  individuals,  and  we  request  that  you  use  these  files  for 
personal,  non-cojnjnercial  purposes. 

+  Refrain  from  oulomated  querying  Do  not  send  automated  queries  of  any  sort  to  Google's  system:  If  you  are  conducting  research  on  machine 
translation,  optical  character  recognition  or  other  areas  where  access  to  a  large  amount  of  text  is  helpful,  please  contact  us.  We  encourage  the 
use  of  public  domain  materials  for  these  purposes  and  may  be  able  to  help. 

+  Maintain  attribution  The  Google  "watermark"  you  see  on  each  file  is  essential  for  informing  people  about  this  project  and  helping  them  find 
additional  materials  through  Google  Book  Search.  Please  do  not  remove  it. 

+  Keep  it  legal  Whatever  your  use.  remember  that  you  are  responsible  for  ensuring  that  what  you  are  doing  is  legal.  Do  not  assume  that  just 
because  we  believe  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  the  United  States,  that  the  work  is  also  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  other 
countries.  Whether  a  book  is  still  in  copyright  varies  from  country  to  country,  and  we  can't  offer  guidance  on  whether  any  specific  use  of 
any  specific  book  is  allowed.  Please  do  not  assume  that  a  book's  appearance  in  Google  Book  Search  means  it  can  be  used  in  any  manner 
anywhere  in  the  world.  Copyright  infringement  liability  can  be  quite  severe. 

About  Google  Book  Search 

Google's  mission  is  to  organize  the  world's  information  and  to  make  it  universally  accessible  and  useful.  Google  Book  Search  helps  readers 
discover  the  world's  books  while  helping  authors  and  publishers  reach  new  audiences.  You  can  search  through  the  full  text  of  this  book  on  the  web 


at|http  :  //books  .google  .  com/ 


SPEECHES 


ON  QUESTIONS  OF  PUBLIC  POLICY 


BT 


JOHN    BRIGHT,    M.P. 


BDITKD    BT 


JAMES     E.    THOROLD     ROGERS 
IN      TWO      VOLUMES 

VOL.  I.  •--: 


•  ■  ■ 


■**••  Bk«« 


'  n  jvm  AitD  VBAR  not' 


SECOND     EDITION 


MACMILLAN    AND    CO. 

1869 

<  .  - 

[AH  riffkt*  itHTTtd'] 


OXFORD: 

••••a 

BTCV^HBS,  ir.A.,  S.  B,  OARDNER,  B.  P.  HALL,   AKD  H.  LATRAV,  M.  £„ 
•  ••*■ 

■        PBINTBBS    TO    THE    DNIVERSITY. 


*••■« 

>             a 

•*•• 

•  •    ■ 

•  f  ■#  " 

•  ■*•■ 

*•      * 
*      '      « 

V'-« 

« 

•      "t 

-•>•• 

■    *    • 

<'•' 

*• 

***•  • 

*     •     • 

•  •  •  * 

••••'■ 

•         « 

*•      • 

»,, 

■     • 

» 

4fl    *, 

•  * 

*  • 

"*    *  ■ 

••■f 

1  Ji  01 8t) 


PREFACE. 


The  speeches  which  have  been  selected  for  publica- 
tion in  these  volumes  possess  a  value,  as  examples  of 
the  art  of  public  speaking,  which  no  person  will  be 
likely  to  underrate.  Those  who  may  diflfer  from 
Mr.  Bright'e  theory  of  the  public  good  will  have 
no  difficulty  in  acknowledging  the  clearness  of  his 
diction,  the  skill  with  which  he  arranges  his  argu- 
ments, the  vigour  of  his  style,  the  persuasiveness 
of  his  reasoning,  and  above  all,  the  perfect  candour 
and  fflncerity  with  which  he  expresses  his  political 
convictions. 

It  seems  likely  that  the  course  of  events  in  this 
country  will  lead  thtrae,  who  may  desire  to  possess 
influence  in  the  conduct  of  public  aflairs,  to  study 
the  art  of  public  speaking.  If  so,  nothing  which  can 
be  foimd  in  EDglish  literature  will  aid  the  aspirant 
after  this  great  faculty  more  than  the  carefid  and 
reiterated  perusal  of  the  speeches  contained  in  these 
volumes.     Tried  indeed  by  the  effect  produced  upon 

VOL.   I.  b 


VI 


PItSFACe. 


any  audience  by  their  eaay  flow  aiid  perfect  clearucBe, 
or  analysed  by  any  of  tliose  Hystema  of  criticism 
which  under  the  name  of  '  rhetoric'  have  been  saved 
to  ua  from  the  learning  of  the  ancient  world, 
these  speeches  would  he  admitte<l  to  satisty  either 
process. 

Thla  IS  not  the  occanion  ou  which  to  point  out 
the  oaiisea  which  confer  so  great  an  artistic  value 
on  these  compositions ;  wliioh  give  them  now,  and 
will  give  them  hereafter,  so  high  a  place  in  English 
literature.  At  the  present  time  nearly  a  hundred 
millions  of  the  earth's  inhabitants  speak  the  English 
tongue,  A  centurv  hence,  and  it  will  probably  be 
the  speech  of  nearly  lialf  the  inliahitjints  of  tiie 
globe.  I  thiak  that  no  master  of  that  language  will 
occupy  a  loftier  position  than  Mr.  Bright;  that  no 
speaker  will  teach  with  greater  cxactiie-**  the  noblest 
and  rarest  of  the  social  arte,  the  art  of  clear  and 
perfiusiflive  ex|>osition.  But  liefore  this  art  can  be 
attained  (so  said  the  greatest  critic  that  the  world 
has  known),  it  is  necessary  that,  the  speaker  should 
secure  the  synipathiea  of  his  audience,  should  con- 
vince them  of  liis  statesmanship,  RhouLd  show  (hat 
he  is  free  from  any  taint  of  self-interest  or  dissimu- 
lation. These  conditions  of  public  tnist  stUl  form, 
us  heretofore,  in  every  cotmtry  of  free  thought  and 
free  speech,  the  foundation  of  a  good  reputation 
and  of  personal  influence.  It  is  with  the  fact  that 
such  are  the  characteristics  of  my  friend's  elot|uunf<.\ 
that  I  have  been  strongly  imiircssed  in  collecting 
and  editing  the  materials  of  these  volumes. 


PRKFACe. 


in 


Since  the  days  of  Uiose  men  of  renowii  who  lived 
through  the  6r8t  half  of  the  seventeenth  oentuiy, 
when  the  livelieBt  religious  feeling  was  joined  to  the 
loftiest  patriotiaiD,  and  men  laboured  for  their  con- 
adence  and  tlioir  country,  England  hag  witnci<scd 
no  political  career  like  tliat  of  OoWeii  and  Hright. 
Cobden's  death  waa  a  great  loss  to  hla  country,  for 
it  occurred  at  a  time  when  England  could  ill  spare 
a  conadentious  statesman.  Nations,  however,  cannot 
be  saved  by  the  virtues,  nor  need  they  be  lost  by  the 
vices,  of  their  public  men.  But  Cobden's  death  was 
an  irreparable  loss  to  his  finenda — most  of  all  to 
the  friend  who  had  been,  in  an  incessant  struggle 
for  public  duty  and  truth,  of  one  heart  and  of  one 
purpose  with  him. 

Thow:  who  have  Itecii  familiar  with  GoVxlens  mind 
kjtow  how  wide  was  his  knowledge,  how  true  was 
hift  judgment  of  politicaJ  eventa  The  vast  majority 
of  those  who  followed  his  public  career  had  but 
a  scanty  acquaintance  with  the  resources  of  his 
sagacity  and  foresight.  He  spoke  to  the  people  on 
a  few  subjecta  only.  The  wifidom  of  Free  Trade  ;  the 
necessity  of  Parliamentary  Reform  ;  the  dangerouH 
tendency  of  those  laws  wliich  favour  the  acaimu- 
lation  of  land  in  few  hands ;  the  urgent  need  for  a 
system  of  national  education ;  tlte  mischief  of  the 
mere  militarj-  spirit ;  the  prudence  of  uniting  com- 
nitniities  by  the  inultijilication  of  international  in- 
terests ;  the  abandonment  of  the  policy  of  diplomatic 
and  military  intermeddling  ;  the  advocacy,  in  short,  of 
the  common  good  in  place  of  a  spurious  patriotism,  of 

bs 


TIU 


PHEFACK. 


selfish,  local,  or  class  aims ;  tbrnicd  the  subject  of 
Cobden's  public  utterances.  But  his  intimate  ft-Ieuds, 
and  in  particular  his  regular  correspond eute,  were 
awnre  that  liis  puHilcaJ  criticiHm  was  as  general  as 
it  wiia  accurate.  The  losa  then  of  his  wise  and 
lucid  counnel  was  the  greatest  to  the  survivor  of  a 
personal  and  a  political  friendship  wluch  was  con- 
tinued uninterruptedly  through  so  long  and  ao  active 
a  career. 

At  the  conimencement  of  Mr.  Rright'a  public  life, 
the  shortsighted  selfishness  of  a  landlords'  parlia- 
ment was  afflicting  tha  United  Kingdom  with  a  con- 
tinuous dearth.  Labour  was  starved,  and  capital  was 
made  unproductive  by  the  Corn-laws.  The  country 
was  tied  to  a  system  by  which  Great  Britain  and 
her  Colonies  deliljerately  chose  the  dearest  market 
foi'  their  purchases.  In  tlie  same  spirit,  tho  price  of 
freights  was  \vilfully  heightened  by  the  Navigation- 
laws,  Important  branches  of  home  industiy  were 
crippled  by  prying,  vexatious,  and  wasteful  exciaes. 
And  this  system  was  conceived  to  be  the  highest 
wisdom  ;  or  at  any  rate,  to  be  so  invincible  a  necessity 
that  it  could  not  be  avoided  or  altered  without 
danger.  The  country,  if  it  were  to  make  it«  way, 
could  make  it  only  because  other  nations  were 
servile  imitators  of  our  commercial  policy,  and,  in 
th«  vain  hope  of  rettUiation,  were  hindering  their 
own  progress. 

The  foreign  policy  o^  Great  Britain  was  suspitnoua 
and  irritating,  for  it  was  secret,  busy,  and  meddling, 
insolent  to  the  weak,  conciliatory,  even  truckling,  to 


PIIEFAOB. 


IX 


the  strong.  The  very  name  of  diplomacy  is  aiid 
luis  beeu  odious  to  English  LibcralH,  for  by  means 
of  it  a  reactionary  Government  ooiUd  check  domestic 
reforms,  and  hinder  the  community  of  nations  in- 
definitely. Tlie  policy  of  the  Foreign  Olfice  wivb  con- 
stantly directed  towards  embittering,  if  not  embroil- 
ing, the  rclftlions  between  this  and  other  countries. 
It  is  difficult  to  account  for  these  intrigues,  except 
on  the  ground  that  aucceasive  Governments  were 
anxious  to  maintain  piUtical  and  social  anomalies  at 
home,  while  they  were  afi'ecting  to  support  'the 
balance  of  power'  abroad.  The  abandonment  of 
intervention  in  foreign  politics  wa^i  the  beginning  of 
agitation  for  domestic  refomia 

Perhaps  no  part  of  the  public  administration  was 
worse  than  tliat  of  India.  The  great  Company  had 
loet  its  monopoly  of  trade  in  the  Eastern  seas,  but 
retained  itn  administrative  jiowcis  over  the  subject 
races  and  dependent  princes  of  India.  Its  system  of 
finance  was  wasteful  and  oppressive.  Its  policy  was 
that  of  aggresBion  and  annexation.  In  prrictice,  the 
Government  was  irresponsible.  Nobody  listened  to 
Indian  afibira  tu  Parliament,  except  on  rare  occasions, 
or  for  party  purpose*.  The  Governor-General  did 
as  he  pleased.  Tlie  President  of  the  Board  of  Con- 
trol did  as  he  pleased.  If  the  reader  wiabee  to  see 
how  the  former  acted,  Mr.  Cobden's  pamphlet,  *  How 
Wai-s  axe  got  up  in  India.'  will  enlighten  him.  If 
it  Ije  necessary  to  inquire  wliat  the  policy  of  the 
latter  might  be,  the  disastrous  and  disgraceful 
Affghan  War  is  an  ilhiatration.     Never  perhaps  was 


a  war  commenced  more  recklessly.  It  ia  certain  that 
when  loss  suui  dislmnour  I'ell  on  the  Englisli  arms, 
the  stateamen  who  recommended  and  insist^til  on 
the  war  tried  to  screen  themselves  from  just  blame 
by  tlie  buacst  art«. 

The  interna]  resoiiroee  of  India  were  utterly  neg- 
lected. The  Comjiany  ce)Uected  part  of  its  i-evenue 
from  a  laud-tax,  levied  in  tlie  worst  shape.  In  order  to 
secure  an  income  through  a  monopoly,  it  constrauied 
the  cultivation  of  certain  drugs  for  which  there  was 
a  foreign  demand ;  and  neglected  to  encourage  the 
cultivation  of  cotton,  for  wliich  tlie  home  demand 
■was  wellnigli  boundless,  and  to  wluch  the  Indian 
supply  might  be  made  to  trarrespond  Tlie  Company 
constnicted  neitlier  road  nor  canal.  It  did  nothing 
towards  maintaining  the  means  of  eoinraunication 
whioh  even  the  native  governments  had  adopted.  It 
suffered  the  ancient  roads  and  tanks  to  fall  into 
decay.  It  n^lected  to  educate  the  native  gentry, 
much  more  the  people.  In  brief,  the  policy  of  the 
Company  in  dealing  with  India  was  tlie  policy  of 
Old  Spain  with  her  Transatlantic  possesBions,  only 
that  it  w!i«  more  jealous  and  illiberal. 

Agiiinst  these  social  and  political  evila,  and  many 
others  which  might  be  enujuerat«d,  a  ver)'  small  body 
of  true  and  resolute  statesmen  arrayed  themselves. 
Among  these  statesmen  the  most  eminent  were  the 
two  chiefs  of  the  Anii-Ooni-law  agitation.  Never  did 
men  lead  a  hope  which  seemed  more  forlorn.  They 
had  as  opponents  nearly  the  whole  Upper  House  of 
Parliameul.  a  powerful   and  compact  party  in  the 


PR£FA  CE. 


XI 


Lower.  The  Established  Clnirch  was,  of  course, 
against  them.  The  London  newspapers,  at  that  time 
almost  the  only  politicij  power  in  tlie  press,  were 
agaiuMt  them.  The  '  educated '  clai^tH's  were  tigainst 
them.  Many  of  the  working  people  were  unfriendly 
to  them,  for  the  Chartists  believed  tliat  the  repeal 
of  the  Corn-laws  would  lower  the  price  of  labour. 
After  a  long  struggle  they  gained  the  day  ;  for  an 
accident,  the  Irish  famine,  rendered  a  change  in  the 
Corn-laws  inevitable.  But  had  it  not  been  for  the 
organizatiim  of  the  League,  ihe  accident  would  have 
had  no  efiect ;  for  it  is  a  rule  in  tlie  philosophy  of 
poliiics  that  an  accident  m  valuable  only  when  the 
machineiy  for  making  use  of  the  accident  is  at 
hand.  Calamities  never  teach  wisdom  t-o  fools,  thev 
render  it  possible  that  the  wise  should  avail  thcm- 
eelves  of  the  emergency. 

A  similar  calamity,  long  foreseen  by  prudent  men, 
caused  the  political  extinction  of  the  East  India 
Company.  The  joint  action  of  the  Board  of  Control 
and  the  Directors  led  to  the  Indian  mutiiiv.  The 
supiireBsion  of  the  Indiftu  mutiny  led  to  the  eup- 
pression  of  the  Leudcnhull  Street  Divan.  Another 
calamity,  al-so  foreseen  by  alatesmen,  the  outbreak 
of  the  American  Civil  War,  gave  India  commercial 
hope,  and  retrieved  the  finances  which  the  Compjuiy's 
rule  had  thrown  into  hopeless  disorder. 

I  have  selected  the  speeches  contained  in  these 
two  vohwies,  %vith  a  view  to  supplying  the  public 
witli  the  evidence  on  which  Mr.  Bright's  friends 
assert  his  right  to  a  place  in  the  front  lank  of  English 


XII 


PREFACa. 


statesmen.  I  suppoBe  that  there  is  no  better  evidence 
of  statesmanship  than  jireacience ;  tliat  uo  fiiller 
confiiination  of  thia  evidence  can  be  found  than  in 
the  populiir  acceptance  of  thone  principles  whicli 
were  once  unpopular  and  discredited.  A  short  time 
since,  Lord  Derby  said  that  Mr.  Bright  was  the  real 
lender  of  the  Opposition.  It  is  true  that  he  has  given 
great  aid  to  that  opposition  which  Lord  Derby  and 
his  friends  have  often  encountered,  and  hj  which, 
to  their  great  discredit,  but  to  their  great  advantage, 
they  have  been  constantly  defeated.  If  Lord  Dei'by 
is  in  tho  right,  Mr.  Bright  is  the  leader  of  the 
People,  while  his  Lordship  represents  a  party 
which  ia  reokleea  because  it  is  desperate.  The 
policy  which  Mi-.  Bright  has  advocated  in  these 
pages,  and  throughout  a  quarter  of  a  century,  a 
policy  from  which  he  has  never  swerved,  has  at 
last  been  accepted  by  the  nation,  despite  the  con- 
stant resistance  of  Lord  Derby  and  his  friends.  It 
embodies  the  national  will,  because  it  Has  attacked, 
and  in  many  cases  vanquished,  institutions  and 
laws  wliich  have  become  unpopular,  because  they 
have  been  manifestly  mischievous  and  destructive. 
No  one  knows  better  how  conservative  and  tolerant 
is  public  opinion  in  England  towards  trailitional 
infititutioiis,  than  Mr.  Bright  does ;  or  how  iji- 
diflereut  the  nation  is  to  nttacks  on  an  untenable 
practice  antl  a  bad  law,  until  it  awakens  to  the  fact 
that  the  law  or  the  practice  is  ruinous. 

Mr.    BrightK    political    opinions    have    not    been 
adopted  because  tliey  were  popular.     Ho  was  t^kil- 


1 


FREFACM. 


ZUl 


fully,  and  for  &  time  euocessfully,  maligned  by  Lord 
Palmerston,  on  account  of  his  persevering  resistance 
to  the  policy  of  the  Russian  War.  But  it  is  probable 
that  the  views  he  entertained  at  that  time  will  find 

.more  enduring  accepUmce  than  those  which  Lord 
i^alraerston  and  Lord  Palraerston's  colleagues  pro- 
mulgated, and  that  he  haw  done  more  to  deface  that 
Moloch, '  the  balance  of  power/  than  any  other  man 
living.  Shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  Planters' 
War.  almoat  all  the  u|)per.  and  many  of  the  middle 

uclassCA,   ejTnpatliizod   with    the    Slave-owners'  con- 

■epiracy.  Everylxwly  knows  which  side  Mr.  Briglit 
took,  and  how  judicious  and  far-sighted  he  was  in 
taking  it.  But  everybody  shonld  rememW  also 
how,  when  Mr.  Bright  [lointed  out  the  conseqiiencea 
likely  to  ensue  from  the  cruise  of  the  AlabaTiut,  he 
was  insulted  by  Mr.  Laird  in  the  House  of  Commons; 
the  Mr.  Laird  who  launched  the  Alahanui,  who  has 

^been  the  means  of  creating  bitter  enmity  l^tween 
the  people  of  this  countty  and  of  the  United  States, 
id  has  contrived  to  invest  the  unlawful  speculation 
of  a  ahiphuilder  with  the  dignity  of  an  international 
difficulty,  to  make  it  the  material  for  an  unsettled 
diplomatic  question. 

There  are  many  social  and  political  reforms, 
destined,  it  may  be  hoped,  to  become  matter  of  debate 
&j]d  action  In  a  Keformed  Parliameut,  towards  the 
implishment  of  which  Mr.  Bright  has  powerfully 

^contributed.  There  is  that  without  which  Reform 
is  a  fraud,  the  rodistributiou  of  seat** ;  tluit  without 
which  it  is  a  sham,  the  ballot ;  that  without  which 


XIV 


PHEFAVK. 


it  is  possibly  a  danger,  a  system  of  iiatioual  txlucatioii, 
which  should  be,  if  not  compulsory,  eo  cogeutly  ex- 
pedient that  it  cannot  be  rejected.  There  is  tb« 
great  question  of  the  distribution  of  land,  ite  occu- 
pancy, and  its  relief  from  that  pestilent  system  of 
game  preserving  which  robs  the  fanner  of  his  proht 
and  the  people  of  theic  home  supplies.  There  is  the 
paciiication  of  Ireland.  The  only  consolation  which 
can  be  gathered  from  the  condition  of  that  unhappy 
country  is,  that  reforms,  which  are  hlglily  expedient 
in  Great  Britain,  are  vital  in  Ireland,  autl  tliat 
tljey  therefore  become  tarailiar  to  the  public  mind. 
There  is  the  development  of  international  amity  and 
good-will,  first  between  ourselves  and  the  people 
of  our  own  race,  next  between  all  nations.  There 
ifl  the  recognition  of  public  duty  to  inferior  or 
subject  races,  a  duty  whieii  was  grievously  tnuis- 
grcaaed  before  and  after  the  Indian  mutiny,  and  inw 
been  still  more  atrociously  outraged  in  the  Jaimuca 
massacre.  Upon  these  and  amilar  matters,  no  man 
who  wishes  to  deserve  the  reputation  of  a  just  and 
wise  statesman, — in  other  words,  to  fulfil  the  highest 
and  greatest  functions  which  man  can  render  to 
man, — can  find  a  worthier  study  than  tlie  public 
career  of  an  Euglislmian  whose  guiding  principle 
throughout  his  whole  life  has  been  his  favourite 
motto, '  Be  just  and  fear  not' 

I  have  divided  the  apeechca  contained  in  theee 
volumes  into  groups.  The  materials  for  selection 
are  so  abundant,  that  1  have  been  constrainetl  to 
omit  maoy  a  speech  which  is  worthy  of  careful 


PREFACE.      •  XV 

perusal  I  have  naturally  given  prominence  to 
those  subjects  with  which  Mr.  Bright  has  been 
especially  identified,  as,  for  example,  India,  America, 
Ireland,  and  Parliamentary  Reform.  But  nearly 
every  topic  of  great  public  interest  on  which 
Mr.  Bright  has  spoken  is  represented  in  these 
volumes. 

A  statement  of  the  views  entertained  by  an 
eminent  politician,  who  wields  a  vast  influence  in 
the  country,  is  always  valuable.  It  is  more  valuable 
when  the  utterances  are  profound,  consistent,  candid. 
It  is  most  valuable  at  a  crisis  when  the  people  of 
these  islands  are  invited  to  take  part  in  a  contest 
where  the  broad  principles  of  truth,  honour,  and 
justice  are  arrayed  on  one  side,  and  their  victory 
is  threatened  by  those  false  cries,  those  reckless 
calumnies,  those  impudent  evasions  which  form  the 
party  weapons  of  desperate  and  unscrupulous  men. 

All  the  speeches  in  these  volumes  have  been 
revised  by  Mr.  Bright.  The  Editor  is  responsible 
for  their  selection,  for  this  Preface,  and  for  the 
Index  at  the  close  of  the  second  volume. 

JAMES  E.  THOROLD  ROGERS. 


Oxford,  June  30,  1868. 


The  Second  Edition  of  these  volxunes  is  an  exact 
reprint  of  the  first,  certain  obvious  errors  of  the  press 
only  having  been  corrected. 

Oxford,  Dec  21,  1868. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


INDIA. 


1.  House  of  CommonB,  June  3,  1853   . 

II.  House  of  CommoDs,  June  24,  1858 

III.  House  of  CommonB,  May  30,   1858  . 

IV.  House  of  Commons,  August   i,   1859 

V.  House  of  Commons,  March  19,  1861 


3 

35 

63 

85 

113 


CANADA. 


I. 

II. 

in. 


House  of  Commons,  March  13,  1865 


123 


The  Canadian  Fort^catione.    House  of  Commons, 

March  23,  1865 149 

The  Canadian  Confederation  Scheme.     House  of 

Coiniuous,  February  28,   1867 157 


xviii  CONTENTS, 


AMERICA. 


FilaK 


T.  The  '  Trent'  Affaw.     Kochdale,  December  4,  1861      167 

II.  The   War  and  the  Supply  0/  Cotton,     Birming- 

bam,  December  18,   i86a 197 

III.  Slavery   and  Secession.      Rochdale,    February    3, 

1863 227 

IV.  The    Struggle    in    America.      St.   James's    Hall, 

March  26,  1863 245 

V.  London,  June  16,  1863 255 

VI.  Afr.    Jtoebttrk'a    Motion    far    Recognition    of    the 

Southern  Confederacy.     House  of  Commons, 
June  30,   1863 267 

VII.  London,  June  29,  1 867 285 

■ 

IRELAND. 

I.  Maynooth  Grant.     House  of  Commona,  April  16, 

1845 295 

II.  Crime  and   Outage   Bill.     House   of  Commons, 

December  13,   1847 303 

III.  Employment   of  the   Poor.     House  of  Commons, 

August  25,   1848 313 

IV.  Sate   in    Aid.      House    of   Commons,   April    2, 

1^49 323 

V.  Babeaa  Corpus  Suspension  Hill.     House  of  Com- 

mons, February  17,   1866 349 

VI.  Dublin,  October  30,  1866 361 

VIT.  Dublin,  November  2,   1866 377 

VIII.  House  of  CommonB,  March   14,   i868    ....  393 

IX.  House  of  Commons,  April   i,   1868 419 


CONTENTS. 


RUSSIA. 


CADI 


I.  War  with  Rvsaia — The  Queen's  Message.     House 

of  Commons,  March  31,  1854 441 

II.  Evliitment  of  ForeignBra'  BUI.     House  of  Com- 

mons, December  22,   1854 471 

III.  Negotiations   at    Vienna.      House    of   Commons, 

February  23,   1855 483 

IV.  On  the  Prosecution  of  the  Russian  War.     House 

of  Commons.  June  7,   1855   .  ' 493 

Letter  of  John  Bright  to  Absalom  Watkin  on  the  Russian 

War 529 


INDIA. 


TOL.  I. 


INDIA. 

I. 

HOUSE  OP  COMMONS,  JUNE  3,  1853. 
From  Hansard. 

[The  rainuterial  measure  for  the  govenunent  of  India  wbb  introduced  by  Sir 
Cbarlea  Wood  on  Jane  3,  1853.  The  particulus  of  the  Bill  were  aa  followB: 
The  Oovemmsnt  proposed  that  for  the  fiiture  the  relationi  between  the 
Directors  and  the  Board  of  Control  Bhould  be  unchanged,  but  that  the 
constitutioQ  of  the  former  ehould  be  altered  and  its  patronage  curtailed.  It 
reduced  the  number  of  the  Meml>en  of  the  Court  fix>m  twenty-four  to  eighteen, 
of  whom  twelve  were  to  be  elected  aa  before,  and  six  nominated  by  the 
Crown  from  Indian  aervants  who  had  been  ten  yeara  in  the  aerrice  of  the 
Crown  or  the  Company.  One-third  of  this  number  waa  to  go  out  every 
second  year,  but  to  be  re-eligible.  Komiuatiuns  by  favour  were  to  be 
aboliahed.  Tha  govemonhip  of  Bengal  was  to  be  separated  from  the  office 
of  Qovemor-Qeneral.  The  legislative  council  waa  to  be  improved  and 
enlarged,  the  number  to  be  twelve.  The  Bill  pamed  the  House  of  Lords 
on  June  13.] 

I  FEEL  a  considerable  disadvaot^e  in  rising  to  address  the 
House  after  having  listened  for  upwards  of  five  hours  to  the 
speech  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman.  But  the  question  is  one, 
as  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  has  said,  of  first-rate  importance ; 
and  as  I  happen  from  a  variety  of  circumstances  to  have  paid 
some  attention  to  it,  and  to  have  formed  some  strong  opinions 
in  r^ard  to  it,  I  am  unwilling  even  that  the  Bill  should  be 
brought  in,  or  that   this  opportunity  should   pass,  without 

B  3 


SPKEVUJSS  OF  JOUX  ItSIGUr. 


mvwi. 


sayiiiy  wmeUjinjf,  whieh  will  be  purtly  in  reply  to  the  »peeeh 
of  the  riglil  buu.  (ii-ntltiniim.  and  [lartly  \>y  way  of  comment 
»n  the  plun  which  he  has  subiiiitt«.-(l  bi  tliv  Huuxc;.  Tlien: 
18,  88  it  appears  to  me,  great  inconsistency  betwccu  the 
8pet!ch  uf  thu  rig'ht  hun.  OL>DtleuuLU,  uiiil  lliat  n-hich  be 
pniputKH  should  be  done ;  becuttae,  realty^  if  wo  take 
hia  sptHJch  aa  u  true  and  iaitbl'ul  statement  of  the  con- 
dition of  India,  and  of  tlie  paat  piticeedings  of  tlie  Goveni- 
meut  ill  that  country,  our  eonviction  must  be  that  tlie  right 
bun.  Gmittemaii  will  lx>  gfreatly  to  Ik;  b)amed  in  making  any 
ultenttion  in  tbiit  Guvt-'nimuiit.  At  the  >!nnte  time,  if  it  bo 
not  ft  faithful  (WPlraiture  of  tho  Oovcrnni<-'nt,  and  of  its 
transactioue  in  India,  Lheu  what  the  right  boo.  Qentlemau 
propiosw  to  du  in  regard  to  the  Lome  adniinlstrutiuu  of  that 
country  is  altog^tiier  in«iiflicii,'nt  fiir  the  occasion.  1  cannot 
un  the  preM.'iit  ut-iwdun  go  into  many  of  the  details  on  wbicb 
the  rigiit  lion.  Gentleman  ha«  touched;  but  the  observations 
which  I  have  to  make  will  refer  to  matters  of  government, 
and  tlunHj  will  be  coufined  cliielly  to  the  urgiui ifiatiuu  of  the 
hitme  udministratiuu.  I  am  not  muck  surprised  that  the 
<jovemmenL  sbould  have  faiken  what  1  will  call  a  very  un- 
silidfacl^irj'  course  willi  regard  to  the  meamire  they  have 
pnjpouridod,  because  they  evidently  did  not  6Mm  exactly  to 
know  what  they  ought  to  do  from  the  very  lint  moment'  that 
tbis  (jucHtion  was  brought  befurc  tliem.  I  do  not  allude  to  the 
whole  of  the  Trcasurj"  bench,  but  I  r-Iit  particularly  to  the 
noble  Lord  (Lord  J.  Hussell),  l>ecans«*  be  wa*  at  the  head  of 
the  Government  when  this  c^ucstion  was  fiprf.  brought  before 
them.  Lord  Broughton,  then  Sir  John  Hobhouse,  was  at 
that  time  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control,  and  lie 
WW*  not  in  favour  of  a  Committee  to  inquire  into  tbc  past 
(fovemmimt  and  present  condition  of  India.  Shortly  aftcr- 
%vard8,  however,  it  was  w>nsidered  by  the  noble  Lord  (Ijord 
J,  Russell)  that  it  would  lie  desirable  to  have  such  a  Com- 
tnittee  appointed.     A  Comniittee  was  appointed,  and   it  sat. 


I85». 


TyviA.   L 


But  at  U)«  (TOmmencejiieiit  of  Uie  jtrcKfut  Su^ion  tlw  nnTile 
Lord  iiitinintul  very  distinctly,  in  answer  \o  n  <^ue»tJou  wbicfa 
I  put  to  him,  and  which  »>ei!]n«<l  to  uinlce  tlip  iiohlo  Lonl 
iiiineoesKarily  angry,  tliiit  it  was  ihe  iutwntion  of  th(-^  Govprii- 
meot  to  Ipj^aUto,  and  in  such  a  waj  as  to  leave  the  Indian 
Ooveniinent  almost  entirely  the  same  »8  it  had  hitherto  been. 
[*No,  no!']  Well,  1  Ihoiig-ht  that  tlie  noble  Lord  said 
ao,  and  in  TOrrubomtiou  oi'  lluit  I  niay  mentiiin  that  the 
qxAAk  Lord  fjuoted — and  I  believe  that  it  was  the  nnble 
Lord's  only  anthoritv — tbo  oiiinii»n  of  the  rig'ht  lion.  Gcntk- 
tnan  the  Member  for  Stamlonl  (Mr.  Ilerrics),  who  conaidered 
that  no  raatLtriiil  cbaii^*  was  required  In  Uic  constitution  of 
the  home  Indian  Government.  Well,  when  the  noble  Lord 
mnflc  that  nnnouncvmeiit,  eon!;I(1erahIc  difiKJiii«fAeliuit  was 
manifeBted  on  IwtJj  sides  of  the  Uiiuse,  some  hon.  Menilwre 
speaking^  in  favour  of  a  delay  of  one,  two,  ot  three  years,  or 
declaring  thcnutclvcs  &tmnj>;ly  ngainet  the  prenent  vonatitutton 
of  the  Indian  Gnvornment.  However,  from  that  time  to 
Uiis,  various  nunom-s  were  alloiit,  and  everybody  was  vow- 
fident  one  week  t!i«t  there  would  be  no  legiRlntion,  or  only 
n  ivwiponemeot  i  in  another  week  it  was  thong'ht  thnt  thero 
wa«  U«  be  a  very  Hwcopinfj  ineni<ure  {whieli  laet  report,  1  miiet 
say,  1  never  ljell»n-e<l} ;  and  the  week  after  tliat  people  were 
again  led  to  the  conelusion  that  there  would  be  n  mcnsure 
introduced  Kueb  as  Uie  uiic  this  night  svibmitted  to  the 
House.  Agnin,  it  waa  understood  so  lately  as  last  Saturday 
that  there  would  be  no  legislation  on  the  inibjecl,  excepting 
a  mere  temporary  mewmre  Ibr  a  postponement.  I  eonfces  that 
I  WM  mywlf  tjikcri  iu  by  that  aunouncement,  On  Monday 
the  hoii.  Member  for  P<wde  [Mr.  Dauby  Seymour)  gave  notice 
of  a  question  on  the  ^nme  mbject,  and  lie  was  requested  not 
to  ask  it  till  IXiesduy.  On  Tiiesday  there  was  a  Cabiuet 
CooDCtl,  and  whether  there  was  a  change  of  opinion  then 
I  know  not,  but  I  pre«iinie  that  there  was.  The  opinion  that 
was  confidently  expressed  on  Saturday  gave  way  to  a  new 


SPEECflKS   OF  JOHN   BRIGHT. 


jukhX, 


opinion,  and  the  noblij  Lord  annouiicwl  that  legislstiou  ^voiild 
be  procct^cd  witl)  immettiaMy.  All  tins  indicates  that  there 
wail  a  gortd  doal  of  vuL-illutiun  on  the  part  of  tlie  Govi-rnnifnt, 
At  last,  liowever,  has  nonic  t\w.  f<pw*:h  of  the  rij^ht.  hon. 
Oeiitlenmii  tho  Fnrsidoiit  uf  thu  Board  of  Coutrol.  There 
were  R»me  f^ocwl  thin^  in  it,  no  doubt.  I  do  ni>t  BuppoRQ 
that  any  man  <M)ald  stand  up,  and  go  on  Bpcflkio;*  for  five 
hnui"8,  without  saj-ing  flnmrthinff  t-hat  wan  uftcfid.  Hut  as 
tu  the  mHin  ijuostioQ  on  which  Uiia  matter  rests,  I  do  not 
bulieve  tliat  the  plan  which  the  Govemment  propoB«s  to 
Bubetitutc  will  bo  one  particle  liettcr  than  that  whiph 
exists  at  the  proeert  moment. 

With  r«j;ard  to  the  tiuestion  of  pati'onage,  I  admit,  so  far 
Bis  thiLb  gww,  that  the  plan  prui>oscd  by  the  right  hon. 
Gentlpmait  will  bp  an  improvement  on  the  present  pystera.  But 
I  do  not  understjiiid  Ihut  tho  purl i<.'ii lar  iirrtiii^>mi>ut  of  the 
covenanted  fwn'ioe  is  to  be  broken  wp  at  all.  That  is  a  very 
important  inattrr,  because,  utthoug^h  he  might  throw  open  the 
nominalionfi  to  the  Indian  sorvire  to  the  free  competition  of 
nil  {H-rsoni*  in  tins  country,  yet  if,  when  thtSL>  pvreons  get  out 
to  India,  tKey  art'  to  LtL-orae  a  (tovpnanted  BCrvice,  as  tliat 
fimrioe  now  is  oonstitut^d,  and  aro  to  go  on  fWim  bcgir\- 
ning  to  end  in  a  ej-stcm  of  promotion  by  seniority — and  they 
an!  to  Im!  undiT  pn-tty  much  tin;  same  arrangement  as  at 
prcsont^ — a  (freat  d«il  of  the  evil  now  existing  will  remain; 
and  the  ixtntlnuance  of  enuh  a  body  a*  that  will  form  a  great 
bar  to  what  T  am  very  anxionn  to  ew,  namely,  a  viyry  mueh 
widiT  oniploymcnt  of  the  most  intt'lligeut  and  able  men 
amongst  the  native  population. 

Tlic  ri^ht  hon.  Guntlenuin  has,  in  fact,  made  a  long 
speti;h  wholly  in  defence  of  the  Indian  Government;  and 
I  cannot  avoid  making  somo  rumarks  uiimi  what  he 
has  ntst^  because  1  wholly  diraent  from  a  large  portion 
of  the  oh»er\"tttioiiB  whioh  he  has  made.  But  tho  right 
hou.  Genllcman,  above  all  things,  drviule  that  this  matter 


18S3. 


iirz>rA.  L 


should  be  lUiluj-ixt.  NoTT  I  Trill  jiurt  touch  ajMm  that 
point.  The  right  hon.  GeDtleman  ha«  said  thnt  he  h&a 
not  met  uiiy  one  who  dcivs  not  consider  it  highly  de- 
sirable t  hat  Ihi!  Maiiitu  should  k'gi!«lat<>  upon  the  subject 
of  the  Oorcmrocnt  oi  India  this  year;  aad  that  it  will 
he  a  great  evil  if  snch  legislation  is  postponed.  lu  sup- 
port of  this  view  ho  |)n>du(!fis  a  jirivate  letter  from  Lord 
DaDiousie  upon  the  subject.  Now  I  do  not  consider  bucIi 
evidence  as  by  any  meaDH  conehisive,  boeauso  the  House 
knows  that  Lord  Dalhousic  has  been  connected  witli  the 
eyatcm  that  now  exists.  That  oublc  Eurl  is  sIho  stirroutidcd 
by  pereons  ivho  are  themselves  interested  in  maintaining 
the  present  system.  Prom  his  vluvated  position  also  in  India — 
I  do  not  mtflii  his  location  ut  Simtah — but  from  his  beiiijET 
by  bis  station  removed  Irom  the  mass  of  the  European  popu- 
hition,  and  still  more  removed  Jrom  the  native  pupuktion, 
I  do  not  think  it  ut  all  likely  that  Lord  Dalhousic  will  be 
able  to  form  a  sounder  opinion  upon  thin  question  than  per- 
sons who  hare  never  boon  in  India.  In  my  opinion,  no  evil 
can  possibly  arise  from  creating  in  the  minds  of  the  popula- 
tion of  India  a  feeling  that  tlie  question  of  Indian  Govem- 
ment  is  oonHciered  by  (lie  House  nf  Commons  to  be  a  graro 
and  Milemii  (luestiou ;  and  I  *;oIemuly  believe  that  if  the 
decision  on  the  question  lie  dt^layed  for  two  years,  eo  as 
tr)  enable  Parliament  to  make  due  inquiries  as  to  the  meani< 
of  establishing  a  I>eHer  form  of  government  in  India,  it  will 
create  in  the  minds  of  all  the  intelligvnt  natives  of  India 
a  feeling  of  confidence  and  hope,  and  that  whatever  may 
be  done  by  them  in  tlio  way  of  agitatiou  will  be  ratlicr  for 
the  purpotw  of  offering  information  in  the  moat  tricndly  and 
generoM  tpirit,  than  of  creating  opposition  to  any  Govern- 
ment legislation.  However,  the  question  of  delay  is  one 
which  the  House  in  all  probability  will  be  called  upon  to 
decide  on  another  occasion. 

Bnt  passing  from  that  tjulijcct,  I  now  oome  to  the  prin- 


8 


spsBCims  OF  joiiy  bright. 


ivvn  3, 


ciple  ujKtn  which  tlie  right  Iton.  Gentleman  ibiindcMl  his 
Mutiou.  The  speech  of  tiio  right  hon.  Gontlemnn  was 
throughout  that  of  An  advocate  of  the  Indian  Governmoiit, 
us  ut  present  i»iist:ituti-d ;  and,  if  Mr.  Mulville  had  »ud 
eveiytliing  that  could  pussihly  he  dragged  into  the  cukcj  lit; 
«)uld  not  Itavc  mndc  it  more  cleurly  Rppcar  than  the  right 
hon.  Gcnt1t>mnii  has  dmu!  that  thf  Goverutiu-nt  of  India  has 
Iwt'D  imiforiuly  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the  wuntry.  My 
view  uf  this  iiiatUr,  afl«r  a  gixHl  deal  of  observation,  \g,  that 
the  Indinn  Qovcmmctit,  oomixised  of  two  branches,  which 
the  right  hon.  Gentleman  Aoe»  not  propose  to  amalgamate  iuto 
one,  is  a  Govpriiineut  of  eeereey  and  irreisponsibility  to  a  ile- 
jfTce  that  should  not  be  tolerated  in  a  country  like  this,  where 
wc  have  ■  coustitutioiial  and  Furiiamcntury  Govcritment,  1 
have  not  the  least  idea  in  any  fibacrvations  which  I  may  make 
either  in  this  Ilutiso  or  ebiewhere  of  bniigiug  a  charge  against 
the  East  India  Company — that  ie  to  say,  a^inst  any  iiidi- 
vidun)  mcmlKT  of  the  Bonnl  of  Direotorg,  aa  if  they  were 
anxious  to  misgovern  India.  I  never  had  any  such  etispicion, 
I  l»elieve  that  the  twenly-four  gcuUemeii  whu  cotixtitiitti  the 
Board  of  Direetora  would  act  just  about  as  wnll  as  any  other 
twerty-fbiir  periions  elected  by  the  same  yrocess,  acting 
under  tin?  name  inlhienees,  and  ^irronnded  by  the  same 
difficulties — liaving  to  act  with  another  and  independent 
body — tlie  Board  of  Control.  Neither  am  t  hostile  to  the 
Board  of  Cnntml,  bccati.se  I  think  that  the  dutj'  imponed 
a[X)n  it  is  greater  than  any  such  body  can  properly  perform. 
The  right  hon.  Gentleman,  tlio  enormous  labours  of  whone 
ofliee  eould  not  be  aoeompliahed  by  any  one  nmnj  coming  into 
office  in  December,  and  having  to  propose  a  new  Government 
for  India  in  the  month  of  May  or  June,  must  have  found  it 
extremely  difiiouU  to  make  himself  master  of  the  qne^tion. 
But  l>eyond  this  the  Houec  should  bear  in  mind,  that  during 
the  last  thirty  years  there  hua  been  a  new  President  of  the 
Board  of  Coutrol  every  two  ycan>.      Nay,  in  the  course  of 


im. 


jyDIA.    T. 


0 


UkI  year  there  were  no  lena  than  tJiree  Presidertte  of  the 
Board  or  Control.  TI1118  tliat  Board  seetnK  framed  in  sucb  a 
manner  as  \a  make  it  altoj^tlier  impntisHile  thnt  any  one  miin 
should  be  nble  to  conduct  it  in  (h**  way  which  it  ought  in 
be  conducted.  Beyond  this,  the  President  of  that  Hoard  has 
to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  Court  of  Diroclors.  Without 
saying'  anything  wliirh  would  impute  hiame  to  any  jMnty,  it 
mtutt  be  nbviouE  tiiat  two  mioh  boiiiea  eombitied  can  never 
curry  on  the  j^vemmcnt  nf  India  wisely,  nnd  in  accordance 
with  those  principtce  which  have  been  found  necessary  in  tlic 
government  of  thin  country.  The  right  Hon,  Gentleman  has 
been  obliged  to  admit  that  the  theory  of  theohl  Ooremment 
of  India  was  one  which  cnuld  not  be  defended,  and  timt 
everybody  considers  it  ridiculous  and  childish.  I  am  not 
at  al)  certain  that  the  one  that  ia  going  to  he  established  is 
in  any  degree  better.  It  wan  in  1784  tlutt  bhi»  form  of 
governmrat  was  established,  amid  the  fight  of  factions.  In 
181.3  it  was  continued  for  twenty-years  longer,  during  a  time 
when  the  country  was  involved  in  desperate  hostilities  with 
Prance.  In  1833  another  Bill,  continuing  that  form  of  go- 
vernment, parsed  through  Par!iamont  immediately  after  the 
hurricane  whiob  carried  the  Reform  Bill.  All  these  circum- 
•tanocs  rendered  it  difficult  for  the  Govommcnt,  however 
bwestly  disposed,  to  pass  the  best  measure  for  the  govem- 
nuDt  of  India.  Bub  »li  the  difBculties  which  then  existed 
appear  to  me  wholly  to  have  vani»bed.  Never  lias  any  ques- 
tion come  before  I^l^llnmcnt  more  entirely  free  from  a  com- 
plication of  that  nature,  or  one  which  the  House  bos  the 
opportuoity  of  more  (quietly  and  calmly  cousidering,  tb&n  Ibo 
question  now  before  them. 

I  should  h&vc  bven  pleased  if  the    right  hon.  Qontleman 
b>d  given   the  House  the  testimony  of  some  two  or  three 
rperBOns  on  his  own  side  of  the  question.     But,  as  he  hott  not 
idone  so,  I  will  trouble  the  House  by  referring  to  some  autho- 
rities in  support  of  my  own  views.     I  will  first  refer  to  the 


10 


SPKKCItBS  OF  JOIIS  BklGliT. 


JDKK  3, 


work  111"  Mr.  Ciimiilwll,  whieli  has  ttlready  been  quoted  by  Ihu 
right  hon.  Oentlomnn.  It  is  a  very  intfresting  l)or>k,  and 
givcB  a  great  deal  of  inforuuitiou.     That  writer  says — 

'  Tlitt  JiviHioii  of  nulliutity  bctwci-u  the  Hoiird  <j(  Oontiol  Atnl  the  Court  of 
DicMton.  ll)«  Urge  uutnbrr  u(  dincUm.  uu.i  iLh  iiwulim  i!>--Wiu  by  wliieh 
MMnrM  *rv  origiiiaU^  in  tli*  Court,  Huiit  for  ApproT*!  to  tho  BMird.  then 
back  acMH  In  tho  Coiirt,  Mid  m  an,  rciiJcr  all  ilclivonticet  ver;^  slow  bdU  iUIB- 
oiilt  I  Kitd  whi<n  n  tneKHiim  U  diacuiHed  in  Indin.  tlio  annouiii'viueat  lliat  it  htM 
boon  rc(orro<]  to  thu  Cwurt  «(  Dirvctor*  !■  iifteii  rou«rJ«<1  iw  Ati  indcflnita  pint- 
panonirDl,  In  (ooc,  tt  u  cviilont  tbitt  (itbic  Mail  i»]>criuiic<.'d  aa  luru  iiifiti^  (•( 
ilio  individual  dln-cturs)  twctity-laur  liirocUm  in  ono  {iIkco,  Mid  a  Cuanl  «f 
Contra]  ill  Auulbur,  aiv  uut  likely  very  apcodtly  to  uiiitv  in  ono  ojiinion  ujioii 
any  doubtful  point.' 

That,  1  think,  is  likely  to  be  the  opinion  of  aiiy  mnn  on  the 
Government  df  India.  There  is  another  authority  to  whicIi 
I  will  refur,  Mr.  Kayc,  whi>  Iiub  also  written  a  very  good 
hook.  It  was  sctuully  distributed  hy  the  Court  of  Direetunt ; 
I  have  therefore  a  right  to  consider  it  n  fair  reprepentatinn  of 
tticir  views  of  what  waa  done,  especially  as  the  Chairman 
of  the  Court  hoK  giveu  inc  a  copy  of  the  hook.  Mr.  Kaye, 
in  referring-  to  tho  douhlc  (lovemment  which  existe*!  in 
Beng&l  in  I772>  makes  uiie  of  theite  expresbionK.  Wlieu  I  tirst 
read  them,  I  thought  they  were  n  quotation  from  my  own 
speeches : — 
■  But  0]i1isbl«nad  iw  wwo  tha  inctnictlona  thoit  lmii«d  to  lIlo  dupt'i^lMiTB.  Ili4< 

■Uparrinon  w:ui  wlmlly  iiiiutiiquKti*  U>  (lie  ru^jiiiiviiieiitBijrilio  Nuc.  Tbo  doul'I'O 
OoTNIiluaiit.  »■  I  LiuvD  sliowu,  did  uul  work  well,     tt  wna  nltoutitlior  A  idinin 

itnd  M)  itnpcatun!.     tt  iru  iixiii  tn  be  dsmoliahod  nt  &  lilow Tim 

douUaGoveniniL-nt  lud,  l-y  Ihi*  time,  ftiliiE*d  tta  niiaion.  It  lijid  intrcHliioed 
an  iucrc-Jililv  uiiuuikl  of  JiicnWr  and  rfimiption  int»  tbc  fll«t<?,  ami  nf  [inTorty 
and  wmtdiednnn  Muuatc  tho  piKipIo  ;  tt  tind  eiiibnrrMwd  our  fuiitnow!,  »ml 
•oilcid  our  cl])inul«r,  »iid  wa»  now  to  b«  oftmly  R«oynued  M  a  fniluro.' 

Thie  IB  only  o^  to  Bengal,  The  following  are  tlte  words 
he  uses  iu  respect  to  the  douhlo  (iovemment  at  home  : — 

'In  iva|ic«l  of  aU  tratiwulionit  witb  ri.>r«i|,-n  P'livon — nil  iuittt«ni  bearing 
ujinn  (|UMlI<M<  of  [laaoe  and  war>— th«  Ptcaid^nt  oF  ibu  Bunrd  uf  Cuutroi  boa 
auUiuritj'  la  nfigtiiKt«  wioh  n»ia«iin«  ti«  he  and  bin  f«llcn^«i>  iii  tliA  MiniuLt^ 
m^  MUsidci  cxit^imit.  la  lucli  eaa«  ba  net*  |>ruauiiii:dly  iu  ouniMrt  wilh 
ti)8  SacrM  CmnmitUit'  "f  Uie  Court  of  Di>ec[i>ti-  n  Imly  omnpoKnd   of  tbx 


liii. 


rXDfA.    I. 


It 


cfaniniuTi,  rhpatychkirmMi,  nni  «iinlor  niambaf  of  ib«  CourL  Tbv  Saent 
ConmiitMe  mgn  the  dotEMtohn  which  cauiuttB  Irum  tlio  Beard,  but  tbay  bavo 
no  pt>«niT  tv  wUlihuU  or  to  aiiitr  tliani.  Tboy  li&vo  not  ovca  th«  jiowur  to 
roord  Ihcir  diawnt.  [n  fiict,  tho  rnitotiiMiB  at  tliu  CominitlMi  nrv  only  tluD* 
which,  to  ii*e  [ho  worth  of  n  ilutinjfniahod  mMcitwr  ti(  tho  Tnirrt  (tho  lAtt>  Mr. 

Tucl>cr),  wl»  HsplcreJ  ttio  mj»(nrjr  lunl  llii!  iiiiiukiiTy  tif  n  Eyslvui  ubiok 
otNNUTM  ra»|<oiM)lnlit]r  anil  dcliuica  pulilio  opIuiuD,  coulJ  lu  wpU  bo  {■orfoniltid 
'•hfn  Mcretaiy  and  a  ual."  * 

Further  on  h«  eays — 

'  Id  judsins  of  Ka|K>iiaiUHly,  wo  Hlioald  reiniiinlMr  that  ttift  wliuU  foreign 
ftSey  of  tbg  Kart  India  Oomp&njr  in  regulated  by  th«  BoiuH  of  Contiul :  thai 
in  dM  tuluUtW  of  tlMiiioot  vital  t)Uc*tion(~(|D«atiant  «f  }HMoa  AUtl  war — afluct- 
ItiK  tbe  finanon  of  Ibu  L-ouiitrjr,  ani],  Ihvralbn,  tha  iiir-uii  of  inUinuU  iiajimi-o- 
incnt,  tlui  Court  C'f  rMrDCton  hnru  nu  irjura  power  tbiuithu  mnynrnndaldarrnwi 
of  any  eonx'^ta  (own.  India  JcjieiidA  leM  on  tli*  will  of  iliatwentyfciiir  than 
on  one  nmn'n  cnpriciv— liere  to-day  dud  Huiie  to-morrow — Itnonknii  ov*r  |jy  a 
gatt<if  PsirliuiiiiiitAry  iiiii^orlainty^tho   minlitkon  tHvticH  nf  n  liMulcr,  or  ncgli- 

gcfice  oS  a  whipper-iii .  The  past  liUtiiry  uf  India  i»  a  hjatury  of  revenue  wiwtrd 
Will  damutjo  iiDpn>vein«nt  olMitruct«d  "by  war.' 

'SiuB  iR  TOij-  mticK  what  I  complain  of.  I  admit  tlie  right 
of  the  "East  Indiu  Companj  to  complain  nf  mntiy  thiii^ 
done  by  tho  Board  of  Control ;  and  I  am  of  opinion,  that  if 
^e  House  ]eft  the  two  bodies  to  combat  on«  another,  tlicy 
would  at  last  come  to  on  accurate  pcrc«])tion  of  what  they 
both  are.  The  Easrl;  India  Company  acciwi^  t!u-  Boaril  of 
Control  of  making  wars  and  Kqnandering  the  rCT-pnue  which 
the  Company  oolleoted.  Bat  Mr.  Kaye  said  that  Mr.  Tucket 
deplored  the  mystery  and  tbv  mockciy  of  a  wyHtem  which 
obscui'cd  rctponsihility  anil  deluded  puhlie  opininn.  It  is 
iNMntulM!  of  this  (!one*!alin(int,  of  this  delusion  practiwd  Ujwii 
public  opinion,  of  this  cvasioQ  of  public  responsibility  and 
l^lianwntary  control,  that  you  have  a  state  of  things  in 
India  vrhich  the  hon.  Member  for  Guildford  (Mr.  Mangles) 
has  dewribed,  when  he  say^  that  the  Company  manages  tJiu 
revonuf«,  colleeta  the  taxes,  and  gets  from  ao,ocx},ooo/.  to 
30,ocx),ooo/.  a-year,  an  d  nobody  k  now^  how  m  iieh  more. 
Rut,  whatever  it  i:*,  rurIi  is  th«  RVKtem  of  fuiuigii  policy 
pursned  by  Ihi!  Board   of  Control— that    w   to    eay,  by  tJjo 


li 


SPEECHES  OF  JOIiii  BBIGUT. 


ims  Z, 


gentlemen  who  drop  down  there  for  six  or  eight  nr  Iwrlve 
monllw,  never  beyond  two  year>i— that,  whatever  revenues 
aro  collectod,  Uiey  tire  iM^iianden>d  un  uDiiL><!»»iary  uiid 
ruinous  warn,  till  the  country  is  hroiig-ht  to  n  Rtiite  of 
cmharraeemcnt  and  threatened  baukruptey.  That  is  the  rcat 
point  which  the  House  will  havo  to  coneider. 

With  reg'iirJ  to  souic  of  the  details  of  the  Government 
plan,  we  should  no  doubt  all  agree  :  but  this  quvBtiou  of 
divided  responeibility,  of  conoealecl  responsibility,  and  of  no 
responsibility  whatever,  that  is  the  real  pith  of  the  matter. 
The  House  eliould  tnkc  eare  not  to  be  diverted  from  tliat 
(juestion.  [Mr.  Mangles:  'Produce  your  own  plan.'j  An 
bon.  Gentleman  hn»  aslced  me  to  produce  my  plan.  I  will 
nut  comply  with  Uiat  request,  but  will  follow  Uic  example 
oF  A  rig^ht  hon.  Gentleman,  a  great  authority  in  this  House, 
who  once  said,  when  similnrly  challenged,  that  he  should 
produce  his  ]>lun  when  lie  was  called  in.  I  believe  that  the 
plan  before  the  Honne  to-night  wan  concocted  Ijy  tlie  Ikiard 
of  Control  nml  the  hon.  Member  for  Guildford  and  hia  Col- 
leagnes;  1  shall,  therefore,  confine  myself  at  present  to  the 
diHCUSsion  of  that  plan.  Some  persons  are  disposed  very 
much  (at  least  I  am  afraid  bo)  to  undervalue  the  particular 
point  which  I  am  endeavouring  to  bring  before  the  House; 
ami  they  svem  to  fancy  that  it  dooH  not  much  matter  what 
shall  be  the  form  of  government  in  India,  since  the  population 
of  Uiat  country  will  always  he  in  a  condition  of  great  im- 
povcrislimcnt  and  much  suffering ;  and  that  whatever  is 
done  must  be  done  there,  and  that  after  alt — afVer  ha^^ng 
conquered  roo,ooo,ooo  of  people — it  is  not  ia  our  power  to 
interfere  for  the  improvement  of  their  condition.  Jlr.  Kaye, 
in  his  hook,  commcuces  the  firat  chapters  with  a  very  depre- 
ciating account  of  the  character  of  the  Mogul  Princes,  with 
a  view  to  show  that  the  condition  of  the  people  of  India  waa 
at  loaat  as  unfavourable  under  them  ai;  under  BriUuh  rule. 
I  will   cite    one    or  two    cases    from    witncasoff    for   whose 


»». 


iyj>iA. 


13- 


Ustbwny  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  (Sir  C.  Wood)  must 
have  ntspuct.  Mr.  Marshm^m  is  »  {^ntlemait  who  is  wdl 
known  as  possessing'  a  coitsitlcrablc  amount  vi  iufuc-mation  <iu 
lodiau  uHiunt,  und  has,  1  prcsumu,  come  over  on  i>iir|K)se 
to  give  his  evidence  on  the  subject.  He  was  editor  uf  u 
ncw-epapcr  which  was  ^uirally  oon^deretl  Ihrtm^rhout  Imlia 
lo  I>c  the  or^n  of  tJie  Government ;  in  tliat  new¥pa|)er,  the 
FnenH  of  India,  hearing  the  date  lat  A|)rlt,  i8j2,  the  following 
statemeot  a|ij)«in» : — 

*  Ho  ona  lu«  ever  klleiDptcd  to  cutitmdiut  tlu)  fiKt  tiiiit  ibe  oiintliUan  of  Lhe 

Jtun^l   |ieaMUit.r;y   I*  nlinnut   lu   wrut(^lii.'il   naA   ilei^ilvd  it»  It    i»    powiililu    lu 

miioein! — 4iviiig  in  tliu  tiiuit  tnitimLIu  liovvU.  KAKcly  fit  Tor  ■  i]u|f-ketiiioI, 

orcrecl  wjili  UUvml  n^.  and  unablo,  in  twi  lunti;  inHUiiccv,  lo  procure  mora 

^tfaui  ft  cingU  m«>l  it-day  for  luioMtf  knJ  rkniil}-.     The  B«ii|ial  t^t  bnnwi 

notbin|[  nrtb*  miMt  onlliMrjrcouifurtaof  l!fi».     We  ()>»ik  willjoiiCi'xnfnjoixtioii 

va  *BBnn,  thot  if  t!i«  icot  condit'iov  of  clio»c  who  rniw  tlie  hBi-rcst,  vti'ich 

bMwMfi  3.ooo,ooo(.  uiJ  4,ooo,ooot.  m-^ ou,  wu  fuUjr  kouwn,  it  mmlil 

I  tlw  oan  of  one  who  1u»nl  thsraof  Ungte.* 

It  bus  lieen  linid  that  in  the  Ben^t  Presidency  the  natives 
are  in  a  better  condition  than  id  th«  other  Freaidencics  j 
and  1  recollect  that  when  I  served  on  the  Cotton  Cotntnittee 
the  evidence  taken  before  it  being'  confined  to  the  JJomhay 
and  Afadrafi  Prcnidoncics,  it  wa«  then  raid  tbat  if  evidence 
had  lK>cn  talicu  al>out  the  Bengal  Presidency  it  would  hav« 
appeared  tliat  the  condition  oj'  the  natives  was  better.  But  I 
believe  that  it  is  very  inueh  the  snme  in  all  the  Presidencies. 
I  must  Hiy  tbat  it  is  my  belief  that  if  a  country  be  fuuud 
poBseesing  a  most  fertile  i^oil,  and  capable  of  bearing'  every 
variety  of  production,  and  that,  nolwithetnndit)^,  the  |>eu])li> 
are  in  a  eUUt;  of  extreme  destitution  and  sulferinji;,  the 
L-hanoes  arc  that  there  ia  eome  fiindanientnl  error  in  the 
government  of  that  country.  The  people  of  India  have  l>cen 
ueobjected  by  us,  and  how  tu  ifovem  them  in  au  elQeient  and 

ic&cial  Ri&nncr  is  one  of  the  most  important  ]H>iiit«  tor 
the  ctHifiideration  of  the  House.      fVom  the  Report  of  the 


14 


SPSKCHES  OF  JOHN  JlRTCnT. 


jvn  8. 


InJiun  Cotton  CuintnitU-e  it  appeant  tlmt  nearly  every  witiK-i« 
— and  llic  witm-sscs  were  m-iirly  uil  sorvauta  of  the  Compuny 
— ^gave  evidence  n*  to  the  «tate  of  destitution  id  which  tlie 
oultivator«  of  the  soil  lived.  'ITiey  were  iu  Btich  on  shjeet 
condition  thiit  they  were  obliged  to  give  40  or  50  j>cr 
cent,  to  I>orraw  money  to  enable  them  to  put  F$eed  into  the 
g'rouud.  I  (1111,  if  it  were  iiecesHiry,  bHu^  uny  amount  of 
evidence  to  prove  the  miserable  eoiidition  of  the  cultiviitors, 
fliid  that  in  niftoy  places  they  liuve  Iieeo  comgielled  to  piLrt 
with  their  personal  ornaments.  Gentlemen  who  have  written 
ii]X)n  their  eondition  huvi:  drawn  u  frightful  picture,  and  have 
represented  tlic  persons  cni])Io^'ed  t«  collect  the  revennc  as 
fioming-  ujton  the  nnha])py  ciiltivatorB  h'ke  locusts,  and  de- 
vouring everytbinif.  With  reganl  to  the  ci>n«iini]itirtn  of 
mlt,  lookinff  at  the  Friend  of  huUa,  of  April  14,  1*153,  it 
api)ear8  that  it  ia  on  Wa  decline.  In  the  year  1849-50, 
the  cotiBumption  was  205,517  tons;  in  1850-51,  186^10 
toiu;  and  in  1851-2,  14(^,069  tnns.  Thus,  in  the  tihort 
poriwl  of  tliTce  yeam,  tlicre  lias  been  a  deercu^e  in  the  eoQ— 
sumptiou  ainomitJng  to  59^8  tnns,  whioh  will  involve  a 
loan  to  the  revenue  of  416,13^/.'  Salt  is  ono  of  tboae 
artich'fl  that  people  in  India  will  use  as  miieh  of  as  (hey 
can  aflbnl,  and  tlie  dimiuuliun  in  the  rcmsumption  appears  to 
me  to  be  B  decided  proof  of  the  declining  eouditJon  of  Uie 
^pulation,  and  that  must  aSect  adversely  tlie  revenue  of  the 
Indian  Government.  Now  tliere  i^  another  point  to  wlitch 
tlie  right  liuu.  Gcntlcmuu  Iiilm  slightly  alluded ;  it  is  eoa- 
nected  with  the  admini*itnition  of  jiurtlce,  and  I  will  read 
from  tlie  Friend  of  India  a  case  iUustnitive  of  tlie  eOicieiiey  of 
the  police.  The  statement  is  so  extraordinary  tliat  it  wonid 
be  incredible  hot  for  the  circiimt»taoce  of  ite  having  uppeureJ 
in  Buch  u  reHpeetal>Ie  journal : — 


'  The  Pricmt  of  Mia  ■■»>  iiic«rr«rt  in  ihli  NlnUimciit  ,  the  r<*I  dodine  in 
tbe  oonBUuipUun  nf  mlt  wfi>  at"!!!!  1  ),ooo  IdtiK. 


IMS. 


INDIA.     I. 


'Till'  adair  jlavlf  >n  i>iifRL-luiit.lj'  uninUiiitiiig.  A  native  Zomiuitiit  tin<l,  or 
h)nH«d  ha  liwl.  some  |ia[KT  ritjlita  ov^r  crrtJuii  lanil*  occutiiMl  by  n  Kun>i>mn 
pbuttflT.  tuid,  M  n  nooomsry  coiiwH|iiniiof,  btyhI  a  luxly  (if  nnnnif  roUincm  lii 
attack  Ua  fbctvry.  The  Europcui  rcs'ialcil  id  tli«  nunc  laahion  by  caLlinx  «ut 
bin  r«laiiiera.  Ther*  wiu  s  pitdictl  battles  *■»!  B«venil  p»rBitn»  were  wid&iM, 
if  uol  ilaift  ;  while  tho  Dnngsb,  th«  b|)|>oiat«d  ctuiTslian  of  the  peoM,  mi  tm 
Ui«  raolotm  oolghbtniring  hut  aud  lookoil  on  with  mi  IntorHt.  ttio  kcMuwa  of 
wkieh  WM  prolwbly  nut  diiuiniilietl  by  Ili«  fact  uf  liia  own  iiuniunit;  trom  tlie  * 
pkinn  »>i<l  |i(nril»  of  ttic  CiinHict.  Thnitt  Km  bucii  a  juilicliU  invaatigiktion,  Ami 
taauiMiT  will  pfolAbly  bo  jiuniabol,  if  not  by  aattiiit  oontcnoc,  br  tliu  neoeo- 
tuy  dUbutammU  of  fww  lutil  ilouMun,  but  thci  evil  will  not  ho  thofoby  ■uj>- 
praaod  or  wen  abatod.  TIid  inoiilunt,  trillion  hs  it  nuy  sjiimbt — anA  lliv 
het  that  it  ii  trifling  i>  no  alight  cviilencc  of  a  iliiuirtriuii*al  xtAtc  of  tioeioty 
— U  an  sfritcono  tn  ainall  typ«  «f  our  Bengal  pnlice  hiilory.  On  sill  niil^a,  and  in 
•Tw;  natancc  wo  bnre  tbe  aamo  picture — groat  oflvnoea,  tlic  \><tti«  iniHiToreiit 
uriaefflcient,  judicial  iiivaligatloDs  protracl«t]  till  th«  iuflbr«n  npvt  that  they 
did  not  patiently  endaro  tbe  iDJnn',  and  aonicbivty  [ivniiliNl,  but  no  viaible 
kImUhmdI  of  tbe  orimo.  Tho  l^t  I«,  anil  It  It  lic^uolng  at  Inet  to  bo  adinoir- 
ledi^Hl  vnrywimn,  except  pet-lin|w  at  Uuam.  thai  LVnf;al  docs  nut  Duwl  au 
■uiieti  •  "M&m"  or  rM«ganiihtion  of  tbe  police,  uj  a  )jolioc,  a  InMly  of  name 
kindi  qieciatty  urgiujioed  fur  tlie  pruEOrvaliuu  ti(  t-nlvr.  Wliy  tlio  cbnii^o  !»  tt 
long  poatjwned,  n<i  'ino,  nut  famiiiar  with  tltu  artrinn  uf  LeadniiluUl-Hlnul  and 
Onanoii-raw,  oan  roAdily  •xplain.' 


Mr.  Marvbman  uses  tbe  expression,  '  ibc  iucident,  trifliug 
He  it  may  appear;'  bnt  1  wlU  ask  tbe  House  if  they  can 
conceive  a  state  of  society  in  a  oouutry  under  tlie  Goveru- 
ment  of  Knj^biitd  where  a  scene  of  violence  sac>h  bs  Iuis  beun 
described  could  bo  coiiHiiIered  trifling? 

The  right  hoa.  Gentleman  hns,  while  admitting  that  tho 

wuiit  of  nwds  in  some  districts  of  India  is  n  great  evil, 

endeavoured  to  »how  that  a  great  deal  has  Wen  done  t© 

remedy  the  defieieticy,  and  that  on  some  roads  the  mails 

travel  as  fast  as  ten  miles  an  hour.     Now,  I  believe  thnt 

if  the  speed  were  taken  at  live  milea  an  hour,  it  would  be 

nearer  the  truth ;  and  I  will  he^  tbe  House  to  excuse  me  if 

T  read  another  extract  from  the  Friend  <^  luitia  of  April  14, 

1853:- 

'The  Gntnil  Trank.  howwor,  is  the  only  roa*!  u]ji>u  whidi  a  gwA  ajMod  hM 
b«eti  attainwl.  ramarlu  iMiiig  a(ta«li*d  tn  nil  of  tho  rnninindur  alrun^ly  iailicM- 
tiro  «!  tbe  want  of  iinproveJ  moan*  of  oonununioation.  From  Shwgoltj  to 
Oyab,  and  Qyuh  to  Patnn,  fur  inslrtncn,  the  pace  Ik  frinr  uiil«a  and  a  ImU  on 


16 


SPEECHES  OP  JOHN  BSTGHT. 


junS, 


hoiu ;  but  Uien  "  tha  niad  in  outohn,  vai  tbo  «li)[lito>t  ilivwsr  or  mat  mnduvH 
It  iniddlr  ftsd  impnictdicAliIa  for  sjiMdy  trantut."  From  PbUia  ta  Bnairta  tfao 
official  MMont  !•  thd  Mm*,  but  th«  rkU  iuCTAMM  at  ona  ntiigv  ti>  five  mtltiia 
Miiil  &  hnlf.  The  rinutLcm  mnda  ko,  faowovcr,  in  Uic  vornt  VDiulitiuii,  tbv 
uiailit  invtflllni;  to  JelMore  at  thrM  inElo  an  tiour,  ut  Ina  Utui  »  ^Tixmi  can 
Rftlk;  And  Gfcn  betwiwn  UolcutU  and  Ilnruct  tha  mt«  riM*  U>  only  four 
uitlw  &uil  a  liulf  Ml  hour,  nhil«]  worywhuru  w«  Itava  aucb  noticM  u  "  towI 
■  iitttT«H.'lii(l  by  iiuiiieixiuii  uiibrlitgL-d  riven  ami  riiI1iUi>,"  "  niixl  1ia«  tiot  l«eii 
r«]i&!rcd  for  LIidko  nuury  jeMm,'*  "  Piiui  not  rrjuiiin-J  for  jcfcr*,"  the  "tooJ  in 
M  InkI  >  atntd,  tiiul  (ta  tiiuoli  uiterMcteil  by  rivm  and  nullalis,  ttint  no  grcnt 
improvciuuut  iii  Clio  ipeod  of  tha  lunilM  c«ri  bo  «fiWt»(l."  Aiul  yul  thp  Bur)ilu>> 
PvtTj  Fuiiela  inl(;lit,  DEK.I  wuiilil  think,  if  oouiiuiuicollj  BUinlnwU'red,  be  aufliciL-iit 
to  pay  i>t  Iwut  for  tho  mninUiiiADoe  uf  tlip  KtfulB  alr««ily  in  oiiirteiice.  Ntw 
raadN,  wo  four,  oiw  liopeU<«  until  I'wliameiit  Sxoii  a.  mini'muni.  wliicli  most  \>y 
ox|(Oiidvi  on  tbuw  ;  amJ  otoii  Ui«ti  it  ua.y  \k  ^uwciI  ii>  accuiuHUIe,  m  the 
i^irlianieiilary  giaut  fL-r  (nliauiliuii  liju  ilnriL-  at  Madrw.' 

Till'  right  hon.  Gentleman  has  reierreil  to  tlie  subject  of 
irrigatiuQ ;  aud  1  hold  in  my  hand  nn  extract  from  the 
fieport  of  the  Conitnission  which  inquired  into  the  Buhjuot. 
The  Eeporl  states  that — 

'  Thft  low  of  nvanuo  bj  tha  famine  of  \9l^-3l  U  Mtlmatad  at  iMwt  at 
Xfioofio^.  •t4Tling  ;  tba  loaa  of  prafwity  at  a  fitr  greater  uoounl ;  uf  Wif,  ni 
100,000  at  .toa,eoo;  and  of  cnttlc.  ox  700,009  at  tite  lowcHt,  In  Ountom  nli>np, 
bmitlmi  tlm  ruin  i.f  ;o,000  boiiWH,  TTjb  fuiniiit'  ut  tlii"  Nurtlmni  L'in-iim  In 
1B3J.  aiiil  tlint  of  tha  north -wcetorn  province  of  iixljn  at  a  UUir  |i«riuil,  pirovo 
with  irrcviatiblu  f.>r«f  tluit  irrigalioo  in  Ui'uicuuaUy  i«  pruperty  n  i|ui>*tiuii,>ia( 
nT  profit,  but  i>(  oxl«t«ncc.' 

The  right  hon.  Gentleman  hii6  also  quoted  from  a  Report  by 
Colonel  Cotton  on  the  Buhjcct  of  Iho  embankraeut  of  tlie 
Kistna.  Now,  the  embankment  of  the  Klstnu  has  lieen 
recommended  as  far  buck  as  thf  your  1792,  and  from  that 
time  has  liet'ii  reiifutt-dly  brought  forward.  The  wliwlo  esti- 
mate fur  it  iti  hut  155,000^,  and  it  was  not  until  Septcmlier, 
1^(52,  that  the  pn-Umiwary  uperatione  were  eomnienepd.  I 
llnd  this  uflieer  Btating- with  respect  to  the  dirtrict  of  Raja- 
tnondry,  that  if  a  particular  improvement  that  had  been 
recommrnded  above  twenty  years  ogv  had  been  curried  out, 
it  would  have  saved  the  lives  uf  upwards  of  100,000  jiertiiins 
who  perishenl  in  the  fauiiiu'  of  1^37.  I  «iy  thai  sueb  I'aets 
on  th(.-s«  are  a  JuHtilieatiun  of  stroogur  language  than  any  in 


1S53. 


INDIA.    I. 


17 


whieli  I  have  indulged  in  reference  to  tl)c  ni^cct  of  tho 

Lidinn  Oovcmmcnt  whctlifr  in  this  Ifonsc  or  ont  of  it. 
The  right  hon.  gf-ntleinaii  c-aodidly  iufonnii  us  that  tiiis 
very  embank uiotit  has  bfen  reeenOy  sto])p€Hl  hy  onler  of  the 
Madras  Government,  bofliiii«e  tho  moiioy  was  wanted  for 
other  purposes — the  Bnrmego  war,  no  doubt.  In  the  year 
1849  it  waa  reported  that  Cvlonet  Cotton  trrotc  a  dexiwtck  to 
the  Madraa  Guvcmmcnt,  in  ivhich,  uitcr  mentioning  facta 
corniBclecl  flnth  the  fuminefi,  he  insiirted,  in  strong  and  in- 
diiirtiii't  Uiigiiag«,  that  (he  improveiiu'iits  should  ^o  on.  I 
beheve  that  theri;  was  an  alhision  in  the  k'tter  to  the  awk- 
ward look  those  things  would  have,  pondiiig  the  di&oussiona 
on  the  Government  of  India,  and  I  understand  Umt  it  waa 
Hg-reed  that  the  original  k-tter,  whirh  eounternianJed  the 
iraprovementa,  sliould  t>e  withdrawn,  and  that  thfu  tho  re- 
tnoiistrnnce  from  Colonel  Cotton  should  alio  be  withdrawn. 
A  gentleman  who  has  been  in  tho  CompAoy's  wrrice, 
and  who  has  for  some  time  been  ciij^ngvd  in  improvo- 
menl«,  chiefly  in  imgntion,  writes  in  n  private  letter  as 
followB  >— 

*  From  tnjr  Uto  faivwtigBtiona  on  this  tniliJMt,  I  feol  eonrincwl  that  tha  gUl« 
of  sur  ooBi'iiunioationi  i"  tlie  inuit  important  aubjcot  which  tall*  fer  ooiiiiclMr*- 
tion.  I  reckon  that  India  iiou'  |">y>.  for  wnnt  of  clietkp  trMiiit,  ft  auni  oqn*!  to 
Ui*  whola  of  tbo  t»x«B ;  io  tbu  >>y  r«dticing  ita  rvut  \a  a  tontli,  wliicb  nii|;ht 
•mOj  b«  done,  w  ibotlld  >■  jrood  a*  nbolwli  nD  Um.  I  truit  tha  Cuiiiiiiitt«M 
In  GiikImiiI  ara  going  on  well,  In  «piM  or  the  nnbvcomiiig  niKirtB  which  hnva 
bicii  vtmAt  tu  oimimiaTibd  nntl  qoiuh  thoir  [>n><.<c«tlin^  Woe  tve  to  India, 
ludeod.  If  thU  apportuaitjr  In  lost  1  Mticti  will  d«fieiid  upoo  you — 

(the  letter  wo*  not  aihlressed  to  myself) — 

MtA  otbera  bow  in  Eri^lnnd,  wha  know  India,  and  have  ■  nngU  «yc  to  ita  <r«j- 
tnjv.  It  bdiovM^ou  lo  tlu  jnur  ututu-l  M  Impruvc  ;bui  uiotl  orltiotl  time,  and 
mxj  CioA  in  hu  nurcy  overrule  alt  thu  elfurta  of  iiiaii  fur  ita  i^ooil  I  What 
aJ>oiiun>tio>i>,  villanie*.  ftiid  iJtutci-iui  tlwiv  Btill  arc  in  our  tjntima !  la  thsrv 
no  hope.  DLt  pondbilitj,  of  mftmiiif  a  link-  fresh  blooil  frfini  sutne  poror  noarro 
intu  thnsd  bodiMl 

(the  ruling  authorities). 

It  ia  quit*  daat  that  no  radical  ini|>ror«nient  oun  talo  place  till  mbm  lu- 
flutnoM  can  Im  a^ipUtd  to  Btiroutnto  our  ralan  to  tnorv  hoaitliy,  nboliwirot! 

VOL.  I.  C 


18 


3PJCKCUES  OF  JOHJf  BRIGHT. 


JDMIS. 


Mtiini ;  liMllh  tMa  novnr  b«  looked  for  in  %  body  oati*titiito<l  u  th«  Court  of 
niroctuM  aov  u ;  notlilnji  bat  torpid  dU«M«  eui  bo  Mcpaoted  m  DutMra  niiT 
■taml.' 

With  respect  to  the  administration  of  justice,  I  shall  not  go  at 
any  length  into  that  Bubjcct,  bocauec  I  hu|>e  it  will  be  taken 
up  by  some  other  (lentlenuin  much  more  compctoit  than 
mj'self,  and  I  trust  tluit  a  sufTii-ient  aiuiver  will  tw  giren  to 
what  has  htxn  fltntoJ  by  Uio  right  hon.  (lenUvniuii.  liuW' 
ever,  as  lar  aa  I  am  able  to  understand,  there  appears  to  be 
throughout  the  whole  of  India,  on  tlie  part  of  the  iCuropeao 
IMtpulatton,  an  abficlute  terror  of  coming  under  the  Conj|iaiiy'8 
ConrtB  for  auy  object  wliati-ver.  Within  the  last  fortMi(^lit 
I  havo  had  a  oonvorsation  with  a  gentlemati  who  has  seen  u 
long  period  of  service  in  India,  and  he  declared  it  was  liopelesa 
to  expiict  that  En;;lishmpii  would  over  invest  their  properly 
in  India  under  any  cireuuuft.ince8  which  placed  their  interesta 
at  the  diHpusal  of  tliotte  courtti  of  jinttiee.  That  ia  oue  reason 
why  there  appenrs  no  increase  in  the  nninlier  of  Eumpenns 
or  £Dglii;bmoa  who  settio  in  the  interior  of  India  for  tbo 
pm-{}0SQ  of  investiug  their  ca|iitut  there.  Tlic  right  hon. 
Ocntleinun  endeavoured  to  make  an  excuse  on  the  ground 
that  the  Law  Conuniaeiou  had  done  nothing.  I  was  m^t 
ill  the  lIoQiH!  whftn  tho  right  lion.  Memlier  for  Edinburgh 
(Mr.  Macaulay)  brought  forward  the  Rill  of  1833,  bat  I 
understand  it  was  atated  that  the  Law  Oommiseion  was  to  do 
wonders;  yet  now  we  have  the  e^Hdence  of  the  right  hon. 
(ienlleman  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control,  that  the 
Re|>ort  of  the  Law  Commissiou  has  ever  eincv  been  going 
bnckwards  and  fom'ards.  like  an  unai>ttled  g|»irit,  between 
this  country  iiud  India.  Mr.  Caioerou,  in  his  evidence,  said 
(I  8up]HMe  it  is  filnnibering  somewhere  on  the  shelves  in  the 
Enxt  India  Huuec)  that  the  Coart  of  Directors  aetnally 
tiueered  at  the  propositions  uf  tlieir  oflioerfi  fiir  (•nactment^  of 
any  Ujnil,  and  that  it  was  evidently  their  object  \^>  g»w]iially 
extinguiah  the  CoDimisaioii  altogether.     Yet  the  evidence  of 


n'j>iA.  A 


Mr.  Cam^-on  woiil  to  show  tlie  extraonliiiar)-  compltcalioa 
anj  cunfusion  of  the  law  au(l  U\v  Kdrnlnislruliun  over  all  the 
BritiHli  dotniuioRs  in  Itidiu.  The  right  hon.  (inntlemaii  llic 
l^estdeat  of  ihe  Board  of  Control  nlso  roforred  to  the  statieticB 
laid  hcfore  the  public  j  but  1  want  to  kuow  wtv  Culoncl 
S)-ke8'  (itatUtlcal  tables  are  uot  hefon;  tlie  House.  Tlicy  ure  at 
tlie  India  Huuhc;  hut  u  JDurnny  to  LeadenhalUvtret-t  »ieems  to 
b«  a«  long  as  one  to  India,  and  ono  can  as  iHKia  f^t  a  com> 
muntcatiou  \sy  the  overland  mail  as  any  itiformation  from  the 
India  Hooee.  What  did  Colonel  Sykes  say,  with  rcs|>cct  to 
a  subject  referred  to  by  the  rig'ht  hon.  Gentlt^mnn,  who  had. 
given  the  HouBC  to  suppose  that  a  great  deal  had  tceu  done 
in  rcspec-t  to  imprnvementji  in  India?  Colonel  Sykes  stated 
that  in  fifteen  years,  from  1838  to  1852,  the  average  expendi- 
ture throughout  the  whole  of  India  on  public  workf,  including 
roads,  brid^'if,  tuuki>,  and  cunals,  was  2^9,7321^.  The  north* 
west  appeared  to  he  the  pet  diNtrict;  and  in  1851  the  total 
expenditure  wan  334,000/.,  of  whieh  the  uortk>wei«t  dititriet 
had  240,000/.  In  i^^l  the  eetinmte  wus  693,000/.,  of  which 
the  north-west  district  was  to  have  491,000/.,  leaving  only 
94,000/.  in  1851,  and  201,000/,  in  1851,  for  public  workB  of 
all  kinds  in  the  three  Presidcneics  of  Bengal,  Madmsi,  nud 
Bombay,  with  a  population  of  70,000,000  ttouU.  The  right 
Iwo.  Gentleman  then  referred  to  the  exports  from  this 
»try,  and  the  increase  of  trade  with  India;  and  a  kindred 
PflilijeGt  to  that  was  the  rcodu  iu  uhich  Engli&hmea  settle  in 
India.  What  I  want  to  show  is,  that  the  reason  why  so 
little  ia  done  with  India  by  Englishmen  is,  thnt  there  does 
not  exist  in  that  country  the  same  security  for  their  invest* 
mcDte  as  in  ulmoet  every  oth^r  country  in  the  world.  T 
recollect  receiving  from  Mr,  Mock-ay,  who  waa  eent  out  by 
the  Mantdicsttir  Cliamber  of  Commerce,  a  letter  expressing 
bis  uuiazement  on  finding  that  in  the  interior  of  India  an 
JCnglishnian  traa  hardly  known,  unless  he  now  and  then 
made    hiii   appearance    a^  a   tax    ooUeetor.      The   following 

c  a 


ao 


SPERCITRS  OF  JOHN  BHIGUT. 


JURX  3, 


Retarn    bIiows    in    wtmt    smiill    numbens  Eun>iH.>nii8    rtiiort 
to  Iniia:-^ 

'  Gril'mb'boni  sabjocU  Id  IdiHa  not  In  tlio  Kr^o«  of  tho  Queen  nr  the 
Bniicikl  6(T49 


Bomluij' 


6.T49 

I,66i 

' 'fS9* 


io,oo(j 

'  In  tho  inbtrinr  oftli^  <i£iuntry,  ongigocl  Iti  ngritiuUiirs  or  mnnufiuitura  : — 

B«iiK»l  173 

Mnilnm  J7 


Buintin)' 


J 


JIT* 


I  cannot  believe,  if  the  United  Stake  had  been  the  poeseseore 
of  India,  but  that  where  there  are  tens  of  Euruijfaim  now 
in  that  country  ih*?re  wonld  have  Inyen,  not  hundreds,  hut 
thousands  of  the  people  of  America.  The  riglit  hoii.  Gentle- 
man spoke  of  the  exports  to  India,  and  wanted  to  show  bow 
large  (he/  were.  Certainly  tlicy  luve  iiicretuscd  very  mueli, 
l)ec«U8e  they  started  from  nothing'  at  all .  Before  the 
ojienieg  of  the  tnide,  the  Court,  of  Projiiieton*,  by  nMoIutiuiij 
declared  tliut  it  was  quite  a  delusion  to  suppose  it  possihie  to 
increase  the  trade  with  India.  In  1 8^0  the  total  exports  to 
ludia  from  Great  Britain  and  IrcUind  were  8,024,000^.,  of 
which  cottou  goods  olouv  uuioiinted  to  5,220,000/.,  leaving 
3,804,000/.  for  the  total  exports  from  Great  Britain  and 
Irolaiid  upon  all  olher  hraneheu  of  indiuitry  other  than  cotton. 
Now,  let  the  HoiiMC  make  a  compariBon  with  another  country, 
one  with  which  a  moderately  fair  comparisoQ  might  be  luaUu. 
Bnizil  has  u  population  of  7>5oo,ooo  soula,  half  of  whom  arc 
reckoned  to  he  slaves,  yet  tlic  consumption  of  Driiitib  goods 
in  greater  in  Brazil,  in  proijortion  to  the  pr)]tiilntion,  th«n  in 
India — the  former  country,  with  a  popiilnlion  of  7,500,000, 
taking  British  goods  to  the  amount  of  2,500,000/.  If  Indio 
to')k  but  half  the  <iuautity  of  our  vxports  that  Brusil  did  in 
proportion  to  her  population,  ehc  would  take  more  than  five 
times  what  ebe  now  takes.     Yet  Brazil  i«  a  country  upon 


185$. 


IaVGJjL      I. 


21 


which  wc  h&vc  iropoeed  the  pa.j'mcnt  of  axorbitani  duties, 
trhich  we  have  almiMt  del>arre<l  from  trading  with  us  hy  an 
aiitKird  moDopoIy  in  sugar,  while  India  is  a  tMiintr}-  entirely 
under  our  own  g^ivemment,  and  which,  we  ai-o  told,  is 
enjoying  the  greatest  pcBsible  bleeain^  under  the  present 
admiDtetriitioD,  compurcd  with  wliat  it  enjoyed  under  it« 
former  rulers.  Our  exportfl  to  India  in  1814  were 
826,000/.;  iu  1832  they  were  3,600,000^;  in  1843  they 
were  6,500,000/.;  and  in  1850  they  were  8,000,000^.  India 
eonstimes  onr  exports  at  the  rate  of  \».  j^d.  per  hcnd;  whilst 
in  South  America,  includiog:  Uie  whole  of  the  slave  pojiula- 
tion,  the  coiisunijition  per  huul  is  80.  8(/.  Thcec  are  facta 
which  the  right  hon.  Dnronet  is  hound  to  pay  eerioug 
Attention  to.  For  myeetf,  represenUng,  ns  I  do,  one  of  our 
greiit  seats  of  munufueturin^  induiitr^',  I  feci  tnjiielf  doubly 
allied  upon  to  loee  no  opportunity  of  bringing  such  faetii 
before  the  Iloiifle,  satisfied  ns  I  am  that  there  is  no  ML-rabcr 
of  this  HouHC  M)  ohtui<e  t»  ual  to  uomprehend  how  lualeriidly 
tbe  groat  manufacturing  iiitoreste  of  tbiw  country  are 
conocomed  in  the  <iue8tieu — what  ehall  be  the  future 
Govenmcut  of  India? 

Anolhur  subject  requiring  cloBe  attention  on  the  part 
of  Parliament  is  the  employment  of  the  natives  of 
India  in  the  service  of  the  Oovernmeut,  The  right 
bnn.  Member  for  Kdinbiirgh  (Mr.  Mae«ulay],  in  pro- 
peeing  the  Indian  iiill  of  ^8,;3,  had  dwelt  oa  one  of  its 
clauses,  whieh  provided  that  neitticr  eolour,  nur  caste,  nor 
reli^^ion,  nor  place  of  birth,  should  lie  a  bar  to  tlic 
employment  of  persons  by  the  Government;  whereas,  as 
mslter  of  fact,  trom  that  timt'  to  this,  no  poreon  in  India 
hu  been  M  employed,  who  might  not  have  been  equally 
employed  ttefnre  that  elaime  was  enacted ;  and,  from  the 
tftateioent  of  the  right  bun.  Gi-attemuii  the  PiTsident  of  th« 
Board  of  Control ,  I  liat  it  is  propused  to  keep  up  the 
covenanted  service  system,  it  is  elenr  that  this  moat  objection- 


•22 


SP/mC/IKS  OF  JOHH  BIUGiiT. 


JCXR  3. 


abli:  and  most  ofTcnsive  stat«  of  things  is  to  continue.  Mr. 
Cameron,  a  gentleman  thorowghiy  versed  in  the  snbject,  as 
foiirtli  inember  of  Council  in  ludui,  Prwiident  uf  the  Indian 
Low  Commission,  nnd  of  the  Council  of  Kdneation  for  Bt-ngal 
— what  does  he  say  on  this  point  ?     He  sayis — 

'Tbe  aUtate  nf  1R33  mnde  the  niktiveN  of  Iiidla  eliipblc  to  »ll  nllioci  undir 
thn  Companj.  But  during  the  twenty  y«Kn  Ihat  linvc  nitim  olAjMed,  n?t  one 
or  liin  lulireiliM  bcnn  ni^polntud  to  unyonioD  uocpt  vucL  vi  thvy  irere  oligiblo 
to  Wore  iho  BtAtuto.  It  Is  not,  finnvvcn-,  of  thin  omiiaion  that  I  should  TmI 
jiMtiB*d  III  CO lupl Dining,  il  tlie  Com|iAnv  had  *h«wn  knjr  dltipodtian  to  nt^ka 
tbo  auive*  Gt,  by  Uiv  lii);li«Mt  GiiPipoivii  education,  Tdt  wliuiMion  ta  thrir 
mraiiDtcd  uervico.  'llii'ir  iiiii|)oulion.  tu  Cnr  m  it  oii)i  bo  devlnnl.  {»  of  tba 
«j<fK)iiit«  kiud. 

*  Wlien  fuur  tludoiiU  (added  Mr.  Cameron)  woro  «<>n(  to  Louilun  from  tlii: 
Medlnal  CaMege  of  CnlEuttn,  undtir  tlia  >uiclioD  of  Lord  Uardingo,  In  Council, 
to  oimplota  tbeit  prvfcMional  education,  th«  Court  of  Duectora  exprv«i»«4  tbclr 
(tiMsUB&dian  ;  nnd  when  n  pUn  for  catntiliabiiii!  %  Vnntrnty  bt  Cnlcitttn, 
which  h*d  h«tri  pmparod  hy  th«  Cooncil  of  Edtiraitinn,  wiM  raoomniHidcd  to 
tbuir  adoption  by  liord  Tlnnlineo,  in  Counotl,  cliey  anKHcrcd  that  tho  project 
vma  pmmaCiire,  At  ti>  tlie  Lnw  ConuulMlon,  1  aiu  afraiil  tliAl  Cli«  Court  of 
Directrini  luiie  \ittn  accuitnued  to  think  of  it  only  with  tlio  intoiiliuu  of  |ira- 
cnrinr  lie  aliolltion.' 

tfiiJor  the  Act  of  1833  the  nnlivcs  of  India  were  declared 
to  Iw  elig^hle  to  any  office  nnder  the  Company.  No  nutive 
'lias,  in  the  twenty  years  whicli  h:ive  Biuue  ehipHed,  licen 
nppointod  to  any  office  in  parstiiuicc  of  that  cInuKC  which 
he  mi{*ht  not  have  held  l>cfore  tlie  Bill  passed,  or  had  it 
never  passed  lit  all.  There  mi^ht  iiot>  i^LThape,  Imvc  been 
BO  mnch  reason  to  complain  of  this  eireumstnnee,  had  the 
Govenunent  of  India  meanwhile  shown  a  disposition  to 
tjiinlify  the  natives  for  the  eovennnted  service ;  hut  Ili» 
fact  is  that  tho  Government  has,  on  the  contrary,  mani- 
fested a  disposition  of  a  totally  opposite  character.  Ilia 
House  ninst  be  very  cantious  not  to  adopt  the  glossed  and 
biimishtid  statement  of  the  right  hon.  Oentleman  as  ex- 
hihiting  the  real  ntJito  of  things  in  India  ;  for  it  ia  essen- 
tial, in  tho  highest  degree,  that  in  the  preiseut  critical  jimc- 
ture  of  things  the  whole  truth  ehould  he  known.  The  right 
hon.  Baronet,  Inwards  the  Ac^  of  bis  s|>eech,  ha«  gone  into 


1SS3. 


ryj)iA.   r. 


S3 


the  Bulycct  of  ediiration,  nnil  not  so  inucli  into  that  of  ecclc- 
Biaiiti«il  cstablishnQcnts  in  Indin,  Imt  somewhat  iulo  tliab  of 
»ltg:iot).  Non-,  with  reference  to  educatioD,  so  far  U9  can 
be  gathered  from  tlic  Relunis  hefore  the  IIoubc — I  hare 
Bought  to  obtain  HeitimB  of  a  more  specific  character,  tut 
to  no  puipoee,  haTiog  received  the  iifiiial  answer  to  these 
matters,  that  there  was  no  time  for  prejiaring  them — hut 
from  the  Returns  we  have  before  ua  I  find  that  wIjiIh 
the  Govcnitnent  has  overthrown  almost  entirely  that  nativo 
edtication  which  had  siihaisted  throughout  the  couufcry  so 
«niver>ally  that  a  sohoolma^rtcr  wag  a«  regular  a  feature  in 
every  vilbjfe  as  thi;  'potail'  or  ht^ad  man,  it  lias  done  next 
to  nothing  to  supply  the  deficiency  which  hu  been  created, 
or  to  itubstitiite  a  better  syst«-m.  Out  of  a  popolatiou  of 
J0O,000,OOO  natives  wc  instruct  hut  25,000  children  ;  out 
of  a  groRs  revenue  of  29,000,000/.  sterling,  extracted  from 
that  popuhition,  we  spend  but  66,oool.  in  their  education. 
In  India,  let  it  be  borne  iu  mind,  the  people  are  not  in 
the  jHisitlon  with  rrgard  to  providing  for  tlieir  owti  cducjition 
which  the  people  of  thin  country  eujoy,  and  the  eiliuation 
wliich  tlicy  have  proviiled  themselves  with,  the  Oovemment 
ha^  taken  from  them,  supplying  do  lulequatc  xysteni  in  iti 
place.  The  people  of  India  are  in  a  state  of  poverty,  and 
of  docay,  unexampled  in  the  uiiuulit  of  the  country  under 
their  native  nilersi.  From  their  poverty  the  Government 
wrings  a  gros*  revenue  of  mure  than.  29,000,000/.  sterling, 
and  out  of  tliat  2y,ooo,ooo/.,  return  to  them  66,000/.  per 
annum  for  the  purposes  of  education  I 

What  is  our  ccclfsiaaticol  establishment  in  India?  Tlirce 
bishops  and  a  proportionalc  tiumhcr  of  clergy,  coating  no 
less  than  toi,ooo/.  n-ycar  for  the  »)lc  1180  of  between  50,000 
and  60,000  Knropcans,  nearly  one-half  of  whom,  moreover — 
taking  the  anny — arc  Roman  Cathohes.  I  might  udd,  that 
in  India,  the  Govcromi-ut  showed  the  same  diM^Hminalion 
of  which   the  noble  Member  for  fclie  City  of   London  (Lotd 


2'! 


SPEBCUES  OP  JOHN  URIGUT. 


JTHB  S, 


J.  Riis?cll)  H«mc(l  to  approve  ao  mnct  tlio  other  nighi,  for, 
allhoug-li  they  give  to  one  Protestant  bishop  4,000/.  ii-year, 
with  r.jooA  a-year  more  for  expenses  and  a  ship  at  his 
diRpoKi),  anil  to  two  other  Protestant  hiNhops  hetnvt^n  zpfXil. 
nnd  3,000/.  a-yenr,  they  give  to  the  Romnn  Catholic  bishop 
a  paltry  eum  of  about  450/.  a-year.  The  Eost  India  Company 
arc  not,  pitrhaps,  herein  ho  much  tu  blame,  seeing  timt  they  do 
but  follow  the  example  nt'  what  is  going  oil  in  this  country. 

Tlu're  is  unothor  qiiestioii — perhaps  ihe  most  imiwirtant  of 
all — the  question  of  Indian  finance,  which,  somi-'how  or  ether, 
the  right  bon.  Baronet  lias  g;ot  over  in  «o  very  ianic  a  manner, 
in  80  particularly  confused  a  style,  that  bud  I  not  known 
BOmething  of  the  matter  previoitisly,  I  should  liave  learnt  very 
littla  irom  the  right  bon.  Baronet's  statement.  A  former 
Director  of  the  East  India  Cnmpiiny  hng,  on  this  unbject, 
ififiued  a  book — of  eonreo,  in  defence  of  the  Company,  Here 
are  two  or  throe  facte  extracted  from  this  book  : — Fr^im  iS^^ 
to  1S51 — gixtcL-n  yt'jirs — the  entire  net  taxation  of  ludiu  I«i« 
pmdnecd  340,756,000/, ;  the  expenditure  on  the  (Jovernment 
in  the  «aiue  period  having  been  341,676,000/. — an  amount 
somewhat  in  excess  of  the  revenue.  During  these  eixteen 
yeara  there  has  been  also  expended  on  pnhlic  works  of  all 
kindit  5,000,000/.,  anil  there  haa  ht-en  pnid,  in  dividends,  to 
the  proprietors  of  East  Intlia  ntnck,  10,080,000/.;  making 
n  tfjtal  ex]tenditure  of  35^,7,56,000/.  In  the  mmc  period  the 
Company  hast  eontmcLed  lonne  to  the  extent  of  (6,000,000/. ; 
every  farthinfj  of  which  has  gone  to  improvements,  the  etated 
extent  of  which  1  believe  to  have  been  greatly  magnified,  and 
to  i>ay  the  amiable  ladies  and  gentlemen  whoHC  votes  return 
to  Lejidenball-ttreot  those  immaculate  Direelors  whom  the 
Government  seems  no  desirous  of  eherishing.  All  expemli- 
tarc  for  improvements  of  every  kind,  and  all  diYideiidt<  (u 
Rtuckhiilders,  have  been  puid  from  loans  contracted  during 
the  laxt  Hixt<M)n  years ;  so  that  the  whole  revenue  haa  l)eon 
expended,  leaving  nothing  for  improvementx  and  nothing  for 


18S3. 


INDIA,    r. 


36 


the  Company's  dividends.     Tliia  BeemB  to  mo  a  TormiiiaUc, 

an  alarming  state  of  tbings. 

Tlift  right  hoii-  Gentleman  Bpoke  of  the  Indian  debt  cotninff 

a]Km  the  people  of  this  coimtry,  (!X])rcfisin|7  Uie  upiDion  that 

if  the  Government  of  India  were  transfvired  to  the  Crown — 

which  assnredly  it  oug'ht  to  be — thi;  debt   oug-ht  eo  to  ho 

litransfcmed.     Tbu-  di-bt  is  not  in  the  prf«?nt  Undget,  indeed, 

but  it  will  certainly-  come  before  the  House.     I  have  almidj' 

referred  to  a  memorable  speech  of  the  late  Sir  Robert  Peel 

on  this  subject,  in  1842,  just  after  he  hnd  come  into  offiue, 

and  whon,  finding'  the  eonntrv  left  by  tho  ^Vliigs  with  nn 

Exchequer  peculiarly  dtscourugiu^  to  a  Chuncellor  of  the  Ex- 

clieqiier,  he  wtw  about  to  projiuse  tliat  femporarj'  income-tax 

whieh  ha»  Hince  become  permanent,     lie  said,  after  refvrriuf^ 

lo  the  afhiirs  of  Canada  and  Chimt — 

*  Fur  the  pt]Tp<i>c  or  lirintEins  txtrnre  the  Uoum  »  full  taiA  Cfim])littc  riaw  of 

our  (tniuielsl  iiiwilion,  lu  I  firomlwd  to  do,  I  (mI  it  ta  be  my  dulj  b>  ivfur  to  » 

tqeci  whkb  bom  «f  Uto  oMupisd  liiU'O  ntlvntiua  la  iho  Udum,  tiiiV  which  1 

Ink  nf^t.  with  mdnnltg*  to  tbo  I'ublic,  bmn  iltrucuil  iwait  of  tlioir  regard 

'• — I  rBf«r  t«  Itw  (Uto  of  Indiui  finance,  •  iiubjsct  wliicb  foruicrl^  uiwd   to  bo 

llKIU]{h&  not  imaurlby  al  tlio  UMiiitloralba  uf  tiiia  Huubv.     I  Ain  quiui  nnuxD 

tlim  nuv  Appear  to  bo  na  dirvct  nnd  iiniiuMlikUi  coniivilun  ImIwmti  t)i« 

)  i>f  India  AD'l  thoHU  of  tbia  i>ouiitry  ;  Imt  tlint  would  Im  tt  npwfieial 

Tiaw  of  our  rvUlioRi  trith   India  wlijch  iihould  ninit  tho  crinBidentian  of  thia 

nbjMiL     Depend  apon  it,  If  ihu  wfWt  lA  Iiulii  Hhinlil  tiocntn*  diwrdOTwd.  if 

Dine  gr««t  eivrtion  ahoiild  bMomo  DuewMr;,  11)«b  tha  credit  of  Bnclnuil  mu*t 

■  Ita  tiMUfht  fiiFKnnl  ta  lU  lupiiart,  and  Lha  oollnteRil  And  Indlroot  «ffeoL  uf  Jl>- 

««d«M  in  Indinn  fliMnMi*  would  h*  felt  oitonMVfily  in  thia  country.     Sir,  t  tittk 

'  to  ujr  tliAi  Indian  Rnauuu  vfTun  no  ounauliiituu  for  Uiu  vtaM  of  tiimaoo  iit 

I  oonntty.      t  linltl  tn  tny  hniiil  nti  KOGf nnt  of  Uic  (iunncus  of  Indu,  wfaioli  I 

kvo  iaf*Ty  rMtaon  U>  l>*li'!v»  i«  i  rorrvot  nan.     Il  is  nuuir  <i|>  ona  month  Istcr 

hMi  our  nwD  MCOUlit*~(o  thn  jth  of  Mity.      It  aUtca  th«  kttim  roroniio  if 

Indk,  with  the  chargM  on  it ;  the  InttraW  of  the  dvht ;  tb»  atirplu*  ruTeoiii>, 

and  tlie  chnrgcs  p^id  on  it  in  EnKlnnd  ;  and  Ihcro  arc  two  coltunni  whiob  son- 

.  tlie  net  mrpluii  iml  the  net  deficit.     In  tie  je*x  ending  Ma;,  I)t,t6,  lliAro 

n  inriiliu  of  t,£3a,oooi.  from  the  Indun  raTeono.     In  tho  year  «nding 

Ilia  5th  of  Mnyi  l8.t7>  thire  w«en  auriilui  of  1,100.000'-,  which  wna  rcdun,-'] 

ispidly  in  tlie  jroni  nndine  May,  iRjS,  Ut  one  rHio.OOal.     In  tha  year  eudlug 

tliefth  '>f  Mny,  1^39,  U><  eurpttis  fall  tA  Hf.oaol. ;  in  llio  yvar  ending  the  5tb 

of  Mny,  1840,  the  luJancc  of  the  ncmunb  otuuifceil,  *nd  an  Inr  front  Ihero  l>otut{ 

I^Hiy  (iirpluR,  iti«<  de'lcit  011  tli«  Induin  r«T«(iu«  wwq  1.414,000'.     I  Aiu  afraid  [ 

CMDot  ml<aUl«  Uie  dclial  fo»  the  year  tndin«  May,  i^t,  though  it  d«F«tide 


so 


SPEECUES  OF  JOHN  EHIGHT. 


wv%  3, 


at  pTONiii pari]; on  Mtimate.  nt  mucb  l«B  tluui  3,3.14,000!.  TLe  Bwiuc.  tlwii, 
■rill  tiuar  in  mmtl.  that  in  fuIfiliiirRi  of  chit  Awij  I  Iihtu  unilcrtaki-n.  I  {inracnt 
to  th^im  llin  iloJ)<;it  in  thiii  r-onntry  for  tlii>  riim^t  JfAT  to  tlin  ainfliinl  tX 
3.)5OAO0l.,  mth  n  (wrtniii  prwimct  of  >  defidl  Tor  ills  Dcst  yc&r  to  ttio  luniiiint 
of  »t  iaiut  i,4;o,ocol.,  indcpcmlitnlil}'  af  thn  incnwao  U  bo  ■uqiEcti.'doiiaccoaDl 
«f  Ohinnanil  Af^iLnUtan,  And  th»1  in  ludiit,  that  gruAt  poKion  of  i>ur  Empire, 
T  ahmr  k  doAcit  on  tlio  tno  liut  fiukra  viliicli  will  )>ri)SnliIy  nitt  he  Icn  th.^n 
4, 700^000!. '—[.1  i/ofuurd,  l(i.  4iH-Si.] 

Now,  ttiis  dt'lieit  bus  ui  the  period  wnce  1843  Itepu  Browin;? 
every  year,  with  the  exception  of  two  yrars,  when,  frnm 
ntvidt-iital  aiid  pretamous  c-ireumstanocs,  a  surpkig  of  K-twei-n 
300,000/.  and  400,0001'.  was  mndc  out.  The  couph*  of  deficit 
lias  now,  however,  been  resumed,  and  there  is  probably  no 
on(!  in  UiiH  House  or  in  tbv  country  but  Uic  rij^ht  lion. 
Premdent  of  the  Board  of  Control,  who  does  not  perceive 
that  the  Burmese  war  will  materially  aggravate  tlie  amount 
of  tlint  deficit.  "Where  is  this  t*  end  ?  When  the  Board 
of  Cuntrut  was  iinst  oetabliEhed,  the  debt  viv^b  8,000,000/. ; 
in  1825  it  was  25,000,000/.;  in  1829  it  was  34,000,000/.; 
in  183(5,  37,000,000/,;  in  1843,  36,000,000/.;  in  1849, 
44,ooo,coo/. ;  in  i8_53,  47,000,000/.;  and  now,  tnchiding 
thtf  bond  debt  at  home  and  the  debt  iu  India,  it  is  about 
51,000,000/.  Th«  military  expenditure  of  India  has  increased 
since  the  lart  Chart«r  Act  from  8,000,000/.  a-yc«r  to  more 
than  1 2,000,000/.  a-yi*ar,  and  now  forms  no  letJs  than  ^d 
per  oenl,  of  the  whole  expenditure.  I  believe  that  if  the 
Indian  Government  would  endeavour  to  improve  the  con- 
dition of  the  people  hy  attending-  to  economic  jirnciplcs,  by 
eBtablishing"  better  metins  of  communication,  by  promoting 
Irrij^ation,  and  by  affording  facilities  for  education,  tbo  Indian 
population  wotild  nt  once  he  convinceil  that  there  was  a  feel- 
ing of  Hympathy  enterljiincd  towards  them  on  tlie  part  of 
their  rulers  and  conquerors,  and  the  idea— which  I  l)eHcve 
prevails  very  cxteuaively— that,  we  held  India  more  tvitb  the 
ohjeet  of  extorting  taxation  than  of  benefiting  the  people, 
would  fli]ieedily  be  removed. 

When  I  come  to  consider  Ihe  nraount  of  the  revenue,  nnd 


1833. 


IXDIA.     /. 


27 


ila  prMSore  upon  the  population,  I  think  I  can  show  a  state 

of  things  exittting-  in  Indin  which  rannot  Tic  paralleled  in  any 

other  country  in  the  world.     The  evidtrnce  of  Mr.  Davica 

and  Mr.  Steivarl,,  collectorK  in  Guzerat,  ahows  tliat  in  that 

district  the  atiual  taxation  varies  from  <So  to  go  per  cent. 

Upon  t]i«  gTOii»  produce  of  the  boiI.     Sir.  Campbell  calculates 

the  gross  revenue  of  India  at  uhont  27,000,000/. ;   and  Mr. 

Kaye,  a  r«;eiit  authority^  who,  1  presume,  wrote  Iiis  book 

at    1h<!  India    Huinu!,   states    that    the    gross  revenue   wiw 

49,coo,coo^.  The  Und  revenue  is  1  a,ooo,ooo/.  or  ( 3,cxx),ooo/. ; 

and  althoujch  the  Government  took,  or  intended  to  take,  all 

the  rent,  it  is  not  half  enough  for  tlium,  and  they  ure  obliged 

to  take  as  oitich  more  from  other  source!)  in  order  to  enable 

tltcm  to  mnintnin  their  entabtisfaineiitB.     I  mention  this  fact 

fco  show  the  enormous  expense  of  the  Indian  Government, 

and   the   impossibility  of  nvoiiiin<>^  a  gjeat  and    dan^rons 

financial  criRiR  unle-<4S  fiome  alteration  \»  made  in  the  present 

^stem.     Mr.  Campbell,  i;[teaking  of  the    Indian    rcvcnneK 

under  the  Mofr«l  Princes,  lays — 

•Tho  vnlue  of  ffwiil,  blmor,  &c.,  ifc<-n>«  to  liare  Ijocn  miinh  llio  »ani''  u»  now 
— tliBt  n,  inliuUvly  c)i43iL|ior  tlinii  in  Eiin>{iii ;  uiil,  certunljr,  in  coinpnriuin  to 
l)u>  prioo  of  L(b<i>ur  nod  all  Rrticl<a  vt  outiJ>iiiii|itiuii,  th«  rei-enuc  of  tba  M»Ktili 
iniut  )Mrp  bem  luorv  cfTrL-iivu  tlioii  ilitit  u(  auy  nimlsrn  8tA(« — I  sncttii  llint  ll 
msktilHl  thnm  to  comnuiiit  moiv  men  and  luiuiiea,  anil  to  Lave  k  e'*"'^'' 
■urplaH.' 

1  would  ask  llie  Honw  to  imagine  that  nil  steam  engines,  and 
all  applicntions  of  mechanical  power,  were  banished  from  this 
country  ;  that  we  were  utterly  dependent  upon  mere  uintiual 
labour.  What  would  yon  think  if  the  Chancfllor  of  the 
Excliequor,  under  sueh  circamstanecs,  endeavoured  to  levy 
the  same  taxation  which  is  now  borue  by  the  conntrj*? 
IVom  one  end  of  India  to  the  other,  with  very  trilling  excep- 
tions, there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  stenm  engine;  but  this 
poor  population,  without  a  steam  engine,  without  anything 
like  linrt>Tat«  tools,  are  pulled  upon  to  l>ear,  1  will  venture  to 
Myj  the  very  heaviest  taxation  nndcr  which  any  people  ever 


SPEECHES  OP  JOUy  BRIGHT. 


JCXB    3, 


eulTcrccl  vrilh  ttii'  some  mrmis  nf  paj-ing  it.  Yet  the  whule  of 
thiii  money,  raised  from  eo  poor  a  })opiiI»lion,  whioti  would  in 
India,  liwy  four  timfi:  an  uiuoh  labotip,  miJ  four  titneti  bh  mueh 
of  the  productions  of  the  country,  ns  it  would  «litiuii  in 
i'ing'laiid,  \b  not  ciiougli  to  keep  up  tlie  eekililishmcnts  of  the 
GovenimeDt;  for  during  the  lost  EixUicti  yuan  the  ludian 
tiovemment  has  horron-ed  16,000,000/.  to  pay  the  dividends 
to  the  proprietors  in  England. 

TIiu  opium  question  has  been  nlluded  to  by  the  rijfht  hon. 
CJentlcujau  (Sir  C.Wood).  I  must  say  1  do  not  know  any  one 
connected  with  Chinn,  or  at  all  acqnainled  with  tho  Rulytict, 
who  IK  not  of  opinion  that  tiiu  opium  revenue  ik  very  near  \\» 
termination.  Even  the  favourite  nuthorit^-  of  the  President  of 
the  Board  ofControl,  Mr.  Mttr8hmun,doc1aro<l  hi^  opinion  that 
India  was  on  the  verfjeof  ei  sreal  llnaiicial  crisis.  Whether  tlie 
present  Cliinesc  (Jovcrnment  retains  its  power,  or  the  insiir- 
g'eiit«  be  successful  and  a  new  dynasty  he  established,  the 
scruple  Hgainet  the  importation  of  opium  into  China  from 
India  hnvinfj  onw  been  removed,  the  triineition  to  the  growth 
of  tlie  drug  in  China  ie  very  eapy,  and  there  can  Bcarccly  bo 
a  do'ubt  that  o])ium  will  boou  Le  us  exl4.'']i8ively  cultivated  in 
that  country  aa  ever  it  was  in  Indin.  This  mi^ht  very  soon 
produce  a  loss  of  3,000,000/.  of  revenue  to  the  Eaat  ludiu 
Company.  There  has  nh-eady  been  an  annual  deficit  jn  the 
rcn-nuca  of  the  i^uiit  India  Com]>aDy  for  the  hist  lilluen  years ; 
the)-  have  to  hciir  the  cost  of  a  Ihirnieeo  war ;  and  the  ntinexa- 
tion  nf  new  territory  will  only  bring  npun  them  an  increased 
cliargi*,  for  Pegn  will  probably  never  re|»iiy  its  expeuses,  and  jet 
they  have  the  prospect  of  losing  3,ocx3,ooo/.  of  their  revenue 
within  a  very  few  years.  Now.  what  would  the  Chancellor  of 
the  Extihexjuer  say  if  the  Pirsridcnt  of  the  Board  of  Control  came 
to  tliat  House  and  propoBed  (o  raise  a  loan  upon  tho  ere^lit  of 
this  eoimtry  for  tho  pnrpose  of  mntutoining  our  territory  in 
India?  Would  it  not  be  better  at  once  to  a^crrtAin  whether 
the  principlefi  and  policy  on  which  wp  have  hitherto  proreeded 


18S». 


TKPIA.    r. 


h»Te  nob  Ixjcn  faulty  ?  SImuUl  we  not  rather  endeavour 
to  reduce  onr  expen<litiire,  to  employ  cliea{>er  labour,  to  in- 
civaee  tlie  m«iiis  of  c>r>mniuni(!ation  in  In(]in,  which  would 
cmilile  119  to  di!<[t(>iiR(>  with  a  portion  of  our  Iroopa,  »ud 
to  mnkc  it  a  rule  ih&i  the  Govcraor-Geoeral  sboutd  hare 
more  hononr  when  he  came  lionii',  for  not  haviu^  cst^mded 
hy  an  acre  tlic  tf-Tritory  of  our  In(lin.n  poBitessions,  than  if  he 
had  a(ld(4  a  provinw  or  a  kingdom  Ui  tlioiu  ? 

ITxe  plan  prupOBod  by  the  Pnwidcnt  of  the  Board  of 
Control  appear?  to  mo  very  closely  to  rl^»^ellhlc  that  which 
ensh)  at  prcM^t.  The  reeult,  so  far  on  regards  tiiv  rc^l 
C|Up9tion,  nhout  which  the  pnblic  an^  most  intereated,  is 
this,  tJuit  tlte  Iwwity-fuur  gentlemen  who  are  (lirwctore  of 
the  Kaftt.  India  Coinpnn\'  arc,  I»y  a  procosfi  of  self-immola- 
tion, to  bo  rtxiuced  to  fifteen.  1  think  ttiia  reduction  will 
be  one  of  the  most  atrif-tinv  8ceuc-s  in  tlit-  history  of  the 
Ooremment  of  India.  .As  the  Ea«t  India  Com|»any  kwp 
a  »Titer  to  rword  their  history,  I  hcii>e  they  al*>  keep  an 
artiat  to  jfive  us  an  historical  paintinj;  of  thia  jjreat  event. 
ThcTo  wf  shall  ecc  the  hon.  Mombor  for  Oiiildford  {Mr. 
Mangles),  tlie  hon.  Member  for  Honiton  (Sir  J.  W.  Hogg), 
one  of  Uie  lion.  Memberji  for  the  City  of  Ijtuidou,  and  the 
other  direetnrK,  meeting  together,  and  hwkiiifj  mufh  hko 
iihipwr>ecked  men  in  a  boat  cjuftiug  lots  who  should  be  tlirown 
overboard.  To  the  fifteen  directors  who  are  to  remain,  tliree 
others  are  to  be  added,  and  the  result  will  he  that,  instead  of 
having  twenty-four  {^ritlemeii  sitting  in  lA-adcntmll-streel, 
tu  manage  the  atfairs  in  India,  there  will  be  eighteen.  The 
present  eonntitneney  i»  so  bad  that  nothing  tlie  President  of 
the  Board  of  Control  can  do  eon  make  it  wot«c  ;  but  as  that 
right  hon.  (ieutleinan  llnJs  it  iinpod^ihle  to  make  it  better, 
be  lets  the  conRtitueney  remain  as  it  vtoA.  Tlie  right  hon. 
Baronet  proposes  that  the  CrowTi  should  appoint  six  members 
of  the  Board  who  liave  been  at  least  ten  years  in  fndia,  so  that 
there  may  at  all  events  he  that  number  of  geuUemcn  at  the 


so  SPEECHES  OF  JOOX  B&IQUT.  ju.i ». 

Board  fit  for  the  reeponsiblB  ofHce  in  which  they  are  pliKuxL 
Bui  tltig  is  an  atlnusgiun  thut  the  remaiuiii^  tn'elvt>  membera 
of  the  Board  nro  not  fit  for  their  office.  Tbey  Iiave  Iwo 
ingrodicnts — the  oimj  wholesome,  th«  othor  jwisonous;  but 
there  arc  two  drojw  of  poison  to  one  of  whoK-mnie  nutriment, 
lilt?  right  hnn.  Ut'nblcmmi  mixes  them  logi?t)ier,  und  tlien 
wiuit^  Fbrlixtnent  ilimI  the  country  to  believe  that  he  ha»  [tm- 
poBcd  a  great  measure. 

As  r^ards  the  right  hon.  Gentleman's  speech,  1  must  say 
that  I  have  never  heard  so  great  a  one — I  mean  aa  to  len^li  — 
where  the  result,  so  far  us  Uie  reul  tliiiiy  ubuut  whieii  [leople 
winh  to  know,  was  so  littlf.  The  twelve  gentlemen  ap- 
pointed by  the  present  oonptitucncy  are  degraded  alreiuly  by 
the  right  hoo.  Gentleman's  declaration,  that  they  aro  not 
elected  in  a  eatUfactory  manner,  and  tliat  tliey  nrc  not  fit 
l)ersonB  for  the  government  of  India.  They  arc,  iu  fitict, 
bankers  and  brewers,  and  men  of  all  sorts,  in  the  City  of 
London,  who  titid  it  their  interest  to  gvt  into  the  Court  iif 
Directors — no  matter  by  what  ehaiincl — ^Iteeaiifie  it  iwlds  to 
the  busiDces  of  their  bank,  or  whatever  else  may  be  tb«  iinder- 
tftkiug  in  which  they  are  engaged ;  but  wlio  hare  no  sjieciat 
(jualtJieution  fiir  the  government  of  India.  If  tJie  Government 
thinks  it  right  to  have  nx  good  direetors,  h>t  them  alnjIiKh 
the  twelve  bad  ones.  Then  it  appears  that  the  Secret  Deparb- 
nacQt  is  to  be  retained.  Speaking  of  this,  Mr.  Kayo,  quoting 
the  aatiiority  of  Mr.  Tucker,  a  dietinguisbed  director,  said  it 
nu  no  more  than  a  Hccrctar^'  and  a  eeal.  Next  cornea  a  moat 
ertrnordinary  propo»ition.  Hitherto  the  directors  have  under- 
gone nil  the  hanlship  of  governing  India  for  300^,  a-year ; 
but  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  now  proposes  to  mine  their 
vagM  by  4/.  per  week  each.  I  must  tsay,  thut  if  this  Ixxly 
18  to  be  Buloricd  at  all,  and  ia  nob  to  have  the  profit  of  tJie 
pAtrooage  enjoyed  hy  the  jiresent  Government,  notliing  can 
lie  worse  economy  tiiAQ  tbiii,  with  a.  view  to  obtaining  a  body 
which  shall  oomnund  the  ro^cot,  and  have  the  amount  of 


1«M. 


ZiTDlA.    I. 


81 


inSuenoe,  roqtiisite  ibr  conducting  the  Oovcrnnitnit  of  India. 
Sixteen  of  tlie  dirertor*,  receiviu^  ^fjoo?.  a-year  each — why, 
Uiey  would  have  t<i  pay  their  clerks  much  more ! — and  the 
chiLirman  and  tlin  dt-]iiitT-4?hairmnn  1,000/,  a-ye«r  aich.  The 
whole  of  tho  rig:bt  hon.  Geatk-niua'B  echeme  eoems  to  bear 
the  marks  cif — I  aoi  ahaosi  afraid  to  say  wbatj  hut  he-  iwema 
U>  have  trkil  to  pU-asf  rvcry  om-  in  framing:  hia  jp-t-at  pmi>o. 
ritinn,  and  at  liLst  luie  landed  the  Uoiise  in  a  sort  of  half 
mcosum,  which  neither  the  East  India  Company  nor  India 
want?.  If  1  had  mude  a  t^peech  eucli  as  the  rif^t  boa. 
Getitkinan  hjut  ddivcrtid,  and  belii.T«i  what  be  eaid,  I  would 
luiTC  the  Indian  Government  as  it  is;  but  if  I  thought  it 
neoesssry  to  alter  ilio  Oovemmeut,  I  woidd  do  bo  on  principle 
essentially.  Tlic  rifjht  hon.  Gentleman  is  afraid  ftf  hrinffins: 
tile  Government  of  India  under  the  jwtliority  of  the  Crown. 
What,  I  ehould  like  to  know,  would  liave  been  done  if  India 
had  been  conquered  by  tii«  troojw  of  the  Cmwu  ?  We  should 
tlien  never  have  sent  mvas  thirty  men  into  a  liyc-street  of 
XjodiIuii  to  dititrihute  patronage  and  govern  a  gnat  country. 
The  Government  of  India  would  then  have  been  made  n 
department  of  the  Go%'cmmcnt,  with  a  Council  and  a  Minister 
(ff  State.  But  it  appears  tliat  the  old  system  of  hocus-pocns 
18  still  to  be  carried  on. 

This  is  no  tjuefctlon  of  Manche»ter  a^inst  Emmx — of  town 
ngainst  country — of  Church  a^n«t  Nonconformity.  It  is  a 
question  in  which  we  all  have  an  interest,  and  iu  which  our 
children  may  b«  luori;  det-ply  interested  than  we  are  oiirsL-lvw*. 
Should  anything  go  wrong  with  the  flnancen,  we  munt  War 
the  burden;  or  sbouM  tlio  poople  of  India  by  our  treatment 
lie  goaded  into  iunurreetion,  we  must  rcoonfjuer  the  owuntr}',  or 
be  iKiiominiottsly  driven  out  of  it.  I  will  not  be  a  party  to 
a  istatc  of  tliin;^  which  might  lead  lo  the  writing:  of  a  narra- 
tive  like  this  on  the  history  of  our  relations  with  that  emj)iro. 
Let  the  House  utterly  disregaiTl  the  predictions  of  mischief 
likely  to  result  from  sucli  a  chon^  iu  the  Government  of 


zi 


SPEECHES  OF  JOUtT  BEfGUT. 


JUKKS, 


India  u  that  w)i  irh  I  ndvorat^.  When  the  trade  was 
thrcum  open,  and  the  Company  ww  dqirivod  of  the  monoptily 
of  carryinfij  tliey  said  tlie  Cliiin'in;  would  ]»oi«>n  1ht>  tt\i. 
T'hcre  is  nothing  t«o  outrageous  or  ridk-uloiis  tW  the  Com- 
pany to  say  in  order  to  prevent  llie  Legislature  from  placinjf 
aSairs  on  a  more  honest  footing.  I  objwt  to  the  Bill,  l)Ocau!>c 
— as  the  ri^ht  lion.  Gentloman  admitted — it  maintains  ii 
douhle  Government.  In  tlic  uuetatesmanlikL-  course  which 
the  right  hon.  Gcullenimi  is  pursnin^,  he  will,  no  doubt, 
he  especially  hacked  by  the  noble  Lord  the  Mt-mher  for 
London,  T  only  fti«h  thnt  Pomc  of  the  yonnper  hlond  in  the 
Cabinet  might  h«v<!  hiul  thrir  way  upon  this  tjiiortion.  No- 
thing CAU  induce  me  to  believe,  after  tlie  evidence  whiob  is 
hefure  tb«  public,  that  tliis  measure  liue  the  approbution  of 
an  united  Cabinet.  It  is  not  pn&sible  that  thirteen  swisible 
gentlemen,  who  have  any  prefensions  to  form  n  C'dnuet,  enultl 
agree  to  a  monsure  of  thitt  nature.  1  am  monj  anxtoiut  than 
I  can  express  that  Parlinmcnt  efaould  Icgi^lntc  rightly  in  this 
matter,  LH  us  aet  so  at  tliis  juncture  that  it  may  Ih'  »iid 
of  U9  liereaf^er — that  whatever  crimes  England  originally 
uommlttwl  in  ooni|uering  India,  she  at  lenst  made  tlic  be^t 
of  her  prwition  by  governing  the  oountry  as  u-iscly  »«  poesible, 
and  left  the  records  and  traces  ofa  humane  and  liberal  sway. 

I  rceoUcct  having  heard  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for 
Tiverton  (Viiiconnt  Palnierston)  deliver  in  this  House  one  of 
the  best  speeches  T  ever  listened  to.  On  that  wcasion  the 
iioble  Lord  gloried  in  the  pii>ud  name  of  England,  :i]id,  puint- 
ing  to  the  fteeurity  with  which  an  Englishman  might  travel 
abroad,  be  triumphed  in  the  idea  that  his  eountr\'mon  might 
exclaim,  in  the  epirit  of  the  ancient  Roman,  OVm  H^munus 
mm.  Let  us  not  resemble  the  Romiin!*  merely  in  our  national 
privileges  and  pcrmnal  »oo«rity.  Tlie  Itomau^  "wore  great 
conquerors,  bnt  where  they  conquered,  they  governed  wisely. 
Tlic  nations  they  conquered  were  imprcsswl  so  indelibly  with 
the  intellectual  character  of  their  marten,  that,  afU'r  fourteen 


1868.  INDIA.     I.  33 

centuries  of  decadence,  the  traces  of  ciTilisation  are  still 
distingTiishable.  "Why  should  not  we  act  a  similar  part  in 
India  ?  There  never  was  a  more  docile  people,  never  a  more 
tractable  nation.  The  opportunity  is  present,  and  the  power 
is  not  wanting.  Let  ns  abandon  tlie  policy  of  aggression, 
and  confine  ourselves  to  a  territory  ten  times  the  size  of 
France,  with  a  population  four  times  as  numerous  as  that 
of  the  United  Kingdom.  Surely  that  is  enough  to  satisfy 
the  most  gluttonous  appetite  for  glory  and  supremacy.  Edu- 
cate the  people  of  India,  govern  them  wisely,  and  gradually 
the  distinctions  of  caste  vrill  disappear,  and  they  will  look 
upon  us  rather  as  benefactors  than  as  conquerors.  And  if  we 
desire  to  see  Christianity,  in  some  form,  professed  in  that 
countiy,  we  shall  sooner  attain  our  object  by  setting  the 
example  of  a  high-toned  Christian  morality,  than  by  any 
other  means  we  can  employ. 


•"lgB'2>" 


VOL.  I. 


INDIA. 

II. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  JUNE  24,  1858. 
From  Hansard. 

[After  the  EmppreaBion  of  the  Indian  mutiny,  Lord  Palmerston's  Government 
determined  to  iatroduce  a  Bill  the  object  of  which  whs  to  plnce  the 
poneorioDS  of  the  Enat  India  Company  under  the  direct  authority  of  the 
Crown.  This  Bill  was  introduced  by  Lord  Palmerston  on  February  la. 
But  the  Government  fell  a  few  days  Afterwards,  on  the  Conspiracy  Bill,  and 
Lord  Palmerstoa's  Bill  was  withdrawn.  On  March  36  the  new  Govemment 
introdnced  their  own  Bill,  which  was  known  as  the  India  Bill  No.  2.  The 
chief  peculiarity  of  thiu  Bill  was  that  five  members  in  the  proposed  council 
of  eighteen  shoald  be  chosen  by  the  constituencies  of  the  foUowing  cities : — 
London,  Manchester,  Liverpool,  Gtaagow,  and  Belfiut.  The  scheme  was 
unpopular,  and  Lord  Russell  proposed  that  it  should  be  withdrawn,  and  that 
resolutdoDS  should  be  passed  in  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  the  accept- 
ance of  which  might  prove  a  guide  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Govemraent. 
The  suggestion  was  accepted  by  Mr.  Disraeli,  and  in  consequence  India  Bill 
No.  3  was  brought  in,  and  read  a  second  time  on  June  14.'] 

I  DO  not  rifle  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the  second  readiag 
of  this  Bill— on  the  contrary,  if  any  hon.  Member  thinks 
proper  to  divide  the  House  upon  it,  I  shall  vote  with  the 
noble  Lord.  I  must  say,  however,  that  there  are  many 
clauses  in  the  BiU  to  which  I  entertain  serious  objections. 
Some  of  them  will,  I  hope,  be  amended  as  the  Bill  passes 
through  Committee;  but  if  that  is  not  the  case,  I  can  only 
hope  that,  as  the  Bill  of  1853  is  abandoned  in  1858,  within 
the  next  five  years  the  House  of  Commons  will  take  some 
further  steps  with  regard  to  this  question,  with  the  view  of 

D  3 


3G 


Si'EKvnKS  OF  JOHN  BltlOUT. 


JDNSU, 


Kimplifyiug  the  Ooveminetit  of  ludia  »b  carried  on  in  Eiig- 
laod.  1  winh  to  take  this  opportunity  of  making  some  obser- 
vntions  upon  the  general  queetiou  of  Indian  govemmcnt, 
which  it  tnig-lit  have  been  out  of  phice  t*)  have  voiAi:  during 
tht!  Ji&ciui^iui)  of  thu  variout;  Kvsolutinns  which  have  been 
agreed  to  by  tlie  House. 

I  thiiik  it  must  Iiave  struck  every  hon.  Member  that, 
whilfl  two  Govoninionts  have  p!'o[Hi9ed  grout  changes  with 
regard  to  the  goveratnoiit  of  Iiidia,  no  gw>d  ca^u  has  really 
been  made  out  for  euch  changes  in  the  epecohea  of  the  uohle 
Lord  and  the  right  hon,  Gi-ntleman  hy  whom  the  two  India 
liitts  hiive  been  introdueed.  That  opinion,  I  know,  will  meet 
with  11  roi^poasti  fmui  two  or  tbrL>o  hon.  G(!ntlcini'n  on  thia 
(the  Opposition)  side  of  the  House.  It  occurred  to  mc  wheii 
the  nnhh-  Lnnl  al  the  head  of  the  late  Oflvemment  (Viscount 
Palmorstou]  intioduoed  his  Bill — und  I  made  the  obiseTvatioD 
when  tlie  present  Chancellor  of  the  Excherjuer  brought  for- 
wnnl  bis  measure — that  if  tlie  House  knew  no  more  of  tho 
question  than  they  learned  from  the  speeches  gf  the  Miiiietcrs, 
ihey  euuld  not  form  any  clear  notion  why  it  wiw  pnjpoBcd  to 
overthrow  the  East  India  Company.  Tlie  hon.  Member  for 
Guildford  (Mr.  Mangles)  has  expressed  a  similar  opinion 
scvenil  times  during  the  progrcse  of  these  discussions.  The 
right  hon.  Member  for  Carli»le  (Sir  Jumeit  Gnihiuu)  hitti  also 
said  that  tlic  Euet  India  Company  was  being  dealt  with  in  a 
manner  in  which  animals  intended  for  sacrilice  were  treattfd 
in  EaBfern  countries  and  in  ancient  times, — -they  were  decked 
witli  gurlandit  when  they  were  led  out  fur  immolation.  That 
is  true;  but  it  does  not  therefore  follow  that  the  House 
is  not  quite  right  in  the  course  it  is  Caking.  It  must  be 
dear  that  the  moment  the  House  of  Cwmmona  met  this 
Sesaion  there  was  only  one  course  which  the  then  Govern- 
ment could  adopt  with  referenc©  to  this  question.  A  feeling 
ei[iHt(.-d  thruughout  the  country — I  bulie^'c  I  may  eay  it  waa 
iinivemal — tliat   for  a   long  time  past   Ihe    govenimeiit    of 


issy 


iJiDIA.     II. 


37 


India  hnd  not  bwn  a  good  govornineat;  tbal  grave  (Errors 
— if  ttot  grievous  crimes — had  I>ccn  committed  in  that 
conntr}*.  I  tliink  t.lic  conscience  of  the  natiou  bud  been 
louvbed  oo  Ibtif  qiicetiou.  and  tliey  come  by  a  leap,  &%  it 
were — by  an  irrepressible  instinct— to  the  cuncluKion  tliat  tlio 
£asC  IndiA  Coiii|mny  mmst  be  abnliBlie<l,  and  tliat  another 
and,  a»  the  nation  hoped,  n  better  goTCrnment  should  be 
cstabliahod  for  that,  conntry.  Tliere  was  a  ^ncral  imprcs- 
sioDf  arising'  from  port  discussiou  in  Parltnment,  that  the 
indiutrjr  of  the  people  of  India  had  l»een  grievously  neglected; 
that  there  vrag  groat  reason  for  complaint  with  respect  to  the 
adroinietration  of  justice;  and  that  with  regard  to  the  wars 
entered  into  by  the  Indian  Government,  tJit-rc  waa  much  of 
which  the  people  of  England  had  reason  to  be  ashamed. 

It  has  been  miid  by  i»niL*  thnt  these  fatilte  arc  to  be  attri- 
hutt>il  to  the  Board  of  Conti-nl;  hut  I  have  never  defended 
the  Bonrd  of  Control.  1  believe  everything  the  Enst  India 
CoDipeiiy  has  said  of  the  Board  of  Control — to  it^  discredit; 
and  I  believe  that  everything  the  Board  of  Control  hn^  said 
to  the  diwredli  of  tlio  East  India  Company  to  be  perfenl-ly 
true.  Tliere  was  also  a  general  imprfssion  thiit  the  expendi- 
tnt*  of  the  East  India  Government  wa«  exoessnve ;  and  that 
it  had  been  proved  before  more  than  one  Committee  that  the 
taxes  imposed  upon  the  people  of  Intlia  were  onerous  to  tlic 
last  dc^^ree.  'Diese  Bubjects  were  discussed  in  1853,  at  which 
lime,  in  my  opinion,  tlio  t-hangp  now  j^roposcd  onght  to 
have  been  effected.  Snbaequently  the  calamitouB  events  of 
1857  and  185S  oct-urrcd;  and  the  nation  came  at  once  to  the 
conclusion — a  conclusion  which  1  think  no  disintereeted  per- 
son could  reei)it — that  it  was  impossible  tluit  India  and  its 
vast  po[iu1ation  could  any  longer  he  retained  under  the  form 
of  government  which  bae  existed  up  to  this  period.  If,  then, 
a  cluui)^  was  inevitable,  the  queataoD  wok  how  it  should  be 
luxomplished  and  what  should  Ite  done,  I  think  it  is  quite 
clear  that  the  miiree  tlu'  uoble  Lord  has  pursued  \%  riglit — 


S8  SPKECIIES  OF  JOnS  nUWUT.         jcFiM. 

nnmoly,  thnt  of  iusisting  that  daring  thi»(  prcseut  S«»i&iuii, 
nod  without  delay,  the  foundation  of  all  refoi-m  in  the  govern- 
ment of  India  should  li>e  cammpnced  at  home,  l)C<aiise  we 
t-annot  take  a  eingle  atfji  in  tin-  direction  of  auy  real  iind 
l>ennaufnt  improvement  in  the  Indian  Oovornmcnt  until  wc 
have  refbriued  w}iat  I  ma.y  call  the  basis  of  thnt  Govern- 
mpnt  by  changes  to  be  eflMt^il  in  this  t-ountrj'. 

Wliat,  then,  ia  the  change  which  ie  propoBcd,  and  which 
ought  U»  be  made  ?  For  my  own  part,  in  conmdjjring  these 
queHtions,  I  cannot  altoffctlier  approve  the  Bill  now  before  the 
ITouAe.  What  we  want  with  regard  to  the  government  of 
India  is  th»t  wbieh  in  common  converi^sition  is  called  '  a  little 
more  daylight.'  Wo  want  more  simplicity  and  more  respon- 
aibility.  I  objected  to  the  t«ehemc  originally  pro|ioscd  hy  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  because  it  did  not  pronde  these 
rwiuisites;  that  scheme  so  cloeely  reKenibkd  tlie  eyslem  we 
were  about  to  overthnjw  that  I  could  not  bring  myself  t^ 
rcgaid  it  favourably.  In  considering-  the  subject  before  Pur- 
Hflment  met,  I  nuked  myself  this  queatiou  :- — '  Suppose  there 
had  never  been  an  En«t  ludia  Company  nr  any  mich  corpora- 
tion,— suppose  India  had  lieen  eouquered  by  the  forces  of  the 
Crown,  conunandeU  by  generals  acting  under  the  authority  of 
the  Crown,— how  ebuuld  we  then  have  proposed  to  govern 
distjint  dominions  of  vn^t  extent,  and  with  a  populatinn  that 
could  scarcely  be  counted?'  I  believe  snch  n  gyatem  of 
government  :i»>  ha«  hitherto  existed  would  never  have  been 
CBtabliBhed;  and  if  such  a  B^-stem  had  ii«t  existed  I  am  con- 
vinoed  that  no  Alinister  would  have  proposed  the  phrn  now 
ijubniiltcd  to  the  iiouse. 

\  think  tlie  government  would  have  been  placed  in  the 
bands  of  u  Secretary  of  State,  wilh  his  secretarius,  clerks,  and 
staffa  of  officers,  or  of  a  email  Board,  ho  emnll  ab  to  prevent 
responsibility  from  being  diffused  und  divided,  if  not  actually 
destroyol.  I  suspect  that  the  only  reason  why  the  Country  or 
Parliament  can  W  di»pi»ed  to  approve  the  large  Council  now 


ISDIA.     If. 


SB 


proprtsed  is,  that  tliey  bare  seen  somethiKg  like  a  Council 
heretofore,  formiTly  of  twcoty-four,  and  eubwHiuently  of 
eighteen  members,  and  I  believe  there  \st  sometliiug  like 
Hmidity  on  thy  ])art  of  tbe  Hoiise,  and  probably  on  the  part 
of  Uio  Governinent,  wbicOi  htndeni  them  from  making  «o 
)freat  n  change  nfi  I  have  suggested  to  the  simple  plan  which 
woiilil  probably  have  existed  had  no  such  body  as  the  Kost 
India  Compuuy  ever  been  estiiblisbed.  I  am  wilhng  to  admit 
candidly  that  if  the  government  of  India  at  home  should  ho 
m  gTcndy  Amplified  it  will  he  newssary  that  very  importjint 
changes  should  l>e  made  in  the  government  in  India.  I 
agree  with  the  nohlc  [<nrd  (Loixl  Stanley^  that  the  represen- 
tnlives  of  the  Crown  in  India  must  have  power  as  well  as  re- 
sponsibility ;  that  they  should  be  enabled  to  deal  with  emer> 
^ncies;  and  to  ttettle  the  hnndred  or  the  thoitRand  qiiestioiia 
(hilt  mtist  arise  among  i  oo,oco,ooo  of  people,  without  sending 
10,000  mileH  to  thi«i  country  to  ask  qiiestjous  which  ought  to 
be  settled  at  onx-u  by  some  comjictent  authority  on  the  Hpot. 

llirre  are  two  inode«  of  governing  India,  and  the  lion. 
Member  fur  LeomiuHter  (Mr.  Willuugliby),  n'liu  has  been  a 
very  distinguished  strvftnt  of  the  East  India  Company,  ha« 
poblicly  expressed  hi«  vievre  upon  this  question.  I  have  been 
very  niiich  struck  with  a  note  attached  to  the  published 
report  of  his  speei-b,  referring  to  the  multifarioui*  duties  dia- 
diaiged  by  the  Directors  of  tlie  East  India  Company.  That 
note  states  that — 

'A  denpateti  nuty  be  reocireil,  cnntiininj  Aa,  mr  too,  or  :do  cm«b  ;  tiitd  tlie 
dofpatoli.  Id  Itmlf  voltitnliionR.  is  ronilereii  inora  w  I15  eolloctiflnii  Alloclieil  to 
It,  ounteining  cnpiva  of  k11  fonnor  cnmvpotiiliiDO*  on  tbo  MUliJAct  or  mbj^eta, 
«nil  of  «11  loU<!ni  wriiion  tlitrnm  by  T&rioiia  looil  offioeni,  ant!  nil  )):tj>am  ro- 
kthig  tlwrvto^  Th*ra  Iim  not  loii^'  linon  liMtn  in  tlis  llav«niie  Dvpkrtuieiit  * 
<Uap«loh  with  i(.i6j  ytifc™  ofvollectiDCia.  In  1S45  tlirr*  wb*  ons  in  lltfi  Mtmo 
DepArtiuant  vitfa  46.003  pn^a.  Mkd  it  «nu  itatoil  lb«t  Mr.  Csnniue,  tome 
ye^n  rioM  in  thu  Houw  orCAmniMut,  innitlontxl  a  inilitary  il«a|ntcli  Co  ■whti'h 
w*r«KtMWI  1.1. 5I<  jMitiin  af  t«IIection*.' 

The  hon.  Gentleman  did  not  say  in  hia  speech  that  anyI»ody 
at  the  India  House  ever  read  all  thm*  tbingr>.     It  was  quite 


in 


SPEECIISS  OV  JOJiy  liHIGIiT. 


JUXE  24, 


clear  tbnt  if  tho  Directors  were  to  pretend  to  ^  tliroiigh 
»  wag^gon-load  of  tlocumciite  comiug  to  Leaden  Iiall-strcet 
every  yenr  it  must  be  only  «  pretence,  and  if  th«y  waut  to 
persuade  tlie  House  that  tliey  give  attoiitiini  lo  only  one-tenth 
part  of  tht'BC  papers  thpy  must  think  the  House  more  oredH- 
loiiB  thao  it  is  in  mattCK  of  this  kind.  Thnb  is  one  mode  of 
governing  India.  It  is  the  mode  which  has  been  adopted 
and  the  mtide  whit.'h  has  failetl.  If  we  ivrc  to  have  the 
details  settled  here,  I  am  perfectly  certain  wl'  can  have  no 
good  government  i»  Indiii.  I  have  nlhided  on  a  former 
occasion  to  a  matter  whit-'h  oceiirrcd  in  n  Committi^e  up- 
stairs. A  g:eatlvauui  who  wa»  examined  stated  that  he  had 
iiudertAken  t^o  hrow  a  whulesome  beer,  u»d  quite  ue  good 
us  that  exported  tor  the  snpply  of  the  troops,  somewhere  in 
the  Predidenoy  of  Madras,  for  one-sixth  of  the  price  paid  by 
Govommont  for  that  exported  to  India  from  Enj^flaticl ;  that 
the  exporimeut  was  completely  successful ;  that  the  memo- 
randum  or  record  with  re<>:»rd  to  it  was  »euL  home,  uo  doubt 
forming  part  of  the  thousutids  of  pages  to  which  reference 
\\ss  been  made;  and  that  it  wai*  buried  in  the  Ite-ap  in  which 
it  came,  because  for  yeare  nothiujf  was  heard  of  a  propoeitiuu 
wliich  would  have  snved  the  Oovei-nment  a  very  large  amount 
annually  and  opened  a  new  indiuitry  in  the  popidation  and 
capital  of  India.  I  believe  this  sytttem  of  government  is 
one  of  delay  and  disapjHiiiitinent — one,  actually,  nf  impossi- 
bility— one  which  ean  by  no  tneiins  form  a  complete  tlioory 
of  government  as  held  by  any  persons  iti  the  House;  and  that 
the  other,  the  simpler  system,  which  I  wish  the  House  \a 
uudci'take,  would  be  ouc  of  action,  progress,  and  results,  with 
regard  to  India,  siieh  as  we  have  never  yet  seen  and  never 
can.«!ee  until  there  is  n  complete  Bimplifieation  of  the  Indian 
Government  in  this  country. 

I  come  now  to  the  question — and  it  is  for  tbiii  question 
that  I  have  wished  principully  to  uddn'ss  the  House — if  at 
any  lime  we  obta-in  the  giniplicity  wluch  I  contend  for  with 


ISM. 


IITDIA.    n. 


rc^rd  to  the  jTOTernment  at  home,  vlint  changcii  mil  it  be 
desirable  to  make  in  the  govcntmctit  in  India?  And  I  would 
niakti  ODe  obi^n'atiun  at  this  point,  that  in  all  the  statenienta 
uid  ailments  mhich  I  hope  to  use,  I  beg  the  House  to 
txdiero  that  I  use  thorn  with  the  groate^t  possible  deference, 
with  the  feeling'  that  this  \%  a  question  upon  which  uo  man 
is  at  all  entitled  to  dngmati^e,  that  it  is  a  Tant  qnoition  which 
w?  all  liK>k  nt  aj(  one  wi*  are  afUTctfly  editable  uf  handlin^r  and 
determining.  I  submit  mj  views  to  the  House  because  I 
bBV«  considcivd  the  snbj^t  more  or  lees  for  tnnny  yean^,  and 
I  bclie%'e  I  Hni  aetuated  by  the  sini]>le  and  hoiiesl  dusire  of 
contributing  sonicthing  to  the  information  and  knowledge  of 
Parliament  with  regard  to  it«  duty  upon  tins  great  qtietillon. 

What  18  it  Wfi  have  to  complain  of  in  Tndia?  "Rliat  is  it 
that  the  people  of  India,  if  they  spoVc  by  my  mouth,  hnve  to 
complain  of?  They  would  tetl  the  House  that,  aa  a  rale, 
tliroug:houl  almost  all  the  Presidencies,  and  throughout  tbone 
Presidencies  most  which  hare  been  longpst.  under  British  nilp, 
the  cultivators  of  the  soil,  the  great  body  of  thf  popiilatiou 
of  India,  arc  in  a  condition  of  gT«it  impoTeriDhmfnt,  of  great 
dejeotioD,  and  of  great  sulfertng.  I  have,  on  former  occasions, 
quoted  to  the  House  the  report  of  a  Committee  which  I  ol>- 
tiiincd  ten  years  ago,  upon  whlcli  sat  several  niombcn  of  the 
Court  of  DirectoFH ;  and  they  all  agreed  to  report  as  murh  a» 
I  have  now  etated  to  the  Hoose — the  Report  being  confined 
chiefly  to  the  Presidencies  of  Bombay  and  Madras.  If  I  were 
now  submitting  the  case  of  the  population  of  India  I  would 
say  that  the  taxes  of  India  are  more  onerous  and  oppressive 
than  the  tnxcs  of  any  other  country  in  the  world.  I  thinic 
I  could  demonstrate  that  proposition  to  the  Hoiieo.  I  would 
show  Ihut  industry  is  neglected  by  the  Government  to  a 
greater  extent  probably  than  is  the  ease  in  any  other  country 
in  t3io  world  which  has  been  for  any  length  of  time  under 
what  is  termed  a  eiviJized  ami  Christian  govi?rnmi.'nt.  I 
should   be  able  to  show  from  the  notes  and    memomnda 


42 


SPEECHES  OF  JOBlf  BTilOlfT. 


Jl'RE  21, 


of  eminent  men  in  India,  of  the  Uoremor  of  Bengal, 
Mr.  Halliday,  for  example,  tliat  there  is  not  and  never  lias 
been  in  any  muntry  pret eiutinff  to  be  civilized,  a  condition 
of  thiD^  to  be  compared  with  that  which  exists  under  the 
poUoe  adtniniutration  of  the  province  of  Bengal.  With 
rcpml  bo  the  courts  of  juetiee  I  latiy  eny  the  some  thing-. 
1  vm\A  qitnte  passages  from  Iwxiks  writtt-n  in  favour  (if  the 
Com]«iiiy  with  »I1  the  Was  wliirli  the  strongest  fnendi*  of 
the  ComjiaTiy  ran  have,  in  whi»?h  the  UTiters  declare  that, 
precisely  in  pro|>ortion  ne  l^n^iigh  courts  of  ju«tic-e  have  ex- 
tended, have  iKTJiirj-  and  all  the  evils  which  jterjury  iiitro- 
dticcs  into  till!  administration  of  jiiBtiec  prcvaih^I  throug'hout 
tlie  Presidencies  of  India.  With  regard  to  piihhc  works,  if 
1  were  speaking-  for  tho  Nativcx  of  India,  I  would  state  Uiia 
faflt,  that  in  a  single  En^rlish  ooitnty  theri»  are  more  maAs — 
more  travulable  matlt> — than  are  to  he  found  in  tlic  whole  of 
Irulia;  nod  I  would  say  tthto  tliat  the  tiingic  city  of  Man- 
chester, in  the  supply  of  ibt  inhabitanls  with  the  sioglo 
article  nf  water,  has  s]»ont  a  laR*er  eiim  of  money  than  tli« 
Kaat  India  Comimny  haa  spent  in  the  fourteen  years  &om 
1834  to  t84H  in  public  iivorkB  of  every  kind  throuj^hont  tho 
whole  of  its  vast  dominions.  T  would  say  that  the  real  activity 
of  the  Indian  Government  ha«  hwn  an  activity  of  ccintfUCRt  and 
annexation— of  conqne&t  and  annexation  which  atler  a  time 
hae  led  to  n  fenrfid  catnetrophe  which  has  enforced  on  the 
House  an  attention  to  the  question  of  India,  winch  hut  for 
Ibut  cnla8t:ro])lie  I  fear  the  House  wuidd  not  hnve  gnvm  it. 

If  there  were  amjther  chargv  to  be  made  againnt  the  past 
Oovemnicnt  of  India,  it  would  be  with  n^rd  to  the  state  of 
lbs  finances.  AVhere  was  there  a  l>ad  Government  whoee 
financcfl  were  in  ^wd  order  ?  Where  was  there  a  really  good 
(rovemmcnt  whose  finances  were  in  liad  order?  Is  there  u 
better  test  in  the  long-  run  of  the  eondition  of  a  people  and 
the  meritH  of  a  (Tovemmont  than  the  state  of  the  finanoea? 
And  yet  not  in  our  own  time,  hut  ^ing  Ifack  Uirongh  all 


lifDlA.    II. 


4a 


the  pages  of  Mill  or  of  any  oUier  Ilifilury  of  India  wo  fiii<I  the 
normal  iwnditioii  of  thi>  lituweeii  of  India  has  been  that  of 
deficit  and  banfcniptoj'.  1  maintain  that  if  that  he  so,  Ihc 
(Joveniroent  is  a  bad  Govcrament.  It  lias  cost  more  to 
govern  India  tJian  the  Oovemmcnt  lias  bt-en  b!»Io  to  extract 
from  the  population  of  India.  Tlie  Government  has  not  Ixvn 
BCrtipulous  a»)  to  tho  amount  of  taxes  or  the  mode  in  wliirh 
Uivj  have  been  Ie\ned ;  but  etill,  to  carry  on  tbi-  government 
of  India  act!ording:  to  the  system  which  has  heretofore  pre- 
vailed, more  has  l>een  required  than  the  Government  has  buen 
able  to  extraet  by  any  system  of  taiuitioQ  known  to  them 
from  th<>  |)ripnIntion  over  wliieh  they  hare  nilcd.  It  has 
oust  more  tliaa  30,000,000/.  a>ycAr  to  govera  India,  and  tlio 
gross  revenue  \mn^  eomewbcrc  about  30,000,000/.,  and  there 
being  a  deficit,  the  defieit  h.a«  had  to  be  made  up  l)y  loans. 
The  (iovernment  has  o))t4itiiod  all  tJiey  could  from  the  populiu 
tioD ;  it  ifi  not  enough,  and  they  have  had  to  borrow  from  the 
popululioii  and  from  Europeans  at  a  high  rate  of  interest 
to  make  np  the  sum  »vhieh  ba*  been  found  to  be  nia^essary. 
They  have  a  debt  of  rto,ooo,ooo/. ;  and  it  i«  contiutially 
inereafing;  they  always  havo  a  loan  oi>en.;  and  while  their 
debt  18  increasing  their  credit  hast  Iwen  falling,  beeauflc  they 
have  not  treated  tlieir  creditors  very  honourably  on  one  or  two 
occanoikB,  and  chiefly,  of  course,  on  account  of  tJie  calsmiticfl 
which  have  recently  happened  in  India.  Titers  is  one  point 
with  regard  (o  taxation  which  I  wish  to  csplain  to  the  House, 
and  1  hope  tliat,  in  the  reforms  to  which  the  noble  Lord  is 
looking  forward,  it  will  not  he  ovcrlooltcd.  I  hiivu  Eaid  that  the 
gross  revenne  in  30,000,000/.  Kxclutiivc  of  the  opitini  revenue, 
wlueh  is  not,  strictly  speaking,  and  luirdly  at  all,  a  tax  upon 
the  people,  I  set  down  the  taxation  of  the  country  at  Bomc- 
thing  Uk«  25,000,000^.  Hon-  Gentlemen  must  not  compare 
35iOOO,OOo/.  uf  tiixation  in  India  with  60,000,000/.  of  taxation 
in  England.  They  must  bear  in  mind  that  in  India  tlicy  could 
have  twelve  days'  labour  of  n  man  ibr  the  wimp  kuio  in  silver 


44 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  lililGHT. 


jnini24. 


or  g(\\A  which  they  hAvc  to  pay  for  one  day's  labour  of  a  idaji 
in  Kiig-land;  that  if,  for  example,  tbia  25,000,000^  were 
tfX|)enilcii  in  |mrcliasiiig  lalxrnr,  that  sum  wouM  piirtJiaw 
twulve  tiint;ii  as  tniich  in  Indi:i  a*  in  England — tliat  is  tn  say, 
that  thp  15,000,000/.  wnnUl  |>iirohase  ns  many  ilnvs'  labour  in 
India  as  -^00,000,000/.  would  piirchase  in  England.  [An 
Hun.  Member:  '  H»w  niui-Ii  is  the  Inbunr  worth?']  Tliat  ia 
pret-iw-ly  what  I  am  coming  to.  If  the  Uibour  ofn  man  is  only 
worth  2'/.  a-day,  Uicy  couhl  not  expect  a»  mnch  revenue  from 
him  as  iT  it  were  an.  a-day.  That  ia  jnat  the  poiut  to  wbieh 
I  wish  tho  hon.  Gentloman  wonld  turn  hip!  nttention.  We 
have  in  EngUnd  a  |Kipulation  which,  for  the  sake  of  argn- 
ment,  1  will  eull  30,000,000.  We  have  in  India  a  populatiou 
of  i_^o,ooo,ooo.  Thfrc'fnre,  the  popnhition  of  India  is  five 
limoii  ae  great  »«  the  {)fj]>iil»tiori  of  Euglaiid.  We  rait^e  in 
India,  nx'koiiing  by  the  value  of  labour,  taxatioa  equivalent  to 
300,000,000/.,  which  is  five  times  the  English  revenue.  Some 
one  may  probably  say,  tfiere&re,  that  the  taxation  in  India 
and  in  Hnglurid  3pj».>ars  to  be  aliout  tlw  same,  and  n<>  givat 
injury  is  don  p.  But  it  miujt  Im>  borne  in  mind  that  in  Eng- 
land vc  have  an  incalculable  power  ol'  steam,  of  machinery, 
of  mode^  of  ttansit,  n>ud)<,  canals,  railways,  and  eveTytUing 
which  cupiliil  and  humun  invention  can  bring  I0  help  the 
induiitty  of  the  peojde;  while  in  India  tlierL*  is  nothing  of  the 
bind.  In  India  there  ia  scarcely  a  decent  mad,  the  rivers  are 
not  bridged,  tlicrc  nrc  oomjiarativcly  no  etenm  piigine«,  and 
none  of  those  aids  to  industry  that  meet  us  at  cvvry  etvp  iu 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  Suppose  steam-engines,  ma. 
cbiner^-,  and  nicKle«  of  transit  abolished  in  England,  how 
miieh  revenue  would  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exc^bwjuer  obtiiin 
from  the  pe<»ple  of  Kngland  ?  Instead  of  60,000,000/.  a-y«i.r, 
would  he  get  10,000,000/.?  I  doubt  it  very  much.  If  Uie 
House  will  follow  out  the  argument,  they  will  come  lo  the 
concltunon  that  the  taxe«  of  the  j>eople  of  India  are  oppressive 
to  the  laet  degree,  and  that  the  Government  whieh  baa  thus 


13G8. 


/.V/)/J,     JI. 


45 


taxed  tliem  cao  b«  Wieratcd  uo  luu^r,  luiU  must  bu  put  iin 
end  to  ttt  once  und  fnr  ever.  1  wish  to  any  BOtncthiiig-  about 
the  manner  in  which  these  great  ex[^)en6e«  are  incurn'd.  Tlit! 
extrBvaffJjice  of  the  Eaat  InUtu  Govfrnnieiit  is  not*>rioiiB  to 
At],  I  believe  there  never  wa*  tiny  other  service  under  the 
sun  paid  at  so  hi^  a  rate  aa  the  exelusive  Ciril  Service  of  (lie 
Eoat  India  Coiti|iaiiy.  Cler^ymmi  and  mianimmricii  oui  lit: 
got  to  gfl  out  t^)  Indi;i  for  a  moderate  sum — private  mhliera 
and  officers  of  tlie  amiy  go  out  Ibr  a  moderate  remunerAtiun — 
merchants  atv  content  to  live  in  the  cities  of  India  for  a  p«r- 
cciitiigc  or  profit  not  gnwtly  wttx-udiug:  the  tfrdinary  profits  of 
commerce.  But  tlie  Civil  Service,  'l>ecaa8e  it  is  boimd  up  with 
tfaoao  who  were  raised  by  it  and  who  diiijieniie  tlie  putrouagu 
of  India,  ret-eive  &  rate  of  pii}-ment  which  would  be  incredible 
if  we  did  not  know  it  to  be  true,  and  which,  knowing-  it  to 
be  true,  we  must  admit  to  be  mou^trous.  Tliv  East  India 
Goveminimt  seatters  salaries  about  at  Uoinbuy,  (Calcutta, 
Madrwt,  Agra,  Ijflhore,  and  half  a  dozen  other  eities,  which 
BK  up  to  the  mark  of  tiiose  of  the  Prime  Minister  and 
Secretftries  of  Stjitc  in  thi»  country.  These  saJaric*  arc 
framed  upon  the  thei>ry  that  India  is  amine  of  inexhaofltible 
wgkIUi,  although  mi  one  has  fotind  it  to  Ih-  »o  Init  the 
members  of  the  Civil  Service  of  the  East  India  Comjniny, 
The  poliey  of  the  (jovernmeat  is  nt  the  bottom  of  the  oon- 
fitont  deficit.  Tkn  Ctionoellor  of  the  ExcLeqaer  has  twice 
recently  declaml  that  ex)>enditure  d^Knuls  upon  policy. 
Iliat  is  as  true  in  India  as  in  England,  and  it  \s  tlie  policy 
that  haa  been  pursncd  there  which  renders  the  revenue  liable 
to  tbi*  con^tADtiy  recurring-  deceit. 

I  have  come  to  the  winclufiion,  which  many  hon.  McmWrs 
probably  sliure  with  nie,  that  the  edifice  we  have  rean>d  iu 
India  is  too  vast.  There  are  few  men  now,  and  least  of  all 
those  connected  with  the  Kant  India  Company,  who,  looking 
back  to  the  iH^>licy  tliat  has  Ifccn  pursued,  will  not  W  willing 
tij  admit  that  it  hnn  not  been  judiciuuB  but  liiuMirdi>u.<> — tlial 


4« 


SPBECUES  OF  JOnX  HRWUT. 


J  CSX  21, 


territoriea  Hrtc  been  annexed  that  bud  betkr  liave  be^n  left 
independent,  and  tltat  vhxk  have  been  iind«rtakt-n  whidi 
wi-rc  UM  nwxlk-ss  as  tlicir  ^*'<'ri;  ailogutUcr  unjuetifioblc.  The 
immense  i-mpirc  thiit  haa  Wii  touqiiei-ed  ic  too  vast  for 
nianagement,  itK  base  is  iii  dveay,  uiid  during  Uic  Wi  twelve 
moutbii  it  bus  appoatvd  to  bo  tnttering  to  its  fall.  "Who 
or  wbat  is  this  instrument — the  Cabinet,  th«?  Govfrnmoiit,  or 
the  person — by  wlitim  this  tvil  policy  iis  carritni  on  ? 

The  greatest  officer  in  India  is  the  Gov»Tnor-(icneral.  He 
IB  the  ruler  of  about  oiie-fiftli — tertaiuly  more  tliaii  unf-ttixUi 
— of  the  human  race.  The  Empemrs  nl  i'^miice  iind  Rii:>tiiii 
are  bnt  the  governors  ot"  pi-oviucos  cwmiiHrod  with  tbo  powi'r, 
the  dimity,  and  the  hig-li  e±itate  of  the  GovcrLor-CJeneral  of 
Indin.  Now,  over  this  ofliifr,  utmost  no  rcul  (.-ontrDl  ia 
cxercitied.  If  1  were  to  appciil  to  the  two  hon.  Gentlemen 
who  liuve  fri>(^u<.'iitly  tuldros^tisl  the  Hoiii^e  during  these  debates 
(Ci>lonel  Sykes  and  Mr.  Willoughby),  they  would  probably 
Admit  that  the  Governor-General  i>f  India  \»  an  officer  of  such 
high  poaition  that  scarcely  any  control  uaii  be  exLTuised  over 
him  eitljcr  in  India  or  in  England.  'J'alce  tlie  case  of  the 
Man^ueiss  of  Dnliiougio  for  example.  I  am  not  alxtut  Ijj  make 
an  attack  upon  him,  for  the  o(K>Ajdon  is  too  solemn  for 
pergonal  contmvcralcs.  But  the  aniiexation  of  Sattiira,  of 
the  Punjab,  of  Nagporc,  and  of  Oiide  oeL-iirred  under  his  nile. 
I  will  not  go  into  the  ctaee  of  Sattara ;  but  one  of  its  Princetij 
lind  one  of  tbo  must  nia^iauiuioiie  Princes  tJmt  India  ever 
produeed,  eiifiered  and  died  most  nnjustly  in  exilej  cither 
throug-h  the  mietoki's  or  the  crimes  q{  Uic  Government  of 
India.  Tliia,  bowever,  was  not  dune  under  the  Government 
of  Lord  DaihoUBie-  As  to  the  Hnnexation  of  Na^jmre,  tbo 
House  liu«  never  lieard  anj-thing-  about  it  to  this  hour,  'I^ere 
has  been  no  message  from  the  Crown  or  statctaaent  of  thu 
Guvcmment  reUtive  ia  that  annexation.  Hon.  Members 
have  indeed  heard  from  India  that  the  dresses  and  wardrobes 
of  the  ladies  of  its  Court  have  l>cen  exposed  to  fale,  like  a 


1858. 


INDIA.     II. 


47 


baakriipt's  stock,  in  the  Im^erdnshen;'  sbopg  uf  Calvutta — 
a  tiiinpr  lilculy  to  incense  and  horrify  the  people  of  Indin  vr\\o 
witneaacd  it. 

T*ke,  again,  tJie  caae  of  the  Burmese  war.     The  Goveraar- 
Gcneral  entered  into  it,  and  nriiexej  the  province  of  Pegu, 
KoA  to  this  day  thew  ha.-*  heen  no  treaty  with  the  King-  of 
Burmah.     If  tliat  ciixc  hat:l  Xtvm^n  brought  Li-fuiv  tho  House, 
it  is  iinpo39ihle  that  the  war  with  Burmah  could  have  Ivcn 
catered  upon.     I  do  not  bvlivve  th»l  thurc  is  one  man  ic 
England  who,  knowing'  the  facts,  would  say  that  this  war 
nas  just  or  niX'Ussary  in  any  f»i\m.    The  Governor-General 
has  nn   nrtny   of  300,000   men   under   his  oommttnd ;    hv    '\s 
a  long-  way  frtjm  home ;    be  is  highly  oouoected  with  the 
piverning  chisBcs  at  home;    there  are  certuiu    reasons  th.it 
maVn  war  palatable  to  large  tlas^i's  in  Ijidia;   and  he  1^  8u 
j>owerfiil  that  he  outers  iuto  tL«^  great  military  upvnitions 
almost  nncoutrolled  by  the  opinion  of  t3te  Parliament  and 
people  of  Kagland.     He  may  oommit  any  amount  of  blunders 
or  crimes  a^nsl  the  moral  taw,  and  he  will  »till  moie  home 
luaded  with  dignittivi  and  in  the  vtijoymcnt  of  pen!>ions.     Does 
it  not  become  the  power  and    character  of  thia  House  to 
Gzunbv    narrowly   Ihf  origin   of  the   miefortuiies  and   din- 
giaccK  of  the  grave  catastrophe  which    \xm  Just  oeeitrrod? 
Tlie  place  of  the  Goveruor-CJeneral  is  too  high — his  power  is 
too  great — and  I  believe  that  this  partteular  ofBoc  and  officer 
are  very  miieh  respousiblo — of  course  under  the  Government 
at  home — for  the  disa^ter^  that  have  takco  place. 

Only  think  of  a  GovtaTnir-Qeiieml  of  India  writing  to  an 
Indian  Prince,  the  niler  over  many  millions  of  men  in  the 
heart  of  India,  '  Rememlwr  you  are  but  iis  the  dust  under  my 
feet.'  Passage*  like  these  are  left  out  of  despatches,  when 
laid  on  the  table  of  the  Uoiiao  of  Commotu: — it  would  not 
do  for  the  Parliament  or  tJie  Crowo,  or  tlie  people  of  England 
to  know  that  their  officer  addressed  language  like  thi^  to  n 
S'ative  Prince.    The  fact  is  that  a  Govomor-General  of  India, 


48 


SPEECHES  OF  JOUy  BRIGUT.  jvn  34, 


iinloffi  he  he  such  a,  man  as  ie  not  found  more  tlmn  once  in  u 
ceoturj',  is  very  liable  to  have  his  head  tiiTned,  and  to  form 
ambitidUK  views,  which  ure  miiiiily  (o  lie  gratilii^d  bv  buc- 
«'S8(iil  WHD*  nnd  the  ftnucxntion  of  pro\Htic«  aft«r  province 
during  tlie  period  of  liia  rule.  The  'Scrvicts'  aru  alvruyii 
ready  to  help  litm  in  these  plaim.  I  urn-  not  sure  that  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Control  oould  not  give  evideuee  ou 
this  tiubjeut,  fur  I  b&vo  heani  t^ometUiug;  of  wluil  bu|)]M>ned 
when  the  noble  Lord  wor  in  India,  ^f'hcn  the>  Itiirmesc  wiir 
broke  out,  the  noble  Lord  could  no  doubt  tt-ll  the  llnust'  that, 
without  iii(|ti!rtii^  into  the  qiiuirel  t>r  its  cuuir'k,  tliv  press  of 
India,  whifili  was  devotecl  to  the  '  Sei-vicfs,'  and  the  '  Scrviws' 
tliomselvtfs,  united  in  univtrsal  appn>tjati«n  of  the  courso 
talfen  by  the  Goveruor-General.  Jmstic-c  to  Pcgru  and  JJur- 
Diuh  and  the  lasca  to  be  ralsnl  for  the  HUp]>ort  of  the  war 
were  forgotten,  and  nothing  but  visiouH  ol'  more  territory 
and  more  ijatitma^  lloatwl  before  the  eyes  of  the  ojlicial 
English  in  India.  I  contend  that  the  power  of  the  (ioveriior- 
Gcneral  is  too  great  and  the  oflice  too  high  to  be  held  by 
tJie  eubject  of  any  power  whatsoever,  and  espeeially  by  auy 
subject  of  the  Queen  of  Eiiglucid. 

I  should  profM)**,  if  I  wer<'  in  a  position  to  offer  a  eeheme 
in  the  Rhnpo  of  a  Bill  tu  the  House,  as  an  india[)eut>ab1c  pre- 
liminary to  the  wise  government  of  Lidia  in  future,  such  as 
would  Ije  creditable  to  Parliament  and  odvantagtvue  to  tho 
[K.>uplc  of  India,  that  the  olllce  of  Governor-General  should  l)e 
abolished.  Perhaps  some  bou.  Gentlemen  may  tliink  this  a 
very  uiuvaeouablc  proposition.  Many  people  thought  it  nn- 
reiuonable  in  1853  wlieo  it  was  proposed  to  abolish  the  Kiist 
India  Company ;  but  now  Parliament  and  the  country  believe 
it  to  be  highly  reasonable  and  pmjwr;  and  1  um  not  sure  that 
I  eoitld  not  bring  beibre  the  Houtto  reasons  to  coiiviaoe  them 
that  the  nbolition  of  the  office  of  Govcmor-Oencml  is  one  of 
the  most  sensible  and  one  of  the  most  Conservative  proposals 
ever   brought   forward  in   comie«liou  with    the  Uoverumeut 


iist. 


IKDU.    n. 


or  Indifi.  1  bdiove  the  dntiea  of  the  Goremor-General  are 
far  gre«ter  thaii  aiiv  huiii»u  hn'mg  «iii  adwinaiel}'  fulfil. 
Hk  batt  a  powor  omniptitcnt  tn  criisli  anything  that  i>i  good. 
If  be  BO  wishes,  he  can  overbear  and  ovcmilc  whati»^*cT  is 
|>ro]>o«c<l  for  the  wt'liaro  of  India,  while,  as  to  doing-  any- 
thing- that  ifi  gnnd,  I  cotild  show  tliat  n'ith  regard  to  the  raat 
cuuntries  over  wliieh  Iil-  rules,  lie  in  really  almost  pt>wcrl«iB 
to  effect  anything-  tliat  those  eoiiutries  rcquiic.  The  lion. 
Gentleninn  behind  mc  (Culunel  Syk<.<e)  has  told  ub  there 
arc  twraty  nations  in  India,  and  that  there  arc  twenQ'  lan- 
gnagee.  Haa  it  ever  h»p]}eii(.Yl  btforv  that  any  one  man 
gm-unicd  twenty  nations,  Bjtealiing  twenty  different  Inn- 
^agts,  and  bound  them  tog«iher  in  one  gratt  and  conipaot 
empiro  ?  [Au  bon.  Member  hen>  made  an  ob^ervntion. ] 
My  hon.  Friend  mentions  a  ^rreat  Partbinti  mouaroli.  No 
doubt  there  have  been  men  strong-  in  ana  and  in  head,  and  of 
stem  r(«olutioii.  nhi>  liave  Icejil  j^-at  vmplrcti  toother  diiriog- 
their  livis;  but  as  .loun  an  tliey  went  the  way  of  all  llcsb, 
and  descended,  like  ilie  meanest  of  tlieir  siibjcets,  to  the 
tomb,  Uie  provinees  they  had  ruled  were  divided  into  aevoral 
States,  and  thvir  ^^roat  empirv-»  vauiehud.  I  mig-ht  ask  the 
Roblu  Lord  below  me  (Lon!  John  Russell)  and  the  noble  Lord 
tlie  Mem))er  for  Tiverton  (the  noble  Lord  tlie  Member  lor 
Kitig'ii  Lynn  lia«  not  m  yet  experience  on  this  point) , 
whether,  when  they  eame  to  appoint  a  Governor-General 
of  India,  they  did  not  find  it  odc  of  the  most  seriouB  and 
difficult  dutiex  tliey  could  be  called  on  to  perform  ?  I  do  not 
know  at  this  mom<3it,  and  I  never  have  known,  a  mJin  com- 
petent to  govern  India;  and  if  any  man  eays  he  is  competent, 
he  aetif  himself  up  at  a  much  hiylier  value  than  tliotw  who  are 
acquainted  with  him  are  likely  to  set  him.  Let  the  Honse  look 
at  the  making'  of  the  laws  for  twenty  nations  speaking  twenty 
laO|fUagea.  Iiook  at  the  regulationn  nf  the  police  fnr  twenty 
natiooa  npeaking  twenty  Uuguageti.  Look  at  the  qnestion  of 
public  works  ant  it  affectB  twenty  nations  s|>eaHng  twenty 
VOL.  I.  K 


50 


SPBECnES  OF  JOf/y  BRIGHT. 


JVMI  U, 


lanjfuagc?;  where  there  is  nn  municipal  i)OW(>r  aud  no  com* 
biiiAtions  of  soy  kind,  each  ns  facilitate  the  conftniction  of 
public  works  in  thif*  ooimtTj-.  Inevitably  all  thoM  duties  that 
tievolvt'  ou  i^verj'  ^jood  guvemDient  muet  be  neglected  by 
the  Govemor.(Jeneral  ol'  India,  hwivtver  wise,  capable,  and 
hunL«t  ho  may  bo  in  tlie  performanne  of  his  duties,  because 
the  dtitiea  laid  up->n  him  are  stich  as  no  man  now  lit-iii^  or 
who  ever  liv<?d  can  or  could  proi>erl_v  ?ii*tain. 

It  may  l>e  aslcefl  what  I  would  subntitutv  for  tht-  Qovcrnor- 
Oenendabip  of  India.  Now,  1  do  nrd.  pmpose  to  aholish  the 
office  nf  Goremor-Oeini^rul  of  India  this  Sossion.  I  am  not 
proposing  luiy  <'Iaase  in  the  Bill,  and  if  1  were  to  propose  one 
to  carrj-  out  the  idea  I  have  «xprMtKd,  I  might  be  anewcrod 
hy  tlie  ar^mcnt,  that  a  groat  part  of  the  population  of  India 
is  in  a  i)tat«  of  atinrchy,  and  thut  it  would  be  most  iucon* 
Vf'nitmt,  if  not  dangerous,  to  abolish  the  nfiit'o  of  Govemor- 
Geuornl  at  such  a  time.  I  do  not  mcaa  to  propose  ^ach  a 
thin^  now;  but  1  take  this  <vppcirtunity  of  stating  my  views, 
iu  the  hope  that  wliett  wk  etjiut;  Ui  1S63,  vtc  may  perhaps  he 
able  to  consider  fhf  qm'sfcion  more  in  the  light  in  which  I  am 
endeavonn'ng'  to  present  ii  to  tJbe  House.  I  would  propose 
that,  instt'ad  of  having  a  Governor-General  and  an  Indian 
empire,  we  should  have  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  I 
would  propose  that  we  ehould  have  Presidencies,  and  not  an 
Empire,  If  I  were  a  Minister — which  the  House  n-ill  admit 
is  a  bold  figiare  of  sjweeh^-ond  if  the  Houe«'  were  to  agree 
with  me— which  \%  aJso  an  etuwntial  [Hjiut— 1  would  projMJse 
to  have  at  least  five  Presidencies  In  India,  and  I  wt)uld  have 
the  govemmenta  of  those  Prceidencics  perfectly  equal  in 
nuik  and  in  Balar>*.  Tlie  capitals  of  those  Pre^ridencies  would 
probably  be  CnlcutLa,  Madras,  Bombay,  Agra,  and  Lahore. 
I  frill  take  the  Previdency  of  Madras  as  an  illnstratioD. 
Mfldnui  has  a  population  of  some  20,000,000.  We  all  know 
its  poitition  on  the  map,  aud  that  it  has  the  advantaf^  of 
being  more  compact,  graphically  epcaking:,  than  the  other 


tUDtA.     //. 


61 


Presid«uci«s.  It.  lias  u  Oovenior  and  a  Council.  I  would 
give  to  it  a  Governor  and  n  Council  still,  but  woidd  confine 
all  tbcir  duties  tv  tbe  Presidency  of  AlBclraA,  and  I  would 
treat  it  jue4  as  if  Madras  ^va6  the  uuly  jjorlion  of  India  con- 
nected witli  ibis  eouulrir.  I  would  have  its  fiimnce,  its 
taxation^  its  juetifR,  and  it«  police  dpportmcQts,  as  well  as  its 
public  work;;  and  miiitury  departments,  precisely  the  same  as 
if  it  were  a  Stale  hiivinj;  iio  counectiun  witli  any  ntlier  part 
of  India,  am]  r^coguizeil  only  aa  a  dependency  of  tbia  country. 
I  would  prupotte  that  tbe  GovemmeDt  of  every  Presidency 
should  correspond  witli  the  Secretary  for  India  in  England, 
and  that  there  should  he  telegraphic  communications  bct^'ocu 
all  tbe  Predidcueiet<  in  India,  as  I  boptt  brloru  Iduj;  to  see 
•  telegraphic  eommunicution  between  tbe  oSiee  of  the  noble 
Lord  (Lord  Stanley)  and  every  Presidency  over  which  be 
prondes.  I  ghull  nu  doubt  be  told  that  there  are  insuperable 
diffienttiea  in  the  way  of  such  an  arrangement,  and  I  ^hall  bc 
sore  to  hear  of  tbv  military  difficulty.  Now,  1  do  not  profeas 
to  be  an  aiilhority  on  military  aflairs,  but  I  know  tlutt  mili- 
tauy  men  ofleii  make  great  mixtakeB.  I  would  have  tbe 
army  divided,  caeh  Prc&idcncy  liavin^  \\m  owu  army,  juat  flii 
now,  care  being  taken  to  have  them  kept  distinct;  and  1  see 
no  danp>r  of  any  eoulWion  or  uiidundentandin^,  when  an 
emergency  arnse,  in  having  them  all  brought  together  to 
carry  out  the  view*  of  the  Government,  ITiere  ie  one  ques- 
tiun  wbicb  it  is  importiLnt  to  bear  in  mind,  and  tbat  is  with 
regard  to  the  Councils  in  India.  I  think  every  (iovemor  of 
a  Presidency  should  have  an  aa»ietant  CouncU,  but  difiercDtly 
constituted  from  what  they  now  are.  I  would  have  an  oi>en 
Council.  The  noble  Lord  the  Member  Ibi  Loudon  used  some 
ctxprew;ious  the  other  night  which  I  interpreted  to  mean  tbat 
it  was  necessar)'  to  maintaJu  in  all  ita  exeluBivenCBS  the 
system  of  the  Civil  Service  in  India.  Id  tbat  I  ouLlrely  differ 
from  tbe  noble  Lord.  [Lord  J.  Russell  here  indicated  did- 
aent.]      Tlw  noble  Lord  corrects  me  in  iJuit  statement,  and 


92 


SPEECHES  OF  JOSX  BRIGHT. 


jcm  91, 


Iburcforu  I  raiiet  liari!  bcon  mistaken.  What  n-c  wont  is  to 
make  tliK  Ouveniments  of  tlio  Presidencica  governments  for 
till'  people  of  the  Presicleneieif ;  not  govLTumeiita  for  the  civil 
servaule  of  the  Crown,  but  for  the  non-oSiciuI  jupnaiitile 
classes  from  England  *vbo  settlo  tlicro,  aud  for  the  20,000,000 
or  30,000,000  of  NalivcB  in  each  Presideucy. 

1  should  propose  to  do  that  which  hiu*  l>eoii  Jt>rie  wiUi 
great  advaiitaKW  iu  Ceylon.  1  have  recfnved  a  letter  from  an 
officer  who  has  been  in  the  service  of  the  EmkI  India  Coui[>auy, 
and  wlio  told  me  b.  fact  which  haR  f^atifiod  me  very  much. 
He  ai>"s^ 

'At  n  [luUic  dipna  tA  Onlombo,  m  iSjf,  lo  Um  GoTar«»r,  8ir  WQniot 
Ilortou.  ni  H'liioli  I  wam  promnt,  ilio  Ixnit  EiMveli  gr  tfaa  •vming  waa  uuide  liy 

a  native  nntilvman  of  Ciuuly,  knd  t,  tupmbnr  of  Ciiiiiii:I1.  It  w^a  reuiKrk»ti'lc 
for  iu  ap|>r'>|iriAUi  oxpniMiDn,  lu  HouTtd  tcnfc  nnd  the  dcdibemtian  nnd  otuse 
UiAl  iiiarkml  Itie  uttuniui'v  uf  Lis  reellDg*.  Ttaora  km  ha  rapetiiion  <>r  uHclew 
^hntK^'im';  or  DntUry,  uid  it  wa«  odmittod  hj  wM  wba  hokrJ  bim  to  be  the 
ttuuail(<at  AtiA  tioaunt  speiM)!  ofttio  iiigbt,' 

This  was  in  Ceylon.  It  is  not,  of  course,  always  the  Lest 
mail  who  cflii  mnkf  the  heat  speech ;  hut  if  what  T  have  read 
could  he  siiid  of  a  niitivo  of  Ccylou,  it  coiiUl  bo  naid  of  tbou- 
sandfi  in  India.  We  neod  aot  g<o  bcyoud  the  wuIIh  of  (his 
House  to  find  n  head  bronzed  hy  an  Indian  sun  equal  to  the 
ablest  heads  of  those  who  at^Iom  its  benches.  .\nil  in  every 
part  of  India  we  all  know  that  it  would  be  nn  insult  to  the 
people  of  India  to  sny  that  it  is  not  the  same.  There  are 
Uiousands  of  i}ereons  in  India  who  are  coropcttnt  to  take  any 
position  to  whidi  the  Goveniraent  may  choose  to  advance 
them.  If  the  Oovemor  of  «wh  Presidency  were  to  have  in 
bis  Council  eomo  of  the  offictaU  of  his  (tovemnitmt,  some  of 
the  non-official  Europeans  resident  in  the  Presidency,  and  two 
or  three  at  least  of  the  intelligent  Natives  of  the  Presidency 
in  whom  the  people  would  have  some  confidentt.',  you  wimld 
have  hegim  that  which  will  he  of  ine.'itimahle  value  hereafter 
— you  would  have  begun  to  unite  the  government  with  the 
governed;  and  unless  you  tlo  that,  no  government  will  be 


18SB. 


I XI)  I  A.     II. 


u 


safe,  luid  uiy  liurricoiM  may  overturn  it  or  tbruw  it  into 
confiisioii. 

Now,  suppose  the-  Govcmor-Ocncral  gone,  the  PresidencMB 
establislied,  the  Governors  &.\\ia\  in  rauk  and  (liguit/.  and 
tbeir  CuuuciU  coiiBtituted  in  the  mnnner  I  have  indicated, 
19  it  Dot  rcoeonAhlc  to  euppoec  titat  the  delay  which  has 
hitherto  been  one  of  the  greatest  cursee  of  your  Indian 
Govemmcnt  woidd  \mi  almost  allogutlier  avoided?  loetmJ 
of  a  Oovemor-Generat  living  in  Calcutta,  or  at  Simla,  ncv«r 
travelling;  over  t}ie  whole  uf  the  <!Ountry,  and  knowing  very 
Utile  about  it,  and  that  little  only  through  other  official  eyes, 
it  it  not  rca^onablL-  to  Euppoec  tliat  the  aution  of  the  Ooveni- 
mcnt  would  be  more  direct  in  all  ita  duties  and  in  every 
department  of  iU  service  than  hvA  been  the  case  under  the 
sytitem  whi^h  ha«  exiBted  until  now  ?  Your  administnition 
of  the  law,  ranrkt^l  by  so  much  disgraoe,  could  never  have 
lasted  80  long  as  it  has  done  if  the  Governors  of  your  Presi- 
dencies bad  been  independent  Govoriiors.  So  with  n^rd  to 
Diatten  of  police,  education,  puhlic  works,  and  everything 
that  oau  stimulate  iiidiislry,  and  so  with  regard  to  your 
system  of  taxation.  You  would  have  in  every  Presidency 
a  ooDstant  rivalry  for  good.  The  Oovcroor  of  Madras,  when 
his  term  of  office  espired,  would  he  delighted  to  show  that 
the  people  of  that  Pn-sidcncy  were  contented,  that  the  whole 
Preddenoy  was  advancing  in  eiviliMtion,  that  roads  and  all 
manner  of  useful  public  works  were  extending,  that  iuduvtry 
was  hccomiug  more  and  more  a  habit  of  the  people,  and  that 
tJie  exports  and  importa  were  constantly  increasing-.  'ITic 
Govemont  of  Bombay  and  the  rest  of  tlie  Presidencies  would 
be  animated  by  the  gnmo  spirit,  and  bo  yon  would  have 
all  over  India,  as  I  hnve  eaid,  a  rivalry  for  good;  you 
would  have  phiced  a  check  ou  that  malignant  (spirit  of 
ambition  which  has  worked  ku  much  evil — j'ou  would  have 
no  (Jovernor  so  great  that  you  coiild  not  control  him,  none 
who  might  make  war  when  he  pleased ;  war  and  annexaliun 


Bi 


SPKJCVUHS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


jUMi84, 


nould  be  grtatiy  checked,  if  not  entirely  prevented;  and  I  do 
ill  my  ciJUSL-ifuCf  believe  you  ^voidd  bave  laid  the  foimdation 
fi>r  »  better  and  more  permanent  fomi  of  government  for 
India  thiin  lias  over  obtained  since  it  came  under  Ibe  rule  of 
Knglnnd. 

But  bow  long:  does  England  propose  to  govern  India? 
Nobody  answers  that  q^uestion,  and  nobody  can  answer  it. 
Be  it  50,  or  100,  or  500  years,  doi's  any  man  with  the 
Rinnllust  glimmerinf^  of  mmmon  sense  believe  that  bo  great 
a  ooimtri',  with  its  twenty  different  nations  and  its  twenty 
languages,  can  ever  be  bound  up  and  coneolidatod  into  one 
corajjact  and  cudiiring'  empire?  I  Wlieve  Bueh  a  thing  to  be 
uttt-rly  impossible.  Wc  must  fail  in  the  attempt  if  ever  we 
malce  it,  and  we  are  bonnd  to  looV  into  the  fiiture  with  refer- 
ence to  that  point.  The  PrL'sidoney  of  Madms,  for  inetsnw, 
having-  \\»  own  Government,  would  in  fifty  y^-ars  become  one 
compact  State,  and  every  part  of  the  Presidency  wuuld  look 
to  the  city  of  Madras  as  it«  capit*!,  and  to  the  Government 
of  Madras  *a  \\a  ruling  power.  If  tlist  were  to  go  on 
for  a  wnturj-  or  more,  there  would  be  five  or  six  Presi- 
dencies of  India  built  up  into  tK>  many  c-ompact  Stati's;  and 
if  at  any  future  period  t!ie  sovereignly  of  Eng-Iaud  should  be 
withdrawn,  we  should  leave  so  many  Presidencies  built  up  and 
firmly  eompafti'd  together,  eaeli  able  to  support  its  own  inde- 
jieudence  iiud  its  own  Ooveroment;  fUid  we  should  In.*  able 
to  saj*  we  liad  not  left  the  country  a  prey  to  that  anarchy 
nud  discord  which  I  believe  ^^.<  be  inevitable  if  we  iusLat  on 
holding  those  vuut  tt'rritoricK  «-ith  t.hc  idea  of  buildin;;  them 
np  into  one  gn-at  empire.  Hut  1  am  obliged  to  ndmit  that 
mere  maehiuory  is  not  suffieient  in  tliiti  eaue,  either  with 
respect  to  my  own  acborae  or  to  that  of  the  noble  lord  (Lord 
Stanley).  "We  want  wonK-thing:  else  than  mere  clerks,  sta- 
tionery, despatches,  and  so  forth.  We  want  what  I  8h»ll 
deKLgnate  as  a  new  fevling  iu  England,  and  an  entirely  new 
poliey  in  India.     We  must  in  future  bave  India  governed, 


1S». 


!Jiri>2A.    u. 


Ofi 


not  for  a  handlul  ol'  Ka^ishmen,  not  for  that  Civil  Service 
whoee  pnuiwt)  are  m  coufitantly  twuuded  iu  tliie  Huuee.  You 
may  fio\*ern  India,  if  you  like,  for  tUe  good  of  England,  but 
the  gvod  of  £ug:laud  muet  couic  thruu^b  the  chiuuicle  of  the 
good  of  India.  There  are  hut  two  modes  of  gaining  anything 
•by  our  connevtiun  withludia.  The  one  is  by  iilundmng  the 
people  of  Indin,  and  the  other  by  trwiing  with  them.  I 
prefer  to  do  it  by  trading  with  them.  But  in  order  that 
Eoglaud  in^y  hecoiiic  rivli  by  trading  with  India,  India  its^ 
must  booomc  rich,  and  India  van  only  bt-comu  rich  thruu)^h 
the  bone«t  adminif^tration  of  jiiictice  and  through  entire  security 
of  life  and  pro|R'rty. 

Now,  u  to  this  Dew  policy^  I  will  toll  the  House  what  I 
think  the  Prime  Minister  sliould  do.  He  ought,  I  think, 
always  to  chouse  for  his  Prt-wideiit  of  tbv  Buard  of  Control  or 
his  Secretary  of  Slate  fur  India.,  a  man  who  cannot  be  excelled 
by  any  other  man  in  Iiig  Cabinetj  or  in  his  party,  for  capacity, 
for  houosly,  tor  altcutiou  to  his  duti<*3,  and  for  knowledge 
adapted  to  the  particular  office  to  which  he  is  appointed.  IT 
any  Prime  Minister  appoint  un  tnellicimit  inun  to  euch  on 
office,  he  «-ill  be  a  traitor  to  the  Throne  of  England.  That 
offiwr,  appointed  for  the  qualities  I  have  juttt  indicated,  should, 
with  ecjunl  uerupul»u»ness  and  L<unseieiiliou8n<>«Sj  make  the 
appointment*,  whether  of  the  Governor-General,  or  (should 
that  office  be  abolished)  of  the  GorerDors  of  the  Preaiideaciea 
of  IiidJik.  Tlioae  appoiutmeuttf  tthould  not  he  rewards  for  old 
men  nmply  because  .•moh  men  have  done  good  >vrvice  when 
in  their  prime,  nor  should  they  be  rewards  for  mere  party 
eorvicc,  but  they  should  be  appointment):  given  under  u  feeU 
ing  that  iuteresta  of  the  very  highest  moment,  connected  with 
this  countrj',  deiioud  on  tbow  great  otGoea  in  India  beiog 
prc^rly  filkd.  llie  same  principles  ohould  run  throughout 
the  whole  system  of  govi'miuout ;  for,  unless  there  be  a  very 
high  degree  of  virtue  in  ull  these  appointmt^nt^,  and  unless 
our  gtcot  obj«ct  be  to  govcru  ludio  well  and  U>  exult  the 


S6 


SPKKCHSS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


ivazii. 


niimo  of  England  in  tiic  cyi-s  of  the  whole  Native  population, 
all  that  wn  have  recourse  to  id  the  way  of  maohiiiery  hHII  Ije 
of  very  little  use  indeed. 

I  admit  that  this  in  a  gT«it  work ;  I  admit,  alsrj,  that  the 
I'lirther  I  ^i  into  the  consi<Iomti<>n  of  tliis  i]iiiwtion,  the  more 
1  foel  that  it  is  too  Ukrg«  for  mc  to  grapplo  with,  acd  that 
every  step  we  ta1ce  in  it  should  Xie  takeu  00  if  we  were  m«ii 
wulkitifi:  '"  the  dark,  Wc  havi-,  however,  certain  great  prin- 
cij)Ies  to  guide  us,  and  hy  thpir  light  we  may  make  stepa  in 
ndvauce,  if  cot  last,  at  auy  rat«  uure.  But  wc  start  &om  an 
unfortunate  paeitioii.  We  start  frnm  &  platform  of  conq^uest 
l>y  furco  yf  arou  cxteudiu^  over  n  bundrvd  years.  There  is 
nothing  in  llic  world  worsM*  than  the  sort  of  foundation  from 
which  we  start.  The  greatest  j^'uiuM  who  has  shed  lustre  ou 
tho  literature  of  this  cwuntry  has  said,  'There  in  no  sure 
fniindiitioii  set  on  blmtd ;'  and  it  noay  he  our  unhappy  fate, 
ill  regard  to  ludiu,  to  demonstrata  the  truth  of  that  saying. 
We  are  always  subjugators,  snii  we  must  he  viewed  with 
hatrtnl  and  Mispiciun.  I  say  we  must  ](K)k  at  the  thing  a«  it 
i«,  if  we  are  to  Roe  our  exact  prwition,  what  our  duty  is,  and 
what  ehaueu  there  iu  of  our  retaining  India  and  of  guveming 
it  for  the  advantngc  of  its  people.  Our  difficulties  have  been 
enormously  increased  by  the  revolt,  'l^io  pefi]>le  of  India 
liave  only  ficeu  England  in  its  u'orst  form  iu  that  cunutry. 
TTiey  have  seen  it  in  its  military  ]>ower,  ita  excluiiive  Civil 
Service,  and  iu  the  BUpremai-y  of  ■  handful  of  foreignent. 
When  Natives  of  India  come  to  this  country,  they  aw  do- 
light«d  with  Jiugland  and  with  Englishmen.  They  find 
themselves  treated  with  o  ItindnenB,  a  connidcration,  n  respect, 
to  whieh  they  were  wholly  istnutgers  in  their  own  country  ; 
and  they  rannot  understand  how  it  is  that  men  who  are  60 
just,  so  atleuLive  to  them  heri',  ^motimes,  indeed  t/jo  often, 
appear  to  them  in  u  different  character  in  India.  I  remember 
that  the  Hon.  I'Vedcric  Shaw,  who  wroto  some  thirty  years 
itinee,  tflated,  in  liitu  able  and  intitructive  book,  that  even  in 


lass. 


INDIA.     II. 


37 


hi»  time  the  oondnct  of  the  Bnglieh  iu  India  towards  the 
Natives  was  lees  Hf^rt^&ble,  leas  kindly.  less  ju«t  thuu  it  had 
Ijccn  in  former  years ;  und  in  1853,  brforc  the  Committee  pre- 
sided over  l)_v  the  hon.  Member  for  Huntingdon  (Mr.  T.  Baring). 
evideooe  wuk  given  tint  the  ftwliug-  hotHTwn  the  rulers  suid 
the  rnle^l  in  India  \vas  beoominjtr  evory  year  loits  like  whnt 
could  he  desired.  It  was  only  Wio  other  day  there  appeared 
in  a  letter  of  The  'lime/  corrcaixinileut  an  aueodotc  which 
illuKtnitm  what  I  urn  Hayiag,  and  which  I  feul  it  neretsary  to 
read  to  the  Itnii!>e.     Mr.  Biissell,  of  The  TimM,  says : — 

■ )  vmt  nC  Xa  bmak fsal  to  u  *inkU  luoiqus,  wtttiuh  liu  bMD  turned  into  * 
Mtf<  d  manner  bj  smne  iitflcori  atatUmed  hon.  aud  I  coiilm  1  ahonld  faA*« 
««t««i  •ritit  raoTO  Mtlofiiotioa  \\kA  1  not  ■eon,  m  I  entered  IIm  onoloaui*  of  tb« 
niMqiMi,  a  notirD  hullj  nnimded  oh  a  ali»rpoy,  hy  wtiich  wm  litliii^  a  wouiiui 

in  de«p  «IHictdon      "ITitf  exiiliuiittioii  ([ivcn  of  thi»  j|ocn«  wn»,  ttuc  '• [ibo 

namo  or  tlie  Eitglitilirn.iii  «m  ]«fl  dlniik]  IjuU  bui'ii  liL'kiug  tivu  cif  Lin  U-Hi-oni 
(nr  KorvanU),  anil  IlmI  nearly  luurdemi  tlieiii,"  This  wa»  imc  of  ihe  Mervauu, 
aad,  without  kitovring  or  earin;;  to  know  ilie  caiuos  of  tu«h  «haitiiMnoiit,,  I 
cannot  bol  exprata  my  UUgrun  al  th«  mTerity — to  call  ll  b;  no  lianbor  namt! 
' — «r  MUM  of  oar  roUoW'OOLiOlrjriiMii  towania  tkeir  ^omof  tic*.' 

T^ie  reading  of  that  [)aiBgraph  gave  me  extreme  pain. 
People  may  faney  that  thia  dnex  not  matter  much ;  bat  I  say 
it  matters  very  muuh.  Under  any  system  of  government  you 
wilt  have  Eng'li^hmeii  seattered  all  over  India,  and  conduct 
like  that  I  have  just  dcecrihed,  in  any  district,  must  ccuutu 
ill  feeling  towarcl-i  England,  to  your  rule,  to  your  supremacy  ; 
and  when  thut  fuvliug  liaij  become  sufljciently  eitteusixe,  any 
litUe  accident  may  give  lire  to  Wvf  train,  and  yon  may  have 
cahunitiu  more  or  le^^  scrioue,  ^uch  as  we  have  had  during- 
the  )a«t  twelve  months.  YoQ  must  change  all  this  if  you 
mean  lo  kei-p  Iiidiu.  I  do  not  now  miike  any  comment  upnn 
iJie  mode  in  which  this  cmmtry  has  been  put  into  possession 
of  India.  I  aecept  that  poasossion  as  a  foet.  Ttiere  we  are ; 
we  do  not  know  how  to  leave  it,  and  therefore  let  us  see  if 
we  know  how  to  gnvcm  it.  It  is  a  problem  such  as,  perhaps, 
110  otlier  iiatiuu  hu»  liud  to  solve-     Let  iu>  see  whether  Uu-re 


SB 


SPEECH JSS  OF  JOHK   BHldUT. 


J  IKK  21, 


is  enough  of  iiitellig«iii!e  aod  virtnc  in  Ergland  to  solve  the 
difficulty.  In  the  firat  place,  Uieu,  I  eay,  let  tut  uliuailon 
ull  tliat  ev£t4>m  nf  calimmy  a^inst  the  Nativeit  of  Intlia  whicli 
tiae  lftt«)y  prevailed.  Had  tJmt  poo[i1e  not  been  doeile,  tlie 
most  goreraable  race  id  the  world,  how  eould  you  have  main. 
tained  your  power  fur  lOO  reurs?  Arc  tbcy  not  induetrioiu, 
are  liiey  not  iiitelligent,  are  they  not — upon  the  evidence  of 
the  muot  JiHtiiigiiislied  men  the  ludiati  Service  ever  proiliieed 
— endowed  with  many  <]nalitieR  nhich  aiii.kc  tliem  reKpertetl 
by  all  EngUshraon  who  mix  with  them?  I  have  heard  that 
from  many  men  of  the  widettt  experience,  a4id  liiive  read  tlie 
(iamc  in  the  works  of  some  of  thu  bfst  writers  upon  ludiu. 
Tlien  let  us  not  have  these  cxiostant  caluomies  againoi  such 
a  jHKiple.  Even  now  there  are  men  wlio  gv  nliont  the  eonntry 
Bpeakiag  as  if  sufh  things  had  never  heen  eoiitniditted,  and 
talliin^  of  mntiUtiout)  and  utrocitivs  committed  in  Indiu.  The 
leeB  we  eay  about  atrocitJee  the  better.  Great  pnlitical  tu- 
mults are,  I  fear,  never  broug'bt  about  or  carried  ou  without 
grit'vons  aets  on  both  sides  deeply  to  be  rej^mtled.  At  least, 
we  are  in  tho  poKition  of  invitdersi  and  oninpierors — they  are 
in  the  position  of  the  invaded  and  the  conquered.  Whether 
I  were  a  native  of  India,  or  of  England,  or  of  any  other 
countrj',  I  would  not.  the  Vrs  assert  the  great  distinction 
between  their  positiou  aud  omx  in  tiiut  eoiiutry,  and  I  would 
not  permit  any  man  in  my  presenoe,  withont  rebuke,  tn 
indul^^  in  the  caliiinnit>«i  and  exprraninnR  of  contempt  whieb 
I  have  recently  heard  poured  fortli  wthout  meu^ure  upon 
th«  whole  population  of  India. 

There  i«  one  other  point  \a  which  I  wish  to  addn-ss  myself 
before  I  sit  down,  and  in  tonehing  upon  it  I  addrec«  itiynelf 
especially  to  the  noble  Lord  (Lord  SUmley)  and  bin  eollea^ues 
in  tlie  Government.  If  I  had  the  reiiponsibility  of  adminis- 
tcrio^  the  aftiiire  of  India,  there  are  certain  thini^s  I  would 
do.  1  would,  immediately  after  this  Bill  passi-j*,  issue  u 
Proeluuiatioii  In  India  wbieb  should  reach  evei^'  subject  of 


1B5S. 


INDIA.     II. 


59 


the  British  Crown  in  that  oonntry,  and  be  beard  of  in  the 
territories  of  every  lodiiui  Prince  or  Rciji^  I  would  ofiur 
a  graun^  amueuty.  It  is  alt  reiy  well  to  tallc  of  ixxiiing  an 
aoinesty  to  all  who  have  done  nothtug-;  but  who  is  lliore 
that  haa  done  nothing  in  such  a  9tate  of  aSUin  as  has  pre- 
Tiiiled  during  the  p««t  Lwvlvii  moiitlis?  tf  ^ou  parauc  yonr 
vengeance  until  you  have  rooted  out  and  destroyed  every  one 
of  tho«e  soldicre  who  have  levottMl,  wbvu  will  your  labour 
oeufie?  If  you  ore  to  punish  every  non-military  Native  of 
India  who  has  given  a  piece  of  bread  or  a  cup  of  water  to 
a  revolted  trooper,  bow  niauy  Nfttiv^s  will  eeeape  your 
ponishmeDt  aud  your  vuit^^tice  ?  I  would  have  a  gt:ncniL 
amnesty,  which  should  be  put  forth  as  the  lirst  grvat  mat 
done  directly  by  the  Qti«eu  of  Eng-lantl  in  the  exercise  of 
Sovereign  p»w*r  ovt'r  the  ten-itoriea  of  India.  In  this  Pro- 
clamation I  would  promise-  to  the  Natives  of  India  a  security 
for  their  property  aa  complete  as  we  have  here  at  homv;  and 
I  irould  put  au  end  to  all  those  mi^hievous  and  irritAting* 
inquiries  which  have  been  going  on  for  yeura  iii  many  parts 
of  India  08  to  the  title  to  landed  estates,  by  which  you  tell 
the  people  of  tliat  country  that  uiilcee  each  man  can  show 
an  nnimpuucluible  title  to  bia  pro[iierty  for  iiiucty  yeairs  you 
'uitl  di8pof)!W«8  him.  What  would  be  the  state  of  things  liere 
if  such  a  regulation  were  adopted  ? 

I  would  also  proclaim  to  the  people  of  India  tbat.  we  would 
liold  OKred  that  right  of  adoption  which  hae  prevailed  for 
oentariee  in  that  oouiitry.  It  was  only  tlic  other  day  that 
I  had  luid  before  me  tlio  case  <if  a  Native  Prince  who  baa 
been  moiit  faithful  to  England  during  these  latter  triala. 
Wben  he  camo  to  the  throne  at  ten  yean;  of  age  he  waa 
made  to  sign  a  document,  by  which  he  agreed  that  if  be 
bad  DO  children  his  Ivrritorius  idiould  be  at  the  disimaal  uf 
tile  BritLsh  (tovcrnment,  or  what  was  called  tlie  paramount 
power.  He  lias  been  murri^ ;  he  luu>  hud  one  son  and  two 
or  three  daughters;  but  within  the  hut  few  weeks  his  only 


60 


SPHRCUSS  OP  JOHN  BRfGUT. 


jrjTE  24, 


Bon  haa  died.  Thi^n*  U  grii^f  in  tlie  palace,  and  there  is 
consternation  ampng  tho  people,  for  the  feet  of  this  agreempnt 
«ntcred  into  by  the  boy  of  ten  years  old  ie  wcW  knnwii  to 
all  tho  inhabitants  of  the  couatry.  Ilcpn'sentalions  have 
itlvciidy  bifii  inucli'  tti  this  foiiiitry  in  Uie  Impe  lliat  the 
Goveratneiit  will  cancel  thnt  agreement,  and  allow  the  jx^plo 
of  tliat  State  to  know  tliat  the  right  of  adoptimi  would  nrit 
he  taken  from  their  Prince  in  case  he  should  have  no  nthor 
son.  Let  the  Government  do  that,  and  there  is  not  a  comer 
of  India  into  which  tliat  intelligence  would  not  pcnetmtc 
with  the  rapidity  of  lightning.  And  would  uot  that  cahn 
the  anxieties  of  many  of  those  iiidepeiideiit  Princes  und 
llnjahfi  who  are  onlj'  al'rnid  thnt  wlien  these  troublen  are 
over,  the  English  Uoveniraent  will  rocommenee  that  syrtem 
of  annexation  out  of  which  I  believe  all  the»e  trvublea  have 
oriticn  ? 

I  would  tell  thvm  bIbo  in  that  Protilamutitin,  that  while 
the  people  of  England  hold  that  their  own,  the  Chrisdian 
it-Iigion,  tK  tnie  and  the  beet  for  mankind,  yet  that  it  ib 
constant  with  that  n-linfion  tlmt  they  who  ijrofei<a  it  nhoidd 
hold  inviolable  the  rights  of  conscienee  and  the  ri)(ht«  of 
religion  in  others.  I  wonld  shoxr,  that  whatever  violent,  «ver- 
Kealoiii),  and  fauaticat  men  may  have  .fnid  in  this  (country, 
the  l^rliaraent  of  England,  the  Alinietcre  of  the  Queen,  and 
the  Cluet'n  herself  are  resolved  that  u|K>n  this  point  no  kind 
of  wrong-  shonld  be  done  to  the  millions  who  pmfcB»  the 
religions  held  to  be  trne  in  India.  I  wonld  do  another  thing. 
I  would  eutablitih  a  Court  of  Ajipt-al,  the  Judges  of  which 
^ould  be  Judges  of  the  highest  ehamcler  in  India,  for  the 
ecttlemcnt  of  those  many  diiiputod  whieh  have  arisen  between 
the  (Jovernniciit  of  India  und  its  subjeeta,  swine  Native  and 
some  EumiJcan.  1  would  not  suffer  the»^  questions  tn  eonie 
upon  the  floor  of  this  House.  I  would  not  forbid  tliem  by 
statute,  hut  I  would  et-bihlish  n  Court  which  should  rentier 
it  unnecessary  for  any  man  in    India  to  wass  the  ocean  to 


1688. 


61 


seok  for  thnt  Jiistici?  which  lie  would  then  be  able  to  get  in 
Ilia  own  couotry  wnthout  eomipti<>n  or  eecret  bnreain.  Tliea 
1  would  Kirrj  tmt  tlm  pn)iKJBition  wLich  lb«  uublu  Lord  lias 
mnde  to-iiight,  and  which  th«  right  hmi.  (ientileman  the 
Cbaucellor  of  the  Exclie(]uer  made  when  he  introduced  hta 
Bill,  thnt  a  Comm^^ian  shoiikl  lio  iRaiiod  to  inquire  into  the 
question  of  finance.  I  would  Imvc  other  cuamussioiis,  one 
fur  each  Presidency,  and  I  would  tell  the  people  of  India 
tliat  there  should  be  a,  fwart;hing  inquiry  into  tlteir  grie%-ancfa, 
uiid  th&t  It  Willi  tliL'  interest  nntl  the  will  of  the  QneeQ  of 
England  that  those  grievances  should  be  redressed. 

Now,  pcrJiapa  I  may  be  told  thnt  I  am  proposing  strange 
tiling,  quite  out  of  the  ordiuarv  routine  of  government.  I 
admit  it,  We  are  in  a  pusitiou  that  necusaitAteM  eniuething 
out  of  the  ordinarj'  routine.  There  are  positions  and  times  in 
the  history  of  every  country,  m  in  the  lives  of  individuab, 
whra  ooan^:«  aad  action  arc  absolute  salvation;  and  now  tbo 
Crown  of  En^ln-nd,  acting  by  tlin  advice  of  (Jie  rpHponsible 
Minist*TH,  muat,  in  my  opinion,  have  recourse  lu  a  great  and 
unusual  nveasmre  in  order  to  allay  the  anxieties  which  prevail 
throughout  the  whole  of  India.  The  people  of  India  do  not 
like  uj*,  but  tliey  scarcely  know  where  to  turn  if  we  left 
them.  They  an  sheep  literally  without  a,  sheplicrd.  llicy 
are  people  whom  yon  have  sulidijed,  and  who  have  the  highest 
and  Btronf^'Ht  claimB  upon  you — claims  which  you  cannot 
forget — claims  which,  if  yoii  do  not  aet  npon,  yon  may  rely 
upon  it  that,  if  there  be  a  judgment  for  nations — as  I  believe 
(here  is — as  for  indiv  id  unlit,  our  children  in  no  distant  gcne> 
ration  must  pay  the  penalty  which  we  have  purchased  by 
neglecting  our  duty  to  the  populations  of  India. 

I  have  now  stated  my  views  nnd  opinions  on  this  question, 
not  at  all  in  »  manner,  I  foel>  equal  to  Uiu  question  iteetf. 
I  have  felt  the  difficulty  in  thinking  of  it;  I  fep|  the  diffiralty 
ID  fqieaking  of  it — for  there  ie  far  more  in  it  and  about  it 
than  nnv  man,  however  cnueh  he  may  be  necujitoined  to  think 


68 


SrEKCUHS  OF  JOl/y  BlilGBT. 


upon  political  questions,  and  to  diecnss  tbenij  can  comprise 
at  all  within  Uie  compaas  of  a  sp(«ech  of  ordinar)'  length. 
I  have  described  the  measures  which  I  would  at  otic«  adopt 
for  tEe  piirpQEC  of  soothing-  the  agitation  nbiuh  now  disturbs 
and  mMWOW  cvciy  purt  of  India,  and  of  inviting  the  stiIj- 
mission  of  those  who  are  now  in  amiK  against  you.     Now 
I  bolipvc — I  Hpt^'ak  in  the  most  perfect  honesty — I  helieve  thi»t 
tlie  aiiDoimwoK-iit  of  these  mcosuKS  would   avail  more   in 
rcKtonn^  tmnq^uillity  than  the  pn.-«mcv  uf  an  additional  urniVi 
and  1  believe  that  their  full  and  honest  adoption  would  enable 
you  to  retain  jour  power  in  India.     I  havy  sltetelied  tlio  form 
of  government  whieh  I  woulii  e^bliRli  in  India  and  at  home, 
with  the  Tiew  of  seciiring  pericct  rcspousihility  and  an  en- 
lightened administration.     T  admit  that  these  things  can  only 
be  ubtam<--d  hi  degree,  but  I  am  convinced  iliat  a  OoTerament 
micli  aH  that  which  I  have  Rketched  would  be  free  from  mont 
of  the  errors  and  tlie  vices  that  have  marked  and  marred 
your  past  career  in  India.    I  hare  given  much  study  to  this 
great  and  solemn  queetion.      I  entreat  the  House  to  study 
it  not  only  now,  during  the  passing  of  this  Bill,  but  after 
th«  Setteiou  is  over,  and  ttll  we  meet  again  next  year,  when 
in  alt  probability  there  must  be  further  legislation  upon  this 
groat  subject  J  for  I  behove  that  upon  this  question  depends 
very  much,  for  good  or  for  evil,  the  future  of  this  country 
of  which  we  are  citizens,  and  which  wc  all  regard  and  love 
so  much.     You  have  had  enough  uf  military  reputation  on 
Eastern   lieldii;    you   luive    gathered    large    harvests    of  that 
ooromodity,  be  it  vnlu&blc  or  be  it  worthless.     I  invite  you 
to  somctliing  better,  and  higher,  and  holier  than  thatj    I 
invite  you   to  a  glory  not  '  fiiiincd    by  conquest's  crimstm 
wing,'  but  based  upon  the  solid  iiiid  lasting  benefitii  which 
1  lielieve  the  Parliament  of  England  can,  if  it  will,  confer 
upon  the  oountlesB  populations  of  India. 


INDIA. 

m. 

HOUSE  OF   COMMONS,   MAY  20,  1858. 
From  Hansard. 

[A  dftpfttch  of  LorJ  EUenborongh,  the  Preaideat  of  th«  Bofcrd  of  Control,  to 
Lord  C»nDiDg,  the  OoTemor-GenenJ  of  lodis,  had  been  laid  before  the  two 
Housefl,  This  document  sovarely  cenmred  the  Qovemor-Qeiierari  policj 
in  dealing  with  the  talookdun  of  Ouda.  Immodi&te  Mlvaiibige  wna  taken 
of  tbii  doooment  bj  the  OppoeitiDii,  and  on  the  loth  of  Maj  Mr.  Oardwell 
gave  notice  in  the  Commona  of  a  motion  oondemnator;  of  Lord  BUea- 
boroogh's  despatch.  Lord  Ellenborough  retired  from  the  GoTemment.  On 
Hay  14,  however,  Mr.  Cardvell  brou^t  forward  hii  motion  in  the  Hoaae  of 
Commoni,  bnt,  afUr  a  lengthened  debate,  ccntented  to  withdraw  it,  at  the 
earnest  entreaty  of  many  from  his  own  side  of  the  House.] 

I  AM  a&aid  I  shall  hardlj  be  able  to  take  part  in  this 
discuBsion  in  a  maimer  becoming  the  magnitude  of  the 
question  before  us,  and  in  any  degree  in  accordance  with  the 
long  anxiety  which  I  have  felt  in  regard  to  Indian  affairs, 
but  I  happen  to  have  been  unfortanatety  and  accidentally 
a  good  deal  mixed  up  with  these  matters,  and  my  name  has 
frequently  been  mentioned  in  the  course  of  debate,  not  only 
in  this  but  in  the  other  House  of  Parliament^  and  I  am 
unwilling,  therefore,  to  vote  witiiout  expressing  my  opinion 
upon  the  matter  under  discussion.  First,  I  may  be  allowed 
to  explain  that  I  think  almost  everything  that  has  been  said 
and  imagined  with  regard  to  the  part  Uiat  I  have  liad  in 


M 


SPEECHES  OF  JOIIS  BRIOIIT. 


MAT  SO. 


briugiug-  on  tliis  disciiBt^itkn  has  been  altogether  erroueoua, 
ant]  hai!  uo  ftjundfllioii  wliatcvw.  There  waa  no  arrangetneot 
between  th«  hon.  Gentleman  the  Secretary  of  tht>  Bnard  of 
Control  Hiid  mj-sclf  with  rofjarcJ  to  th«  qHestion  that  1 
thought  it  Di^  duty  to  put  to  bim  on  the  subject  of  Lord 
Canniiifr's  ProclaumtioD.  I  hod  Hi>oke»  two  or  tlircc  weeks 
buforc  the  date  of  that  c|Ui-fition  to  the  hon,  Gentlenmn, 
liecaiiec  I  liad  bet-n  informed  by  a  resjiecttsl  friond  oi  mine, 
Mr.  Dickinson,  the  hon.  Bec-retATy  of  the  India.  Rtiform 
Society,  who  hiu  very  great  iuformation  ou  ludinn  aflairs, 
that  he  had  rtM:civ«d  i.-<)mmnnic»tBnns  to  the  eflect  that  sonie 
Proclamation  of  this  character  wan  in  preparation  and  was 
about  to  be  iiuued.  I  spoke  to  the  lion.  Menibt^r  with 
regard  to  that  report. ;  and  he  told  me  that  he  bad  rewivcd 
no  eommutticatioD  which  enabivd  him  to  ^\e  m>L>  any  infor- 
niiitiuii  ou  the  subject.  I  tlien  intimated  to  him  that  in  case 
there  waa  anything  of  the  kind  I  shuuld  certitinly  put  u 
question  to  the  CJoveniment  resptcting  it.  This  wa»  three 
weeke  before  the  (lal«  of  my  (ju««tiou.  Well,  1  read  Uie 
Proclamation  in  TAt  Time*  newspaper,  the  fume  day  that 
every  one  else  read  it;  and  I  came  down  to  the  Uouhc,  not 
having  sei'n  the  liou.  GL-ntlenian  in  the  meantime.  I  met 
my  hon.  Friend  the  Member  fur  Stoekpf»rt  (Mr.  J.  B.  Smith) 
in  Westmiuster  Hnll,  and  ho  told  mc  that  having  rood  the 
<ieepatcb,  and  knowing  my  intention  with  regard  to  it,  he, 
having  met  the  hon.  Gentleman  (Mr.  Baillie)  that  evening, 
said  to  him  la-  hiid  uo  doubt  that  when  \  came  down  t*)  the 
House  I  ahould  put  a  qiustion  r<si>eeting  it.  When  I  come 
down  I  put  a  question  and  received  an  answer;  both  qiietition 
and  answer  are  before  the  House  and  the  country.  But 
1  confe«fl  I  did  not  anticipate  that  we  should  lose  a  week 
from  the  diacuwion  of  the  Indian  Resolution*  ou  account  of 
tlie  qiieKtian  nhicb  I  then  nuked  the  hon.  Gentleman  the 
Secretary  to  the  Boaid  of  Control. 

Now,  Sir,  with  respect  to  the  question  before  the  House, 


Ih'DIA.     IIL 


«a 


I  slioutd  hiLvc  been  content  tn  let  tt  end  when  the  hoa.  and 
learned  GeutkinaL  the  Solicitor-General  sat  down.  1  think. 
Sir,  tlic  HousT  might  have  come  to  a  vote  when  Uie  Solicitor- 
(ieneral  finished  his  njjeech.  I  could  not  but  compare  that 
8j»eeeh  with  the  B[«!ech  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  who 
inov8<]  tho  Rc^^lntion  now  before  the  House.  I  thought 
tbo  right  hon.  Gentleman  raked  t^^tJier  a,  great  many  small 
tilings  to  make  up  a  great  case.  It  a]>pearL'd  (o  tne  tliat  be 
spoke  as  if  his  m»nner  Intlicated  that  he  who  not  peHb«;tty 
iatisfied  with  tlie  coun«  he  was  jiureuing.  I  think  hi>  (itilt^d 
to  stimulate  himself  with  tho  idea  that  he  was  jiert'orming 
B  great  public  duty ;  for  if  be  had  l)ccu  impreascd  irith 
t^at  idea  I  think  his  subject  would  have  enable*]  him  to 
deliver  a  more  li\'el\'  :ind  itiiprvtwive  Hfjeeuh  than  tliai 
\vhich  he  liiis  miule.  But,  Sir,  I  believe  that  eveiy  one 
will  admit  tltat  th«  speech  of  the  Solicitor-Ocnerat  was 
characterised  by  the  closetrt  logic  and  the  moat  complete  and 
exhaustive  urgument.  Thvn:  iii  searcely  a  Gcntlcmao  with 
whom  I  have  sjtokeu  wi(h  regard  to  that  speech  who  does 
not  admit  Uiat  the  hon.  and  learned  Gentleman  hiui  seemed 
to  have  taken  up  the  whnle  cjuestton,  and  to  have  given  a 
complete  anewer  to  all  serious  eharge*  brought  against  the 
GovemiMent. 

Thia  Motion  is  an  important  cue  in  two  aspects.  First  of 
all  as  tOBpcets  the  interests  of  parties  at  home — wliich  iwine 
people,  probably,  think  the  more  important  of  the  interests 
ConMiBcd ;  and,  Kcetaidlj',  ue  rtwix^ets  the  effect  which  will  be 
prodnced  in  India  when  this  diwuiieinn,  with  the  votu  at  which 
we  arrive,  nfiiehfs  that  country  and  is  rt-a*!  (.here.  Tlic  princes, 
the  mjahB,  and  intelligent  landholdurB,  wht-Uier  under  the 
Englieh  Govornment  or  independent,  will  k^nlw  very  little 
ahout  what  we  understand  by  party;  and  any  cab«l  or 
political  fonKpiracy  hen-  will  liave  no  inllueilce  on  them. 
Tlity  know  little  of  the  |M;rsons  who  (Hjuduet  and  tako  a 
part  in  the   debate  in   this  House;    and  the  'loud  cheers' 

VOL.  I.  P 


66 


SPBECUES  OF  JOHN   fiRIGtfT. 


itxi  SO, 


which  they  will  rend  of  in  oar  diiiciisfiguiis  will  bo  almost 
uothing  to  them.  The  question  to  them  «HI]  W,  Wmt  is 
tJic  opinion  of  the  Parliament,  (-r  Kngland  a*  to  the  poliey 
announced  to  ludiu  in  the  Pruclauiutiuu  ? 

Now,  Sir,  I  complain  of  the  right  hon.  Oentleman,  and 
I  think  the  House  lias  ruasou  to  complain,  that  in  his  It^'Hohi- 
tion  he  t'lideavoura  to  ei,*ade  th<^  real  ]>oint  of  dist-usKion. 
The  n«>l)K'  Lord  wh«  has  jiieL  eat  down  (A''iiM!Ouiit  Gwlerich) 
says  he  will  not  meet  this  matter  in  any  Hiich  indirect  manner 
aa  that  pn)po8ed  by  the  Amendment  of  tlie  hon.  Member  for 
Swansea  (Mr.  DillwjTi};  Imt  what  can  Iw  less  direet  than 
the  isBue  oflbred  by  the-  Re*-i>ltition  of  the  riffht  hon.  Gentle- 
man  the  Member  for  Oxford?  This  is  proved  hy  the  fact 
that,  tliroiJ^liuut  iJie  coiirsi;  of  tliiK  dtseut»ion,  every  serious 
argument  and  everj'  serionH  exprcsHion  has  hatl  n-ferRnce  to 
the  character  of  the  Proclamalitiii,  iiud  not  to  those  Uttle 
matters  which  are  mixed  up  in  thit<  Resohitton.  Nobody, 
I  believe,  defends  the  Proclamation  in  the  lig'ht  in  which  it 
is  viewed  by  the  Government,  and  censured  by  tJie  Gnvem- 
meut.  All  thul  baK  been  done  is  an  endeavour  to  »how  that 
it  IB  not  rightly  understood  by  those  who  oeiwure  it  m 
announcing  a  policy  «f  confiscation.  In  fact,  in  endeavourinf? 
to  defend  it,  hon.  Members  iiisisi.  tliat  it  does  not  meiui 
8umctbiu};  wliicli  it  says  it  does  mcuti,  and  which  if  any  of 
us  tinderetand  the  English  lang-iiage  it  assuredly  does  mean. 
The  rig'bt  hon.  Gentleman  asks  iw  to  do  that  whidi  I  think 
w  an  absolutt^'  imiMsuibilily.  He  want*  us  to  condemn  the 
censure,  and  wishes  at  the  same  time — and  1  give  him  credit 
for  tLi» — that  >vt'  should  prDnouuoe  no  apjiroval  of  the  thing 
ceDBiireil.  I  do  not  think  the  rigljt  hon.  Gentleman,  though 
nnfortuuately  he  has  been  led  into  this  movcmeut,  wishes  the 
House  U>  pronounce  an  opinion  in  favour  of  confiacation.  I 
do  not  believe  that  any  Member  of  thi^  Hou&e  asks  us  to 
come  to  a  ooncluxion  in  such  a  way  as  that  our  derision 
shall    l>e  an  a]>prDval    of  that  which    the   Government    h»« 


1S58.  ■  INDIA.    III.  67 

coDdemned  io  the  despatch.  But  if  we  affirm  the  Resolution 
of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman,  how  is  it  possible  for  ^e  people 
of  India  to  understand  our  decision  in  any  other  sense  than 
as  an  approval  of  the  policy  of  Lord  Canning's  Proclamation  ? 
With  regard  to  the  publication  of  the  Government  despatch, 
it  is  not  a  little  remarkable  how  men  turn  round  and  object 
to  what  they  formerly  were  bo  loud  in  demanding.  On  this 
side  of  the  House  it  has  been  the  commonest  thing  to  hear 
hon.  Gentlemen  say  that  all  this  secrecy  on  the  part  of  the 
Foreign  Office  and  the  Board  of  Control  is  a  cause  of  the 
greatest  mischief.  Assume  for  a  moment  that  the  publica- 
tion of  this  despatch  was  injudicious — alW  all^  it  was  no 
high  crime  and  misdemeanour.  We  on  this  side  of  the 
House,  and  hon.  Gentlemen  below  the  gangway,  ought  to 
look  with  kindneBS  on  this  failing,  which,  if  a  failing,  leans 
to  virtue's  side.  Then,  Sir,  with  regard  to  the  language 
of  the  despatch,  I  do  not  know  of  any  Government  or 
Minister  who  would  not  be  open  to  censure  if  we  chose  to 
take  up  every  word  in  a  despatch.  A  man  of  firmer  texture, 
of  stronger  impulse,  and  more  indignant  feelings  will,  on 
certain  occasions,  write  in  stronger  terms  than  other  men — 
and  I  confess  I  like  those  men  best  who  write  and  speak  ho 
that  you  can  really  understand  them.  Now  I  say  that  the 
proposition  before  the  House  is  a  disingenuous  one.  It 
attempts  to  lead  the  House  into  a  very  unfortunate  dilemma. 
I  think  that  no  judicial  mind — seeing  that  the  result  of  a 
decision  in  favour  of  this  Resolution  will  be  the  establishment 
of  the  policy  of  the  Proclamation — will  fail  to  be  convinced 
that  we  ought  not  to  arrive  at  such  a  decision  without  great 
hesitation,  and  that  we  cannot  do  so  without  producing  a  very 
injurious  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  people  of  India. 

We  now  come  to  what  all  parties  admit  to  be  the  real 
question — the  Proclamation  and  the  policy  of  confiscation 
announced  in  it.  There  are  certain  matters  which  I  under- 
stand all  sides  of  the  House  to  be  agreed  on.     They  agree 

F  a 


68 


SPEEQUHH  OF  JOtL\  BRIGHT. 


HAY  SO, 


with  Ukj  GoveramcBt  and  U»e  East  India  Company  tliat  tlie 
people  of  Oude  are  enemies  ^ut  that  they  are  not  relwls. 
[Cries  of  *  Yes,  yes  !* — *  No,  no  !']  I  th&ught  the  supportere 
of  tbe  RcBoIatioD  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  the  Member 
for  Oxtbnl  t<ild  us  thut  if  tlif  Guvuromeiit  \\a>\  nTittcii  a 
judicious  despatch  like  that  of  the  Ea«t  Indiit  C'umpaiiy,  they 
would  have  applauded  and  not  censured  it.  Well,  tlie  East 
India  Direetors — ami  they  are  likely  to  kiiow,  for  tlicy  were 
connected  with  tlie  oommission  of  the  Act  tluit  broug'ht  tliin 
iliflturbancc  in  Outle  U]K>n  ns — eay  thut  tbu  people  of  Oudv 
art*  uut  rebels ;  that  they  are  not  to  l)e  trcatwl  as  rebels, 
hut  as  enemies.  If  so,  tlie  Goveriiioent  have  u  rig-ht  to 
trvat  them  aeoortling  to  thoBe  rules  which  are  obsi^rvwl  by 
nations  which  are  at  war  with  eiwh  other.  Will  the-  Houee 
■MJtxyi  that  proiMXiitioii?  ['No,  not' — '  Vea,  yesM]  Well, 
if  hon,  GentlL-mcti  on  this  aide  will  not  accept  it,  1  \xo\k 
the  noble  IjoitI  the  Meniljer  for  tJie  West  Hiding  (Viscount 
Guderich]  will  not  ineluijo  tlioni  amongst  thuoc  who  are  in 
fovonr  f>f  picmeney.  I  am  quite  butm  tiie  people  of  England 
will  accept  that  dcllnition — that  ctWUsed  Euiopc  will  ii£cq>t 
it;  and  tliat  history — history  which  will  record  our  proceed- 
in(pi  this  nig^tj  and  our  vote  on  this  Rtsolution — will 
iweejit  it.  Sir,  I  do  not  see  how  any  one  elainiing  to  W 
an  Engliehtnan  or  a  Chrinliiiii  can  hy  any  ppi^bility  eswpe 
from  coudcmuiug  the  polioy  of  this  Froctaniatiou. 

I  now  oome — nod  ou  that  point  I  will  be  as  brief 
OS  ponaihie — to  the  c|ue6tion.  What  is  the  meaning  of 
eoufiecating  the  proprietary  rights  in  the  »oil?  Wi*  have 
beard  from  a  iiublo  Lord  in  'anf)ther  plai'e,'  and  it  hiui  bwn 
stated  in  the  conree  of  the  debate  licrc,  that  this  sentence  of 
conEificatinn  refers  only  to  nertflin  unpleasant  ]>ertiuDs  who  an; 
called  taluokdiirs,  who  are  bamiiii  and  mbhei'  chiefs  and 
oppressors  of  the  people.  This  is  hy  no  means  ihc  first  time 
that,  after  a  great  wrong  liaa  been  oonmiittt>(J,  the  wrong- 
doer has  attempted  to  injure  by  calumny  those  upon  whom 


INDIA,    in. 


«ft 


Uie  irrongf  liait  Itoen  inflicted.  Lord  ShafWViiiy,  who  is  a  sort 
of  leader  in  tliis  ^eat  war,  lia«  told  the  world  that  ihiK  Pro- 
flnmntion  refi'P»»  only  tofioo  jwrsoriB  io  Uil»  kingdom  of  Oiide. 

The  kingdom  of  Oiide  has  about  five  millions  of  ixjople,  or 
rme-stxth  of  tiie  population  of  the  Uniitsl  Kiagilom.  Applied 
to  tJie  United  Kingdom  in  the  same  rate  of  the  population 
it  would  apply  to  3,600  persuus.  Now,  in  Iwth  Hous^k  of 
Parliame^nt  tlionj  wv  [jpolmlily  700  laiidtHl  proprietors.  It 
would,  tlwrerore,  He  «n  wlict  tX  confiftoMion  to  the  landed  pro- 
priutors  of  the  (Jnitud  Kingdom  oc^aal  to  Hvo  timcu  all  the 
landed  (iroprietors  in  bolli  Houses  of  Parliameot.  An  tioit. 
Gentleman  khvij  I  urn  all  wrong  in  my  fSj^reit.  1  Ehall  be 
glnd  to  hear  his  figiirw  ftfterwards.  But  that  i*  not  the  foci  j 
bnt  if  it  wcro  the  faot,  it  would  amount  not  to  a  political,  but 
to  ail  entire  social  rcvolutiun  in  thii«  cotintr}'.  Aud  surely, 
when  you  live  in  a  cronntr}'  when;  you  have,  as  in  Scotland,  a 
grent  province  imder  one  Member  of  (be  House  of  Lords,  and 
isevenly  or  eijfhty  milt-s  of  territory  under  auutber,  and  where 
you  have  Dukes  of  Bedford  and  Dukes  of  Devonshire,  an  in 
Eo^nd — Buruly,  I  say,  we  ought  to  be  a  little  careful, 
at  any  rate,  lliat  we  do  not  overturn,  without  jui<i  cauee,  the 
pniprietary  righUi  »('  the  gn-at  tilmikdui^  and  landowners  in 
India.  It  is  a  known  fact,  n'hir>h  anybody  may  nHoerUin  by 
referrinjf  to  books  which  have  been  written,  and  to  wituoeses 
who  cannot  be  mistalccD,  that  this  odiet  would  apply  to  more 
than  40,000  landowners  in  the  kingdom  of  Oiidc.  And  %vhai 
t«  it  that  i»  nieojit  by  tlitwe  pn>prieUiry  rights?  We  miiitt  see 
what  18  the  general  course  of  lie  polity  of  our  government  in 
India.  If  you  sweep  n^iiy  all  proprietary  rights  in  the  kingdom 
of  Oade  you  will  liave  this  reetilt — that  there  will  be  nobody 
eonnoctul  with  Ihe  Injid  but  the  Government  of  India  and 
the  humble  caltivator  who  tills  the  eoil.  And  you  will  have 
tliiK  furtlier  remit,  thai  the  whole  produce  of  the  land  of 
Oade  and  of  the  industry  of  it«  people  wilt  be  divided  into 
tnro  most  unequal  portions ;   the  lat;ger  i^uiro  will  go  to  the 


70  SPEECHES  OF  J  Oil  A'  BRIGHT.  «*«  so. 

Govenimpnt  in  the  shape  uf  tax,  auil  the  smaller  ehare,  which 
will  W  n  haiitirul  of  rice  per  day,  will  go  ia  ttic  L-Qltivatur  of 
the  8oil,  Now,  this  is  thi'  Indinii  oystenw  It  is  the  grand 
theory  of  th«  civJIiana,  under  whow.-  ad\'iei',  I  ven.-  much  fear, 
Lonl  Caniiiug  has  unfortunately  aetwl ;  and  you  will  find  in 
msny  \iiu\s  of  India,  especially  in  tlto  Presidency  of  Madras, 
tliiil.  tile  ix^piilntioii  cousisLs  entirely  of  the  clas*  of  Kultivulont, 
and  tliat  the  G»vcrnment  8ta,ndB  over  them  with  a  screw 
whiHj  is  perpfitually  tiinuid,  Inavin^  the  handful  of  ri«i  per 
day  to  tW  ryot  or  the  cultivator,  and  pouring  all  the  rest  of 
tJie  produce  of  the  soil  into  the  Exchequer  of  the  East  Isdin 
Company.  Now,  I  believe  that  this  Proohiinat-ion  sanctioaa 
\h\»  p»licy;  and  I  believe  further  that  the  Itusolutiou  which 
the  n^lit  hon.  (ionllemaa  lUiks  t1u>  House  to  atlopt,  twnctions 
this  Proelamalion ;  that  it  will  ba  so  ivad  in  India,  and  that 
whatever  may  be  tht;  iiiiluenw,  uiilvrtuualc  m  I  believe  it 
will  be,  of  the  Prrxtlamation  itself,  when  it  is  known  thruug'Ii- 
out  India  that  this — the  hig-hest  (.'ourt  of  apiteal — lias  pro- 
nounoed  in  favour  of  TjortI  CanniujEj's  policy,  it  will  be  nne  of 
the  most  urifurtiniat*.'  deelii  ratione  that  ever  went  forth  from 
the  Parliament  ol'  tliiri  eountry  to  tlie  people  of  that  empire. 

Let  me  then  for  tme  minute— and  it  shall  be  but  for  one 
minute — aaV  the  attention  of  the  Ilouxe  to  our  pecuniary 
dealings  with  Oude.  A  friynd  of  mine  lias  extrat-ted  from  a 
book  on  this  subject  two  or  three  fncti«  which  I  should  like  t« 
gtate  to  the  Houae,  an  we  are  now  considering-  the  policy  of 
Eu^laud  towiLrdx  that  afflicted  country.  It  is  MAted  that, 
under  the  j?:)vcninicnt  of  Warren  Hastings,  to  the  arrival  nf 
Ijord  C'nrDwallis  in  1786,  the  East  Tudia  Company  obtained 
from  the  kinjfJom  of  Oude,  and  therefore  from  the  Excheijuer 
of  the  iwoph?  of  Oude,  the  sum  of  9,1.52,000/. ;  uuder  Lord 
Comwfllli*,^, 390,000/.;  under  Lonl  Tcignmouth,  1,280,000/. ; 
under  Lortl  Wellealey,  10,358,000/.  This  include*,  I  ought  to 
observe,  tlic  Di>ab,  t.-iken  in  1801  in  lieu  of  subsidy,  the 
WDuaI  revenue  uf  that  distrlet  being    1,332^00/.     Coming 


nrniA.  m. 


71 


doirn  to  tlieyear  I'Ax^,  tJien>  wsd  a  toan  of  a  million;  in  iiii5 
■  loan  of  a  million;  id  1825  a  looii  of  a  milliou;  in  1826  a  loan 

ofamillioti;  in  1829  a  loan  nf  f^^^gCOo/. ;  and  in  1838  a  loan 
of  1,700,000/.  Somp  of  thcw  Bume,  the  House  will  observe, 
ant  loans,  and  in  one  case  t!ie  luaii  iraa  repaid  b^  a  3>orlion 
of  territorr  which  tlit;  Cf)mi)aiiy,  in  a  very  few  years,  under 
an  cxoiiKf  which  1  should  wA  like  to  justiry.  rt'-aiinexed  to 
thenwelveti,  nnd  thert-fort'  \\w  debl  was  virtually  never  re[)aid. 
1^  tvhole  of  theso  fnitns  onrncH  tn  '^t,';oo,oooJ. ;  in  addition 
to  which  Otidc  lias  paid  vast  mune  in  salaries,  pensions,  and 
i;molumcnt8  of  every  kind  tt>  servants  of  the  Company  en- 
gaged ill  the  uenHce  of  the  Oovemraent  of  Oude. 

I  am  not  going'  f^irthcr  into  detail  wit>i   rcgnrd  to  that 
matter;   Ijnt  1  eay  that  the  history  of  our  connection  with 
the  ootintry,  whoM*  iiitcrest^  we  are  now  discussing,  is  of  a 
nature  that  ought  to  make  u»  paii^e  before  we  conaent  tn  any 
meaaiire  tlitd  xliall  fill  up  the  eiip  of  injury*  whieh  we  have 
olTered  t«i  the  lips  of  ihot  people.     After  this,  two  yeaPri  ago, 
we  deposed  the  Sovereign  of  Ottdc.     Everything  that  he  had 
was  seized — much  of  it  was  sold.     IndJjfiiities  were  offered  to 
hix  family.  Tlieir  ruin  wnH  uocoinplished,  tlioii^li  Ihey  were  tJiC 
governors  of  that  kingtiom.  Some  hon.  Gentlpraan,  speaking  on 
this  side  of  tho  House,  hat;  tried  to  persuade  the  Ilonse  that 
this  eonfiseation  policy  only  intends  that  we  should  receiv<<  the 
t«x«a  of  Oadc.    But  that  is  altogether  a  delusion.    That  in  a 
I  ataternient  so  absurd  that  I  nni  astonished  that  any  one,  ei'cn 
■of  those  who  BUpp<jrt  the  R«-!n>!utiou,  should  offer  it  to  the 
House.     Tn   i8^(5,  when  you  dethroned  the  King  of  Oude, 
yoii  i^teppcd  into  his  place,  and  lieemne  tho  recipient*  of  all 
the  legritiniate  nationul  taxes  of  the  kingdom  of  Oude ;   and 
now,  tuivitig  suizid  the  500,000^.  u-ycar,  the  revenue  of  tliat 
oonntry,  after  a  solemn  treaty  which  enntainod  a  clause  that 
if  there  wore  a  siirtilus  nf  revenue  it  should  he  paid  to  the 
credit  of  the   kiiigd(»ra   of  Oude ;    after   liaviug  applied   that 
iurplus,  contranr'  to  that  clauw  of  the  treaty,  lo  the  general 


78 


SPEECUBS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


xxt  SO, 


purpos*.«  of  India;  you  now  »tep  tu  oiwl  yoa  descend  ))elow  llie 
Kin^,  to  every  tulookdar,  to  every  landovi'iier,  large  or  small, 
to  every  mnii  who  hnj?  proprielary  rights  in  the  soil,  t«  every 
nuiD,  tlic  »mallo«t  and  humbWt  cu|)itiiJuit  who  ciilttvntee  the 
(>oi! — to  every  one  of  thow  yon  say  in  lanf^io^  that  cannot 
he  iiiistakuu^'  Corac  dow-u  from  the  indc]>eudenee  and  digniity 
yoii  have  held.  As  we  have  done  in  other  pro\-inces  of  India 
we  «hall  do  hcri'.  Twu-thinLt  of  ytrn  have  not  Wen  mixed 
up  in  this  ivar;  hut  in  this  genirrjil  i-onfisisiLioa  the  innoL-ent 
must  fiifler  with  the  gitilty,  for  siioli  is  the  miefortuno  of  wnr, 
and  Buch  U  the  {reualty  which  wc  shall  iuHict  upou  you.' 
Sir,  if  this  Pnxilanuition  he  not  u  Proclaraalion  of  unheard-of 
Beventy,  how  comes  it  that  W)  many  persons  have  protested 
agniRfit  it?  DopB  nny  man  believe  that  the  noble  Lord  the 
Mcmher  for  the  Wcgt  Riding  (ViBOOtint  Goderieh)  under- 
etunds  this  Proclamation  better  thnu  the  liigh  military 
authorities  who  have  so  long  known  India?  Does  be  suppose 
that  the  House  of  CommouB  will  take  his  authority  ufKiii  a 
matter  of  lliis  kiwi  in  preference  to  the  authority  of  the 
whole  Mnit«l  press  of  India?  ['Oh!  oh  I 'j  Well,  I  dare 
say  that  hon.  Members  who  cry  '  Oh  1 '  have  not  read  the 
newtijiapers  of  India  tipun  the  ;<iibjtict.  Some  of  them  uphold 
it  l)ecauBC  Lhey  say  that  at  one  fell  swoop  it  has  done  that 
whicl)  it  took  lis  twenty  years  to  do  in  other  districts  of 
India,  and  destroys  every  man  who  could  influence  the  periple 
n|j;ninst  the  British  Government.  Others  say  that  it  is  a 
Proclamation  of  such  a  churacttT  that  it  must  cause  '  war 
to  tlic  knife'  ugaiDet  the  Dnglish,  and  that  the  Goveruor- 
<JeneraI  who  ii«ued  siieh  a  ProelHmation  should  have  been 
prf|»ared  with  a  new  army  at  his  bock  that  ho  might  liave 
power  to  enforce  it. 

The  learned  Gentleman  the  Attorney-General  for  Irelund 
referred  in  his  speech  the  other  night  to  what  hod  hee.n 
said  by  the  hon.  and  learned  Member  for  Devonport 
(Sir  £.  Peny)  od  the  occasion  of  a  question  that  I  hod  put 


IXDIA.     TIL 


7» 


•omc  ivo  or  tlirec  weeks  agu.  Now  I  call  t^ic  House  to 
witness  whellier  when  T  put  the  question  whidi  brought 
out  this  d<!si>ateb,  and  when  Ih*  rig-ht  hon.  Gentleman  the 
ChaaccUor  of  the  Exchequer  ro»e  in  his  place  luid  pivu  thu 
answer  that  with  rcspvct  to  the  policy  of  conliscatioTi — for 
tiiat  is  the  only  thin^  there  is  any  di^itute  aliout  io  the 
ProelamatioD^ — the  Govcnimeot  disavowed  it  in  everv  sense — 
I  (-all  thn  House  to  Mdtne«s  whether  every  Oontlemaji  preeent 
in  this  part  of  the  IIouso  did  not  cheer  that  eentiment.  Of 
couraei  every  man  cheered  it.  They  would  not  have  been 
men;  they  would  not  liave  tiL'CQ  Gii^Hshmeu ;  they  would 
not  have  been  legislators;  they  would  have  been  men  who 
bad  never  heard  of  what  was  Juet  and  right,  if  every  instinct 
within  them,  at  tht;  instant  they  heard  the  declaration  of  tlie 
Oovcmmcnt,  did  not  compel  them  to  on  eathui^iastic  aesc-nt. 
And  it  was  only  when  the  fatal  inlliience  of  party,  and  the 
arta  whicli  party  knows  how  to  employ,  were  put  in  motion, 
that  boil.  Gentlemen  befi^n  to  difwover  that  there  was  acime- 
tbing  aerioue  and  eomothin^  dnTigc-rou«  in  this  memorable 
de«i>atcli.  Kow,  I  would  aak  the  House  this  quc«tioa — arc 
we  prepared  to  sanction  the  policy  of  thut  dctqiatch  ? 

I  am  very  sorry  that  I  have  not  done  tvliat  only  opcurred 
to  me  aller  this  itebate  commenced,  and  after  tlie  Amend- 
ment waa  propoaedj  or  I  ^ould  have  proposed  another 
Amendment  to  ^o  House  that  went  expressly  upon  that 
point,  becQuae — and  I  ejieak  it  without  the  smallest  refer- 
ence to  the  influence  which  it  may  have  on  any  party  in 
tliis  Houac~-I  thialc  it  of  the  very  bighcet  consequence 
that,  what«Ter  decteion  we  come  to,  it  should  be  liable  to 
»o  miBint^rpretatioQ  when  it  arrives  in  India.  Tliea,  Sir, 
we  have  l»x-n  treated  to  a  good  deal  of  eloquence  upon  tiiC' 
nunaer  of  the  despatch ;  and  with  regard  tv  that  1  must 
anv  a  word  or  two,  Tlie  noble  Lord  tlie  Member  for  Lon- 
don, who  sits  below  me,  has,  I  think,  fallen  into  the  error 
of  moflt  of  the  spealiers  in  fikvour  of  tlic  Ktiaotutioa;   that 


74 


SPEEGUKS  OF  JOfIS  HRWilT. 


MAf  SO, 


is,  of  treating  some  of  the  outsidf  uirc-umstuQces  of  the  coeu 
u  if  they  w#re  the  case  it«eU'.     I  du  not  think,  however, 
that  hti  stated  there  was  a  word  in  the  (lcK|>at«h  nhii^h  wait 
not  true,  nltlioii^li  lie  did  express  what  I  thmiffht  was  pathur 
ftn  imnioi-al  ttMitimtiit  lor  m  cmiacnt  a  statesman.     Tho  noMe 
Lord  t«ld  us  tJiat  ufl«T  a  crime  had  been  (.•ommitted,  mon  ia 
iiffictf  wfirc  never  to  lut  it  be  tcriowii  or  susppctcd  tJiat  thry 
thought  it   was   a  cririie.       [Ijord  John   Runscll :  '  The  hoii. 
Crciitlvman  in  mitititk«n ;  1  novor  laiid  anything-  of  the  kind.'] 
I  did  not  hear  it  niyeelf,  but  I  rewl  it,  and  many  of  my  tritnds 
came  to  thu  same  coHcEiision.    ['  Oh  !  oh  ! ']  Well,  I  undecstajid, 
then,  that  he  did  not  s»y  it;  but  what  he  did  »iy  was,  that 
there  was  u.  yreat  deal  of  sureasni  and  iovective  in  the  de- 
sftatcli,  and  he  read  a  ]uiti^ag(-  to  bIioiv  that  such  was  the  case. 
But  the  ihct  i«  that  a  great  dcnl  depends  npon  the  readinff. 
I    ronid    take   a  dcnpntch    of    the    noble    Lord    liimfielf  and 
read  it  in  u  mauner  that  would  perfei-tly  iistuniKh  him.     He 
KHid,  if  I  am  not  miHtaken,  that  if  the  House  were  to  appruva 
of  that  despatch  as  a  protier  tlo«|>atch,  then  I^ord  Canning 
woe  not  fit  to  occupy  the  meaneet  politieal  or  official  situation. 
Indian  despatches  have,  to  my  mind,  never  been  very  gentle. 
I  recollect  having  i"ead  in  MUl'ii  Hlahry  of  BritUk  India,  and 
in  other  hintorias  also,  despatcheii  that  have  been  sent  from 
the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control,  the  Secret  Committee, 
and  tJie  Court  of  Directors,  over  &nd  over  again ;  and  I  have 
thought  tliat  they  were  written  in  a  tone  mther  more  authori- 
tative and  rather  more   did«toriul  than   I  should   have  beon 
diiipoM^l   to  write,  or  than   I  should  have  1>eeii   pleiuMM)   to 
reooivo.     It  aroee  from  this — that  in  old  timei  the  raagnateH 
sitting  in  Leadonh nil-street  were  writing,  not  to  Loi"d  Can- 
ning and  men  of  that  altitude,  hut  to  merchants  and  agentit 
whom  they  had  sent  out.  who  were  ciitirt-ly  de])fndeiiit  upon 
them,  and  to  whom  they  could  say  just  what  they  liked ;  and 
for   lOO  yesre  past,  us  far  lu  I  have  ueen,  their  despateheii 
have  had  a  cbamctor  for  eevehtv,  and  that  which  men  call 


i«H. 


n'DiA.  ///. 


75 


'dictatorial,' w)]icli  I  think  might  be  very  well  iliE))eti»cd  with. 
i)ut  that  iii  a  mutter  which  shmild  crrtaialy  be  iaVen  into 
eoi)fiid»ration,  »-bi*ii  a  large  portion  of  this  Iloutie  aru  dis- 
]KiJ«cd  nut  only  to  cenBuru  LorJ  Ellenbonmjfh,  but  to  over- 
tUTD  the  Government,  Iccnuse  a  despatch  is  not  wntt«ti 
precisely  in  tliose  gentle  teirau  which  eome  hoii.  (Jentlemcti 
think  to  lie  right  whi-n  inditing  a  letttrr  to  a  GnTernor- 
Uciii-raJ  of  India. 

There  is  one  other  point  which  I  mtut  notino,  and  thai  is 
the  fiupjwscd  uffcct  of  this  dcepatch  upon  thi-  fcvUngs  of 
Lord  Canniiig'.  I  am  not  so  intimate  with  Lord  Can- 
ning tui  many  Memhere  of  this  Uouge,  bnt  I  have  had  the 
pleojnire  of  his  ncqnaintanw,  and  hav«  always  boUeved  that 
he  uu  one  of  tlio  last  men  who  would  knomng-ly  do  any- 
tliiiig  that  waa  inhimmn  or  uiijnHt,  and  that  is  my  opinion 
now.  I  think  hn  in  to  be  coiitmi^terated,  as  any  other  man 
would  have  bi«n  who  happem-il  to  be  in  ItHlia  at  stich  a  time 
as  tiiiH ;  and  I  think  uv  niv  bound  aIi<o  to  tnko  n  lenJrnt  view 
even  of  such  errors  a«  we  may  think  he  has  committed.  If 
1  bail  gnno  to  India,  or  into  any  service  under  the  State, 
I  shookt  expect  that  there  would  lie  a  geoerat  disposition 
to  give  me  lair  play  in  the  exercise  of  my  oflifv,  and  that 
no  stmined  oonstniotion  to  my  injury  would  bo  put  upon 
an>'tbin£:  which  1  did.  Well,  that  is  the  view  which  I  ooter- 
Uin  witli  regard  to  Lord  Canning.  I  have  never  uttered 
a  syllable  against  him  in  public,  although  T  think  that  some 
of  hiK  actii  have  Ixi'u  ojieii  to  great  objeetion;  and  I  am 
not  al)out  to  say  (anything  agftinet  him  now.  I  would 
not  support  a  Heeoliition  which  wan  intended  to  damage 
r^ord  Canning;  and  T  think  the  ho».  Member  for  Swansea 
(Mr.  Dillwyn)  has  not  done  wrong  in  offering  t«  the 
House  the  Amendment  he  has  plaecil  before  us.  But  it  is 
joet  possible  that  Lord  Canning  is  in  tlie  midst  of  eirctim- 
etances  which  have  remlered  it  very  difficult,  perliapa  im- 
poaaible,  for  him  to  exercise  his  own  calm  judgment  un  the 


T6 


SPEKCHSS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


uAi  ao. 


gri'ul  qunttion  wliinh  forms  tltc  aubjcct  of  tliu  ProcUmat ion. 
I  see  in  tliut  ProelumalioD  not  *a  much  an  eraanfitioii  rrom 
tlio  humane  and  just  mind  of  Lord  Cjinninff,  as  i\\v  ofrfipri»f» 
of  that  mixture  of  retl  tape  and  ancient  tradition  wliieh  ie 
the  foundation  of  the  policy  of  ibe  old  civilian  Coutieil  of 
Calcuttu.  But,  Sir,  if  it  wore  a  question  of  luitiiig  Lnnl 
Cannings  ferrling'R  and  dcnnmicing  this  Proclamation,  I  cmild 
haw  liu  hesitation  iik  to  tlie  ehoiee  which  I  should  inukv.  A 
miin's  private  and  personal  fwlinjjs  are  not  a  matter  of  im- 
poiiaO'Ce  for  the  House  when  compared  with  the  vast  and 
[jermniK'ut  intei-eets  inToIved  in  the  danigeroae  policy  which 
we  arc  now  discussing.  And  I  do  not  thiiilc  the  right  hon. 
Gentleman  (Mr.  Cartlwell),  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for 
the  West  Riding  (Vi«connt  GodericL),  and  the  noble  Lord  the 
Member  for  London,  have  any  right  to  throw  themselveit 
into  Eomcthing"  like  a  contortion  of  a^^uy  with  regard  to 
the  manner  of  thia  dcHpatch ;  because,  as  was  stated  to  the 
House  the  other  uij^ht  by  the  learned  Attorney- Gen cnil 
for  Ireland,  they  did  not  tell  us  much  about  the  feelings  of 
another  public  servant,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  Crown  at 
a  rfill  greater  distance  from  England,  when  last  year  they 
gave  a  rote  on  the  China  question  which  pronounced  a  most 
emphatic  condemnation  on  the  txinduct  of  Sir  Jolm  Bowring. 
Now,  I  like  fair  play.  1  would  treat  Lord  Canning  as  I 
would  treat  Sir  John  Bowritig ;  and  I  would  treat  Sir  John 
Bowrtug  as  1  would  treat  Lord  Canning.  Do  not  let  ue  have 
In  the  service  of  the  Stale  low-etiatt"  men  who  may  ho  trampled 
upon  at  pleasure,  and  highKuiiile  men  whom  nobody  dare 
criticise. 

I  said,  when  1  began,  tlint  this  Resolution  is  important 
in  reference  to  eomcthing  else  bcaidce  India;  that  it  \& 
ini]>ortant  with  reference  to  the  position  of  ijarties  in  thijt 
Ilonee.  1  would  a»;k  the  attention  of  the  Iloiiee  for  n  few 
moments  to  that  branch  of  the  Kubjeet-  1  am  afmid — and 
1  hope  ]  am  not  slandering  anybody  in  saying  it — that  thtre 


INDIA,    in. 


77 


is  quite  as  much  zeal  for  what  is  called  '  jilace'  a»  there  is  for 
Uio  fjood  of  India  i»  the  propositiou  brought  Wfore  us.  ]f 
that  <le8]>atch  bod  becu  publUbed  three  months  ago,  when  we 
were  ail  eittiii^  on  tliat  eidc  of  the  House,  it  is  ver)-  pn^hahie 
tliat  mauy  Gentlemen  who  now  spt-ak  Bgaingl  it  would  have 
ilioiigfat  it  a  noble  despatch,  containing  noble  M>ntitnenl#, 
cxprwsipd  ill  nohlp  lan^ia^.  But  now,  Sir,  tht'rc  liae  hwn 
for  the  last  two  months  a  growing  irritatictn  oWrvaUle,  par- 
ticularly in  this  part  of  thv  House.  Tbvrt;  biie  l>ccn  a  fci-liu^ 
which  no  insanity  hail  Wen  able  to  dn^iiae — a  fmr  that  if 
the  pre^ut  Govemmt-nt  should,  by  some  meaiiB  or  other, 
remaio  in  office  over  the  Session,  no  small  diflieully  would  he 
foood  In  displating  it — leat,  like  the  tree,  which,  when  first 
planted,  may  be  en-'^ily  puHed  up,  it  dioulJ  by  aud  bye  strike  Its 
rootit  downwards  and  it»  bnuiehes  outwarclu,  and  after  a  year 
or  two  no  man  would  he  able  t*  got  it  out  of  the  ground.  Hon. 
GeiitWmen  opposite  know  that  I  differ  very  widely  from  them 
on  many  public  qiiestione,  and  prolalsly  at  aome  not  dii^nnt 
day  they  may  find  it  out  in  some  act  of  Bevere  hostility';  hut 
Z  put  it  to  the  Hotisc,  whether,  out  of  doora,  the  reputation  of 
the  present  Government  is  not,  in  many  rcepects,  better  than 
the  last?  "Like,  for  instanee,  the  Gentlemen  who  t-ome  up 
from  the  country  on  various  deputatiouK  to  the  Ministers — 
the  judgment  of  these  deputntions,  without  an  exception,  is 
in  favour  of  the  nmnner  in  wliicb  they  liave  been  received  by 
the  pnscnt  Ministers,  and  of  the  way  in  whieh  their  su^vs- 
tions  and  reqiic^t^  have  hecn  treated.  Now,  this  may  1>e  no 
great  matter,  and  £  do  not  say  Uiat  it  it ;  hut  I  make  the 
oheerratiou  for  the  benefit  of  the  Gentlemen  who  ait  ou  these 
benches,  heeauxe  it  is  jnet  possible  that  they  may  some  time 
have  t<i  reeoive  depulatioiia  again.  Tlieu  take  their  eonduct 
in  this  House.  'Oh,  yea/  hon.  Gentlcmt^n  may  say,  'but 
they  are  a  weak  (roveniment ;  they  have  not  a  majorit>',  aud 
they  arc  obliged  to  Ix-  very  civil,'  But  what  I  maintain  ia, 
that  every  Ministry  ought  to  be  very  civil,  and  what  1  am 


r« 


SPKKCUKH   OF  JOHU   BRIGHT. 


UAV  SO. 


prepared  to  aewrt  is — uiid  I  usk  every  va&n  on  tbis  9i<Ic  of  the 
HoaM  if  he  does  not  agree  with  mc,  for  I  have  hc«rd  dorcns 
of  them  i«j  it  mit  of  tlie  Hoiis* — tliut  wlieii  the  late  Govern- 
ment were  iti  ofllce  i-ivililv  wum  »  thing  iiiikuown. 

Tuke  another  point— for  it  iei  worthy  of  cunsideratioii  by 
Oenttemen  <in  this  side  of  the  House,  and  I  nsk  Hon.  Gen- 
tlemca  who  eit  below  tJie  gangway  cBpecinlly  to  consider 
it — look  111  iJic  bcritugv  of  trouble  with  reganl  t«  our  fort-igTi 
jwlicy  whiub  the  existing'  (Joveniment  found  on  their  ac- 
vcfwion  to  ofBcc.  Throj  months  of  u-hnt  wni4  going  on  upon 
the  Conftpiraoy  Bill  would  hnw  landed  yon  on  tlu'  \ery  vorjff 
ol'  a  niir,  if  not  in  a  war,  with  France,  and  thut  danger  iius 
been  avoided  certainly  1>y  no  conecsaion  which  is  injurloiM 
to  tlie  honour  of  England.  Take  tlie  question  which  has 
ngitiited  the  pnbllc  mind  with  rcipml  to  NnpU*.  I  nm  nut 
going  iDto  any  details ;  but  *>  fur  sr  a  Government  could 
act,  this  GoTeniinent  appear*  to  have  acted  with  judgment. 
I  think  the  noble  Ixird  t>el(iw  me  (Lord  J.  Riissl-II)  admitted 
that  blniM-lf.  I  did  not  »iy  tb:it  the  iiobte  IjortL  »<aid  nny- 
tbing  against  them.  On  the  contrary,  1  rujoice  to  liave  liliu 
with  me  as  a  witness  to  what  I  am  editing.  With  regnnl,  then, 
to  tbfse  <iuc'stiuua,  Bwiiig  the  dJlcinnia  into  which  the  foreign 
afTuirs  of  the  wiujlry  wurt-  brought  under  the  last  Adminin- 
tration,  I  thiiilv  it  'm  hut  fair,  just,  and  generous  that  Mcnihcm 
on  thJR  nide  of  the  House,  nt  least,  should  take  no  course 
which  wears  the  colour  of  faction,  for  the  purpoat-  of  throwing 
tlic  prcw-'ut  Govvninicnt  out  of  o^ico.  Whinovtr  I  joiD  in 
a  vote  to  put  (Jentlemen  oppi^ite  out  of  office,  it  shall  l>u 
for  BOinethiug  that  the  country  will  clearly  understand- 
something  that  shall  offer  a  chance  of  good  to  some  portion 
of  the  Britieh  empire  — something  that  shall  otler  a  elinticc 
of  advancing  distinctly  the  great  i»nnci]>lt»  W  which  wc — 
if  we  are  a  party  at  all  on  tbis  side  of  the  House — profesH 
to  care. 

But  there  is  another  reason.     Not  only  is  it  feared  that 


1S58. 


fUDJA.     III. 


T9 


hon.  GcntlcmoD  opponte  will  get  firm  in  their  seato,  but 
it  18  also  feared  that  M>uie  lion.  Geiitlemeii  near  me  will 
get  IcNi  firm  ill  tbcir  allinnue  with  tlic  right  hon.  (lenttemen 
^oo  thiii  Kide.  I  I  nve  ]»>nrd  of  mutiiiotis  meetings  and  dis- 
eUBsiona,  and  of  laugiuig«  of  Uie  must  uniiardonubltf  charuclcr 
uttered,  aB  Gentlemen  now  «uv,  in  the  fa«]it  of  debute.  But 
MiatSK  waB  sometliin^  vaaxv  gniii^  on,  whii-h  was  traced  to  h 
ineeting  of  indeiwndent  Memljei*  recently  held  in  ConitiiiLtv«- 
room  No.  1 1  :  aud  if  a  stop  were  not  put  to  it,  tiie  powerftil 
mnks  ou  thuKe  beiichoM  mifj^ht  \^-  1>mkeii  up,  whieli,  if  iimU>d, 
it  was  bclifvod,  would  storm  tlie  Treasury  benekcB  and 
replace  tite  late  Govonimont  in  olflce.  I  believe  it  wu8 
intciidfU  that  n  de^iperale  effort  iihmild  he  made  to  change 
Uu>  state  of  tilings  hori?  before  W|ii(KimtJdo.  Tliul  ivaK  a 
resolution  which  liad  Iwjeii  mme  to  Imig-  Iwfore  any  one 
knew  aaything  about  Lord  KLIenbomu^^h'fi  despatch.  And 
the  present  soems  to  he  a  convenient  opportimity,  ina«< 
much  OH  it  hod  this  In  its  favour,  that  it  apjiears  to  be 
defeiuliiig  an  absent  servant  of  the  Crown  ;  that  it  appears 
to  be  Iwicliing  a  Ifeneon  td  the  Govemment  who  haw  acted 
injudiciously  in  publishing  n  despatch ;  Altogether  it  ha* 
that  about  it  which  make^  it  an  cxrellent  pretext  on  which 
hon.  Gentlemen  may  ridt?  intw  ofHee.  Now,  I  do  not  )tj)e:ik 
to  Whigs  in  offiue  or  to  those  (ientlemeu  who  have  been  in 
ofRoe  and  expect  to  he  in  office  o^ln ;  but  T  should  like  to 
say  what  I  l>cIie>-o  to  be  true  to  Ibosc  Gentlemen  who  call 
tJiemselves  iudejieudeut  Membcnt,  «'ho  eomu  here  with  no 
pefHonul  object  to  serve,  not  seeking  place,  patronage,  or 
favour,  but  with  an  honest  desire,  n^  far  a£  they  are  iible, 
to  serve  their  country  nfi  Members  of  the  Hoii.se  of  t'ommon-;. 
If  this  Uesolution  be  carried,  it  is  eiippoacd  that  the  old 
Ooveniment,  or  ttomethtng  ver}'  like  it,  will  come  back  again. 
Now,  there  was  great  discontent  witli  that  old  (roverninent 
Iwfore  it  went  out ;  yet  no  pledge  whatever  has  U^eii  jjiven 
that  its  coroluct  will  be  better  or  differeDt ;  no  new  measiin'i 


flo 


SPEECIlEfi   OF  JOllIf  liRlGUT. 


HAT  SD, 


h»ve  been  promiiM^,  no  new  policy  lis«  been  avowed,  no  new 
men,  that  t  have  seen,  have  t>eon  hehl  fnrtb  to  the  public 
vciT  distinctly  as  likely  to  tnke  liig-b  ofHce  in  the  State. 
Tbern  have  been  some  things  which  1  &houl<]  tliink  Members 
of  bliis  House  miisi  liare  felt  puiu  at  witnessing.  There  are 
newspai^rs  in  the  tntcivet  of  (hU  ex-Treasurj'  Wneli  wbicli 
hnvp',  in  l.hp  most  iinbhi»ihit)^  iniinnor,  piililishpd  nrticles 
emanoHn};  from  the  pen  of  eomelxKly  who  knew  exaetly  what 
was  wonted  to  be  done.  Tn  the  cusc  of  a  gentleman^  for 
example,  who  was  engaged  in  Committw-room  No.  ii  — 
a  ^ntlemaii  whom  I  need  not  mention  booaniw  the  House 
knows  nil  the  Girmimstanccs  nf  this  <>.aKP,  but  a  guntlcman 
who  took  a  raoet  prominent  part  iu  the  proceedings  in  that 
Com  mittee-i-oom — and  no  one  is  probably  more  indignant 
nt  what  has  bt^cn  done  than  himself — thosi-  nt-wspaiicra  have 
positively  fixwl  upon  a.nd  Hcnignated  him  for  a  certain  ollice, 
if  the  present  Government  ^  out  and  another  oumes  in ; 
another  gentleman  who  seconded  a  R«eolution  on  tbnt  occasion 
is  Rb*ii  lield  np  for  an  ofliiee ;  but  tliey  do  not  stiite  exactly 
what  luK  prcciiM!  position  iit  to  be ;  and  the  glittiTin^  bnuble 
of  some  i>ta(*e  in  the  incoming  Gnvemment  in  hung-  up  Wfore 
many  ban.  Gentlemen  who  sit  around  me.  Jt  it;  not  t!aid, 
'  It  i*  for  you/  and  '  It  is  for  you ;'  but  it  is  hung-  up 
dangling  before  them  all,  antl  every  man  is  expect«xJ  to  eovc^ 
that  glittering  bauble. 

But  this  is  nr>t  all.  Th«ie  are  not  the  only  nrts  wlilch 
arc  employed.  Members  of  this  Houkc  aittinj;  bcJow  the 
gangTvuy,  who  have  been  hert;  for  years — Gentlemen  of  tlie 
most  independent  character — receive  flattering  and  Ix^autifiilly 
engraved  cards  to  great,  parties  nt  splendid  matii^ions  ;  and 
not  lab'F  than  Friday  Inst,  of  all  timti,  tliose  invitations 
were  scattered,  if  not  with  a  more  liberal,  uo  doubt  with 
a  mucti  more  ditjcriminating  hand  lliuii  they  ever  were 
before.  [An  hun.  MeuiljLT  :  'AUurd!']  Ot'eourse  it  is  very 
abeurd;  there  is  no  doubt  about  that,  nod  that  is  pnxiisely 


4 


1S58. 


'NDIA.    I  IT. 


Si 


why  I  am  cxplainin^r  it  to  the  Hou»e.  Why,  Sir,  if  those 
of  invitation  coutuined  a  note  with  tbivm,  fpviu^  Uic 
exact  liiirtory  of  wlisl  was  really  mimntj  it  would  say  (o  hon. 
Gentit-men,  '  Sir,  we  have  mesKiired  your  hoad,  and  wo  have 
^oged  your  soul,  aud  we  ktiotv  or  believe' — for  1  believe 
they  do  not  know — 'we  lelievo  Ihnt  your  priiicijjitfi  which 
yuu  came  into  Purliamcut  to  Kiipport — your  tharw^er  in 
the  House — your  self-respect  will  go  for  nothing'  if  you 
have  u  miiM.>ral>le  tt-miitaliou  like  tliis  held  up  before  you.' 
Sip,  if  we  could  we  them  taking  a  course  wliirh  i»  laid 
to  be  takeu  by  the  eclcbr«t«d  horse-tamer,  who  appenls, 
as  I  am  told>  to  the  nobler  and  more  intelligent  instincts 
of  the  aniinai  nhich  lie  tames,  tliea  I  should  oot  com- 
plain. Hut  they  ap|i^al  \o  iiiKtini:t^  whif'li  every  honour- 
able mind  rvjiudiateK,  aud  to  abjiiiatiunti  which  uo  hou. 
Gentleman  on  this  side  of  the  House  can  for  a  moment 
wloiit. 

Well,  thfii,  if  they  auccecnl,  what  sort  of  a  Ooverument 
idiall  we  Iiave''  I  am  as  anxious  fur  a  Liberal  Government 
aB  any  man  in  thi«  House,  but  1  cannot  believe  that,  in 
the  present  iwaitioo  of  thinf^  on  thi»  eidc  of  the  House, 
a  Liberul  and  bohd  Govt;riimfnt  cau  be  formed.  We  are 
li»Id,  and  the  whole  country  has  bttn  in  u  atutc  of  expt'cla- 
tioD  and  wonder  upon  it,  that  two  eminent  statesmen  have 
aetually  diuwl  tugelher;  and  I  lun  very  glad  to  hear 
that  men  engaged  in  the  strife  of  politics  can  dine  to^fether 
without  iJersoiial  hostility.  1  say  nothing  of  the  >-iand9 
that  were  eateo.  I  say  uotliing  uf  the  beverage  that  was 
in  the  '  loving  cup'  that  went  roinid.  One  of  our  uldeab 
and  greatest  jioets  has  told  us  that — 

'  N«p«ntke  la  a  dHak  i»tmmmsw  gmac' 

He  my»  that  it  was  devieed  by  the  gode  to  siiMue  oontention, 
■nd  Hubjct-t  the  pusoiottB;  hut  that  it  was  givt*  only  to  the 
aged  and  the  wise,  who  were  prfi«red  by  it  to  take  their 
VOL.  I.  a 


82 


SPEECH F.S  OF  JOf/X  BRIGHT. 


VAV  'iO, 


places  with  niwicni  heroos  in  a  hi^lior  splior^?.  But  tliat 
could  uot  have  been  the  coutenta  of  the  •loving'  cup'  in  this 
in!(tauue,  for  iWeac  a^^  stulGeinen  are  still  tlL'tt^'rmiiicd  to  cling 
to  this  world,  and  to  mix,  as  heretofore,  with  all  the  viguur 
xnd  the  fire  of  youth  in  t)t<e  turmoil  aud  contention  of  piihlic 
life.  But  iloee  the  fnct  of  this  diutier  point  to  reoouL-iliii- 
lion,  aud  to  «  firm  and  liberal  ndminiatration  ?  I  Wlievn 
that  any  such  Government  would  Xk  Lhi:  worat  of  all 
L-uiilitioiui.  1  helieve  that  it  would  be  built  upon  iiuincentyf 
and  I  KUHpCL-t  it  nrauld  be  of  no  advnntagu  to  the  country. 
Therefore  I  «m  not  anxious  to  eoe  sueh  n  Government 
attempted. 

1  mk  tiic  House,  then,  are  they  prepaml  tn  overthrow  the 
existing  Oovei'nment  ou  the  question  which  the  right  hon. 
GenttumaD  has  brought  before  ii« — s  quenlion  which  he  boa 
put  in  Buch  amhi^ioiut  term«?  Arc  they  willing  in  over- 
throwing that  Government  to  iivow  tiic  policy  of  this  Procla- 
mation for  India?  Are  they  nnlliu^  to  throw  the  oouutfy 
into  all  the  turmoil  of  a  geuemi  ek-ction- — a  general  election  at 
a  moment  whuo  the  ])t;ople  are  but  just  nlowly  lecoverin^  from 
the  efTeets  of  the  most  troinvudous  commercial  panic  that  this 
country  ever  pas^^d  through  ?  Are  they  wiUiiig  to  delay  all 
legislation  for  India  till  next  ymr,  and  all  It^^lution  ou 
the  subjeet  of  Pitrliameiitary  reform  till  the  year  niter  that? 
Are  they  willing',  alwve  all,  t«  take  the  reBpousihility  which 
will  attach  to  them  if  they  avow  the  policy  contaiued  in  this 
I'roclama.tion  ? 

I  confess,  Sir,  I  am  terrified  for  tlic  f^iture  of  India  when 
I  look  at  the  indiseriminute  sinicghtcr  ivhieb  is  now  goinjj  on 
there.  I  have  Been  a  letter,  written,  I  believe,  hy  a  mi^ioriary, 
hituly  innerted  in  u  most  resjiecUible  weekly  newspaper 
published  in  London,  in  which  the  writer  estimates  that 
lo,ooo  men  have  be«n  pnt  to  death  by  liani^n^  alone.  I 
ask  you,  wHtther  you  ftp]in»ve  of  having  in  India  uuch  ex- 
pressions as   thew,  whieh    1    have   taken   this  day   from  a 


I 


1858.  INDIA.     III.  83 

Calcutta  newspaper,  and  which  undoubtedly  you  will  be  held 
to  approve  if  you  do  anything  which  can  be  charged  with 
a  confirmation  of  the  tenor  of  this  Proclamation.  Here  ia  an 
extract  fix)m  The  Englishnum,  which,  speaking  of  the  men 
of  the  disarmed  regiments,  who  amount  to  some  20,000  or 
30,000,  or  even  40,000  men,  says  : — 

'There  U  no  necesidty  to  bring  everj  Sepoy  to  a  coart-martiat,  and  convict 
bim  of  mutlnottB  iutentions  before  putting  liioi  down  as  guilty.  We  do  not 
adTocate  «itreme  or  barsh  msoBures,  nor  are  wa  of  tboHe  who  woulU  drench 
the  land  with  blood  ;  but  we  h.tve  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that,  were  the 
Government  to  order  the  execution  of  all  these  Sepoys,  they  would  be  legally 
and  morally  justified  in  doing  so.     There  would  be  no  injustice  done,' 

No  injustice  would  be  done !  I  ask  the  House  to  consider 
that  these  men  have  committed  no  offence;  their  military 
functions  were  suspended  because  it  was  thought  they  were 
likely  to  be  tempted  to  commit  an  offence,  and  therefore  their 
arms  were  taken  from  them ;  and  now  an  Englishman — one 
of  your  own  countrymen — writing  in  a  newspaper  published 
in  Calcutta,  utters  sentiments  ao  atrocious  as  those  which 
I  have  just  read  to  the  House.  I  believe  the  whole  of  India 
is  now  trembling  under  the  action  of  volcanic  fires ;  and  we 
shall  be  guilty  of  the  greatest  recklessness,  and  I  vrill  say  of 
great  crime  against  the  Monarchy  of  England,  if  we  do  any- 
thing by  which  we  shall  own  this  Proclamation.  I  am  asked 
on  this  question  to  overturn  Her  Majesty^s  Government.  The 
policy  adopted  by  the  Government  on  this  subject  is  the 
policy  that  was  cheered  by  hon.  Members  on  this  side  when 
it  was  first  announced.  It  is  a  policy  of  mercy  and  con- 
ciliation. False — may  I  not  say  ? — or  blundering  leaders 
of  this  party  would  induce  us,  contrary  to  all  our  associations 
and  all  our  principles,  to  support  an  opposite  policy.  I  am 
willing  to  avow  that  I  am  in  favour  of  justice  and  conciliation 
— of  the  law  of  justice  and  of  kindness.  Justice  and  merey 
are  the  supreme  attributes  of  the  perfection  which  we  call 
Deity,  but  all  men  everywhere  comprehend  themj    there  is 

a  2 


84  SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 

no  speech  nor  language  in  which  their  voice  is  not  heard, 
and  thej  cannot  be  vainly  exercised  with  regard  to  the 
docile  and  intelligent  millions  of  India.  You  have  had  the 
choice.  You  have  tried  the  sword.  It  has  broken;  it  now 
rests  broken  in  your  grasp ;  and  you  stand  humbled  and 
rebuked.  You  stand  humbled  and  rebuked  before  the  eyes 
of  civilized  Europe.  You  may  have  another  chaace.  You 
may,  by  possibility,  have  another  opportunity  of  governing 
India.  If  you  have,  1  beseech  you  to  make  the  best  use 
of  it.  Do  not  let  us  pursue  such  a  policy  as  many  men  in 
India,  and  some  in  England,  have  advocated,  but  which 
hereafter  you  will  have  to  regret,  which  can  end  only,  as  I 
believe,  in  something  approaching  to  the  ruin  of  this  country, 
and  which  must,  if  it  be  pei^isted  in,  involve  our  name  and 
nation  in  everlasting  disgrace. 


^-^^^Sc-o^ 


INDIA. 

IV. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  AUGUST  1,  1859. 
From  Hwnsard. 

[On  Au^st  I  tfir  Charlea  Wood  made  his  finandal  atAtement  on  India  to  the 
Hoase  of  Commons.  One  of  fais  proposals  was  that  tbe  Goreminanl  should 
be  empoweretl  to  raise  5,000,0001.  in  the  United  Kingdom  in  order  to  meet 
the   demands   of  the  present  year.     Tbe   Loan   Bill    pnssed  thnragb    both 

Houses.] 

I  HAVE  BO  oRen  addressed  the  House  upon  the  question 
of  India  that  I  feel  some  hesitation  in  asking-  a  portion  of  the 
time  of  the  Committee  this  evening.  But  notwithstanding 
an  observation  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  the  Secretary  for 
India  that  he  does  not  see  anything  gloomy  in  the  future  of 
India,  I  confess  that  to  my  view  the  question  assumes  yearly 
a  greater  magnitude,  and  I  may  say  a  greater  peril.  I  think, 
therefore,  that  having  given  some  attention  to  this  subject  in 
years  past,  I  may  be  permitted  to  bring  my  share,  be  its  value 
more  or  less,  to  the  attempt  which  we  are  now  making 
to  coniront  this  great  evil.  When  we  recollect  how  insuffi- 
cient are  the  statements  which  he  has  from  India,  the  right 
hon.  Gentleman  has  given  us  as  dear  an  account  of  the 
finances  of  India  as  it  was  possible  for  him  to  do,  and  looking 
at  them  in  the  most  favourable  point  of  view  we  come  to  this 


86 


SPEECHES  OF  JOnS  BRIGHT. 


kKti*3W  1 , 


condusioTi : — We  have  what  we  have  had  for  twdity  y«u*, 
only  mnix-  nipiilly  accumulutinip,  iluHcit  on  dt^cit  and  dcltt  on 
debt. 

TIiB  ri^hl  lion,  fli'titlfnuin  ttld  tlio  Comraittw  that  when 
hi>  left  the  Govornmont  of  India,  1  think  in  185^,  uvtrythiug 
was  in  a  most  eatisfactory  condition.  Well,  it  did  happen  in 
tlint  year,  jicrhnpH  by  some  of  that  kind  of  matia^ment 
which  I  have  oltsurved  ocxtuiionuUy  ia  Indiiitt  finance,  that 
the  deficit  was  brought  down  to  a^um  not  exceedtn;^  150,000/. 
[Sir  C.  Wood :  '  There  was  a  surplus  of  400,000/.']  The 
deficit,  I  Ijolievc,  before  the  mutiny  wufi  14^,000/.  But,  if 
the  right  hon.  Gcntlenum  xvill  aliow  mc  to  take  the  thrtt; 
yeara  preooding  the  nmtiiiy,  1  think  that  will  give  n  mucl) 
fairt^r  idea  of  the  real  8tatt>  of  tlie  cue,  and  it  ih  not  the 
least  u.ao  &hutting  oiir  eyes  to  the  real  state  of  the  caw, 
liceniise  s»me  day  or  other  it  will  find  us  out,  or  wc  shall 
find  it  out.  The  real  state  of  tlie  ca»«  in  the  three  years 
preceding  the  mutiny.  1855,  1856,  and  1857,  ending  the 
30th  of  April,  is  a  deficit  of  2,823,000?.,  being  an  average 
not  very  Gir  short  of  1,000,000^.  a-yoar.  Tliul  is  the  state  of 
things  immediately  after  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  U-ft 
nffirc.  I  do  not  in  the  lea«t  find  fatiilt  with  him.  He  did  not 
make  the  deftdt.  but  I  merely  slate  this  to  »how  that  things 
an-  not  at  the  moment  in  that  favniiriildp  Kfate  whioh  the 
right  hon.  Gentleman  wonid  induce  tlie  Committee  to  believe. 
Keeping  oiir  attention  to  that  period,  there  is  anoUier  |ioint  of 
vinr,  whicb  is  nUovery  important.  It  appears  to  me  that  any 
OovMDmcnt  niutit'  lie  an  e:(cc»8ively  bad  Oovemmant  whidi 
cannot  defray  ibt  expenses  out  of  the  taxes  which  it  levies  on 
its  people.  We  knoWj  and  every  one  bfl«  for  years  known, 
that  in  India  there  is  a  6outc«  of  revenue,  not  from  tnscs 
levied  on  the  people,  but  from  opiumi  and  which  is  very  like  the 
revenue  derived  by  the  Peruvian  Govemrocnt  from  guano.  If 
we  turn  to  thotte  three  yeATR  and  nee  what  relation  the  p-xpendi- 
tnt«  of  the  Goveniment  had  to  taxes  levied  on  the  people  of 


a 


INDIA,    IV. 


tt 


lodia,  we  shall  tinil,  thoiigfh  we  may  hear  ttiat  the  taxes  are 
not  80  mneb  an  wu  inugine,  or  that  the  people  are  extremely 
jr,  or  that  t.l«>  tidvemmoiit  is  very  pxtravng^mt — wo  i<)i8ll 
that  the  mm  levied  tor  the  sale  of  opium  and  transit  waa 
BO  le«  ihao  (0,500,000/.,  aiid  ifwc  u<ld  that  to  the  2,800,000/., 
wfl  get  a  Hum  of  13,300,000/.,  which  is  the  exact  snm  which 
tlie  Government  of  Indiii  cost  in  thow  thri<e  years  over  aiid 
nlxtve  what  was  miwl  rrom  the  people  hy  aeluul  taxation.  I 
aay  that  this  i«  a  state  of  things  which  ought  to  caitRc  alarm, 
hccaiwe  we  know,  nnd  we  find  it  slated  in  the  last  di-spatchcH, 
that  tliL'  income  derivL-d  from  opium  is  of  li  pri?cariou9  clia- 
TM'iev,  and  from  the  variation  of  climate  in  Imlia,  or  from 
a  variation  of  policy  in  the  Chinese  (roveramcnt,  that  revenue 

|lDfty  Hwldcnly  either  b«  very  mneh  impaired  or  be  eut  off 
altogether. 

The  right  hon.  (xentleman  hrings  us  to  the  condition  in 
which  we  are  now,  and  it  may  T)e  xtnted  in  the  fewust  possible 
wonU  to  Iw  this, — tlint  the  d<'bt  of  India  has  Inxjn  eonstantty 
rising,  and  that  it  amounts  now  to  100,000,000/.  sterling, 
[*No,  uo  !']  The  right  hon.  OentJeman  sakl  95,000,000/.,  but 
eaid  then'  wouhl  be  3,000,000/.  nt-xt  year,  nnd  I  will 
Undertake  (n  nay  that  it  is  fair  to  argue  on  the  bafits  that  Uie 
debt  of  India  ut  tbifi  moment  is  idxiiit  100,000,000/.,  that 
thare  is  a  deficit  of  13,000,000/.  this  ymr,  and  tlmt  there 
may  bo  expected  to  Ik  a  deficit  of  10,000,000/.  next  year. 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  it  should  be  difficult  to 
borrow  mone}-  on  Indian  aL-tiuunt. 

I  am  not  surprLied  at  the  bon.  Afember  for  Kenditl  (Mr. 
Glyn)  Wing  so  lively  in  the  House  to-night,  and  other  hon. 
Gentlemen  connected  with  the  City,  who,  I  uudentand,  have 
been    imprusEing"  on    the   Secretnrj'   of  State   the    fiuit   that 

L>inoney  cannot  be  had  in  the  City  for  the  purpoiiC  for  wbiih  be 
want*  it.  I  do  not  wonder  tlmt  it  U  difficult  to  raise  money 
on  Indian  account.  I  should  think  it  eKtraordinary  if  it 
OMild  be  borrowed  without  a  big'h  rate  of  interest.    That  it 


«8 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  JiRIGH3\ 


AUOIJHT  1, 


call  be  borrowed  at  all  nan  (inly  ai-is*  firotn  the  IWt  that  Eiijf. 
land,  whatever  disasters  she  gtfts  intoj  gi-uOTBlIy  foutrivtv,  by 
tliD  blood  of  her  soldiers  or  by  the  t4aatiou  of  her  people,  t<> 
scramble  t.liroiig'h  lirr  difKciiItH'R,  and  (o  mainfain  b^iforo  Ui« 
world,  ■iboiijfb  by  uuormuiis  «a4?riHce:<,  a  character  for  good 
ikith  which  ia  iivareely  held  by  any  other  country  in  the 
world.  With  nsgnrd  to  th(>  <|U(>stion  of  an  IniperinI  )ruarant<?p, 
1  take  an  opposite  view  from  the  noble  Lord  (Lord  Stanley) 
ou  Umt  jwrticulur  point,  though  I  agree  with  what  be  eaid 
as  to  certain  expenses  thrown  on  the  Iridiiiii  Goveniment. 

Lagb  year  1  referred  (/>  the  enonnouB  expense  of  ilie 
AtTgfaan  war — about  15,000,000/.  —  the  whole  of  which 
ought,  to  hav«  been  thrown  on  the  taxation  of  the  people 
of  Kn^lund,  livcausD  it  was  a  war  commanded  by  tlie  Kug- 
Ush  Cabinet,  for  tibjects  supposed  to  be  Eng-lisb,  but  which, 
in  my  <»pinic>n,  were  of  no  advaiita^  either  to  En^^land  or 
India.  Tt  wa»  most  nnjust  that  this  enormous  burden  should 
have  been  thwwn  n\ton  the  finances  of  the  Indian  Govorn- 
Ricnt.  But  I  do  uol  oppoM;  nu  Imperial  t^uaraiiti'v  beeausc 
I  particularly  sj-nipathize  with  the  Kngliiih  taxpaii'er!^  in  this 
luatLur.  I  tliiuU  tlu^  Eu}rlish  taxpayi*rs  Imvv  g^nt-mlly  ne;^- 
te«t«d  all  the  affairs  of  India,  and  mi^ht  In>  left;  to  pay  for  it. 
But  there  wae  no  justice  in  imposing  on  the  unfortunate 
tnilltoDS  of  India  the  burden  of  a  |>oliey  witli  which  tliey  bad 
nothing  to  do,  and  which  could  nut  bring-  any  one  of  Uieni 
n  sinffle  bandfiil  of  dec  more — it  did  bring  tliem  rather  less 
than  more^tlian  they  would  have  oaten  without  it.  But  1 
object  tf->  an  Im|>eri«l  giiaraute^  ou  Uiis  ground, — if  w«  let 
the  Services  of  India,  after  exhausting  tJie  ressources  of  India, 
put  their  hands  into  the  jtockets  of  the  English  people,  the 
people  of  Euglflud  having  no  control  over  the  Indian  t^pcn- 
diture,  it  is  impossible  to  say  to  what  lengths  of  iiniuiagincd 
extmvagunce  tlioy  would  go ;  and  in  endeavouring  to  Bavc 
India  naay  we  not  go  far  towards  ruining  England  ? 

But  look  at  Uii*  question  of  Indian  finance  from  another 


1 


I8S». 


rXDU.  IV. 


89 


point  of  view.  The  noble  Ixini  (Lord  Stanley)  ami  the  right 
bou.  Gcntlomui  the  Secretary  fur  Indtii  have  both  refurred 
in  Ilty  enirmoiu  amount  of  the  whole  taxation  of  India  taken 
by  ttio  Military  Service.  1  believe  ib  bu  been  shown  thai 
at  this  moment  alino»t>  iT  not  altogether,  the  whnlo  uf  the 
net  revenue  of  India  is  bi'ing  abaorbed  by  the  SEiUtary  Service 
of  tliftt  empire;  tbsil  not  a  fai-thiug  is  le)l  out  of  the  n-hole 
net  revenue  of  India  to  pay  the  exiwneea  of  the  civil  gov*m- 
ment  or  the  public  creditor.  li'  wc  loflve  out  the  opium  duty, 
perhap*  we  shall  see  how  far  the  Military  Service  bears  on  tlie 
taxation  ot  India ;  we  kIuiU  ek^c  thut  more  tlian  it«  net  amount 
in  al>34rbt!d  by  ttie  MiliUiry  Serviw.  Tliat  is  a  slate  of  things 
that  has  never  existed  tu  any  other  country  or  amon^  any 
oUicr  peojile,  for  any  couHiderable  period,  withoat  bringing 
that  cxjiintry  to  anarrhy  and  ruin.  Wc  have  been  t*»ld  by 
the  Governor-General  that  the  great  hulk  of  the  revenue  of 
India  is  not  elastic;  tliat  witli  r^{ard  to  tlie  land-tax  there 
has  been  for  a  long  period  no  increase  in  it ;  that,  on  the 
contrary,  that  large  eourrc  of  income  lias  deercuscd.  He 
teUa  ua,  further,  thut  the  army  cannot,  at  jircnK'nt,  be  laT]^ly 
reduced  with  Kofety.  Tf  do,  what  is  the  end  to  which  we 
must  eomo?  Kittier  the  Gcivcniment  of  India  must  eomc 
to  an  end,  or  Enfjlan'l  it«clf  mn&t  become  tributary  to  India. 
Seeing  that  the  ('hiuicellor  of  the  Kxche<|ii!Cr  has  within  the 
last  fortnight  asked  70,000,000/f.  of  the'EngHali  taxpayer  for 
the  ex[jenges  of  the  English  Government,  to  ask  nine  or  ten 
millions  more  for  tJio  government  of  India  would  certainly 
cause  great  dtssatislaction  in  this  country.  The  picture  ia, 
to  my  mind,  an  alarming  one,  nutwith standing  the  checHiiI 
vie»v  taken  of  it  by  the  Secretary  for  India ;  and  it  ha*  filled 
many  besides  niysvlf  with  dieruay. 

Now,  looking  round  for  modes  of  escape  from  this  position, 
I  bclievo  Hitiy  exist,  if  we  ha^l  the  courage  to  adopt  them. 
An  hon.  I'Vieiid  htis  asked  me,  '  I»  there  nolxxly  to  tell  the 
Hoiuie  of  C^jmmons  the  tnitli  ou  thi«  matter?'    1  might  ask 


00 


Sl'EECUES  OF  JOUS  BRIGHT.         *ihi«  i. 


why  III'  ha»  Dot  Jonc  it  liimHoir.  1  suppose  lie  xa  niVaid  ol 
being  thought  rasli;  but  bis  advice  is,  t}iut  tJie  Guveriimi>nl 
should  ro-cstabIi«h  tlie  ind«iifiidem'i'  of  the  Punjab,  m-ull  the 
Amctrs  of  Svhide,  reetoi-e  the  Government  of  the  King  of 
OucIp,  giving  to  it  the  deiit-ndtnu^'  of  JJiigrjiore.  I  confi-K», 
whothwr  it  be  nwh  or  not,  that  1  think  it  would  be  witw  to 
rostorc  the  Govcrnmtmt  of  the  Punjab  and  to  g^ve  iiide- 
pendenoo  to  that  province  which  is  culled  Scindc,  bociitiac 
afi  uo  revenue  \»  received  from  that  part  of  the  country 
ill  excess  of  tlic  expense  which  its  retention  cuuitce  to 
thiK  oountrj*,  \v«  should  endeavour  to  bring'  our  dominions 
in  India  within  a  rwwoimbte  sind  muiiageiiblo  oumpues. 
No  poUcy  can  be  more  lunatic  than  the  policy  o\'  onnexa- 
tion  we  have  pursued  of  lato  years  in  I  odiu,  and  the 
calamity  we  are  now  nieeting  is  the  natural  and  in- 
evitable consequence  of  the  folly  viv.  luive  rommittcd.  It 
i»  not  easy  for  great  genemlv;  and  Etulet-inen  who  have  been 
made  earb  and  marquesses  and  bad  bronze  ^tJitues  put  up  m 
Ihi-ir  honour  iu  our  public  squares— it  is  not  cany  for  the 
statesmen  who  have  dnre  all  this  to  (urn  round  and  reverse  it 
all;  they  have  not  the  moral  courafje  to  doit;  it  mig-ht  Iw 
on  act  of  peril;  it  mig^tt  »p|war  n  descent  from  the  summit 
of  empire  and  be  wrong-ly  construed  throug-hout  the  world. 
But  us  n  qiifslioii  uf  linoiLce  iind  ]^)od  government  we  sliould. 
a  fcAV  years  hence,  Admit  t^t  it  wa$  a  Hound  policy.  Hut 
1  will  not  pursue  thig  gubject,  for  I  may  fairly  take  it  for 
g;niiited  that  the  Houso  of  Commons  nnd  the  Government  of 
En;riand  are  not  likely  to  take  «ucb  a  course  tilt  wo  are 
reduced  to  some  extremity  even  greater  tlian  that  which 
now  meets  II9. 

But  tliere  is  another  eonrw  that  may  fairly  l»e  reeom* 
mended.  It  is  to  lake  India  as  it  is,  the  empire  witJi  all 
your  annexations  as  it  stands,  and  to  see  if  it  is  not  possihlo 
to  do  somctbiug  better  with  it  than  you  have  done  Iteforc, 
nnd  to  ^ve  it  a  chauee  in  future  years  of  rrdoeming  not  only 


1651' 


7.VD/A.     ]?. 


01 


tlie  cliaructer  of  the  Govi^nitnunt  but  tb  fiuaDciiil  nud  Itigis- 
lativtf  postititm.  Th«  noble  Ijord  (Tjotil  StAnle^'}  savH  tli4^re 
ennnot  be  uny  ^t.'at  diminiitioii  in  the  ex[)eiiditnr«  for  the 
Civil  Sem«?  of  ludia ;  but  I  do  uot  iu  llie  i«wt  a^ti'ee  with 
Uic  Sccrctury  for  India,  wbua  be  eays  that  tlic  gentlemen  of 
the  Civil  Serviw  in  that  coiintiy  are  not  overpaid.  Every  one 
knows  that  they  arc  overpaid  ;  ^xovpt  Hoino  very  Iii^>«a1aned 
bishops  of  whnm  we  have  heiin),  no  men  are  so  grossly 
overpaid  m  th«  officials  of  the  Civil  Scn*icc  in  Indin-  TTie 
proof  of  tliis  may  be  roniiil  evervwliere.  Ixtok  n.t  the  Inland 
oi' Ceylon  ;  thoru  tliu  diitii-s  iiro  us  arduutis  and  tlie  ctiiaate  as 
unfavourahh*  as  in  India;  yet  the  (invemment  Aoen  not  ]>tty 
it«  ofliciak  there  mora  than  one-balf  or  two-thirds  of  tlie 
salaricfl  tliey  ari>  paid  in  India.  There  are  in  India  itself 
many  hundreda  of  Eiirai>oaiiM,  tlio  ofiicenf  of  the  Indian  army, 
all  the  Indian  clerg'V,  and  mii^ionarieii;  there  are  also  En^linb 
mercban1«,  (.'arniiig  on  tlieir  liuainesti  at  rates  of  proHt  not 
raueb  exceeilinff  the  profits  tnmie  in  thiis  country.  But  thy  Civil 
Servioo  of  th«  Indian  Government,  like  cverj-thiog;  privileged 
and  exclusive,  in  a  pampered  l>ody;  aad,  notwithstanding  it 
ttas  prodiici'd  ramc  icw  able  men  who  have  worthily  done  tlieir 
iluty,  1  do  not  think  the  ('ivil  Service  of  1  ndia  drsi-rvt's  the  loud 
praise  we  Iiave  ft)  fmiiiently  hcttrd  awarded  tn  it  by  speakers 
in  this  Honne.  Now  if  you  could  reduce  the  expense  of  the 
Civil  Sorvioc  by  any  conBidcruble  amoimtj  the  beet  tiling  you 
oould  do  witJi  the  moriev  u'oiild  he  to  incriRAfle  the  efitn.b1iHb- 
ment  by  sending  a  greater  mimljer  of  cuiiiiK't*iit  penuns 
an  mngiRtrntes,  oollectora,  and  officials  into  the  distant  pro. 
vtnce^  and  thereby  double  the  faoilitiefl  for  good  government 
in  those  districts.  If  you  could  reduce  the  income  of  the 
Civil  Service  one  half,  yon  conld  for  the  same  monej-  have 
a  more  efficient  Service  throughout  India  than  at  present. 
You  might  not  save  money,  but  you  would  get  a  more  com- 
plete  Serviee  for  it. 

But  the   military  ({ucation   tlio   Hotuc  of  CommODs  will 


92 


Hl'KKCUeS  OF  JOHN  ItRIOUT.         av«d«1. 


c«!rtainly  have  to  take  in  baud ;  though  SccrctjirJcs  for 
ludia  are  iifhiid  to  ^uppW  with  it.  I  am  oot  aKtuiuKlitMl 
llmt  thuy  fwl  Komt'  lie^itJition  in  doing'  no,  for  from  vvvvy 
one  oounoeted  with  tbt-  Military  Sorviee  tlicy  would  h«nr  tlio 
»lTongest  objectioiiis  to  rediiuiiig  the  nimiWr  of  tlie  troops. 
But  let  me  aek  tht*  Committc-e  to  txinsider  wbat  it  lias  jiut 
heard.  Before  the  Revolt  the  European  troops  in  India 
uutntxtrod  45,000  and  the  Native  troops  550,000;  iiotv  tlie 
45,000  EurD]iean  trooiw  are  iio,oco,  and  thw  2^50,000  Natire 
eoldicre  arc  ruiscd  to  300,00c.  What  ww  it  that  wo  beard 
fliiring  tlie  Indian  mutiny;  what  was  tht?  rauRc  of  all  the 
letters  that  apiKiinxl  iit  tlie  iit;\vsiwijK'ra  ?  Every  man  said 
that  the  great  evil  wa*  having  a  Native  army  far  lar^'r 
than  woe  rcqiiiml.  That  liiut  ()cen  the  source  of  peril,  and 
that  was  the  real  cause  of  the  mutiny.  Now  we  have  evea 
a  larger  (lortJon  of  this  most  perilouB  elemciit  thou  we  hud 
bcJnre.  The  authoritien  of  India  do  not  appear  U>  have  learnt 
anything  &utn  tlio  mutiny,  or  thoy  have  leanit  that  nil  that 
•was  said  in  this  IlnuBe  and  in  tbia  muntry  waa  nntnip,  l>ecauiie 
they  have  50,000  more  Native  troops  tbaii  tlicy  had  before 
the  mutiny.  Therefore,  the  mode  of  argument  appears  to  he 
this : — A  Native  army  was  the  eausc  of  the  mutiny,  the  cause 
of  all  mir  perils,  and  now  it  \»  neetVKnry  to  have  more  of 
itj  and^  ii«  that  xa  tlie  jieriloua  element,  of  cour«t.<  45,000 
troops  are  not  sufficient  t*  keep  them  in  check;  therefore, 
you  have  at  present  110,000;  and  eertuin  oiTieers  who  were 
examined,  and  the  Commiwioners  who  reported,  recommended 
tJiat  you  sboidd  alway*  have  at  least  80,000  Europefine  tliere. 
If  wo  ape  only  to  have  oue  body  of  troops  t*>  watch  another, 
it  seems  to  me  there  can  be  no  ho]>e  of  any  diminution 
of  our  militur)-  forco,  nor  an}-  real  reduction  in  our  expendi- 
ture. Why  is  it  that  you  require  all  this  army?  Let  me 
ask  the  Committee  to  look  at  the  matter  as  sensible  men  of 
humnea^,  The  Revolt,  which  has  been  Bueh  a  terrible  allair, 
Wm  been   suppresaed.      It.  was   eup]>res»ed    maJuly    by   the 


I 


IU». 


tiFmA.  ir. 


»» 


45,000  men  in  IikUb,  und  nut  hy  the  1  to,coo  you  have  suc- 
■  Ceeded  in  pkoiti}!^  there  at  u  later  period.  M«r«  than  tbat, 
tbere  is  iM>t  at  tlit-  pn-seot  moment  uny  alarming  amoiini 
of  dissatiiirartion  in  India,  or  at.  least  the  dis^nti^Hed  are 
dispirited,  and  have  lost  all  liope  of  ruBisting  the  pow«r  of 
EiijflaiiJ,  ami  miiBt  for  a  lonjf  period,  T  think,  reniiiiii  wholly 
dinpiritcd.  At  the  same  time,  you  have  disarmed  tlic  jicople 
over  a  vast  province.  There  nre  millions  of  people  in  Intlia, 
a  great  uumWr  of  wliom  won;  pnn'iomily  in  poiuoafion  uf 
arms,  who  do  not  now  powosK  a  siiiigle  weapon.  I  Itave  fcen 
in  the  lost  accounts,  only  a  day  or  livo  tiin<.ii,  u  otatemvut  that 
not  l»t3  thiu)  1^00  forte  in  the  kinjcdom  uf  Oudv  alone  have 
been  destroyed,  and  we  know  tJiat  many  more  have  been 
dfstmrcd  in  othtr  parts.  Tliere  is  at  thiit  moment  no  power 
lor  combined  organised  armed  n>«i»Uiiict-  a^iiiist  yoit,  except 
tliat  which  is  in  tliu  Native  army,  which  the  Indian  Oovem> 
ment  hoii  been  buildin|r  up  of  late  t4>  n  greater  extent 
than  ever. 

The  noble  Lonl  (Lord  Stanley)  spoke  of  one  point — tlie 
great  importunec  of  wliirh  I  admit— the  want  of  confidence 
and  A^inpnthy  that  mtiet  have  ariHt.'u  iH^twevn  the  two  tw*6 
in  consequenet'  of  tb*;  tmnsaetionB  of  the  last  two  yearn.  Tlie 
EJioc^  of  rurolt  muet  have  created  groat  suspicion  and  hatrt-d 
and  fear,  and  tbere  is  nothing  out  of  which  panic  grows  so 
easily  as  out  of  thoH**  crmditioiis.  T  IjelteVH  that  is  tiw  case 
in  India,  and  perhajw  there  are  indit^tions  of  ftomething  of 
the  kind  at  home.  There  is  a  panic,  therefore,  and  neither 
tlie  Qovemor-Cieueml  nor  llic  Cii-il  Service  nor  militar}'  officers 
can  make  \i]>  thrib  mind»  that  tliey  are  Kafe,  rceollecting  the 
transactiuiiti  uf  tlie  paxt  two  ycar>i,  in  having  a  Ie«8  laililary 
fonw  than  w«  now  have  in  India.  But  if  you  ask  tho«e 
gentlemen  they  will  never  »ay  they  have  enough.  There  any 
admirals  here,  as  we  know,  who  are  perfectly  wild  about 
ships,  with  whom  uritbitietic-  on  euch  a  ijueetion  goo*  for 
nothing.      They  wonld   show  ymt  in  the  cleareat  possible 


»4 


SrKKCIIRS  OF  JOJiA'  BRfGIIT. 


Auouar  1. 


iiiAHiivr  tliut /ou  have  not  fitii])s  enoiig'l].  So  also,  although 
I  lun  t^&A  to  ^ikI  not  to  the  eaine  extent,  as  to  troops.  Some 
line  said  th<;  DtVit-r  nijjrht,  in  uoswlt  U*  iiii  hoii.  GL-ntlcmnn, 
about  ail  iinreafted  {i.jrce  of  a.  jjarlicular  kind,  '  Then-  is 
nutliitig  likt*  IfalJii'r/  ajwl  it  is  so.  1  leay  naval  oflii-Bre  muJ 
militAry  nfliceK  urc  not  the  men  to  whom  the  Cliunrellor 
of  tLi-  E3tcK(>qucr  should  depute  the  great  aud  sok-mu  dutj'  of 
determining  what  &motiiit  Khali  \)V  oxiKtiided  for  military  ptir- 
poiiet).  There  is  not  a  country  in  the  worhl  that  wimld  not 
have  been  bankrupt  long  since,  nnd  plunged  into  ii-retrievable 
niiu,  if  thu  militiiry  :iuthuritieti  had  lx>en  nllowet)  to  (Jetermiuo 
Wk  amount  of  luilitury  lurcc  to  ^e  kept  up,  and  the  anivuot 
of  iwenuu  to  ho  dcvotcil  to  Umt  ]»urpO($c 

I  have  another  objection  to  this  greut  army,  and  1  now 
come  to  the  (|ui«itioii  wf  jxilicy.  ivhioh,  1  iim  sorr}'  to  say  for 
Indtfi,  has  not  been  touched  upon.  1  do  not  think  this  is  a 
question  to  bo  mwoly  settled  by  a  very  clcvw  manner  of  giving 
tJie  Ii(jiire8  of  the  caac.  Those  ligvrvs  depend  ti{ion  the  eounte 
you  iuti'iid  to  pursue,  u|Hm  the  policy  which  iJic  Oovernmoiit 
inteniU  to  ndopt,  in  that  country.  With.lhie  great  anriy  two 
thifigtt  are  eerl^iin — we  esn  have  no  reform  of  any  kind  in 
tile  Goverrmrnt  of  India,  nor  an  iiTipTOved  condnrt  on  the 
jiart  of  the  Kngli^h  in  India  totvardn  the  Natiree)  of  India. 
With  A  |W(wer  like  this— iio,ooo  ETiglinh  troops,  with  iui 
English  regiment  witliin  an  hour's  reacli  of  each  civil  servant, 
you  will  tind  that  the  siipin^macy  of"  the  eoiKjuering  rnee  will 
be  disphiyitt  in  tlie  most  oflV-usive  manner. 

^everybody  oonneeted  with  India— llio  hon.  Member  for 
Devonport  (Sir  ErBkiue  Perrj').  the  hem.  •Afemljer  for  Alier- 
doon  (Colonel  Syfces)— all  who  are  eoniiected  with  India, 
know  well  that  when  tlie  English  were  feeble  in  India, 
when  they  had  not  u  great  army  in  the  field  or  a  great 
revenue  tA  support  it,  CT«ry  Eughehnian  treated  the  Natives 
by  whom  he  wa.*  siiTrtjuiidod  rather  wilh  thf  ii-eling  that 
he  was  an    intruder   in  thf  (nmntry,  and    that  it  ^va^    not 


I 


lKfi». 


M 


only-  j)rn|)cr  Ijut  sbsolutclj  uocesAOry  to  deol  in  a  concilintory 
and  jiiHt  manner  with  tlie  great  body  of  the  Natives  of  Icwlia ; 
but  jirectsely  an  our  jiower  iucrciu<eii  iliu  ixiutluct  of  our  cuudItv- 
men  cliangvd,  utid  I  tiud  in  the  oxceltcDt  book  of  Mr.  Shore 
that  thirty  yearR  a^  he  describes  thitt  ae  the  very  houtvc  of 
.the  growin;^  ill  fut^ing  bel\va<n  the  races  in  Tndta.  It  hits 
grown  from  that  time  to  thix,  nntil  we  have  an  in-itation  »iid 
animosity  which  in  our  time,  it  loay  be,  we  »hall  ttee  ver)- 
little  removed,  und  whieh  niuy  {jerliupii  never  bo  wbully  allayed. 
A  Govemmetit,  then,  nitli  this  ^'ast  anny,  mniit  aKvaya  be  in 
adifBculty.  Lord  Canning — lonl  anybody  elec — cannot  tmu 
his  attention  to  anytbiog  but  thb  vfeanng,  exneperntin^ 
question  of  how  money  is  to  be  got  for  the  next  tguarter 
to  pay  this  army.  Me  cannot  turn  \m  atteotiou  iu  any 
way  to  refonnti,  and  I  uui  eunvinccd  tbiit  tiuH  House  must 
insist  upon  the  Government  reducing  its  army,  whatever 
be  the  risk.  A  large  array  will  render  it  impoasible  for 
you  to  bold  the  country,  for  you  will  have  a  consLautly  in- 
crcABing  debt,  uud  anarchy  muitt  inevitably  ovcrivbelm  voa 
in  the  end.  A  xmall  army,  a  moderate,  conciliiitory,  and 
just  Ooverumeut,  with  Ibo  finauocu  in  o  prosperous  con- 
dition ; — atid  1  know  not  hut  that  this  country  may  posMea 
for  guucmtious  and  ceuturie-H  a  share,  and  a  Ur^  ahar^ 
in  the  government  of  thoae  vast  territories  witicb  it  has 
conquered. 

Ar  to  mcafiares  of  reduction,  I  admit  that  it  is  of  little  use 
attempting  them  uidcea  they  are  accomjianivd  by  nther  changes. 
Here  I  have  a  ehavgc  to  bringugaiust  the  Indian  GoTOrnment. 
I  did  hope  when  -the  noble  Ixird  spoke  tM>niglit  that  he 
would  have  told  titi  someltiiiig  which  I  nm  sure  he  mu^it  have 
known  ;  that  there  is  no  etich  thing  as  a  real  Uoverument  in 
India  at  all ;  that  there  is  no  reaponKibitity  either  to  a  puMic 
0|Mnion  there,  or  t-o  n  public  opinion  at  home;  and  that  thcnv 
fore  we  eannot  expect  a  better  [wdiey  or  luippivr  resiilt-i.  Let 
hon.  GentlcDicfl  iouigine  a  Government  like  that  in  liidia,OTer 


9ti 


SPKECifES  OF  JOHN  BRWIIT.        Atoiw  l. 


which  the  payers  of  ihc  taxeit  have  not  the  eltghteitt  control ; 
for  the  ^reat  body  of  the  peopli}  in  InUia  have,  an  we  all  Icnow, 
no  control  iti  any  way  "vor  tlic  Govci'nmcnt.  Neitlipr  i« 
there  auy  iiidepeudcnt  Kiiglieh  opinion  that  has  any  control 
over  the  Govcrnmeii t,  tli«  only  upiiiiona  being-  tbusi^  of  lite 
Government  itself,  or  those  of  tlie  Military  and  Civil  Senrices, 
anil  chiefly  of  the  latter.  Tliey  «ro  not  Ihy  payers  of  taxes; 
they  ore  the  spondcTH  and  the  enjoyers  of  the  taxes,  and 
therefore  the  Government  in  India  Is  in  the  moet  unfortunate 
ponitiou  po«8iblc  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  ^reat  dutim  tlia^t 
most  devolve  npon  evt^ry  wiw?  and  just  Government.  The 
Civil  Ser%Hoe,  being  privilegt^l,  in  umigiint,  and  I  had  almost 
eaid  tyrannous,  aa  any  one  may  eec  who  reads  tbe  Indian 
pajiem,  which  mainly  rejirefent  Uie  opinion  of  that  Si^rvice 
aiid  the  Military  3er\'ico,  wbieh,  aa  evcrywhert.'  fisr  whtTi;  it 
ie  not  ehci'tced  by  the  resolntion  of  tJie  taxpayer  and  civilians, 
is  olamoruua  and  insatiable  for  greater  expenditure.  The 
Governor- Goacrol  himself, — and  I  do  not  oiakc  any  attack 
npon  Ivnrd  Canning,  atthontrh  I  could  conmve  a  Governor- 
General  more  suited  to  his  g-reiit  and  difficult  position, — he  ia 
a  ereature  of  theiae  very  Services. 

I  now  as\c  the  n<>bte  Lord  ta  remember  a  cas*  whioh 
hapimiHxl  during  the  time  he  held  office,  and  if  the  Com- 
mitlee  will  allon-  me,  for  the  Rake  of  illmstrntion,  to  refer  to 
it,  I  do  not  tliink  it  will  be  any  wa^te  of  time.  Hon.  Gen- 
tlemen will  rt-'follect  that  diirJiiff  llie  last  year,  ray  hon. 
J^riend  tlie  Member  for  Stockport.  (Mr.  J.  B.  Smith),  who 
iias  paid  great  attention  to  Indian  subjects,  put  a  question 
to  tlie  noble  Lord  relating  to  Uie  annesjition  of  a  email 
li'rriti>ry  called  Dhar.  What  has  1nfn  Uic  course  of  i-vents 
in  relation  tn  that  ease  "f  Tlie  news  of  tlie  itnnexntion 
reacbod  this  eountiy  on  the  20th  of  March  last  year.  Upon 
the  2jrd  tKe  queition  woe  put  iu  this  House,  when  the  hon. 
Meralier  for  Inv^'niecS  (Mr.  Kaillir),  then  Under-Sccretarj', 
replied,  that  the  Govemuu-nl  had  just  been  informed  of  it  by 


IKfiP. 


INDIA.     IV. 


vr 


th«  Govoriior>Gencral,  and  that  be  was  solely  rcsponeiltle  for 
tile  set,  tbeGtiviTiimpnt  here  havtii^  liud  uo  previous  ponimu* 
iiication  upon  it.  Upon  the  i  itli  of  June  the  nolilc  Lord  (lord 
Stanley)  annoimeerl  to  the  Iloitse,  in  answer  to  a  iiiicstion, 
thtt  be  had  disallowed  the  anncxntion  of  Dhar.  Tlic  de- 
spatch disallowing^  it  has  tinec  been  laid  upon  the  ta1>lc.  It 
IH  dn.teil  •TiiDp  23,  aiKl  it  uslcs  for  inforiuntiuii  from  Uie 
Governor- General.  In  India  thej-  a&Kiimed  this  uiifQrtiinat« 
Hajah  to  he  guilty  of  mistk'meaiioiir,  bw»u«e  his  troops  had 
revolted,  and  the  noMr  Lord  in  his  dcspatc'h  «aid,  as  I  think 
^'e^y  ttcosibly,  *  Tf  v/k  v^itinut  keep  our  own  troops,  what 
argument  is  it  for  nvertiiming  the  imlepnmienw;  of  the 
lerritory  of  Dhar,  (^■eiiig'  that  tlie  imuh  himself  ha»  been 
faithful  towards  ns,  hut  his  troop*  have  rebelled  ?'  The 
noble  Lord  asked  lor  further  tnfortnation.  in  the  preceding 
April  the  n«ne«,  the  inotber  or  Htep-motlier  of  the  llajah, 
a  mere  boy  of  thiiteeii,  sent  two  memoriiilit  to  the  Governor- 
General,  one  by  post,  and  the  other  through  the  loral  Britiflh 
olBeer,  remoustratiuf^  a^ainKt  the  uiiiiexatioii,  and  proviug, 
im  far  u  she  eoubl,  that  the  RAJnh  had  not  been  guilty  of  any 
wrongf  a^Rst  u».  ThiR  memorial  was  not  acknowledged 
until  xVoifUst,  when  tlie  Seeretani'  for  the  Govenimeiit  of 
India  desired  the  Ranee  to  forwartl  the  memorial  ihnoiijfb  the 
Governor-GeiiemrH  utrviit.  in  Central  Indin.  In  April  the«e 
papers  were  laid  upon  the  tabic  of  the  Houae  with  one 
eisoeption.  The  Ranee's  memorial  wae  not  included  in  Ibnae 
p«per8L 

Now,  when  those  paper*  were  laid  before  the  House,  why 
WHS  not  that  memorial,  relating  to  the  annexed  tfliritory, 
sent  home  and  printed  with  the  other  papers,  bo  that  hoD. 
Members  of  this  Muuse  might  have  read  it?  Tlie  letter  of 
the  noble  Lord  (Lord  Stanley)  was  dated  the  23nd  of  Jane* 
1858,  and  to  this  hour  it  lja»  never  been  answered.  The 
noble  Lord's  detfpateh  disaUowed  the  annexation ;  it  con- 
dcmocd   it,  and  asked   fur  iuformation.     From  the  date  of 

voi»  I.  n 


98 


SPBSCIIES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.         jujocot  I, 


that  despatch  to  thjg  [ircBont  ist  of  August,  (859,  there  has 
not  como  any  official  information  from  the  Governor- General 
as  to  what  he  ha.'*  douo.  or  uiiy  busivlt  to  thf  nulilo  Lord's 
despatch,  atthoHgh  sixteen  njonth?  have  elapsed.  T  say  it  is 
not  fitting  that  the  Secretary  vf  Stut»  for  India  tiliuutd  W 
truatcd  with  uttvr  dtaregBni,  if  not  mth  Hometbing  like 
contompt,  l>j'  any  grcot  satrap  whn  happens  to  be  sent  out 
to  govern  any  of  the  provinces  of  this  eonntry.  Tliis  Tcry 
ca«c  shows,  that  in  the  midiit  of  the  terrilde  hurricane  of 
the  miitiiiy,  the  thinrt  for  uone-xation  was  nnfilaked.  At  the 
vory  niom£-iit,  or  juiit  bofore,  that  the  Queen  istiueil  her 
gracious  Proflauialiou  here,  thi-  Govemmeut  in  India  aa- 
ne&eJ  the  berritory  of  thtH  Hajah,  a  boy  of  thirteen  years  nf 
DgVi  maniieetin^  at  the  same  time  an  utter  disregard  of  the 
Government  at  home  and  the  just  RcntimenU,  if  they  eould 
have  be*n  ast'ortainod,  of  the  whole  bwly  of  the  pi*opIe  of 
this  country.  And  thia  must  b«  so  aa  long  us  yon  h&Te 
a  Government  like  that  of  Calcutta.  ProoTastinntion  ia  its 
veiy  natiint. 

The  noble  Lord  oppositi?  (Ijonl  Stanley)  did  an  excellent 
thing.  IIo  did  honour  to  himself  by  appointing  a  raiin  of 
a  new  sort  oh  Governor  of  Miidi-a.-<.  I  have  not  much  a<- 
qiuiintiincc  with  Sir  C  Trevi-lyaii,  hut  I  believe  him  tu  be 
a  very  int^'lligent  man  and  very  eamect  for  the  g^od  of  India. 
But  he  tinds  that  at  Madnui  he  ik  like  a  m«n  who  ie  manacled, 
na  all  the  Governors  are.  Hu  is  able  to  do  almost  uotlung. 
But  he  has  a  s])irit  above  being  the  pamvc  instrument  for 
doing  nothing  in  the  handfi  of  the  (iovernor- General,  and  he 
has  been  disposed  to  make  several  changes  whirh  have  looked 
exceedingly  liL'tLTudox  to  thos^  who  are  oonnoeted  with  the 
old  Govenimcnt  of  ludin,  and  which  have  shook<><l  the  nerves 
of  the  fifteen  old  gentlemen  who  mc*t  in  Lc-adcnliall-streot, 
and  their  bretlireu  in  India.  I  find  that  among  the  changett 
cndcarourud  to  he  clIK-tp-d  by  Sir  C.  Trcvelyan,  the  following 
ore  raiumorated : — He    bos    endeavonre«l    tn    troiu-llinte    the 


1869.  INDIA.     17.  99 

Natives  by  abolishing  certain  ceremonial  distinctions  which 
were  supposed  to  degrade  them  when  visiting  the  Government 
House ;  he  has  shown  that  personal  courtesy  to  them  which 
appears  to  be  too  much  neglected  in  India;  he  has  coq- 
spicuously  rewarded  those  who  have  rendered  services  to 
the  State ;  he  has  made  one  of  the  Natives  his  aide-de-camp ; 
he  has  endeavoured  to  improve  the  land  tenure,  to  effect  a 
settlement  of  the  Enam,  and  to  abolish  the  impress  of  cattle 
and  carts.  He  has  also  abolished  three-fourths,  or  perhaps 
more,  of  the  paper  work  of  the  public  servants.  He  also 
began  the  great  task  of  judicial  reform,  than  which  none  is 
more  urgently  pressing.  But  what  is  said  of  Sir  C.  Trevelyan 
for  instituting  these  reforms  ?  He  has  raised  a  hornetfi'  nest 
about  him.  Those  who  surround  the  Governor-General  at 
Calcutta  say,  '  We  might  as  well  have  the  Governors  of  the 
Presidencies  independent,  if  they  are  to  do  as  they  like 
without  consulting  tlie  Governor-General  as  has  been  done  in 
past  times.'  The  Friend  of  India  is  a  journal  not  particularly 
scrupulous  in  supporting  the  Calcutta  Government,  but  it 
has  a  horror  of  any  Government  of  India  except  that  of 
the  Governor-General  and  the  few  individuals  who  surround 
him.     A  writer  in  the  Friend  of  India  says  : — 

'  Sir  C.  Trevelyim  reliea  doubtless  on  Lord  SUtnluj,  and  we  do  not  dreftm 
of  denjing  that  the  Secretarj  of  St&te  hu  proTOCfttion  enoa^h  to  esctue  the 
nnunial  coune  he  seems  obliged  to  puraue.  To  send  a  refonn  to  Calcutta  la, 
at  present,  simply  to  ta;  it  aside.  It  will  probably  not  eren  be  answered  for 
two  years,  certninly  not  carried  in  five.  Even  when  sanctioned,  it  will  have  to 
pass  through  a  crucible  through  which  no  {dan  can  escape  entire.  Iliat  weary 
waiting  for  Calcutta,  of  which  all  men,  from  Lord  Stanley  to  the  people  of 
Singapore,  now  bitterly  compltun,  may  well  tempt  the  Secretary  to  carry  on 
bis  plans  by  the  first  mode  offered  to  his  hand.' 

Here  are  only  a  dozen  lines  from  a  long  article,  and  there  are 
other  articles  in  the  same  paper  to  the  same  purport.  I  think, 
then,  that  I  am  justified  in  condemning  any  Secretary  for 
India  who  contents  himself  with  giving  us  the  figures  neces- 
sary to  show  the  state  of  the  finances,  which  any  clerk  in  the 

II  2 


100 


SPKKVUKS   OF   JOHX    BHIOMT.         ami-kt  ], 


office  could  liave  done,  and  ab(it^D9  fmin  goiog  iuto  the 
(^ui?«tioiM  of  ibe  gxjvcrumcut  of  India  and  that  policy  upon 
which  alone  you  can  hnse  any  ,wlid  hope  of  an  imprnvemeiit 
in  the  condition  of  that  country'. 

Thwe  is  another  point  I  wotild  mention.  Tho  Governor- 
QcQcml  of  Imliii  ^O!  out  knowinf^  little  or  nothing  of  India, 
t  know  exactly  what  he  do(?»  when  lit'  ijs  iippoiiited.  He 
shuts  himneir  up  to  sttiily  lUe  lirttt  volumes  of  Mr.  Mill's 
ni*(otg  of  India,  and  he  nudti  tliruiigli  this  lahorious  work 
without  nearly  «o  mucb  effect  in  mnlring  bim  a  g«od 
Govcrnor-Generul  a*  a  inau  ini^fht  ignorautly  suppose.  He 
goes  t«  India,  a  country  of"  twenty  nntiune,  sjjcukiiig'  twenty 
langungcB.  He  knou-K  none  of  those  nationi^,  and  he  ha»  not 
a  glimmer  of  the  (^ramraar  and  pronmipialion  or  meAning  of 
those  InnjjuaffeB.  He  i«  snrTOiindfvl  by  half-a-doxen  or  A 
dozeu  gfutlemL-n  who  have  bcu-n  fn^m  (iflecn  to  forty  years 
in  that  coutitrj',  and  who  have  scrambled  from  the  moderate 
but  sure  allowance  with  wbich  they  began  in  the  Service  to 
the  positions  they  now  occupy.  Hf  knows  nntbing-  of  the 
country  or  the  jwople,  and  they  are  really  unknown  to  the 
Govenimciit  of  India.  To  this  hour  tht*  pre«nt  Oovcrnor- 
Goncral  boA  not  trarelled  through  any  considerable  portion  of 
the  territory  of  India.  If  be  did,  bo  %vould  luve  to  pay  an 
increased  inNunutce  u|)ou  bi^  life  for  travelling  through  n 
country  in  which  there  are  very  few  roads  and  no  bri^lgee  at 
■11.  Obicrve  the  position,  then,  ia  wliicb  the  Governor- 
General  i»  placed.  He  is  surrounded  by  an  oflicial  circle,  he 
breatltcfi  an  official  air,  and  everything  is  dim  or  dark  beyond 
it.  You  lay  duties  upon  him  which  ara  utterly  beyond  the 
mental  or  bodily  utrength  of  any  man  who  ever  existed,  and 
wbich  he  cannot  therefore  adequately  iK-rform. 

Turning  from  the  Governor- (Jcncra I  to  the  Civil  Ser^'ice, 
see  how  ithort  the  period  is  in  wbich  your  servaitta  in  that 
country  remain  in  any  jiarticular  ofFico.  You  are  conrtantly 
criticieiDg  the  bad  cvBtome  of  tlie  United  States,  where  evcr>* 


I9fi». 


isotA.  ir. 


101 


IK}etma«t«r  and  man/  nther  ufiicers  lost'  their  atiiatioiis.  and 
where  others  are  aji|M>mU?d  wht^nevera  new  Prtaicltfnt  iiieti.'cti:^. 
Ydu  never  nuLtce  Iihinclcrs:  \\\:e  ttic  Fnik'cL  Stnti^s,  nni)  you 
will  thert'lbiv  be  euqirised  at  a  Btat^mtTxt.  givcti  JD  evidence 
\ty  Mr.  Viiderhill,  the  St-crctftrT  of  the  BapUitt  Missioniuy 
Sodvty.  Hi-  wfh  (but  in  ci^rta.iii  rlistricts  in  Bengal  tliere 
arv  iTirw  or  four  Engliehmen  to  i.ooo.coo  inhabitants,  and 
that  the  Ria^i)«tntU>u  iirL>  pL'rfx'tuallv  moviii*;  abuut.  I  hnvu 
here  the  names  oF  several  (*entlenicn  cit^x).  Mr.  Henry 
Lushingioii  went  to  India  in  iSai,  and  remained  till  1843. 
During"  these  twenty-one  years  he  filled  twenty-one  difTcrcot 
O0IVWI ;  \w  went  to  Kuro|>e  twiee,  being  ubscnt  from  ]  ndia  not 
lees  than  lour  nnd  u  quarter  years.  Upon  an  aventgo,  thori'- 
forc,  he  hold  hie  twenly-ooe  offices  not  more  than  nine 
mnnthn  i-u<;li.  Mr.  J.  V.  Grant  waa  Oovernor  of  Hengal. 
Tl]!)t  wait  «o  ^o(I  a  plnce  that  he  reniained  stationary  In  it. 
But  he  went  to  India  in  i8z8  and  remaiaud  there  until 
1R41.  Til  those  thirteen  yeom  ho  held  twentv-fo'ir  diflbrent 
eitiiations,  bein^  an  nvci-agv  of  Ic&s  than  six  niontha  for  each, 
Mr.  Charles  Grant — and  I  may  tcuy  that  Gmut  Ik  u  name 
which  for  three  or  f'oar  gvnerationn  hnn  been  found  evcrj'- 
where  in  India, — lie  was  in  India  from  iSjy  to  1841,  and  in 
tiloac  thirteen  yrars  In-  tillcfl  srventtH'n  olTices,  IjE-ing  an  aveni^ 
of  only  eight  months  for  each  otfi(«.  Mr.  Ualliday,  Governor 
of  Bengal,  w«Dt  to  India  in  \^l^y,  and  remained  until  184), 
In  those  eighteen  years  In-  held  twenty.ot»p  nffirt-s.  mid  he 
did  not  bfteome  Ktatiunary  until  he  was  accredited  to  the 
Incrative  and  f^reat  offiee  of  Governor  of  Bengal. 

I  tliink  these  facts  tihow  that  there  is  Eomvtbiu^  la  th« 
arrangements  of  the  Indian  Government  which  make*  it  no 
Governiueixt  at  all,  exei'|>t  for  the  purjwtie  of  niaing  money 
and  spending  taxes.  It  is  no  Goverument  for  watehing 
over  the  ppojilo  and  conferring  ujwn  them  those  hJessingB 
which  we  ity  to  silence  our  eonscienoejt  by  believing  the 
British   Government    is    eatublisbvd   in    India    to    promote. 


103 


SPEECUES  OF  JOHN   BRIGHT.        ivovn  i. 


Wlint  cuu  a  Goveraor-Generul  do  nitli  ^\ia\\  a  Cotnicll,  and 
with  Mn'nntf)  whf>  are  ever  oUaii^nf;  in  all  the  departraeute? 
I  am  not  stating  my  own  opinion,  but  what  is  proved  by  th« 
blue-books.  Mr.  Hiilliibiy  staled  tliat  the  poliec  of  Bcngul 
were  more  feared  than  the  thieves  and  datoils.  But  how  is  tbia 
Govern  incnt,  ro  ooeapiei)  and  so  emlmrrassed,  to  Im*  expected 
to  put  the  police  on  a  satiBftiftory  footing?  With  rt-gard  to 
Ju.-'tii.-e,  I  nii^'ht  iijipoal  to  uny  ^ntleman  trho  ha»  been  iu 
India  whether,  lor  the  moflt  parti,  the  JiMlgr*  in  tht-  Company's 
Courts  are  not.  without  training-,  and  if  tliey  are  nithoat 
training,  whether  they  will  not  probably  be  without  law.  The 
delny  is  something  of  which  we  ean  have  no  cnnooption,  c^-en 
with  our  expericnee  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  in  tliis  couiLtry, 
Perjury  and  wrong  are  universal  wherever  the  Coiirla  of 
the  Coiii]KUiy*s  Sorvice  hiivc  liecn  estnhhshed  in  India.  Of 
their  taxation  we  hear  enough  to-nvght.  It  is  elumsy  and 
uuHTientifie.  In  their  linanee  there  is  such  oonlusion  thiit  the 
Oovernuient  proposes  to  send  out  somebody,  not  to  nise 
revciinu,  not  to  »pond  it,  hnt  BomehrMly  who  will  Iw  ahle  to 
tell  you  how  it  is  raised  a.nd  (tpcnt,  for  that  is  what  you  want  to 
know.  They  have  no  system  of  Ixrok-keeping  whate\'er.  The 
Seeretary  of  State  gives  us  a  t^tntemcnt  of  revenue  and  expendi- 
ture uji  to  the  30th  of  April,  185S,  sixteen  months  back,  iind 
even  for  the  year  preireding  he  ean  only  furuiah  what  lie  culls 
an  'eatimate.'  Would  any  other  Ijrgislative  Assembly  in  the 
wliole  world,  except  this,  tolerate  such  a  stale  of  things  ?  1  did 
try  myself  several  years  api  to  get  a  sitatemont  of  the  aecounta 
up  to  n  later  period ;  but  1  found  it  was  of  no  use.  They 
ought  to  be  brought  up  to  a  later  period;  the  thing  \b  quite 
witliin  the  range  of  puiwibility;  it  is  simply  not  done  heenuse 
there  is  no  proiMT  syslent  of  book-keeping,  and  no  one  re- 
sponHible  for  not  doing  it. 

You  have  110  Government  in  India ;  you  have  no  financial 
statement;  yon  have  no  system  of  hook-keepiiig;  no  respomd- 
bility ;   and  everything  goes  to  confusion  and  ruin  hccause 


I 


1839. 


^N'DiA.  I  r 


108 


there  U  huuIi  a  GuvorDment,  or  mi  OorenimoDt,  anil  Llie 
English  Houite  of  C<>mn)ona  hua  not  taken  tlie  paing  to 
leform  ^eee  thiugs.  The  Secretory  of  State  to-nig'bt 
pointtf  to  the  ittcrease  in  the  Eaglisli  tnule.  In  that  treble 
1  am  myBc-lf  interviitvJ,  aud  1  urn  drlighted  tn  sec  thut 
incrttisc;  Imt  it  should  hp  tionio  in  mind  tVint  just  now  it  U 
not  a  natural  incrcaei',  and  therfforp  not  uertain  to  W  pormu- 
Dfint.  If  you  are  spending  tto  louny  millioos  in  railroads  and 
in  csrrj'in^  on  war — that  is,  I2,oco,ooo/.  for  yoiir  armamrnta 
in  ludia  iii6l«a<l  of  ii.ooo,oocA — xa  not  that  likely  to  iitake 
a  great  diirereitL'i;  in  your  power  t*>  import  more  largvly  fnwn 
this  country?  Do  not  we  know  that  when  tho  Government 
of  the  day  »'as  poiuing^  English  treasure  into  the  Crimea  the 
trudi-  with  tho  Levant  wan  most  materially  inLTt-ast^l?  And, 
thcr«fbn!,  1  »iy  it  will  he  a  deliii^ion  for  the  right  hon. 
Gentleman  to  exp«cl  that  the  oxtraonliuiiry  inui-i«4e  wliioh 
has  taken  plaee  within  the  loat  three  years  will  gn  on  in 
fntore  in  the  same  proportion. 

Now,  the  point  which  I  wi«h  to  bring  before  the  Com- 
mittee  aud  the  GoTeriiineut  la  this,  liecauae  it  is  on  this  tfaut 
I  rely  mainly — I  think  I  may  say  almost  entirely — for  any 
impruvement  in  tlie  futun-  uf  India.  It  would  he  impertinent 
to  take  np  the  time  of  the  Committee  by  merely  cavilling  at 
what  othvr  pi-uplo  have  said,  and  pointing  out  their  errort!  and 
blunders,  if  I  hod  no  hope  of  being  able  to  auggent  any 
improvement  in  the  existing  Rtate  of  things.  I  believe  a 
great  improvement  may  \>o  ma<U',  and  hy  a  gradual  progress 
that  will  dislocate  notliing.  I  daie  ray  it  may  disappoint 
«ome  imlividuaU,  hut  where  it  will  dii«uppoiut  ono  man  in 
India  it  will  plea»e  »  thoueand.  What  you  want  is  to 
de-centralizc  your  Government.  1  hold  it  to  be  manifestly 
imposRiblo  to  govern  150,000,000  of  persona,  eomposing 
tvetity  diilV-rcnt  nations,  speaking  as  many  diiferent  lan- 
gua^s,  hy  u  nmu  who  knows  notliing  of  India,  aasieted  by 
half-a-dozen   councillors   belonging    to  a  privileged    order, 


I0>( 


SPKECltES  OF  JOllS  BlilGnT. 


AUCCST  1, 


many  of  whom  have  Iind  very  little  experii-nce  in  India,  ex- 
cept within  narrow  litnitct,  and  whose  experience  never  in- 
voU'wI  tlie  couaidemLiuu  unti  PcUlt-raent  of  ^ri>at.  (iiieationn  of 
Btutet^tniuiKhip.  It'  you  couM  have  an  indepfnilcnt  Govern- 
ment in  India  for  eveiy  30,000,000  uf  it*  people,  I  Jo  nob 
hesitate  to  suy,  though  we  are  so  many  thousHud  miles  away, 
that  thei-c  «re  Engliehmon  who,  settling  down  «monR'  those 
zo,coo,ooo  of  people,  wuuld  bL'  able  to  conduct  the  Govm-n- 
menb  of  that  particular  provinee  on  condittons  wholly 
different  and  iniinea*i«rably  better  than  nnything  in  the  way 
of  aii ministration  wlitoh  we  have  ever  ueeii  in  India. 

If  i  were  Sfcretary  of  State  for  lodin, — but  as  I  am  not, 
1  will  recommend  the  ri^t  hon.  Gentleman  to  do  that 
which  I  wcidd  du  my«^lf,  or  I  would  not  hold  his  office  tor 
one  month;  Ijooause,  to  hold  nffine  and  <;ome  before 
the  House  S«s!^ian  n.f%er  Sefu^ion  witli  n  gloomy  stAtcment, 
aod  with  no  kind  of  case  to  eliow  that  you  ore  doing  any- 
thing for  India,  or  thiit  you  are  justified  in  holding  [Kiseesflion 
of  it  at  all,  is  n€>fhing  but  to  receive  a  salary  and  to  hold 
a  dignity  without  any  adw|uate  notiou  of  the  liigli  responiti- 
bility  attaching  to  them.  I  am  not  hlaming  the  right  hon. 
Gentl«tann  in  particular;  he  is  only  doing  what  nil  his  pre- 
decessors before  liiai  have  doue.  There  has  been  no  real 
improvement  since  I  hai'e  sat  in  Parliamtnt  in  the  govern- 
ment of  India,  and  1  believe  the  Btll  of  lust  year  is  not  one 
whit  ))etter  for  piirpusei^  of  udministrution  thiiii  any  that  bus 
gone  before.  But  1  would  BU^eat  lo  the  right  hon.  Gen- 
tleman, wlietlicr  it  would  not  be  a  good  thing  to  bring  in 
a  Bill  to  ext4?nd  and  define  the  {wwera  uf  the  Ouveruors  of 
the  variouK  Pwsidwufies  in  India?  I  do  not  ask  the  right 
hon.  Gentleman  t«  turn  out  the  filteen  gentlemen  who  assist 
him  in  Lcadcnhall-street  to  vegetate  on  their  pensiona,  but 
I  ask  him  to  go  to  India  and  to  take  the  Presidency  of  Madras 
for  an  mstance.  Lrt  arrangenieiits  t>e  made  by  whirh  that 
Preciidcucy  shall  be  iu  a  {Xisition  to  eort«si>oDd  direelly  with 


3 


1U». 


ISDIS.     TV. 


105 


him  ia  tLtH  cxiunbrjr,  atid  kit  everj  one  connected)  with  tbat 
Government  of  Sladras  feel  that,  with  reganl  to  the  interests 
atid  ttif>  people  of  thut  Pri^sidoiicy,  th(>y  will  1>e  n'sponxibk  fur 
their  protection.  At  present  there  is  no  fuirt  of  lie  l)iL*tw«;n 
the  goTcmors  and  the  ^vented.  Why  is  it  that  we  should 
not  do  for  Madras  vvha.t  lias  been  done  for  tlie  leilaud  of 
Ceylon?  I  am  not  aljnut  to  net  up  tlie  Council  of  Ceylon 
as  a  model  institution — it  is  fnr  from  that;  but  I  will  tell 
you  what  it  is,  and  you  will  see  that  it  would  not  be  a  diffi< 
cult  tJiinfi:  to  mnke  the  change  I  propose.  The  other  dny 
I  oskod  a  guutlrman  holding'  an  oflicc  in  the  (iovcm ment, 
and  who  had  lived  some  years  in  Ceylon,  witat  was  tlie  state 
of  the  Council?  H«  said  it  was  comixised  of  tiixteen  mem- 
bers,  of  whom  si-c  wore  non-oflicifll  and  inJcpondont,  and  the 
GoTeroor  hod  altray.->  a  majurit)'.  He  added  that  at  tlie 
preaent  moment  in  thut  Council  tJiere  was  one  gcntli'man, 
B  pure  Cingalese  by  hlrtb  and  blorxl,  another  a  Bralimin, 
another  a  bnlf^caxte,  whose  father  was  a  Dutchman  luid 
whose  mother  won  a  Native,  nnd  thnw  others  who  were 
cither  Engtieh  tnerchanta  or  planters.  The  Council  has  not 
taxkilii  prestige,  and  therefore  it  \s  not  easy  to  induce  merchants 
in  thL-  interior  to  be  meniWrs  and  to  undertake  iU  modemtti 
duties;  but  the  re^iiilt  is  that  this  CingalcKe,  this  nrahmin, 
this  half-caate,  and  th&ie  three  GngliBbmen,  although  th^y 
oaQBot  out-vote  Sir  H.  Ward,  the  Governor,  are  able  to 
diacusH  queAfionfl  of  public  Interest  in  the  eye  and  the  ear 
of  the  public,  and  to  tell  wbut  the  iudependecit  poptdation 
want,  and  bo  to  form  n  reprcHentatinn  of  public  opinion  in 
tho  Council,  which  I  will  undertake  to  say,  atthongh  so 
ioeGftcieut,  \»  yet  of  lii;;h  im]>ortauce  in  the  satisfactory 
government  of  that  island.  Why  is  it  that  we  caa  have 
nothing  like  this  in  tlie  Councils  of  Madras  or  Bombay? 
It  would  be  au  easy  tiling  to  do,  and  I  W-lievo  that  au  Aet  of 
Parliament  which  would  do  it  would  lay  the  foim<lattoQ  of 
the  g^n^atest  reform  that  lias  yet  taken  place  in  India.     At 


IW 


SI'KECilES   Oy  JOUy   BHWJir. 


Ai;ui*«T  t, 


present  &\\  the  GoYcrnon  are  in  fetters;  aud  I  e««  that 
blame  has  Iwen  imputed  to  Sir  Charles  Trevelyan  for  en- 
deavouriny  to  break  tlituu-^Ii  ibost*  It-tters.  No  <li>iilit  uu 
attempt  will  W  mntle  1o  hiive  him  n^ealled,  but  I  hope  thnt 
the  n'uht  hon.  Gc-ntlinian,  wliilp  ho  luodoniUw  the  artlour 
of  Ihc  Governor  so  far  as  to  prevent  a  rebellion  amonf):  the 
ciriliane,  will  support  him  liouLwtly  iiml  faithfully  in  all 
ihuKC  c)iaii^.<i  which  the  right  hmi.  Gentlemiin  knuw^  i\» 
well  B8  I  do  ure  vweuiiliul  to  the  i iiiproveuieiit  of  Uie  goveru- 
mcnt  of  that  eountry. 

Tltereieyct  aQ-jtht-rijueetioii,  aud  the  tie,  wbiit  is  to  be  done 
with  regard  to  the  people  of  India  on  the  ^iihjeet  of  education, 
and  especially  with  rcfcrenoe  to  the  inattcr  of  relijjimis  instruc- 
tion ?  I  beg'  tliQ  right  hon.  Gentleman  to  be  cautiontt  how  ho 
takes  the  advice  of  any  (gentleman  in  this  country,  who  may 
a»k  him  to  make  eliang;C6  iu  tlie  i-btubhehcd  ui'der  of  tilings 
Uicre  by  appearing:  in  the  elightefit  degree  to  attempt  to 
overthrow  the  cajste  and  religion  of  the  NativM  of  India.  I 
have  here  nn  cxtrnct  from  a  letter  UTitten  by  n  gentleman 
who  was  present  at  one  of  the  eercmonies  of  reading  Ih© 
Queen'it  Proclamation  in  November  lactt.     He  saye  : — 

*Nol  l««  thnn  ;,ooa  NkUvm  ol  nil  nuikguiil  coD'ditioiu  aiKlraliglnnHflocko'l 
to  th«  Mphnrule  At  Tflliohwr^,  wbere  iJl«m  waa  tie  ibnw  liut  the  [«rmtiiii^  of 
A  CoanpAn;  of  Sopay*.  who  fired  n  ffn  dt  juit  'ery  Inflly,  lo  b«*r  tho  Queen'* 
PmcUmat'dti  r«iul.  All  who  liNirit.  nil  wbo  Ijunnl  iiol,  iiiiinif'riit«'l  tb»  deepimt 
tRt«reit  ill  it.  Tbo  pi«iJ|[«il  inriulubiUty  af  their  Kligioii  and  tlieir  Inndo 
apnad  ttkt  wildflrv  tliruuKL  thu  ctuwJ,  and  wna  uuvn  in  cvcnr  uiaii'e  inou^. 
Tll^  MtitlMIoD  WM  uikbouudril.  ...  I  lucntiniu^  thiit  1  wvtit  to  TuUU'k«try 
to  h<Ar  tlie  Qai.<«n'i  I'mcUiQUtiitn  n-nd.  Wf<  liavu  ttliiue  tiwl  It  rend  here 
(jmanknn Jy) .  V<ru  will  wr  no  actxrunt  of  nbai  took  idMo  on  the  vccaiiion 
In  Lb«  ■cuouipaiiyiuK  cupj  ur  iin  nffidol  rnpart  I  aildnwwd  ti>  th»  anjntuil- 
nin^tnttc.  What  1  liavu  ilpacri^wO  umlcrnLatva  tlic  fcolioji  manifoiitad  by  ttia 
pMpl«.  Tliey  wcrv  nil  cyco  imiI  cnrn.  li)ti?nini!  lirvAlhleul/  tn  wliiit  WJia  tirinif 
HMd.  Yi>ii  will  oliBorro  that  couvanlng  thtm  fi>r  uxy  pablia  purpove  wliat«ver, 
•sMpt  lierv,  WM  a  liaafi  ankoonD,  luid  would  Imto  bcm  *  thing  awuied 
under  thn  Cnmiiany'a  Gurrnnoeiit.  Here  1  nlwayi  tuHpiublo  tlieiu,  coiiiniiini- 
nU«  «T«r}lliiii|;  Otoj  ought  to  know  itnd  banr,  nnd  la\\  it  nitr  nitli  tlioni. 
But  *  Quoeii'a  PrwikitiAlloii  i»  w-i  an  rvvry-dny  xffiur.  bii  tliey  uinic  in  crowds, 
and  I  will  veuLiire  to  tay  Ihnt  tittsrt  U  uot  Miotliiir  pLarv  in  Hus  Qu(i«n'»  India 


I 


lU*. 


IX  D!  A.    17. 


wtwra  it  w*a  (o  d«3rij  ospliuned  to  tbem  or  ••>  iborau^^T  Mdmt'Md.  Ihil 
Um  iapftrtlal  hilmtUin  of  thalrrsligioii  and  cwitoWM  tbo  bw^Il  uid  «ih1>»11  of 
tliair  oamnonta,  pniM,  uid  iadividiuJ  MUafiMtJon.  On«  MkBtbt  uid.  "  Th«y 
had  had  Knw  of  proelMiMtiona  njwn  vnrj  ooooeinbk  flubjcct,  bvt  nonr  on* 

Tlie  East  Intliu  Company  was  a  wonderful  Company  for 
writing  despatches.  Tbere  wax  nolhiog  tto  Christian  a«  their 
doctrine,  nothing  so  unchristian  as  their  oundiiut.  That 
Proelamation  has  in  it  the  basis  oi  all  you  should  aim 
at  in  future  m  Ia<lia — a.  KgurCi  to  the  eacredueaa  of 
tlieir  propt'rty,  nud  the  sBcreilncM  of  their  rt'ligiou,  and 
an  extenxion  to  them  of  ax  regular  and  full  jniitice  as 
is  ehowu  l*>  your  own  oountrj' men.  DejieuJ  upon  it  tli«»e 
Natives  of  India  c«n  comprehend  this  u  wdl  as  w« 
oomprcheud  it;  and,  if  you  treat  tlieoa  as  we  are  treated, 
and  UH  tliey  ought  to  Iw  treated,  you  will  not  require 
400,000  men  to  help  you  to  govern  a  j»eoplo  who  are 
notoriously  amoug  the  moat  industrious  and  most  peace- 
able  to  be  found  on  the  foco  of  the  earth.  There  has  lat«lj 
been  an  act  done  by  the  noble  Lord  (Lord  Stanley)  to  which 
I  must  ulludi.-.  Why  he  did  it  I  do  not  know.  I  am  sure 
the  noble  I<ord  did  not  mcnn  to  do  an  act  of  inju^ct^— 
though  vtfry  great  injustice  has  been  done.  A  question  was 
put  the  other  night  about  a  Native  of  India  who  hod  oom« 
to  this  country  txi  quulify  himself  for  entering  into  com- 
petition for  employment  in  the  Ciril  Service  of  his  country. 
1  have  seen  tliat  young  gcntlomau,  and  conversed  with  him  ; 
and  when  I  state  hi:<  case,  it  will  be  seen  whether  ho  has  been 
treated  well  or  wisely,  though  the  regulation  under  which  he 
lus  suffered  may  have  been  made  without  any  refereuoe  to 
him  individimlly.  He  arrived  in  this  country  in  June,  iS^fi, 
and  remained  preparing  himself  for  competition  for  two  years 
and  a-faolf  till  December,  1858,  when  a  new  regulation  came 
ont,  which  made  twenty-two  inatead  of  twenty-three  years  of 
age  the  perii-d  for  entering  the  Civil  Service.  lie  might  have 
been  niady  for  competition  in  July,  i860,  but  he  could  not 


108 


Sl'EEVflES  OF  JOUX  BHWHT. 


AVODSt  1. 


be  rewly  in  ivAy,  1859-  Under  these  circumittunccLi  he  tvoulil 
be  pact  tbe  nge  of  twenty-two  before  lie  ooiiKl  be  able  to 
prew-nt  himsftir  lor  examimition.  The  donswiut'iico  is,  that 
he  has  beon  obliged  to  turu  himself  to  nnothcr  channel  for 
L*m]>lu_v  merit.  His  fatlicr  is  at)  assist  ant- buildor  m  the 
Government  dockyard  of  Bombuy,  and  ban  been  iu  Eiiyhind. 
There  was  fp-eat  interest  excited  amrtng  the  Natives  when 
the  yuuajj^  man  k'ft  India  to  euine  to  Kii^^land,  and  tlion.'  in 
great  disnppointmcnt  amonf*  his  friends  at  the  rejiult.  He 
h»s  been  Inug^hed  at  for  trusting  the  GoTemmeiit,  and  it  is 
baid  that  while  Govoniment  go  ou  ehnngiuff  their  rc^idations 
in  tTitB  way  no  faith  can  be  pnt  in  them.  Now  this  is  the 
firiit  case  of  Ihit;  kind  tliut  bus  iiupjK-ned.  Thitt  young  geutle- 
man  (or  bis  father)  ba«  ex|]«udcd  l,,''^oo/.  in  coming-  here 
Uld  in  endeavouring-  t  o  get  the  best  eibicatton ,  solely 
wit^  a  view  to  be  suited  for  tbe  Civil  Service.  If  he  had 
entered  into  that  Civil  Servi(--e>  n  great  tbinj^  would  have 
been  aooomplished.  Tho  result  would  have  been  that  tie 
Hou^e  and  the  Secretary  for  India  svould  have  seen  that  it 
WUK  very  unjuittj  while  the  son  of  any  auc  here  could  puntUtt 
lii»  fitudiex  B.t  home  and  enter  into  competition  for  the  Civil 
Service,  tliat  the  eone  of  the  Natives  of  India  who  mrdi  to 
inter  into  the  8er\'ire  of  their  omi  emintry  nuifit  como  thou.qands 
of  milea  at  groat  expense,  and  live  apart  from  their  faniiUcs 
for  years,  before  they  arc  able  to  aeconipliiih  tbcir  object,  and 
the  rcsuU  must  have  been  that  you  would  have  eftablisbcd 
in  some  oily  in  Imiia  the  Bamc  mode  of  oxatuiniition  that  you 
have  cetablitilied  here.  Voii  miiat  have  bt^on  led  to  do  that 
which  would  have  enabled  youufj  men  in  India  to  offl-r  them- 
Bclvue  for  the  Civil  Service  of  their  country  on  as  favonrable 
terms  as  could  be  done  in  England.  I  am  snrc  the  noble 
Lord  never  had  lliv  8h>;bteKt  idea  of  the  regulation  having 
referenofi  lo  this  yoanff  man,  or  of  injuring'  hha ;  yet  it  hue 
been  done,  and  what  bos  occurred  leads  to  the  conclusion  thai 
cither  bonu'body  verj'  deep  in  these  matters  has  bei-a  at  the 


ISfiB. 


r^DlA.     IV. 


109 


bottom  of  this  i-liange,  or  that  oome  combination  of  un- 
fortiinat*  eirotimstaruMs  has  been  at  work,  by  which  that 
which  wc  have  all  ki  much  at  he^irt  has  hern  rctardvd.  If 
the  Doble  Lord  had  slruck  out  this  n-gulatiou,  or  mude  a 
uew  one,  by  whic-h  this  youn^  man  could  have  had  a  chnnce 
of  going  homo  ns  a  eorvnot  of  th«  Civil  Service,  the  foH; 
would  have  been  worth  many  wgiments  of  soldiers  in  India. 

Id  speaking  on  this  eubjcct  I  have  iiolhliig  uvw  tu  olJl'r  to 
the  attention  of  the  Hniitie.  I  have  propounded  the  very 
same  theories  and  remedies  ytar*  ago.  They  are  not  my 
TcmedicK  and  tbeoriett.  I  am  not  the  inventor  of  local  f»overn- 
miint  for  India;  but  the  more  I  hmv  considered  the  eubjeet — 
tlie  more  1  have  difictiaaed  it  with  the  Members  of  this  House 
and  with  gt-ntleuieu  eotmccted  with  India — t}*e  more  1  am 
convinced  that  you  will  not  make  a  xing'le  !it«>p  ton^ardti  the 
improvement  of  India  unless  you  change  your  uliulu  sytslem 
of  gwvernment — iinlfss  yon  jfive  to  each  Prestideney  a  govern- 
ment n-ith  moi'c  independent  powers  thaD  arc  now  possessed 
by  it.  Wliat  wonld  be  thought  if  the  whole  of  Europe 
was  nnder  one  governor,  ivho  knew  only  the  language 
of  the  P««jee  Ulandfi,  and  that  his  gnbordinatos  wen*  like 
himself,  only  more  intelligent  than  the  inhabitanla  of  the 
pDCJev  Islands  arc  su{>]>os«d  Lo  be?  Vou  »et  a  governor  over 
150,000.000  of  human  beings,  in  a  climate  where  the  Kumpean 
cannot  do  the  work  he  lias  to  do  so  wd.t  ati  here,  where 
neither  the  moral  nor  phyrieal  strength  of  the  individual  \* 
equal  to  what  tt  ia  at  home, — and  yon  do  not  even  ahraya 
fumiith  the  uioBt  [jcwerful  men  for  the  office; — ^you  scum  to 
tliink  that  the  atmosphere  will  he  always  calm  and  the  sea 
always  smooth.  And  so  tlie  government  of  India  goes  on  ; 
there  arc  promise*  without  number  of  beneficial  cluiHges,  bnt 
we  ne\-«r  heard  that  India  is  much  better  or  worse  thao 
btfTore.  No\Y,  that  le  not  the  way  to  do  justice  to  a  great 
empire  like  India.  If  there  had  been  a  better  govcrnincut 
iu  India,  the  late  distiirlmnces  among  yoor  own  troops  woulJ 


110 


SPSKfliKH  OF  JO/fX  anuiilT. 


ADCttSr  I. 


not  have  bapponeU ;  and  1  own  1  tr«Dilil«  when  1  reflect  that 
every  post  may  liring-  us,  in  the  preeent  temper  of  the 
European  troops  in  India,  some  dire  intcIligfnKe  of  acta 
which  they  may  have  eommilted,  because  they  may  think  that 
this  IB  a  convenient  opiK'rt«nity  Tor  pressing  iwine  great  claim 
of  their  own. 

I  leg-  the  Conimitteo  1o  eonrider  this  matter,  notwilh- 
etaiKlin^that  the  right  lioii.  Ginfleman  is  not  difi])osni  to  take 
a  (gloomy  \\evf  of  the  state  nf  Ijidiu.  Look  at  your  reKponsi- 
hitities.  India  is  niJed  In'  Kn^'li^hnicn,  hut  remember  that 
in  that  unfortunate  country  you  hove  destroyed  ercry  form  of 
govcrnnifi)t  but  yova  own  ;  that  yoii  have  rjwt  the  thrones 
of  the  NativeR  to  the  gronnd.  Princely  families,  oneo  the 
nilors  uf  India,  are  now  eilher  hou»ele«8  wsnderon;  in  tlie  Innd 
they  one*  called  their  own,  or  are  peneinnprs  on  the  liounty  of 
those  etrangcTB  hywiiom  their  fortuiicii  have  bccu  overthrown. 
They  who  were  n»ble  and  gi-iitle  for  ages  are  now  merged  in 
the  common  mass  of  the  pmiple.  All  over  thoee  vant  reffions 
there  are  eoiintlefis  million^:,  helpless  and  <lefeni*ole*!S,  dejirived 
of  their  natural  leaders  and  their  ancient  ehief?.  looking' with 
only  some  small  ray  of  hoi*  '■*  ^^^  omni|ir<'8ent  and  irresistible 
Power  by  which  they  have  I»een  suhjecled.  I  appeal  to  yon 
on  Wluilf  of  tliat  [leople.  I  have  hesoujfht  your  merty  and 
your  jiislitv  for  many  a  year  past ;  and  if  I  speak  to  ytm 
earnestly  now,  it  is  becanee  the  object  for  which  I  plead  is 
dear  to  my  heart.  Is  it  not  pomible  to  toiieli  a  chord  in  the 
hearts  of  KugliBbinen,  to  raifie  tliem  to  a  sense  of  the  miwries 
inflicted  on  that  unhappy  country  by  the  erimes  aoA  the 
blunders  of  our  rulers  here?  If  you  have  steeled  yonr  heurtn 
against,  the  Native*,  if  nothing  can  stir  you  to  8>-m|iathy 
witJi  tlieir  miseries,  at  least  have  pity  upou  your  own  eoimtry- 
meu.  Rely  upon  it  the  state  of  things  which  now  exints  in 
India  murt,  before  long,  become  most  serious.  I  hope  tliat 
you  will  not  show  to  the  world  thai,  although  your  fathers 
eoniiwftwl  the  coiinlrj-,  you  linve  not  the  ability  to  govern  it 


1859.  INDIA.     IV.  Ill 

You  had  better  disencumber  yourselves  of  iJie  fatal  gift  of 
empire  tlian  that  the  present  geoeratioii  should  be  punished 
for  the  sins  of  the  past.  I  speak  in  condemnatoiy  language, 
because  I  believe  it  to  he  deserved.  I  hope  that  no  future 
historian  will  have  to  say  that  the  arms  of  Enf^land  in  India 
were  irresistible,  and  that  an  ancient  empire  fell  before  their 
victorious  progress, — yet  that  finally  India  was  avenged,  be- 
cause the  power  of  her  conqueror  was  broken  by  the  in- 
tolerable burdens  and  evils  which  she  cast  upon  her  victim, 
and  that  this  wrong  was  aecomplishe<l  by  a  waste  of  human 
life  and  a  waste  of  wealth  which  England,  with  all  her  power, 
was  unable  to  hear. 


— <?«43- 


INDIA. 

V. 

HOUSE  OF    COMMONS,   MARCH  19,  1861. 
From  Hansard. 

[Mr.  Dunlop  brought  forward  »  motioD  to  inqnire  into  the  (liccrapMioi«* 
between  cert^n  seta  of  docuuienta,  relating  to  the  A%han  wftr  of  tS37-8. 
It  appeared  that  some  paauigea  in  the  despatches  of  Sir  Alexander  Bume* 
had  been  mutilated,  in  order  to  make  it  appear  that  he  advised  a  policy 

,  which  he  really  condemned.  Ur.  Dunlop  moved  for  a  Cummittee  to  inquire 
into  this  alleged  mutilation  of  despatches  presented  to  the  House.  The 
motion  was  negatived.] 

When  the  noble  Lord  rose,  I  observed,  from  his  countenance 
and  from  his  language,  that  he  seemed  to  be  suffering  from  the 
passion  of  anger.  [Viscount  Palmereton  :  '  Not  much.']  '  Not 
much/  the  noble  Lord  says.  I  admit  that  in  the  course  of  his 
speech  he  calmed  down ;  but  he  was  so  far  led  from  what  \ 
think  was  a  &ir  course  as  to  charge  the  hon.  and  learned 
Gentleman  who  introduced  this  Motion  with  making  a  vio- 
lent and  vitnperative  speech,  and  he  spoke  of '  that  vocabulary 
of  abuse  of  which  tlie  hon.  Gentleman  appeared  to  be 
master.'  Now,  I  will  undertake  to  say  that  I  am  only  speak- 
ing the  opinion  of  every  Gentleman  in  the  House  who  heard 
the  speech  which  introduced  this  question,  when  I  say  that 
there  has  rarely  been  delivered  here  on  any  subject  a  speech 
more  strictly  logical,  more  judicially  calm,  and  more  admirable 

VOL.  1.  1 


114 


SFRKCIIK;i  OF  JOIhV  BRWIST.         »a»c»  iv. 


tliati  tliat  H-hicli  we  have  heard  tu-niybt  from  the'IioD.  and 
leomed  Memlier  for  Greeiiopk.  But  tlie  fact  is  the  noble 
Ix^rd  felt  liiniBelf  hit. 

The  iiobEe  Lord  is  on  hU  trial  in  tliie  case;  and  on  that 
accrmnt  1  rxptrtrt  that  at  Ihi-  coiichision  of  tin;  dthute  he 
will  Dot  fpHl  hiniiwlf  at  liljerl^'  t«  ohject  to  the  apix)intnieiit 
f»f  this  Committee.  After  n  few  Beii1«TiceK  the  uoble  Lord 
touched  upon  the  caeo  of  Sir  ^Uexandor  Bumci^,  nnd  lie  made 
a.  very  PuiDt  denial  uf  the  mierepreaen tatioiie  which  are 
charged  ogaiiicit  the  (government  of  that  day  in  bbu  caise  uf 
that  gentleman.  But  he  went  on  to  fay  that,  aft«r  all, 
these  thiii^  were  of  no  importance;  llmt  what  was  in,  or 
what  xtas  left  out,  was  unimportant.  Ttnt  I  should  like  to 
Utfk  the  noble  Lord  what  was  the  oliject  of  the  minuli)  and 
ingenious,  and  I  will  &ay  unmatched  care  which  was  taken  in 
mutikting  the  desjmtcihes  of  a  gi^ntleman  whoBe  opinions 
were  of  no  importance  and  who&e  writing  eoulJ  not  make 
the  slightest  difi^ncc  either  to  the  question  or  to  tlie 
opinions  of  any  penton  couc«rned?  The  noble  Lord,  too,  hau 
Bt«opeJ  to  couduct  which,  ii'  I  vcttxv  nut  in  this  House,  I  mi^bt 
(leticrihe  in  language  which  1  eoiild  not  jmssihly  U8C  here 
nntlioiit  being  told  that  I  was  tranBgreeeiug  the  line  usually 
obBcrvcd  in  discnssionB  in  tJiis  aBsembly.  The  noble  Lord 
has  stooped  so  low  a^  1o  heap  insult,  througljout  the  whole 
of  his  speech,  upon  the  memory'  of  a  man  who  died  in  the 
I'iceution  of  what  be  believid  to  be  his  public  duly — u  duty 
which  wn«  thruH  upon  him  by  the  imid  and  ubstiiiati*  policy 
of  the  noble  Lord  ;  and  whilst  his  blood  ories  to  Heaven 
a^^iDt  that  policy,  the  noble  Lord,  during  a  tbrue-tjuarters 
of  an  honr'a  fipeech  in  this  Flouse,  ha«  scarcely  ceased  to  lii'u|i 
insult  ou  hiri  memory. 

What  the  nnblt>  Lord  told  il«  throughout  hit>  Kpeeeh  was 
that  Sir  Alexander  Biitik's  was  a  man  of  the  greatest  sim- 
plicity of  cbaracter.  1  could  not,  however  eouiplimentury  I 
were  disposed  to  be,  retort'  tluit  upon  the  nnhle  Liprd.     He 


I 


I 


IHL 


INDIA.     V. 


lis 


Bays  that  Sir  AJexundcr  Bumc* — of  wiiom  he  spoke  thimigh- 
out  io  the  moet  contemptuous  manner — on  emineul  political 
agent  at  the  Court  of  Dost  Miihommi>d,  was  Iwgniled  hy 
the  trwichery  of  Uiat  Asiatic  rwler;  that  he  took  evcrvtliiug 
for  tniUi  whioh  he  heard,  and  that,  iu  point  of  feet,  he  wag 
ntterly  unfit  for  the  position  n-hich  he  held  at  CabiJ.  But 
Although  the  noble  LfuhI  huJ  these  ili.'e|wU:hL'H  hfforc  him, 
anil  knew  all  tlic  fwliiigii  of  Sir  AlexandTr  Bumeii,  he  still 
conlinaol  Sir  Alexander  Durnes  there.  lie  nas  there  two 
jrmm  after  these  dwipatehes  were  written,  in  that  most 
perilous  year  when  not  only  himself  hut  the  wliole  army 
■ — tfubjcL-tti  of  Uif  Uuecu — fell  victims  to  the  policy  of  tho 
noble  Lord.  Now,  I  muat  tell  the  noble  Lord  what  my  l>on. 
and  learned  Fiieiid,  the  Member  fur  Greeuoek,  did  not  dis- 
ipuits,  and  what  the  Committee  ia  not  to  do— becauw  every 
'Member  who  hennl  the  upoeeli  of  the  hon.  and  learned 
Member  for  Greenock,  and  those  who  listened  to  the  speech 
of  tlie  noble  I*ord,  inu»t  have  seen  that  from  the  first  the 
noble  Loni  evadi-d  the  wholt-  question.  He  endeavoured  to 
lead  tlie  Iloiiee  to  believe  that  my  lion,  and  learned  Friend 
watt  guiiif;  into  some  antiquarian  rusMirehes  atjout  the  policy 
of  the  Eng'Iiiih  or  the  Indian  (Jovpmment  twenty'  years  ago, 
and  that  it  was  pro|K>&cd  to  have  a  Committee  to  di^  up 
all  tire  particulars  of  onr  supposed  peril  from  the  designs  o? 
Russia  at  that  time.  But  the  fact  is  that  my  hoii.  and  learned 
Friend  had  no  fueh  intention;  and  then-  wbs  no  man  in  tlie 
House  more  ooguizont  of  that  feet  than  the  noble  Lord  when 
he  ingeniously  endeavoured  to  convey  a  contrary  ioiprcasion 
to  the  IlouM. 

It  is  not  pr(i|X»ed  U>  go  into  the  |>olicy  of  the  war.  And 
there  is  onnther  qneKtion  ttmt  it  is:  not  projiosed  to  go  into. 
It  i»  not  proposed  to  in<iuir«  whether  Sir  Alexander  Burnea 
or  Ixird  Auckland  was  Cmvemor-tJcnwal.  We  know  that 
Lord  Auckland  was  Governor-Geueral ;  but  wc  know  that  a 
GoTemor- General  who  may  be  many  hunilietis,  or  in  India, 


116 


81*EKCilHS  OF  JOHS  HRIOHT.        i,*rch  i». 


^ 


perhapH,  2,000  miles  itway  from  Uie  place  where  particular 
evente  are  tmntipirini^,  must  rely  to  a  considerable  extent 
on  the  information  he  reeeiveB  from  the  political  agent  who  \a 
on  tli«  (4pot.  If  thi?  be  so,  dearly  wliat  Sir  Alexander  Burner 
tht)ti^lit>  und  ivhut  111-  suid,  iind  whiit  Iil-  »rol.<;,  is  of  stunc 
importaace.  At  least,  if  the  House  of  CommoDa  has  any 
evidence  pluced  Leforo  it,  the  nobia  Lord  will  ag;ree  that  in  a 
^reut  (^u(<i>tiun  like  this — I  am  aotfi[H.'akiuff  uf  tbi>  present  timu, 
hot  of  the  time  when  these  events  happened — it  is  of  lirst-rato 
importance  that  the  Ilouae  ahould  have  evidence  not  «»  ooe 
tiidc  only,  but  ttn  both  sJde-^.  There  is  nuutlier  thnifr-  wv  do 
nut  propoae  \a  inquire  into,  and  that  in  the  ;K>liey  of  RuHiia 
ftt  Ihut  time.  1  oaiinnt  very  well  undvKtand  the  e^ursc 
whifh  the  noble  Lord  hxv^  tnk&n  on  thia  point;  for  I  find  thit 
alioul  twelve  mouths  after  tJie  writ  liit?  of  thwti*  very  dtaspatchcs, 
the  mutilatiuu  of  wliich  \b  now  eumpluiiK-d  oT,  the  ooblc  Lord 
made  a  reply  to  the  Kuxsiau  MinisU^r  wlio  had  declared  that 
tliere  waa  notbii)^  whaU?ver  bo&tile  to  Knjfland  in  the  inRtrue> 
tioM  whioh  were  furnished  to  S'^ioovich.     He  eays — 

'  TliOF«  biu  wA  exutpil  tlie  ■iD«II«<tl  ilwi^  )ioatil«  tn  thp  Kn;;!!!]!  Govern- 
invBli  nvr  tb«  •aoatlMl  idvn  of  cndniij^criii);  itie  IranquiLUt/  vF  tlio  tiriti«li 
jHiucjuiorw  ill  ludia.' 

The  noble  Ivord,  in  reply  tn  thntj  011  the  loth  Deoembcr, 
i8jK,Ju&t  a  year  after  the  writing  of  these  detpatckea  by 
Sir  Alexander  Buriies,  miid  : — 

'  Uor  Mnjeat;**  OovamiiMot  *cae|;>t  m  vnlirel;  Mitirtfnolriry  tb«  d^cUration 
of  iIm  Ruuimi  Govenimoiil  ih&t  it  iJ<i<«  uut  liarbour  miy  i]nit,'iifl  limtile  U>  tfav 
iiilHrtMtii  of  (iniiit  Briiaiu  in  Imlin/ 

I  may  l«Are  that  question  then*,  bocuuet- 1  con  assure  the 
noble  Lonl  that  nij-  hon.  and  learned  I'Viend  has  not  the 
t!malle«t  intention — I  judge  so.  at  leavt,  froui  lii»  speech — of 
liriiiKinjj  anybody  belbro  the  Committee  to  attack  or  defend 
the  policy  of  the  Otivi-mment  in  th«  war  which  then  un- 
happily toolc  place.  Nor  do  I  euppo«e  it  \%  intetjded  to 
arraig^n  anybody  for  u  policy  that  saeriltccd  at  least  20,000 


I 


1861. 


T^DTA.     V. 


117 


human  lives — to.Qoo  lives  of  the  Ruhject'*  of  tW  Qtieen  of 
En<,'tHnd.  Nor  is  it  iDteiKli?d  to  int^uiiv  bow  t'ur  \he  loss  of 
mfirp  than  15,000,000/,  sterlinR-  hy  that  policy  has  affected 
JWr  all  future  limv  ibv  finuiiccs  und  tlic  circuntfitanceB  of  Uie 
Oovemment  of  India.  These  are  crimes — the  wholn  of  that 
policy  is  n  crime— of  a  iiatur«  iievpr  to  be  answeris)  fnr.  No 
man  can  accurately  measure  it.  No  rommittoc  of  tliii:  House 
couM  adequately  punish  those  who  were  the  perpetratorB  of 
it,  No,  Sir,  my  bon.  and  learned  Friend  has  not  the 
slightest  idea  of  f^oiti*;  hack  tvreuty  years  for  t)ic  |>ur|>oec 
of  hriogin^  ihc  noble  Lord,  or  any  one  else  who  may  h» 
giiilty  of  thai  great  ciime,  to  tlie  har  <^  public  o|iinion  by 
thia  Committee. 

Dut  it  is  worth  wliik-  that  the  Hou«e  ehonUl  know  whether 
the  Qovcmment  in  whom  it  placeil  cnnlidenrr  at  that  time, 
and  in  whom  (h«  Uiiecn  placed  contideiice — wLether  that 
Govt^mment  wa8  worthy  of  their  confidence,  and  whether  atiy 
memlwrM  of  the  Government  of  that  day  nre  memliers  of  the 
Gorermncnt  at  tiiiu  day.  It  is  worth  while  knowing  whether 
there  was  and  is  a  man  in  high  position  in  the  Government 
here  or  in  India  who  ha«l  t>o  low  a  sense  of  honour  aud  of 
right  that  he  could  oHi-r  to  this  Hihibc  miitilaticd.  falee, 
torgod  despatches  and  opinions  of  a  public  Burvant,  who  lost 
hia  life  in  the  public  service.  Conceive  any  man  nt  thi8 
moment  in  India  engaf^ed,  as  many  have  beon  during  the 
last  three  yefir>4,  in  perilous  serviee:^ — conceive  that  any  man 
should  know  that  fo-moiTow,  or  next  week,  or  nny  time  this 
year,  he  may  lay  his  bouee  in  that  distant  land,  and  that  six 
monthi:  afterwardH  there  may  be  laid  on  the  table  of  thin 
HouM  by  the  noble  Lord  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  or 
by  tJie  Secretary  of  8tat«  for  India,  letters  or  despatches  of 
his  from  which  poK^tages  have  been  cut<  out,  and  into  which 
piMingca  have  been  inserted,  iu  which  words  have  been  so 
twnted  an  wholly  to  divert  and  dintort  his  meaning',  and  to 
giv«  to  him  a  meuning,  it  may  be,  utterly  the  oontmiy  to  that 


118 


SPSBCffES  OF  JOffy  SRIOUT.        lunrii  1>, 


which  his  original  dw![Mitch  intendtKl  to  eouvey.  T  cannot 
aiiy  anticii^tion  more  pftiaful  or  more  bitter,  more 
ho  Ka\>  inUi  tlie  heart  oT  any  man  t^nguged  in  Uic  service 
of  his  country  in  a  dliibiiit  luutl. 

It  is  admitted,  and  the  noble  Lord  haa  not  flatly  denied 
it— U(.  oannot  deny  it — he  knows  it  as  well  as  tlin  hun.  and 
learned  Member  for  Greenook— he  knows  it  as  well  aa  tlie 
very  man  whoso  band  did  the  evil — be  knows  there  have 
been  garbling,  mutilation,  practically  and  essentially  falsB- 
bood  and  forgery,  in  th*««  deKjmtchex  which  havtt  b«M.-u  laid 
before  the  House.  Wiy  wa*  it  refuHfd  to  give  the  original 
dcspatchc*  when  they  we»  nslced  for  in  184a  by  the  hon. 
Memlier  for  IiivemcES-shiru  (Mr.  U.  Builliu),  and  wheo  tiiey 
•were  oslced  Tir  at  a  later  period  by  the  hnn.  Member  for 
Sheffield  {Mr.  HadMd)  ?  Why  wan  it  that  the  originals 
were  so  consistently  withheld  ?  That  they  have  been  given 
now  I  suppose  is  beoanse  those  who  were  guilty  of  the 
outrage  on  the  faith  of  Parliament  thought,  as  tw«Dty  years 
luul  elapsed,  that  nobody  would  g-ive  Imiuelf  the  trouble 
to  go  into  the  question,  and  that  no  man  would  be  so  earnest 
a»  my  hon.  Friend  tli«  Afemher  for  Or*euock  in  bringing  the 
qneetioD  before  the  notice  of  Purliament. 

My  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  Shi^fllield  (Mr.  Hadfield) 
informs  me  that  it  was  the  noble  Lord  Uie  Member  fat 
King's  Lynn  (Ijord  Stanley)  who  consented  to  the  produo- 
tion  of  the  original  de»{iatuhes  when  he  wbk  in  offiee,  I  was 
not  aware  of  that  fact ;  but  I  am  free  here  to  tender  him  my 
tJiaulfs  fur  tlie  oouree  whieh  he  took.  I  am  sure  ho  is  the 
hiflt  man  whom  any  one  would  suepect  of  being  mixed  up  in 
any  transaction  of  this  kind,  except  witli  a  view  to  gi\-e  the 
Houi*  and  the  country  full  information  with  reganl  t«  it. 
I  fay,  then,  avoiding  aU  the  long  Hpeeeli  of  the  noble  Lord, 
that  the  objfct  of  the  Committ«e  is  to  find  out  who  did  this 
evil  thing — who  placed  npon  the  table  of  the  House  infor- 
mation whieh  was  knowingly  false,  uud  despatches  that  were 


iMt. 


flTDrA.     Y. 


119 


iiL-tAmllv  fbrgtil — bet-aiif>e  if  jou  add  tn  or  detract  frmn,  nr  »o 
cbiin^  n  coin,  or  note,  or  dc«d,  Wi  to  make  any  of  tliem  hcnr 
n  mmnitig-  ooiitrjr)'  to  itc  ori^iial  and  intondod  meaning,  of 
i^iirse  yoii  are  i^iilty  of  «ucli  no  act  a»  1  bave  described,  and 
Lliat  is  pntc-iwly  what  sumobody  haa  done  in  tbe  dmpatchai 
wKicb  we  an;  now  dijwiiMdng.  I  eay  an  odiotiB  offence  has 
bcwm  onmmitt4.Hl  a^aiu^^t  tlie  Houkp,  and  a^iist  iIm>  truth ; 
and  wfiat  we  want  b>  know  is,  who  did  it? 

Now,  will  th«  noble  Ix»rd  bft  onndid  enough — he  do<»  not 
think  there  ib  anything  wrong — he  says  there  is  not  much — 
it  18  very  trilling — that  Sir  Alexander  Biimes'fi  opinions  are 
not  worth  much — suppomng  it  tv  be  tto — lur  the  sake  of  argu- 
ment, let  tne  grant  it ;  but  tf  it  io  a  matter  of  no  importance, 
will  th<>  nol>le  Fxtril  be  so  eundid  as  to  tell  no  who  did  it? 
Wlica  Ifoni  Uroughton  was  examined  before  the  Oflicial  Salaries 
Committee  some  yean^  ago,  he,  tut  the  uuble  Lord  is  aware, 
said  thai  he  took  upon  bimsc-If  as  President  of  the  lioanl  of 
Control  at  the  time  the  entire  re«]*oni»ibiiity  of  tlie  AfTglinii 
war.  Tlie  noble  Lord  now  at  Llie  bead  of  the  Ooveromeot 
was  then  a  member  of  the  India  Board,  and  ao  I  believe  waa 
the  noble  Lord  the  Mcmlwr  for  the  City  of  LoihWu.  Bat 
the  noble  Iiord  at  the  head  of  the  (lOTcmmeni  waa  also 
Secretary  for  Kureigri  Atlair^.  Now,  I  do  not  think  I  am 
wrong  iu  supjioiiing  tliat  this  igueBtiou  lies  lietweien  the  noble 
Lord  the  Prime  Minister  and  Lord  Broiighton,  oiioe  a 
Member  of  this  llonee.  This  thing  wo*  not  done  by  wjme 
sabordinate  who  cannot  be  found  out 

My  hon.  and  Ivomed  Friend  say*  U'  lias  been  done  with 
marvetloiiR  care,  and  even  with  bo  miieh  ability  that  it  must 
have  been  done  by  u  man  of  genius.  Of  courne  there  are 
mi^n  of  genius  in  very  objcctionnbic  walks  of  lite;  but  w» 
know  that  the  noble  Lord  at  the  head  of  the  Government  ia 
a  man  of  geuius ;  if  he  had  not  been,  he  would  not  have  sat 
on  that  WticV  for  the  lust  tiily  years.  And  we  know  thftt 
Ixird  Broughton  ui  a  man  of  many  and  varied  acxwrnplish- 


120 


SFBECfiES   OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


mentK.  And  onco  more  I  aek  the  noble  Lord  to  toll  lu  frfao 
diJ  it?  He  knows  wlio  did  it.  Was  it  his  own  rig-ht-haud, 
or  was  it  Lord  Bniiig-litoii'!*  ri;jrlit-'i""*l.  or  w**"  '*  somt'  olu^-er 
secretary  in  the  Fnreiffn  Offit*  or  lu  tht?  Indiu  OfHee  wKo  did 
thtB  work?  1  tey  thp  House  hjis  n  pig4it.  to  Vnow.  W«  want 
to  know  that.  We  want  to  (!rag  tHo  dclinqtiont  before  the 
giublic.  Till*  viv  want  (o  know,  because  wc  wish  t^i  dn-ttT 
other  Ministers  frnm  wnnmittiu^  the  lik*  oflVnc*;  and  we 
want  iti  know  it  for  that  whirh  moat  ()f  atl  in  necessary— to 
vindicate  tht^  chara^'ler  and  honour  of  Pnrlianio-ut.  Nothing 
cmD  mnU  Parliament  to  a  lower  stalt'  of  dc^fnulatiftn  and 
baaeneae  than  that  it  sh*>uld  permit  Miuitfttri!  of  the  Cro«Ti 
to  lay  npou  the  table,  upon  questions  involving'  the  eacrifioe 
of  20,000,000/.  of  money  and  xo,ooo  live?,  documeute  which 
are  not  true — whiL-ii  elandtT  onr  pulilic  st'rvanfs,  and  whieh 
slaiidor  them  mnst.  Ijosely  wlien  they  an?  dond  and  are  not 
here  to  answer.  I  do  not  bolitvc  that  the  Gentlemen  of 
England  in  tliis  House — «pr>n  that  side  of  the  House  or  tipon 
tliis — will  evi*r  mriscMi  to  sit  down  with  u  eatie  proved  so 
clrairly  as  this  is  without  directing'  the  omnipotent  power  and 
eye  of  Parliament  into  the  matter.  I  eay,  seeing  the  charge, 
seeing  that  the  noble  Lord  was  at  the  bead  of  the  Foreign 
Otliee  at  the  time,  that  thu  ]>olic}'  of  the  Aflghon  war  was 
always  ronaidcnxl  to  hv.  his,  that  the  rcaponniliility  of  this  aet 
must  re»t  between  hira  and  Lord  Broiighton, — I  liihould  not 
likt^  t(j  bold  the  opinion,  and  I  do  nut  hold  the  npinion,  that 
the  noble  Lord  will  ohjwt  ta  a  Committee  to  inquire  into 
a  matter  in  which  he  is  himself  so  directly  concerned. 


-«-»>■«■*►-< 


CANADA. 


CANADA. 

I. 

HOUSE   OF   COMMONS,   MARCH  13,  1865. 
Fr(ym,  Hansard. 

[Delivered  during  the  debate  on  Colonel  Jerroia'  Report  on  the  Defences  of 

I  AH  not  sure  that  I  should  hare  addressed  the  House  oa 
this  occasion  but  for  the  oheervations  which  have  been  made 
by  the  noble  Lord.  I  think  he  has  been  perhaps  a  little 
more  frank  in  his  declarations  on  this  occasion,  and  in  point- 
ing out  the  real  thing  which  I  suspect  is  passing  in  his  mind^ 
and  in  the  minds  of  very  many  Members  of  the  House  who 
have  made  no  statement  of  their  own  opinions  during  this 
debate.  I  hope  the  debate  will  be  useful,  although  I  am 
obliged  to  say,  while  I  admit  the  importance  of  the  question 
t^t  has  been  brought  before  us,  that  I  think  it  is  one  of 
some  delicacy.  That  it  is  important  is  clear,  because  it  refers 
to  the  possibility  of  war  between  this  country  and  the  United 
States,  and  its  delicacy  arises  from  this — that  it  is  very  diffi- 
cult to  discuss  this  question  without  saying  things  which  tend 
rather  in  the  direction  of  war  than  in  the  direction  of  peace. 

The  diiBculty  which  is  now  before  us  is  this — -that  there  is 
an  extensive  colony  or  dependency  of  this  coontry  lying 
adjacent  to  the  United  States,  and  if  there  be  a  war  party 
in  the  United  States — a  party  hostile  to  this  country — that 


124  SPESCIIBS  OF  JOliy  BRIGHT.        ttAi.ciii8. 

ciivum*1iince  afTonk  to  it  a  very  strong  temptfttion  to  enter 
vvithoiit  much  hesitation  into  a  n^ar  witJi  England,  boc-ause  it 
may  foci  tliiit  throiig'b  Canada  it  can  inflict  a  grrnt  hiiniilJii- 
tion  n{)nn  thi^^  Krmntrv.  And  at  Uil-  utitM^  timt.'  it  is  ]>t'rru<!tly 
well  tnnivTi  tfl  nU  inti?!hg«nt  meii,  espepially  to  the  statwiniRn 
and  public  men  of  the  Llnit^  Sbit«>a — it  is  as  well  known 
tii>  them  as  it  ie  to  us — that  there  ib  ho  power  whatever  in 
this  llniti-d  Kin^om  to  dcreoil  successfully  tlin  turritory  of 
Canada  against  the  power  of  the  United  States.  Now  we 
ought  to  know  that,  in  order  to  put  ouraflves  right  upou 
this  fpKstinn,  and  that  we  muy  not  tulk  folly  and  l>e  enlled 
uimn  hereafter  to  act  folly.  The  nohle  Lord  at  tie  tend 
of  the  Oovrrnmcnt — or  the  Govienjmont,  at  any  rate — is 
re«|K»i8ihle  for  having'  compelled  this  diwiusnon  ;  because  if  a 
Vote  is  to  he  asked  fur  during  tbit;  Set^on — and  it  is  only  the 
beginning  of  other  Voles — it  is  elearly  the  duty  of  the  Hniiao 
to  bring  the  subject,  under  discu^ssion.  I  think  tiie  Vote  now 
ii  parlinilarly  inopportune  for  many  reawns,  but  espeeially 
as  wc  hjive  heard  from  the  Governor-Gciic-ni)  nfCaniuJa  that 
they  are  aljout,  in  the  North -American  IVjvinceR,  lo  calf  into 
esistenee  n  new  nationnlity ;  and  I,  for  one,  shall  certainly 
object  to  the  taxes  of  thin  countn,'  being  hcedlesaly  expendpd 
in  behalf  of  any  nationality  hut  our  own. 

Now,  what  1  should  like  to  aek  the  House  in  tbia — Unit  of 
all,  will  Canada  attack  the  States  ?  Clearly  not.  Next,  will 
the  States  attaek  Canada — I  am  keeping  out  of  view  England 
altogether?  Clearly  not.  There  is  not  a  man  in  Thr  Unitjni 
State?,  probably,  whoso  voice  op  whone  opinion  would  have 
(ie  8inftll»<t  influence  in  that  eountry,  who  would  recommend 
or  desire  that  an  attack  .thould  be  made  by  the  United  Slater 
ujmn  Canada  with  a  view  Ui  its  forcible  annexation  to  the 
Union.  There  have  l)oen  lately,  as  we  know,  dangers  on  the 
frontier.  The  Canadian  people  have  been  no  wieer  than  some 
Members  of  Ihi?  Ilotiee — or  than  a  yreiit  many  men  amongst 
the  rieber  ctameB  in  this  country.     And  when  tJie  refugees 


I 


ltt«5. 


VASADA.    1. 


135 


froru  tbo  Soutli — I  am  not  apcakiiig'  dow  of  I'l^pectuLle  and 
honoiinible  men  from  tke  South,  mauy  of  wlioiii  Iiave  lefl  that 
country  during  these  troubles,  ami  I'or  wboni  1  feel  the 
greatest  coinmiseratiuu,  but  I  meaD  the  niffianft  fntm  the 
South — who  ill  Urge  aiimbers  have  <>iit«red  Cunatiu  tuid  huve 
employed  themselves  there  in  a  course  of  polky  ltk«Iy  to 
i-mbruit  us  with  tlie  UnitcJ  Slat«:i — I  sM,y  thai  \X\v  \Kvy\v  of 
CanatUi  tiavt'  treated  these  men  with  far  too  much  conniiileni- 
tion.  TTiey  expre»i>*wl  vviy  openly  opiuiuiiK  bostttu  to  the 
United  States,  trhost)  power  lay  close  to  them. 

I  will  Dot  go  into  a  detail  of  that  wbic-b  w«  arc  all  sufficiently 
well  acquainted  with — the  seizio^  of  Ajiicriuuii  ohips  on  the 
IjakeH,  the  raid  into  the  State  of  Vermont,  the  robbing  of  a 
lioiik,  the  kilting-  of  a  iiinu  in  His  owu  sliup,  the  stealing  of 
horses  in  open  tUty,  antl  auother  tmnem-ttoii  of  which  we  have 
Tery  etroiig  proof,  thut  mou  of  lhi«  cluisi  uutuully  eoiis^irtd  ti> 
mi  tire  to  the  targetit  cities  of  the  Uuion.  All  these  things 
have  takeii  pliiue  and  the  Cauadiau  Guvemmi'Dt  made  scarcely 
aay  sign.  I  helievo  that,  an  application  was  made  to  tlip 
noble  Lord  at  the  head  of  tb«  Foreign  Office  Dearly  a  year 
agOf  that  he  should  ^timubitu  the  Canadiau  Go\-enitTieDt  to 
some  atfips  to  avoid  the  duugens  that  have  xtiwc  uriHeii;  tut 
with  that  i^ort  of  negligence  whioh  baa  heeo  so  mnch  scfn 
here,  nothing  was  done  until  the  Aioerican  Government  and 
people,  aK>U8ed  by  the  nature  of  these  traiisaotioDH,  showvd 
that  they  were  no  longer  abont  ixi  put  up  witli  them.  Then 
the  Canadian  Ciovernment  and  |>eople  took  a  little  notice. 
Now,  Lord  Munek,  tbu  Ouvtruor-Gcuenit  of  Canada— about 
whose  a[>pointmeDt  I  have  heard  sonie  people  onm|tlatii, 
saying  that  he  was  a  mere  follower  of  the  noble  Lord 
at  the  bond  of  the  Oovemm«Dt,  who  lo^t  liid  election 
and  was  therefore  aent  out  to  govern  u  province — Lord 
Munck,  I  ani  bound  to  say,  from  all  I  lutvc  heanl  from 
Canada,  has  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  very  serviceable 
to  the  colony,  and  with  the  greatest  possible  propriety   as 


t26 


SPEEi'llES  OF  JOnX  RRIGUT.         march  18. 


representing  tliu  Sovereign  ther?.  Lord  Monok  has  been  ull 
■long  favour»1>li>  to  tlie  United  Stnt«8,  and  1  Iwliove  tiis 
Cabinet  bae  aleo.  I  know  that  at  Ua^t  the  moat  important 
ne«'»paper  there  luis  always  l)een  favoumble  to  the  Nurtli. 
Still  nothing  was  dniK-;  but  lliu  monR-ut  tbese  troubles  arose 
then  everything  was  done.  Volunt4?er9  bavp  been  sent  to  the 
fVoDtier;  the  triul  of  tlie  raiders  lias  boon  jirooM-ded  with, 
and  postJiblv  they  will  be  surrendered;  and  the  Canadian 
CliaDOclloT  fX  the  Kxch4K|Ucr  ha-^  j)ropo«ed  »  vot«  in  thoir 
Hotiee  of  PnTliament  to  restore  to  the  persons  at  St.  ALbanti, 
who  Men-  robbed  by  the  raidenij  tlie  50,000  dollars  tha.1  were 
taken  from  (hem. 

And  what  is  the  slate  of  thing*;  now  '*  Thwc  is  the  great^At 
poeeible  ealm  on  the  trontier.  'llie  United  States  bav^  not 
a  word  to  say  u^JUft  Caiiatlu.  Tlio  Cuimdian  |iciiple  have 
Ibuiid  tlittt  tliuy  witl'  in  tlu-  wrong  and  have  now  returned 
to  their  ng-ht  mind.  11ien«  \*  not  a  man  in  Canada  at  thio 
moment,  I  believe,  who  has  any  idea  tlial  the  United  States 
Government  has  the  smaller  notion  of  attaeking  them, 
now  or  at  any  future  time,  on  account  of  anything  that 
has  trauspircd  between  the  United  Stole*  and  Canada 
during  tbe-xe  trials.  But  if  there  comes  a  n'sr  in  which 
Caiiadit  ('hull  mifler  und  be  inatle  «  victim,  it  will  bi^  it  war 
got  up  between  the  Government  of  Waebiujftou  aod  the 
Government  of  London.  And  it  becoine«  us  to  iQ([uire 
whether  that  io  at  all  probable.  Is  there  anybody  in  this 
House  in  favour  of  siiih  11  war  ?  I  nntici'  with  ^■ncnil 
delight — and  1  wax  nut  a  faW  prujifiet  when  J  miiI  iMime 
time  ago  that  some  day  it  would  be  »o  — I  say  i  notice  with 
delight  the  changed  tone  manifested  here  witli  re^rd  to  theiw 
Americuu  <iuepliouN,  Evrn  the  noble  Ijord  the  Member  for 
Stamford  (Ijord  Robert  Ceeilj  can  )«pMi,k  without  anger,  nnd 
without  any  of  thai  ill  feeling  whieh  I  am  ."iOfTy  to  say  on  past 
MCfteiong  he  hao  manifested  in  disciuw^ing  thera  quctitionif. 

Now,  I  believe  there  are  nn  men  out  of  Bedlam — or  at  least 


hr 


CANADA.     J. 


137 


who  OUg^t  to  be  out  c^  it — •nil  I  suBpect  tliiTt-  are  very  few 
men  id  BtxUatn.  who  are  in  iaraur  of  our  going  to  war  with 
tJif-  UDited  Ststett.  And  in  taking  thin  view  t  ani  nul 
nrguiug  tliut  it  Ih  liecuuse  we  see  the  vast  nsral  and  inilitury 
power  and  apparentEy  inexhaustible  rcaourcee  of  that  country. 
I  will  not  aseumc  that  yon  or  my  countrymen  have  come  to 
the  t-oncliiKi«:iu  tliat  it  i»  hettvr  lor  u;<  not  lu  niulcf  wur  with 
America,  because  you  and  they  find  her  with  a  Htrengtii  that 
you  did  not  m^en  ^uejicct :  I  will  say  that  it  ii*  ii]Kin  higher 
grounds  that  we  are  all  a^inst  a  war  with  the  Uoit«d  States. 
Our  history  for  the  laat  200  yeari<,  and  liirtlier  back,  is 
a  record  of  calamitous,  and  for  (lie  most  part,  tmnecessury 
van.  We  )ia%'e  had  enmig'h  of  whatever  a  nation  can  gain 
by  militaiy  siieeesses  aud  military  gloty.  I  will  not  turn  to 
the  disBsterR  that  mitfht  (olhiw  to  our  orimmertie  nor  Iti  the 
wide-spread  ruin  that  might  be  occasioned.  1  will  8Uy  that 
we  are  a  wiser  and  a  lietter  people  than  we  were  in  these 
reipecbsr  and  tliat  we  should  regard  a  war  with  the  United 
States  as  even  n  greater  crime,  if  needlessly  <'ntered  into, 
tJiau  war  with  ulutimt  any  other  eountrj-  in  the  world. 

Looking;  at  our  Govcmmcntj  wc  have  pr&ierved,  with  a 
gixid  many  blunders— one  or  two  of  whicli  I  shall  comment 
»|)OH  hy-and-by — neutrality  during-  thi»  great  stm^Ie.  We 
have  had  it  staled  in  tbiu  Mouxe,  and  we  have  had  a  ^fotioii 
in  thiK  House,  that  the  btottkade  wax  inetTective  and  ought  to 
be  broken.  Men  of  various  cUtt&eit,  some  of  them  agt^nts  of  the 
Richmnnd  i-otispiracy — {icrsoiiii,  it  is  said,  of  influence  from 
France — alt  these  are  reported  to  have  brought  their  inlluL-nu; 
to  bear  on  the  ooble  Lord  at  the  head  of  the  Oovemment 
and  his  eolleagues,  with  a  view  of  induoinif  them  to  take 
part  in  thifl  quarrel,  and  lUl  this  ha«  failed  to  break  our 
ueiitrutlty.  Tlieri-fore,  I  sliould  saj',  vn.:  may  cliarly  come  to 
the  conelmdnn  that  Kngland  ia  not  in  favour  of  war;  and  if 
tliere  tthoiild  he  anv  act  of  ivar,  or  any  ii^fressitui  whatever, 
out  of  which  Canada  will  suffix,  I  believe  bonestry  tliat  it 


BHWUr.  «A«„  13. 


will  iiot  oome  Irom  tJtis  rotintrj'.  I'liat  is  a  niatWr  which 
gives  mc  gn-at  ttutis&ctiou,  ontl  I  beUe%'e  the  Houfie  will 
agrw-  uith  mc  tliut  1  am  not  missUiliiig  thu  case. 

Now  Ic-l  wa  (uJi,  Is  the  I'diUmI  Stnt««  for  war?  I  kiuiw 
the  noble  Liord  Uk*  Member  for  Stajnfonl  (Lurd  Robert  C«il) 
has  a  lurking  idt'u  that  there  u  iwiiiv  dungvr  from  that 
qnartati  I  am  nnt  ut  ult  n-rtuiii  thut  it  docs  not  prevail  in 
other  mitidx,  and  iu  many  niintis  not  i^i  wiit^  a»  that  with 
which  the  nobk'  Lord  Is  gift«].  Ifwe  biul  at  the  Bar  of  the 
Hoitec,  Lord  Ki])e!;e[|  arf  represimting  tho  English  Ghnxrament, 
and  Mr.  Adams  as  tli<:  rcprosentntivc  of  tlic  Uovernment  of 
Pnrsidcnt  Lincoln,  auil  if  we  were  to  nsk  their  opiniun,  they 
nonld  U.-U  iis  that  which  tho  Si-cn-tark'  for  thu  Colonies  luut 
this  iiigfit  told  iia — that  the  pelations  between  the  two  conn- 
tries,  so  fiir  u  it  i»  possible  to  disWivi-r  tJiem,  are  perfectly 
amicable;  and  I  knoxv  frooa  the  comiiiuuitfationH  lx-twtx;n  the 
MinistiT  of  the  Uiiitvd  States  and  our  Minister  for  Foreiffn 
Afitiirs  that  they  have  been  g-ravving  mure  slJ  more  Hniioable 
for  many  inonthii  piisU  Now,  1  take  the  liberty  of  cxpresijinf^ 
lhi«  o}>iition—  that  there  has  never  been  an  iuhiiiuiBtJ^ti*>n  in 
the  United  Slate's  since  (he  time  of  Uie  RevolutioDbty  War, 
up  to  this  hour,  more  ciilirelr  fnwiiruble  to  iKiice  nith  all 
foreign  enuntnez^,  and  moru  cspL-cially  fa^'ourable  tx>  peuee 
ivitli  Enf^latid.  thiui  the  Government  of  whieh  Preuidont 
Lincoln  is  the  hmd.  1  will  iin^lertake  to  say  that  the  nio«t 
exact  investigator  of  whnt  \\us  taken  place  will  not  be  able  to 
piint  to  a  siug'le  word  be — President  Lineuin — lias  said,  or 
II  single  line  he  has  written,  or  u  single  act  he  ham  done,  since 
his  finit  aocesiiion  to  power,  that  betrays  auger  uguinRt  this 
wiimtrVj  or  uny  of  that  vindietive  feeling  which  some  pers^os 
here  may  imagine  to  inflame  the  breasts  of  the  Preddent  and 
his  Cabinet. 

Then  if  Canada  is  nob  for  war,  if  England  ut  not  for  war, 
and  if  tlie  Ignited  Stale)*  «iv  not  fiir  war,  wheni-e  ia  the  war 
to  eome?     Thai  is  what  1  should  like  to  ask.     I  wish  the 


ISU. 


CANAOA.     i. 


139 


noble  Lord  the  Membt-r  for  Stamford  had  been  a  little  more 
frunk.  I  rtliuuld  tilic  In  ask  wIikock  uomeo  the  anxiety,  nhicb 
undoiibU-Jlj-  to  some  extent  prevails?  It  niny  be  n««iiiuO(l 
ereu  tliat  the  GoviTumenh  in  not  wholly  free  from  it ;  lor 
they  h&vo  Bhown  it  in  ui  almost  ludierous  muuner  by  pro- 
posing a  vote  of  5o,coo/.  It  is  eaiil  tin;  tiew»i>iipcrs  buve  got 
into  a  sort  of  panic.  Tboy  ciui  do  that  any  night  lietween 
tie  hours  of  six  and  twelve  o'clock,  «'lifii  tliey  writo  their 

iiAw.  They  are  either  very  courageous  or  very  ponit-- 
^itrieken. 

It  is  said  tlmt  'the  City' joins  in  this  feeling.  \\v  know 
what '  Ihn  City '  meaus — the  right  hon.  Geutlemaii  alluded  to 
it  tu-nigbt.  It  means  tbut  tlie  people  »-hu  deal  in  Rhiin^s — 
though  tliat  does  not  denoribo  the  whok>  of  tliem — •  the 
moneyed  iutereet'  of  the  Cit>',  are  alarmed.  Well,  1  never 
knew  tht  City  to  bn;  right.  Mou  who  an;  dcc]i  in  great 
monetary  transictionii,  and  who  are  steeped  to  the  lip!<  mtne- 
titnes  in  periluuii  KpeculatiuciE,  aru  not  able  to  take  broad  and 
dispassionate  viewK  of  {wlitical  qiiesttons  of  this  nature. 

Ab  to  the  newspapers,  I  agree  with  my  lion.  Friend  the 
Member  for  Bradford  [Mr.  W.  E.  Forster)  when,  referring  to 
out  of  tlium  in  particular,  he  iutimuiwl  that  he  tliuu^ht  it« 
course  was  iiidieiitcd  by  n  wish  to  cover  its  own  ei>QfuEiuu. 
SurelVj  after  four  years'  unint<.*rrupted  publication  of  lie* 
with  regard  to  Anicricu,  I  uhould  lliink  it  has  done  pretty 
mudi  iri  destivy  its  inttuenre  on  foreign  quciftlonji  for  ever. 

But  tJieit;  in  a  much  higher  autliority — that  is  the  authority 
of  the  Peers.  I  do  not  Imow  why  we  ahould  be  so  muek 
reetncted  with  regard  to  the  House  of  I^ords  in  this  Hou^. 
I  tliiuk  I  have  observed  that  in  their  place  they  are  not  so 
siincamiiih  as  to  what  they  Kuy  about  us.  It  a]>peartKl  to  riie 
tliat  in  this  debate  the  right  hon.  Oentlnman  (Mr.  Diflraeii) 
felt  it  necessary  to  get  up  aud  oudeavoiir  to  defend  his  chief. 
Now,  if  1  were  to  give  advioe  to  the  boo.  Guutleuien  np|xisite, 
it  would  be  this— for  while  stating  that  during  the  last  four 

yoi^  I.  K 


130 


SPEECUKS  OP  JOUX   liRWnT.        makoh  13. 


yeare  many  noble  Lords  in  the  other  House  have  said  foolish 

thiugH,  I  thiok  I  should  1h*  uneandid  if  1  did  not  say  that 

you  also  have  said  foolish  thiiiy>; — li'ariL  tVom  tlio  cxnmplc  eot 

you  by  the  rig'hl  boii.  Gentleman.     He,  wth  a  thoughtlul- 

oess  and  statesmunship  which  you  do  uot  nil  ih^knowledgu,  lie 

dill  not  say  a  word  from  that  bench  likely  to  create  difficnlty 

with  tbp  UnitfKi  Status.     I  think  his  ehief  aiid  \n%  foUowtre 

might  Ifarii  eomfthin^  from  his  example. 

But  I  have  discovered  ouc  reason  why  in  that  other  plaoe 

mistukctt  of  iliiu  nuture  are  bo  often  made.     Not  long  ago 

there  was  a  great  panic  miscd,  very  muoh  by  what  was  said 

in  iiiiulliui-  pliioe  nbont    Pnincc.     Now  an  attempt  is  matle 

there  to  create  a  panic  uj>oii  this  qti««t)on.     Id  the  hall  of 

the  Reform  Club  there  is  affixed  to  the  wall  a  paper  whidi 

gives  a  telegraphic;  mxouiit  of  what  is  being  done  in  this 

Houn;  every  iil^hL,  and  what  is  al«o  being  done  in  the  other 

House,  and  I  tiud  almost  every  night  from  tbe  beginning  of 

the  Session  that  the  only  word*  that  have  apiieared  on  tlio  side 

wUieb  is  devoted  to  a  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  IIouso 

of  Lords  am  thorn.-,  '  Lords  adjuumed.'     The  uublc  Lord  at  the 

head  of  the  (Tm'ernment  ia  resjx^n^ble  for  much  of  Mii».     lie 

ha*i  brought  tliits  Uouso  into  neiirly  the  uime  vundillon.     We 

do  very  little,  and  tliey  do  ab»oluti>ly  nothing.     All  of  us  in 

our  younger  days,  I  aui  quite  sure,  were  tuught  by  those  who 

lutd  tlie  care  of  va  a  verse  which  was  intended  to  iticiiluulo  llit; 

virtue  of  industrj-.     One  couplet  \mi»  to  thin  effect — 

'8«Mii  Mill  soni«  m»«!u«f  fiml* 
For  idlo  hand*  to  du, ' 

And  1  do  hot  hclievo  that  men,  however  high  in  station,  ure 
exempt  frum  that  unfortunate  ed'ect  whioh  arises  to  all  of  ub 
fi-ora  a  course  of  continued  idicuesw.  Bjt  I  should  like  to 
ask  tliin  Honne  in  a  most  serious  mood,  what  is  the  reason 
tliat  any  man  in  Uiis  country  has  now  more  anxiety  with 
regivrd  to  llic  prcKervation  of  peace  with  the  United  Statcp 
Uiaa  he  had  a  few  yeara  ago  ?     le  Iberc  uot  n  coubciouBnijas 


J 


isaa. 


CANADA,    f. 


131 


in  our  heart  of  beart«  thai  we  bave  not  during  the  but  fivo 
years  beliaved  crciicpoiwly  to  our  neighbours  ?  Do  not  we  feci 
in  some  ecirt  a  pricking  of  coiie«ierce,  and  are  we  not  netisiblf 
that  cuuscieuuc  tends  to  make  us  cowards  ut  this  particular 
juncture? 

1  Khali  uot  raview  the  past  trauBactirms  with  ang«r, 
hut  ivith  feelings  of  sorrow;  for  I  maiDtain,  and  1  think 
histor}'  wiil  b«ar  out  what  I  say,  that  there  is  no  gfinorous 
and  high-minded  Hn^lii^bmau  wfao  can  look  back  tipou  the 
tninHactionH  of  the  last  four  yean  without  a  fi>elitig-  of  mrrow 
at  the  ootir^  w^  hava  pursued  on  maw  imitortaiit  ucni»ionH. 
Aa  I  dm  niabful  to  sj^ak  with  a  view  to  a  better  slate  of 
feclinf;,  hoih  in  Uiis  country  and  in  tliv  United  SUttve,  I  stiult 
take  Uie  lil>ert^-,  if  the  House  will  permit  me  fbr  a  few 
minutes,  to  ivfer  to  two  or  three  of  ihese  transavtioui',  where, 
1  think,  though  perhaps  we  wfr«  not  in  the  main  (^reatly 
wTon^,  yet  in  some  circumstances  we  were  so  far  uufortunate 
aa  to  have  crc;ated  an  irritation  whieh  at<  this  moment  wc  wish 
did  not  cxisL  The  hon.  Member  for  Ilonthani  (Mr.  Seymour 
Fitzffwrald)  rfftTri-d  to  the  course  taken  hy  the  Government 
with  regard  to  the  acknowledgment  of  the  Iwlligcrent  rights 
of  the  South.  Now  I  have  never  been  one  to  condemn  the 
Qovemmeiit  for  acknowledging  tho^e  belligerent  riglits,  ex- 
cept upon  this  ground — I  think  it  might  be  logically  con- 
toidod  that  it  might  poesibly  bare  heeome  necessary'  to  take 
that  Btep — bnt  I  do  think  th«  time  and  manner  in  which  it 
was  dou<:  were  most  unfortunate,  aud  cotild  uot  but  produce 
very  evil  eflects. 

Going  back  nearly  four  year*,  we  recollect  what  occurred 
wirbcD  the  news  arrived  of  tlio  first  shot  having  been  Imnl  at 
Tbrt  Sumter.  Thnt,  I  think,  was  about  the  I2tl)  of  April. 
Immediately  alU'r  that  time  it  viae  announced  that  a  new 
Minister  was  coming  to  thin  country'.  Mr.  [Xallos  liad  inti* 
mated  to  the  Ouvernment  that  an  he  di<!  not  rejireRpnt  the 
new  President  he  would  rather  not   undertake  anything  of 

K  2 


132  SPBKCHfCa   OF  JOHN   mUGUT.         uamii  is, 

importance;  but  that  his  successor  was  ou  his  way  and  would 
arrive  on  siicli  a  day.  AVhen  a  man  leaves  New  York  on  a  given 
dfljr  you  tail  calculal*  to  about  tvieUv  huurs  nlieu  hi?  will  hv 
in  London.  Mr.  Adams,  I  think,  arrived  in  London  uhout 
tlio  13th  of  May,  and  wlien  he  (>[M>ned  hie  newspaper  n<;xt 
morning  ho  found  the  Pruclamution  of  QVutraUty,  ockuow- 
lodging  the  lielligerpiit  rig-htfi  of  tlip  South.  I  nay  that  tho 
projier  course  lo  have  lakL'n  would  hav«  het-u  (o  have  waited 
till  Mr.  .'Vdama  arrivod  her-p,  and  to  have  diEcusHc-d  the  niuttor 
with  him  in  s  fncodly  manner,  (-xplaining  the  ground  upon 
which  the  Biiglieli  Gorrrumcnl  hnd  fctl  thumM-lvei^  bound  lo 
issue  that  Pmrlaniation,  and  n'presi'uting  that  it  was  not 
dune  In  any  uianiior  iiti  :in  iinrrlt-ndly  ac-t  trnvardx  the  United 
Stateft  G»V(>rnnii>nt.  But  no  |>Tccautioii  whiifever  was  taken  ; 
it  wa»  done  with  Ttntrit-iidly  haste;  and  it  had  this  eU'cct,  that 
it  gave  comfort  and  coiu-age  to  the  c«ns|>iracy  at  Montgomery 
and  at  Richmond,  and  caused  grt-at  grief  and  irritation 
amongst  that  portion  of  tho  jteople  of  Aroerica  who  were 
motit  ^troitgly  doxiroue  of  maintaining  friendly  relations  be- 
tween their  country  and  England. 

To  itiuatrate  thia  point  allow  me  \a  suppose  a  great  revolt 
had  token  placu  in  Ireland,  and  that  tvc  hud  »ent  over 
(viliiiin  a  fortnight  of  the  oceurrenw  wf  such  an  uufoi-tunatc 
event  a  ni-w  Miuiyter  Ui  Wswhington,  and  Ihat  oil  the 
morning  after  aniving  there  he  had  found,  that  without  coo- 
sultiiig  him,  tlio  Government  had  taken  u  lia^ty  8t«p  by  which 
the  belligerent  rights  of  the  inHurgents  had  be*?n  acknow- 
ledged, and  by  which  comfort  and  support  hud  been  given 
them.  I  ask  any  man  whether,  under  suoh  eircumfitances, 
the  feeling  throughout  the  whole  of  Great  Britain,  and  in  the 
mind  of  every  man  anxious  to  preserve  tlie  unity  of  Great 
Uritain  and  Ireland,  would  not  necessarily  be  one  of  iixita* 
tion  and  exasperatinn  against  the  United  States? 

I  «nll  not  argins  thi^  matter  ftirthLT^tfj  do  so  would  he  simply 
ti>  depreciate  the  intellect  of  the  Lon.  Genllemen  listening  to 


18«5. 


CAXAi>A.     I. 


133 


mc.  Seven  or  eight  months  afterwards  th«re  hftppened  another 
transaction  of  a  very  diflereut  Imt  unfortunale  nalnrc — that 
is  tlie  transat-lion  ari«iiig  out  of  the  BeizuPL'  of  two  Southern 
envo_vs  on  lioard  an  English  ship — tlia  Treat,  I  rerollcct 
making  a  epecch  domi  at  Rochdale  about  the  time  of  that  occur- 
rence. It  mw  a  speech  cutirclj'  in  favour  of  the  United  Stttt«« 
Gowmmcint  and  people — but  I  did  not  then  undertake,  as  I 
do  not  undertake  now,  in  the  oUfflitt^t  de^rnw  to  dt^firtid  the 
fwizure  of  thtK(!  two  envoys.  I  naid  that  iilthough  preoedentB 
for  Biieh  »n  notion  might  possibly  be  found  to  have  oocurppd 
in  wliat  I  will  c-jill  eome  of  the  evil  days  in  our  history,  at  any 
rate  it  was  opposed  to  the  maxims  and  principles  of  the  United 
States  Oovcmtnunt,  and  was,  as  I  thought,  a  bad  art— an  act 
tvliieh  tthonld  not  hflve  been  doue.  Well,  1  do  not  eomplttin 
of  tho  demand  tliat  those  men  should  be  given  up;  but  I  do 
con)])lniu  of  the  manocr  in  which  that  demand  was  made,  and 
the  menaces  by  which  it  was  accompanied.  I  think  it  was 
ivroiig  and  un8tate«man-tike  that  at  the  moment  we  beard  of 
the  mKurc,  whpn  there  was  not  the  least  rmindntion  for 
suppwiiig  that  the  Uiiit^-'d  Stales  yovfruincnt  were  aware  of 
the  a<ot,  or  had  in  the  flightest  degree  ssnctioned  it,  m  we 
since  well  know  they  did  not,  that  we  should  inimfdiatcly 
get  ships  ready,  nnri  send  off  troops,  and  incite  thp  organti 
of  the  pre^s-^wliu  ufl-  always  too  retidy  to  inflame  the  pa^^ions 
of  the  people  to  frpnxy — to  prepare  their  mindic  for  war. 

But  tliat  rras  not  all ;  bocausc  before  the  Uuit..-d  States 
had  he»rd  a  won!  of  the  matter  from  this  country  their 
Swretarj-  of  State  had  written  to  Mr.  Adainn  a  de^atrh, 
whieh  was  communientefl  to  our  GovorDmont,  and  in  which 
it  was  ntate<l  that  the  trannafrtion  had  not  been  done  by  any 
onlcm  of  theirs,  and  that  therefore,  ae  far  as  they  and  we  were 
concerned,  it  was  a  pure  aceidcnt,  which  tliey  should  conntdcr 
with  the  most  friendly  dtspuaitJon  towards  tikis  country. 
How  eame  it  thnt  tins  desjinteh  was  never  published  for  the 
information  of  the  people  of  this  country  ?     How  happened  it 


134  SPEECHES  OF  JOHA'  BRIOUT.         makch  13. 

that  during  one  wiiolu  month  tlio  Qamc  uf  war  wiw  ftiiiued  by 
the  aevspspers,  jiarticjilarly  liy  tliotie  supposed  to  be  devo'tctl 
to  the  GovernmeDl,  and  tbul  oiie  uf  tlioso  nowHjmpffre,  sup- 
posed to  be  pcctiUarly  devoted  to  the  Prime  Minister,  had  the 
audacity — I  do  not  know  whence  it  olitainwi  it*  infttniotions 
— ti>  deny  that  any  sucli  dcspntcli  had  btscn  received  ?    Now, 
Sir,  I  am  of  opiTiion  that  it  in  not  ponsihle  tfl  maintain  amicJiWc 
relationR  with  any  grvai  Luiuntry — 1  thtiik  it  in  ucit  piHsihlei  to  do 
80  with  nny  little  one — unless  Gnvemments  will  mana^  th(.>w 
tnuiMtctions  in  what  I  will  call  u  rnvrn  courteous  and  more 
honourable  nmuner.    I  happen  to  know — for  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  United   States,   frura   '>ne  of  tlie  most  eminent  men 
in  that  eouutiy,  cLited  only  two  days  before  tliose  men  were 
given  tip,  in  nrliich  the  writer  «iatd — that  the  rcftl  difficulty 
in  tlic  course  of  the  President  was  that  the  menaces  of  the 
English  Government  had  made  it  almnst  impostiible  for  them 
to  concede;  and  that  the  queiition  they  smkeA  tbeinttelves  wa« 
whether  the  English  Govopumeut   was  intending  to  seek  a 
ennm  of  quarrel  or  not.    And  T  am  sure  the  nohle  Lord  at  the 
head  of  the  Government,  if  such  a  demand  hatl  been  made 
upon  him  with  courtesy  and  furuess,  iis  ithould  !>«■  |jL-t<wcen 
friendly  nations,  would  have  heen  more  dlKposed  to  oouc«de, 
and  would  have  found  it  miieh  more  easy  to  concede,  than  if 
the  demand  hod  been  aoeompaniad  by  roenoece  such  as  hi^ 
Government  otTcred  to  the  Govurnmont  of  the  United  States. 
Now  the  Ilonee  will  observe  that  1  am  not  condeniuing  the 
Qovernmeut  of  this  country  on  the  main  point  of  what  they 
did.     I  nm  only  condemning  tlicm  In'eauso  they  did  not  do 
what  they  had  to  do  in  that  manner  which  would  be  most 
likely  to  remove  difSculties  and  preserve  a  friendly  feeling 
betww-n   the  two  nations. 

Thou  I  come  to  tlia  last  thing  I  tihall  mention — to  the 
qaution  of  the  iiliip»  which  have  been  preying  upon  the  com- 
merce of  the  United  States.  I  shall  confine  myself  to  that  one 
va»«d,  the  Aiafiamt.     She  was  built  in  this  country ;  all  her 


I 


I 


itmti.  CANADA.     I.  133 

mnaitionii  nt'  wnr  were  IVom  tliis  country;  almoet  every  tnnn 
on  board  her  was  a  subject  of  Her  M^'e^ty.  Sbe  sailral  from 
oneof  oiircliief  porte.  She  is  known  to  have  been  built  b/ 
B  linn  in  which  a  Member  ol*  this  House  whh,  ami  I  presunse 
ig,  interested.  Now,  Sir,  I  do  not  cumplaiu — I  know  that 
onee,  when  I  referred  to  tliiB  question  two  ycarit  iigo,  when 
noy  hon.  Friend  the  Mcmtxrr  for  Bnidford  brought  it  forward 
in  this  House,  tlic  hon.  Afeniljcr  for  Birkenhead  (Mr.  Liiird) 
wafl  excessively  angry — I  do  not  cnmplain  that  the  Member  for 
Btrkenlicud  has  struck  up  a  friendship  «nth  Captain  Scmmes, 
wbo  may  probably  bv  described,  ua  :iuuther  eailur  once  waa  of 
naular  purguite,  as  )>ein(>  'the  miJdeat  mauucrvd  man  that 
ever  wattled  ship.'  Then;fore,  I  do  not  complain  of  a  imm 
who  has  an  acrpiaintance  n*ith  that  notorious  person,  uud  I 
do  not  complain,  and  did  not  then,  that  the  Member  for 
Birfcenhend  looks  admirin^rly  upon  the  ^rvntflxt  example 
which  men  have  ever  seen  of  the  grcat4.>8t  ertme  which  men 
have  ever  eoniinitt>od.  I  do  not  complain  even  that  he  should 
applaud  that  which  is  foiindiHl  upon  a  gigantic  traffic  in  living 
Seah  and  blmid — a  traffic  into  whieh  no  subjeet  of  tliis  reuhn 
can  cnt«r  without  being  deemed  a  felon  in  the  eyes  of  our 
law  and  punished  as  such.  Bnt  what  I  do  complain  of  ia 
this,  iliat  the  hi>n.  Gentleman  the  Member  for  Birkenhead,  a 
magistrate  of  u  county,  a  deputy-lieu  tenant — whatever  that 
may  be- — a  representative  of  a  constituency,  and  having  a 
Beit  in  this  oneiont  and  lionoiimblio  Assembly  —  that  bo 
should,  as  I  believe  he  did,  if  concerned  in  the  building  of 
this  ship,  break  tin-  law  of  hiH  country,  by  driving  us  into  an 
infnu-tion  of  International  Ijaw,  and  treating  with  undeserved 
disrespect  the  Pruelamution  uf  neutrality  of  the  Qu^en. 

1  have  another  complaint  to  make,  and  in  alUision  to 
Uiat  hon.  Member.  It  is  within  your  recollection  that  when 
on  tt  former  occasion  he  made  that  speech  and  defended  his 
course,  be  declared  that  he  would  ratlier  be  the  builder  of  a 
dozen  Ataiamu  than  do  something  which  nobody  liaa  done. 


13t} 


SPEHCUES  OF  JOUlf  BRIGUT.        harcii  la. 


Tliafc  langua^  was  received  with  repealed  clicering  from 
the  Opposition  aide  of  the  House.  Well,  Sir,  T  undertake 
to  say  tbitt  that  wiis  at  Icart  a  most  nnfortimntc  eiroum- 
stacce,  and  I  beg  to  tell  Ihc  hon.  Gentleman  that  at  the 
vtid  of  hist  Scjseioii,  when  the  gri-ut  dubiitu  tuuli  pliico  on 
the  question  of  Denmark,  there  were  many  men  on  this  side 
of  iho  HousL'  who  liad  no  objectioii  wliatevor  to  see  the 
preeent  Gnvemmcnt  turned  out  of  oIRl-b,  for  they  had  many 
grounds  of  complaint  against  them,  but  they  felt  it  impossible 
tlwt  tbey  should  take  the  responsibility  of  bringing  into 
ofRce  the  right  lum.  Member  for  Buckinghamshire  or  the 
party  who  coiild  utter  sm-h  eheers  cm  siicli  a  subject  as  that. 

Turning  from  the  Member  for  J3ii-kt?idiead  to  the  noble 
Lord  at  the  head  of  the  Foreign  Office,  he,  who  in  the  case 
of  the  uckuuwledgiiifiit  of  beliigererit  rights  bud  proceeded 
with  such  remarkablr  celerity,  such  nndiie  and  unfriendly 
haste,  amply  conipen sated  for  it  when  he  came  to  the  question 
of  the  Atabama,  by  his  sinwneiui  of  prooedurp.  And  tbis  is  a 
ftmtigo  eiroTimatanee,  which  oven  the  noble  Lord's  Colleagues 
have  never  been  able  to  explain,  that  although  lie  Bent  orders 
to  Cork  to  stop  the  Alaiama  if  she  arrivwl  there,  he  atlowcil 
her  aftiTwardH,  when  she  had  gone  out  of  the  jnriadiction  of 
the  Crown  in  tbi.«e  igluiidH,  tu  go  into  a  do^eu  or  a  seore  ol 
port*  belonging  to  this  oonntry  in  different  parts  of  the  world. 
It  sooms  to  me  that  this  is  rather  a  8[Hx:tal  instance  of  that 
feebleness  of  purpose  nnd  of  artinn  on  the  part  of  the  noble 
Lord  which  I  regret  to  say  l)ai  on  nxauy  occasions  done  much 
to  umr  what  would  otlivrwisH  U?  a  grpat  politieal  career. 
I  will  not  detain  the  House  on  the  question  of  the  rams. 
The  bon.  MomlKir  for  Birkenhead,  or  the  firm  or  the  family, 
or  whoever  the  jieoplc  arc  at  Birkenhead  who  do  these  things, 
this  (irin  at  Birkenhi^ad,  af^er  tbey  linrl  seen  the  peril  into 
which  the  country  was  drifting  on  aecounfc  of  the  Alahama, 
proea'dod  rami  andaeioiisly  to  build  tho«e  two  rams;  and  it 
w»»s  oidy  at  the  very  last,  moment,  when  on  tJie  eve  of  a  war 


IB6S. 


CANADA.     I. 


137 


with  the  Uniird  Statei  on  acoonnt  of  those  rams,  thai  the 
Government,  happily  had  the  i-'oiirage  to  seize  them,  and  thtu 
tin"  last  danger  was  averted. 

T  Bii]ipo«e  then?  nrc  some  phipowners  here.  I  knosr  there 
are  many  in  Londun — ^there  are  ntany  in  Livfr|o(j| — what* 
would  he  the  ft-eltng  in  this  country  if  thoy  suffered  in  this 
way  fnim  ships  huilt  in.  the  United  States?  Tliere  is  a  shi|>. 
owner  in  New  York,  Mr,  Lowe,  n  member  of  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  of  New  York,  He  hud  three  large  ships 
destroyed  by  the  Ahhama ;  and  the  George  GrUieold,  which 
came  to  this  country  freighted  with  a  heavy  ciirp3  of  pro- 
riiiioQB  of  various  kind-i  for  the  suJTcring  people  of  Ijnnennhire, 
wns  destroyed  on  her  return  passage,  and  the  ship  that  de> 
stroyed  it  may  have  been,  and  I  Mieve  was,  buiit  by  the« 
patriotic  nhiphuilders  of  Birkenhead.  These  are  things  that 
mnst  rankle  \\\  the  breast  ofa  country  which  is  xubjeeted  to  «ui-h 
loses  aud  iudlj^nities.  Even  to-day  I  see  in  the  newspapeni 
that  a  veiwel  that  went  out  from  thi»  eountry  has  destroyed  ten 
or  eleven  ehipe  between  the  Capo  of  Cjood  lIo{>e  and  Ati^ttrulin. 
I  have  thought  it  unnecessary  to  bring  euntinually  American 
(juestions  before  the  House,  as  some  Gentlemen  have  done 
during  the  last  two  or  three  Sessions.  They  shonld  have 
asked  a  few  questions  in  rygard  to  these  ships;  but  no,  they 
aciked  no  qiteetion  upon  these  points.  They  o^kcd  questions 
npon  every  point  on  which  they  thought  they  might  cm- 
hurrass  the  Government  and  mslcc  (he  great  difficulties  of 
the  (tovemment  greater  in  nil  their  tnuuuietiona  with  the 
United  States. 

But  the  Members  of  the  Govcrumcnt  \iavq  not  teen  wise. 
1  hope  it  will  not  lie  thought  that  I  am  unnceeaoarily 
critiea]  if  I  say  tliat  Governments  are  not  genenilly  y^ry 
wise.  Two  years  aj^  the  noble  Lurd  at  the  head  of  the 
Govumment  ond  the  Attorney-General  addreewd  the  House. 
I  asked  the  noble  Lord — 1  do  not  olleii  (wk  him  for  anytliina^ 
— li>  !«iicak,  if  only  for  five  minuteti,  ivords  of  j^oero^ity  and 


138  SPKECIIBS   OF  JOHN    BRIGHT.  maiicb  13. 

sympathy  to  the  Gor<'riiment  and  people  of  the  UmWI  States. 
iJe  did  not  do  it.  Perhaps  I  wa«  foolish  to  cxjwct  it.  The 
Attorriey-Gonfral  mado  a  most  ahle  itpeecfa.  It  was  the  only 
time  that  I  hnve  listened  to  him,  ever  biuog  I  have  known 
him  in  this  Houae,  with  pain,  for  I  thought  liis  et>ccch  wios 
full  of  bad  morals  ond  h&d  law.  I  am  quite  certain  tliat 
he  even  gave  an  a(re«iint  f>f  the  fart*  nf  the  rase  which  was 
not  as  in^mioiis  und  fair  •&&  the  HoiiKe  had  a  ri^ht  to  oxjioct 
from  him.  Nest  Sessioti  th(»  nobk  Lord  and  the  Attorney- 
General  turned  quite  round.  Th»;y  had  a  difrorcnt  utory 
about  the  »amc  tranaartinn,  mid  gTaihially,  as  tlie  aspect  of 
t^ngs  was  changed  on  th«  other  side  «f  the  Allnntic,  there 
has  been  a  gradual  return  to  good  scneo  and  fairness,  not  only 
on.  the  part  of  Members  upon  the  Treasury  Bench,  but  on 
that  of  other  Members  of  tJie  Houue. 

Now,  Sir,  1  would  not  wiliing-ly  nay  a  word  that  ^vould 
wound  eitlier  the  noble  Lord  at  the  Wad  of  the  Foreign 
Office  or  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exoheiiuer,  because  1  do  not 
know  amongst  the  official  Rtatesmoii  of  tliie  conutry  two  men 
ibr  whom  I  have  greater  sympatliy  or  more  respect ;  but  I 
have  to  complain  nf  them.  I  do  not  know  why  it  is  that  they 
both  go  down  to  Newcastle — a  town  in  which  I  feel  a  great 
interest — and  thore  give  forlli  words  of  oH'enco  and  un- 
priedom.  I  kaow  that  what  the  noble  Lord  enid  was  all 
very  smart,  but  really  it  was  not  true,  and  I  have  not  much 
ntspcct  for  n  thing  that  ia  merely  frmart  and  is  not  true.  The 
Clinneellor  of  the  Exchequer  made  a  statement  too.  The 
pajwr*  made  it  appear  Uiat  he  did  it  with  oxnltation;  but 
tiiat  is  a  mistake.  But  h«  made  a  statement,  and  though 
I  do  not  know  what  will  be  in  liis  fiudgt^t,  I  know  his 
winhes  in  rt-gard  to  that  statement — namely,  that  he  had 
never  made  it. 

ThoiM  Gentlemen,  liear  in  mind,  sit,  ns  it  were,  on  a  hill; 
they  arc  not  obscure  men,  making  speeobee  in  a  puhtic-house 
iH-  eveu  at  a  rcflpeclable  mefhanics'  institution;  they  an;  men 


lt»5. 


VAiVADA.     I. 


13<i 


whose  voioe  is  heard  wherever  the  Eof^Hsh  tangtiago  is  known. 
And  kuoiring-  that,  anil  kouwing  wbut  cfll-ct  their  siioeehes 
will  have,  expefrintly  in  LancnsLiro,  whore  inon  are  in  trade^ 
ond  wliere  profits  and  losses  are  an(>ctcd  by  the  words  of 
statesmen,  they  hm  the  language  of  which  1  complain ; 
and  beyond  this,  for  1  cam  conoeive  eome  idea  of  the  irri- 
tiition  iliose  stat^mentd  must  hitvc  caus^  in  the  lfiiit«d 
States.  I  might  n^ftir  to  tli«  indiscriminati  ng  ahiiKe  of  the 
hoQ.  and  teamed  Cfentlemsn  the  Momher  for  Sheffield ; 
and  I  may  add  to  that  the  unsleeping-  ill-will  of  the  noble 
Lord  the  Member  for  Stamford.  I  am  not  »un;  that  these 
two  Members  of  the  House  are  in  the  least  degree  converted 
yet.  I  think  I  beard  the  boa.  Member  for  Sheffield  utter 
to-night  some  ejaculation  that  looked  as  if  bo  retained  nil  his 
old  sentiment*.  [Mr.  Bocbuek :  *  Exactly.']  I  am  sorry  it 
is  isu,  I  did  expect  that  these  tbin^d  would  be  regretted  and 
repented  of;  and.  I  must  express  my  hope  that  if  any  one 
of  you  who  have  been  thus  uugcnerouti  shall  ever  fall  into 
trouble  of  any  kind  that  you  will  find  your  friends  more  kind 
and  more  just  than  you  hare  been  to  your  fellow-coQatrymeD 
• — for  I  will  still  call  them  so — at  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic.  And  as  to  the  press,  Sir,  I  think  it  is  unnecessary 
to  say  much  abuut  that,  Wcause  every  night  those  unfortu- 
nate writers  are  now  endeavouring  to  baek  out  of  overytbing 
they  have  been  saying ;  and  I  can  only  hope  that  their  power 
for  evil  in  future  will  be  greatly  Icasened  by  the  stupcndoua 
exhibition  of  ignorance  and  folly  which  they  have  made  to 
the  world. 

Now,  Sir,  having  mndo  this  statement,  J  suppose  the  noble 
Lord  the  Member  for  Stamford,  if  h«  were  to  get  up  afl^r  me, 
would  say :  *  Well,  if  all  thia  be  true — if  we  have  dono  all 
these  injurious  tilings,  if  we  have  ereatt-d  all  this  irritation  in 
tlio  United  States — will  it  not  be  likely  that  this  irritation 
will  provoke  n  desire  for  vengeance,  and  that  the  chanoes 
of  war  are  gT«ntty  increased  by  it?'     I  dt>  nut  know  wliHher 


140 


Si'EKCUKS  or  JOIIX  UlUGUT.        ifAiwrn  i«, 


the  cboncos  of  war  arc  incrcastd,  tut  I  will  my  that  not  only 
is  war  not  certain,  but  it  ia  to  the  last  degree  imprnhaljle;. 

But,  Sir,  there  is  anotJitT  sit!*?  to  this  qiiL'stiuu.  All  Rut- 
land IB  not  included  in  the  rather  gimeral  condemnation  which 
1  hnve  thought  it  my  duty  to  exprese.  There  is  another  si4e- 
Looking-  to  dur  own  popnJation,  what  have  the  railiittos  been 
saying  and  doing — the  milliona  you  lire  so  muL-h  afraid  of? — 
especially  tlio  unlilr  Lord  the  MemW  for  Stamrord,  who 
obJL-clti  to  the  trannfiTeiieo  of  power  to  thostj  mitlioiis  from  lhnst» 
who  now  hold  it,  ond,  from  his  position,  naturally  objtHjts. 
I  beg  Iwvc  to  tell  the  Hoiib*  that,  taking;  the  conutica  of 
Laiicaskire  and  Yorkshire — your  great  counties  ul'  popula- 
tion— tlip  millians  of  men  there,  whose  industry  has  not 
only  created  but  enetains  the  fabrie  of  your  national  power, 
hare  had  no  kind  of  sympatliy  with  the  vifwa  whifli  T  hnvr  hwn 
conUomning.  They  have  been  mort^  generous  and  more  %riae; 
lliey  liave  shown  that  magnanimity  and  love  of  freedom  »re 
not  extinct.  And,  speakixig;  of  the  county  from  wlucb  I  eome 
— the  oonnty  of  many  sorrows,  whose  •»rief«  have  linii^  like 
n  dark  cloud  over  almost  every  hwirt  during  the  lust  throe 
years— all  the  n.ttempt«  which  the  agents  of  the  Coiifotleraey 
have  mnile  there  by  money,  by  printing,  by  platform  sipeecbes, 
by  agitation,  have  utterly  failed  t^)  get  from  (hat  pn|)ulati<.)U 
one  expresBion  of  sympathy  with  the  Ainerieuu  insurreL-tion, 
And,  Sir,  if  the  bond  of  union  and  friendRhiji  between  Eng- 
land aud  jVmerica  shall  remain  unbroken,  wc  eball  not  kavc  to 
tliHuk  the  wuiUlty  and  the  <.-ultivated,  but  those  hilvorious  miU 
lionti  whom  statpxmeu  and  historieii  too  frequently  take  little 
aoeonnt  of.  Tlicy  know  a  little  of  the  ITnited  States,  wkieh 
Genllpmon  oppo«it4?  and  some  on  this  aide  the  House  do  not 
appear  to  know.  Thi;y  know  thnt  eveiy  man  of  them  would 
be  Ijetter  off  on  the  Amcrii-an  continent,  if  bo  chose  t«  go 
there,  and  would  be  welcome  to  everj'  right  and  privilege 
that  the  people  there  nre  in  posFu^saioii  of.  Tliey  know  fnrtber 
that  every  man   may  have  from  the  UiiiteJ  Stutea  Govern- 


UK. 


CANADA.    J. 


141 


mcnt  a  free  eiR  of  160  aii-es  of  tbc  meet  fertile  land  in  the 
world.  [A  lauglu]  I  do  not  underetand  tJiat  l»ugh,  but  the 
gift,  imtlcT  till'  Humesti-ad  Act  of  America,  of  160  acres  of 
land  is  u  grt^at  deul  for  n  man  who  Itas  no  L-uiJ.  I  ciin  \A\  you 
tliftt  tlte  Hoiu««toad  Act  and  the  liWraltty  of  the  Ainericau 
Oovontnieut  bare  liad  a  great  effect  upon  the  population  of 
till-  North  of  Erigiaud,  and  I  cun  tell  you  furtbi-r — that  the 
labniinTig  iM>|iutatioii  of  tliis  country — the  artixans  and  the 
niwhanitis — will  never  join  heartily  in  any  policy  which  is 
int«n(lcd  to  oetrangfi  the  people  of  the  United  State*  from 
the  peoplu  uf  the  United  KiugdooL 

lint.  Sir,  we  liuvu  other  scc-uritlis  for  peace  which  are  not 
\ws  than  bhusK,  and  I  find  them  in  the  character  of  thv 
Govemnumt  and  |«x)ple  of  ilie  Aniurieau  Uniua.  I  think 
thii  right  hon.  Ocntlcman  the  Member  for  Buekinghamshire 
(Mr.  Disraeli)  referred  to  what  miiat  reap^unably  he  8uppu««;d 
to  ha])}>eu  in  earn  tWs  rubellion  should  be  put  down — that 
when  a  nation  Is  exhanste<l  it  nill  not  rush  rashly  into  a  new 
,Btnigglc.  Tlie  lose  of  lifo  has  iMien  givat,  the  lose  of  trt<a3ure 
'cnormouc.  Happily  for  them,  tliis  life  and  thi«  treasure  have 
not  been  sacrificed  to  keep  a  Bourbon  on  the  throne  of 
Franee,  or  to  keep  the  Turks  in  Europe ;  tbc  Kscrilice  was 
for  BO  object  which  every  man  could  comprehend,  which 
every  man  could  examine  by  the  lijj:ht  of  bis  own  iutelli- 
gSDCe  and  bi«  own  conscioucc;  for  if  these  men  have  girea 
their  li%'efi  and  their  possessions,  it  was  for  the  attainment  of 
a  great  end,  the  nLiinteuauce  of  the  Quity  and  integrity  of 
a  grtat  country.  IIi«t'try  in  fiitiii'e  time  ntiist  be  written 
in  a  different  spirit  from  all  history  in  the  past,  if  it  should 
expirees  any  ooudcniiiutiuu  \>i  tliat  jieople.  Mr.  Lincoln,  who 
is  now  for  the  second  time  I*residcnt  of  the  United  Statt-s, 
wa*  elect«d  exclusively  by  wliat  was  termed  the  Republic-an 
party.  He  is  now  elected  by  what  may  be  caLllGd  the  Great 
Union  party  of  the  ontion.  But  Mr.  Lincoln's  party  has 
always  been  for  jK-atre.     That,  party  in  the  North  has  never 


I-I2 


SPEECHES  OF  JO/tX  BRIGHT.         mabch  U. 


tarried  on  any  war  ai  a^^nsswu,  and  has  never  deidred  one. 
1  speak  of  the  North  only,  tbo  »66  Stat«e.  And  let  the 
Houw!  ri*niL-iiiber  that  in  Uittt  coiuitry  laiiilt-d  property,  pro- 
perty' ol'  all  lfiii(),  is  more  universally  distributed  than  in  ojiy 
otlier  uatiou,  that  lustructian  and  kcIiooI  ediicatJoii  are  alxo 
mote  widely  difTiised  there  thuu  amongst  any  other  people. 
I  sayj  they  have  never  cfliricd  on  hitherto  a  war  for 
a^TBodizement  or  for  Teiig;eaace,  and  1  believe  they  will 
not  Iw^n  one  uuvr. 

Canada,  1  tliinic  the  noble  Lonl  will  a<lmit,  is  a  very 
tempting'  bait,  not  iudwMl  for  the  pnrpooe  of  nniioxation, 
but  for  the  purpoiH;  of  bumiliatin^  tbi^f  uouutry.  I 
agree  with  hnn.  GentlemeD  who  have  snid  that  it  would 
be  (liscreditable  ta  En^^lanclj  in  tbe  li^ht  of  her  past  history, 
thit  she  nhoidd  leave  nny  portion  of  her  l-'nipiro  which 
eh«  <!otdd  defend,  tmdefendcd.  But  etill  it  is  admitted 
— and  I  think  the  B[»eech  of  the  right  lion.  Oeutlcmun  the 
Member  for  Calnc  (Mr.  Lowe)  pi-odut^t-d  a  gnat  effect  upon 
those  who  heard  it — the  House  admitted  that  in  ease  of  war 
witli  the  United  Stutes,  Ciiuada  could  nut  be  defended  by 
any  power  on  land  or  at  eca  which  this  eouotiy  could  raise  or 
spare  for  thai  purpose.  I  am  very  Ktry,  not  that  we  cannot 
defend  Canada,  but  that  any  portioi]  of  the  domtuioiifi  of  tlie 
British  Crown  is  in  such  circiinwtanoej*  as  to  tempt  eviU 
di»[Mu>ed  people  tu  attack  it  witli  the  view  of  buoiiliatiug  ub, 
boCftu»e  T  believe  that  tranawtions  which  humiliat*  a  Govern- 
ment and  a  nation  are  not  only  dieagreeable,  hut  a  grent 
national  barm. 

But,  now,  is  there  a  war  party  in  the  Unitetl  Stoteg? 
I  lielieve  there  is  sueli  a  party.  It  is  that,  party  which  was  a 
war  party  eij,'htj'  yeara  ago.  It  is  the  partj-  represented  by 
bon.  Gentlemen  who  sit  on  that  bench — the  Irish  party.  They 
who  are  hostile  to  this  country  in  the  Unit^^d  States  are 
those  who  were  rtt-eiitly  malcontent  subjects  of  the  right  bon. 
(ientleman  the  Member  for  l^iworth.     It  is  Ibcee,  and  such 


1W9- 


C  AH  A  DA.     1. 


143 


as  these,  to  whom  the  noble  Lord  at  Ihe  hiwl  oT  tlie  GoTPrn- 
meat   oflers  ouly  sucb  consotation  ns  that  of  telling  Hk^iii 

^tiiat  'tbe  rtghti)  of  the  b-'oaott;  are  tlie  wmngvi  of  the  Joad- 
'  who  constitute  the  only  nar  i>arty  ui  the  United 
i;  and  it  was  the  war  party  there  in  the  days  of  Lord 
North.  But  tb«  real  power  of  the  United  States  doeit  not  rest 
on  tliat  ola»i.  Amerit-'au  muljb — und,  excepting  some  portion 
of  the  population  of  Xew  York,  I  would  not  apply  iho  Language 
eren  to  theni — for  the  sake  of  lorcing  their  CoiigresK  and 
their  Exevutivo  to  a  particular  couibc,  ore  altogether  nn- 
known.  The  real  mob  in  your  senee,  \»  that  party  of  chivnl- 
pous  gentlemen  in  the  South,  wh<i  have  rewivedj  I  am  «orry 
to  say,  80  much  sympathy  from  somo  persons  to  this  country 

lAnd  iu  UiiH  Holuc.  Uut  the  real  ^wer  depends  upuii  auultier 
clas* — thfi  Lindowners  throughout  the  country,  and  tlierti  are 
millions  of  Ihetu.  Iu  iS.u»  laet  elixttiou  for  Preeident  of  the 
United  States,  1  wa»  told  by  a  citizen  of  New  York,  who  was 

rXQoet  active  in  the  election,  that  in  tlie  State  of  Ken-  York 
alone  100,000  Irish  votes  WL-re  giveu,  ns  be  expressed  it,  sohdly 
—that  is,  in  one  mass— for  General  M'('lellan;  and  that  not 
more  than  2,000  were  given  for  Fn»>-ident  Lincoln.  Yon  see 
the  prcpondcranoc  of  that  party  in  the  oity  of  New  York,  and 
that  18  the  feeling  amongst  theoi  throughout  the  State  of  New 
York;  but,  throughout  the  whole  of  the  United  States,  it  is 
merely  a  smalt  per-e^tage,  which  has  no  sendble  effect  upon 
the  constitution  of  Congreas,  or  upon  legislntiou  or  government. 
My  ho».   Friend    tJje    Member   lor  Bradibrd  {Mr.  W.  E. 

'Fofster)  referred  to  a  point  which  I  suppose  ha«  really  been 
tho  cause  of  this  debate,  and  that  is  the  temper  of  the  United 
States  in  nuiking  uortain  denmntk  upon  our  Government, 
I  asked  a  qncation  the  other  night  after  the  noble  Lord  had 
asked  a  (juestion  upon  the  subject — I  oskod  whether  we  had 
not  claims  against  tliem.  1  understand  that<  claims  were  made 
upon  us  by  the  United  States  atnuiinling  to  300,000/.  or 
400,000/.     I  nm  afruitl  thitt  we  have  claima  against  them. 


14^ 


SPESVHES  OF  JOUS  BBIGHT.        narcii  IJ, 


amounting'  prahably  to  as  much  as  tliat.  If  any  nutn  tbinkfi 
he  ha«  a  right  to  go  to  law  with  anoUxer,  and  that  other  has 
an  ans«\>r  bi  hiM  claim,  the  case  must  hv  heard.  And  Si 
betwreen  two  great  nations  and  two  fi-oe  Ciovornmcnts.  If 
ODV  hiu  ulaiuut  agiuiut  the  oUicr,  aad  th«f  uthcr  hu«  coiiittcr 
clunui,  cluorly  nothing  can  be  more  tuir  thou  that  thorn: 
claims  should  he  courteously  and  iKmestly  considen-il.  It  is 
quite  ahsiinl  to  suppose  that  the  ICnj^lish  OovLTiimeiit  und 
the  Govommcut  at  Wasbinffton  utn  have  a  question  about 
half  a  million  of  mouey  which  they  cannot  amicably  ecttlt. 
The  nuhlo  Lord,  I  Ijelievf,  thiukii  It  i»  not  u  iiuestittii  for 
nrbitnition,  but  tlmt  it  is  a  (jiiestioii  of  prindple.  Well,  all 
quutitioiu;  of  jirojwrty  almost  are  t{uC6tions  of  taw,  and  yon  go 
to  a  lawyer  and  eettlc  them  if  yuu  can.  In  this  cuac  it  would 
he  surely  an  Ktu>y  to  have  Uie  matter  H-ttlctl  by  Honie  impurtial 
|>en>«n  sa  it  wai»  to  ask  the  St;iul«  ur  utht-r  iiutliority  at  llnni* 
liurg  to  settle  a  (luattum  between  this  country  and  tlie  Empire 
of  Brazil.  Our  most  {K'rtVct  security  is,  that  as  the  wni-  in 
America  draws  to  a  elosf— if  it  ithnuld  Imppily  siwn  draw  to 
a  cloee — we  shall  become  moi"e  geiieroufi  ttt  tht-m,  and  tlicir 
Govenimeut  and  p«i|>Ie  will  prohaMy  hecome  less  irritattd 
towards  us.  And  when  the  pasgion^  have  cooled  down,  1 
am  quit«  sure  that  Mr.  Seward  on  that  i^ide  and  Karl  KuEsell 
on  this,  Mr.  Adams  here  and  Sir  FrcdiTick  Bruce  there,  will 
he  able,  without  much  difficulty,  to  settle  tliis,  which  is, 
after  alt,  un  iiuimjKtrtant  matter,  as  a  question  of  accounts 
between  the  two  nations. 

1  liaro  only  ouc  mora  observation  to  make,  and  it  is  this — 
1  suspect  the  root  of  all  the  unfortiuiatc  eiiTumstuncet*  that 
have  ncrurred  is  the  feeling  of  jeiilmisy  which  we  have 
cherlt^ed  with  reyiard  U>  the  American  nation.  It  was  very 
much  shown  at  the  beginning  of  thi^  war,  when  a  Member 
whom  I  will  not  name,  for  I  am  sure  his  wish  is  that  his 
natnc  should  not  be  mentiutied  in  ojimection  ivith  it  now, 
)i]H>l:e  of  tlie  bursting  of  the  bubble  republic.      I  recollect  that 


I 


IMS. 


CA  yj  DA.   r. 


MS 


Lord  John  Buesell,  as  lie  llieii  nas  speaking  Irom  tbat  beocli, 
turned  round  and  reljuki-d  hiro  m  Luiguage  whith  was  M-i>rtUy 
of  luH  name,  and  character,  and  poaitioti.  I  beg  Vn  tell  that 
Gentleman,  anil  auvbody-  t-lse  who  latks  nWut  n  liubHo 
R'piiblio,  that  I  liave  a  strong  suspicion  he  will  pee  that 
a  great  many  Lubbl<js  will  burst  iHrforc  that.  Vilty  should 
wc  icar  a  grreat  nation  on  the  Ameriean  continent?  Some 
people  fear  that,  should  Anierioa  bt-cume  a  great  nation,  xho 
will  be  arrogant  and  aggressive.  It  does  not  tbllow  that  it 
shoidd  bo  80.  The  character  of  a  notion  docs  not  depend 
altogether  u])on  lia  gixe,  bat  upon  the  in^riiction,  the 
civiliKatiou,  and  the  muraJB  of  it»  jieople.  Von  fancy  the 
saprcmocy  of  the  nea  will  pas>i  nway  ^m  yon ;  and  the 
noblo  Lord,  who  liaK  liitd  much  experience,  and  ta  cup^HNied 
tolw  wiaer  on  the  subject  than  any  other  man  in  the  House, 
will  suy  thai  '  Kuli;  tiritanuiu '  tnay  bci:ome  obsolete.  Well, 
inasmuch  as  the  tnipremacy  of  the  aea«  means  arrogance  and 
Uie  ftNUmptiun  of  a  diutaturial  puwer  on  the  jmrt  uf  this 
eonntry,  the  sooner  that  beotimeK  obsfilete  the  better.  I  do 
not  believe  tliat  it  is  for  thi*  advunUige  of  this  country,  or  of 
any  oonntry  in  the  world,  that  any  one  nation  itbould  pride 
itself  upon  what  is  termed  tlio  supremacy  of  the  sea;  and 
I  hope  the  time  is  cominjf — 1  believe  the  hour  is  hastening 
— when  we  shall  find  that  law  and  justice  will  guide  tlie 
councils  and  will  direct  the  policy  of  the  Christian  nations 
of  tiic  world.  Nature  will  not  be  baiHed  because  we  are 
jealous  of  the  Uiiitetl  Slate* — tlie  decrees  of  l*n>vidciicc  will 
not  be  overthrown  by  aught  we  can  do. 

Ilie  population  of  tiic  United  States  is  now  not  lets  than 
35.000,000.  When  the  next  Pai-liamcnt  of  England  has 
lived  to  tJie  iige  which  tliie  has  lived  to,  tliat  popuktion  will 
be  40,000,000,  and  you  may  calculutc  tbe  iucrease  at  the 
rate  of  rather  more  than  1  ,ooo,oco  of  persons  per  year.  Who 
IB  to  gainsay  it?  Will  cunHtant  snarling  nt  a  great  republic 
att«r  tbia  etate  of  things,  or  swell  ■a»  up  in  these  iKltinds  to 

VOL.  I.  L 


146 


SPKECIfMS  OF  JOIf.V  BRIGHT, 


MABCB  Ifl; 


40,ooo,oco  or  ^o^opoo,  or  bring  them  down  to  oat 
30,000^000?  Hon.  Mt.>ii]t)<.T8  and  the  country  at  large 
should  coiiHider  tliOii!  facta,  luid  iRam  from  tJi«m  thdt  it  is 
the  intoTGJ^  of  tlie  tiationg  to  ho  at  one — and  for  iis  to  be 
in  |>erlVct  court«ey  and  amity  with  the  gteai  English  nation 
on  tLe  other  tndi;  of  the  AllaDtic.  I  am  sure  that  the  Ion(>cr 
that  nation  cxista  the  lees  vrill  our  pmple  be  disposer)  to  eufrtain 
you  In  any  ooedless  hostility  agaiuat  them  or  jealousy  of  them. 
And  1  am  the  more  eonvincud  of  this  from  wliat  I  hiive  tWL>u 
of  the  eondaefc  of  the  people  in  the  north  of  Enghind  during 
the  last  four  years.  I  beliove,  ou  the  other  bond,  tliat  the 
AmericaD  jieople,  wjieu  this  excitement  is  over,  will  be  willing-, 
fto  lor  an  u^TcsKve  sets  Oj^iast  um  are  ooDCcruod,  to  buiy 
in  oblivion  transactinns  which  have  given  tJieni  mucli  pain, 
and  that  they  x^'ill  make  tJio  allowauee  whkh  they  may 
fairly  moke,  that  the  people  of  this  country — even  thoto 
liig-h  in  rank  and  distinguished  in  culture — have  had  a  very 
inadeqiuttti  knowledge  of  the  real  state  of  the  events  which 
have  taken  place  in  tliat  country  since  the  beginning  of 
the  war. 

It  is  on  record  thut  when  the  author  of  T^c  Dediae  and 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  wae  about  to  begin  his  gitufc 
work,  I5avid  Hume  wrote  a  letter  to  him  urging  him  not 
to  empluy  the  Fr'HcIi  but  the  EiigliBli  tougue,  '  because/ 
he  «aid,  'our  CRtabltshmeute  in  Amcricii  promise  xuperior 
stAhilit^  and  dnration  to  tlic  English  language.'  How  far 
that  promise  has  been  in  part  fulfilled  we  who  are  living  now 
can  »ee;  but  how  far  it  will  be  more  largely  and  more 
completely  fulfdled  in  at>er  times  we  must  leave  ai^r  timeti 
to  tell.  I  believe  that  in  the  centuries  which  arc  to  eome  it 
will  be  the  greatest  pride  and  the  higheitt  renown  of  England 
that  from  her  loins  have  sprung  a  hundred  millions — it  may 
he  two  hunilrwi  millions — of  men  who  dwell  and  prosper  on 
that  ooutinout  wbieh  tlie  grand  old  Genoese  gave  to  Europe. 
Sir,  if  the  aentimenta  which  1  have  uttered  shall  beeomc  the 


1866.  CANADA.     I.  147 

Bentiments  of  the  Parliament  and  people  of  tlie  United  King- 
dom— if  the  moderation  which  I  iave  described  shall  mark 
the  course  of  the  Government  and  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States— then,  notwithstanding  some  present  irritation  and 
some  present  distrust—and  I  have  &ith  both  in  us  and  in  them 
— I  believe  that  these  two  great  commonwealths  will  march 
abreast,  the  parents  and  the  guardians  of  freedom  and  justice, 
wheresoever  their  language  shall  be  spoken  and  their  power 
shall  extend. 


~~*^-^t^^*-^-— 


Ll 


CANADA. 

n. 

THE  CANADIAN   FORTIFICATIONS. 

HOUSE    OF    COMMONS,    MARCH    23,    1865. 

I  SHALL  ask  the  attention  of  the  House  for  only  a  few 
moments.  If  the  hon.  Memher  (Mr.  Bentinck)  divides, 
I  shall  go  into  the  same  lobby  with  him.  I  am  afraid  that, 
in  making  that  announcement,  I  shall  excite  some  little  alarm 
in  the  mind  of  the  hon.  (Jentleman.  I  wish  therefore  to  say, 
that  I  shall  not  in  going  into  the  lobby  agree  with  him  in 
many  of  the  statements  he  has  made.  The  right  hon. 
Gentleman  (Mr.  Disraeli)  said,  that  he  approached  the  mili- 
tary question  with  great  diffidence,  and  I  was  very  glad 
to  see  any  signs  of  diffidence  in  that  quarter.  After 
that  explanation,  he  asked  the  House  with  a  triumphant  air 
whether  there  is  any  difficulty  in  defending  a  frontier  of  one 
thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  miles,  and  whether  the  practica- 
bility of  doing  so  is  a  new  doctrine  in  warfare.  But  one 
thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  miles  of  frontier  to  defend  at  the 
centre  of  your  power,  is  one  thing ;  but  at  three  thousand  or 
four  thousand  miles  from  the  centre,  it  is  an  entirely  different 
thing.  I  venture  to  say,  that  there  is  not  a  man  in  this 
House,  or  a  sensible  man  ont  of  it,  who,  apart  from  the 


150 


SPEECUKS   OF  JOHN   HRWUT.         ux-san  23, 


consiilcrulioti  of  this  vi>t>e,  or  some  sijecial  circnmstamces 
nttonding  it>  UelieveH  that  the  people  of  tbiM  country  could 
atti-mpt  a  sueeuisful  dofcncc  of  the  frontier  of  CnnntU  ngninst 
tho  whole  pownr  of  tlie  UDited  Stat<«.  I  aaid  the  oliior  i>)^ht, 
that  1  hopt-J  wc  should  not  now  talk  folly,  and  hereafter,  in 
the  eade&Tonr  to  be  consiHtcnt,  act  folly.  Wc  all  know  jicr- 
Icctly  iVL'U  lluit  WL-  arc  l>Ltkiiig  folly  when  we  say  that  the 
Government  of  tliis  country  woidd  rk'ud  either  ships  or  men 
to  iDftko  an  elTectunl  defence  of  Cana.da  aguinxt  tlio  ])ower  of 
the  United  Stat^je,  supposing  war  to  hreak  otit.  Understand, 
I  am  not  in  the  leust  u  helierer  in  the  probability  of  war,  hut 
I  will  disc'iiBs  the  <)uestioQ  for  one  uionieut  as  if  war  were 
jio»«lh1e.  \  suppOHe  tuime  men  in  this  Houae  think  it  pro- 
hablc.  Bnt  if  it  be  jioesihlo  or  prohahio,  and  if  you  have  to 
look  this  (iifllculty  in  tlie  face,  tliere  is  no  uxtrieatiou  from  it 
but  iu  the  nentrttlily  or  iude]>cndenoe  of  Canada. 

1  a^prco  with  those  Members  wlio  say  tlmt  it  is  the  duty  of 
a  great  empire  to  defend  every  portion  of  it.  I  admit  that 
Hfl  a  gpneral  pmpnaitinn,  thniifph  hon.  Gentlemen  opposite, 
and  lioine  on  this  side,  do  not  apply  tliat  rule  to  the  United 
SUdes.  But,  admitting  that  rule,  and  supposing  ttiat  wo  are 
at  all  points  unprepared  for  such  a  catastrophe,  may  we  not, 
as  reasonablL'  men,  look  ahead,  and  try  if  it  be  not  possible  to 
eficapu  from  it?  [An  hon.  Member:  'Run  away?']  No, 
not  by  runninj*  away,  thoug^j  there  are  many  circumstances 
in  which  brave  men  run  away ;  and  you  may  gtt  into  diffi- 
culty on  this  Cauadiiui  quL-atiun,  which  may  make  you  look 
back  and  wu>h  tliat  you  had  run  away  n  good  time  ago.  I 
object  to  this  vote  on  a  ground  which,  I  believe,  lias  not  been 
raisMl  by  any  Member  in  the  present  discussion.  I  am  not 
going  to  say  that  the  expenditure  of  fifty  thousand  pounds  ia 
n  matter  of  great  consequence  to  tliis  country,  that  the 
expenditure  of  tliis  money  in  the  proposed  way  will  be  token 
an  a  menace  by  the  United  States.  1  do  not  think  that  this 
can   bo   fairly  said ;    for  whetlier   building    fortiiications  at 


CAIfADA.     11. 


Ifil 


QueW  bo  useless  or  uot,  such  a  prooccdiu^  ib  not  likely  to 
enable  tho  Canadians  to  o^'erruii  bhc  SUte  of  Kew  York. 
Tlie  UuiU.*<l  Suites,  I  Uiink,  will  Kave  no  right  to  (;omptkin 
(rf  this  cxpenditiirB.  Tlie  utmost  it  can  do  will  be  to  sbow 
(hem  that  mme  jHir^us,  ODt)  jwrbapii  the  Oovemment  of  this 
coiutttry,  have  wtme  little  di«tni«t  of  them,  nnd  so  far  it  tnny 
do  injury.  1  complain  of  the  expenditure  and  the  policy 
announced  by  Ibe  Colonial  Swn;l<ary,  ou  a  ground  which  I 
thought  ought  to  hare  been  urged  by  the  noblu  Lord  the 
Member  fi>r  Wick,  who  is  a  sort  of  half-Cnnadian.  IIo  made 
&  speech  which  I  listened  to  with  great  pl(:>!i«iire,  and  told  the 
House  what  some  of  u«,  perhaps,  did  not  know  before  ;  but  if 
I  bud  been  connected,  aa  he  in,  with  Canada,  1  would  have 
addremed  the  House  from  n  Canadian  point  of  view. 

What  is  it  that  the  Member  for  Oxford  Bays  ?  He  states, 
in  reference  to  the  erpenditiin!  for  the  proposed  fortificiition», 
that,  though  h  portion  of  the  expenditure  ie  to  be  bomo  by 
us,  the  inaiii  portion  is  bo  be  borne  by  Canada;  but  I  ven- 
ture i»  toll  him,  tliat,  if  there  sluill  be  any  occiuiion  to  defend 
Canada  at  all,  it  will  not  »ri»e  from  aii^i'thing  Cn.nada  does, 
hut  from  what  Eiiglmid  dues;  and  tiierefore  I  protect  against 
the  doctrine  that  the  Cabinet  in  Ijondon  may  get  into  diffi- 
culties^ and  ultimately  into  war,  with  the  Cabinet  at  WasL- 
ington ;  that  liecausc  Canada  Wv*  a^aoent  to  the  United 
States,  and  may  consequently  beoome  n  great  battle-field, 
this  United  Kingdom  has  a  right  to  call  on  Canada  for 
tiic  main  portion  of  that  expenditure.  Who  has  asked  yon 
to  spend  fifty  thousaiid  pounds,  and  the  huaOredK  of  thou- 
sands which  may  be  supposed  to  foltow.  but  which  perhaps 
Parliament  may  be  indisixtBL-d  hereaAer  to  grant?  What 
is  the  proportion  which  Canada  la  to  bear?  If  we  are  to 
apend  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  at  Quebec,  is  Canada 
to  spend  four  hundred  thuueand  pounds  at  Montreal?  if 
Cauiula  is  to  spend  tlouble  whatever  we  may  spend,  is 
It  not  obvious  that  evety  CaaAdian  will  ask  hiiusclf — what 


182 


SPEECHES  OF  JOBUT  BRIGHT.        namh  25, 


u  the  adrantagc  of  the  cooneotioD  between  Canadu  and 
England? 

Every  Canadian  knows  perfectly  well,  and  nobody  better 
tlian  the  noble  Lord  the  Munibor  for  WiL'k,  Ihat  there  is  no 
more  prospect  of  a  wnr  betweon  Canada  nnd  the  United  States 
alone,  thoji  bet<weea  the  Empire  ol*  tVant^  and  the  Isle  of 
Mai).  It'  that  ia  so,  why  should  the  Cikuadinns  be  taxed 
beyond  all  reason,  as  the  Culonial  Secretary  prujiojies  to  tax 
them,  for  a  policy  not  Cunftdloji,  aud  for  a  calamity  which,  if 
ever  it  occurs,  must  occur  from  Bome  tmnHictions  between 
England  and  the  Unit«l  Stat<;8?  Thtre  ojv.  Gentlemen  here 
who  iaiow  a  good  deal  of  Canada,  and  I  tee  behind  me  one 
who  knows  jierfeotly  well  what  is  the  coudttion  of  the 
Cnnndinn  fiiinTinc*.  Wo  complain  that  Canada  leides  higher 
duties  on  British  manu&eturos  thun  the  United  States  did 
before  the  present  war,  and  much  hig-Iier  than  lYance  does. 
But  when  wo  complain  to  Canada  of  this,  und  »ay  it  is  very 
nnpleawint  tipaj^e  from  a  part  of  our  eminrp,  the  Catiailiana 
reply  that  their  expenditure  is  so  much,  and  their  debt,  with 
the  interest  on  it,  so  much,  that  they  are  obliged  to  levy 
thveu  heavy  duties.  If  the  Canadinu  huances  arc  In  the  ua- 
fortunate  [jusifion  (lescribod ;  if  (he  ereilit  of  Canaihi  is  not 
very  gond  in  the  markpt  of  this  country ;  if  yuu  see  what 
ara  the  difiieultieB  of  the  Canndiant;  during  a  period  of  peace; 
consider  what  will  be  their  difficultiea  if  the  doct-rine  of  the 
Colonial  Scert'tury  be  curried  uut,  which  is  that  whalcver'ex- 
|>fnditurc  is  necessary  for  the  defence  of  Canada,  though  we 
hear  a  portion,  the  main  part  must  ho  liornL'  by  Canada. 

Wc  must  then  oome  to  this  ineWtabto  conclusion.  Every 
Canadian  will  say,  'TVc  arc  close  alongside  of  a  great 
nation ;  our  parent  state  is  three  thouitaiid  milea  away ;  there 
am  litigiotw,  and  there  may  he  even  warlike,  people  in  both 
nations,  and  thuy  may  owaaion  the  calamity  of  a  great  war ; 
we  arc  peaceable  people,  having  no  foreign  politics,  happily; 
ve  may  be  involved  in  war,  and  while  the  citios  of  Great 


CJAAJ}A.     //. 


ISS 


Britain  are  not  toauhed  hy  a  single  sbcll,  nor  one  of  its 
MJk  Tava^r(>(l,  there  m  not  a  ci^  or  a  villnge  in  thin  Canada  in 
ivIiiL'Ii  wo  liv«  wliieli  ivtil  not  be  liable  to  the  ruvo^^  of  war  on 
tJie  i-art  of  our  powerful  uciglilHuir.'  Tbcrefore  tJic  Canadians 
will  Bay,  ud1i'»!  Wwy  are  unlike  all  otlier  Englishmen  (who 
appear  tn  have  monr  ^ense  the  farther  thi>y  go  Trom  th«ir  own 
country),  tbat  it  wt)iild  Im?  hetttr  for  Canada  to  Imj  disientanglod 
from  the  politic-R  of  England,  and  to  aaiumo  the  position  of 
an  independent  state. 

I  Buxpcct  irum  what  has  bet'n  Htahn]  by  official  Qenttemen 
in  the  present  Goyemraent  and  in  previous  Governments, 
Uut  tliere  is  uo  objoctiun  to  the  indejwndouce  of  Canada 
whenever  Cnnada  may  wish  it  I  have  been  glad  to  bear 
those  fttatementei,  because  I  think  they  mark  an  extraordinary 
progreeN  in  sound  opinions  in  this  countrj-.  I  pccollect  the 
Doble  Lnnl  at  the  head  of  the  Foreign  Office  on  one  occason 
boin^  very  aiigr}^  with  me,  bt>  Baid  I  wished  to  make  a  groat 
empire  \e3»;  hut  a  great  empire,  territorially,  may  be  lessened 
without  its  pow4!r  anil  authority  in  the  world  being'  diminished. 
I  believe  if  Cauuda  now,  by  a  friendly  sejiamtion  from  this 
oountryj  liecame  an  independent  state,  eboosin^  its  own  (bnn 
of  government — monarcliienl,  if  it  liked  a  monarchy,  or  re- 
publican, if  it  preferred  a  republic — it  would  not  bo  lees 
friendly  to  Knglnnd,  and  its  tariff  would  nut  be  more  adverse 
to  our  mauufaetun?*  thau  it  i?  now.  In  the  case  of  a  war 
with  Ameriwi,  Canada  would  then  lie  a  neutral  eounttr; 
and  the  populntion  would  W  in  a  state  of  greater  security. 
Not  that  I  think  tliere  la  any  fear  of  war,  but  the  Govern- 
ment Atlmii  titat  it  may  occur  by  their  attempt  to  obtain 
DioiM^y  for  these  fortificationit.  I  object,  therefore,  to  iJiis 
votCj  not  on  that  aeeount,  nor  even  beeauee  it  eauBos 
some  distrust,  or  may  cause  it,  in  the  United  States;  but 
I  object  to  it  mainly  bccaueo  I  Ihint  we  arc  commencing 
a  policy  which  we  shall  either  have  to  abandon,  because 
Canada  will    not  snhmit   to    it,   or   else   which    will   bring 


15J 


SPEHVUES  OF  JOU.V  BRIGTIT,        xiiwaas, 


upon  CiiDada  a  burden  in  iha  shape  of  rortUication  vxitcndi- 
turc  thut  will  mnkc  licr  more  and  inor«  diii.iatiHHed  wiili  thia 
country,  and  that  will  lead  ra])idly  to  lirr  separation  from  us. 
I  do  not  ubJMt  to  that  si>paration  in  the  least ;  T  believe  it 
would  twj  better  for  m  tind  bcttw  for  her.  But  I  tlink  tbflt, 
ef  all  the  misfortunca  which  could  hapjien  between  U3  and 
Ciunulfl,  this  n'titdd  be  the  t^-atcst,  that  her  sopamtion  should 
tfllii?  plnci>  after  it  period  nf  irritatinn  and  estrangement,  and 
that  wc  should  have  on  that  continont  to  meet  aaother  clo- 
in«nt  in  some  degree  hostile  to  this  country. 

I  am  snrry,  Sir,  that  the  nohk  Lord  ut  the  head  of  the 
Government,  and  bin  collcag-ues,  hnre  taken  this  course;  hut 
it  appears  to  me  to  bo  n-oaderfuUy  liko  ulrnost  evei^'thiag 
which  the  Govornmenl  does.  It  ia  a  Government  appa- 
rently of  two  parts,  the  one  part  pulling-  one  way  and  the 
other  part  pulling  aiiuthi:r,  and  the  result  generally  is  some- 
thing which  <loes  not  plcafic  anybody,  or  praduce  any  good 
etToct  iu  any  direction.  Tliey  now  propose  a  neheme  wbieh 
has  juiit  enough  in  it  to  create  distrust  and  irrilutiuu,  enough 
to  make  it  in  some  decree  injurious,  and  they  do  not  do 
euou^h  t/t  accomplish  any  of  the  objecte  for  which,  according^ 
to  their  staUrmentt;,  the  propoiritinn  is  made.  Somebody 
asked  the  otJicr  night  whether  the  AdmiiiiRtration  was  to 
rale,  or  the  House  of  Coramons.  Well,  I  suspeob  from  the 
course  of  the  debates,  that  on  this  occasion  the  Adminittra- 
tion  will  be  allowed  to  rule.  We  are  accustomed  \tt  say  that 
the  Qovemmcnt  sug^stt;  a  thbig  on  itx  own  rexponKibility, 
and  therefore  we  will  allow  them  tn  do  it.  But  the  fact  is, 
that  the  Government  knows  no  more  of  this  matter  than  any 
other  dozen  {>eatlomcn  iu  this  House.  Tliey  are  not  a  hit 
more  competent  \o  form  an  opinion  upon  it.  They  throw  it 
down  on  the  table,  and  ask  us  to  discuss  and  vote  it. 

I  shouhl  be  hiippy  to  find  the  Hou^,  disregarding  all  the 
intimations  that  war  is  Ukcly,  anxious  not  to  urge  Canmla 
into  iueurriuff  au  expenditure  whieb  tiltc  will  not  bear,  and 


I 


1865.  CANADA.     II.  155 

which,  if  ehe  will  not  bear,  must  end  in  one  of  two  things — 
either  in  throwing  the  whole  burden  upon  as,  or  in  break- 
ing up,  perhaps  suddenly  and  in  anger,  the  connection  between 
us  and  that  colony,  and  In  making  our  future  relations  with 
her  most  unsatisfactory.  I  do  not  place  mach  reliance  on  the 
speech  of  the  right  honourable  Member  for  Buckinghamshire, 
not  because  he  cannot  Judge  of  the  question  just  as  well  as  I 
or  any  one  of  us  can  do,  hot  because  I  notice  that  in  matters 
of  this  kind  Grentlemen  on  that  (the  Opposition)  bench,  what- 
ever may  have  been  their  animosities  towards  the  Gentlemen 
on  this  (the  Treasury)  bench  on  other  questions,  shake  hands. 
They  may  tell  you  that  they  have  no  connection  with  the 
House  over  the  way,  but  the  fact  is,  their  connection  is  most 
intimate.  And  if  the  right  honourable  Member  for  Bucking- 
hamshire were  now  sitting  on  the  Treasury  bench,  and  the 
noble  Viscount  were  sitting  opposite  to  him,  the  noble 
Viscount,  I  have  no  doubt,  would  give  him  the  very  same 
support  that  he  now  receives  &om  the  right  hon.  Gentleman. 

This  seems  to  me  a  question  so  plain,  so  much  on  the 
surface,  appealing  so  much  to  our  common  sense,  having  in  it 
such  great  issues  for  the  future,  that  I  am  persuaded  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  this  occasion  to  take  the 
matter  out  of  the  hands  of  the  executive  Government,  and  to 
determine  that,  with  regard  to  the  future  policy  of  Canada, 
we  will  not  ourselves  expend  the  money  of  the  English  tax- 
payers, and  not  force  upon  the  tax-payers  of  Canada  a  burden 
whicli,  I  am  satisfied,  they  will  not  long  continue  to  bear. 


— xj-^^-^-SS^o*— 


CANADA. 

m. 

THE  CANADIAN  CONFEDERATION  SCHEME. 
HOUSE    OF    COMMONS,  FEBRUARY  28,  1867. 

Although  this  measure  has  not  excited  much  interest  in 
the  House  or  in  the  country,  yet  it  appears  to  me  to  be  of 
such  very  great  importance  that  it  should  be  treated  rather 
differently,  or  that  the  House  should  be  treated  rather  dif- 
ferently in  respect  to  it.  I  have  never  before  known  of  any 
great  measure  affecting  any  large  portion  of  the  empire  or  its 
population  which  has  been  brought  in  and  attempted  to  be 
hurried  through  Parliament  in  the  manner  in  which  this  bill 
is  being  dealt  with.  But  the  importance  of  it  is  much  greater 
to  the  inhabitants  of  those  provinces  than  it  is  to  us.  It  is 
on  that  account  alone  that  it  might  be  expected  we  should 
examine  it  closely,  and  see  that  we  commit  no  error  in 
passing  it. 

The  right  hon.  Gentleman  h^  not  offered  us,  on  one  point, 
an  explanation  which  I  think  he  will  be  bound  to  make. 
This  bill  does  not  include  the  whole  of  the  British  North 
American  Provinces.  I  presume  the  two  left  out  have  been 
left  out  because  it  is  quite  clear  they  did  not  wish  to 
come  in.     [Mr.  Adderley  :  '  I  am  glad  I  can  inform  the  hon. 


158 


SPEEOIIKS  OF  JOHN   BRIGUT. 


nk.  S8, 


Ountleituin  tliat  th«y  are,  one  of  tfaem  at  leaat^  on  the 
point  of  coming-  in.']  Yes;  tlic  reason  of  their  being-  IcH 
out  is  l>eCHuw  t}icj'  n'«re  not  trilling  to  come  in.  lliey  ituy 
hereafter  become  willing,  and  if  so  ihe  bill  %vill  admit  them 
by  a  provision  which  ai>j>enrs  risiijnnnblc.  But  the  province 
of  Nova  Scotia  is  also  unwilling-  to  come  in,  nnd  it  ie  assumed 
that  because  t^oine  time  a^  the  Le;^elature  of  that  ]}rovincu 
voted  a  rowlutioii  purtly  in  favour  of  sumv  such  coiime,  there- 
fore  the  |>opuUtion  is  in  favour  of  it. 

Tor  my  part,  I  do  not  believe  in  the  propriety  or  wisdom  of 
the  Leffitilatiire  voting  on  a  f^eat  quoxtion  of  this  tintiire  with 
reference  to  thu  Lvgieluturc  of  Nova  Svotiu^  if  the  people  of 
Nova  Scotia  liovo  never  had  the  question  directly  put  to 
tben).  I  have  heard  there  is  at  present  in  London  a  petition 
c<iniplaining  of  the  hnety  pmcoettin^  of  Parliinnent,  anrl  ask- 
ing for  delay,  signed  hy  31,000  adult  maiee  of  the  provinci?  of 
Nova  Seotia,  and  that  that  petition  is  in  reality  signed  by  ut 
least  half  of  all  the  male  inhabitants  of  that  province.  So 
far  as  I  know,  the  petition  doe?  not  protest  alwolutely  t^raingt 
union,  but  ngniiiRt  the  manner  in  whirh  it  i«  Iteing  carried 
out  by  tliis  scheme  and  bill,  and  the  hnety  measures  of  the 
Colonial  Office.  Now,  whether  tlie  scheme  he  a  good  or  bod 
one,  scarcely  anything  can  be  more  tcKtlish,  hmking  to  the 
fnttire,  than  that  any  of  the  provinces  shonld  l>e  dragged  into 
itj  either  perforce,  by  the  pressure  of  tlie  CoUmin.1  OJTicl',  or 
by  any  haaty  action  on  the  part  of  Parlinment,  in  the  hope  of 
producing  n  result  which  prolably  the  jKipubitions  of  those 
provinces  may  not  wish  to  see  bmuglit  about. 

I  undor»t«.nd  that  the  general  election  for  the  Lef,'islatiire 
«f  Nova  Scotia,  according  to  the  constitution  of  that  cuiuny, 
will  take  place  in  tlic  month  of  May  or  June  next;  that  thb 
(picstiou  Iiaa  never  been  fairly  placed  Ijofore  the  people  of  that 
provinee  at  an  election,  and  that  it  has  never  been  discussed 
and  decided  by  the  people;  and  seeing  that  only  three  months 
or  Dot  so  much  will  elapee  before  there  will  be  an  opportunity 


I 


k 


1807. 


CANADA.     III. 


159 


of  ascnUining  the  opinions  of  Uie  impulntion  of  Nova  Scotia, 
I  think  it  is  Ht  laast  ii.  luizuixltiui;  proceeding-  to  pass  tliiK  bill 
through  Parliament,  Ijinding  Nova  Sootttij  until  the  ulear 
opinion  of  that  provinco  has  tccn  ascertained-  If,  fit  n  tiipe 
Ulcc  tiiis,  when  jou  are  proposing  a  union  which  wc  all  hopo 
18  to  last  for  cvur,  you  crcatu  a  liltlo  sorti,  it  will  in  all 
proliability  Leoome  »  gn<at  Kore  in  a  eltort  lime,  and  it  inny 
be  that  the  int^ntionti  of  Parliatneut  will  be  almost  entirely 
frustrated  by  tho  liastc  with  u-hicb  thii>  iu<>aeurc  id  boing 
piuhcd  fonrard. 

The  right  lion.  Qcntlcman  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchecjuer, 
I  think,  iu  tho  early  part  of  the  evening',  in  aiimver  to  a 
'qncfttion  from  this  side,  spoke  of  this  matter  as  one  of  extri^mc 
argCDCy.  Well,  I  caonot  disc-o%'cr  any  urgvncy  in  the  matter 
at  nit.  What  is  urgent  is  this,  that  wlicit  dune  it  ouglit  to 
be  done  wisely,  and  with  the  full  and  free  consent  of  all  those 
populations  who  are  to  be  bound  by  tlii»4  Aet  aud  iutereeted 
in  it9  reeulta.  ll^nless  the  good-n-ijl  of  those  populations  is 
secured,  in  all  probability  tliu  Act  it^lf  will  be  a  mixfurtunc 
rnther  than  a  bies!«ing  to  the  provincw  to  which  it  refers. 

Tlie  right  hon.  Oeutlcman  amused  mo  iu  one  part  of  his 
eh.  He  spoke  of  tlie  filial  piety — rather  a  eurioos  term — 
of  thcfc  provinocs,  and  their  great  anxiety  to  make  cverj-- 
thing  suit  the  ideas  of  thie  country ;  and  this  yma  said  parti- 
cularly with  reference  to  the  projiosition  for  a  Senate  selected, 
not  clccttsl,  for  WTe,  by  the  Governor- General  of  Canada.  He 
said  thvv  were  extremely  unxioua  to  follow  as  far  as  possible 
the  inatitutiotia  of  the  mother  country.  I  have  BOt  the 
fimallcst  objection  to.  any  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth 
fullowing  our  institutions  if  tlicy  like  than.  Institutions 
which  Kuit  one  eonntry,  nsi  we  nil  know,  fire  not  veiy  likely 
to  suit  every  otlier  couiilrj-.  With  regurd  to  this  particular 
«asc,  the  ri^it  lion.  Gentleman  «aid  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
Canada  haa  had  a  nominated  council,  and  han  changed  it  for  an 
elected  one,  and  that  purely  they  had  a  right  if  they  pleased  1« 


len  SPKKCUEH   OF  JOfIX    ItHlGHT.  nB.  88, 

ffo  back  from  an  elected  council  !«  a  nominated  council.  Well, 
nolwdy  dfniej  ihai,  but  nobody  prctciids  that  tho  people  of 
Canada  prvrer  a  nominated  council  to  an  elect«d  coundL 
And  all  tii«  uiedom  of  the  wi^  men  to  ivliom  the  r^g^t  hon. 
fCCDlleman  the  member  for  Oxford  has  referred  in  such  g'low- 
ing  tunn»,  unless  tbv  cxpcricucu  of  present  and  |>a8t  timce 
gocB  for  nothing,  is  but  folly  if  they  have  onme  to  the  con- 
clusion that  a  nominated  council  on  tliat  contiueut  must  be 
better  than  an  elected  (council.  Still,  if  Uiey  wish  it,  I  ebould 
not  interfere  and  try  to  prevent  it.  But  I  venture  to  »y 
that  the  clauso  cnubllng  the  Governor-General  and  bis 
Cabinet  to  put  Hcveuty  men  lu  ibut  touucil  for  life  iuBcrte 
into  tb«  whole  scheme  the  g«rm  of  a  malady  which  will 
apn-ad,  wid  which  befoi-e  very  Ion*  will  rotjuire  an  alu-ra- 
tion  of  this  Act  and  of  the  cotutatation  of  thi«  new  Con- 
federation. 

Bui  the  riglit  hon.  Oeullcmuii  went  on  to  wy  that  with  re- 
giinl  to  the  repre«>ntative  assembly — which,  I  RUppooe,  is  to  be 
callt'd  according;  to  bis  phmui.-  thf  Kouso  of  Commons — they 
have  adopted  a  very  different  plan.  There  thuy  have  not  fyjloived 
the  courBc  of  this  country.  They  luivc  cstubliKhcd  their  House 
ofRcpnaientativus  direct])'  \i\n>n.  the  basis  of  population.  They 
have  adopted  the  system  which  prevails  in  the  United  States, 
which  up(.)n  every  ten  vcare'  Humming;  up  of  the  ccii«ue  in 
that  Country  the  number  of  mcmbere  may  be  changed,  and 
is  by  luiv  chan^jTCil  in  the  different  Stntcs  and  ilistricta  as 
the  rate  of  population  may  have  changed.  Therefore,  in 
that  respect  his  friends  in  Canada  have  not  aJupted  the 
principle  which  pnJvails  in  this  coimtry,  but  that  wbioh 
pfi^vaiU  in  the  United  State*.  1  believe  they  have  done 
ihut  which  i»  right,  and  which  tliey  have  a  right  to 
do,  and  which  is  inevitable  there.  I  regret  very  much 
that  they  Imve  not  adopted  another  Bjstem  with  regard  to 
their  count-il  or  senate,  liccuuse  I  am  RfttigfifJ — T  hare  not 
a  particle  of  doubt  with  regard  to  it -that  wo  run  a  great 


i 


l««7. 


CANADA,     IIL 


lei 


daDgvr  of  makiag  this  Act  work   ill  almost  &oni  the  be- 
ginning. 

They  have  thu  cxamplo  of  thirty-six  States  in  the  United 
States,  in  Trhich  the  Senate  is  elected,  and  no  man,  how- 
ever wiiiguiue,  ciMi  ho]H;  that  a;vL'ntj'-tw€>  fltcri'otyprd 
prtnHacial  jtvere  in  Canada  vrill  work  harmoniously  with 
a  Ixxly  elected  il[)on  a  system  ho  wide  and  %u  grnonil  ai: 
that  vTliioh  prevails  in  the  States  of  the  Amem-an  Union. 
Tlicro  is  one  point  about  which  the  right  hon.  Gcntl«- 
nuui  ftoid  nothing',  and  trhidi  I  think  is  eo  very  iiii> 
portant  that  the  Memher  for  Oxford,  his  jm-decciMor  id 
oflicv,  might  have  told  us  something  alKiut  it.  We  know 
that  Cnnadn  \>i  u  g^vat  country,  and  we  know  that 
the  |i'>puIation  is,  or  very  soon  will  he,  eometliiti};  like 
4,OOO.OCO,  and  wi-  nuiy  liopu  that,  united  under  cue  ^^vem- 
uicnl^  the  pnivincL-  may  he  mitru  cupuble  of  dt-lenu!.  lUit 
what  \»  intended  with  regard  \o  the  (jnertion  of  defence? 
Is  cverytJuaf*  to  Uo  done  for  the  prox-inee?  Is  It  intended 
!o  gnrrisnn  its  fotti-oasieB  by  Eng^h'sh  troops?  At  the  present 
moniettt  there  arc,  1  bcliuve,  in  the  prnvinoc  I2,oco  or  1^,000 
men. 

Tlierc  arc  ]>ers<ms  in  thin  countrj-,  and  there  ate  iiomc  also 
in  the  North  Amerieaii  jirovinees.  who  are  ill-natun-tl  cmm^h 
to  Buy  thai  not  a  lilllt-  ol"  the  loyalty  Uiat  is  said  to  ]irevail 
in  Canada  hA»  iti5  price.  1  think  it  is  natural  and  reasonable 
to  bo]ie  that  there  i»  in  that  cotmtr}'  a  %Try  strong  attach- 
ment to  this  country.  Bnt  if  they  are  to  be  constantly  ap- 
plying to  tu  for  guarantees  fur  railways,  and  for  grant?) 
for  fortreases,  and  lor  works  of  defence,  then  I  think  it 
would  l>c  far  better  for  them  and  for  ne — cheaper  for  ue  and 
lesit  demnralimng  for  them — that  they  should  become  an  in- 
dependent State,  and  maintain  their  own  fortresaes,  Ught 
their  own  cause,  and  build  up  their  own  ftiture  without 
relying  upon  nn.  And  wlien  we  know,  as  ercrj'body  known, 
that  the  popnlatioo  of  Canada  is  in  a  much  better  jxieition 

TOL.  I.  >l 


162  SPEECHES  OF  JOBS  BRIGHT.  ra.  28. 

aii  regards  the  comforts  of  borne,  than  is  the  ^reat  bulk  of 
the  pojmlatioD  of  tliie  coontryj  I  ea,y  the  bime  bae  como 
when  it  oug-lit  to  he  clearly  understood  that  the  taxes  of 
Eng'hiiid  are  no  longer  to  jjo  acrosH  th»?  ooeaii  to  defray 
expenses  of  any  kind  within  the  Confoderation  which  is 
ahout  to  be  formed. 

The  ri^lit  hon.  Gentleman  Iiuk  never  been  an  advocate  for 
great  expenditure  in  thi-  lailonics  by  tJie  motJier  country. 
Ou  the  contrary,  lie  ha«  been  one  of  the  uienihers  of  this 
Honfie  who  have  difitin^ished  UieniHelves  by  what  1  will  call 
on  honest  system  for  the  mother  wnntry.  and  what  I  believe 
ie  a  \vi»e  a^'etcm  for  the  coluniee.  But  I  think  that  when 
a  mea«iire  of  this  kind  is  beiDg*  ]m^eed,  having-  siidi  etii]>en- 
dous  results  upou  the  condition  and  the  future  population  of 
theno  great  (xilonicK,  we  have  a  rig'ht  to  a$k  that  there  fihoiild 
be  twmo  eonsiderotifHi  lor  the  revenue  and  fur  the  taxpayers 
of  this  country.  In  discuBdiin^  this  Bill  with  the  delegates 
from  the  pruvinces,  I  think  it  waa  tin;  duty  of  the  Colonial 
Secretary  to  have  gone  futrly  into  this  question,  and,  if 
poHsible,  to  have  arnui^jed  it  to  the  ndvuntage  of  the  colonjr 
and  tlie  mother  oountiy. 

1  believe  there  is  no  delnHon  qreater  thnn  thist — that  there 
i»  any  party  in  the  Unitc<l  Statcn  that  witib'os  t<>  commit  any 
ug]^rfNiluu  upou  Canada,  or  to  aunox  Canada  by  force  to  the 
United  States,  lliere  is  not  a  part  of  the  world,  in  my 
opinion,  that  ninti  Ie«s  riak  of  oggreseion  than  Canada,  except 
with  regard  to  that  fixilish  and  impotent  attempt  of  certain 
diiicontcuted  uot-loug-ago  subjects  of  the  Queen,  whu  liave 
lell  Utifi  country.  Aiucrica  has  no  idea  of  anything  of 
the-  kind.  No  American  Ktate«mau,  no  American  politieal 
party,  dreamg  for  a  momeut  of  au  aggression  upon  Canada, 
or  of  annexing  Canada  by  force.  And  therefore,  every 
tiirthing  that  you  i>i>cud  on  your  forti-etiees,  and  all  tliat  you 
do  wntb  the  idea  of  shutting  out  Auit-ricaii  iiggrvssion,  is 
money  w|uatiiten.-d  tlirouj^h  an  hallucination  which  wc  o«^t 


1867.  CANADA.     III.  163 

to  get  rid  of.  I  have  not  risen  for  tlie  purpose  of  objecting 
to  the  second  reading  of  this'  Bill.  Under  the  circuniBtaQces, 
I  presume  it  is  well  that  we  shonld  do  no  other  than  read  it 
a  eeoond  time.  But  I  think  the  Oovemment  ought  to  hare 
given  a  little  more  time.  I  think  they  have  not  treated  the 
province  of  Ifova  Scotia  with  that  tendemees,  that  generosity^ 
and  that  consideration  which  is  desirable  when  you  are  abont 
to  make  so  great  a  change  in  its  affairs  and  in  its  future. 
For  my  share,  I  want  the  population  of  these  provinces  to  do 
that  which  they  believe  to  be  best  for  their  own  intereets-" 
to  remain  with  ihm  country  if  th^  like  it,  in  the  most 
friendly  manner,  or  to  become  ind€j»endent  States  if  they 
wish  it.  If  they  should  prefar  to  unite  themselves  with  the 
United  States,  I  should  not  complain  even  of  that.  But 
whatever  be  their  course,  there  is  no  man  in  this  House  or 
in  those  provinces  who  has  a  more  sincere  wish  for  their 
greatness  and  their  welfare  than  I  bave  who  have  taken 
the  liberty  thus  to  criticise  this  Bill. 


-j-f^-t-M- 


M  3 


AMERICA. 


AMERICA. 


THE   'TRENT'  ATTAIB. 

ROCHDALE,   DECEMBER   4,    1861. 

[Duriog  the  excitement  caused  bj  the  Hisare  of  Ueaan.  Haaon  and  Slidell, 
the  envoya  of  the  SlavehoMen'  Confederation,  on  board  the  Trent  steamer, 
Hr.  Blight's  townBinep  invited  him  to  a  Public  Banquet,  tbat  they  might 
hare  tbe  opportunity  of  hearing  hi«  opinions  on  the  American  Civil  War, 
and  on  the  duty  of  England  in  regard  to  it.  This  speech  was  delivered  on 
the  occaiion  of  that  Banquet] 

When  the  Gentlemen  who  invited  me  to  this  dinner  called 
upon  me,  I  felt  their  kindness  very  sensibly,  and  now  I  am 
deeply  grateful  to  my  friends  around  me,  and  to  yon  all,  for 
the  abundant  manifestations  of  kindness  with  which  I  have 
been  received  to-night.  I  am,  as  you  all  know,  surrounded 
at  this  moment  by  my  neighbours  and  friends,  and  I  may 
say  with  the  utmost  truth,  that  I  value  the  good  opinions 
of  those  who  now  hear  my  voice  far  beyond  the  opinions  of 
any  equal  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  selected 
from  any  other  portion  of  it.  You  have,  by  this  act  of  kind- 
ness that  you  have  shown  me,  given  proof  that,  in  the  main, 
you  do  not  disapprove  of  my  course  and  labours,  that  at  least 
yon  are  willing  to  express  an  opinion  that  the  motives  hy 


168 


SPHECUES  OF  joiiy  Bitwnr. 


vao.  i. 


wbicli  I  have  been  actuated  have  Iteen  honest  utid  honuurublc 
to  tnjself,  and  tliat  tliat  fouree  lias  Dot  been  entirely  without 
Benioe  to  iiiy  cuiintry.  Coming  to  this  iiKWting,  or  to  any 
similar  nn^'tinjij,  I  always  find  thiit  tht*  BubjiHite  for  disuusHiou 
ftppo»r  too  mftjiy,  and  far  more  than  it  is  possible  to  treat  afc 
lentil.  In  them;  times  in  which  wo  live,  by  the  iDflucncc  of 
t]ie  telegraph,  and  the  etciinibuat,  luid  thu  railroiu],  and  the 
mnltipliwitinn  of  n<!\Vfiim]>ert<,  we  neem  continually  to  kUukI 
ne  on  the  top  of  an  exceeding  hig^h  mountain,  Trom  whieh 
wo  behold  all  tlic  kingdoms  of  tin.-  enrth  and  all  the  glory 
of  tlieni, — iiiiha))pily,  also,  not  only  tlieir  glory,  but  their 
follies,  and  tlioir  orimwij  and  their  culamities. 

Seven  yeare  ugn,  our  eyes  were  turned  witli  anxious  cx- 
pectAtiou  to  II  remote  corner  of  Enrojx',  where  five  nntioni* 
were;  vontendiug  in  bloody  (Strife  lor  an  object  whieh  poaiibly 
hardly  oue  of  them  comprehended,  and,  if  tlicy  did  eompre- 
hernd  it^  which  all  eensibh:  men  omougot  them  miut  haw 
knovD  til  l>e  ahsohitirly  impniclirable.  Four  yearn  ago,  we 
were  looking  still  furlhiT  to  the  East,  where  there  was 
n  gigantic  revolt  in  a  great  dependency  of  tlie  British 
Crown,  flriaing  mainly  from  gross  neglect,  niid  from  the 
inca]>»cily  of  England,  up  to  that  moment,  to  govern  tjie 
eountry  which  it  Imd  known  how  to  uoncjuer.  Two  years 
ago,  we  looked  South,  to  tlie  plains  of  Lomhardy,  and  e»w 
a  grtiit  strife  there,  in  wliieli  every  man  in  Euyland  look 
a  Strang  interest;  and  we  have  welcomed,  as  the  reault  of 
that  strife,  the  addittou  of  a  greot  kingdum  to  Uie  list  of 
European  States.  Now,  our  eyes  are  turned  in  a  oontrary 
direction,  and  we  look  to  the  "WesL  There  we  see  a  struggle 
in  progress  of  the  very  highest  interest  to  England  and  to 
humanity  at  larf^.  We  eec  there  a  nation  which  1  shall  cidl 
the  Tmnsntlantic  Eiiglisli  nation — the  inheritor  and  partaker 
of  all  the  historic  glories  of  this  country.  We  »vc  it  torn 
^vitli  intestine  brniU,  and  emfTcring  from  eaJamitics  from 
which  for  more  than  «  century  past — in  fact,  for  more  than 


IMl. 


AMERICA.     I. 


icd 


two  centuries  past — this  country  Iibs  been  exanpt.  Tliat 
struggle  is  of  eqiecial  interest  to  ux.  Wc  renicinber  the 
description  wliicb  one  of  our  grcAt  puot^  gives  of  Komi;, — 

'  Lone  mother  of  dead  empires.' 

But  En(»land  is  the  living  mother  of  great  nations  on  tho 
American  and  on  th«  Aiutruliun  contiueatc^,  which  promisu 
to  ouJuw  the  world  with  atl  her  kiinwlwlge  and  all  her  civili- 
zation, and  with  even  »ioraething  more  llian  th«  freedom  slio 
horst'lf  enjoys. 

£ighty-iive  yean  Ago,  i^t  the  time  when  some  of  our  oldeet 
townamen  were  very  little  children,  there  were,  on  the  North 
American  continent.  Colonies,  mainly  of  Eugllahnien,  con- 
taining aWut  three  millionti  of  souU.  Tht;se  Colonicn  we 
have  soi'n  a  voar  ago  constituting  the  United  Stntes  of  North 
Araericn,  and  comprising  a  population  of  no  less  than  thirty 
millioos  of  89uts.  Wc  know  that  in  agriculture  uud  manu- 
facture!), n-ith  the  exception  of  tliie  kingdom,  thi-re  \»  no 
coiiulry  in  the  world  which  lu  tliew  arts  may  he  placed  in 
advance  of  the  United  States.  With  i-egard  to  invcntionH, 
I  believe,  within  the  last  thirty  years,  we  have  received  more 
uflefol  inventiona  from  the  United  States  than  from  all 
tJie  other  cutiutrii^  of  the  earth.  In  that  country  there 
ore  probably  ten  times  oe  many  milcti  of  telegraph  sa 
there  Ale  in  this  country,  and  there  are  at  least  Bve  or 
six  times  as  many  miles  of  railway.  The  tonnage  of  its 
shipping  is  at  least  equal  to  ours,  if  it  does  not  exceed 
ours.  The  prifions  of  that  country — for,  even  in  countrica 
tJie  mofit  favoured,  prisons  are  nee<lful — have  been  mudel»( 
for  other  uationn  of  the  earth ;  and  many  European  Govcm- 
ments  have  sent  miRtnonH  at  different  times  to  inquire  into 
the  admirable  ey«t«m  of  education  so  univereally  adopted  in 
their  free  schools  throughout  the  Northern  States. 

If  1  wurv  to  speuk  of  that  eountrj-  in  a  rcligiuus  at5|»ci-t,  I 
should  eay  that,  considering  tlie  short  sjiace  of  time  to  which 


170 


SPEECHES  OF  JO/f.V  BBIOHT. 


DBT.  i. 


their  history  goes  back,  there  is  uotbing  on  tlie  face  of  the 
earth  besidBs,  aiicl  iiuver  hiiii  been,  to  vqual  the  mu^iiifiLvnt 
.ngotnent  of  rhiirchps  nnd  mitiiKtcn,  am)  of  all  tlii-  ap- 
noes  which  arc  thought  ncccssflry  for  h  tintion  in  i^ai'h 
Cbristiunity  niid  morality  to  its  peoijle.  Besides  all  thii<, 
when  I  stair  timt  for  matiy  years  past  the  annual  puhlic  ex- 
jienditure.  of  the  Goveinitient  of  ihat  cDutitiy  haji  hpen  i^ome- 
whure  betwwu  10,000,000/.  and  15,000,000^.,  I  iiOL-d  not 
perhaps  B«y  furtbei*;  tlmt  there  hiui  always  existed  nmnngnt 
ull  the  pi>pulattou  uti  amount  nf  comfort  and  proRperity  and 
ahouiiding  pli-nty  sueli  us  I  bulicvc  no  other  cuiintry  in  the 
world,  in  any  age,  hua  enjoyed. 

This  18  a  very  fine,  but  n  very  titio  ])icturo;  yet  it  has 
another  eide  to  which  I  ranst  advert,  There  hae  been  one 
great  feiiturc  in  that  country,  one  grvat  contnist,  which  has 
Ixjt'n  pointed  to  hy  all  who  have  i^nnimcntijd  upon  the  United 
States  as  a  feature  of  danger,  ati  a  eoutrat^t  ailculati-d  to  givv 
pain.  There  han  hwn  in  that  iwiintn,'  ihf  ntranst  liberty  to 
tbc  white  man,  and  bondage'  and  degi'ndation  to  the  bhcb 
num.  Now  rely  upon  it,  that  wherever  Christiiuiity  livc» 
and  llouriHlicfi,  then,-  must  grow  up  from  it,  nccesttarily,  a 
conscieuet'  hostJIo  tn  anv  oppression  and  to  any  viTong;  and 
thejefttro,  from  the  hour  when  tht'  UnttiHl  Staten  Cmistitiition 
was  formed,  so  long  (w  it  left  tlierc  thie  great  evil — then  eom- 
paratively  small,  but  now  so  great — it  left  thero  Bccds  of  that 
%vliii:h  an  Ament.'Uii  gtiitL'smau  has  so  happily  detwTihed,  of 
thjil  'irrepnissiWe  conflift'  of  which  now  the  wholy  world  is 
the  witness.  It  has  boon  n  common  tbnig  for  men  dixpotied 
to  carp  at  the  United  StfltoB  to  point  to  this  blot  upon  their 
fiur  faiu«,  and  to  compare  it  with  the  boasted  declaration  of 
freedom  in  their  Dewl  and  Duelaration  of  Independenw.  But 
we  must  recollect  who  aowod  thin  aeed  nf  tronhlc,  and  how 
and  by  whom  it  has  been  eheriMhal. 

Without  d»vflliiig  u(>on  this  atain  any  longer,  I  sbonld  Hke  , 
to  read  to  yoa  a  paragraph  from  Uie  iustructions  underutijod  to 


I 


1801. 


AMKHICA.     I. 


171 


Imto  baOD  given  to  thv  Virginian  iltilogatcs  to  Oongretw,  in  tlw 
monbh  of  Atigiittt,  1774,  by  Mr.  JefTeraon,  who  was  pt-rbapn 
the  iitilest  man  the  United  Stat«»  luul  pnxlutwd  U|i  to  tJiat 
time,  and  whrt  wn«  then  nctivety  engaged  in  ite  affairs,  miil 
who  afterwards  for  two  |)OTitxl>4  fillwl  Uie  office  of  Preeidciit. 
He  tcpreMottid  one  of  tbc>»o  very  Slave  States — Uiv  State  nf 
Virginia — luid  ho  says; — 

'  For  tho  miMt  iriAio);  reosoiM.  aa\  tgnicuuii;*  ft>r  nv  ocinciilvaU*  nouon  >1 
ftll,  hill  Hajoity  liM  rujeol«d  Uw«  nt  lliu  iii'Mt  uiIulM^  t«nil«uoy.  ThaHboliUnn 
of  domectic  nlitiffy  !■  llio  fCnoit  objsot  nf  Aanrts  in  thiM<i  (^Iniiin  where  ib  «m 
onhkppit/  iattodtwed  in  UKJr  iafiuit  kUU.  But  pr«vkiiu  to  iIm  cafnu9ctu«»»aiit 
of  Uw  ilami  w«  fa»v*.  It  U  QocoaMy  b>  esclnde  all  hirtlior  t[U)>OTtetitnu  from 
AfriM-  Yet  our  r<|icBt«il  »U«anpU  to  aH<>«t  thia  bj  protiibition,  and  by  In- 
pMing  <lvtiw  wUoh  mi^jht  jmoant  to  imhlMtion,  haw  hitlimio  boM  dclaatod 
\if  U*  M^Mtj**  Di^alivo,  — tl»»  prvferriBx  ttu  immediiae  adTaotagta  of  a  fow 
2iilidi  eomdn  to  tbs  luting  int«rMla  of  tlia  Amerioan  StAl««,  And  t»  llt« 
lligliu  of  buman  aalurv.  (t«cply  wonndcd  by  tU*  Infiunuiu  pnictk*.' 

I  read  this  merely  to  ehow  tliat,  two  years  bcfura  the 
OwUiratitm  of  Independence  was  Bigncd,  Mr.  Jeficrson,  act- 
ing on  t»ehalf  nf  those  he  represented  in  Virginia,  wrote  that 
protest  iigaiiutt  the  course  of  the  Eiigllxli  Guveriimunt  which 
prevented  the  Colontiits  from  abolishing  the  slave  trade,  pre- 
paratory to  tho  Abolition  of  slavery  it«elf. 

Well,  the  United  States  Constitutiim  left  Uie  fllave  <|iie». 
tion  for  every  State  to  manafife  for  ItsL-lf.  It  tvaii  a  question  too 
difficult  to  eetUe  thou,  end  npparvntJy  orery  man  hail  tlie 
hope  and  belief  thnt  in  a  few  years  slarer}'  Jtwlf  wonld 
booome  extinct.  Then  there  happened  a  groat  event  in  the 
'annab  of  manufactures  and  oomraen-e.  It  was  dijeovered 
that  in  those  States  that  article  which  we  in  this  country  now 
Bo  mueh  depend  on,  ooidd  be  produced  of  the  best  quality 
neoessary  for  mannfectwre,  and  at  a  moderate  price.  l-Vom 
that  day  to  tJiis  the  growth  of  cotton  haa  increatfed  there, 
and  its  couHumption  ban  incrmsed  here,  and  n  value  which  do 
man  dreamed  of  when  Jelferson  wrote  that  paper  has  been 
giv«n  to  tKe  slave  and  to  slave  industry.    Thus  il  ha«  grown 


172  SPEECH f:S   OF  JOIJH   RltTGUT.  me.*, 

up  to  tlial  gi^utiu  iustitutiou  n'liicb  now  tlircutciis  cither 
its  own  nverthrow  or  the  overthrow  of  that  whitHi  is  a 
millioii  timos  more  valuable — tlio  Uuit^  States  oi'  Amuni'ii. 

Tlie  crisLi  at  which  we  havt'  arrived — I  say  '  wa,'  for,  after 
nil,  wc  nrc  ncnrly  as  much  interested  as  if  [  wa«  mnlcii)^  tliis 
speech  in  the  city  of  DoBton  or  the  city  of  Ne^v  York — the 
crisis,  I  say,  winch  han  iiow  Arrived,  was  inontable.  I  say 
tJiat  the  conaeience  of  the  NorUi,  never  tmtiiified  with  tho 
iiiHtitiitioii  of  slavery,  was  constoutly  ui^ng  some  men  for- 
wiini  to  tJike  a  more  extreme  view  nf  the  question;  nnd  thero 
grew  u[>  naturally  a  eectioit — it  may  not  hai'e  been  a  very 
numerous  one — in  favour  of  the  abolition  of  slovery.  A  ^reat 
and  powerful  party  resolved  at  least  upon  a  rentniitit  and  a 
control  of  slavery,  so  that  it.  should  not.  extend  lieyond  the 
States  and  tiie  area  whieli  it  now  oeeupies.  But,  if  we  look 
at  t])c  Government  of  the  United  States  almost  ever  since 
the  fertnatioD  of  the  Union,  we  shuJl  find  the  Southern  power 
has  been  mostly  dominant  there.  If  we  take  thirty-eis  years 
after  tlie  furmation  of  the  present  Cou*»titution —  I  think 
about  1787 — we  shall  find  that  for  thirty-two  of  those  years 
every  Prceidcnt  was  n  Southern  man ;  mul  if  we  take  the 
period  fnjm  i8i8  until  i860,  wc  shall  find  that,  on  every 
election  lor  Pn^ident,  the  Sontli  vot^.'d  in  the  minority. 

Wo  know  what  an  eleetiun  is  in  the  United  Stateii  for 
Prondent  of  the  Republic.  There  is  a  most  exteneivo  siif- 
fnge,  and  the™  is  the  ballot-box.  Tlio  memboPB  of  the 
llouee  of  Itcpreiivntativee  are  elected  by  tUu  eume  suffrage, 
and  generally  they  are  elected  at  the  same  time.  It  is  thuK 
therefore  almost  ine^^t^lble  that  the  House  of  Reprcsentativea 
is  in  accord  in  public  policy  with  the  President  for  the  time 
iKjing.  Every  four  yean  there  uprings  from  the  vote  created 
by  the  whole  people  a  President  over  that  great  nation.  I 
think  tlie  world  oilers  no  fiiiur  dpeetaele  than  iXui ;  it  oQera 
no  higher  dignity;  and  thcrv  is  no  greater  object  of  ambition 
on  the  political  stage  on  which  men  arc  j)enn)tted  to  move. 


ISSl. 


AMERICA.     I. 


ira 


You  may  point,  if  you  will,  to  hereditary  rulers,  to  crttwuB 
coming  down  thmu^h  eucccselTe  generationB  of  \he  same 
family,  to  tlirones  based  on  pregcrjption  ur  on  conquest,  to 
s<*|itre«  vritflded  over  veteran  legions  and  miljjeGt  realms, — 
bill  to  my  mind  there  is  notliing:  so  worthy  of  roveroiicc  and 
obedience,  nnil  nothing  more  Bacred,  than  the  authority  of 
the  freelj-  chosen  by  the  majority  of  a  gnait  mid  frL-e  pw^jilu ; 
and  if  tiicru  be  on  earth  and  amnn^t  men  any  ng;ht  dinne 
to  govern,  surely  it  rests  with  a  nilor  vn  chosen  und  so 
ap]H»inte<t. 

Last  yeiU"  the  ceremony  of  this  great  election  was  gone 
throug'h,  and  the  SontJt,  which  bad  been  bo  long  successful, 
found  itiiclf  defeatisd.  That  defeat  mis  followed  instantly  by 
BeoeBWon,  and  insorrertion,  and  war.  In  the  multitude  of 
articles  which  have  been  before  us  in  the  newHp»[>ers  within 
the  hut  few  mooths,  I  have  no  doubt  you  have  seen  it  tFtatcd, 
OB  I  have  seen  it,  that  this  question  was  wry  much  like  that 
upon  which  the  Colonies  originally  revolted  againat  the 
Crown  of  Kngland.  It  ik  amazing  how  liltto  Eome  nmvs- 
paper  writers  know,  or  how  little  tbey  think  yon  know. 
When  the  War  of  Independenec  woe  Ijcgnn  in  America,  ninety 
yeans  ago,  tbero  were  no  repi«6ontati%'C8  there  at  all.  The 
question  then  wa«,  whether  a  Miuintry  in  Downing-atreet, 
and  a  corrupt  and  borough- mongfritig  Parliament,  sliould 
oontinue  to  impoRe  taxes  upon  three  miUinnH  of  English 
subjects,  wlio  hod  left  their  native  chores  aod  established 
themselves  in  North  America.  But  now  the  question  ia  not 
the  want  of  repnasentution,  bceause.  as  ia  perfectly  notorious, 
the  South  is  not  only  represente<l,  but  is  represented  in 
eiec«s;  fur,  iu  distributing  tlie  number  of  repr»»^itatJVM-, 
which  is  done  every  ten  years,  three  out  of"  every  five  slaves 
arc  counted  a^  freemen,  and  the  number  of  representatives 
bom  the  Shivc  Stab-e  ia  conaoq,uently  ao  much  greater  than 
if  Uie  freemen,  the  white  men  ouly,  were  counted.  From 
Ihifl  caiuiKe  the  Southern  States  have  twenty  meniberK  more  in 


I7i  8PEECUS8  OF  JOUS  BRIGHT.  dk.  *, 

iJie  House  of  lleprcsentativee  tlian  th«y  wuuld  have  if  tiio 
members  were  apjwrtioDod  on  the  some  principle  as  in  the 
Nf.rtheni  Fn-e  Static.  Tlicroforc  you  will  soo  at  once  that 
tlieru  is  110  cutnpariitou  between  tlie  stale  of  things  when  tlic 
Coloniea  rfvoltcd,  mitl  the  statu  uf  tiling  now,  nhcn  this 
wicked  insnrrectioti  has  lirokcn  out. 

TIi<'n<  is  another  canec  which  is  soon(.>lim€s  in  Enf^Innd 
assigai-d  for  thin  greot  mi»fortunc,  which  is,  die  protective 
tlienrieH  in  npcnitinn  in  the  Union,  and  tlie  maintenance  of 
a  liigli  tariff.  It  happens  with  regard  to  that,  unfurtanntely, 
that  no  American,  certainly-  no  one  I  ever  mot  with,  attri- 
hiiUv]  the  diRnsters  of  the  Union  tn  that  cuiifto.  It  ia  an 
urgumeDt  made  use  of  by  ignorant  Jiugllebmen,  but  never 
by  inforniH]  Americans.  I  have  already  ehonu  you  thai  the 
South,  during  ulmosl  the  whole  existenw  of  the  Union,  ha$ 
l^een  dominant  at  Washington;  nnd  during  that  period  the 
tariiriia«  exit;tod,  and  thcro  liai;  bwo  no  general  ditiEtatiBlaotion 
with  it.  Occadonally,  there  can  hv  no  doubt,  tticir  tarilf 
was  higher  than  wu8  thought  just,  ur  reasonable,  or  necewary 
liy  Home  of  the  State*  of  the  Sonth.  But  tlie  first  Act  of  the 
United  States  whieh  loviwl  dutieii  ujion  imports,  pa^swi  imme- 
diately after  the  Union  waa  formed,  reeited  that  '  It  is 
neecMary  for  tho  eacouragemcnt  and  protection  of  mano- 
factureci  to  levy  the  duties  which  follow;'  and  during  the 
war  witli  England  from  i8iz  tu  1815,  tlic  people  of  tlie 
United  States  had  to  pay  for  all  (he  articles  they  bmugtit 
from  ICurope  many  times  over  the  natural  oost  of  tboec 
articles,  on  aooount  of  the  interruption  to  tli«  traffic  by  the 
English  nation. 

When  the  war  wan  over,  it  was  felt  by  cTciyhody  doeirahio 
that  they  should  encourage  manufactures  tu  their  own 
oouutrj';  and  seeing  that  England  at  that  precise  moment 
watt  pawing  a  law  to  prevent  any  wheat  eoming  from 
America  until  wheat  in  £nghind  had  risen  to  the  price  of 
lt4ff.  p«r  quarter,  we  may  be  quite  ttatittfied  that  the  doctrine 


1 

ii 


lUI. 


AMERICA.     I. 


17S 


of  protection  originally  cut^rtAiucd  did  not  find  Ices  favour 
at  the  close  of  the  war  in  1815. 

There  is  ouc  rcmarkaljle  pciDt  with  regard  to  thU  matter 
which  should  not  Th3  forgotten.  Twelve  motiths  ngo,  at  the 
meeting'  of  the  Cougross  of  Ihe  Uniti^  StaU's,  on  the  first 
Monday  in  December-  when  the  Congress  met,  yon  recollect 
thut  tliei'e  were  vanuiiH  propositions  of  compramiiiu,  cutntnitttc 
meetings  of  ^rariouii  IcimU  to  try  and  devise  stime  mode  of 
settling  the  (|ueiKtiun  lietwet-ii  thi*  North  .-ind  the  South,  bo 
thut  dUuuiou  niig-ht  not  go  on — though  1  read  carefully 
^BTCi^'thing  piiblifc'hed  in  the  English  papers  from  the  United 
''States  on  the  eubject.  1  do  not  recollect  that  in  a  single 
instance  the  ijneation  of  the  tariff  was  referred  to,  or  any 
oliange  proposed  or  suggested  in  the  matter  as  likely  to  hare 
ony  elffct  whatever  iipoit  the  [jue»>tiou  of  Secossioo. 

There  ia  another  point, — vvhatever  might  he  the  infla- 
cnce  of  the  tarilf  upon  the  United  States,  it  ie  as  pernidous 
to  ihe  West  aa  it  is  to  the  South ;  and  fiurther,  that 
Luuihiuua,  wliioh  ia  a  Soutliern  Slaie  and  a  Kccwled  Stale, 
hiu  always  vottnl  tilomg  with  Penn^Utinin  until  Innt  year  in 
favour  of  protection — protection  for  ita  BUgar,  whilst  Penn- 
xylvuuia  wished  pi-otcction  for  it«i  coal  and  iron.  But  if  the 
tariff  wat  onerous  and  grievous,  was  tliat  any  rt-BBou  for  this 
great  insurrection?  Wa«  there  ever  a  country  that  h»I 
a  tariff,  c«peeially  in  the  articli*  of  food,  more  onerous  and 
more  cruel  than  that  which  we  had  in  this  country  twenty 
years  ago?  Wc  did  not  Ktcede.  Wl-  did  not  rebel.  WHiat 
VK  did  was  to  rai-w  money  for  the  purpose  of  dialnbuting 
among  all  the  people  pcrlect  information  upon  the  question; 
and  many  men.  as  you  know,  <levot<?d  all  their  laboiiTs,  for 
several  years,  to  teuch  the  groat  and  wia*  doctrine  of  free 
trade  In  the  people  of  Kngland.  The  price  of  a  single  gun- 
boat, the  etjuipmenl  of  a  single  regiment,  tlie  ganisoning 
of  n  single  fort,  Ihe  eeRsition  of  their  tmde  for  a  single  davj 
coet  more  than  it.  would  have  cost  to  have  epread  amon^  all 


176 


spsMcr/BS  OF  jony  bright. 


im.  4, 


the  intolligciit  peojilc  of  Ibe  United  States  the  most  comjilete 
sLitement  of  the  whole  case;  and  the  West  and  South  could 
easily  have  revieedj  or^  if  need  had  h«eD,  have  repealed  the 
t-nriflTnUogethor. 

Tlio  (question  is  a  very  diflcreot  and  a  fur  more  grave 
i|iie8tion.  It  i«  a  question  of  slavery,  and  for  thirty  years 
it  hv»  coriHtantly  bt-L'Ti  coming  1o  the  Mirface,  tlisiiirhiiig 
sorial  lifp,  and  overthrou-inff  alinn!<t  all  political  harmony 
in  tha  working*  of  the  United  Ststes.  In  the  North  tlicn* 
is  no  scc«6eion ;  there  ib  no  collision.  These  disturhnncett 
and  Ihie  immrrtction  arc  found  wholly  in  the  South  nnd  in 
the  Slave  States ;  and  therefore  I  think  that  the  man  wlm 
saya  otherwiae,  who  contend'!  that  it  is  the  taiilT,  or  anythitijf 
whatsoever  else  thnn  slavery,  i»  either  himself  deceived  or 
endeavours  to  deceive  others.  ITio  ohject  of  the  South  is 
tJiis,  to  escape  from  the  majority  who  wish  to  limit  the  area 
of  slaveiy.  They  wi^h  to  found  a  Slave  State  freed  fn>m  the 
ialluenee  and  opinions  of  freedom.  The  TVee  States  in  the 
North  now  fctand  before  the  world  a»  the  advooaten  and 
defenders  of  froedotn  and  eivilization.  The  Slave  States 
offer  themselves  for  the  recof^nilion  of  a  Christino  nation, 
hased  upon  the  foundiitinn,  the  anchangeshle  foundation  id 
their  eyes,  of  elavery  and  hnrhoriBm. 

I  will  not  diFicuea  the  ffuilt  of  the  men  who,  ministers  of 
a  great  nation  only  la«t  year,  conspired  to  overthrow  it.  I 
will  not  point  out  or  recapitulate  the  statements  of  the  fruu- 
dntent  manner  in  which  they  disposed  of  the  funds  in  the 
national  exchet^uer.  t  uill  not  ]iuiiit  out  by  name  any  of  the 
men,  in  tliis  conspiraey,  whom  historj'  will  dexignntc  by  titles 
they  would  not  like  to  hear;  but  1  say  that  slaven-  has 
soug-ht  to  hrcafc  up  tlie  most  free  government  iu  the  world, 
and  lo  ibiiud  a  new  State,  in  the  niuctc-ciitli  century,  wIumsu 
corner-stone  is  the  perpetual  hondagu  of  millioni;  of  men. 

Having  thiT«  deeeribed  what  ap))carg  to  me  briefly 
the    literal   truth    of  this    mntter,  what  is  the  course  that 


1861. 


AifSniCA.    /. 


177 


Englaad  would  be  uxjiectetl  to  pursue?  We  should  be 
neutral  ns  &r  m  re^nls  minfrliii};-  in  the  Rtrife.  Vip.  were 
neutral  in  the  etrife  iu  Italy;  but  wc  were  not  neutral  in 
opinion  or  i^Trnpabhy ;  and  we  know  perfectly  well  that 
throughout  the  whole  of  Italy  at  thiii  moment  there  is  n 
fwling  tltat,  though  uo  sliot  waa  Bred  from  an  English  ehip^ 
and  thongh  no  English  soldier  tTwt  their  soil,  yet  tstill  thw 
opinion  of  Englnnd  was  potent  in  Europe,  imd  did  mach  for 
the  creation  of  the  Italian  kin^om. 

With  n^pird  to  the  United  States,  you  know  how  much 
wc  hate  elarerj', — that  is,  some  yearn  ago  we  thought  ^ve 
knew;  that  we  have  givi'n  twenty  millions  sterling, — &  mil- 
lion a  year,  or  nearly  ea,  of  taxes  for  ever^ — to  free  ei^t 
hiindrcd  thouMud  slaves  in  the  English  colonics.  We  knew, 
or  thought  wc  knew,  liow  much  we  were  in  love  with  free 
government  everywhere,  although  it  might  not  take  pre- 
ciwly  the  same  form  ast  our  own  government.  We  were 
for  free  goverumeut  in  Itidy  ;  we  were  for  free  government  in 
Switzerland ;  and  we  were  for  free  government,  even  under  a 
republican  form,  in  the  United  States  of  America;  and  with 
all  thi»,  every  man  would  lutve  eaid  that  England  would  wiah 
the  Ainerieiiu  Union  to  be  prunperou*  and  eternal. 

Now,  i(upp<i<«c  we  turn  our  eyes  to  the  East,  to  the  empire 
of  Russia,  for  a  moment.  In  Russia,  ae  you  all  know,  there 
has  been  one  of  the  most  important  and  magnificent  changes 
of  policy  evwBcen  in  any  coimtry.  Within  the  last  year  or 
two,  the  present  Emperor  of  Kufisia,  following  thi;  \viiih(«  i>f 
his  father,  has  insisted  upon  the  abolition  of  serfdom  in  that 
empire ;  and  twonty-thrcc  millions  of  human  being»,  lately 
serfs,  little  better  than  real  slaves,  have  beon  mised  to  the 
nmkd  of  freedom.  Now,  guppose  that  the  millions  of  the 
serfs  of  KuBsia  hod  bc-eu  chiefly  in  the  South  of  ituseia.  We 
hear  of  the  noblea  of  IluHsia,  to  whom  those  serfs  lielonged  in 
8  great  measure,  that  they  have  been  hostile  to  thi^  change; 
und  there  has  been  iome  dauger  thai  the  peaetf  of  that  empirt* 

VOL.  I.  K 


178 


SPEECHES  OF  JOUS  BltJOUT. 


DSO.  4. 


mi^lit  be  disturbed  during  tlie  change.  Supiioae  these  nobles, 
for  the  purpose  of  maintaiQing  in  perpetuity  the  serfdom  of 
Russia,  aiiJ.  barring  out  twenty-tlirec  millions  of  your  ft-llow- 
crcutun»  troni  the  rigbte  of  &e<cloa),  tiad  established  a  great 
and  iiecr«t  conspiracy,  and  that  they  had  riaon  in  great  luid 
dangerous  insurrection  aga.iingt  the  Russian  GoTemment^ — 
I  mj  that  you,  the  poople  uf  Eugkud,  although  isoveu  year* 
ago  you  were  in  mortid  comlmt  with  tbc  Russians  in  the 
South  of  Europe, — I  believe  at  this  moment  you  would  have 
prayed  Huiiven  iu  nil  sincerity  oud  fervour  to  give  strength 
to  the  arm  and  nuccess  to  the  great  mshes  of  the  Emperor, 
and  that  the  vile  nud  ntroeioua  iaHum.<ctiau  might  be  eup- 
preesed. 

Woll,  but  l«t  us  look  a  little  at  tvbat  has  been  said  and 

done  ID  this  t:ountry  sinco  the  perio^l  vrhen  Parliament  ruse  at 

the  heginuing  of  August.     There  have  boeu  twu  speochea  to 

which  I  wish  to  refer,  and  in  temu  of  approhation.     The 

Duke  of  Argyll,  a  member  of  the  pn-nent  Govornmcut, — and, 

though  I  hove  not  the  emalleet  personal  acfiuaintanee  with 

him,  1  am  free  to  &iy  tliut  I  believe  him  to  be  uoc  of  the  most 

iut«ltigcnb  and  hbcrol  of  his  order, — the  Duke  of  Argyll 

made  a  jipeeeh  which  was  fair  and  friendly  t«  the  Government 

of  the  United  States.     Lord  Stanley,  only  a  fortiiiglit  ago,  I 

think,  made  a  speech  which  it  is  impossible  to  read  without 

remarking  the  thought,  tbc  libcruhty,  and   the  wisdom  by 

which  it  is  difetinguishcd.     He  doubted,  it  is  true,  whether 

the  Union  could  be  restored,     A  man  need  not  be  hostile, 

and  must  not  necessarily  U*  unfriendly,  to  doubt  that  or  Iha 

contniry;  but  ha  spoke  with  fairness  and  friendliness  of  tlie 

Government  of  the  Unitod  Stat«6 ;    and  he  said  that  they 

were  right  and  justifiable  in  the  course  they  took;    and  he 

gave  us  eome  advice,— which  is  now  more  imporUmt  than 

at  the  moment  when  it  was  given,— that  amid  the  vnriumt 

incidents  and  accidents  of  a  stru^le  of  thia  nature,  it  became 

n  people  like  this  to  be  very  moderate,  very  calm,  and  to 


1 


IMI. 


AMERICA.    I. 


179 


sToid,  as  much  a^  jxisBilfle,  any  feetiRg  of  irritatioiij  whidi 
sometlnieH  arises,  and  »«iiu>tiniefi  InttU  to  tlanger. 

I  mention  theiw  two  cpCEJcheg  aa  from  Englishmen  of  great 
dttitinctioii  in  tliin  tountrj' — #])ccchc6  wliich  I  beliovc  will  have 
a  Wneficiol  cHect  OQ  the  uiliu'  ei<le  of  tlie  Atlantic.  Lord 
Joliii  Rueeell,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  during'  the  liutt 
si>ssioDj  made  a  spuvch  also,  in  which  he  rebuked  the  imperti- 
nence of  a  young  Member  of  the  House  who  had  «^ken 
about  tht'  bursting  of  the  '  bubble  republic'  It  was  a  speeob 
worthy  of  the  best  days  of  Lord  John  Russell.  But  at  a  later 
period  be  ttpokv  at  Nuivcavtle  on  an  oc-casiuu  somethiu^  like 
this,  when  the  inhabitants,  or  Bumt:  portion  of  the  inlinbitonts, 
of  the  town  invited  him  to  a  public  dinner.  He  dewribed  the 
cuiitbtrt.  in  U'ordt;  liomctluug  like  t-hese — I  speak  frum  memory 
only  ;  '  Tlie  North  is  conteiiilinjr  for  empire,  the  South  for  in- 
depeodencc.'  Did  be  mean  coDleDding  tor  empire,  as  England 
contends  for  it  when  making  some  &v8h  conquest  in  India? 
If  he  meaJit  that,  what  he  said  was  not  true.  But  I  recollect 
Zwrd  John  Rii»!«.41,  somu  yearn  sgu,  in  the  Houtjt;  of  Commotui, 
on  an  occataon  when  I  made  mme  obder^ation  as  to  the  unrea- 
sonable expenditure  of  our  colonics,  and  Raid  tliat  the  people 
of  £n|>land  should  not  b«  taxed  to  defray  cx]>CDBe9  which  the 
colonits  tlifmsvlvea  were  well  able  to  bear,  turned  to  me  with 
a  Mharpnt-ss  whteh  was  not  necessary,  and  said,  'The  honour- 
able Memlier  h^K  no  objection  tn  make  a  great  empire  into 
a  little  one;  but  I  have.'  FLTha)>s  if  he  had  lived  in  the 
Uait«d  States,  if  he  was  a  member  of  the  Senate  or  the 
Uouse  of  Representatives  there,  he  would  doubt  whether  it 
was  his  dut)'  to  eun»fut  at  ouoe  to  the  destruction  of  a  ^^nnit 
country  by  seponition,  it  may  be  iuto  Lwu  hostile  camjis,  or 
whetlier  he  would  not  try  all  the  means  which  were  open 
to  him,  and  would  be  open  to  the  Government,  to  avert  fo 
unlooked-for  and  so  dire  a  caJamity. 

There  are  other  spe<.^hei  that  have  been  made.  I  will  not 
reler  to  Uicm  by  any  quotation, — I  wdl  nut,  out  of  pity  to 


180  SFBECBBS  OF  JOIfX  BBiaHT.  dk.  i, 

some  of  the  men  who  ntlered  them.  I  will  not  liring  their 
nameu  eveu  befun?  yoa,  (o  give  tbem  an  isndumnc*  wliich  I  hope 
thpj-  will  not  ntlierwisp  ottnin.  T  leave  Ihem  in  the  ohscurity 
which  they  so  richly  mi-rit.  But  you  know  ax  wkII  ns  T  do, 
that,  of  all  the  speeches  made  eince  th«  end  of  the  last  eoeeioQ 
of  Parliament  by  public  men,  Ly  politicinne,  the  majority  of 
them  have  either  displayed  a  strange  ignorance  of  Amcrioan 
afTairs.  or  a  fitnungcr  ah^onco  of  that  conliality  and  friendHhip 
which,  I  maintaiD,  our  Amcricao  kiosmeo  linvc  &  right  to 
took  for  at  our  haudj<. 

And  if  wo  i>iirt  from  the  speahi-rs  and  turn  to  the  wriUrre, 
what  do  wp  find  there?  We  find  that  which  is  irputiMl 
aliroad,  and  has  hitherto  l>eeD  beliftved  in  at  home,  as  the 
nioet  ]iowerfui  n.'pr<>9«itativi?  of  Kti;^li»>h  opinion — at  Ifflfit  of 
the  richer  clos^t-s — we  find  in  that  particular  newRiMijHjr 
there  hae  not  t>een  eiucc  Mr.  Lincoln  took  office,  id  March 
last,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  nnv.  fair  and  honour- 
ahle  and  friendly  article  on  Ainericnii  affairs.  Some  of 
you,  I  dare  say,  rtad  it;  but,  fonunat*-Iy,  every  district 
is  now  so  admirably  Biipjtiied  with  1(kmi!  newspajwrs,  that 
T  trn^t  in  all  time  to  come  the  people  of  England  will 
drink  of  purer  ati'cams  nearer  home,  and  not  of  those  streams 
which  are  muddled  tiy  jiarty  h-tiliug-  and  ^Kilitical  intrigue, 
and  hy  many  motives  that  tend  to  anything  rather  tlisn  the 
enlightenment  and  advantage  of  the  jieople.  It  is  said, — that 
very  paper  has  said  over  and  over  again, — 'Why  thin  wax? 
Why  not  separate  poaeeably?  ^^^^y  this  iratrieidal  strite?' 
I  hoi»  it  is  equally  averstc  to  fratricidal  strife  in.  other  dis- 
tricts ;  for  if  it  he  true  that  OoJ  made  of  one  blood  all  the 
families  of  man  (u  dwell  on  the  iace  of  all  the  eartli,  it  must 
be  fratriridal  strife  whether  we  are  slaughtering-  RussiaiiH  in 
the  Crimea  or  bombarding  towns  on  the  aea-uoast  of  the 
United  Sfcatos. 

Now  no  one  will  expect  that  I  should  stand  forward  ue  the 
advocate  of  war,  or  an  the  defender  of  that  great  sum  of  all 


I 


IMI. 


A  if  ERICA.    I. 


181 


crimes  wliie!i  is  involved  in  war.  But  when  \ve  are  disciw- 
sing  a  qu««itioa  of  ttiia  natnre,  it  is  only  fair  that  we  nhould 
discuss  it  upon  priuciplcs  which  urc  sckoowledgcd  not  onlj 
in  the  <K>untr^-  whure  the  fltrife  is  being  carried  on,  but  are 
universally  acknowledged  in  this  country.  When  I  dis- 
cussed the  RuBsiiui  war,  seven  or  eight  yearn  ago,  T  iJwayg 
condemned  it,  on  principles  which  were  accepted  by  the 
Govcmmcnt  and  people  of  England,  and  I  took  my  facte 
from  Ih©  blue-bookg  i)re9ciited  to  Parliament.  I  take  the 
liberty,  then,  of  duing  tint  in  Uiis  case ;  and  I  «ay  that,  look- 
ing at  the  principles  avowed  in  England,  and  at  itfi  policy, 
then!  is  no  man,  who  Ik  not  abeolutely  a  nou-resietant  in  every 
sense,  who  can  fuirly  challenge  the  (u>nduct  of  the  ^Vmerican 
GoTcrnmeikt  in  this  war.  It  would  be  a  curious  thing  to 
find  that  the  party  in  this  country  which  on  every  public 
question  alTecting  England  is  in  favmir  of  war  at  any  cost, 
*vhen  th#y  eome  to  speak  of  tlie  duty  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  is  in  favour  '  of  peace  at  any  prioe.' 

I  want  to  know  whether  it  has  ever  been  admitted  by 
politicianH,  or  dtitCHinen,  or  people,  tbat  a  great  nation  can 
be  broken  up  at  any  time  by  any  particular  section  of  any 
port  of  tliat  nation.  It  has  been  tried  occ-asionnlly  in  Ire- 
land, and  if  it  had  sueoeedcd  hltitory  would  have  said  that  it 
wa«  with  very  good  can^.  But  if  anybody  tried  now  to  gel 
Dp  a  eec«98ion  or  induncction  in  Ireland, — end  it  would  be 
infinitely  less  dijtturbing  to  everything  than  the  eecfaHtau  in 
the  Ignited  States,  hecanse  there  is  a  boundary  which  nobody 
can  dispute — I  am  quite  sure  tfae  1\mf.s  would  have  its 
'Special  Correspondent,'  and  would  deacribe  with  all  the  glee 
and  exultation  in  the  worid  the  manner  in  which  the  Irish 
ineurrcciiooists  were  cut  down  and  uudu  un  end  of. 

Let  any  man  try  in  this  country  to  restore  the  heptarchy, 
do  you  think  that  any  portion  of  the  people  would  think 
that  the  project  could  be  tolenited  for  a  momenL?  But  if 
you  look  at  n  map  of  the  United  State*,  you  will  see  that 


Ida 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  JiRTOnT. 


DEO.  4, 


there  is  no  country  in  the  world,  probably,  at  tliw  moment, 
where  liny  plan  of  wparntion  between  the  North  nnd  the 
South,  as  far  as  the  quee<tion  nf  bonndar}*  is  concemeil,  is  so 
surroumU-d  with  iuniinuountable  diflitnilties.  For  example, 
Marj'Und  ts  a  Slaw  State;  but  Maryland,  by  a  large 
majority,  voted  for  the  Union,  Kentucky  is  a  Slave  State, 
one  of  the  finest  in  the  Union,  and  containing  a  fine  people; 
Kentucky  has  votod  for  the  Union,  but  has  been  iuraded 
from  the  South.  Mutsuuri  ix  n  Slaru  Stute;  but  MiBM>un 
has  not  seceded,  and  hat  been  invaded  by  the  South,  and 
there  i«  a  secession  party  in  that  State.  There  are  partu  of 
Virginia  which  have  formed  themselvee  into  a  new  Stdto, 
resolved  to  adhere  to  the  North ;  and  there  is  do  doubt  a 
oomiderable  Northern  and  Union  feeling'  iu  the  State  of 
TenncHMC.  1  have  no  doubt  there  is  in  every  other  Slat«. 
In  (act,  I  am  not  sure  that  tlierc  is  not  now  within  the  sound 
of  my  voice  a  citizen  of  the  Stute  of  Alfll>ama,  who  could  tell 
you  that  in  his  State  the  questjun  of  seoessiun  has  never  been 
pat  to  the  vote;  and  that  there  nre  preat  numbers  of  men, 
rencoDnblc  and  tboughtl'ul  and  just  men,  in  that  State,  who 
entirely  deplore  the  condition  of  things  there  existing. 

Then,  what  would  you  do  with  all  those  States,  and  with 
what  we  may  call  the  loyal  portion  of  the  people  of  thoBp  States? 
Would  you  alluw  them  to  be  dragooned  into  this  i nBurrcetion, 
and  iiito  the  formation  or  the  becoming  parts  of  a  new  State, 
to  which  they  themwlvMi  are  hoatilu?  And  what  would  you 
do  with  the  City  of  Waahingion?  Washington  is  in  u  Slave 
State.  Would  anylwidy  have  advised  that  President  Ijincoln 
and  his  Cabinet,  with  all  the  niembere  of  Congrese,  of  the 
House  of  Jtepresimtativeg  and  the  Senate,  from  the  North, 
with  their  wive*  and  cbildrtu,  and  everybody  else  who  wa« 
not  positively  in  favour  of  the  South,  should  have  set  off  on 
tlieir  melancholy  pilgrimage  northwards,  leaving  that  capital, 
hallowed  to  them  by  sueh  associations, — having  its  name 
oven  ftwm  the  father  of  their  couiitty, — leaving  Washington 


1S6L 


AMERICA.     I. 


188 


to  the  Souths  becanae  Wiuhin^ton  is  sttoatsd  in  a  Slave 
State? 

Again,  what  do  yon  eny  to  tlic  Mianmippi  Btver,  as  y<m 
see  it  upoi)  the  map,  the  '  tatltcr  of  nratcrs/  rolling  it« 
gigantic  stream  to  the  ocean?  Do  you  think  that  the  fifty 
milltone  which  ono  day  will  occupy  the  baaka  of  that  river 
northward,  will  ever  consent  that  its  great  rtrcam  shall  roll 
through  a  foi-ci^,  and  it  may  Lv  a  hostile  Stato?  And  more, 
there  are  four  millions  of  negroes  in  RuhjectioQ.  For  them  the 
American  Uoion  u  directly  reapoDsihle.  The}'  are  not  seces- 
uouists;  thej-  are  now,  aa  they  always  were,  not  citizens  nor 
guhjccts,  hut  legally  under  the  care  and  |M>wer  of  the  Govcm- 
nent  of  the  United  Stat<s.  Would  you  consent  that  these 
ahouM  be  delivered  up  to  the  tender  mercies  of  their  task< 
martere,  the  defenders  of  Blarcry  as  an  everlasting  institution? 

But  if  all  had  I^een  surrendered  without  a  struggle,  what 
then?  Wliat  would  the  writ«r«  in  this  newspaper  and  other 
newsiwipent  have  eaid  ?  If  a  Ijiiro  rock  in  your  empire,  that 
would  not  keep  a  goat — a  single  goat— alive,  he  touched  by 
any  foreign  power,  the  whole  empire  is  roused  to  rceistancc ; 
and  if  there  he,  from  accident  or  passion,  the  BmaileHt  insult 
to  your  flag,  what  do  your  newitpajHT  writer*  say  upon  the 
subject,  and  what  is  said  in  all  your  towns  and  upon  all 
yonr  Kxchangea  ?  I  will  tell  you  what  tboy  would  have 
Boid  if  the  QoTcnuncnt  of  the  Northern  States  had  taken 
their  insidious  and  dishonest  lulvivc.  Tliey  would  have  i<u)d 
the  great  Republic  wan  a  failure,  that  democracy  had  mur- 
dered patriotism,  tliat  history  afforded  no  example  of  Buch 
meanneas  and  of  such  cowardice ;  and  they  would  have 
heaped  immeosurcd  obloquy  and  contempt  upon  the  people 
awl  Government  who  had  taken  that  courec. 

They  tell  you,  these  candid  friends  of  the  United  Statce, — 
they  tcl]  you  that  all  freedom  is  gone ;  that  the  Habeas 
Corputi  Act,  if  they  ever  had  one,  in  known  no  longer ; 
and  tliat  any  man  may  be  arreated  at  the  dictum  of  the 


184 


SPEHCIIKS  OF  JOHN  BRWBT. 


van.  4. 


Pi-Mident  or  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Weli,  but  in  1848 
you  rec»llectj  many  of  yon,  that  there  was  a  small  insuiTec- 
lion  in  Ireland.  It  was  an  absurd  thiii^  atto^ther;  but 
whnt  wu  done  then  ?  I  saw,  in  oiie  ui<^tit,  iu  the  Hoiiiw  of 
Commons,  a  bill  for  the  suspea^ioti  of  the  Habeas  Corjiua 
Act  pastted  bhroug^h  all  its  atag^s.  What  more  did  I  sec? 
1  saw  a  bill  broug-lit  iu  by  tbe  Whig  GnvM-nraent  of  that 
day,  Lord  Jolm  Russell  being  the  Premier,  which  made 
speaking  ngTiin«t  the  Government  and  against  th»!  Crown — 
which  up  to  that  time  had  boon  8e<lition — which  pmpoaed  lo 
nialtc  it  felony ;  and  it  was  only  by  the  greatest  exertions  of 
a  fvw  of  thi-  Members  that  the  Act,  in  that  particular,  waa 
limited  to  a  period  of  two  yearn.  In  the  name  session  a  bill 
waa  brought  iu  called  an  Alien  Dill,  which  enabled  the 
Home  Secretary  to  take  any  foreigner  whataoever,  not  bein^ 
a  naturalized.  KngliHhnmn,  and  in  twenty-four  hours  to  evnd 
him  oat  of  the  country.  Although  a  man  might  hare  cora- 
mitti>rl  no  orime,  this  might  be  done  to  him,  apparently  only 
on  h'uiipiiL'ion. 

Itut  f^uppojte  that  on  insurgent  army  had  lioon  an  near  to 
London  that  you  could  sec  its  outposts  from  every  Gubiirb  of 
your  Capital,  what  then  do  you  think  would  have  been  the  re- 
gard of  tilt;  Goverument  of  Great  Britain  for  jHsrsanul  liberty, 
if  it  interfered  with  the  necessities,  and,  as  they  might  think, 
the  aalvation  of  the  State?  I  recollect,  in  184S,  when  the 
HalKsiB  Corpus  Act  was  Hitspcnded  in  Irelnnd,  tlutt  a  number 
of  persons  in  Ijiverpool,  men  there  of  position  and  of  wealth, 
presented  a  petition  to  the  House  of  Commons,  praying — ^what? 
That  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  should  not  be  suspended  ?  No. 
They  were  nnt  content  with  it«  8us|>eneion  in  Ireland;  and 
they  prayed  the  House  of  Comujons  to  extend  tSiat  6us[>enHion 
to  Liverpool.  I  rocoUeot  that  at  that  time — and  I  am  sure 
my  friend  Mr.  Wilson  will  bear  mc  out  in  what  I  say — the 
Mayor  of  Liveqjool  telegraphed  to  the  Mayor  of  Manchester, 
and  that  meseagcs  were  sunt  on  to  London  ue«rly  every  hour. 


lUI. 


AMERICA.     I. 


185 


The  Mayor  of  Maucli«rt<T  heard  from  the  Mayor  of  Liverpool 
that  certain  InHhmen  in  LiTerpool,  conspiratora,  or  rellow-coa- 
spirotoiM  vvHth  IIiokp  in  TrelnDd,  wore  going  to  bttrn  the  cotton 
wnreliotises  iik  Livvrpuul  atid  tho  cottou  mills  of  IjunciiBliin?. 
1  reod  that  petition  from  Liverpool.  I  took  it  from  the 
taU)«  of  tlio  House  of  Commotie,  and  rcud  it,  and  I  tisudcd  it 
over  to  a  Hfateionan  of  great  eminence,  vrhn  has  been  hut  ju^t 
r«iito\'L'd  from  ti8 — I  rcfvr  Ut  Sir  James  Graham,  »  mun  uut 
second  to  any  in  the  House  of  Commoue  for  his  kiiowlcd^  of 
afTairs  and  for  hi^  g-rcnt  capacity — I  handi3d  \t>  him  that  peti- 
tion, lie  read  it ;  and  after  he  had  rend  it,  he  rose  from  hie 
seat,  and  laid  it  upon  the  tahle  with  a  gesture  of  abhorrence 
and  ditigiMt.  Now  that  wan  a  petition  from  the  town  of 
Liverpool,  in  which  eoin«  persons  have  liRcn  making  tlumi- 
selves  very  ridiculous  of  late  by  reason  of  their  conduct  on 
i\ne  American  <iucstion. 

Ilicre  ia  one  more  point.  It  has  been  said,  '  How  mttcti 
better  it  wonld  be'— not  for  the  United  Staten,  but— Tor 
us,  that  tbese  States  sliould  be  divided.'  I  recollect  meeting 
a  gentleman  in  BomUstreet  one  day  before  the  HeKsinn  was 
over.  He  was  «  rich  man,  and  one  whose  voice  is  much 
heard  in  the  House  of  Commoue ;  but  bis  voice  is  not  heard 
when  he  is  on  liL*  le^e,  but  when  be  is  cheering"  other 
speakers ;  and  he  ftaid  to  me  :  '  After  all,  this  is  a  sad  busi- 
ness about  tb«  United  States;  but  still  I  think  it  very  much 
better  that  they  should  be  split  up.  In  twenty  years,' or  in 
fifty  yeOTK,  I  forget  which  it  wa»,  '  they  will  be  to  powerful 
that  they  will  bully  all  Europe.'  And  a  disting^iisbed 
Member  of  the  House  of  Commons— distinguished  theru  by 
bis  elotiuenee,  distingiusbed  more  by  his  many  writings — I 
mean  Sir  Edward  Bulwer  Lyttnn — he  did  not  exactly  express 
a  hope,  but  be  ventured  on  eomothing  like  a  prediction,  that 
the  time  wonld  come  when  there  would  be,  I  do  not  know 
how  many,  but  nWut  as  many  i»de[>cudcnt  States  on  the 
AmericuQ  Continent  as  you  can  count  upon  your  fingers. 


186  SPMKCIiKS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.  »«.  *. 

There  cannot  be  a  meaner  rDotlre  than  this  I  am  speaking- 
of,  in  fonDiDg  o  judgmeofc  on  this  question, — that  it  in  '  better 
for  lis' — for  wtonti  ?  the  people  of  Eng-lnnd,  or  the  (Jovem- 
ment  of  England  ? — that  the  United  Statos  ehouid  he  Hevered, 
sad  that  the  North  j^jnericiiti  continent  should  be  as  the  con- 
tini-nt.  of  Eoropo  is,  la  many  Stot«8,  and  eubject  to  aU  the 
contentions  »Jid  disaflt^rs  which  have  accorapanitd  the  history 
of  the  States  of  Europe.  I  should  saf  that,  if  a  man  had  a 
great  heart  within  him,  hu  would  rather  look  forward  to  the 
day^  when,  from  that  point  of  Innd  which  is  hahitahle  nearest 
to  the  Pole,  to  the  shores  of  the  Great  Gulf,  the  whoU  of 
that  vast  contineut.  might  hccome  one  great  confederation  of 
States,— .without  a  great  army,  and  without  a  great  iiavy, — 
not  mixing  itself  up  with  the  entanglements  of  European 
politics, — without  a  custom-hoiiKe  inside,  through  the  whole 
length  and  breadth  of  its  territory, — and  with  freedom  everj-- 
where,  equality  everywhere,  law  everywhere,  peace  every- 
where,— such  a  confederation  would  afford  at  least  some 
hope  that  man  w  not  fontaken  of  Heaven,  and  that  the 
future  oi  our  race  may  be  betl«r  than  the  pust. 

It  is  a  oommOD  observation,  that  our  friends  in  America 
arc  very  irritable.  And  I  think  it  is  very  likely,  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  them,  to  be  qtiite  true.  Our  tricnds  in 
America  are  iuvolved  in  n  great  atrtiggle.  There  is  nothing' 
like  it  before  in  their  or  in  any  history.  No  oountiy  iu  the 
world  was  ever  more  entitled,  in  my  opinion,  t^  the  sympathy 
and  the  forbearance  of  all  friendly  nations,  tluin  are  the  United 
States  at  this  moment.  They  have  there  eomc  newspapers 
that  are  no  wieer  than  ours.  Tliey  have  tlieie  some  papers, 
which,  up  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  were  his  bitterest 
and  most  unrelenting  foee,  who,  when  the  war  broke  out, 
and  it  was  not  safe  to  take  the  line  of  Southern  support,  were 
obliged  to  turn  round  and  to  appear  to  support  the  pre- 
valcnt  opinion  of  the  country.  But  they  undertook  to  serve 
the  South  in  another  way,  and  that  was  by  exaggerating 


k 


1801. 


AMERICA.    L 


1 87 


erefy  dtSicuUy  ami  misHtating  every  fact.,  if  so  doinf*  eonld 
serro  tticir  objoct  of  creating  <liHtnut  between  tfaa  pei^le  of 
the  Northern  Stat«s  and  the  people  of  this  United  Kingdoid. 
If  the  7TiM£9  in  tbiit  ooiintry  Ikls  done  nil  that  it  could  do 
to  poison  the  minds  of  the  people  nf  England,  nnd  to  irritjite 
the  minds  of  the  peo{)le  of  Aioerica,  the  Hew  York  Heraidf 
I  am  sorry  to  say,  hiis  done,  I  think,  all  that  it  eould,  or 
all  that  it  dariMl  fo  do,  to  provoke  mischief  iietwenn  the 
Government  in  Washington  and  the  Government  in  London. 
Now  there  is  one  thing  which  I  must  state  that  I  think 
bbey  have  a  solid  reason  to  ccnnplaia  of;  and  I  am  very  sony 
to  hflvc  to  mention  it,  because  it  blames  our  present  Foreign 
Minister,  against  whom  I  am  not  anxious  to  eny  a  word,  and, 
recollecting  his  tipeech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  I  shonld 
be  hIow  to  conclude  that  he  bad  any  feelinc;:  boutilf  to  the 
trnited  States  Government.  You  recollect  that  daring  the 
session — it  wan  on  the  14th  of  May — a  Proclamation  came 
out  n-bieh  aobnowledged  the  South  as  a  belligerent  power, 
and  proclaimed  the  neutrality  of  Kngland.  A  little  time 
before  that,  1  forget  how  many  days,  Mr.  Dallas,  the  lat« 
MioisteT  from  the  United  States,  had  left  London  for  Liver- 
pool and  Aaierica.  He  did  not  wish  to  undertake  any  alGura 
for  hiK  Government,  by  whii-h  be  wa«  not  appointed, — I 
mean  that  of  Preeidont  Lincoln, — and  he  left  what  had  to 
be  done  to  his  sacoeesor,  who  was  00  his  way,  and  whoac 
arrivBl  wuii  daily  expected.  Mr.  Adams,  the  present  Minister 
from  the  Unitod  States,  is  a  man  whom,  if  be  lived  in  Bug- 
land,  yon  would  speak  of  as  belonging  to  one  of  tJie  nobletjt 
fitmiliea  of  the  country.  His  father  a.nd  his  grandfather 
were  Presidents  of  tlie  United  States.  His  grandfather  was 
(mo  of  the  great  men  who  achieved  the  indcpendouce  of 
the  United  States.  •  ITiere  is  no  family  in  that  country 
having  rooi-e  cktms  upon  what  I  should  call  tlie  venera- 
tion and  the  afiection  of  the  people  titan  the  family  of 
Mr.  Adams. 


188 


SPEECUES  OF  JOHN  BRIGBT. 


Die  4, 


Mr.  AdnmB  came  to  thi»  cniintry.  He  arrived  in  LotiJon 
on  tlie  niglit  of  the  13th  of  Ma}'.  On  the  I4t!i,  that  Procla- 
mation waa  iB8ii«4).  It  n-uti  known  that  he  n-aa  comingf ;  but 
hp  wfl.s  not  onnsulted;  tho  Proclamation  wne  not  deUycd  for 
a  (It)}',  although  tliorc  was  nothing  preying,  no  reason 
why  the  Proclamation  should  not  have  1>cen  notifii'd  to 
Iiim.  If  coniinunieationB  of  a  fricndlj'  nature  had  taken 
place  with  liim  and  with  the  Ameripan  Oovernment, 
they  could  have  found  no  fault  with  thio  et^p,  boeaiiso  it 
was  perhaps  inevitable,  before  the  struggle  had  proceeded 
lur,  that  this  Frocliuimtioii  wuuld  be  issued.  But  I  liavc 
the  best  rraiions  for  knowing  that  there  is  no  single 
thing  that  has  happened  during  the  course  of  these  event* 
whiuh  has  created  more  euqirise,  more  irritation,  and  more 
distniet  in  the  TTnitc'd  States,  with  ret^poft  to  this  eouiitry, 
than  the  fact  that  that  Proclamation  was  not  delayed  one 
t>inglc  day,  until  the  Minister  from  America  eould  t-ome  here, 
and  until  it  could  Ix*  done,  if  not  with  his  consent,  or  bis 
concurrence,  yet  in  that  friendly  manner  that  won1d  probably 
htre  avoided  all  the  unplc»£antno«is  which  has  oc<.>urred. 

Now  I  am  obliged  to  say — and  I  Bny  it  with  the  ntmoet 
pain— that  if  we  have  not  done  things  that  are  plainly  hoa- 
tile  to  the  North,  and  if  wc  buvo  not  expressed  afTectlon  for 
slavery,  and,  outwardly  and  openly,  hatred  for  thu  Union, — 
I  eay  that  there  baa  not  been  that  friendly  and  cordial  neu- 
trality whiohj  if  T  had  hiKm  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
1  should  have  expected;  and  I  (>ay  further,  that,  if  there  has 
existed  cou9ideral)lc  irritation  at  that,  il  mnst  be  taken  as 
a  mensnre  of  the  high  appreciation  wliiL-h  the  peojde  of  those 
Stat#8  place  upon  the  opinion  of  the  people  of  England.  If 
I  had  been  addregf^ing  thin  audience  ten  days  ago,  eo  far  aa 
I  know,  I  »li(ndd  havo  said  just  what  I  have  said  now ;  and 
although,  hy  an  untoward  event,  cireumstances  are  somewhat, 
even  considerably,  altered,  yet  I  have  thought  it  desirable  to 
make  this  atat^ent,  with  a  vietv,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  do  it. 


^ 


IMl. 


AUe/tlCA.     I. 


169 


to  improve  the  opinion  of  Eng^landj  and  to  assuage  fiM*1ingK 
of  irritation  in  America,  if  there  be  any,  so  that  no  further 
difficulties  may  arise  in  the  progress  of  this  unhappy  Btrilc. 

But  there  has  ot-curred  an  cveut  which  was  Announced  to 
UN  only  a  week  ago,  which  is  one  of  great  importance,  aud  it 
may  he  one  of  some  peril.  It  is  oseerted  that  what  is  called 
l' international  hiw '  hue  Wen  hrokeu  by  the  soizuro  of  the 
Southern  Commie^ioDcrs  on  boa-rd  an  Engliah  trading  steamer 
try  a  ittcumcr  of  war  of  the  United  Siattie.  Now,  what  is 
intematiotml  taw?  You  have  heard  that  the  opinions  of  the 
law  officers  of  the  Crown  are  in  favour  of  this  riew  of  the 
case — that  tlm  law  lias  been  broken.  I  luti  not  at  all  going 
to  say  that  it  has  not.  It  would  be  imprutleut  in  me  to  set 
my  opinion  ou  a  legal  quention  which  I  have  only  {>artia]ly 
examined,  ugainat  their  opinion  on  the  same  question,  which 
I  presume  tJiey  have  carefully  examined.  But  this  I  say, 
that  iutematioDul  law  is  not  to  be  found  in  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment— it  is  not  in  so  many  clauses.  You  know  that  it  is 
difficult  to  tind  the  law.  I  can  ask  the  Mayor,  or  any  magis- 
trate around  me,  whether  it  u  not  very  difficult  to  find  the 
law,  even  when  you  have  found  the  Act  of  Parliamcut,  and 
found  tlie  clause.  But  when  you  have  no  Act  of  Parliament, 
nnd  no  clause,  you  may  imagine  that  the  case  is  still  more 
difficult. 

Now,  maritime  law,  or  iutcrnational  law,  consists  of  opinions 
and  precedents  for  tlie  most  part,  an<l  it  is  very  unsettled. 
The  opinions  are  tlie  opinions  of  men  oi'  different  countries, 
girai  at  different  tim«s;  and  the  precedents  are  not  always 
like  each  other.  The  law  is  very  tinaettlcd,  and,  for  the 
most  part,  I  believe  it  to  be  exceedingly  had.  In  past 
times,  BA  you  know  from  the  hictoric«  you  read,  this  country 
has  been  a  fighting  country;  we  have  been  belligerents, 
nnd.  as  belligerents,  nc  have  carried  maritime  law,  by  our 
own  powerful  baud,  to  a  pitch  that  has  been  ver^'  oppres- 
sive to  foreign,  and  especially  so  to  neutral  nations.     Well, 


ISO 


SPKSCHBS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


DBD.  4, 


now,  for  the  Bret  time,  unhappily, — almoet  for  the  lirfit  tim« 
in  our  histoiy  for  the  laet  two  hundred  years, — we  are  not 
bfUigvri-ute,  but  uvutniU;  and  we  are  dlsposL-d  to  take,  per- 
haps, rather  a  diflerent  view  of  maritinie  aad  international 

Now,  the  act  which  has  16011  committed  by  the  ^Vmerican 
steamer,  in  my  opiuion,  whether  it  wiu  legal  or  not,  was  both 
impolitic  and  bud.  That  is  my  opiniuu.  I  tliink  it  may  tarn 
out,  almost  certainly,  that,  so  far  as  the  taking  of  those  men 
from  that  ship  was  couterned,  it  wa»  an  aet  wliolly  unknown 
to,  and  unautliorizod  by,  the  American  Government.  And 
if  the  American  Oovcmmcnt  believe,  on  the  opinion  of  ^eir 
law  ofiieere,  that  the  act  is  illegal,  I  have  no  doubt  they  will 
make  fitting  reparation;  for  there  \a  nu  Guvt-niuit-ui  In  the 
world  thai  baa  bo  Bireiiuously  iuMKted  upon  modifieatinnB  of 
interaational  bw,  and  been  so  anxious  to  be  guided  alwayg 
by  tlie  most  moderate  and  mercifiil  interpretation  of  that  law. 

Now,  our  great  advisers  vi  the  TVmei  uewHpaper  liave  been 
perstiudiug  puoplc  that  thin  is  merely  one  of  a  series  of  a^ta 
whicb  denote  the  determination  of  the  Washington  Govern- 
ment to  pick  a  (juarrLil  with  the  {jeople  of  England.  Did 
you  ever  know  anybody  who  was  not  very  nearly  dead  drunk, 
who,  having  vm  much  upon  Uis  haud^  us  he  could  manage, 
would  offer  to  fight  everybody  about  him?  Do  yon  believe 
thai  the  United  States  Oovuninient,  presided  over  by 
President  Lineoln,  so  eoiifititutiorLal  in  all  his  aot»t,  ao  mode^ 
rate  as  he  has  been — representing  at  tliis  moment  tliut  greet 
part;'  in  the  United  Statoji,  happily  now  in  the  ascendancy, 
whieb  lias  always  been  esiteeially  iti  favour  of  peace,  and 
especially  friendly  to  Englund— do  yoii  believe  that  such  a 
Government,  having  now  upon  its  handii  an  iusurrection  of 
the  most  formidable  character  in  tlie  South,  would  invite  the 
wiDMe  and  the  fleets  of  England  to  combine  wiUi  that 
ionmectioD,  and,  it  might  )>e,  to  render  it  impos«ble  that 
the  Union  should  L-ver  a^u  1>e  restored?     I  t>ay,  that  eiugle 


L^ 


1661. 


AMERICA.     A 


l&l 


statement,  whether  it  came  from  a  public  writer  or  a  public 
[ipeaker,  is  (>nough  to  stump  him  for  over  n-ith  the  ckaraeter 
of  being  an  ineidious  enemy  of  both  coarilries. 

Well,  novr,  trhut  have  ivc  seen  during'  the  last  week? 
People  hare  not  been,  I  am  told — 1  have  not  seen  macb 
pf  it— quite  an  calm  as  eemiible  men  ahoiild  be.  Here  it 
a  question  of  law.  I  will  undertaku  to  eay,  that  wbeu  you 
have  from  the  irnited  States  Government'— if  they  tliiiik  the 
act  I^al — a  statement  of  their  view  of  the  awe,  they  will 
show  you  that,  fifty  or  sixty  ycon  a^,  during  the  wars  of 
that  time,  there  were  scores  of  ca8e8  thai  were  at  least  as 
bad  03  thiH,  and  souiu  infinitely  worse.  And  If  it  were  not  bo 
hite  to-night — and  I  am  not  anxioua  now  to  go  into  the 
questiott  further — I  could  easily  place  before  yoa  oases  of 
extreme  outrage  cnmmittc^d  by  us  wlieu  we  were  at  war, 
and  for  many  of  which,  I  am  afraid,  little  or  no  reparation 
was  oflerad.  But  let  us  bear  this  tu  mind,  that  during  this 
struggle  ineidentfl  and  nccident«  will  happen.  Bear  in  mind 
the  advice  of  Lord  Stanley,  so  opportune  and  so  judicious. 
Do  not  let  your  newspapers,  or  your  public  speakers,  or  any 
man,  take  you  oil'  your  guards  and  bring  you  into  that  frame 
(if  mind  under  which  your  Government,  if  it  desirm  war,  may 
be  driven  to  engage  in  it;  for  one  may  be  almost  as  fatal 
and  as  evil  as  the  other 

What  can  be  more  monstrous  than  that  we,  as  we 
call  oureclves,  to  some  extent,  an  educated,  a  moral,  aud  u 
Christian  nation — at  a  tiH>nient  when  an  accident  of  this 
kind  occurs,  before  we  buve  made  a  re]ire^utatton  bo  the 
Americ-au  Govemtnent,  before  we  have  beard  a  word  from 
it  in  reply — shoultl  be  nil  up  in  arniK,  every  sword  leaping 
from  its  scabbard,  and  e^'ety  man  looking  about  fur  his  pistols 
and  his  blunderhussee  ?  1  tliink  the  conduct  pursued — and 
I  Imve  no  doubt  just  the  same  is  pursued  by  a  ocrtsio  claas 
iu  America — -is  much  more  the  conduct  of  savages  than 
of  Christian  snd  eivili2cd  men.     No,  let  us  be  calm.     You 


192 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


DBa4. 


recollect  how  we  were  dragge<l  into  thtr  Russian  war — bow  we 
'drifttxl'  into  it.  You  Iniow  thnt.  7,  at  lenst,  have  not  upon 
zny  head  any  of  Uic  gtiilt  of  tL&t  It-arTitl  war.  Yon  know  that 
it  cost  one  hundred  millions  of  money  to  this  country;  that 
it  cost  at  Icattt  tJiu  lirea  of  forty  tliuuefand  En^liKlimcn  ;  that 
it  disturbed  your  trade;  that  it  nearly  doubted  the  armies  of 
Kurope;  that  it  placed  the  relations  oi'  liurope  on  a  much 
less  [)«»cvfiil  tuotiug  thnji  iKtfore;  and  that  it  did  not  effect 
one  Hingle  thing  of  all  those  that  it  waa  promised  to  effect. 

I  recollect  epcoking  oa  this  subject,  within  the  last  two 
years,  to  a  man  whose  name  I  have  already  mentioned,  Sir 
Jamei«  Ornhamj  in  the  House  of  Commons.  He  was  a 
Miiiibter  at  the  time  of  that  war.  He  was  reminding  me 
of  a  severe  onelaug-ht  which  I  had  made  upon  him  and  Lord 
Palmerstoii  for  attending  a  dinner  at  the  Reform  Club  when 
Sir  Charles  Napier  vni&  appoiiitcd  to  the  command  of  the 
Baltic  fleet;    aud  he  remarked,  'What  a  severe  thraahing' 

I  had  gfivi'ii  them  in  the  House  of  Commons  !  I  said,  'Sir 
James,  tell  me  candidly,  did  ynn  not  deserve  it?'  He  said, 
•Wellj  you  were  entirely  right  about  that  war;  we  were 
entirely  wrvng,  and  we  never  should  have  gone  into  it.' 
And  this  is  exactly  what  everybody  will  nay,  if  you  go  into 

II  war  uLout.  this  busiuetu),  when  it  is  over.  When  yuur 
sailorti  and  suldiere,  so  many  of  them  as  may  be  slaughtered, 
are  gone  to  their  last  account;  when  your  taxes  are  increased, 
your  business  permanently— it  may  b(>— injured;  and  when 
embittered  feeiinge  for  gcneratioue  have  been  created  between 
America  and  England — then  your  statesmen  will  tcU  you 
that  '  wc  onght  not  to  have  gone  into  the  war.' 

But  they  will  very  likely  say,  as  ninny  of  tliem  tell  me, 
'  What  could  wo  do  in  the  frenzy  of  the  public  mind?'  Let 
them  not  add  to  the  \'Kiizy,  and  let  u^  be  careJlil  that  nobody 
drives  us  into  that  Irenzy.  Kenjembering  the  pact,  remem- 
bering at  tliis  momeut  the  [wrils  of  a  friendly  people,  and 
seeing  iJie  difficulties  by  which  they  are  tturntunded,  let  ub. 


lUl. 


ASrKRrCA.    /. 


193 


I  entreat  of  yon,  sec  if  tlierc  l>e  an;  real  modei^lion  in  the 
people  of  Eogland,  and  if  magrtnii imity,  so  often  to  be  fouud 
amoiiget  intlividiiuls,  is  a1ii«)Iittely  ivanting  iu  a  great  nation. 

Now,  Government  may  diecufss  thift  mattpr-^they  may 
arrange  it — they  may  arhitrate  it.  I  have  rt-cwved  here, 
since  I  came  into  the  room,  a  dequteh  from  a  friend  of  mine 
in  London,  referring  to  this  mutter.  I  believe  Mimi-  portion 
of  it  is  in  the  jMipers  thia  evening;,  but  1  have  not  seen  tJiem. 
lie  8tati>s  tJiat  Geu^^ral  SooU,  wliom  you  know  by  name, 
wlio  lias  onme  over  from  America  ta  France,  being  in  a  bad 
rtato  of  health — the  Ooncral  Ijitely  of  the  American  army, 
and  a  man  whose  reputation  in  that  conntry  is  hardly  second 
in  that  wliicli  the  Duke  of  Wellington  held  during  tus  life- 
time in  this  country — Cienera!  Soott  lia*  written  a  letter  on 
tlio  AmoriciLii  difficulty.  He  denies  that  the  Cabinet  of 
Washingtoa  bad  ordered  the  seizure  of  th«  Southern  Com- 
missioners, if  ffiuad  under  a  neutral  llag.  The  question  of 
legiil  right  involved  in  the  scizore,  the  General  ihinka  a  very 
narrow  ground  on  wliieh  to  fi>roo  a  quarrel  with  tbe  United 
States.  As  to  MeKsrs.  Stidell  and  Mn^Tm  hc^ng  or  not  being 
contraband,  the  General  answers  tor  it,  that,  if  Mr.  Seward 
euunot  convince  Earl  Ruv^ell  that  they  bore  that  eliaracter, 
}^l  RuFSoll  will  be  able  to  convinCL-  Mr.  Seward  tliat  thej- 
did  not.  He  pledge;*  himnelr  that,  if  this  Government 
cordially  agreed  with  that  of  tJie  United  States  in  establish- 
ing the  immunity  of  neutrals  from  the  oppressive  right  of 
eearch  and  seizure  on  eutpicton,  the  Cabinet  of  M'ashington 
will  not  heeitate  to  purehnxe  so  great  a  boon  to  peaeeftd 
trading- veswls. 

Now,  then,  beforp  T  ait  down,  let  me  auk  yon  what  is  this 
people,  about  which  bo  many  men  in  £ngland  at  thia  moment 
arc  writing,  and  speaking,  and  thinking,  with  burshnuHs, 
1  think  with  injustice,  if  not  with  great  bitterness?  Two 
centuries  ago,  niultitndes  of  the  people  of  tbiit  muntry  found 
a  refuge  on  the  North  American  continent,  escaping  fmm  the 

VOL,  I.  O 


194  SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRlGtlT.  dmj.4. 

tyraniiy  of  the  Stuarts  and  from  the  big(»try  of  Laud.  Many 
noblo  epiritis  from  oar  country  made  great  cxpcrimvnta  in 
favour  of  hiiraan  froedoni  on  that  ooutinciit.  BancroR:,  the 
great  historian  of  bis  own  country,  haa  said,  in  hi«  owa 
graphic  and  emphatic  lanpjnpe,  'The  history  of  the  rwloniza- 
tion  of  Americn  is  the  history  of  the  crira«  of  Europe/ 
From  that  time  down  to  our  own  period,  Ameiica  has 
admittied  tbe  wuiiJerers  from  every  clime.  Since  181,5, 
a  time  which  many  here  r^ mrmher,  and  which  is  within  my 
lifetime,  more  than  three  uiilUoue  of  pertioiis  huvo  emi^jpvted 
from  the  United  Kiii^jdum  tn  the  Unitwl  St&tes.  During 
the  iiflecu  ycajii  from  1845  or  1846  to  18^9  or  i860 — a 
period  eo  recent  tliat  we  all  remember  the  most  tnvial  circnm- 
stanccs  that  have  happened  ia  that  lime — diiriiig  those 
Bfleen  years  more  than  two  million  three  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  persons  lolt  the  ehores  of  the  United  Kingdom  as 
vmigrantg  for  the  States  of  North  Americik 

At  thiB  very  moment,  then,  there  are  mitlione  in  the 
United  States  who  personally,  or  whose  immedinte  parent*, 
have  at  ou«  lime  heeii  citizens  of  tliin  oouiitry.  Tliey 
found  0  home  in  the  Far  West;  they  subduc<l  the  wilder- 
ne)>s;  they  met  with  plenty  there,  which  was  not  affonJcd 
them  in  their  native  country ;  and  (licy  have  Iwcorac  n 
great  people,  Tlicre  may  be  persous  in  England  who  are 
jealous  of  those  States.  Tliere  may  be  men  who  dislite 
demoeracy,  and  who  hate  n  pypuhliie ;  there  may  he  even 
those  whose  sympathies  n-arm  towards  the  «Uivo  oligsr^hy  of 
the  South.  But  of  tlus  I  am  certain,  tha.t  only  miBreiire- 
sentation  the  most  groBs  or  calumny  the  roOBt  wicked  can 
sever  the  tie  which  unit«>s  the  (fieat  mass  of  the  peopli*  of 
this  country  with  tlieir  friendi<  and  brotbron  beyond  the 
Atlantic. 

Now,  whether  the  Union  will  be  restored  or  not,  or  the 
South  aehieve  an  unhonouretl  indqiendence  or  rot,  1  know 
not,  and  I  predict  not.     But  this  V  think  I  know — that  Id 


I 


1861.  AMERICA.     I.  195 

a  few  years,  a  veiy  few  years,  the  twenty  millionB  of  freemen 
in  the  North  will  be  thirty  millions,  or  even  fifty  millions — ■ 
a  population  equal  to  or  exceeding  that  of  this  kingdom. 
When  that  time  comes,  I  pray  that  it  may  not  be  said 
amongst  them,  that,  in  the  darkest  hour  of  their  country's 
trials,  England,  the  land  of  their  fathers,  looked  on  with 
icy  coldness  and  saw  unmoved  the  perils  and  calamities  of 
their  children.  As  for  me,  I  have  but  this  to  say :  I  am  hut 
one  in  this  audience,  and  but  one  in  the  citizenship  of  this 
country ;  but  if  all  other  tongues  are  silent,  mine  shall  apeak 
for  that  policy  which  gives  hope  to  the  bondsmen  of  the 
South,  and  which  tends  to  generous  thoughts,  and  generous 
words,  and  generous  deeds,  between  the  two  great  nations 
who  apeak  the  English  language,  and  from  their  origin  are 
alike  entitled  to  the  English  name. 


^-<S.iq.g>=. 


o  a 


AMERICA. 

II. 

THE  WAR  AND  THE  SUPPLY  OF  COTTON. 

BIRMINGHAM,  DECEMBER  18,  1862. 

I  AH  afraid  there  was  a  little  excitement  during  a  part 
of  my  honourable  Colleague's  speech,  which  was  hardly 
favourable  to  that  impartial  consideration  to  which  he 
appealed.  He  began  by  referring  to  a  question — or,  I  might 
say,  to  two  questions,  for  it  was  one  great  question  in  two 
parts, — which  at  this  moment  occupies  the  mind,  and,  I 
think,  must  afflict  the  heart  of  every  thoughtful  man  in  this 
country — the  calamity  which  has  &llen  upon  the  county 
from  which  I  come,  and  the  strife  which  is  astonishing  the 
world  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

I  shall  not  enter  into  details  with  regard  to  that  calamity, 
because  you  have  had  already,  I  believe,  meetings  in  this 
town,  many  details  have  been  published,  contributions  of 
a  generous  character  have  been  made,  and  you  are  doing — 
and  especially,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  are  your  artisans 
doing — their  duty  with  regard  to  the  unfortunate  condition 
of  the  population  amongst  which  I  live.  But  this  I  may 
state  in  a  sentence,  that  the  greatest,  probably  the  most 
prosperous,  manufacturing  industry  Uiat  this  country  or  the 


198  SPKKCHKS  OF  JOHS  BHIGHT.  vk.  18. 

worM  hoa  ever  seen,  luis  iMea  euddc&ly  and  uucxpcctcdly 
atriokeo  dowa^  but  by  a  blow  which  han  not  l)cen  nnfnmeeen 
or  unforetold.  Nwirly  fivo  hundred  tlioiisand  persons — men. 
women,  nnd  children — at  this  moment  arif  saved  from  tlie 
utmoHt  extrcmos  of  tnminrj  not  u  few  of  th^m  from  death,  by 
the  oontributions  which  tlioy  arc  receiving  from  nil  parte  of 
the  wuiitry.  ]  will  not  attempt  here  au  elaborate  eulogy  of 
the  jfcntTosity  of  the  givere,  uur  will  1  endeavour  to  paint 
the  [tatieiice  and  the  gratitude  of  tliose  who  suflcr  and 
receive;  but  I  believe  the  conduct  of  the  countrj'^  witli 
rcf^ord  to  tliis  grvat  miefurLuuc,  i»  au  honour  to  all  djusee 
and  to  every  section,  of  this  people. 

Some  have  remarked  that  there  is  perfect  order  where 
tbere  has  been  bo  much  anxiety  and  Bulfering.  I  believe 
tli&re  is  eeurcely  u  tliougbtful  man  iu  Lauuishire  who  will 
uot  admit  tliat  cint>  f^rcat  cause  of  the  patience  and  good 
eonduct  of  tbc  people,  besides  the  fn«t  that  tliey  kn&w  so 
much  \a  being  done  for  them,  ie  to  be  found  in  the  exteusive 
iniormutiun  thty  [xjsscss,  and  wbiab  of  hit*  year.^,  and  now 
more  than  ever,  \yaa  been  eomuiuuicnted  to  them  through 
the  i»strum<<utality  uf  an  untaxed  pretw.  Noble  Lords  who 
have  recently  spoken,  oftiriat  men,  and  public  men,  have 
taken  upon  them  to  tell  tJie  people  of  Lancaahiro  that  nobody 
huii  done  wrung,  and  that,  in  point  of  liiet,  if  it  had  not  been 
for  a  &mily  quarrel  in  that  dreadful  Republic,  everything 
would  have  gone  on  sniootlily,  and  that  nobody  can  lie  blamed 
for  our  present  sufleringe. 

Now,  if  you  will  allow  me,  I  should  like  to  examine  fen: 
a  few  miQutea  whether  tiiin  be  true.  If  you  read  the  papers 
with  regard  to  tJiiji  question,  you  will  find  that,  barring 
whatever  ehanee  tlicro  may  be  of  our  again  eoon  reoeiving 
B  supply  of  cotton  from  America,  the  hoi)e»  of  tlie  whole 
coontiy  are  directed  to  India.  Our  Governmenfc  of  India 
Im  not  one  of  to-day.  It  if*  a  Government  that  1i:l8  lat^tetl  as 
long  08  the  Oovenuneub  of  tlie  United  States,  and  it  lias  had 


I 


1 


I8<^ 


A  MB  RICA.     II. 


log 


Av  more  inmirroolions  and  eeceesion*,  oot  one  of  whicli,  I 
Btippoee  Bom«  in  tliiit  meetiii^  must  rv^^-t,  has  been  tolerated 
b^'  our  Oovt-rnmciit  nr  remgniaed  by  JVanoe.  Our  Govern- 
ment in  India  h»»  exitttnl  Tor  »  tiuDdrcd  yeiLns  in  ma\«  portion 
of  tlie  country  when?  ootton  is  it  HLaple  prodtioe  of  the  land. 
But  WB  Iiave  had  under  the  name  of  r  GoTwrnment  whnt 
I  havp  ntwayij  dcscril«.-d  as  a  piratical  joint-fitock  company, 
Ix'g-inning;  with  Trfinl  ClJve,  and  ending-,  as  I  now  hope  it  bun 
ended,  with  Lord  Dalhnusif.  And  under  that  Govpratoent 
I  wilt  undertnke  to  say  that  it  was  not  in  natiirc  that  you 
ooidd  have  »[ich  improvement  as  eliould  ever  ^ve  you  a  fair 
eapply  of  cotton. 

Up  to  the  year  i8t4,  the  vrWle  trade  of  India  wafl  a 
monopoly  of  the  Kast  India  Company.  They  toot  every- 
thing thi're  that  went  tliure;  thoy  hroiigbt  everj-ihiug  back 
that  enme  here;  they  did  whatsoever  they  plpjuwd  in  the 
territories  under  tlieir  rule.  I  have  here  an  extract  from 
a  rt>|)odj  of  u  Member  of  Cotmcil  in  India,  Mr.  Uidiarda, 
published  in  thi;  yosr  i8ji.  Ho  repnrtx  to  the  Court  of 
Uirectore,  that  tlie  wliole  eotton  produce  of  the  district  was 
token,  without  Ivaviug  any  {wrtion  of  the  avowed  Hbare  of 
JtjOtR,  that  if,  the  caltivators,  at  their  own  free  din- 
i1;  and  he  saye  that  they  aru  not  xulfcrvd  to  know  what 
they  shall  get  lor  it  until  after  it  ban  been  far  removod  from 
their  reach  and  from  the  country  by  exportation  ooaatwiae 
to  Bnmbny;  and  he  unys  fiirthm-,  that  the  Company's  ser- 
vants fixwl  the  priMB  from  ten  to  tJiirty  per  cent,  under  the 
general  market  rate  in  the  di«ti-ict«  tliat  were  not  under  the 
Companj-'a  raJe.  During  the  three  years  before  the  Com- 
|>an}''a  monojwiy  was  alwlishtil,  in  1814,  the  whole  eutton 
that  ve  rewived  from  India  (I  quote  from  the  brokers' 
retonu  from  Liverpool),  wae  only  ly/JOO  bales  j  in  the 
thTM  years  aftorwardB,  owing,  00  doubt,  partly  to  the 
great  increaee  in  price,  we  received  5,51,000  bales,  during 
wfaioh  same   three   years  the    United   Sintea    only   aent  na 


200  SPEBOHSS  OP  JOHS  BRIGHT.  dec.  is. 

6i],ooo.  Tliiis  you  sec  tlmt  in  1817,  jSi8,  and  iSitj, 
more  tJian  forty  jeorg  ago,  tlie  quanbitj  we  received  rrom 
India  was  close  iijjoii,  aud  iii  tho  year  i8i.S  it  actinlly  ex- 
ceeded, that  which  we  ceoeived  Irom  the  I'nited  States. 

WotI,  now  I  corns  down  to  the  yv»x  1832,  and  I  baro  bhcn 
the  repoi-t  of  anotlier  Member  of  Council,  and  bfg-  every 
working  mau  liuni,  every  man  who  is  told  tliat  there  is 
iiflhndy  \a  bliune,  to  lii(b*n  to  one  or  two  extRuit^  from  the 
report.  Mr.  Warden,  Memhcr  of  tbc  Council,  gave  evidence 
in  1833  that  tlie  muncy-lax  levied  on  Surat  cottnn  was  56 
ruptt-s  per  randy,  leaving  the  grower  only  24  rui>ees,  or 
rnttier  less  tJian  ^d.  per  ]x>[ind.  In  1846  there  was  ao  great 
a  d«!ay  of  tlie  oottoo-trudo  of  Woeteru  India,  that  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  in  Bombay,  partly  of  Memberu  of  the 
Cliamber  of  Commerce  and  partly  of  serrantt^  of  tbc  Govem- 
ment,  and  tiiey  made  a  report  in  which  they  stated  that  from 
every  candy  of  cotton — a  candy  ia  7  c\vt.  or  784  llw-^-coating 
80  rupees,  which  is  160  shillings  in  Bombay,  the  Government 
had  taken  48  rupees  as  laud-tax  and  sea-duty,  leaving  only 
33  rupee«,  or  Ices  than  \d.  \ver  iH>and,  to  be  divided  among'  all 
parties,  from  tbc  Bunibtiy  eullcr  to  tlie  Surat  grower. 

In  1847  I  was  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  I  broiig^it 
forward  a  projxteition  for  a  select  eommitt*e  to  inijiiiro  into 
this  whole  qunistion ;  for  in  that  year  Lancashire  was  on  the 
verge  of  the  cahuulty  that  bos  now  overtaken  it;  cotton  was 
very  kciltuc,  for  hunilreds  of  the  milb  wcro  working  abort 
time,  and  many  were  clu»ed  altogether.  That  committee 
reported  that,  in  all  the  disfericta  of  Bombay  and  Madras 
where  eultun  was  cultivated,  and  generally  over  thoite  agricuN 
tunil  regions,  tho  people  were  in  a  condition  of  the  most 
abject  and  degraded  pauperism;  and  I  will  a«k  you  whether 
it  is  poeeible  for  a  people  in  that  condition  to  produce  any- 
thing gnuil,  or  anything  good,  or  an^p'thing  constant^  which 
the  world  rerjuircs  ? 

It  is  not  to  be  wondor&d  at  that  the  qooUty  of  the  cotton 


IM% 


AJJEJUCA.     I/. 


801 


sliould  l>o  t>ai) — eo  bad  tbut  it  ie  iUiistrmted  by  an  aoecdok 
wbioh  a  very  excellent  noati  of  tbe  Methodist  botly  told  mc 
the  uth«r  d»y.  lie  said  that  at  a  prayer-mci'ting:,  not  more 
Uuui  a  dozen  miles  from  where  I  live,  one  of  tlie  ministera 
was  cuniest  in  »uppltcatiou  to  the  Supreme ;  he  detailudj  no 
doubt,  u  great  many  things  which  he  thought  they  were  jn 
want  of,  ftnd  amount  the  rc«t,  ft  ^pply  of  cotton  for  the 
lamiBbing  people  in  that  district.  When  hu  prayed  foi-  ootlon^ 
Dine  moa  vntii  a  keen  seoBo  of  what  he  had  suffered,  in  re- 
gpoiiiie  exelaitned,  '  O  Lord  t  but  not  Surat.* 

Now,  my  argument  in  this,  and  my  iu>«crtion  i»  this,  tliat 
the  growth  of  cotton  in  India, — the  growth  of  an  article 
which  was  native  and  common  in  India  before  America  wob 
discovered  by  Europcuna, — thut  the  growth  uf  that  article 
bas  been  systematically  injured,  strang'led,  and  destroyed  by 
the  stupid  and  wickisd  policy  of  the  Indian  Goveriirat-nt. 

I  saw,  the  other  day,  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  as  woU 
acquainted  with  Indian  af&irs,  perhaps, as  any  man  in  India, — 
B  letter  written  to  a  member  of  the  Madras  Government, — 
in  which  he  stated  his  lirm  opinion  that,  if  it  had  not  been 
for  tbe  Bombay  Committee  iu  1S46,  and  for  my  Committee 
in  184S,  there  would  not  have  been  any  eottoQ  sent  ironi 
India  at  this  moment  to  be  worked  up  in  Lanoaahire.  Now, 
in  1846,  the  (iimntity  of  cotton  coming  from  India  liad  fallen 
to  94,ocx>  bales.  How  hao  it  increased  since  then?  In  1859 
it  bad  reached  _§09,ooo  bales ;  in  1 8^)0,  56  2,000  hales ;  and 
last  year,  owing  to  the  extraordinarily  high  price,  it  had 
reached  986,000  bales,  and  I  sti]ipo»c  this  year  will  be  about 
the  same  as  last  year. 

T  think,  in  justification  of  myself  and  of  H»De  of  those  with 
whom  I  have  acted,  I  am  entitled  to  ask  your  time  for  a  few 
moments,  to  «how  you  what  has  been  not  so  much  done  as 
attempted  to  be  done  to  tmprovo  this  state  of  things;  and 
what  has  been  tbe  tty»tcinatic  opposition  that  we  have  had  to 
contend  with.    In  the  year  1^47,  I  moved  for  that  Committee, 


802  SPKECUSS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT,  o»c.  13. 

in  B  epoceh  from  wliieli  I  ubnll  tviul  one  ehort  extiiu't.  I  wiid 
that '  We  oo^ht  not  to  forgtt  that  tlie  whole  of  the  cotton 
^^wii  in  AmtTicii  in  prodticul  by  ttlavc  luknur,  and  thiri,  I 
think,  hII  wilt  admit,— that,  nn  msitfcr  as  to  the  period  in 
whioh  Mlavery  ma^  have  oxintwi,  aholwhed  it  will  ultimately 
be,  either  by  pettceable  means  or  by  viulmit  means.  WhetJier 
it  comes  to  an  eml  l>y  penwabln  means  or  otherwise,  there 
nnll  in  all  prohahitity  (>e  an  intcmiption  to  the  production 
of  cotton,  and  the  calamity  which  must  in  conBCquence  fall 
upon  a  ]»art  of  the  American  Uniou  will  be  felt  throughoirt 
the  manafnctni'ing  dislriett:  of  this  country.* 

The  committee  waa  not  refused ; — GovemmcntB  do  not 
always  refuse  committees ;  they  do  not  much  fear  them  on 
nuittcrs  of  Ihiif  kind ;  they  put  im  nuiny  men  oil  ob  the  mover 
of  the  committee  does,  and  iKimelimes  more,  and  they  often 
consider  a  eomroittey,  as  my  liuuounihl*!  Colleague  will  tell 
you,  rother  a  convenient  way  of  burying  an  unplca«int  ques- 
tion, at  leant  for  anoblier  session.  Tlie  committee  eat  during 
the  session  uf  1B4H,  and  it  made  a  rejKirt,  fnim  wliieli  I  shall 
qnole,  not  an  extract,  hut  the  «emte  of  an  extract.  The 
evidence  was  very  extensiv*,  very  oomplete,  and  entiroly 
condemnatory  of  the  whole  sj'etcm  of  the  Indian  Government 
with  regard  to  the  laud  and  agricnlUiral  produee,  and  one 
mi}<^bt  have  hoped  that  something  would  have  arisen  from  i(, 
and  piobnhly  something  hns  arisen  from  it,  but  bm>  slowly  that 
you  hnvG  no  fruit, — nothing  on  which  you  can  calculate,  even 
up  to  thie  hour. 

Well,  in  1850,  as  nothing  more  waa  done,  I  thought  it 
time  to  take  another  step,  and  I  gHve  notice  of  a  inolinii 
for  the  appointment  of  a  Boyal  Commissinn  to  go  to  India 
for  the  expreaa  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  truth  of  this 
matter.  I  moved,  'Tliat  a  Royal  CoininisKion  proceed  to 
India  to  inquire  into  the  nhstaeles  which  prevent  the  in- 
cretitied  growth  of  cotton  in  India,  and  to  report  upon  any 
circunutancc  whieli  may  injuriously  ntTect  the  economical  and 


k 


i 


1862. 


AMBklCA.     U. 


209 


industrial  (»)Q(li1.iou  of  tbe  nutlvv  paputaLion,  Xarmg  cuUivatore 
of  Uie  soil,  within  the  Presddencips  of  Madras  and  Bombay .* 

Now  I  bIulU  read  vou  one  extract  ttom  my  speech  ou  that 
occnsion,  which  refers  to  tiiis  question  of  peri]  in  ;Vint>nca.  ] 
Bail], '  But  there  is  another  point,  that,  whilst  the  production 
of  cotton  in  the  United  States  results  from  slave  labour, 
whether  wc  approve  uf  any  particular  mode  of  abolishing 
slavery  in  ivny  eoiiiitrj'  or  not,  wc  an?  all  cnnvineed  that  it 
will  be  impoaaihlt'  in  any  country,  and  moat  of  all  in  America, 
to  keep  bctwcca  two  and  three  mUUoiu  of  the  popuktion 
permanently  in  a  iitiit*,':  of  bondage.  By  u-hatcvrr  means  that 
eyet«?m  u  to  be  abolished,  whether  by  insurrection, — it-Kich  1 
should  deplore, — or  by  some  great  measure  of  jiistice  from  the 
Government,— one  thing  is  certain,  that  the  production  of 
cotton  niuttt  be  interfered  with  for  a  cousideiahle  time  after 
such  an  i-vcnt  bus  taken  place;  and  it  may  happen  thai  the 
great*rt  measure  of  freedom  that  has  ever  been  conceded  may 
be  a  measure  the  coueequeuce  of  vvhicli  will  inflict  misehief 
apon  the  greatest  indu-itriiil  pumuit  that  engages  the  labour 
of  the  operative  population  of  this  country.' 

Now,  it  was  not  likely  the  Oovernment  roald  pay  mnch 
attention  to  thisj  for  at  tlint  precise  moment  the  Foreign 
OiBce — then  presided  over  by  Lord  Palmeraton — was  engai^ed 
with  au  Engliiih  licet  in  the  water«  of  Greece,  in  oollei-tiiig 
a  bad  debt  for  one  Don  Paci6co,  a  Jew,  who  made  a  fraudu- 
lent  demand  on  the  Greek  (Jovemment  for  ii^uriea  said  to 
hare  b(*en  ooramittcd  upon  him  in  Oreeoe,  Notwithstanding 
this,  I  enlled  upon  Lord  John  Russell,  wbo  was  then  the 
Prime  Minister,  and  asked  him  whether  be  would  grant  the 
Commiitsion  I  was  going  to  move  for.  1  will  say  this  for 
him,  he  appeared  to  agree  with  me  that  it  was  a  reasonable 
tiling.  I  lK>lieve  he  saw  the  peril,  and  that  my  prupositioa 
was  a  proper  one,  but  he  said  he  wished  be  ooutd  communi- 
cate with  Lord  Oalhousie.  But  it  was  in  the  month  of  June, 
and  he  could  m)t  do  that,  ami  hear  from  him  agiun  before 


S04  SPKKCNES  OF  JOIIS  BRICriT.  »».  is. 

Uie  eloiK!  of  the  seesion.  He  t-old  me  that  Sir  John  Hol>house, 
thcu  Provident  of  tJiti  Indiu  Boiml,  was  very  much  ugiuinst 
it;  and  I  answered,  'Doulitleiw  he  is,  beranse  lie  speabH  as 
the  mouthpiece  of  the  East  Indiii  Compunv,  agaiust  whom 
I  am  l)riu}fing  this  iiiquiry.' 

Well,  my  proposition  came  before  the  House,  and,  ns  some 
of  you  may  recollect,  it  was  opposed  by  the  Presidt'nt  of  tha 
India  Uoard,  and  llie  Commission  was  cuiiMH{ueutly  not 
{^ranted.  1  had  8C«n  Sir  Rol)crt  Peel, — tliis  was  only  ten 
daj**  before  hie  deaths — I  had  seen  Sir  Robert  Peel,  ao- 
qiiaiiited  as  he  was  with  Laniuuliire  iuteresta,  and  had 
cudeavourcd  to  enlist  him  i»  my  ^ipport.  Ho  coi'dially  and 
entirely  approved  of  my  motion,  and  he  remained  in  the 
House  dm-iug  the  whole  of  the  time  I  niut  speaking-;  but 
when  Sir  John  Ilohhousc  rose  to  reBist  the  motion,  and  he 
found  the  Government  woidd  not  consent  to  it,  he  then  left 
his  seat,  and  left  the  House.  The  nif^ht  after,  or  two  nights 
after,  he  met  me  in  the  lohby ;  and  bu  eaid  lit;  thought  it 
was  but  right  he  should  explain  why  he  left  the  Houxe  after 
the  eonvereation  he  had  held  with  me  oa  ihiu  <jue«tion  befbre. 
Ifo  eaid  he  had  hoped  the  Government  would  agree  to  the 
motion,  but  when  he  found  they  would  not,  his  poeition  was 
80  delicate  with  regarrl  t<i  tliem  antl  his  own  old  party,  that 
he  tt-as  mo&t  anxious  that  uothiuy  idiould  induce  him,  imlcss 
under  the  prcsgnre  of  Bome  great  extremitj',  to  appear  even 
to  oppoHC  them  on  any  matter  before  the  Houee.  Thorefore, 
from  a  very  delicate  sense  of  honour,  lie  did  not  say  what 
I  am  sure  he  would  have  l>eeu  glad  to  have  said,  and  the 
proposition  did  not  receive  from  him  that  help  which,  if  it 
had  rM>eived  it,  would  havo  surmouuted  all  obbtaeteti. 

To  iihow  the  »ort  of  men  who  are  made  ministers — Sir 
John  UobhouEC  had  oo  thceo  occasions  always  a  speech  of 
the  same  sort..  He  8^d  Uiis:  'With  respect  to  the  poeulinr 
urgency  of  the  time,  he  couki  uot  say  the  honourable  (Jcntle- 
maa  had  made  out  his  case;  for  he  found  that  the  impor- 


ie«2, 


AMERICA.     IT. 


20S 


tation  of  cotton  from  all  cotintnes  ekoned  an  iniRifUtw 
incteaae  duriD^  the  last  threu  years/  We  know  that 
the  importation  of  cotton  ba.<t  shown  rh  'immense  increase' 
almost  every  three  years  lor  the  X&at  fifty  youre.  But  it  mu 
■use  that  increase  woa  ontin^ly,  or  nearly  ao,  from  one 
source,  and  that  source  one  of  extreme  peril,  that  I  ashed 
for  tlie  inquiry  for  which  I  moved.  Ffe  said  ho  had  a  letter 
in  his  hand — and  he  nhoolc  it  at  me — Irom  the?  Secretary 
of  the  CoinmercinI  Atuioeintion  of  IVIanelieKtvi-,  in  which  the 
directors  of  that  hody  declared  hy  special  n.'fiolutioD  tJiut  my 
pnipoHitioD  wan  not  tii'tiwsury,  tliat  an  inquiry  mi^ht  do 
harm,  and  that  they  were  abumUiitly  TOtialietl  with  every- 

.thing'  that  these  lords  of  Leadenhall-street  were  doing.  He 
said,  *  Such  was  the  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  tlie  Association, 
and  it  was  n  complete  answer  to  the  hOD.  Gentleman  who 
hod  brought  forward  this  motion.'' 

At  this  moment  one  of  these  gentlemen  to  whom  I  have 
referrwlj  then  President  of  the  Board  of  Control,  Qoveruor^f 
India,  author,  as  be  told  a  committee  on  which  I  gat,  of  tn*" 
Afi'g:ban  war,  is  now  decorated  with  a  Norman  title — for  our 
mnslers  even  after  a  lapse  of  eight  hundred  years  ape  tJie 

iKormau  style — sits  in  tiic  House  of  Peers,  and  legislates  for 
you,  having  neglwted  in  regard  to  India  every  great,  duty 
which  appertained  to  bin  high  ofiiee;  and  to  show  tbnt  it  is 
not  only  cabinets  und  monarchs  who  thus  distribute  honours 
and  ruwarde,  the  President  of  tliut  Commercial  Association 
tJirough  whose  instigation  that  letter  waa  written  is  now 
on«  of  the  representatives  oT  Manehestor,  tlio  great  eentre 
of  that  manufuc-ture  whusi.'  very  fouiidulion  is  now  crumbling 
into  ruiu. 

But  I  was  not,  a1th<fugli  disrouraged,  biiilkd.  I  went 
down  to  the  ChambiT  of  Coiumcrcc  in  Manchestf-r,  aiid 
along  with  Mr.  IJazIey,  thm  the  President  of  the  Chamber,  1 
behove,  and  Mr.  Hdiiry  Aubworlb,  who  is  now  the  Prcsidf-nt 
of  that  Cliamlfer,  and  iniuiy  others,  we  dut«raiiued  to  have 


206 


spKUcnEs  oFJoirx  bright. 


DKL  IS, 


a  Coinmiiiwion  of  Immiiy  of  our  own.  We  miM<d  &  fmbaprip- 
tioD  of  moTe  than  1,000/. ;  we  selected  a  gentleman — Mr. 
Alexander  Maokuv,  Ibe  nuiiiur  uf  onv  of  tlie  very  best  books 
PTor  writtt'ii  by  an  Engllnhman  upon  Amoricn,  Tit  H'etUm 
World — and  wo  invited  him  to  become  our  ConuniasioneTj  and, 
unrortiinalely  for  him,  be  auL-cjited  the  office.  He  went  to 
Indifl,  he  m»dc  many  inquiries,  ho  wrote  many  intei-esting 
reports;  but,  like  many  uthcrjt  who  go  to  India,  his  hvalth 
declined ;  lie  returned  from  Bombay,  but  lie  did  not  live 
to  reach  bome. 

We  were  preally  diaajipointed  ftt  this  on  pnblic  groundd, 
besides  oor  regret  for  the  loss  of  one  of  so  much  priwic  worth. 
Some  of  tu,  Mr.  Bazley  particularly,  undertook  tlie  clmi^ 
of  pnbUithing  these  n^x)rtfl,  and  a  friend  of  Mr.  Matluiy's, 
now  no  longer  living,  underl<ioIc  ttie  editorship  of  them,  and 
they  were  pubtiiihed  in  a  vohime  I'liUtil  JTenlem  India  ;  aufl 
thiit  volume  rccei%'cd  eudi  circulation  119  a  work  of  that 
nature  is  likely  to  have. 

Ill  the  year  1853  there  eame  the  proposition  for  the 
renewal  of  the  East  India  Companj''ti  charter.  1  opi^osi-d 
that  to  tho  utmoet  of  my  power  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  Bome  of  yon  will  rtieolk-pl.  I  camo  down  bore  with  Mr. 
Danby  Seymour,  the  Member  for  Poole,  a  gentleman  well 
ae(|iiniE]tcd  with  ludiuii  udUint,  and  attended  a  meeting  in 
this  vmy  hall,  to  denounce  the  policy  of  eonferring  the 
government  of  tlint  great  eonntry  for  ancither  twenty  years 
upon  a  Company  which  had  eo  entirely  nejfleoted  every  duty 
belonging:  to  it  except  one — the  duty  of  collecting  taxes. 
In  1854,  Colonel  Cotton — now  Sir  Arthur  Cotton,  one  of 
the  most  fliRlinguislied  engineers  in  Indiu — e:ime  dow-n  to 
MauelieBlor.  We  had  a  meeting  at  the  Town  Hall,  and  he 
gave  an  o^ldre^  on  the  eubjoct  ol'  opening  tho  OoJavery 
River,  in  order  that  it  miglit  form  a  mode  of  transit,  rhfap 
and  expeditluu.s.  from  the  cutluii  diKtrietii  tu  the  imrtli  of 
that    river ;    and    it    was  |>ropawd    to    form    a   joint-stock 


I 


ises. 


AMKRJCA.    II. 


207 


compan)-  to  do  it,  but  untortunately  tJio  Rii»>iun  war  cnmc 
DD  nnd  (liifturhed  all  commerrial  projects,  aiid  made  it  tin- 
poEsible  to  raiso  money  for  any — as  Bomc  iiii^ht  oalt  it — 
epeculattve  puqjoet',  like  that  of  opening  an  Indian  rivi*r. 

AVell,  in   1837  there  came  the  mutiny.     What  cli<l  our 
raiera   do  then?      Sir  Charlee   Wood,   in    1538,  had   tnodc 
a  S|ieefh  fivt-  hours  lung,  most  of  it  Id  jimiite  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  East  India  Company.     In  1858 — at  the  oiwniug 
of  the  Kus^iion  in  l8j8,  I  think — the  Government  brought  in  n 
Bill  to  olwlish  that  Comjiany,  and  to  cstahlinh  a  new  form  of 
gwvcrnment  for  India.    That  was  exaetly  wliat  we  u«kcd  them 
to  do  in  1853;  but,  as  in  everything- else,  nothing  is  done 
until  there  comes  an  overwholminjf  calamity,  wlien  the  most 
obtnse  and  pen'erBO  is  driven  from  his  position.     In  1 85H 
that  Bill  passed,  under  the  aiispiees  of  Lord  Stanley.     It  was 
not  a  Bill  such  an  I  think  Lord  Stanley  approved  wlicn  he 
waa  not  a  Minister ;  it  was  not  a  Bill  siieh  as  I  believe  hit 
would  have  hroaglit  in  if  he  had  been  permitted  by  the  IIoURe 
and  the  Cabinet  to  liavc  brought  in  a  l)ettor  Bill.    It  nbolished 
the  Ktwt  India  Compaoy,  established  a  now  Council,  and  lefl 
things  to  a  great  extent  much  in  the  same  utato  as  they  were. 
During  the  dtscuasion  of  that  Bill,  I   made  a  fipeech  on 
Indian  alFaini,  wbieh  I  belie^-e  fjt^es  to  the  nxjt  of  th«>  mutter. 
T  prrttestecl  then  ns  now  agaiii><t  the  notion  of  governing  on© 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  people — twenty  different  nations, 
witli   twenty  ditTerODt  languages — from   a  little  eotoric  of 
rulers  in  the  city  of  Calcnfta.     I  projiosed  that  the  nonntry 
should  be  divided  into  five  or  ttix  separate,  and,  ns  regards 
esch  other,  inde]>endeiit  Presidencieft  of  etjual  rnnlc,  with  a 
govemoi-  and  council  in  wwh,  and  each  government  eorrc- 
uponding  nnth,  and  dependent  upon,  and  re?poni<ible  to,  a 
Secretary  of  State  in  this  country.     1  am  of  opinion  that  if 
tiuch  a  Oovemnient  were  estabtti-hed,  one  in  each  PreoideDcy, 
and  if  there  was  a  fir9t-t'IaH>)  Ltigineer,  with  an  cllident  staff, 
whose  business  ^ould  be  to  determine  whnt  public  works 


208 


SPEECltSa  OF  JOHX   BRIGHT. 


BKl«; 


should  be  carried  on,  some  by  the  GoTcrtimc-nt  and  some  by 
private  coinpanifs — I  lielieve  that  ten  yeeis  of  such  judiciniis 
labouRii  would  ivurk  art  L-iitirt>  revolution  in  Iho  L«ndition  of 
India;  antl  if  it.  hnd  bec-ii  done  when  T  first  lipgan  to  move  in 
this  qiicetion,  I  Imvo  not  the  sn^allcHt  douM  we  might  hnvo 
had  at  this  moment  any  (jiiantity  of  cotton  whatever  tliat  the 
mills  orLiiiit-'UKhiru  rctjuin.*. 

Well,  nfVr  tliis,  I  am  afi'aid  some  of  my  friimds  may  tccl, 
and  my  opponent*  will  say,  that  it  is  very  egotistical  in  me 
to  have  entered  into  thetse  details.  But  I  tliink,  after  thie 
rvcApitutation ,  T  am  at  Hherty  t^  gfiy  I  nm  g-niltloas  of  that 
calamity  which  ka^  J'ullcn  upon  us.  Ami  I  may  mvntiuQ  tliat 
somp  I'ricnda  of  mine — Mr,  John  Diokinson,  now  Chairman 
of  tlie  Indian  Rvform  Association,  Mr.  Bazley,  one  of  the 
meniliprs  for  Manckester,  Mr.  .ishworth,  the  Prt'sideiit  of 
the  Chamlier  of  Commereo  of  Manchester,  and  Mr.  John 
Bmjamin  Siiiitli,  the  Member  for  Stockport— present  them- 
selves at  this  moment  to  my  eyea  as  those  who  have  hcen 
largely  instrumental  in  catling  the  attention  of  Parliament 
and  of  the  country  to  this  great  question  uf  the  reform  of  our 
Government  in  India. 

But  1  have  been  asked  twenty,  fifty  times  dnrin^j  the  la-it 
tweUe  raoutliB, '  \Vliy  do  you  not  come  out  and  aay  something? 
Why  can  you  not  tell  un  ttoraething-  in  this  time  of  our  great 
need  ?'  Well,  I  reply, '  I  tn!d  yon  something'  when  speaking 
was  uf  line;  all  I  can  say  now  ie  this,  or  nearly  all,  that 
a  hundred  years  of  crime  against  the  negro  iu  Amcnca, 
and  u  hundred  years  of  crime  ugainet  the  docile  natives  of 
our  Indian  fmpirc,  are  not  to  be  washed  away  by  the 
penitence  and  tlie  HufTering'  of  an  hour.' 

But  what  ie  our  position  ?  for  you  who  arc  fiubecribiRg- 
your  money  lierc  have  a  n'l^ht  to  know.  I  believe  the 
quantity  of  cotton  in  the  United  States  is  nt  this  momenb 
much  Ipks  than  many  people  here  lielieve,  and  thai  it  is  in  no 
condition  to  be  forwarded  and  es|>oTted.     And  I  Busiieet  that 


k 


tM3. 


AMERICA.     U. 


209 


U  is  &r  Diore  prohabk  than  otherwiae,  notwithstanding  some 
of  the  Btnu]g«  thwrieK  of  my  bonourxble  CoU«agiie,  that 
there  never  will  o^in  be  in  America  ii  or«p  of  cotton  grown 
by  slave  laljoiir.  Voii  will  und<.T6tMn<l — I  hope  so,  at  Itsaet 
— tiiat  I  am  not  imilertaking  the  office  of  piojihet,  I  am 
not  predicting-;  I  kutnv  thut  I'verythin^  whieb  is  nob  obao- 
lut«-lj'  im)x>i«)ble  may  happen,  xm)  thercfnn:  thingn  may 
happen  wholly  ditllMvnt  Id  the  course  whieh  appears  to 
me  to  be  likely.  But  I  say,  l»kin}(  tlie  fiu.-t^  sb  titey  an 
before  us — with  that  moait  limited  vision  whipb  is  g:iven 
to  mortals — the  high  pmWbility  is  that  then:  will  never  Ih; 
another  conaderable  crop,  or  one  available  for  our  manufuc- 
tories,  fkim  slave  hibour  in  tJie  United  Statw. 

We  read  the  American  jinjiers,  or  the  <|uotAtion»  from  them 
in  our  own  papers,  but  I  believe  we  can  form  no  adequate 
CODe«]>tioii  of  the  ilisorgimization  and  ehiuis  thai  now  jjreii'ail 
throughout  a  great  portion  of  the  Southcm  States.  It  ia 
natiinil  X**  a  state  of  war  imder  the  eiretimsUinees  of  society 
in  that  region.  But  then  we  may  be  asked,  W"hat  are  our 
Boupoes  of  supply,  putting  aside  India  ?  llicrc  is  Uio  colony 
of  (lueenaUnd,  where  enthuMitotic  persons  tell  yoQ  cotton  can 
be  fiffo^'"  wuftii  J*,  a  puund.  True  emniyli;  but  when 
labiiiir  is  jtrobably  worth  lO*.  a>day,  I  am  not  sure  you  an) 
likely  to  get  any  krg«  supply  of  that  material  we  m  much 
want,  at  a  rate  so  cheap  that  we  i^atl  be  likely  to  use  it. 
Africa  is  pointed  to  by  a  very  zealous  friend  of  mine;  but 
Africa  is  a  land  of  savaj^,  and  with  ita  ulimatc  so  iiuit^h 
agaJn&t  European  eonstttutionii,  I  iihnnld  not  entertain  the 
hope  that  any  ^reat  relief  at  any  early  period  eau  be  hml 
from  tlml  coutiuent.  Egypt  will  wnd  119  30,000  or  40,000 
bales  more  than  last  year;  in  all  probability  Syria  ood 
Brazil,  with  those  high  prices,  will  increase  their  produc- 
taon  to  some  cnnsiderable  extent;  but  1  beheve  then.^  ih  no 
wnntry  at  present  from  whieh  you  can  derive  any  very  lai^ 
snpply,  except  you  can  get  it  from  your  own  dependenetes  in 

vol..  I.  t 


210  aPEECUHS  OF  JOUy  BRIQBT.  dbo.  18, 

India.  Now  if  there  be  no  more  cotton  to  lie  grown  for  two, 
or  tliree,  or  four  jrears  in  America,  for  otir  supjily,  we  sIibII 
requirCj  ooniiideriitg  the  stnallnoKs  of  the  bales  and  the  Iciss  ui 
workings  up  the  cotton — wo  shall  roquire  uoarly  6j00o,ooo  of 
ftdditiooal  talt;s  to  be  supplied  &om  eume  source. 

I  want  to  put  to  }'ou  one  qu&itiuu.  It  h&B  taken 
the  United  States  twenty  yeare,  From  1H40  up  to  i860,  to 
iut-rvase  tlitiir  growth  of  cutlon  fium  2,ooo,coo  bales  to 
4,000,000.  How  lon^  will  it  take  any  otlwr  country,  witJt 
comparatively  little  capital,  with  a  thouaand  disadvantagw 
which  .America  did  not  suffer  from — how  long  will  it  take 
any  oUier  country,  or  all  other  cuiiutries,  to  (five  hr  5,000,000 
OF  6poo,ooo  udditioiml  baled  of  ootton!'  T!ier«  is  0D« 
stimulus — tlie  only  one  that  I  Icnnw  of;  and  although  I  liave 
not  recommended  it  to  the  Government,  and  1  know  imt  pre- 
cisely witat  sacrifice  it  woidd  ent£>il,  yet  1  »liall  mention  it, 
oud  I  do  it  on  Uie  autjioril^  of  a  ^ntlenian  to  whom 
I  have  before  referred,  who  is  tlmroug'lily  lutpiiiinti-d  witli 
Tudian  agriculture,  and  whose  family  liave  been  landowners 
and  cultivatorA  in  India  for  sixty  years.  He  says  there 
ie  only  one  mode  by  which  you  can  rapidly  stimulate  the 
growth  of  cotton  in  India,  except  that  stimulus  coming  from 
tJie  hig-h  prictw  for  the  time  being, — he  says  that,  if  the 
Government  wonld  mitke  a  public  declaration  that  for  five 
years  they  would  exempt  from  land-tax  all  land  which  dnring 
that  time  tJiatI  grow  cotton,  there  would  he  the  most  eitra- 
ordinary  increaM;  iu  the  giiiwth  ul'  that  arliL'le  which  ]iui4 
ever  been  seen  in  regard  to  any  bntneli  of  agriculture  in  the 
world. 

I  Aii  not  know  liow  far  that  would  act,  but  I  believe  tlie 
stimulufl  would  be  enormous, — the  lose  to  the  Government  in 
revenue  would  be  something,  but  the  deliverance  to  tlie  tn- 
dustrj'  of  LuueUHliire,  if  it  fiuccectlcd,  aa  mj-  friend  thinkn, 
would  of  eouroo  bo  s|jecdy,  and  porliaps  ouinplctt?.  Short 
of  this,  I   look  upon   tlic  restoration  of  the  prosperity  of 


tStt 


AMERICA.     II. 


air 


Lnncashiro  as  distant.  1  believe  tbis  mWorltine  roar  entail 
ruiu  upon  tliu  wliote  working;  popuktion,  and  tbat  it  tony 
gndually  utigulf  the  tunnllcr  tnulerH  and  those  possesBing 
the  least  capitul.  I  do  not  eay  it  will,  becituso,  as  1  have  said, 
wbat  is  not  iaipo^ible  nviy  bap^ien, — but  it  may  for  yean 
makL-  tht  wlmle  factory  property  of  Luncasbire  almost  cntjivly 
worthless.  Well,  this  is  a  very  dinmal  took-ont  for  a  great 
tiuiny  iH>rH>iis  in  thin  t'ouiitry;  but  it  comi-e,  as  I  have  Miid, 
— it  comes  Irnm  that  utter  ne^Icet  of  their  oppnrtunitiee  aad 
their  duties  which  bus  distinguished  tlie  Oovcnimeiit  of  India. 

Now,  Sir,  before  I  sit  domi  1  shall  ask  you  to  listen  \o  me 
fur  a  few  momeutci  uu  tW  other  branch  uf  this  g:rcat  ques- 
tion, which  refers  to  that  sod  tro^fedy  which  is  pa&siu^  before 
our  eyes  in  the  United  States  of  Amoriea.  1  sbnll  not,  in 
consequenec  of  anything;  you  hare  heard  from  roy  hoo. 
Friendj  conceal  from  you  any  of  the  opinions  which  I  hold, 
and  which  I  proposed  to  lay  before  you  if  he  btut  nut  spoken. 
Having  given  to  him,  notwithstandins"  some  divenuty  of 
opinion,  a  fair  ami  candid  hearing,  I  pri'sume  that  I  shall 
receive  the  same  tavoiir  ixom  those  who  may  difler  &viu  me. 
If  I  had  known  that  my  boti.  Friend  was  goin^  to  make  au 
elaborate  apeech  on  this  oceanon,  one  nf  two  thingn  I  should 
have  done:  T  should  cither  liave  prepared  myself  entirely  to 
answer  bim,  or  1  should  have  dt-cided  not  to  attend  a  meet> 
ing  where  tlierc  could  by  any  possibility  of  chance  bare  >>ccii 
anything  tike  discord  Iwtwoen  so  many — his  friends  and  my 
friends — in  this  room. 

Since  I  have  been  Member  for  Birmingham,  Mr.  Scbole- 
field  hntt  treated  me  with  the  kindno«8  of  a  brother.  Nothing 
could  possii^ly  be  more  gt^ncrous  and  more  dieintereetvd  in 
every  way  than  liie  conduct  towards  me  during-  tJiese  several 
yearn,  and  therefore  I  would  much  rather — far  rather — 
that  I  lo«t  any  opportunity  like  this  of  sjieaking  on  this 
question,  than  I  would  have  come  here  and  apiHiored  to  he  at 
Torianoo  with  him.     But  I  am  happy  to  «ty  that  tliis  ^gcfiai 

r  2 


212  SPSECflES  OP  JOnX  BRtGttT.  i»e.  18, 

i^ueKtiaa  dow  uot  depend  upon  tlie  opiuiou  of  aiiy  man  in 
Btrrniiigliam,  or  in  Knglaudj  or  anywhere  else.  And  therefore 
I  could — anxious  always,  tmless  imperative  duty  requires,  to 
avoid  eveu  u  semblaQw;  of  diHtTcnce— 1  could  witli  a  clear 
conscience  have  abstained  from  t^niing  to  and  s{)cakin^  at 
this  luoetiiig-. 

But  1  observe  that  my  hon.  Friend  endeavoured  to  avoid 
oomniitttu^  bimei'It'  tv  wliul  ia  cuJk-d  eyinpatliy  with  the 
South.  He  take«  a  political  view  of  this  great  question, —  \b 
disposed  to  deal  with  the  uutter  as  he  would  have  deatt<  nith 
the  cti«e  of  u  colony  of  Spain  or  Portugal  revolliiig  ic  Soutli 
America,  or  of  Greece  revoHing;  from  IVrk-ey.  I  i^lionld  like  to 
state  here  what  1  ooce  said  to  an  eiuiueut  ^Vjuericao.  Ho 
asked  me  it'  1  could  give  him  an  idea  of  the  course  of  public 
opinion  in  this  country  from  the  moment  we  heard  of  the 
sccoBsion  of  the  Cotton  Statee;  and  I  cndeuvuured  to  trace  it 
in  tliis  w»y, — and  I  ask  you  to  nay  whether  it  is  a  fair  and 
fidl  description. 

I  said — and  my  hon.  Friend  hiva  iidniitted  this — that  when 
the  revolt  or  seccBsion  waa  first  announced,  people  here  ivere 
generally  ag-alnst  the  South.  XolxMly  thought  then  that  the 
South  had  any  cnusc  for  hn^aking  up  the  inlegrily  of  that 
^eat  nation.  Tlieir  opinion  was,  and  what  people  said, 
according  to  tlieir  ditfereut  polities  in  this  country  wan,  'Tlicy 
have  n  Government  which  i»  mild,  and  not  in  any  degree 
oppressive ;  they  have  not  what  some  people  love  very 
much,  and  what  some  people  dislike, — they  have  not  a  costly 
monarehy,  and  an  ariatocraoy,  ctenttng  and  living  on  patron- 
a^.  They  liave  not  an  cxpcntiive  foreign  policy  j  a  great 
army  ;  a  great  navy ;  and  tlicy  Imvc  no  suffering  millions 
discontented  and  endeavouring  to  overthrow  tlieir  Govern- 
ment;— all  which  things  have  been  umd  againet  Govem- 
mentfl  in  this  country  and  in  Europe  a  hundred  times  n-itbin 
our  own  bearing,' — and  therefore,  they  said,  'Why  should 
these  men  revolt  ? ' 


I 


I 


A3f£S/cA.   rr. 


91» 


But  fi>p  »  momyiit  the  Wasliinifton  Govemroent  appt?ared 
pamlyxcd.  It  havl  no  Army  and  no  navy ;  everybody  w« 
traitor  to  it.  It  was  piiralyzetl  aod  apparently  hclplesfi ;  »nd 
ill  thp  botir  wlirn  tlie  governnw-iit  was  iraiisferred  from 
Presideut  Bitcliaiiiin  to  President  Lint'obj  iii:uiy  people  — 
mich  WM  the  UTjprepfti-cd  st*te  of  tlic  North,  «neJi  was  tlie 
iipjiareut  paralyBia  of  everj'lhing  there — thought  there  would 
be  no  wnr ;  mid  men  ^^huok  hands  nith  each  other  pleasantly, 
uud  congratulated  tht^iDficlvvs  Unit  tho  di^ster  of  u  (^ri'ut 
strife,  and  the  mischief  to  our  own  tnide,  mig'ht  be  avoidetl. 
Thfit  was  the  opinion  at  that  iiiument,  so  far  as  I  caii  recol- 
lect, and  Kould  gather  at  the  time,  with  my  opjiortiiniliiw  of 
gathering  such  opinion.  They  thought  the  \nrth  would 
acquieecc  in  the  rending  of  the  Uepublicj  and  that  there 
would  be  no  war. 

Well,  biit  there  was  another  r^annn.  They  were  told  by 
certain  publit;  writers  in  this  country  that  the  eontcst  was  en- 
tirely hopeless,  as  they  have  heon  told  lately  by  the  Chancellor 
of  the  Hxclitrcjiior.  I  um  wry  happy  tliat,  thungh  the  Cliau- 
cellor  of  the  Kscheqiier  i»  al)lt;  to  decide  to  a  penny  vrhat  shall 
I>e  the  amount  of  taxes  to  meet  public  ex])endiltire  in  England, 
he  caiiuot  deoido  what  shall  be  the  fate  of  a  whole  ooiitineut. 
It  waa  faid  tliatthc  content  was  hopeless,  and  why  should  the 
North  continue  a  conteat  at  so  much  loss  of  blood  and  trcftsurc, 
and  at  so  great  u  lo«a  to  the  conunerce  of  the  whole  world  ? 
If  a  man  thought— if  a  man  Iwlieved  in  his  heart  that  the 
Oonti!«t  was  absohitoly  hujielettt^ — no  man  in  this  countn,'  hod 
probably  any  right  to  form  a  positive  opinion  one  way  or  the 
otiicr- — but  if  ho  hud  formed  that  opiiiioa,  he  might  think, 
'Well,  the  North  can  nn-er  he  8ucce»ifu) ;  it  would  be  much 
better  that  they  should  not  carry  on  the  war  at  all ;  and 
therefore  I  am  rather  glad  that  the  Soutli  should  have  suc- 
cees,  for  by  that  the  war  will  be  tlie  Rooner  put  an  eud  to.*  I 
think  this  was  a  fwUng  that  was  abroad. 

Now  1  am  of  opinion  that,  if  we  judge  a  forvign  nation  in 


214 


SPEKCHKS  OF  JOILV  BRIGUT. 


DSC  18. 


the  circumstaQoes  id  which  we  Hnd  America,  we  ou^t  to 
apply  to  it  our  own  principles.  My  Uon.  Friend  ha£  rcforrod 
to  tJic  ijiiipstinti  nf  the  'IVent.  I  was  not  here  lust  year,  hut 
I  heard  of  a  nifcting — !  read  in  the  papprs  of  a  meeting' 
held  in  referent-e  to  that  affiiir  in  this  very  hal!,  and  thab 
there  wan  a  great  divern^  of  opinion.  But  the  majority 
were  »ni>p06ed  to  indorse  tie  policy  of  the  Government  in 
mA-king  a  great  demonstration  of  force.  And  I  think  I  rvnd 
that  at  least  one  miuistiT  of  Tvligiun  took  that  view  trom  this 
plutform.  T  am  not  vomplaining'  of  it.  But  I  Bay  tliat  if 
you  thought  ulu-u  thv  Amvriean  enptaiii,  even  if  he  had 
acted  under  the  commands  of  his  Government,  which  he  had 
not,  htu]  taken  two  men  meet  injurious  and  hostile  to  his 
country  from  the  deck  of  an  English  ship— if  you  thought 
tlmt  on  that  (ground  you  were  jutttifitNi  in  going  to  war  with 
the  Repuhlic  of  North  Ainerirai,  then  I  raiy  y*»u  ought  not  to 
Ihi  very  nice  in  judging  wh»t  America  should  do  in  circum- 
Btancca  much  more  onerouii  than  tlioe«  in  whidi  you  were 
placed. 

Now,  tuku  as  an  iltuslRition  the  Roek  of  {libraltar.  I^Iany 
of  you  have  heen  (here,  I  dnro  say.  I  hove :  and  timong  tho 
things  that  int^^rwiliod  me  were  the  monkeys  on  the  lop  of  it, 
atid  a  g<xKl  many  peojAe  at  the  l>otU>ni,  who  wem  living  on 
Kn^lish  taxii;.  Well,  the  llock  of  (iihraltjir  wan  taknn  and 
retained  hy  thi»  country  when  vre  were  not  at  war  with 
Spiiin,  and  it  \v»»  relaiuud  tontniry  to  every  law  of  mn-. 
rality  and  honour.  [A  Voioe:  'No!  No  !'J  No  douht  the 
Gentleman  below  in  mnch  better  acquainted  with  the  his- 
tory  of  it  than  I  am,  but  1  may  8u^«8t  to  him  that  veiy 
likely*  we  have  read  twd  dilTcrL-iit  historitw.  But  I  will  let 
this  paa:,  and  I  will  asinime  that  it  came  into  tho  poBscssion 
of  England  in  the  most  honourable  way,  which  is,  I  BuppoM, 
hy  regular  and  acknowledged  national  warfare. 

Supixjsc,  at  this  momeut,  you  heard,  or  the  Knglish 
OovernmeDt   heard,   that   Spain    wa«   equii>piiig   expuditions, 


1862. 


AMEJilCA.     II. 


215 


by  land  and  sea,  Tor  the  puriKise  »!'  retaking  Uiat  Tortreet)  and 
rock.  Now,  altlioii<|;:h  it  is  not  of  the  sligfhtesL  advantage 
to  auy  Kn^^IiHlimaii  living,  excepting'  to  thuse  who  have 
fiensinnEc  and  wcii]iftti<>n«  upon  it;  although  every  Govern- 
ment krionin  it,  and  although  more  than  one  Goveromeot 
has  becD  aiixious  to  gi?c  it  up,  and  I  bopc  this  Qovum- 
ment  will  H:ml  my  friend,  Mr.  Cobden,  to  Madrid,  with 
»u  olTcr  that  CiibraltJkr  shall  be  ceded  to  Spain,  as  beiiig  of 
no  Mse  bi  thiti  c-uuntr}',  and  only  etnltittering,  as  Ktatecmon 
havA  admitted,  the  relations  hetwecn  Spain  and  Kng;tflnd, — 
and  if  he  were  to  go  to  JVIadrid  with  an  odcr  of  ttie  Ilock  of 
Gibraltar,  I  believf  lie  mii^ht  ubtaiu  a  «jmmen:ial  trwj^ 
with  Spain,  that  would  admit  every  Engliiih  mnnufacture  and 
every  article  of  Gnglieh  prodnce  into  tliat  country  at  a  dn^ 
of  not  more  than  ten  per  cent, ; — 1  say,  do  yon  not  think 
that,  if  you  heard  that  Spain  waa  about  to  retake  tiiat  uee- 
less  rock,  mustering  her  legioua  and  her  fleets,  the  English 
Government  would  combine  all  the  power  of  this  country 
to  resiet  it  ? 

Jf  that  be  no,  then  1  think — seeing  that  there  wa«  a  fair 
election  two  years  ago,  and  that  President  Lincoln  was  fairiy 
and  honestly  tlivtcd — thut  when  tlie  Suutliem  Icudure  met 
at  Montgomety  in  Alabama,  on  the  6th  of  March,  and 
authorized  the  raising  of  u  hundred  thousand  men,  and 
when,  on  the  15th  of  April,  they  attacked  Fort  Sumter — 
not  a  fort  of  South  Carolina,  but  a  fort  of  the  Union— 
then,  upon  all  the  prineiples  that  Engli^men  and  Kngliah 
Oovernments  have  ever  acted  upon.  President  Liiifolii  was 
jiutified  in  calling  out  seventy-five  thoasand  men — which 
was  hill  first  cull — for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  in- 
tegrity of  that  nation,  which  was  the  main  piupo»e  of  the 
oath  which  he  had  taken  at  his  election. 

Now  I  aludl  not  go  into  a  long  argument  upon  this  ques- 
tion, for  the  Fi>a«on  that  a  year  ago  I  said  what  1  t3iought  it 
neccsEnry  to  eay  upon  it,  and  because  I  believe  the  questioQ 


216 


SPEECHES  OF  JOUS  BRIGHT. 


OK.  18, 


is  in  tlie  band,  not  of  my  hon.  Friend,  nor  in  Umt  of  Lord 
Palinfirston,  nor  in  that  tvcn  of  President  Lincoln,  but  it 
ifi  in  the  hand  of  the  Sufuvme  Ilulcr,  who  is  brin^nf; 
about  one  of  tliOBc  ^rcut  tr^nKiotiuiitt  in  hiatory  which  men 
of^n  nill  not  reg-.ird  when  tliey  are  passing  before  them,  but 
which  tliey  louU  buclc  upon  with  awo  and  astonishment  6ome 
yeara  aftor  they  are  paitt.  So  I  shall  content  myself  iviUi 
nailing  one  or  two  questiooH.  I  i«haU  not  diecues  the  t^uestion 
n-hethcr  the  North  is  making  war  for  the  Conetitutiun,  or 
making  war  for  thp  abolition  of  slavery. 

If  yon  uome  to  a  mittj^r  of  sympatby  with  the  Soutli,  or 
recognition  of  the  South,  or  mediation  or  intervention  for  the 
lienefit  of  the  South,  you  should  consider  wliat  are  the  enda 
of  the  SouUi.  Surely  the  United  States  Govcrnnifiit  ia  a 
Government  at  aini^  with  thi«  ooiintry.  Its  Minister  ia 
iu  Luudou — B  man  honourable  by  family,  as  yuu  know,  in 
America,  his  fattier  and  hi-t  grandfather  having  held  the 
office  of  Preeident  of  the  iloiwblic.  You  have  your  owm 
Minister  just  returned  to  Washinifton.  Ia  tins  hypocrisy? 
Are  you,  because  you  can  cavil  ut  eertuin  tilings  which  the 
North,  the  TTnited  States  Government,  hai  done  or  has  not 
doLo,  are  you  engorly  to  throw  tln3  intluenec  of  your  opinion 
into  a  movement  vvtiich  ii^  to  dismember  the  ^ rcat  Republic  ? 

Ie  there  a  man  here  tJiat  doubt«  for  a  moment  th&t  the 
object  of  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  Sonth — tlioy  began 
the  wnr — that  the  object  of  the  war  on  the  part  of  the 
South  JB  to  maintain  in  bondage  four  millions  of  human 
bdng«  ?  That  is  only  a  small  part  of  it.  The  further  object 
is  to  perpetuate  for  ever  (be  bouda^  of  all  the  jiOMt^Tity  of 
those  four  millions  of  slaves.  [A  fctw  erics  of  '  No  !  No  !*] 
Yoii  will  lienr  that  T  am  not  in  a  condition  to  contest  vigor- 
ouely  anything  that  may  bo  opposed,  for  I  am  BtifTering,  as 
nearly  everybody  is,  fram  the  etate  of  the  weather,  and  a 
hoarsened  that  almm^t  hindcre  me  from  epi'akin^.  I  could 
quote  their  own  doci)ment«  till  midnij^bt  in  pruof  of  what 


10«i, 


AMESiCA.    11. 


817 


I  my  ;  and  if  I  fouod  a  inau  who  denied  it,  upon  the  cridenca 
tbat  liad  been  ufTered,  I  would  uot  oSeud  liim,  or  trouble 
myi*elf  liy  trying  further  t«  convince  him. 

The  ohjoct  is,  that  a  hiindf'ul  of  white  men  ou  that  con- 
tinent  shall  lord  it  over  many  rnilltona  of  lilacka,  made 
black  hy  the  very  Hund  that  made  us  white.  The  object  is, 
that  they  should  have  the  power  to  breed  negroes,  to  work 
negToea,  to  laeh  neprttet,  to  chain  nepfrws,  to  buy  auU  aoll 
Dvg^roM,  to  deny  them  the  commonest  tic«  of  family,  or  to 
Ijrt'uk  their  hearts  by  reudiug-  them  at  their  pleasure,  to  clone 
their  mental  eye  to  but  a  glimpse  even  of  tliat  knowledge  which 
sepnratcH  us  i'rom  tlic  brut« — for  in  their  laws  it  is  criminal 
and  penul  to  teach  the  nefjro  to  read — to  eieal  from  their 
hearts  the  Book  of  our  rcttgion,  and  to  make  chattels  and 
things  of  men  and  women  and  children. 

Now  I  wnnt  to  a^k  whether  this  is  to  be  the  foundation, 
as  it  is  proposed,  of  a  new  t^lave  empire,  and  whether  it  is 
intended  that  on  this  andaeinnii  and  infernal  Xmnis  'England's 
new  ally  is  to  be  built  up.  It  has  been  i^iid  that  Greece  was 
recognized,  and  that  other  countrieg  liud  bccu  recc^iizod. 
But  Greece  wan  not  reeognizctl  till  after  she  had  fought 
Turkey  for  »\x  years,  and  the  Republic.^  of  Sonth  America, 
some  of  them,  not  till  they  had  fought  the  mother  c-otintry  for 
a  score  of  years.  France  did  not  recognize  the  United  State* 
of  America  till  some,  I  think,  six  years,  five  certainly,  after 
the  beginning  of  the  War  of  Indc|>cn(lcncc,  and  even  then 
it  WH«  received  as  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  English  Govern- 
ment. I  want  to  know  who  they  are  who  speak  eagerly  in 
fiiTour  of  England  becoming  the  ally  and  friend  of  this  great 
conspiracy  against  human  nature. 

Now  I  should  have  no  kind  of  objection  to  recognize  a 
country  because  it  wiia  a  country  that  held  slaves — to  recog- 
nize the  United  $tAt«s,  or  to  be  in  amity  with  it-  Tlie  qn«i- 
tion  of  elavery  there,  and  in  Cuba  and  in  Brazil,  is,  as  far 
•a  respeott*  the  present  generation,  an  accident,  and  it  would 


218 


Si'lCKCUES  OF  JOrf.V  BRIGHT. 


tftx.  19, 


be  unre:uH>naMu  that  wc  eliauld  object  to  trade  with  and  liave 
political  relations  vvttJi  a  country,  merely  becaiiee  it  hap[>ened 
to  hsvv  withio  its  borders  the  iostiliitioii  of  slavery.  Latcful 
til  tlint  iiistitiitinn  is.  Itut  in  tliis  cose  it  is  n  now  State 
int^udin^  to  >iot  it>^1f  up  on  the  sulo  ba«i>«  of  <ila%'ory.  Slavi?ry 
!•  Ha^hemously  declared  to  be  its  chief  eomcr-stone. 

I  have  Inward  tUiit  thfrt;  an;,  in  tliiK  i-ountry,  miiiistt'n!  of 
state  who  are  in  favour  of  the  South;  tliat  there  arc  members 
oftlie  axifitoiTuuy  whu  ore  lurrifi^>d  at  tlio  shadow  of  the  Great 
Republic;  that  there  are  rich  men  on  our  commercial  ex- 
chaii£«fl,  depraved,  it  may  b«,  by  their  riohos,  and  thriving 
onwholesomely  wiihiu  Uie  ntmosphei'e  of  a  privileged  dass; 
that  there  arc  conductors  of  the  public  press  who  would 
barter  the  i-ighbi  of  milliniu  of  their  fcllow^creatureB  that 
they  mi^ht  bsitik  in  the  (;milc8  of  tbe  great. 

But  I  know  that  there  are  ministers  of  state  who  do  not 
wifib  that  this  iumirrcction  should  break  up  tho  American 
nation  \  that  there  are  meml>cni  of  our  aristocracy  who  arc 
not  afraid  of  tJie  shadow  of  tlie  Rt-public  ;  that  there  are 
rich  men,  many,  who  are  not  depraved  by  their  riches;  and 
tJiat  tlicre  arc  public  writers  of  omincnec  and  honour  who 
will  not  barter  human  righte  for  the  patronage  of  the  £7*6*1. 
But  most  of  all,  und  berunj  uU,  I  believe, — I  um  Hure  it  is 
true  in  Lanratilure,  where  the  working  men  have  seen  them- 
solves  coming  down  fkim  prosperity  to  ruin,  &om  indepen- 
dence to  a  BubHiiiteueD  on  oharity, — I  say  that  I  believe  that 
the  uneafranchised  but  not  Iiopelcai  milUons  of  Uiis  t-ountry 
will  never  sympathize  with  a  revolt  which  is  intende<l  to 
destroy  the  liberty  of  a  continent,  and  to  huild  on  itit  ruins 
a  mifjhty  fabric  of  human  bnnda^. 

^^^len  I  speale  to  gentlemen  in  private  npon  this  matter, 
and  hear  their  own  candid  opinion, — I  mean  those  who  difler 
from  me  on  this  question,— they  gcneraUy  end  by  saying  tlint 
tiie  BepuUic  is  too  great  and  too  [nwerfnl,  and  that  it  is 
better  for  as — ^nob  by  'us'  meaning  you,  but  the  governing 


AJiBRSCA.    II. 


210 


cluescs  aod  the  goveroing  polio}'  of  Knglnnd — that  it  slioiild 
he  brohen  up.  But  we  will  suppose  that  we  are  in  New 
York  or  in  Boston,  discuwjio^  Uic  policy  and  powvr  of  Eng-- 
lanil.  If  any  one*  there  were  t»>  point  to  England, — not  to 
the  thiri^'-one  millions  of  population  in  these  island?,  Imt 
to  her  on«  huudrwl  and  fifty  tnillioati  in  India,  and  nobody 
knowg  how  many  millions  more  in  every  other  part  of  the 
f  |*lot)C, — might  he  not,  whilst  boasting  th&t  Ammcii  has  not 
'ODVcred  the  ocean  with  fleets  of  force,  or  left  the  txtoee  of 
her  citizens  to  bliuivh  on  u  hundred  Europeau  liuttle-field*, — 
might  he  not  fairly  nay,  that  Kngland  in  great  and  powerful, 
and  thut  it  'm  jxTitou^  tor  the  world  that  she  i«  eo  great? 

But  bear  in  mind  that  every  decUrntion  of  this  kind, 
whether  from  an  Eoglishmna  wlio  profe«sc«  to  be  etxiotly 
ag'lish,  or  from  an  American  strirtly  Ameritan,  or  from  a 
nchmxn  Htrictly  French, — whether  it  nsavrts  in  arro- 
gant stmins  that  Tlrilonnin  ruins  the  wavra,  or  speaks  of 
•manifest  destiny'  and  the  BUpremacy  of  the  'Stare  and 
Strii>e8/  or  1>oa8t«  that  tlie  Gaf^W  of  one  nation,  having 
once  overnni  Europe,  may  possibly  repeat  the  experiment, — 
I  say  all  this  \»  to  be  condemned.  It  in  not  truly  patriotic; 
it  is  not  rational;  it  \%  not  moral.  Hen,  I  e«y,  if  any  man 
wishes  the  Great  RopuLlie  to  l»e  severed  on  that  ground :  in 
my  opinion,  be  is  doing  that  which  tends  to  keep  oUto 
jealoiudea  which,  as  far  aa  he  can  prevent  it,  will  never  die; 
though  if  ihcy  do  not  die,  wars  must  be  eternal. 

lint  then  I  shall  be  told  that  the  people  of  the  North  do 
Dot  like  na  at  all.  In  fact,  we  have  heard  it  to-night.  It  is 
not  reasonable  that  they  (should  like  tw.  If  an  Amcriciui  b«  in 
this  room  to-night,  will  he  feet  that  he  likes  my  honourable 
Friend  ?  But  if  the  North  does  not  like  England,  does  any- 
body believe  the  Sonlh  does?  It  doeft  not  appear  to  me  to 
^1k!  a  qneetion  of  liking  or  did^ng.  Everybody  knowe  that 
when  the  South  was  in  power, — and  it  ba«  been  iu  power  for 
the  last  fiftiy  years, — everybody  knows  that  ho)<tility  to  Ibis 


920  SPERCIIRS  OF  JOHN  BlilGnV.  dw.  is, 

coLiitri",  wliewver  it  existed  in  America,  was  cherished  »iul 
Ktimulnt^d  to  the  utmost  degree  by  eomfi  of  those  very  men 
who  are  now  Ipadern  of  this  very  iiimirrprtion. 

My  hoii.  Frieud  read  it  iiacsa^  uboul  the  ALihuuM.  I 
iindertike  to  sfty  that  he  iei  niA.  acquainted  with  the  facts 
about  the  AfalmiM/t.  That  he  will  acknowledge,  I  thiiik.  Tlie 
Government  of  this  country  have  admitteii  that  the  biiihiing 
of  the  Alui/auta,  luid  her  suilinj*  from  the  Mersey,  was  a 
violation  of  international  law.  In  America  they  say,  and 
they  say  here,  tliat  th«  Aiafjama  is  a  »liip  of  war;  that  she 
wad  bwilt  in  the  Mersey ;  (hat  she  was  l>tiilt,  and  I  have 
reason  to  believe  it,  by  a  member  of  the  Britlfih  Parlia- 
meat;  that  she  ia  furnished  with  guns  of  Kugtiek  manu- 
facture;  that  she  is  maDnvd  almost  entirety  hy  Eng'li^h- 
men ;  and  that  these  fa(.-t£  were  represented,  as  I  know  they 
were  represented,  to  the  collector  of  cuBtoms  in  Liverpool, 
who  pfxih-poohcd  them,  and  said  tliere  was  uothinf;  in  them. 
He  was  requested  to  send  the  facts  up  to  London  to  the 
Cutitnms'  authorities,  and  their  solicitor,  not  a  very  wiae  man, 
but  probably  iu  favour  of  breakingr  up  the  Rc|iublic,  did  not 
think  them  of  much  consequence;  but  afterwards  the  opinion 
of  an  euiinent  counspl,  Mr.  Collier,  the  Member  for  PlyTOOiitli, 
vras  takcD,  and  he  stated  distinctly  that  what  wa*  Winf(  done 
in  Liverpool  wax  u  direct  infringement  of  the  Foreign  Enlist- 
ment Act,  and  that  the  Cnstom*'  authorities  of  Liveqwol  would 
be  responsible  for  aiiythini;  that  happened  in  euiiMH]uenee. 

When  Ihis  opiniun  waa  taken  to  the  Foreign  Office  the 
Foreigrn  Office  was  a  little  astonished  and  a  little  troubled; 
and  after  they  had  con6ulte<i  their  own  law  officers,  whoee 
oidnions    Hgree<l    with    that    of   Mr.   Cullier,    they   did   what 
I  GuveniniL'ut  officers  generally  do,  and  as  promptly, — a  tele- 

<  graphic  Riewatge  went  down,  to  Liverpool  to  order  that  thi« 

veHsel  kiliould  be  eeized,  and  Bbe  happened  to  eail  an  hour 
or  two  before  the  message  arrived.  She  has  never  Wen  into 
a  Cunliderati^  port — they  have  not  gx>t  any  ports ;  she  lioiste 


i«es. 


AifgRlCA.     Jl. 


221 


the  English  flog  wbon  she  waate  to  como  alongside  a  ship; 
Bhe  »ets  a  8bip  on  fire  in  the  niglit,  and  when,  seeing  liro, 

rSnotlier  ulnp  bcat-x  down  to  k>nd  bc1[>,  ttfae  iteise*  it,  and 
inlli^H  und  bums  tt.  1  think  tbat,  if  we  were  ciLiz«D5  ijI' 
New  York,  it  would  require  a  little  more  enliuuvi^  than  is 
shown  in  this  coantry  to  look  »t  all  tliis  ua  if  it  was  a  nuitt4>r 
with  wliicli  we  had  no  concern.  And  thuivfore  1  du  not  ao 
much  blame  the  languor  that-  bus  tecu  used  in  AmerlcH  lu 

^'Hefereiice  to  the  queetiuu  of  the  AfaOana. 

Bat  they  do  not  know  in  America  so  much  hs  we  know — 
the  whole  truth  about  public  opinion  here.  There  are  mintf)< 
%a»  in  our  Cabinet  as  resolved  to  be  no  traitors  to  frL-vdom, 
on  this  question,  aa  I  am ;  and  there  are  meuibcn  of  the 
English  aristocracy,  and  in  the  rerj-  highest  rank,  as  T  know 
for  a  certainty,  who  hold  the  eame  upiiiiou.  Tbuy  do  iiut 
know  in  America — at  least,  there  ha^  been  no  indication  of  it 
untit  the  advices  that  have  come  to  hand  within  the  lost  tiro 
days — what  is  the  opimoQ  of  the  great  body  of  the  working 
claciBeH  in  KiigUuid.  Tliere  has  been  every  effort  that  money 
and  malice  eouUl  make  to  HilimuliLte  in  Lnncoebire,  atnongnt 
the  suffering-  populatiou,  an  czprcetiion  of  opimoa  in  favour 
of  the  Slave  Statex.  They  have  not  been  uhle  to  gut  it. 
And  I  honour  that  population  for  their  fidelity  to  principles 
and  to  freedom,  and  I  f&y  that  the  <.'Our>;e  they  liave  taken 
ought  to  atone  la  ^e  miiuLi  uf  the  people  of  the  United  States 
for  miles  of  Icn<Iing  articles,  written  by  the  London  prees, — 
by  men  who  would  barter  every  human  right, — that  Ihey 
might  serve  the  party  with  wbicli  they  are  associated. 

But  now  I  shall  ask  you  one  other  qnestion  befor(>  T  dt 
(town,  —  How  comes  it  that  on  the  Continent  there  is  not  a 
liberal  newspaper,  nor  a  liberal  politician,  that  ha«  »id,  or 
has  thought  of  easing,  a  word  in  favour  of  thie  portenUius 
and  moDiitrous  shape  which  now  asks  to  he  received  into  the 
&oiily  of  nations?  Take  thi-  groat  Italian  Minibter,  Count 
Cavour.     Vou  read  some  time  ago  in  the  papers  part  of  a 


222 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


owe.  IS, 


despatch  which  lie  wrote  an  the  qufstioD  of  America — be  haJ 
iiu  (llQicuU^'  iu  dffidin^.  x\«k  Garibaldi.  !»  there  in  Kurojie 
a  mote  ditiintereeb'cl  and  pt^nerous  rrieml  of  frp«<Iom  than 
Oariljuldi?  Afik  thnt  itliistrioiig  Hutignriuti,  Ui  ivlii>e«i  mar- 
relloiia  cloqni>n(H!  you  onoe  listeued  in  this  hall.  AVill  he  t«II 
you  that  tluvcr>'  has  uothluj;  to  do  with  it,  aiid  that  the 
shiveboldere  of  the  South  wil!  Iibenit«  the  iie^jroes  sooner 
than  the  North  Uiroii(fh  the  instruitienljility  of  the  war? 
Aslc  A'ietor  Hugo,  the  poet  of  fn^edom, — the  expoii«iit,  may 
I  not  eall  him,  of  tho  j'i>«niii)g»  of  nil  mankind  for  ft  better 
time?  A»k  any  man  in  Eiiro|ic  who  opens  his  lips  for  free- 
dom,—who  dips  his  pL-n  in  ink  that  hu  may  indile  a  eeiitcnce 
for  fi-eedoio, — whoever  has  a  Bympathy  for  freedom  warm  in 
his  own  htiftrl, — ask  him, — lie  will  liiivo  no  difficulty  in  tell- 
ing you  on  »vhii'h  Bide  your  ayiupalhies  pliould  lie. 

Only  a  fCTr  days  a^  a  (ierman  merchant  in  Manchester 
was  spe«kii)g  to  a  friend  of  mine,  and  fM*id  he  had  recently 
tnivi'Ili-d  ill!  through  Germany.  He  Kiid, '  I  iim  so  surjiriMcd, 
— I  don't  find  one  man  in  (avonr  of  the  Sonth.'  That  is  not 
Ime  of  Germany  only,  it  is  true  of  all  the  woi'ld  except  this 
ielond,  famed  for  freedom,  in  which  we  dwell.  I  will  tell  yon 
what  is  the  r€u«on.  Our  London  priiss  in  mainly  in  the 
hands  of  certain  ruling  West  Knd  clas»cs;  it  acta  and  writes 
in  favour  of  thoEw  clsfises.  I  will  t«l1  you  what  thuy  mean. 
One  of  the  most  eminent  statesmen  in  thig  coimtry, — one 
who  has  rendtircd  the  ^roate^t  eer^'ioee  to  the  country,  though, 
I  mnet  may,  not  in  au  ofliciul  capiu-'ity,  iu  vrhicb  men  very 
seldom  eonfer  imch  great  adi'antageo  upon  tJie  country,-'be 
l«ld  me  twice,  at  nn  interval  of  pcveml  months,  '  I  bad  no 
iddk  how  mueli  influence  the  example  of  tbiit  Kepitblie  was 
having  upon  opinion  hcr«,  until  1  distovered  the  universal  con- 
gratulation that  the  Republic  waK  likely  la  be  broken  up.' 

But,  Sir^  the  I'ree  States  are  the  home  of  the  working 
man.  Now,  I  sijeak  to  working  men  particularly  at  this 
moment.      Do  yoti  know  that   in  lifteen  years  two   millioD 


ISA!. 


AMERICA,     ir. 


223 


five  biindrfd  tluiusand  pereonK,  mea,  women,  and  children, 
have  left  tlie  UniU>d  Kingdom  to  find  a  liomo  in  ttic  Free 
States  of  Ariicn>eu?  That  is  a  population  equal  to  eig^it  threat 
cities  of  th«  size  of  Birmiiighum.  Wbat  would  you  Ihink  ot' 
cig-bt  Birmmg:liAn]8  being-  traosplantcd  Irom  bhis  cnuntiy  and 
wt  down  io  the  United  StatvB?  Spe&king  generally,  evciy 
man  of  tliosv  two  and  ii  tialf  milHoiia  in  in  a  position  of  muub 
bi^lier  cnmfiirt  and  prnopority  thnn  be  would  have  Iwen  if  he 
had  remained  in  ibis  cotmtTy.  I  say  it  is  the  home  of  the 
working'  man  ;  as  one  of  her  (Ktets  has  receDtIr  eaid, — 

■  Faf  her  freo  totah-Mring  n«v«r  inw  drftwn  in 
Agaiiut  Iko  poorwil  clitid  u(  AiLuu'a  km.' 

And  in  that  Innd  tbcrc  are  no  six  millioiu  of  grown  men — 
I  speak  of  the  FVee  States — excluded  IVmn  the  constitution  of 
thfir  eouiitn.-  and  it«  clocLonil  franchise;  there,  you  will  find 
a  free  Church,  a  Iree  eeliool,  free  land,  n.  free  vote,  and  a  free 
copwer  for  the  child  of  tlie  hurahWt  born  in  the  land.  My 
countrymen  who  work  for  yoiir  livinjcf,  remember  thi« :  there 
will  be  uue  wild  ahrick  of  freedom  to  eturtJc  all  mankind 
if  tJiat  American  Ropublir  shonld  he  overthrown. 

Now  for  one  moment  let  u»  lift  ouno^lves,  if  we  oan,  u1>o\-a 
the  narrow  cirolo  in  whitrb  wo  are  all  too  apt  to  lire  mod 
think;  let  us  put  uunwlvoii  on  an  historical  «)nin«fi«c,  and 
judge  this  matter  fairly.  Slavery  has  been,  ae  we  all  know,  tbe 
huge,  foul  blot  npou  the  fiimc  of  the  American  Republic;  it 
itt  a  Iitdeotis  oiitriigv  against  human  right  and  against  Dtvinc 
Inn-;  but  the  |>riile,  the  ])ii6siunof  mail,  will  not])ermit  its  peace- 
able extinction.  Tbe  elave-ovrners  of  our  colonies,  if  thcj  bnd 
been  strong  enough,  would  hove  revolted  too.  I  believe  there 
wofi  no  mode  short  of  a  mimcle  more  stupendnus  than  any  n>- 
oopded  ill  Holy  Writ  tiiat  could  in  our  time,  or  in  a  Cfntury. 
or  in  any  time,  have  brought  about  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  Amencu,  but  tht>  Ruioidc  whieh  the  South  bno  enmmitted 
and  the  war  which  it  has  begun. 

Sir,  it  ia  a  mea^ureletM  calamity, — ■tbii*  war.     I  aaid  tbo 


2S4  SPRECaSS  OF  JOffX  SltfGJIT.  ok.  18. 

Kussiaii  wur  wtut  a  meuifiiri-l(.iM  culamity,  uiid  yet  many  of 
your  leaders  and  friends  told  yon  that  it  wan  a  ju^t  war  to 
maintain  t1i«  iutegi-ity  uf  Turkey,  eunie  tlioiutands  of  luiUs 
off.  Surely  tlic  integrity  of  your  owu  country  at  your  own 
doois  muet  be  worth  ns  much  as  the  intcgritf  of  Turkey.  Is 
not  tViiB  war  the  penalty  which  inexorable  justice  exacts  from 
America,  North  :tud  South,  for  the  enormous  g'uilt  of  cherish- 
ing that  frightful  iniquity  of  slavery  for  the  last  eighty 
jtmnf  I  do  not  blame  any  man  here  who  thiiikg  the  cnusc 
of  the  North  bopelees  and  the  reBtoration  of  the  Union  ini- 
poesible.  It  may  Ih;  hopeleiw;  Uic  rcstumtioii  oiuy  be  inipox- 
rible.  ^'nu  have  the  authority  of  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchecpier  oii  that  point.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Eiflietjuerj 
as  a  Hpcaker,  is  not  surpassed  by  any  man  iu  Eiiglitud,  and  h« 
18  a  great  ^ttMnian ;  he  bcHoves  the  cause  of  the  North  to 
be  bopelcse;  tliat  their  entcrpri^ie  cannot  eucceed. 

Well,  he  is  quite  weleome  to  ttiat  opinion,  and  so  is  any- 
body else,  I  do  not  hold  the  opinion;  but  the  facts  are 
before  ii»  all,  and,  as  far  as  tve  can  clin?arcl  pa««:ioL  and  sym- 
pathy, we  are  all  equally  at  liberty  to  form  our  own  opinion. 
But  wlukt  I  do  blame  in  this.  I  blamv  men  who  arc  eager  to 
admit  into  the  family  nf  natiocifi  »  Stat*.-  whtt^h  otrcrs  itmlf  to 
UB,  ba^cd  upon  a  principle,  I  will  undertake  to  Kiy,  more 
odiouH  and  more  blaspheniouit  than  wus  ever  heretofore 
dreamed  of  in  Chrii^ian  or  Pagan,  iu  civilized  or  in  iuivage 
times.  The  kfidi>rs  of  this  revolt  propose  this  monstrous  thing 
— that  over  a  territorj-  forty  tiiuee  as  lai-ge  as  Kngland,  tlie 
blight  ami  curse  of  slavbr>'  kIiuII  he  for  ever  perpetuated. 

I  cannot  Wlieve,  (br  my  part,  tliat  such  a  fnt«  ft-ill  befall  that 
fair  land,  utriekcu  though  it  now  is  with  tlie  ravages  of  war. 
I  (■aniKit  believe  that  civilizntion,  in  its  journey  with  the  eua, 
will  sink  into  eiidle^  night  in  oider  to  gratify  Die  ambition 
t>f  the  IcudcTfl  of  tbifi  revolt,  who  n^'k  to 

■  Waiio  tliroHgli  «Unglitcr  to  n  ttimii^. 
Aud  iliut  Itie  ynt«  of  niptpy  uu  uiaiikind' 


1868.  AMERICA.     II.  225 

I  have  another  and  a  far  brighter  vision  before  my  gaze.  It 
may  be  but  a  vision,  but  I  will  cherish  it  I  see  one  vast 
confederation  stretching  from  the  frozen  North  in  unbroken 
line  to  the  glowing  South,  and  from  the  wild  billows  of  the 
Atlantic  westward  to  the  calmer  waters  of  the  Pacific  main, — 
and  I  see  one  people,  and  one  language,  and  one  law,  and  one 
faith,  and,  over  all  that  wide  continent,  the  home  of  freedom, 
and  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  every  race  and  of  every 
clime. 


=«>g(^t=t-^- 


VOT,.  I. 


AMERICA. 

m 

SLAVERY  AND  SECESSION. 

ROCHDALE,   FEBRUARY  3,  1863. 

[ThiB  speech  was  delivefed  nt  a  public  meetiog  held  in  the  Public  HtU, 
Rochdale,  for  the  purpose  of  pMnng  a  raeolutioii  of  thaolu  to  the  merchanta 
of  New  York,  for  their  generous  contrihutiona  to  the  relief  of  the  auffeiing 
populatioD  of  the  cotton  districta.] 

I  FEEL  as  if  we  were  in  our  places  to-nigfat,  for  we  are  met 
for  the  purpose  of  considering,  and,  I  doabt  not,  of  agreeing 
to  a  resolution  expressive  of  our  sense  of  the  generosity  of  the 
merchants  of  New  York,  and  other  citizens  of  tiie  United 
States,  who  have,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  troubles  and  such 
great  sacrifices,  contributed  to  the  relief  of  that  appalling 
distress  which  has  prevailed,  and  does  still  prevail,  in  this 
county. 

I  regard  this  transmission  of  assistance  &om  the  United 
States  as  a  proof  that  the  world  moves  onward  in  the  direction 
of  a  better  time.  It  is  an  evidence  that,  whatever  may  be 
the  &ult8  of  ambitious  men,  and  sometimes,  may  I  not  say, 
the  crimes  of  Governments,  the  peoples  are  drawing  together, 
and  beginoing  to  learn  that  it  nevet  was  intended  that  tbey 
should  be  hostile  to  each  other,  but  that  every  nation  should 


228  SPERCHBS   OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.  wm.  t, 

take  a  brotherly  interest  in  evciy  other  natioti  iu  the  world. 
There  Xma  been,  as  we  all  know,  not  a  little  jealousy  between 
scnie  portioiw  of  tlie  jieople  of  this  country  and  fiomo  portious 
of  the  jjeojilc  of  th«  United  States.  Perhaps  the  jpalousj'  has 
«)UBted  more  on  this  aide.  I  think  it  has  found  morv  expres- 
sion here,  probably  throtigh  tli*  meanti  of  the  public  press, 
than  has  Wen  the  caee  with  thera.  1  nm  not  allmlinff  now  to 
the  last  two  years,  but  as  loug  as  moat  of  us  have  liei-n  readeia 
of  newspapers  aiid  observent  of  what  hax  pusm-d  aroimd  us. 

The  eetabliRhmont  of  independence,  eig-hty  years  ago;  the 
war  of  I  Sj  3 ;  it  may  he,  occusioimlly,  the  presiiinptuonsneas  and 
the  arrogance  of  a  growing  and  proeiperons  natii>n  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Atlmitie — these  thiiipt  liavv  ^timululed  ill  feeliii}; 
and  jtalousy  here,  which  have  often  found  expression  in  liin- 

lage  nhieh  has  not  be&n  of  Uiti  very  kindest  chnraeter.  But 
"why  should  there  be  tlii«  je-aloiisy  between  tlieBO  two  iiatious? 
Mr.  A«li worth  bos  said,  and  said  very  truly,  'Are  they  not 
our  ovfn  people?'  1  should  think,  as  ou  Eng-lishman,  that  to 
see  that  people  so  numerous,  so  [wwerful,  so  great  in  so  many 
ways,  sliould  be  to  us  u  cauae,  not  of  v:nv)-  or  of  fear,  but  rather 
of  jflorj-  and  rejoieing. 

T  have  never  visi1*d  the  Uuited  States,  but  1  ean  under- 
stand the  pleasure  witli  which  an  Knglishman  Innds  in  a 
eouiitry  throe  thoumnd  miles  off,  and  fiuds  that  every  man 
he  meets  speaks  his  own  Ungnagi^  I  recollect  some  yeare 
ago  reading  a  mo^t  amusing  sjieech  delivered  by  a  Suffolk 
eoLUitiy  gentleman,  at  a  Suffolk  agrieultunil  dinner,  I  ttiink 
it  MTis,  though  I  do  not  believe  the  epcechcs  of  Snflolk  ooimtry 
gentlemen  at  Suffolk  agricultural  meetings  are  generally 
very  amusing.  But  this  waa  a  very  umusiug  siKieeh.  This 
gentleaum  had  travelled;  he  had  hecn  in  the  lmit4>d  States, 
and  being  intelligent  enough  to  admire  much  that  he  saw 
there,  he  gave  to  his  audience  a  de^ription  of  Bome  things 
that  he  liad  seen ;  but  that  which  seemed  to  delight 
him  most  was  this,  tliat  uhvu  he  Ktcpped  from  tlie  steamer 


IH9. 


AMERICA,     til. 


M9 


on   to   the  quay   at  N«w  York,  he  found   that  'everybody 
B|H>ke    SidTolk.'      Now,    ir   anybody  from    tliis    ocig'Lbour- 
hortd  should  visit  New  York,  T  nm  afraid  lliat  be  will  not 
find   everybody  ^iHtikiu^^  LaaL-asliire.     Our  dialect,   n»  you 
know,  ifl  vanishinif  into  the  piut.     It  will  be  preserved  to 
(nturc  times,  jiartly  in  the  works  ofTim  Dobbin,  but  in  a  very 
much   better   luii)    more  instructive    form   in  tht*  lulmiwblc 
writings  of  one   of  my  oldest   and  most  valued  friends,  who 
b  now   upon    this   platform.      But  if  we    nhould   not  find 
the   people   of  New  York    ttpeukin^Ef  Lancashire,    wo   ftlioidd 
find  them  spoftking:  English.      AnA  if  wo  followed  a  little 
Eurthor,  and  onkeil  them  what  they  mid,  we  should  find  that 
they  read  all  ttie  bouk»(  that  we  read  thut  tue  vrortli  reading', 
andn^ood  many  nf  their  own,  some  of  whieh  have  not  yet 
reached  us;    that  ttiere  arc   probably   more    readoni  in    the 
Unitwl  States  of  Milton,  and  Shakespeare,  and  Dryden,  and 
Pope,  find  Byron,  and  Wordsworth,  and  Tennyson,  than  are 
to  be  Ibund  in  t-his  muntry;  becaase,  I  tliiak,  it  will  probably 
be  admitted  by  evunbody  who  nnderstands  tlie  iai-ts  of  licUi 
euuntries,  tliat  out  of  the  twenty  millions  of  population  in 
t-he  Free  StatoR  of  Ampriea,  there  are  more  persons  who  can 
read  well  than  there  are  in  the  thirty  millions  of  population 
of  Great  Brituin  and  Irclaud. 

And  if  we  leave  their  lit*.Taturc  and  turn  to  their  lawn,  we 
shall  lind  tliat  their  laws  have  the  some  bans  aa  out«,  and 
tliat  many  of  the  great  and  memorable  judgment*  of  our 
greatest  judges  and  la^'j'ens  are  of  high  authority  with  them. 
If  we  come  to  that  priceless  poaecfision  which  wc  have  perhaps 
more  clearly  e4*tiblii*he<l  than  any  other  people  in  Kiirope, 
that  of  personal  frvLiloni,  wc  shall  find  that  in  the  Free 
Sta.teR  of  America  personal  freedom  \s  as  much  known,  as 
well  eGtabIi«hod,  as  fully  appreciated,  and  as  completely 
enjoyed  as  it  is  now  in  this  country.  ;Vnd  if  we  come  to 
tbe  form  of  Lhetr  govcmmenl'.  we  ^hall  tind  that  it  i»  in  iU 
principle,  in  ita  essencr,  not  very  diesiuiilar  from  that  which 


230  SPBECIIES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.  ru.  J. 

«mr  Coiifttitutiou  prufesaea  in  this  kingd»m.  Tbe  difft.Tcnt.-c 
is  this,  that  our  Constitution  Una  never  yet  been  fully  enjoyed 
by  tlie  people;  tlie  ITniwe  in  which  forty-eight  hours  beoce 
I  may  Le  sittiiif^,  is  not  ati  full  uud  tuir  and  (rec  a  representa* 
tion  of  tlie  people  as  is  the  House  of  Keprenuntativos  that 
asacniblcs  at  W»i«liing:ton.  But,  if  there  1>«  difierenees,  are 
there  not  great  pointe  nf  ag^rocment,  and  arc  there  any  of 
these  differeuee*  that  justify  us  or  them  in  regarding  either 
Dstion  aK  foreign  or  liotitile? 

Now,  the  people  of  Kurope  owe  much  more  than  they  are 
ofleu  aivarw  of  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
Aniericii,  and  to  the  exiatcnoe  of  that  ^-eat  Ilcpulilic.  The 
Uuitwl  Stotoi*  have  hvcn  iu  point  of  fact  ou  ark  of  refuge 
to  the  peo|)le  of  Europe,  when  fleeing"  from  the  storms  and  the 
revolution)*  of  the  old  continent.  They  hnve  het'n,  v»  far  a* 
the  artisans  and  labouring  population  of  this  country  are 
conoemed,  a  life-boat  to  them  :  and  they  have  saved  hundreds 
of  thouHuuds  of  men  uitd  of  families  fn)m  di&ustrous  shipwreck. 
The  existence  nf  that  Iret-  country  and  tliat  free  (fovem- 
ment  haa  had  a  prodigious  infiuence  upon  freedom  iu  Eun>pe 
and  in  Knj^limd.  If  you  could  have  before  you  a  chart  of 
the  condition  of  Europe  whon  th*!'  l'nit<Kl  Stat«s  hwiame  ■ 
nation,  and  another  ehart  of  the  condition  of  Europe  nonr, 
yon  would  »ee  the  dinereiice,  the  cDormous  stride  which  has 
been  nmde  in  Eurojn*;  and  you  may  rely  upon  it  that  not 
a  littte  uf  it  has  teen  nccajiioniHl  by  tlie  inllnenee  of  the  forest 
example  of  that  country,  free  in  it«  political  institutions 
beyond  all  other  countries,  and  yet  luaiutaining  it«  course 
in  peace,  preserving  order,  and  couR-miig'  upon  all  iU  people 
n  degree  of  prosperity  which  iu  these  old  countries  is  aa  yet 
unknown. 

I  ahould  like  now  to  speak  specialty  to  the  workintf  men 
who  are  here,  who  have  no  capital  hut  their  skill  and  their 
iudiiBtry  and  their  bodily  strength.  In  Cftt-en  yeura  from 
1845  bi  i860 — and  thie  in  a  fact  which  I  stated  in  this  room 


18U. 


AMSHICA.    in. 


33) 


iDure  than  a  ynr  ago^  when  speaking  un  the  cjiiestion  on 
America,  but  it  is  a  Tact  which  eveiy  working  man  nn^t  to 
have  in  his  mind  always  whca  bo  ie  considerin^r  what  America 
is— in  fiOoen  years  tht-re  have  emigrated  to  the  lluited  States 
Oom  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  not  less  titan  two  million  four 
hnndred  thotisund  permoK.  Millions  are  t^as^[y  spoken,  not 
easily  counted,  with  fjpeat  difficnll^'  oomprchcoded;  but  the 
twenty-four  hundrod  thousand  persona  that  I  have  described 
meaus  a  population  equal  to  not  less  than  sixty  towna,  every 
one  of  th(.*tD  of  the  wzc  uud  puputation  of  Rochdale.  And 
every  one  of  these  men  who  have  eni!gTate<l,  ait  he  crowied  the 
Atlantic — if  he  went  by  st«am,  in  a  furtoight,  and  if  he  wi?nt 
by  sailSj  in  a  month  or  five  weeks — found  himnelf  in  a  country 
where  to  hie  setiscs  a  vast  revolution  had  taken  place,  com- 
prehending all  that  men  anticipate  from  any  kind  of  revolu. 
tion  that  shall  adi.-atipe  pulitieal  and  social  equality  in  their 
own  land— a  revolution  which  commenced  in  the  War  of 
Independcnw,  whtHi  luui  Wn  goiu^  on,  and  whicli  has  been 
coiifirnic<l  by  all  that  lias  tran.spired  in  subsetjuent  years. 

He  does  not  find  that  he  belouge  to  what  are  called  the 
'  lower  claaeea/  lie  in  not  shut  out  from  any  of  the  rights  of 
citizenship ;  he  is  admitte<l  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  all 
IKililical  privileyes,  as  ikir  an  they  are  extended  to  any  [HJKion 
of  the  population ;  and  he  has  there  ad^-nnta^s  which  the 
people  of  this  cvuutry  have  not  yet  gained,  because  wc  ore 
but  gradually  making  our  way  oat  of  the  darkness  and  the 
errors  and  the  tyrannii-s  of  i^iaet  agtu.  But  in  Amerii'a  he 
finds  the  land  not  cursed  with  feitdalism;  it  is  free  to  evray 
man  to  buy  and  sell,  and  [togscss  and  transmit.  He  findR  in 
the  town  in  which  he  iivee  that  the  noblest  biiildingu  arc  the 
scbool-houses  to  which  his  children  are  freely  admitted.  And 
among  those  twenty  millions— for  I  am  now  ooailiiiug  my 
ubsL-r^atiunii  to  the  Free  StatcH — the  son  of  every  man  has 
ea»ty  admi»wion  to  school,  has  fair  op)]ortiinity  for  improve- 
meot ;  and,  if  God  hao  gifted  him  with  power  of  head  and  of 


232 


SPKECltHH  OF  JOHN  SlilOUT. 


ru.  S. 


heart,  there  ie  nothing  of  usefulness,  nothing  of  greatness, 
nothing  of  success  in  that  country  to  which  h«  may  not 
fnirlv  jwpiiv. 

And,  Sir,  tliis  luukt-s  a  dtH'uretiuu  between  tliat  country  and 
tlitH,  on  which.  I  must  say  another  word.  One  of  thv  most 
pninfu]  things  to  my  mind  to  be  Men  in  Knglund  in  this, 
that  amongst.  th«  grejit  hixly  of  those  classes  which  onm  their 
living  by  their  daily  UiUoni- — ^it  is  particularly  obaervahle  in  the 
agriL-iiltiirul  districts,  uud  it  le  too  much  to  he  ohserved  even 
in  our  own  districts — there  ix  an  absence  of  that  hope  which 
every  miiR  ought  U>  have  iu  hie  kouI  thnt  t)iere  irt  for  him,  if 
he  lie  industrioue  and  fnigal,  a  oomfortiiblo  iiidcpcudence  as 
heodvancce  in  life.  In  the  United  Stnte*  tliot  hope  prevails 
rrcrywhcre,  l)ec»u»e  evei^-where  tliere  is  an  open  career;  there 
is  no  privileged  class;  there  is  complete  education  exteuded 
to  all,  and  every  man  feeU  that  he  was  not  horn  tu  he  in 
penury  and  in  sufleriug,  but  that  tborc  is  no  poiut  in  the 
soeiol  hulder  to  whicli  be  la.'Ay  not  tiurly  ho|>c  to  raise  him- 
self by  his  honest  ctibrttt. 

Well,  looking  at  all  this — nnd  I  have  but  iuuchcd  on  eumc 
very  promiuent.  fact* — 1  dhoiild  say  that  it  oflers  to  us  every 
motive,  not  for  fear,  not  for  jeal^niBv,  not  for  biitrod,  but 
rather  for  admimtion,  gratitude,  and  friendship.  I  am  jwr- 
enad^  of  this  as  much  as  1  am  of  Anything  thnt  I  know  or 
believe,  tbat  the  mora  pcrPect  the  friendship  that  is  ciitabllHhed 
between  the  people  of  Kngland  and  the  free  peoph^  of  America, 
the  more  you  will  find  your  path  nf  progress  here  made  ca»y 
for  you,  and  the  more  will  social  and  political  liberty  ailvance 
amongst  us. 

But  this  countrj'  which  1  have  been  iu  part  dcecribing  is 
now  the  sceuo  of  one  of  the  greatest  calamities  that  can  afflict 
mankind.  After  seventy  years  of  almost  uninterrupted  peace, 
it  has  bec-orae  the  scene  of  a  civil  war,  more  gigantic^  perhaps, 
than  any  tliat  we  have  nuy  nvord  of  with  regard  to  any  other 
nation  or  any  other  people ;  for  tho  eccue  of  this  worGsre  is  so 


ISM. 


AMKRICA.    W. 


833 


exteiifled  AS  to  embraco  a  region  almost  equal  in  size  to  the 
whole  of  Europe.  At  tliU  verj'  moment  military  aperationii  am 
tcinff  undertaken  »t  points  a*  distant  Prom  eat-h  other  as  Madrid 
19  distant  trom  Moscow.  But  this  grvat  Etril'u  canuut  tare 
ariaen  amongst  an  edniaited  and  intelligent  people  without 
some  great  and  ovemtliug  eause.  Let  us  &r  a  moment 
examine  thnt  eaiiKe,  and  let  us  ask  ounelrex  whether  it  \% 
possible  fit  suc-h  a  time  to  stand  m-utnil  in  regard  to  the  eon- 
tending  parties,  and  to  reftxse  our  sj-mpathj-  to  one  or  t^e 
other  of  them.  1  fiud  men  aometimes  who  profeaa  a  strict, 
nctitnility;  ther  tt'i»h  neither  the  one  thing-  nor  the  otiier. 
This  arises  either  from  the  fact  that  they  are  profoundly 
ignorant  with  regard  to  thte  matter,  or  eke  tluit  ttiey  sympu- 
thi«e  with  the  South,  but  are  rather  ashamed  to  admit  it. 

There  arc  two  qucstiomt  eoncerned  in  tliis  struggle.  Hitherto, 
generally,  one  only  haa  been  discussed.  There  is  tiie  t^nestion 
whether  negro  slaTery  mUhII  eootinue  to  be  upheld  among»<t 
Chriittian  nations,  or  whether  it  shall  he  entirely  ;ihc>li<>hed. 
BcoaoBC,  hear  in  mind  that  if  the  result  of  Utc  stru^lc  that, 
ie  now  proceeding  in  America  should  aholish  elaverj'  within 
the  territories  of  the  United  States,  then  soon  after  slavery  in 
Bnizil,  and  slaverj'  in  Cuba,  will  uIho  full.  T  \sas  iqteulliig 
the  other  day  to  a  gentloninn  well  aecjuainted  with  Cuban 
adUirs;  he  is  ofl«n  in  the  habit  of  seeing  {wtsous  who  conio 
from  Cuba  to  K\C\»  country  on  buRBCw;  oad  X  asked  him 
what  his  Cuban  friends  enid  of  what  uns  gning  on  in 
America.  He  »aiil,  'They  epeak  of  it  with  the  grealest 
•ppreheuHiou ;  all  the  property  of  Cuba,'  he  said,  'is  based 
CRi  slaTery;  and  they  smy  that  if  slavery  comes  to  nn  end 
in  America,  a«  they  believe  it  will,  through  this  war,  slavery 
will  have  a  very  short  life  in  Cuba.'  ITierefore,  the  question 
which  is  being  now  tried  is,  not  mer«ly  whether  four  millions 
of  nlnveK  in  Ameri^-a  shall  he  fr(«.  hut  whether  the  vast 
nunilier  of  slaves  (1  know  not  Ibe  number)  in  Cuba  and 
Brazil  ohail  also  l>u  liberated. 


234 


SPEKanES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


rsB.  3. 


But  tliore  is  anothi^r  qtiMtion  bolides  tbat  of  the  ni^ro,  Rnd 
which  to  jou  whom  I  am  now  addresaing  is  Rcarwly  lees  im- 
porlont.  I  Baj-  that  llic  (luc-stion  of  fix^edom  to  men  of  ul] 
races  18  deeply  iovolved  in  tliis  great  strife  in  the  United 
States.  T  said  I  wanted  the  wurking  men  of  tliiK  aiidieni'« 
to  ]iBt«ii  to  my  statement,  hecfiuec  it  is  lo  (hem  that  1  parti- 
cularly wish  to  address  m^-solf.  1  say,  Uiat  not  only  is  the 
question  of  negro  ulavery  coucerueJ  in  this  etrug-gle,  tut-,  if 
■we  are  lo  take  the  opinion  of  leadin^c  writt-ni  and  mm  in  the 
Southern  Rtnt^'N  of  Amerien,  the  frrednm  of  white  men  is  not 
fiafo  in  their  liunds.  Now,  I  will  iiul  trouble  you  with  pB^fcs 
of  extracts  which  would  confirm  all  that  I  nm  about  to  say, 
hut  J  shall  ri^l  you  two  or  three  ehort  oniM)  which  will  explain 
exactly  what  I  mean. 

TTk.'  cily  of  Kichmond,  as  you  Tcnow,  is  the  capital  of  what 

is  called  the  Southern  Confederacy,     In  thnt  city  n  newspaper 

is  ptiblinhed,  railed  the  Jiichmond  Rramin^r,  which  ia  one  of 

Uie  moi^t  able,  iiiid  pt^ihap^  about  tlie  mo^t  intluentini,  pnj»cr 

puUishitd  in  tLi'  Stuve  Stuttia.     Listen  to  what  Uie  RicJuauMd 

Mraminer  sayn : — 

•The  <Mqv!rim«nt  of  miivoraaJ  tili*rty  ha*  fkiled.  Ttie  ovil«  rX  frtt  tathoij 
nrc  inAiifTcTAtlu.  Frcu  xociely  in  Lliu  luiij;  run  In  Iin]itkellcal>Io  ;  Ll  \»  vvcrj- 
wliviv  tljirvjiig.  deiiinraliiini;,  niid  inatirmctiun'ry,  I'ullL'y  iiiid  Luiiiniiity  ilike 
[ortiiJ  the  DiitBn«ii>n  of  it*  evibi  U>  iinw  jienfilisii  niid  tn  coming  ^nonitiun*  ; 
auil  tliorBfon;  free  airtjoty  rnunt  full  »nd  g'vo  w»y  to  n  sl*v«  Mciot^r — a  nxua) 
•yilcin  old  tm  the  worlii,  univoiwil  as  mtin.* 

Well,  on  another  oeeaeion,  the  name  paper  treats  the  mibject 
in  this  way.     'XTie  writer  says  : — 

'  Hitliorto  ttie  (ler«noe  of  nlaTFiy  htm  rncounttirnl  grtni  iliffiuullieti,  1im.iiumi 
it*  Kfol«^«U  tit"I>|i<Ki  hair««y.  Tlutjr  confinnt  tho  dofonco  of  idnTery  to  nD([rD 
■JnvCT^  oJiiii*,  atukiid'jniDg  tliB  priDd|)tc  of  Blm-iity,  anil  luliuitUng;  XhtA  overy 
otlicT  ffirm  nf  ulnvrry  «m  nraii|c,  Now  tlm  line  i>f  dcfonoc  in  chittiKvl-  Tlia 
8<iiiUi  inainuinii  tliat  alAvery  i<  just,  nutunkl,  a'J<l  necemiry.  ntiH  t1int  it  ilnoa 
lint  dcpcnil  on  Uie  difiL-roncc  of  compluiiuns.' 

But  following  up  this  \s  an  extract  from  a  sjiceeh  by  a 
Mr.  Cotb,  who  iH  un  uEaineut  man  in  Southeru  |)otitics  and 
in  Southern  opinion.     H«  says  : — 


b 


isaa. 


AMERICA.     ///. 


235 


■Thar*  m,  [wrha]M,  tM  Mlnlion  of  tb«  grekt  prabl«m  «f  nOMuiliiig  tb« 
UilurMb  of  Ubiiiir  and  c*|iii«l,  ao  m  to  proUct  tteh  fr«>m  the  «ncro«chiDeiiM 
iwd  npprHwiouii  of  tli«  uttier,  tu  aiiupte  tkod  eBbelivu  u  uogra  slavery.  By 
niftkiog  iljo  InbonraT  biuwir  cApitttl,  th«  oonfiiut  ooaw,  uid  the  uit«<rc«U  b«- 
coiue  iiionlicBiL' 

Now,  I  do  Dot  know  vrtictlier  there  \s  any  working'  nun 
Iierc  who  does  not  fully  or  partly  realize  the  mnuiing;  of  those 
extrHCtt).  Tlivy  mean  iliii),  that  if  u  miiii  m  thiu  nvi|>hl}our- 
hyod  (for  thoy  pity  us  very  much  iu  our  beuigbted  condition 
as  regards  cupitul  und  lubour,  uiid  they  haw  an  admireble 
way,  from  their  view,  of  putting  an  end  to  atrikes) — they  say 
that,  if  a  man  in  this  neighhotirhood  had  ten  tliousuitd  pounds 
Rterting  in  &  e:>tton  or  woollen  fatitory,  and  he  employed  a 
hundred  mi-n,  women,  and  childreo,  that  instead  of  paying 
them  whatever  wagcH  had  ))ecn  o^p-eed  upon,  allowing'  them 
to  g«j  to  the  other  side  of  tho  town,  and  work  where  they 
liked,  or  to  move  to  another  county,  or  to  emigrate  to 
Ameriea,  or  to  have  any  kind  of  will  or  wish  whatever  with 
regard  f«  their  own  dtsiwual,  that  they  should  be  to  him 
capital,  Juat  tlic  same  ta  the  hone«  an:  iu  hi^  stable;  tbut  he 
Bhoiilcl  iwll  the  huelmnd  South, — 'South'*  in  America,  mi'ans 
»onkething  very  dvca/lful  to  the  negro, — that  they  should  sell 
the  wife  if  tliey  liked,  that  th«y  should  s«ll  Lbe  children,  that, 
in  point  of  fact^  they  rfioiild  do  whiitsoever  they  liked  ivith 
them,  and  that,  if  any  one  of  them  reeiBted  any  punisb- 
meut  which  the  master  choee  to  inflict,  the  mooter  should 
be  held  justified  if  he  beat  his  slave  lo  death;  and  that 
not  one  of  those  men  ehoTild  have  the  power  to  give 
evidcuee  in  any  court  of  jiudice,  in  any  eaee,  against  a 
whit«  maDi  however  much  h«  might  have  eulTercd  irom 
that  white  man. 

Yoii  will  observe  that  this  most  important  paper  in  the 
South  writes  for  that  principle,  aiid  this  eminent  SoiiUieni 
politician  indorse*  it,  and  thinks  it  a  cure  for  all  the  evils 
which  exist  in  the  Old  World  and  in  the  Northern  and  Free 
Statvfi;  and  there  U  not  a  paper  in  the  South,  nor  is  there  a 


236 


SPSECnSS  OF  JOUN  BRWnT. 


ru.  3, 


Diflo  as  cmiDcnt  or  more  comment  than  Mr.  Cobb,  who  tinx 
dnifHl  to  irrite  or  speak  in  randcmnation  of  the  atrocity  of 
tbat  Inn^iiiij^.  I  believe  this  great  b-in'l«  U*  b&ve  liml  iXn 
origin  in  an  iutinmoiis  conspirucy  n^iuEt  Uic  ri^'bt^i  of  bumuii 
nature,  lliosc  principles,  nKicb  they  distinctly  avow  ftod 
proclaim,  «%  not  to  W  round,  as  far  »»  I  know,  in  thi<  pugvx  of 
ary  heathen  writer  of  old  times,  nor  are  they  to  he  diaeovereJ 
in  the  toacbinj^  or  tliv  practice  of  suvugv  nations  in  our 
timea.  It  is  the  doctrine  of  de^nla,  and  not  of  men ;  and  all 
niaukisd  should  sbuddor  at  t}ic  enormity  of  the  guilt  whic^ 
the  leaders  of  this  couBpinicy  have  brought  upon  thut 
country. 

Now,  let  us  look  nt  two  or  three  iaxia,  which  seem  to  me 
\'ery  rL-markablc;,  on  (Jio  snrfiiw  of  the  csuncy  hut  whieh  tliero 
are  men  in  this  country,  and  I  am  told  they  may  be  found 
even  in  this  town,  who  ultogether  ignore  and  deny.  Tli«  wnr 
wan  not  commenoed  by  tho!*e  to  whom  your  resolution  refers; 
it  was  commetiocd  by  the  South  ;  they  rebelled  affainst  the 
majority.  It  was  not  a  rtibdlion  against  a  motvarohy,  or  an 
arist«iTaoy,  or  («ome  other  form  of  government  which  has  it« 
hold  upon  peojile,  Boinetime«  by  serviccx,  bat  ofti^u  fi*on)  tra- 
dition ;  but  it  was  against  a  Government  of  their  own,  and  a 
compact  of  their  own,  that  they  violently  reholl«i,  and  for  the 
cxpn-Mscd  and  avowed  purpotie  of  niaiutaiuiug  the  inetitutiuo 
of  slavery,  and  for  the  purpose,  not  dituivowed,  of  re-opening 
the  slave  trade,  and,  as  thcue  extracts  shnw,  if  their  princtpleg 
should  lie  fully  carried  out,  of  making  Ixindage  nuiversnl 
among  all  elassee  of  lahourera  and  artisans.  When  I  say 
tliat  their  object  was  to  re-open  the  slave  trade,  do  not 
fiir  a  moment  imagine  that  I  urn  overstating  the  riute  against 
tla-m.  They  argue,  with  a  |)erfect  logiu,  tJiat,  if  slavery  wa* 
right,  the  slave  trade  eould  not  be  wrong;  if  tlie  clave  trads 
be  wrong,  slavery*  cannot  Ix^  right ;  and  that  if  it  be  lawful 
and  moral  to  go  to  the  State  of  Virginia  and  buy  a  slave  for 
two  thouNind  dollars,  uud  tnke  him  to  Louisiuaa,  it  cannot 


b 


AM  BRIO  A.     Ill, 


237 


be  wroDg'  to  go  bn  Africa,  and  buy  a  slave  for  fiHy  dnllan, 
and  take  him  to  Louisiana.  Tliat  wae  their  argameot;  it  is 
ail  argument  to  this  day,  and  is  aji  ai^timeDt  that  in  my 
opitiioii  no  nuui  can  controvert;  and  the  laivful  rxisteoco  of 
slavery  is  as  a  matter  of  course  to  be  follovred,  luid  tvoutd  be 
followed,  wherevor  there  was  the  power,  by  the  re-oi»ening  of 
tiie  traffic  iii  negroes  Truin  Africa. 

Thai.  Is  itut  all  these  people  have  doue.  Reference  has  been 
made,  in  the  resdutinn  and  in  the  (ipeccheti,  to  the  distress 
which  prcvaiU  in  this  district,  and  you  arc  told,  and  luive 
been  lold  over  and  over  a^in,  that  all  tliL:*  distreee  has  arisen 
from  the  blockade  of  the  poris  of  the  SoutJicm  Stutcs.  There 
is  at  leaet  one  great  port  from  which  in  past  times  two  inil- 
liuoii  of  bales  of  cotton  a-yeur  have  fuuud  tlieir  way  to  Europe 
— tlie  port  of  New  Orlwins — wliieh  i^  Klocka^lod  ;  and  the 
United  States  Uovcrnraent  has  proclaimed  that  any  cotton 
that  vs  sent  from  the  tutcrior  tu  New  Orleans  for  xhipment, 
although  it  lielongs  to  pcraona  in  armii  againtit  the  (invern< 
mcnt,  shnll  yet  be  perinittod  to  go  to  Kurujie,  and  tJiey  ahail 
receive  unmolested  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  that  cotton. 
But  still  ttic  cotton  doce  not  oome.  The  reason  why  it  does 
not  come  is,  not  because  it  would  do  hnnn  to  the  United 
States  OoviTnmeut  for  it  to  coniej  or  that  it  would  in  any 
way  uiisist  the  Uniled  States  Government  in  cnriying  on  the 
Trar.  llio  reason  that  it  doee  not  come  is,  because  ita  being 
kept  hack  ia  Huppoaed  to  lie  a  way  of  inHucncing  public 
opinion  in  England  and  the  coorse  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment in  ruterenee  to  the  American  war.  They  bum  Uie 
eottOR  that  they  may  injure  us,  and  they  injure  us  becAHse 
they  tJiiak  tlutt  we  cannot  lire  even  for  a  year  without  their 
cotton ;  and  that  to  get  it  we  should  cend  8lii])B  of  war, 
break  tlic  blockade,  make  war  upon  tin-  Murth,  and  astuHt  the 
slave-owners  to  ouiintain,  or  to  obtain,  their  independence. 

Now,  with  regnrd  to  the  (|Uci>tiou  of  American  cotton,  one 
or  two  extraeta  will   be  sufficient ;  but  I  could  gii'c  you  a 


238  SPKEVUES  OF  JOHN  HRIGUT,  ma.  S, 

whole  pamphlet  of  them,  if  it  were  ncccasary.     Mr.  Mcmnj  au 
eminent  person  in  the  State  of  Genrgia,  says  : — 

'With  lJi«  Tiiiluro  uf  llie  c:uttuii.  BugliuiiJ  tula.  8U)|)  licr  mipplj  uf  tvniUiuni 
■Uv»-j;niwii  cuttou,  aiiil  livr  fiu.-U>ri»  iit(>|i,  hur  coniiuurvc  iiIi)|ik.  L|il>  hcMltlifiil 
DoitdkI  circulivliuu  ii>riitr  lifi>-li1uu<!  Ktu|iH.' 

Agflin  he  fsa^s: — 

'  In  cine  jrcki  rmm  the  stiiip[Mi;;e  of  Ejiglanii'snipplj  of -SoutlictRsUve^nwn 
cotton,  tlin  ChartiatB  would  be  in  .ill  her  "Ire*!*  iirici  finltlB,  mrnliilioii  w<»ild 
bo  TaaiMist  tLrooshoiit  the  iilnnd,  nniJ  nolLing  that  ia  wonid  eiiiat.' 

lie  aUo  Buys,  addrestiiiig  an  audience : — 

'Why,  Sin,  BHUali  l<mt»  hold  their  kndti,  Brituli  bishops  bold  tboir 
rr.VMiiia,  Victuria  liolda  licf  noeplrc,  \ty  the  ifnos  of  ootton,  u  lurety  "  bj 
tho  gTAAf  nf  G(h).' 

Senator  Wigfall  says : — 

'  If  we  vtnp  the  npjily  of  ouiton  for  one  ttreek,  Gngtund  would  Iki  •larriiif . 
QnMm  V  iiTrtorin's  (rami  would  nut  utnnd  on  har  tiMkd  iino  WMik,  if  the  supply 
of  cvttou  vrw  itoppcd  \  nor  wuuld  hei-hoiul  stand  od  hcrabouldun.' 

Mr.  Stephoiis,  who   is  the  Vice^Premdent  of  the  Southern 
Confedomcy,  says ; — 

'TTiet*  will  bo  revolution  in  Earopo,  thora  will  b«  atiLrviUion  there;  our 
oottOD  it  tlio  oloment  that  will  do  it.' 

Now,  I  am  not  stating  the  mere  result  of  aoy  disooveiy  of 
my  own,  but  it  would  be  impossible  to  read  the  papers  of  the 
South,  or  the  speeches  made  in  the  South,  heforc,  and  at  the 
time  of,  and  after  the  ifCceBaion,  without  seeing  that  the  uni- 
veisnl  opinion  there  was,  that  the  stoppage  of  the  supply  of 
cottou  would  be  our  instantiincoiii^  niin,  hikI  that  if  they  eould 
only  lay  hold  of  it,  keep  it  back  in  the  ootmtry,  or  burn  it,  90 
that  it  never  conld  be  used,  that  then  the  people  of  Ijanea- 
shire,  merehniit»,  manufacturers,  and  operatives  in  mills — 
everybody  dependent  u|)0[i  thim  va^t  iiidiititry — would  imme- 
diately arise  and  protest  agninist  the  Englixh  Government 
abstaining  for  one  moment  from  the  recognition  of  the  South, 
froni  war  niili  the  North,  and  from  a  resolution  to  do  the 


I 


L 


AMEHICA.    III. 


299 


titmoat  tiiat  we  could  to  crate  a  alnvo-h  titling  mdepi'nilL-nt 
r^ubUc  ill  Uie  South. 

And  these  very  rnvn  who  hare  l)eeD  wishinj^  tu  dra^ 
ti£  into  a  war  that  would  have  covered  iu  with  c^xr- 
laHtiu;;  iiifaiii)',  Imve  rvtit  their  euvu^s  to  this  couitlty, 
Mr.  Yancey,  Mr.  Mann  (1  do  not  know  whetlieT  or  not  the 
Rame  Mr.  Mann  to  whom  I  have  I)een  referring"),  and  Mr. 
Ma£un,  the  author  of  the  Fiigitiv*!  Slave  Law.  These  men 
have  been  in  this  country, — one  of  them  I  believe  is  here  now, 
— envoys  eviit  lo  otier  fi-icudiihip  to  the  Qiweu  of  Eugbuid,  to 
be  received  at  her  Court,  and  to  make  friends  with  the  great 
nieu  in  Loudon.  Tliey  come, — I  have  seen  tbeui  under  the 
gallery  of  the  House  of  CommouR;  I  have  seen  Members  of 
the  HouBO  shaking  hands  with  them  and  con^ratiilntiu"  tbem, 
if  there  hiio  Ix^n  some  military  sticceeti  on  their  cide,  and  n> 
CL-iving  them  as  if  they  were  here  Irom  the  moet  honourable 
Goveniment,  and  with  the  most  honourable  mission.  Wiy> 
the  tiling  wbicb  tliey  liave  broktm  otf  from  the  United  States 
to  maintain,  is  felony  by  your  law.  The}'  are  not  only  slave 
owners,  tilave  buyere  and  sellers,  but  that  which  out  of 
Pandemonium  itself  wan  never  before  eonceived, — they  ore 
xlave  breeders  for  the  slave  market ;  and  tliese  men  have 
come  to  your  country,  and  are  to  be  met  with  at  elegant 
tables  in  London,  and  are  va  fust  friendship  witli  some  of 
your  public  men,  and  arc  constantly  found  in  Home  of  your 
newopiiper  offices;  and  they  are  here  to  ask  Englishmen — 
Englishmen  witli  a  liistorj'  of  freedom — to  joiu  liaudit  with 
their  atro«ion»i  conspiraey. 

I  reg:ret  more  tbau  1  kave  wordii  to  express  tliitt  painful 
fact,  that  of  all  the  countries  in  Europe  tbJH  country  is  the 
only  one  which  has  men  in  it  who  are  willing  to  take  active 
steps  in  favour  of  this  inti!iided  slave  government.  We  supply 
the  ahtps;  we  supply  the  aimK,  the  munitions  of  war;  we  give 
aid  and  comfort  to  thifi  foulest  of  all  crimes.  Englishmen 
only  do  it.     I  believe  yon  have  not  seen  a  tdiiglo  stateratfut 


240 


SPEECHES   OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


ntL  a, 


tho  newBiiapcre  tlmt  iiny  Ficneli,  or  Hcl^u,  or  Dutch,  or 
Kussiau  ship  has  been  en^ged  in,  or  seized  whilst  att«in}>t- 
iu{»  to  violate  the  bloekndc  and  to  cam-  uniis  to  the  Smith. 
They  arc  English  Liberal  newspapers  only  wliioh  Kiijijiurt  this 
8tu|)eiidcini(  iniquity.  Tliey  are  English  statfsmen  only,  who 
profexs  (o  be  li1^[<ra],  who  have  aald  a  tvord  to  fiiToiir  the 
aiithun  of  thii*  noH--enacting  rcvohitioD  in  America. 

Tlie  other  day,  not  a  week  since,  a  meuibei-  of  the  present 
Oovi^rnracnt,^ — he  is  notii  statcsumu — ^he  is  the  sou  of  a  great 
8tate«maQ,  and  occupies  tho  position  of  Secretary  for  Ireland, 
— he  darod  to  taiy  to  an  English  nudionoo  that  hu  wished  the 
KepuHic  to  be  divided,  and  that  the  South  should  leeoinc 
an  independent  Stale.  If  that  island  which — I  suppose  in 
punishment  for  some  of  it*  otrenees — hiis  been  committed  to 
his  care, — if  that  ii^land  u-eru  to  att4<nipt  U)  secede,  not  to  set 
up  a  slave  kingdom,  but  n  kin^oin  more  frt-o  than  it  has  erer 
yet  been,  the  GovcrnnieDt  of  which  he  is  a  member  Ti-onld 
SEicli  its  cities  and  drench  its  soil  with  blood  lieforc  they  wonld 
allmr  such  u  kingduni  to  hu  established. 

Ihit  the  ivorking  men  of  ('iigland,  und  1  \riU  say  it  loo 
fur  the  fj^at  bodv  of  the  middle  da^ttcs  of  England,  have 
not  been  wron^f  upon  this  great  queutiou.  As  lor  yoii, — ^mcn 
biwuring  from  morn  till  ui^ht  that  you  inny  honourably  and 
honestly  maintain  your  fantitiea,  and  the  independence  of  your 
households, — ^you  are  too  slowly  emerging  from  a  condition  of 
things  far  from  independent — far  from  free — for  you  to  have 
sympathy  with  this  f'Mirful  crime  which  I  have  been  de- 
scribing:. I'ou  oomej  as  it  were,  irom  bonds  younelvc?,  and 
you  can  sympathise  vrith  them  who  are  still  in  bondage. 

See  that  meetinff  that  was  held  in  Manchester  a  uioutb 
ago,  in  the  Free  Trade  Hall,  of  live  or  six  thousand 
men.  See  the  address  which  tliey  tliere  curried  ununimonsly 
t»  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Sec  that  meeting 
held  the  other  night  in  KxeU'r  Hall,  in  Lrmdnn ;  that  vast 
room,  the  greatest  room,  I  suppose,  in  tlie  Metropolis,  tilled 


b 


1H9. 


AMERICA.    Til. 


241 


so  much  that  its  overflowings  filk-d  iinutbt-r  lar^  room  in  tbc 
Bame  building,  and  when  tb»t  wan  full,  tbe  fiirtiier  overflow- 
ings fitted  tbe  street ;  and  in  Wtti  rooms,  and  in  tlio  strout, 
Bpeeebes  were  made  on  thiei  ^-reat  question.  But  wL*t  is  said 
by  Ctic  writers  in  this  infmnoiu  Souttiera  press  in  this  country 
witli  regard  to  that  meeting'?  Who  was  tlieic?  'A  gentle- 
man wbo  had  written  a  novel,  and  two  or  three  Dissenting 
minifiters.'  I  hIiuU  not  attHm[U  any  defence  of  those  gentlemen. 
What  they  do,  they  do  openly,  in  the  faee  of  day ;  mid  if  lliey 
utter  sentiment*;  on  thiic  question,  it  is  from  a  publie  platform, 
with  thousands  of  their  countrymen  gazinff  into  their  Gwce. 
These  men  who  slander  them  write  behind  a  mask, — and, 
what  ia  more,  they  dare  not  tell  in  the  ojwd  day  tliat  whicti 
they  write  in  the  columns  of  their  journal.  Bui  if  it  be 
true  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  writer  of  a  iinwetKful 
novel,  or  in  two  or  throe  pious  and  noble-minded  Dissenting 
ministers,  to  collect  a  great  audience,  what  does  it  prove 
if  there  was  a  greut  audieuee?  It  only  proves  ttiat  they 
were  not  collected  by  the  reputation  of  any  orator  who 
was  expected  to  address  them,  hut  hy  their  curdtal  and 
ardent  sympathy  for  the  great  cause  which  was  pleaded 
before  them, 

£vcryUjdy  now  tliat  I  meet  eaye  to  me,  '  Public  opinion 
aeems  io  have  undergone  a  considerable  change.'  The  fact  is, 
l)eople  do  not  know  very  much  about  America.  They  are 
learning  luoi-e  every  day.  They  have  been  greutly  misled  by 
what  aje  ealled  'the  bpRt  piibhc  instructors.'  Jetlerson,  who 
was  one  of  the  greatest  men  that  the  United  States  have  pro- 
duced, said  that  newspapers  should  1>e  divided  into  four  com- 
partments :  iu  one  of  titem  tbey  should  print  the  true;  in  the 
next,  the  probable;  in  tbe  third,  the  possible;  and  in  the 
fourth,  the  lice.  With  regnnl  to  some  of  llicse  newiiiJajHtrs, 
I  incline  to  think,  as  far  as  their  leading  eoluimm  go,  that 
an  oquat  divieion  of  space  would  be  found  very  inconvenient, 
and  that  the   last-named  compurtiucnt,  when  dealing  with 

VOL.  I.  a 


242 


SPREcnm  OP  jojiy  bright. 


m.  8, 


American  ijuesljous,  woulJ  liave  to  be  at  least  four  times  as 
larg*  as  tlifl  first. 

Coming  bock  to  the  question  of  this  war:  T  admit,  of 
course — evetylHitiy  must  admit — that  »vf  are  not  responsible 
for  it,  for  ita  commenwraent,  or  for  the  manner  io  which  it  is 
conducted ;  nor  can  we  be  responsible  for  its  result.  Bat 
there  is  one  tiling  which  we  are  rfsponsihle  for,  and  Uiat  i« 
lor  our  aytnjHithies,  for  the  niHiiinei-  in  which  wt  ri-|»ar(I  it,  and 
for  the  tone  in  which  we  di«cu«  it.  What  Bhal!  we  aay,  then, 
\vith  regard  to  it  ?  <}n  which  side  shall  wc  stand  ?  1  do  not 
believe  it  is  possible  to  l>e  strictly,  coldly  neutral.  The  ques- 
tion lit  issue  is  too  great,  the  contest  is  too  grand  in  the  eye 
of  the  world.  It  is  iioposiiiiile  for  any  maAj  who  can  have  an 
opinion  worth  anything  on  any  qm>stion,  not  to  have  some  kind 
of  an  opinion  on  the  question  of  this  war.  1  am  not  a«hamcd 
of  my  opinion,  or  of  the  sympathy  which  1  feel,  and  hare 
over  and  over  ag^ain  expressed,  on  the  »idc  of  the  free  North. 
I  caaucit  understand  liow  any  mnn  witnessing  what  is 
enoctinjf  on  the  American  <!ontinei)t  enn  indulge'  in  Kmall 
eavila  against  the  free  people  of  the  North,  and  close  hie  eye 
entirely  to  the  enormity  of  the  purposes  of  the  South.  I 
cannot  understand  how  any  Englisliman,  who  ia  past  years 
has  been  uecustomcd  to  euy  that  '  there  was  one  foiJ  blot  upon 
the  lair  fame  of  the  American  Repnhllc,'  can  now  express  any 
sympathy  (or  those  who  would  por[>etiiat6  and  exttmd  that 
hlot.  And,  more,  if  wt-  profess  to  he,  though  it  he  with 
imperfect  and  folteiing  stcpei,  the  followers  of  Him  who  de- 
(rlare<l  it  to  bo  His  Divine  minaion  '  to  heal  the  broken-hearted, 
to  preach  delivcranee  to  the  eaptives  and  rtcoTering  of  sig'lit 
to  the  blind,  to  set  at  liberty  Ihcm  that  are  bruised,*  raust  we 
not  rejeot  witli  itidi^uatinn  and  srom  the  proffered  alliance 
and  friendship  with  n  power  baflcd  on  human  bondage,  and 
which  contemplates  tho  overthrow  and  llie  extinction  of  tlie 
dearest  rig]it«  of  the  mo^t  lielplens  of  mankind  ? 

If  we  are  the  friends  of  freedom,  persona]  and  pulilieal,— 


1863.  AMERICA.     III.  243 

and  we  alt  profess  to  be  so,  and  most  of  usj  more  or  lesB,  are 
striving  after  it  more  completely  for  our  owd  conntry, — how 
CflD  we  withhold  our  sympathy  from  a  Government  and  a 
people  arnongst  whom  white  men  have  always  been  free,  and 
who  are  now  offering  an  equal  freedom  to  the  black  ?  I 
advise  you  not  to  believe  in  the  <  destruction'  of  the  American 
nation.  If  facts  should  happen  by  any  chance  to  force  you  to 
believe  it,  do  not  commit  the  crime  of  wishing  it.  I  do  not 
blame  men  who  draw  different  conclusions  from  mine  from 
the  facts,  and  who  believe  that  the  restoration  of  the  Union  is 
impossible.  As  the  facts  lie  before  our  senses,  so  must  we 
form  a  judgment  on  them.  But  I  hlame  those  men  that  wish 
for  such  a  catastrophe.  For  myself,  I  have  never  despaired, 
and  I  will  not  despair.  In  the  language  of  one  of  our  old 
poets,  who  wrote,  I  think,  more  than  three  hundred  years 
ago,  I  will  not  despair, — 

'  For  I  hare  seen  a  ship  in  htiven  Ml, 
After  the  •tonn  hkd  broke  both  mut  kod  ihroud.' 

From  the  very  outburst  of  this  great  convulsion,  I  have  had 
hut  one  hope  and  one  &ith,  and  it  is  this — that  the  result  of 
this  stupendous  strife  may  be  to  make  freedom  the  heritage 
for  ever  of  a  whole  continent,  and  that  the  grandeur  and  the 
prosperity  of  the  American  Union  may  never  be  impaired. 


'-♦S'Kt**-^ 


R  2 


AMERICA. 

IV. 

THE  STRUGGLE   IN    AMERICA. 
ST.  JAMES'S    HALL,  MARCH   26,    1863. 

[The  meeting  at  which  this  speech  was  delivered  was  convened  bj  the 
Trades'  Unions  of  Iiondon  to  enable  the  working  men  to  express  their 
sentiments  on  the  war  in  the  United  States.  Hr,  Bright  ww  CbainnMi 
of  the  meeting.] 

When  the  Committee  did  me  the  honour  to  ask  me  to 
attend  this  meeting  to-night  and  to  take  the  Chair,  I  felt 
that  I  was  not  at  liberty  to  refuse,  for  I  considered  that  there 
was  something  remarkable  in  the  character  of  this  meeting; 
and  I  need  not  tell  you  that  the  cause  which  we  are  assembled 
to  discuss  is  one  which  excites  my  warmest  sympathies.  Hiis 
meeting  is  remarkable,  inasmuch  as  it  is  not  what  is  commonly 
called  a  public  meetingj  hut  it  is  a  meeting,  as  you  have  seen 
from  the  announcements  and  advertisements  by  which  it  has 
been  called — it  is  a  meeting  of  members  of  Trades'  Unions  and 
Trades'  Societies  in  London.  The  members  of  these  Societies 
have  not  usually  stepped  out  from  their  ordinary  business  to 
take  part  in  meetings  of  this  kind  on  public  questions. 

The  subject  which  we  have  met  to  discuss  is  one  of  surpass- 
ing interest — which  excites  at  this  moment,  and  has  excited 
for  two  years  past,  the  attention  and  the  astonishment  of  the 


246 


HPEECHHS  OF  JOBN  BHIQHT.        uxvm  W. 


civilized  world.  VCe  see  a  country  which  for  many  years — 
durinp  the  lifetime  of  the  oldest  amongst  us— has  boon  tlio 
moet  pcuccful,  tuid  proDperaus,  and  tJie  most  free  amongst  th« 
gT«at  niition*  of  the  iMirtli — wo  Bet-  it  plunged  at  onoe  into  the 
midst  of  a  sangiiinary  revolution,  whose  proportions  are  eo 
gigantic  a«  to  dwarf  all  other  revolation^y  records  and  erentA 
of  which  we  have  any  knowledgD.  But  I  do  not  wonder  at 
this  rcvoltition.  No  man  can  read  the  history  of  tho  Unit«d 
States  from  tlio  time  when  they  cciui«d  to  be  dependent 
colonica  of  England,  without  discovering  that  at  the  birtli 
of  that  great  Republic  there  was  sown  tliL-  seed,  if  not  of 
its  diiiwilution,  at  1ea«t  of  its  extreme  peril;  and  the  infant 
giant  in  its  cradle  may  he  said  to  havt!  b*eii  rocked  under 
the  eliadow  of  the  cypress,  which  i«  the  symbol  of  mortality 
and  of  the  tomb. 

Colonial  weaknesi*,  when  face  to  face  with  British  strength, 
made  it  impotasible  to  put  an  end  to  slavery,  or  to  ctiLablish  a 
republic  free  from  slavery.  To  meet  England,  it  was  necessary 
to  be  united,  and  to  be  united  it  was  ncceseary  to  tolerate 
slavery ;  and  from  tliat  hour  to  this — at  leaat,  to  a  ]>eriod 
wiUiin  the  hwt  two  or  three  years — the  love  of  the  Union  and 
the  patriotism  of  the  American  people  have  induced  them 
constantly  to  make  concessions  to  slavery,  bi>cauRe  they 
knew  that  wlien  they  ueuaod  to  make  voncessions  they  ran  the 
peril  of  that  disruption  which  has  now  arrived;  and  they 
dreaded  the  destruction  of  their  country  even  more  than  they 
hntcd  the  evil  of  slavery.  But  the^  concessions  failed,  as 
1  believe  concrKKions  to  evil  always  do  fail.  Tliese  concessions 
failed  to  secure  safuty  in  that  Union.  There  were  principle* 
at  war  whioh  were  wholly  irreconcilable.  The  South,  aa  you 
know,  has  b<^en  engaged  for  fifty  years  in  building  fiwdi 
ramparts  by  which  it  may  defend  its  institutions.  TTie  North 
liaa  been  growing  yearly  greater  in  freiodom  ;  and  tiiough  th« 
conflict  might  be  postponed,  it  was  obvioualy  inevitable. 

In  our  day,  then,  that  which  the  etntcsmen  of  America  have 


us>. 


AilKHIC'A.     tr. 


S47 


bojwd  permanently  to  poBtjione  has  arrived.  The  ^ruat  trial 
is  now  goiti^  on  in  the  si^ht  of  the  world,  and  the  verdict  upon 
thU  gteot  qupstinn  must  at  lost  l)e  rendered.  But  Iiotv  tnoch 
18  at  stake?  Some  meu  of  tliis  country,  some  writers,  treat  it 
a»  tfj  aller  all,  it  wns  no  ^wdX  tuntt^r  that  had  caused  this 
ooQtest  in  the  Uaited  States.  I  say  that  a  whole  continent  ifl 
at  stake.  It  is  *not  a  question  of  boundaiy  ;  it  ie  not  n  qu«6- 
tion  of  tariff;  it  is  not  a  question  of  mipremacy  of  party,  or 
oven  of  the  condition  uf  lour  millions  of  negroes.  It  is  mote 
than  that.  It  is  a  qui^tion  of  a  whole  continent,  with  ita 
teeming  millioiitt,  and  what  «lial!  he  their  present  and  their 
future  fate.  It  is  lor  these  milliuua  freedom  or  wlavery,  ediica- 
tJoB  or  ignorance,  li^t  or  darkneRs,  Chri.itian  morality  ever 
widening  and  all-hlessiiig  in  its  ioHuencB,  or  an  ovcrehudow- 
in^  and  all-hlasting-  ^iiilt. 

There  are  roipu,  good  men,  who  say  that  we  in  England, 
who  arc  opposed  to  war,  should  talce  no  public  [)art  id  this 
gT«»t  question.  Only  yesterday  I  rfoeivod  fiuni  a  friend  of 
mine,  whose  fidelity  I  honour,  a  letter,  in  which  he  aekcd  me 
whether  X  thouf^ht,  with  tlio  Viw*  which  he  suppoeed  I  enter- 
tain on  the  question  of  n'ar,  it  was  fitting  tluit  I  ehould 
appear  at  such  a  meeting-  w  this.  It  is  not  our  war ;  we  did 
not  makp  it.  We  deeply  huneut  it.  It  is  not  in  oar  power 
to  brin^  it  to  a  dose;  bat  I  knov  not  that  we  arc  railed 
upon  to  shot  our  eyc«  and  to  close  our  bciu-ts  to  the  great 
issuee  whi<^  are  depeoding  npon  it.  Now  we  are  met  here, 
let  us  aak  eadi  other  some  qnestions.  Has  England  any  opinion 
with  regard  to  this  American  qnestion?  Hais  Hn^lond  any 
aympathr,  on  our  siide  or  the  other,  tvith  either  party  in  this 
great  struggle?  Butj  to  come  ucoror,  I  woidd  ask  whether 
this  meeting  hae  any  opinion  upon  it,  and  whether  our 
sympathies  have  been  rtirrcd  in  relation  to  it?  It  is  true,  to 
this  meeting-  not  many  rich,  not  many  noble,  have  been  called. 
It  if>  a  meeting  composed  of  artisans  and  working  men  of  the 
city  of  Loudon, — men  wbo»e    labour,  in  combination  with 


248 


SPKECffES  OF  JOffFBi 


vxnott  20, 


capital  and  diKcting'  jtkilt,  lias  built  this  ^p^at  city,  and  hns 
Dutde  England  ^-eat.  1  iiddreBs  myeelf  to  these  nuMi,  I  nsk 
them — I  ask  you — liave  von  any  ispccial  iutere»t  ia  tliii> 
contA-st  ? 

Privilege  thinks  it  has  a  great  interest  in  it>  and  every 
morning,  with  blatant  vok'v,  it  oomo)  Luto  yoitr  struts  and 
Bcs   the  American    Republic.      Privile(fe   has    l)eheld   an 

licttng  qiL-clocIc  for  tnouj  years  piiel.  It  Ima  beheld  thirty 
millions  of  men,  happy  and  proHpemus,  without  empcmr, 
vritlioiit  fcirg,  witlioiit  the  wiirroiniding*  of  a  court,  without 
noblt-s,  except  such  as  are  ntade  by  cniiiience  in  infellwt  aud 
virtue,  without  State  hishopB  and  State  priests, — 

'Sola  t«ik1««  of  Uie  lore  whicbi  works  Mlvtitioa,' — 

without  groat  armies  and  great  navies,  without  great  debt 
and  without  ^reat  taxes.  Privilege  hui  »liuddered  at  what 
might  liap]X!n  to  old  Europe  if  this  grand  experiment  should 
eiicceed.  But  yon,  the  worlcers, — you,  striving  after  a  better 
time, — ^you,  stniggling  upwards  towards  tlio  light,  with  slow 
and  painiiil  isteps, — ^you  have  no  cause  to  look  with  jealousy 
upon  a  country  which,  araougst  all  the  great  nations  of  the 
gloltc,  is  that  (int-  whero  labour  has  met  with  the  highest 
honour,  and  where  it  has  reaped  ib«  great^xt  reward.  Are 
you  aware  of  the  fact,  that  in  fifteen  years,  which  is  bnt  ns 
yesterday  when  it  w  past,  two  and  a  half  million;!  of  yonr 
countrymen  have  found  a  home  in  the  United  States, — that  a 
poptdation  equal  nearly,  if  not  cjuitej  to  the  population  of  this 
great  city — it«elf  etpuil  to  no  meaa  kingdom — hue  emigrated 
from  tbe^-  shores?  In  the  United  States  there  has  been,  as 
you  know,  an  open  door  for  every  niau, — and  millions  bavo 
entered  into  it,  and  have  found  rcet. 

Now,  take  the  two  sections  of  the  country  which  are 
engaged  in  this  fearful  struggle.  In  the  one,  labour  18 
honoured  more  than  elsewhere  in  the  world  ;  there,  more  than 
in  any  other  country,  men  rise  to  compotenec  and  indcpcn- 


is«a. 


AMERICA.     IV 


349 


dunce ;  a  career  is  open ;  the  pursuit  of  liappioou  u  not 
bopi-losslj'  tlin-arlvtl  Ly  Uic  luiv.  In  the  other  section  of  Uut 
eoimti^',  labour  in  not  only  not  honoured,  but  it  is  degraded. 
The  Inbourer  is  made  a  chattel.  He  in  no  more  his  own  than 
the  horse  that  dra^js  a  carriage  through  tlie  next  street; 
nor  IB  hie  wifo,  nor  is  bis  child,  nor  is  Bn}*ihing  that  is  his, 
bis  own.  And  if  you  have  not  hianl  the  adtouiiding-  state- 
ment, it  may  l»e  as  well  for  a  moment  to  refer  to  it, — thot 
it  ia  not  hlauk  moii  only  who  tthoiild  be  slave*.  Only  tO'day 
1  read  from  one  of  tlie  Southern  papera  a  stateroeut  that — 

*  S1a*W7  in  th«  Jswbh  limas  wu)  not  tlia  iJKreTy  of  i>egmm  ;  uid  Ihnrcfotv. 
if  you  oonfliM  aUvAfy  t»  noj^row,  jroii  Iom  jruiu  alieat-AOobort  irLisb  b  tba 
BiblQ-itrgnment  In  taxoVT  of  aUvcrrj.* 

I  think  nothing  can  be  more  fitting  for  the  dLsct»tsion  of 
the  memberfl  of  the  Trade  Socictios  of  London.  You  in  your 
Trade  Societies  hulp  cuob  otlier  when  you  are  sick,  or  if  you 
meet  nHth  accidenta,  Vou  do  many  kind  acts  amongvt  each 
oUier.  You  hare  otlier  business  also;  you  h»Te  to  maintain 
what  you  believe  to  be  the  just  lig-htH  of  iuduKtry  and  of 
your  separate  trades;  nnd  enmetimesj  as  you  know,  you  do 
thinga  which  many  people  d^  not  approrc,  aad  which,  pro- 
bably, when  you  oome  to  think  more  coolly  of  tJiem,  you  may 
even  doubt  the  wisdom  of  yoursclvc*.  That  is  only  Buying 
that  you  are  not  immaetilate,  and  that  your  wisdom,  like  the 
wiisdom  of  other  claiu*i<e,  is  not  absolutely  perfeet.  But  they 
have  in  the  Southern  States  a  spociSc  for  all  the  diffcronc*^ 
between  capital  and  labour.     They  say, — 

'  Make  Cli«  Ubounr  eapiUJ :  ihe  free  ayntcin  in  Eurcip«  ia  n  rotten  i^-nn  ; 
Itt  nM  g*L  ri<l  nf  that,  ftnil  mftlcv  all  tli«  Ulwurvni  m  muoh  opital  Batl  ■•  muoli 
lh«  [irtipeitir  uf  tlic  capiUlUt  n-tA  ccnplnyor  on  the  cA|iibilint'a  cattle  »ii(l  horiM 
nr*  prnpcrty.  unil  Itiau  tho  whnlo  ayvt^in  trill  moro  wjlli  tlut  {i«tf««t  auc 
ttoi  bkntiony  whi«ti  tho  worM  kdnun*  to  muali  tn  ttia  Sovtbam  Htotaa  of 
Amcrioa.* 

I  believe  tlicTc  never  was  a  cinestion  siibmittoJ  to  the  piiblio 
opinion  of  the  world  which  it  was  more  becoming  the  working 


260 


sPEECitss  OF  joirs  nniGUT. 


fiKwm  :IA, 


men  oud  raemben  of  Trades'  Uuiomt  und  Trade  SocieUos 
of  «rery  kind  in  this  country  ftiily  to  coDnder,  than  thu 
great  question. 

But  there  may  be  eome  iu  tbis  room,  and  there  urv  Bomt; 
who  say  to  mc,  '  But  what  Jii  to  tx-conn?  of  our  trade,  n-hat  \* 
to  beoome  of  the  capitaliiit  and  the  laboiircr  nf  Tjancashire?* 
I  am  not  sure  that  much  of  the  (capital  of  Itancashire  will 
not  he  ruiued.  I  am  not  eiirc  that  very  large  numbers  of  ibs 
population  will  not  have  to  retnove  to  seek  other  employment, 
either  in  this  or  eome  otiier  ooimtry.  I  am  not  one  of  tlioite 
who  underrate  this  great  calamity.  On  the  contrary,  I  have 
Gcarooly  met  with  any  man, — not  more  than  half  a  dow»n, — 
since  this  disti'ees  iu  our  county  be^n,  who  has  been  willing 
to  measure  the  magnitude  uf  tliie  calamity  actwrding  to  the 
Bcale  witli  which  I  have  viewed  it. 

But  let  wf.  eiamine  thU  ^^uestjos.  The  distress  of  lianca- 
Bliiro  comes  isara  a  failure  of  the  supply  of  cotton.  The  failure 
of  the  supply  of  cotton  comes  from  the  war  in  the  United 
States.  Tlie  war  in  the  United  States  has  originated  in  the 
cSbrt  of  the  stavchuldcni  of  that  country  to  break  up  wliat 
they  themselves  admit  to  be  the  freest  and  litwt  government 
that  ever  existed,  for  the  unle  piirpo.'»e  of  malting  perpetual 
the  institution  of  slavery.  But  if  the  Sonth  begsin  the  war, 
and  created  ull  the  miMihiuf,  doea  it  look  reasonable  that  we 
(ihould  pat  them  on  the  back,  and  be  their  friends?  If  they 
have  destroyed  cotton,  or  withheld  it,  shall  we  thereftn^  take 
th«m  to  our  bosoms? 

I  have  a  letter  written  by  an  agent  in  the  city  of  Nasli^nlle, 
who  had  been  accustomed  to  buy  cotton  there  before  the  war, 
and  who  returned  there  immediately  after  that  city  rame  into 
the  possession  of  tlie  Northern  forces.  He  bi*gan  his  trade, 
and  cotton  came  in.  Not  Union  planters  only,  but  Seeyssion 
planters,  began  to  bring  in  the  produce  of  their  plantations, 
and  he  had  a  fair  chance  of  re-establiehing  his  bueinese ;  but 
the   moment  this   was    discuvered    by    tJie    commuiders    of 


uo. 


AMERICA.     17. 


su 


tlMJ_  Southern  forces  at  flmne  cliiitanoc  from  the  diy,  they 
isKuoii  the  most  perumjitory  onleni  that  every  boab-load  of 
cotton  on  the  riTcrs,  cvciy  waggon-load  upon  the  roods,  and 
every  car-load  upou  tlie  niilniiKls,  thxtt  was  l<iavitig  any  plnn- 
tatioDs  for  the  parposea  of  sale,  should  be  immediately  de- 
stroyed. The  result  was,  that  the  cottou  trade  iras  at  ouoe 
again  put  a.ii  end  to,  and  I  belicre  only  to  a  wry  small 
extent  lias  it  lieen  reopened,  even   to  thi«  honr. 

Then  take  the  State  of  New  Orloans,  whieh,  as  you  knoir, 
has  been  now  for  many  months  in  the  posscasion  of  the 
Norihem  forces.  Tlie  Northern  commanders  there  had  issued 
annoimcerauntii  that  any  cotton  sent  doirn  to  New  Orleans  for 
exportation,  even  though  it  came  froia  the  most  resolved 
frieuda  of  eeuessiiou  in  the  diatriet,  should  still  be  safe.  It 
mig^ht  be  purcha^  to  ship  to  Europe,  and  the  proeceds  of 
that  cotton  might  he  returned,  and  the  trade  be  re-opened. 
Bat  you  have  not  foiiiid  cotton  come  down  to  New  Orleans, 
although  its  ooming  there  under  those  terms  would  be  of  no 
particular  advAntage  to  the  North.  It  linx  been  witlihold 
,with  this  single  object,  to  create  iu  tlie  manufacturing  dis- 
of  F^BUcc  and  Englaud  a  state  of  sulfcrin^  that  might 
at  last  become  unbearable,  and  thus  might  compel  the  (lorem- 
menta  of  tboM>  countries,  in  spite  of  all  that  intemationd  law 
may  teaoh,  in  ftpit^;  of  all  that  morality  may  cujuiii  u[>on 
them,  to  take  mdes  with  tho.  South,  and  go  to  war  with  the 
North  for  the  sake  of  liberating  whatever  cotton  there  ia  now 
in  the  plantations  of  the  Sucessiou  St^itcx. 

At  this  moment,  such  of  you  aa  read  the  City  articles  of 
tJie  daily  pajiera  will  eoe  that  a  loan  has  boeu  contracted  for 
in  the  City,  to  the  amount  of  three  milhons  sterling,  on  behalf 
of  the  Southern  Coofedcracy.  It  is  not  brought  into  the 
market  by  any  firm  with  an  English  name,-  hut  I  am  mrry 
to  be  obliged  to  believe  that  many  Englishmen  have  taken 
portions  of  that  loan.  Now  the  one  groat  object  of  tliat  loan  is 
this,  to  pay  in  this  country  for  vessels  which  are  being  built — 


258  SPKECUES  OF  JOtlX   BRIGHT.        ««ciia«. 

Alahamaa — ^from  which  it  i«  hoped  thnt  m  much  irritntion 
will  arise  in  the  minds  of  tlio  people  of  the  Northern  States, 
thnt  England  may  he  draggtnl  into  war  to  take  sides  witli  the 
Soiitli  ami  with  fhivcrj*.  Tht-  South  was  DaturaUy  hostile  to 
England,  tipPBiise  Enfjland  waw  hoiitile  to  slaveri".  Now  the 
great  liD]}e  of  the  insurroetiou  has  heen  from  thv  bvg'Iiining, 
that  Kngliahmen  woiilil  not  have  fortitude  to  hour  the  cola- 
mitios  which  it  has  brought  upon  ui; ;  hut  by  some  trick  or 
by  some  accident  we  might  he  brought  into  a  war  with  the 
North,  and  thereby  g-ivc  xtrengih  to  tlie  SoutiL 

I  f^hould  hope  thnt  this  question  is  now  so  plain  that  iBO0t 
Engiifthmon  miidt  understand  it  j  and  Icattt  of  nit  do  I  expect 
tliat  the  six  millions  of  men  in  the  United  Kingdom  who  arc 
not  eufranchieed  can  hare  any  doubt  upon  it.  Their  instincts 
are  always  right  in  the  main,  and  if  they  gtrt  the  facts  and 
information,  I  can  rely  on  their  influence  being  tlirown  into  tlie 
ri{pht  scal«.  I  wisli  I  ooutd  state  what  would  be  as  satisfaetory 
to  myself  with  n^nrd  to  some  others.  There  may  be  men  out- 
side, there  are  men  sitting  amongst  yonr  le^slators,  who  will 
build  and  equip  corsair  ships  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  of 
a  friendly  power, — who  will  disregard  the  laws  aud  the  honour 
of  their  country, — who  «ill  trample  on  tlnj  Proclamation  of 
their  sovercij^n, — and  who.  for  the  eake  of  the  glittering  profit 
which  sometimes  waits  nn  crime,  are  content  to  cover  theni- 
BetTSB  with  everlasting  infamy.  There  may  be  men,  too — 
rich  men — in  this  c-ity  of  London,  who  will  bny  in  the  slave- 
owners' Inan,  and  who,  for  the  ohnnce  of  more  gain  than 
faoue^l  dealing  will  aSbrd  them,  will  help  a  coni'piracy  whose 
fundanicntal  institution,  whosv  conier-stonc,  is  declared  to  be 
f*lony,  and  infiimous  by  the  rtatuteK  nf  their  conntiy. 

1  speak  not  to  thetie  moo — I  leave  them  to  their  eousrienee 
in  that  hour  which  comes  to  all  of  ua,  when  conscience  cpcoks 
and  tti«  eoul  is  u»  longer  deaf  to  her  voice.  I  speak  rather  to 
you,  the  working  men  of  London,  tJio  repreaentatives,  ae  you 
are  here  to-night,  of  the  feelings  and  the  intenw'.B  «f  the 


1863.  A  M  ERICA.     I V.  253 

millioQB  who  cannot  hear  my  voice.  I  wish  yon  to  be  true 
to  yourselves.  Dynasties  may  fall,  aristocracies  may  perish, 
privilege  will  vanish  into  the  dim  past ;  but  you,  your  chil- 
dren, and  your  children's  children,  will  remain,  and  from 
you  the  English  people  will  be  eontinued  to  succeeding 
generations. 

You  wish  the  freedom  of  your  country.  You  wish  it  for 
yourselves.  You  strive  for  it  in  many  ways.  Do  not  then 
give  the  hand  of  fellowship  to  the  worst  foes  of  freedom  that 
the  world  has  ever  seen,  and  do  not,  I  beseech  you,  bring 
down  a  curse  upon  your  cause  which  no  after- penitence  can 
ever  lift  from  it.  Yon  will  not  do  this.  I  have  faith  in  you. 
Impartial  history  will  tell  that,  when  your  statesmen  were 
hostile  or  coldly  neutral,  when  many  of  your  rich  men  were 
corrupt,  when  your  press — which  ought  to  have  iustructed 
and  defended — ^was  mainly  written  to  betray,  the  fate  of  a 
continent  and  of  its  vast  population  being  in  peril,  you  clung 
to  freedom  with  an  unfaltering  trust  that  God  in  His  infinite 
mercy  will  yet  make  it  the  heritage  of  all  His  children. 


—  '■^-^^'JH^-o*-  - 


AMERICA. 

V. 

LONDON,    JUNE    16,    1863. 

[On  Jane  i6,  1863,  a  pablie  meeting  was  held  at  the  London  Taveni.  at  the 
instance  of  the  Union  and  Emnnoipation  Society,  in  order  to  hear  an  addrew 
from  Mr.  M.  D.  Conwaj,  of  Eactem  Virginia.     Hr.  Bright  waa  in  the  Chair.] 

Iv  we  look  back  a  little  over  two  years — two  years  and 
a  half — when  the  qu^tion  of  secession  was  first  raised  in 
a  practical  shape,  I  think  we  shall  be  able  to  remember  that, 
when  the  news  first  arrived  in  Eng-land,  there  was  but  one 
opinion  with  regard  to  it — that  every  man  condemned  the 
folly  and  the  wickedness  of  the  South,  and  protested  against 
their  plea  that  they  had  any  grievance  which  justified  them 
in  revolt — and  every  man  hoped  that  some  mode  might  be 
discovered  by  which  the  terrible  calamity  of  war  might  be 
avoided. 

For  a  time,  many  thooght  that  there  would  be  no  war. 
Whilst  the  reins  were  slipping  from  the  hands — the  too 
feeble  hands— of  Mr.  Buchanan  into  the  grasp  of  President 
Lincoln,  there  was  a  moment  when  men  thought  that  we 
were  about  to  see  the  wonderful  example  of  a  great  question, 
which  in  all  other  countries  would  have  involved  a  war, 
settled    perhaps   by  moderation — some    moderation    on    one 


256 


SPEECUES  or  JOHN  BliWUT. 


tWKW  Id, 


Riile,  aud  some  (■oncession  on  the  otlier;  and  so  loiif^  as 
men  IcUoved  tbat  tlicrt'  would  Iw  ao  war,  8o  long  everybody 
cotitleinmd  the  Soiitli.  We  were  afraid  of  a  war  in  Ammca, 
bcoiii&e  wc  kin;w  tliiit  one  of  tlie  great  initustrtcs  of  o«r 
coitntry  (lepfiKled  upon  tlie  continuous  receptioD  of  \is  ruw 
material  from  the  Soutlicrii  Stntes.  But  it  was  a  folly — it 
was  a  grues  ivhsuwlity — fur  iiiiy  mini  to  believe,  with  the 
liiistory  of  tlie  world  before  iiiiu,  tUaL  the  p&oplo  of  the 
Northern  States,  twenty  millionB,  with  llieir  &ec  Govern- 
ment, would  for  one  moment  sit  down  satisfied  with  the 
dismemlH'rment  of  tlieir  eoiuitry,  nnd  make  no  answer  to 
the  war  which  hiul  Ijwh  commt'iifcd  hy  the  Soutb. 

1  speak  Dot  iu  juEitiii cation  of  war.  I  am  only  treating 
this  qut»tiu»  upon  princijik-a  wbieh  arc  ulmost  universalty 
acknowhidgwl  throughout  the  world,  and  by  an  ovpn.vlieIm- 
iug  luajorily  even  of  tliow  men  *vLo  accept  the  Christian 
religion  J  ond  it  i»  only  upon  those  principles,  «>  almost 
nnivertially  ncknowledgrcd,  and  oeknowlcdgcd  a«  much  in 
thin  country  ns  anj'where  else — it  is  only  just  that  wc  should 
judge  Uie  United  Stales  u|joe  those  priucJplcD  upon  which  we 
in  this  eountry  would  be  likely  to  act 

But  the  North  did  not  Wold  to  the  dismembermi>nt  of  tlieir 
country,  and  they  did  not  allow  a  coD^pirAcy  vi  Southern 
politicians  and  filuvi'huldcrs  to  sciiw  their  furt^  and  aracnale 
witliout  preimring  for  re8i8taiice>  Then,  when  the  people 
nf  £n(>;lund  fuiiiid  that  tht>  North  wer«  about  to  resist,  aiKl 
that  war  waa  inevitiible,  lliey  turned  their  eyee  from  the  Soutli, 
which  wae  the  beginner  »f  the  war,  and  looked  to  the  North, 
saying  that,  if  the  North  would  not  resist,  (here  could  he  no 
war,  and  thiit  we  should  get  our  cotton,  luid  trade  would  go 
on  as  before ;  and  therefore,  from  that  hour  to  this,  not  a  few 
}>enions  in  tliis  eountry,  who  at  first  condemned  the  Snuth^ 
liare  been  incesBant  in  their  condemnation  of  the  North. 

Now,  I  believe  this  is  a  fair  stiitement  of  the  leeling  which 
prevailed  when  Lite  fir^t  news  of  oecowiou   arrived,  and  of 


leea 


AMMHiCA.      V. 


867 


the  cbftDgc  of  opinion  irhich  took  place  in  a  few  weeks, 
when  it  was  found  that,  b^  the  resolution  of  the  Nortli  to 
maintain  the  intvgritjr  of  their  countrj^,  nrar,  and  civil  war, 
was  nnavoidalile.  The  trade  interests  of  the  couutry  afTocted 
our  optnion ;  and  I  fear  did  then  pre\'ent,  and  have  since 
prevented,  oar  doing-  justice  to  the  people  of  the  North. 

Now  ]  am  going  to  transport-  you,  in  mind,  to  Lancashire, 
and  the  iuterestf>  of  Laucnshire,  which,  after  all,  are  the  inter* 
wt«  of  the  whole  United  Kingdom,  and  clearly  of  not  a  few 
in  thiB  metropolis.  What  waa  the  condition  of  our  greatest 
mnnufactHring  induetn'  Ucforf  the  war,  and  before  nNWsion 
had  heen  practioilly  ntt«mpt«d  ?  It  waa  thie :  tliat  almost 
ninety  per  cent,  of  all  our  cotton  came  from  the  Sonthero 
States  of  the  American  Union,  and  was,  at  least  nine-tenths 
of  it,  the  prorlii(%  of  the  unt-ompenKated  lahoiu*  of  Ww  ne^ro. 

Everj'body  knew  that  we  were  carrying  on  n  prodigious 
induetry  upon  a  most  insecure  foundation ;  and  it  was  the 
commonest  thin^p  in  thf  world  for  men  who  were  discussing 
the  present  and  tlie  future  of  the  cotton  trade,  whether  in 
Pajliameut  or  out  of  it,  to  point  to  the  exi8t«Doe  of  slavery 
in  the  UniU>d  Slates  of  America  as  the  one  dangerous  thin^ 
in  connection  with  tbut  great  tmdc ;  and  it  was  one  of 
tiie  reasonn  which  stimulated  mc  on  !<everal  occasions  to 
tii^'  upon  the  Govenimvut  of  this  country  to  improve  the 
Government  of  India,  and  to  give  ns  a  chance  of  receiring 
a  con»idomhlo  portion  of  our  supply  from  India,  eo  that 
we  might  not  b«  left  in  absolute  want  when  the  calamity 
oocumxi,  which  all  thou{;litful  men  knvw  must  eomu  day 
come,  in  the  United  States. 

Now,  1  maintain  that  with  a  supply  of  cotton  mainly 
derived  from  the  Southern  Stat«H,  aud  raised  by  slave  tabotir, 
two  tilings  arc  indispotabic :  first,  that  the  supply  mnst 
always  be  insufficient ;  and  second,  (bat  it  must  always  b« 
inBccure.  Perhaps  many  of  you  are  not  aware  that  in  the 
I'niteil  States — I  am  speaking  of  the  Slavtf  States,  and  the 

VOL.  I,  S 


2r>» 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHH  hrwht. 


JUKK  19, 


oottou-gTowing  St3t#g— the  quantity  of  land  which  is  cultivated 
for  cotton  is  a  menj  gartleii,  n  lavvf  plot,  in  eomparioon  witli 
the  whole  of  tho  cotton  ree-ion.  I  si)eak  from  tho  aiiUiorityof 
n  report  latvly  prcwnt^-U  to  the  Bo»tuu  Chamber  of  Cuuimcrcc, 
ooiitaining-  much  important  infnrmatiorL  on  this  qiioation ; 
and  I  believe  that  the  whole  acreage,  or  the  whole  breadth 
of  the  latid  on  which  ctotton  is  ^rown  in  Ameriui,  doea 
not  exceed  ton  thousand  eqiiure  miles — that  is,  u  epaee  od« 
hundred  lailee  loug;  and  one  hundred  milce  broad,  or  the 
Kiz«  of  two  of  our  largest  oouuties  m  Engliind;  but  Uic  land 
of  th«  ten  chii'f  t-otton-prodneing  States  ia  sixty  times  an 
muoh  as  thai,  being,  I  believe,  fthoiit  Iwelv*;  tiiu«ii  ihi'  siao 
of  £u(f1iiiid  and  W&h«. 

It  cannot  be,  therefore.  b«ceiuee  tJicrc  bu  not  been  land 
eiicmjfh  that  we  have  not  in  former  years  had  cotton  enniigh ; 
it  ennnot  l>e  that  there  \\a.»  not  been  a  demand  for  the  produce 
of  the  land,  fur  the  demaud  has  confitsntly  outstripped  the 
gupply;  it  has  not  hren  bfieuiisi'  the  prir-e  has  not  beim  »uf- 
ficient,  for,  as  is  well  known,  the  pricf  has  been  much  higher 
of  late  3'ean«,  and  the  prolit  to  the  planter  much  i^reat-er; 
and  yut,  notwithfiiunJing  the  laud  and  tlie  dumuod,  and 
the  prifie  and  the  profit,  the  supply  of  <x)tton  has  not  been 
HuQieiviit  fur  the  wauts  of  the  spinners  and  the  moaufacturtrg 
of  the  world,  and  for  the  wants  of  civiliaation. 

The  particnlm  facts  with  regard  to  this  I  need  not,  perhAps, 
enter  into;  but  1  find,  if  I  compare  the  price*  of  t-otton  in 
Liverpool  frou]  1S56  to  iHfio  with  the  prices  from  1841  to 
1845,  that  every  pound  of  cotton  hrouglit  from  America  and 
sold  in  Liverpool  fet^hetl  in  the  last  five  years  more  than 
twenty  per  cent,  in  excess  of  what  it  did  in  the  former  five 
years,  notwithstanding  tJiat  we  were  every  year  in  greater 
<lifficulties  through  finding  our  supply  of  cotton  lusiiQlcieut. 

But  wliat  wu«  the  rciison  that  we  did  not  get  enotigli? 
It  was  lteeaiiiiu>  thert>  wae  not  labour  enough  in  the  Southern 
Status.     You  «ec  every  day  in  the  nowspftpers  thitt  there  are 


A.VKFrCA.      V. 


9S9 


four  tnilliong  of  eUvcs,  but  of  those  four  milUoiu  of  sUtves 
(iQtne  arc  growing  tokacoo,  some  rice,  uud  sorot'  sugar;  u  vei>' 
large  tmmber  are  employed  in  domestic  Bcrvitude,  and  a  laif^ 
niinilier  in  litrtoneH,  mechiuiienl  o|iemtioiis,  nud  bui^iiicss  in 
towns ;  and  there  remain  oalj  about  one  million  negroes,  or 
only  on«-qiiarter  of  the  whole  QumU-r,  who  ace  reiguljirly 
cui^pigtd  iu  thi;  cuttivatini]  of  cotton. 

Now,  yon  will  sec  that  tlie  {irodttiHiuu  of  cotton  and  it« 
con  till  lied  i  ncrense  must  depend  upon  tlie  constantly  i  n  - 
CKasilig  produrtivenesa  of  the  Inlxtur  of  those  one  loitliun 
n«groeB,  and  on  the  natnrnl  incrt.'fi«c  of  population  trom  them. 
Well,  the  iticn>am  of  the  population  of  the  slaves  in  Uie 
United  States  is  rather  U-m  than  two  and  a-half  per  cent, 
per  auuum,  and  (lie  increase  on  the  million  will  he  abtjut 
twenty-five  thousand  a-yoar;  and  tlio  increased  production 
of  cotton  from  that  increased  amount  of  labour  eonsiuting 
of  twenty-five  th^usaud  more  negroes  every  year  will  pro- 
bably never  exceed — 1  Iwlieve  it  has  not  reached — one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  tlioui^iicl  balett  per  annum.  The  exa<;t.  facta 
with  regard  to  this  are  these :  that  in  the  ton  years  from 
1841  to  1850  the  avora^  erop  was  1,173,000  balee,  and 
in  the  ten  years  from  i8jl  to  i860  it  wn»  3,252,000,  beinp 
an  inrreaw  of  1,079,000  hales  in  the  ten  years,  or  only  ubout 
100.000  hales  of  incnsoMC  per  annum. 

I  have  shown  that  the  increase  of  production  must  depend 
upon  tlie  increase  of  luhoiir,  heeanno  every  other  element  is 
in  abundance — Boil,  climate,  and  so  forth.  (A  Voice :  '  How 
about  sufirar?'')  A  Gentleman  asks  about  sugar.  K  in  any 
particular  year  there  was  an  extravagant  profit  upon  cotton, 
tliere  might  be,  and  there  probably  would  he,  eome  abstraction 
of  labour  from  the  eultivation  of  tobacco,  and  rice,  and  sugar, 
in  order  to  apply  it  to  cotton,  and  a  larg;er  temporarj-  increase 
of  growth  might  take  place;  but  I  have  given  you  the  facts 
with  rcjfanl  to  the  Uat  twcuty  ycanj,  and  I  think  you  will 
see  that  my  statement  '\%  correct 

I1 1- 


860 


SPEBcrrss  of  joux  bhioiit. 


tunt  IC, 


Now,  can  this  be  remedieil  uinler  alavery?  I  will  show 
you  how  it  cannot.  Anil  lirat  of  all,  everybody  who  ja  ac- 
quaiiit«l  wilh  Amorirnn  RlfnirR  knowH  tbat  there  is  not  very 
much  migratioQ  of  the  populatirm  oi'th«  Northern  Sl«t«s  into 
tbL-  Suulhoni  States  to  enj^ge  in  tlio  ordinary  occupations  of 
agrioiiltiira]  labour.  Lalioiir  \s  not  lionoumble  and  in  not 
honoured  in  the  South,  and  therefore  tree  labourers  from  thd 
North  ure  not  likL'ly  to  go  South.  Agnin,  of  nil  the  emig^n- 
tion  from  this  coontry— amountiug  as  it  did,  in  the  6ftoea 
years  from  1 846  to  1 860,  to  two  miUiotis  Bvc  hundred  thouEwid 
penoDB,  teiu^  equikl  to  the  whole  of  the  [Kipiilation  of  ihia 
grant  eity — a  mere  trifle  went  South  and  settled  there  to 
pnrfine  the  occupation  of  ajfriculture;  they  rcmnincd  in  the 
North,  whore  labour  is  Iirtnourable  and  honoured. 

Whence,  then,  could  the  plantfirs  of  the  South  receive  their 
imTCiuiing  labour!'  Only  fitim  the  slave-iship  and  the  coast 
of  Africa.  Hut,  fortunately  for  the  world,  the  United  Statea 
Goremnient  has  never  yet  become  so  prostrate  under  tliu  heel 
of  the  (iluve>owner  as  to  consent  to  the  reapcnirjp  of  the  plnve- 
troile.  Therefore  the  Southeni  planter  was  in  this  unfortunate 
position :  he  oould  not  tempt,  perhaps  he  did  not  want,  free 
labourers  from  the  N"or(li  ;  he  could  not  tem]it.  porliajta  lie 
did  not  want,  free  labourent  from  Kiin>]>e;  and  if  he  did  want, 
he  was  not  permitted  to  fetch  slave  labour  from  Africa.  Well, 
that  being  m,  we  arrive  at  this  oonclusion — that  whilst  the 
cultiTatioQ  of  cotton  was  performed  by  slave  kbour,  you  were 
shut  up  for  your  hope  of  increot^cd  jL^rowtJi  to  the  small 
increase  tJiat  was  poissible  with  tbe  increase  of  two  and  a  half 
per  cent,  per  aimiun  in  the  popidation  of  the  Blaves,  about  one 
million  in  numlicr,  that  have  been  regularly  emplovcd  in  the 
cultivation  of  cotton. 

Then,  if  the  f^wth  wa^  tbus  insufficient— and  I  as  one 
connected  wilh  the  trade  can  speak  very  clearly  u[»ou  that 
point— I  n-^k  ynu  whether  the  production  and  the  supply  were 
not  iteoessarily  ingeeure  by  reason  of  the  institution  of  slavery  ? 


1863. 


AMKRICA.      r. 


361 


I 
I 
I 
I 


\ 


It  wa8  perilous  within  the  UnioD.  In  this  Conakry  ttc  made 
oQu  mistukc  in  our  forucUKt  of  this  quoetion :  wc  did  not 
betiere  that  the  Soiifh  would  oornmit  suicide;  we  tbou^t 
it  [KMtnblo  that  the  alavett  might  revolt.  They  miglil  revolt, 
Ijut  (Jieir  Btihjugatioii  was  inevitable,  brnmu^e  tbe  whole  power 
of  the  Unios  vin»  pledged  to  the  tniunt(>naiiee  of  order  in 
erory  put  of  its  donunioiu. 

But  if  there  be  men  who  think  that  tbe  cotton  trade  itoiiM 
be  safer  if  tht;  South  were  uu  indopendvot  State,  with  slnvery 
'Wtabtielied  therein  pennnnence,  they  greatly  mistake;  Ixvauee, 
whatever  was  the  danger  of  reroli  in  the  Southern  States 
whibt  the  Union  was  complete,  the  possibilitj'  of  revolt  and 
th«  poa*ibility  of  sucuess  would  surely  be  grcutly  inereapcd  if 
the  North  were  separate  from  the  South,  and  the  negro  had 
only  hie  Soulfaeni  master,  and  not  the  Northern  power,  to 
contend  a^ninift. 

But  i  believe  there  is  little  danger  of  revolt,  and  no  possi- 
bitily  of  sacoess.  When  the  revolt  took  pUee  iit  the  island  of 
St.  Domingo,  the  bliK'ks  were  far  superior  in  numbers  to  the 
whIteH.  In  the  Southern  Slated  it  is  not  so.  Tgnomnt, 
degnuled,  without  organizntion,  without  arms,  nud  eearcely 
with  any  fnint  hopo  of  ftvedom  for  ever,  cxeept  the  enthu^ioftic 
hope  which  thej-  have  when  they  believe  tlint  God  will  some 
duy  stretch  out  His  urm  for  tlieii-  dclivemncc — 1  say  tJiatimder 
these  eircumstances,  (o  my  mind,  there  was  no  reattonable 
expectation  of  revolt,  and  tJtat  tJiey  had  uo  expecLation  what- 
ever of  sucecHS  in  any  attempt  to  gain  their  liberty  by  tbroe 
of  arms. 

But  now  we  are  in  a  diH'crent  position.  Sluver^-  itself  has 
cboeien  its  own  issue,  and  has  chosen  it«  own  field.  Slavery- — 
and  when  I  say  oUvery,  I  mean  tlie  slave  power — lias  not 
tnuitetl  to  the  future;  but  it  has  rushed  into  the  battle-field 
to  settle  thie  groftt  question;  and  having  ohoeen  war,  it  in 
from  day  to  day  sinking  to  inevitable  ruin  uuder  it.  Now,  if 
we  are  agreed — and  I  am  keeping  you  still  to  l^ancnidiire  and 


862 


8PEKCUKS  OF  JOHS  JtHJGJ/T.  jo«i  W, 


to  ite  inttreats  for  »  mnment  longer — that  this  vast  industry 
with  all  iu  iiiU?re8tJ^  of  cnpita)  and  l^ihoiir  Tias  lieen  stundiiig 
oil  a  nicuaoiu^  volounu,  i»  it  riot  jtotstbli?  thnt  h«rcaft«r  it  may 
he  placed  upon  u  rwk  which  nothing  t>an  dist,urb? 

Imiifiiriiie — what  of  wursc  6i>nic  iMWiflv  will  euy  I  have  tw 
right  to  imagine — inijigiiie  tlie  war  oiev,  the  Union  reston-d 
aud  hIsvitv  abolidh^ — does  any  mati  sLijipose  that  there  would 
afWrwards  hv  iu  the  Suiith  uul*  miiglL>  m-^ru  ft-wf^r  thuii  thi're 
are  at  pn-suut  ?  On  the  uoutmry,  I  lieliovu  thi-rt-  wuiitd  be  moiw, 
I  believe  there  ib  many  ii  negro  in  the  Northern  Stated,  and 
(•von  in  Caniula,  who,  if  the  latih,  and  the  chain,  and  the 
branding-iron,  and  the  duepotiem  a^inst  which  even  hv  dared 
not  (aj[ii])hiin,  wore  abolished  for  ever,  would  turn  hi»  fi»oe  to 
tbe  annny  lands  of  the  South,  and  would  find  himself  happier 
and  more  ueeful  there  than  he  can  b«  in  a  inopo  Northern 
climv. 

More  than  this,  there  would  \k  a  migration  from  tlie  North 
to  tite  South,  You  da  nut  suppose  tliat  those  bt-autLful  Stute«, 
those  regions  than  which  eai'th  ofTerR  nothing  to  mau  more 
fertile  and  mor«  lovely,  are  shtinnod  by  the  enterprising 
population  oi'  the  North  because  they  like  the  rifi^urs  of  a 
Northern  vrintcr  and  the  greatcT  elianp-ublLiuisj)  of  the 
Northern  iteawna?  Onee  alwliiih  slavery  in  the  South,  and 
the  wliole  of  thc>  eountry  will  be  ojieu  to  the  eiitvrpriiw  and  lo 
tlie  indutitrj'  of  all.  And  more  than  that,  when  you  find  that, 
only  the  other  day,  not  Icwcr  than  lour  thoueaud  cmignmts, 
tnotit  of  tlicm  from  the  Vniied  Kingdom,  landed  in  one  day 
ill  the  city  of  New  York,  do  you  auppisL-  that  alt  tho<tc  men 
would  go  north  and  west  at  onee  ?  Would  not  some  of  them 
turn  titoir  TaoeN  eouthu-ards,  and  soek  th«  dime  of  tho  suu^ 
which  is  so  grateful  t*"'  all  men  ;  where  tlit-y  would  find 
■  soil  more  fertile,  rivere  more  abundant,  and  everything  tJiut 
Nature  olTors  more  profusely  given,  but  from  which  tliey  are 
now  shut  ont  by  the  awursed  power  wbioh  slavery  exerto? 
With  fivedum  you  would  have  n  gradual   filling'  up  of  the 


IMS. 


AMERICA.      V. 


3ti3 


wtlderneBsw  of  the  Southern  Statett;  yon  wuuld  have  there, 
nab  population  only,  but  capitul,  nud  iudiutry;  mid  roads, 
and  schools,  ami  everything  H-hic-h  tuuds  U>  produce  jjrowth, 
and  WMlth,  iiEid  prusperit}'. 

I  miiintain — and  I  believe  my  opinion  will  be  supported 
by  atl  thoee  men  who  are  most  conv^nant  with  Ain«rienn 
affaire — that,  with  slavery  abolished,  with  E'reedom  firmly 
eiitahtished  in  the  South,  you  would  find  iu  tcii  years  to 
cornea  rapid  increase  in  the  (growth  ol' cotton;  and  not  only 
would  its  growth  b«  rapid,  but  its  permanvnt  increase  would 
be  secured . 

1  said  that  I  was  interested  iu  thJxt  great  <jue«tiOD  of  cotton. 
I  Come  from  the  midst  of  the  grcul  cnttiin  industry  of  Lanoi- 
sltire ;  much  the  largest  portion  of  anytbing'  I  have  in  the 
world  dt!|>L-ndii  upon  it;  not  h  littlo  of  it  is  now  utterly 
val imlfss,  duriitg  the  continuance  of  this  ntir.  My  ncigbhoure, 
by  thousands  aod  score*  of  thousaiidg,  are  eufleriug,  more  or 
less,  aa  I  atn  nuffcriiiig;  and  many  of  themt  us  you  know — 
more  t^un  a  quarter  of  a  uiilliuu  of  them — have  i^'L-n  driven 
from  a  xiibtdtitcnt^c  gained  by  their  bon»ur»ljle  Utxiur  to  the 
extivmvst  poverty,  and  to  »  dependence  upon  the  charity  of 
their  fellotv-countnrincn.  My  ioteretit  ia  the  int*.'rest  of  all 
the  population. 

My  interest  is  against  a  mere  enthiistaRm,  a  mere  wiiti- 
inent,  a  tnere  visionary  fancy  of  freedom  an  agiunst  (tlavcry. 
I  am  tipi^king  now  nti  u  matter  of  butHncss.  I  am  glad  when 
matters  of  bueine^g  g«  straig-ht  with  mfttt«r«  of  high  senti- 
ment aod  morality,  and  from  tliie  j>latform  I  decLire  my 
solemn  conviction  tliat  tliere  ia  no  greater  enemy  to  Lauca«hire, 
to  it«  oapiUd  and  to  iu  lalxjur,  than  the  man  who  wishes  the 
cotton  agriculture  of  tlic  Southern  Slates  to  be  eontiuued 
under  the  conditions  of  slave  labour. 

One  word  more  upon  another  branch  of  tlie  question,  and 
1  have  done,  I  would  turn  for  a  moment  from  commerce 
Lo  (wliucs.     I  believe  that  our  true  ittnuncruiail  intflnwts  in 


2ti4 


SJ'SHflJtm  OF  JOHN  BHWllT. 


wv%  16, 


thi»  country  ore  very  much  iit  liarmuuy  with  wliat  I  tkink 
ouglit  to  be  our  true  political  syinpatliies.  There  is  no  people 
in  tJie  wurldj  I  Uiiuk,  tbnt  inoru  fully  and  entirely  accept*  the 
theory'  that  one  tialiun  aclii  vary  mut-h  iijwii  tlio  clianictpr  and 
upon  the  career  ofanotlicr,  thau  Knglnnd ;  for  our  newspapers 
and  our  Btatcfimen,  nur  vrritcrs  and  out  speakers  of  every  oliMs, 
arc  cfiiiKtantly  U'lling-  us  of  the  ivomlerful  influence  wbich 
Knglish  eonHtitiittoual  f^vemiuvut  and  Englixh  (V»«di>m  have 
ou  the  (lu^tion  and  caiver  of  every  nation  in  Europe.  I  am 
not  about  to  deny  that  some  sucli  influence,  and  occasiooaUy, 
I  Ik-Hcvc,  u  hi-ucliLi-iit  influence,  it^  tLuH  excrtc-d;  but  if  wc 
exert  an)-  intluencu  upon  Europe — and  we  pride  ourselves  upon 
it — {Mirfinpd  it  n-ill  not  be  a  humiliation  to  admit  tlint  we 
fisel  some  iailui'uoe  cxortoit  upon  us  by  tlio  fpnnt  American 
Bopnblic.  Americau  tn>«iijni  net*  upon  TIniE-lnnd,  and  there 
is  nothing  tbnt  is  better  known,  at  the  tvcet  end  of  Ihu  great 
city — from  which  I  have  juat  come — than  tJie  influence  that 
has  been,  nnd  notliing  more  feared  than  the  influence  that 
may  be,  exerted  by  tlie  United  StateB  upon  tliis  country. 

Wk  all  of  uB  know  that  there  ha«  been  a  gnyit  effect  pro- 
duced ia  England  by  the  career  of  tlic  United  Stjttee.  An 
emifSiTation  of  three  or  four  miUioua  of  imr»one  from  tlie 
United  Kju;j:ditui,  during  the  last  forty  years,  has  bouud 
us  to  them  by  thousands  of  family  ties,  and  therefore  it 
follows  that  whatever  Uiere  is  that  is  good,  and  whatever 
there  is  that  is  free  in  America,  which  we  have  not,  we  know 
aoLietliing  about,  and  grudimlly  may  begin  to  wi»h  for,  and 
Bome  day  may  insist  upon  having. 

And  when  I  speak  of  '  us,'  I  mean  the  people  of  tJm 
country.  Wlieu  I  am  awertinjj  the  fart  that  the  people 
of  England  have  a  great  interest  in  the  well-being  of  the 
American  Republic,  I  mean  the  people  of  Kogland.  I  do 
not  speak  of  the  wearers  of  crowna  or  of  eoruiiet*,  but  of 
the  twenty  millioni*  of  people  in  this  country  who  live 
ou  their  labour,  and  who,  having  no  vot««,  are  not  counted 


1863.  AMERICA.      V.  265 

in  our  political  census,  Wt  without  whom  there  could  he 
no  British  nation  at  all.  I  say  that  these  have  an  interest, 
almost  as  great  and  direct  as  though  they  were  living'  in 
Massachusetts  or  New  York,  in  the  tremendous  struggle  for 
freedom  which  is  now  shaking  the  whole  North  American 
Coutineut. 

During  the  last  two  years  there  has  been  much  said,  and 
much  written,  and  some  things  done  in  this  country,  which 
are  calculated  to  gain  us  the  hate  of  both  sections  of  the 
American  Union.  I  believe  that  a  course  of  policy  might 
have  been  taken  by  the  English  press,  and  by  the  ^English 
Government,  and  by  what  are  called  the  influential  classes  in 
England,  that  would  have  bound  them  to  our  hearts  and  us 
to  their  hearts.  I  speak  of  the  twenty  millions  of  the  Free 
North.  I  believe  we  might  have  been  so  thoroughly  united 
with  that  people,  that  all  remembrance  of  the  war  of  the 
Revolution  and  of  the  war  of  1H12  would  have  been  oblite- 
rated, and  we  should  have  been  in  heart  and  spirit  for  all 
time  forth  but  one  nation. 

I  can  only  hope  that,  as  time  passes,  and  our  people 
become  better  informed,  they  will  be  more  just,  and  that 
ill  feeling  of  every  kind  will  pass  away ;  that  in  future  all 
who  love  freedom  here  will  hold  converse  with  all  who  love 
freedom  there,  and  that  the  two  nations,  separated  as  tbey  are 
by  the  ocean,  come  as  they  are,  notwithstanding,  of  one  stock, 
may  be  in  future  time  united  in  soul,  and  may  work  together 
for  the  advancement  of  the  liberties  and  the  happiness  of 
mankind. 


■ — ■>->'^<-i-^- — 


AMERICA. 

IV. 

MR.  ROEBUCK'S  MOTION   FOR  RECOGNITION   OF  THE 
SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  JUNE  30,  1863. 

I  WILL  not  attempt  to  follow  the  noble  Lord  in  the 
laboured  attack  which  he  has  made  upon  the  Treasury  Bench, 
for  these  two  reasons: — that  he  did  not  appear  to  me  verj 
much  to  understand  what  it  was  he  was  condemning'  them  for ; 
and,  again,  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  defending  Gentlemen 
who  sit  on  that  bench.  I  will  address  myself  to  the  question 
before  the  House,  which  I  thiok  the  House  generally  feela  to 
be  very  important,  although  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  they  do 
not  feel  it  to  be  a  practical  one.  Neither  do  I  think  that  the 
House  will  be  disposed  to  take  any  course  in  support  of  the 
hon.  Gentleman  who  introduced  the  resolution  now  before  us. 

We  sometimes  are  eng^^  in  discussions,  and  have  great 
difficulty  to  know  what  we  are  about ;  but  the  hon.  Gentle- 
man left  us  in  no  kind  of  doubt  when  he  sat  down.  He 
proposed  a  resolution,  in  words  which,  under  certain  circum- 
stances and  addressed  to  certain  parties,  might  end  in 
oifensive  or  injurious  consequences.  Taken  in  connection 
with  bis  character,  and  with  the  speech  he  has  made  to- 
night, and  with  the  speech  he  has  recently  made  elsewhere  on 


268 


SPESCiiES  OF  JOIiiV   BRIGHT. 


iVSt,  34, 


this  sobject,  I  may  nay  that  he  would  have  come  to  about  tho 
same  couclusioa  if  ho  hud  jjrapoi«.-(l  to  aJdm**  the  Crowii  lu- 
Titjn^  tlie  Queeu  to  declare  war  against  the  United  Stateet  of 
America,  Thp  Chanepllor  of  tliK  Kn^hptiiier,  who  ia  knoviii 
not  to  be  very  zoaloiie  in  the  pnrticiilar  lino  of  opinion  that  I 
liav€  adopted,  addressed  the  hon.  Gentleman  in  the  smoothest 
Ittugiuige  poBsiblCj  but  still  he  was  obltf^red  to  churgw  him  ivLth 
the  tone  of  hitter  bostiltty  which  marked  hie  speech. 

Oti  a  receut  ucea^iou  the  hon.  Member  addressed  Mttiie 
members  of  hia  conHtitueuey — I  Jo  not  mean  in  hia  last  apeech, 
1  mean  in  the  spwch  in  Atig^mrt  ladt  year — in  which  he  entered 
upon  a  course  of  prophecy  which,  like  moel  prophecies  in  our 
day,  dot's  not  hapjwn  to  romc  true,  Hut  he  said  then  what 
he  BBid  to-niglit,  that  the  Amorican  people  and  Government 
were  overlMjoring.  He  did  not  tell  his  constitucnte  that  tlio 
Government  of  the  United  States  had,  almost  during"  the 
whole  of  his  lifetime,  been  conducted  by  Uis  rrieudii  of  Uie 
8outii.  He  EKtid  thait,  if  they  were  divided,  they  would  not 
1)e  able  to  bully  the  whole  world ;  and  he  mitde  urn  of 
theee  expree«ioiifi ;  'The  Xortt  will  never  be  our  friends;  of 
the  South  you  can  malco  friends,— they  are  Englishmen, — 
they  are  not  the  noum  and  rcfueo  of  the  world.' 

Mr.  Rocbufk:  'Allow  me  to  correct  that  »lat«mcnt.  What 
I  said  I  now  slnte  to  the  House,  that  the  men  of  the  South 
were  Englishmen,  but  that  tlio  army  of  tlie  N'ortii  was  cum- 
poeed  of  the  soum  of  Europe.' 

Mr.  Bright :  I  take,  of  course,  that  explanation  of  the 
hon.  and  learned  Gentleman,  with  this  explanation  from  me, 
tliBt  there  \»  not,  so  far  an  I  can  find,  any  mention  near  that 
paragraph,  and  I  tliiak  there  \b  not  in  the  speech  a  single 
word,  about  the  army. 

Mr.  Koebuck  :  '  1  oseorc  you  I  aaid  that.' 

Mr.  Briglit:  Then  I  take  it  for  granted  that  the  lion,  ainl 
learned  Gcntlenwii  said  tluit,  or  that  if  he  iiaid  wluit  I  have 
read  ho  greotly  regrets  it. 


A.UERrCA.     VT. 


869 


Mr.  Rotfbiick  :  '  No,  I  did  not  say  it.' 
Mr.  Bright :  The  hon.  and  learned  Gcntlemnn  in  \\\s  rpso- 
hitioD  speaks  of  oilier  powyrw,  But  he  has  uiuvroonniiously  ^t 
rid  of  all  llie  po^rera  hut  France,  auj  he  comes  here  to-uiffht 
with  a  story  of  an  interricw  nith  a  man  whom  he  dfscnlxs 
as  tlie  great  ruler  of  Prance— tclb  us  ofa  couv«rBatiou  with  him 
— oekii  us  to  accept  the  lead  of  tlie  Emi)eror  of  the  French  on, 
'  1  will  UTidertakc  to  eny,  one  of  the  f^rcnt^Ntt  questions  thafc  ever 
was  t^uboiittcd  to  the  Britislt  Parliament.  But  it  is  not  long 
siuce  tJic  hon.  and  learned  Oentlcman  held  very  different 
liuiguage.  I  n.t'ollwt  ia  this  Honst,  only  about  two  years 
agOj  that  the  hon.  and  learned  Oentleman  said:  'I  hope  I 
may  be  iwrmittod  to  oxprces  in  respectful  terms  my  opioioOj 
evexi  thouf>'h  it  »liould  Affect  so  great  a  p<>teiitat«  as  the 
Em|>eror  of  Uie  FrcnKh.  I  Itare  no  I'aiUi  in  the  Eraporor  of 
the  French.'  On  another  occawon  the  hon,  and  learned 
Gentleman  said, — not,  1  believe,  in  tliis  Ho«»e, — 'I  am  still 
of  opinion  that  we  hare  nothing  but  lUiimriRity  and  l>ad  faith 
to  look  for  from  the  French  Kmpcror.'  And  ho  ■went  on  to 
•ay  that  still,  thutigb  he  had  been  laughed  at,  he  adopted  the 
patriotic  character  of '  Tear-*cm,'  and  wbb  still  at  his  post, 

.\nd  when  the  hon.  and  leanieil  Gentleman  cnme  hack^ 
]  think  frum  his  expedition  tu  Cherlxinr^,  does  the  Uouse 
recollect  the  lan^ia;>e  he  nwd  on  that  occoaon — langnag^ 
whicli,  if  it  cxprcesed  the  sontimcnta  which  he  felt,  at  least 
I  think  he  min:ht  h.ive  been  content  to  have  withheld?  If 
I  am  not  mistaken,  referriiig  to  the  Halutalion  between  the 
Emperor  of  the  French  and  the  (Inoen  of  theae  kingdoms^  ho 
said,  '  Whi>n  1  saw  his  perjured  lips  touch  that  hallo\fc<] 
cheek.'  And  now,  Sir,  the  hon.  and  learned  Gentleman  has 
been  to  Parin,  introduced  tliere  by  the  lion.  Member  for 
Sunderland,  and  he  has  songlit  to  become  a»  it  were  in  the 
|uilaee  of  the  French  Emjteror  a  co-conxpiralor  with  him  to 
dr^  this  country'  into  a  jKilicy  which  I  maintain  ie  as  hostile 
to  its  intcrosts  as  it  would  he  degrading;  to  its  honour. 


S70 


SPEECUES;  OF  JOHN  hHWHT. 


jDsxao. 


But  tlien  tlie  Iiigli  contracting  parties,  I  jiiwpwt,  are  not 
&greec1j  because  I  will  say  this  ia  jimtice  to  the  French 
Eniporor,  that  there  lioit  iiov«r  oome  from  liini  in  piiltlic,  nor 
from  any  on©  of  his  Minister?,  nor  ie  there  anything  to  be 
found  in  what  they  hare  written,  that  i«  tiuctur«d  in  the 
smallejit  degree  with  thut  bitter  hnjitility  which  the  lion,  and 
Irarnt'd  Geullomnti  liaa  constantly  exhihilfd  lo  the  Uiiit-ed 
SUteit  of  Atnerii-a  and  their  [wopie.  France,  it  not  wise  in 
this  matter,  '\*  at  tca«t  not  unfriendly.  The  hon.  and  learned 
McmlH^r,  in  my  opinion — indeed  I  am  sure — is  not  friendly, 
and  I  heUeve  lie  \*^  not  wi^e. 

But  now,  on  tliie  Hubject,  without  spimkiag  dinreBiiectfulIy 
of  the  great  potentate  who  bos  taken  the  h»n.  and  learned 
Gentl«iniin  into  his  eonfidcnco,  1  miirt  «»y  that  the  Emperor 
riui»  the  risk  ^K  being  far  too  much  rL'pn;ik>ntcd  in  thix  Houw, 
\Vc  have  now  two — I  will  not  call  thvm  envoys  extraonlinary, 
but  most  extmordiiiarj-.  And,  if  report  6])eak»  tnie,  even  they 
are  uot  all.  Tlie  lion.  Member  for  King's  Couiitv  (Mr. 
Henneesy) — 1  do  n{)t  Ree  him  in  hiti  place — eame  back  the 
other  day  from  PDris,  and  there  were  whispers  that  be 
bad  wen  the  great  raler  of  Prance,  and  that  be  could  tell 
everybo<Iy  in  the  most  i-onBflentiat  manner  that  the  Knuieror 
was  ready  Lo  make  a  spring  at  RiistHii  for  the  rake  of  de- 
livering Poland,  and  that  he  only  wait«d  for  a  word  from 
the  I'rime  Miai«t«r  of  England. 

I  do  not  undprstand  the  policy  of  the  Emperor  if  these 
new  Minitttcn*  of  his  tell  tlie  tnith.  For,  Sir,  if  one  Gen- 
tleman says  tliat  he  is  about  to  make  war  with  Russia, 
and  another  llmt  be  is  about  to  make  war  with  America,  I 
am  disposed  to  liwik  at  what  he  is  already  doing.  I  find  that 
he  ia  holding  Rome  against  the  opinion  of  all  Italy.  He  is 
conquering  Mexit^o  hy  painful  steps,  every  footstep  narked  by 
deiraslattuu  and  blood.  Ke  ih  wiirri?ig,  in  mme  deRult*»ry 
manner,  in  China,  and  for  aught  T  know  be  may  be  alKiiit  to 
do  it  in  Japan.     I  Hiy  that,  if  he  ia  to  engage,  at  the  eame 


1803. 


A  M  ERICA.     VI. 


271 


time,  in  (lismomberin^  tli«  greatest  Kaetem  £nipire  and  the 
jSTvat  Western  Republic,  he  haa  a  greater  iunbition  thou 
Ixtuis  XrV,  a  fp-PsftT  daring  thaii  the  first  <ff  his  name;  and 
that,  if  be  endeavours  to  gT»t<i)  these  great  transactions,  bia 
dynasty  may  liiU  and  b«  buried  in  the  niimi  of  his  own 
ambition. 

1  can  say  only  one  sentence  upon  the  cfueetion  to  which  the 
niible  Lrjrd  has  directed  so  much  utteiitiou.  I  uudentand 
that  wr  liavc  not  beard  all  tite  storj'  from  Paris,  and  further, 
that  it  18  not  at  all  remarlcnhlR.  txvin^  that  the  secret  has 
bei?n  eontidM)  to  two  pon^uim,  that  wi>  have  nut  heard  it  cor> 
rectly.  I  saw  aiy  hou.  Friend,  the  Member  for  Sunderland, 
near  mc,  and  hia  lace  underwent  rumarkablo  contortions 
during  the  speech  of  the  hon.  and  learned  (Jentleman,  and  I 
felt  jK'rfeetly  ^itisfiiKl  that  he  did  not  agree  with  what  bi« 
eollea^'ue  was  saying.  I  am  told  there  isi  in  existence  a  littJe 
memorandum  which  containe  an  oocount  of  what  was  said  and 
done  at  that  interi-iew  in  V*rm;  and  hi-fore  the  discussion 
rlosfK  we  shall  no  doabt  have  that  memornudum  produced, 
and  from  it  know  how  far  thpAe  two  gentlemen  are  agreetl. 

I  now  come  to  the  proposition  which  the  bon,  and  l«amed 
(rentleman  has  submitted  to  the  House,  and  which  he  haa 
already  »ubmitted  to  a  mcctiag  of  his  constituent's  at  ShcQield. 
At  that  meeting,  nn  the  Z7th  of  May.  the  hon.  and  learned 
Oentlrman  ih>ed  thexe  words:  'What  I  have  to  consider  is, 
what  are  the  interests  of  England  :  what  is  for  her  interests 
I  believe  to  be  for  the  interest*  of  the  world.'  Now,  Iwiving 
out  of  con«ideratioD  the  latter  part  of  that  statement,  if  the 
hon,  and  learned  Gentleman  will  keep  to  the  first  part  of  it, 
then  what  we  have  now  to  consider  in  this  >questioQ  is,  what 
is  for  the  interest  of  Krgland.  But  the  hon.  and  learned 
Gentlenmn  haa  put  it  to-nig-ht  in  almost  aa  offensivfi  a  way  oe 
he  did  before  at  Sheffield,  and  has  faid  that  the  United  States 
would  not  bully  the  worid  if  they  were  divided  and  eub- 
divided;   for  he  wi-iit  .so  far  as  ia  mntemplalc  division  into 


272 


spi-Ecr/Ks  OF  joffy  usrorrr. 


JRHI  SO. 


more  thirn  two  independent  sections.  I  say  that  the  whole 
of  bis  cose  Ksts  upon  a  miserable  jealousy  of  the  United 
Ststeo,  or  on  what  I  may  term  a  hwm  fi'ur.  It  is  a  fenr  which 
u)>[>ean  to  me  just  tua  grouuiUeBs  as  any  of  Uiusc  piinics  by 
which  the  hon.  and  Iramed  Gentleman  has  attempted  to 
frighten  the  conntry. 

There  never  was  u  State  in  the  world  whieh  was  toss  OApable 
of  aggrewioa  with  regard  to  IDiiropc  than  the  Utiitcii  States 
of  America.  I  speak  of  ita  gorciniment,  of  its  confederation, 
of  the  peculiaritieB  of  ita  orgauization ;  for  Ihe  House  will 
ogreti  with  me,  that  nothing  is  more  peculiar  thnn  Ihc  foot 
of  tlic  great  power  which  the  i^pomte  States,  both  of  the 
North  and  South,  exercise  upon  the  policy  and  course  of  the 
country.  I  will  undertake  to  say,  that,  udIuhh  in  a  questiun 
of  nrerwhelming  magnitude,  which  would  bo  able  to  unite 
any  iHXtple,  it  tvuuld  be  utterly  liojieleen  to  expect  thai  nil  tlic 
States  of  tlic  American  ITnion  would  join  together  to  tmppoft 
the  central  Government  m  any  plan  of  OjETgrcseion  on  England 
or  any  other  countrj*  of  Europe. 

Besides,  nothing  can  bo  more  certain  thuu  tliiit,  that  the 
Goremnient  which  is  now  in  power,  and  the  party  which 
have  elected  Mr.  Lincoln  to  office,  ia  a  moral  and  peaceable 
party,  which  ban  l)con  above  all  tbinK«  anxious  to  cultivate 
the  best  possible  state  of  fccHng-  witli  regard  to  England. 
The  hon.  and  leRmcd  Gentleman,  of  all  men,  ought  not  to 
entertnin  this  fear  of  United  States  aggrewrion,  for  he  is 
always  bcoetinj*  of  his  readiness  to  come  into  the  tield  him- 
fielf.  I  gnuit  that  it  would  be  a  great  ueceaaity  indeed  which 
would  justify  a  conscription  in  calling  out  the  hon.  and 
le.imed  Gentleman,  but  1  ray  he  ought  to  consider  well  before 
he  spre;td3  these  idarms  among  the  people.  For  the  snlie  of 
this  miserable  jealousy,  and  that  he  may  help  to  break  up 
a  friendly  nation,  he  would  depart  from  the  utiages  of  nations, 
and  cnutt  nn  everla!*ting  breach  between  the  people  of  Kng- 
land  and  the  people  of  the   United  States  of  Ameriea,     He 


AMERICA,     ri. 


S78 


would  do  more;  and,  nolwitliBtuinliiig  whut  he  lias  saul  Iw- 
night,  1  iDuy  put  tKJs  as  my  xtrongrot  argument  against  his 
ease — lie  wuiild  throw  the  weight  of  En^l&nd  into  the  scale 
in  favour  of  the  csmsq  of  bIuvitj-. 

I  n-ant  to  show  lite  hon.  und  learned  Gentleman  that  Eag- 
laud  is  nob  interested  ia  the  counu  ho  proposes  wo  uhould 
takv;  and  when  I  Kpeak  oT  interests,  I  mraa  the  mmiDLTcial 
inh-'resU,  the  jiolitical  interests,  and  the  moral  interests  of  the 
country.  And  (irxt,  wilh  regard  to  th<>  supply  of  cotton,  in 
which  tlie  noble  Lord  tlie  Member  fur  Stamford  takm  such 
a  prodigious  intcTf*t.  1  must  explain  to  the  noble  Lord  that 
1  know  a  little  about  cotton.  1  happen  to  have  been  engaged 
ill  ihnt  husinets, — not  all  my  life,  fur  tlie  noble  Ijord  has  seen 
mc  here  for  twenty  years, — but  my  iuloreslif  have  been  in  it; 
and  at  tliis  momi'nt  the  firm  nf  which  T  am  a  member  hnve  no 
less  than  dx  mille,  which  have  been  nt  n  (■iniid  for  nearly 

LhyCAT,  owing  to  the  impoesibility  of  working  under  the  pre- 
sent cuuditiotu  of  the  supply  of  cotton.  I  live  among  a  people 
who  live  by  this  trade;  and  there  i«  no  man  in  England  wh(t 
liaa  a  more  direct  interest  in  it  tlian  I  have.  Before  the  war, 
the  supply  of  cotton  was  little  and  eoetly,  and  every  year  it 
wae  becoming  more  costly,  for  the  mipply  did  not  keep  paee 
with  tlie  dcmuud. 

The  point  that  I  am  about  to  argue  is  this:  I  bdierc  tltab 
the  war  which  ia  now  raging  iu  America  is  more  likely  to 

L.aboli^h  slavery  tJian  not,  und  more  likely  to  ahuli^ih  it  than 
•ny  other  thin^  that  can  be  proposed  in  the  world.  I  rwgret 
very  mueh  that  the  pride  and  poasion  of  men  are  snch  as 
to  justify  me  in  making  this  statement.  Tlio  eupply  of  cotton 
under  slavery  mu^it  always  !>e  in.M?<;ure.  Tlie  House  felt  so  in 
past  years ;  for  at  my  recommeudatioti  they  appointed  a  cotn- 
mittce,  and  but  for  the  folly  of  a  foolish  Tklitiister  tliey  would 
have  appointed  a  special  commission  to  India  at  my  retpieet. 
Is  there  any  gentleman  in  this  House  who  will  not  agree 
witli  me  in  this, — that  it  would  be  far  bettor  for  our  great 

VOL.  J.  T 


27-1 


SPBMCUJiS  OF  JOBS  BRIGHT. 


ivstVt, 


LancsBhire  industrj'  that  our  BUpjtly  of  tuttoti  should  be  f^rovvu 
hy  free  labour  tkan  by  fil&ve  labour? 

Before  the  war,  the  whole  niimber  of  ti^»ToeR  engaged  in 
the  produc'tiou  ofi'ottoii  was  about  one  million, — that  is,  nbont 
a  fourth  of  the  whole  of  the  negroes  in  the  Slave  States.  The 
nniiuol  iiioreaMO  in  Uic  Dumber  of  oegroce  grrowiuff  cotton  wns 
abuut  twenty-live  thoueatid, — only  two  and  u-half  [wr  cent. 
It  viiits  impo8»ible  for  the  Southern  States  to  keep  up  their 
growth  of  Kugur,  ric«,  tobacco,  and  their  ordinary  slave  pro- 
dtictiona,  and  at  the  same  time  Ut  inoreasu  tlie  f^rowth  of 
cotton  more  than  at  a  rate  corresponding  wth  the  annual 
increase  of  negroes,  'ilierefore  you  will  find  that  the  quantity 
of  cotton  grown,  taking  ten  yeara  together,  increoHed  only  at 
the  rate  of  about  one  hundred  tliuusand  balea  a-year.  But  that 
was  uotliinf,;  like  tlie  (|usntity  which  we  required.  That 
mipply  could  not  he  incTcnaod,  l>«eAi]i«e  the  South  did  not 
cultiviite  morv  thun  probably  one  and  a-half  per  cent,  of  th« 
land  which  wa«  capable  of  cultivation  for  coltou. 

I'he  great  bulk  of  the  land  in  the  Southern  States  is  uncul- 
tivated. Ten  thnUKand  acjiiare  milea  are  approprlatt'd  to  the 
cultivation  of  cotton ;  but  there  are  six  hundred  thonsand 
stguare  miU's,  or  sixty  timea  as  much  land,  which  ia  capable 
of  \je\ufj  cultivated  for  cotton.  It  was,  however,  imposeihlfl 
that  tlie  land  should  be  so  t-ultivated,  because,  although  you 
had  climate  and  nun,  you  had  no  luliour.  The  institution  vf 
slavery  forl>ade  free-Iahrmr  men  in  the  North  to  come  to  the 
South ;  and  every  umi^ant  timt  lauded  in  New  York  from 
Europe  kiimv  that  the  Slave  States  were  no  States  for  him, 
and  therefore  he  went  North  or  West.  The  lawa  of  the 
Uuitod  States,  the  sentiments  of  Karope  and  of  the  world, 
being  against  any  opening  of  the  Hlavetrude,  lliv  planters  of  the 
South  were  shut  up,  and  the  annual  incresfie  in  the  anpply 
of  cotton  L'uuld  increase  only  in  the  same  proportion  as  the 
annual  incrt^i^e  in  the  number  of  their  ne^ocs. 
There  u  only  one  other  poiut  with  rt-gard  to  that  maUer 


19W- 


AMEJiiCA.    rr. 


a7ft 


I 


which  is  wortii  mcntiouing.  The  Hon.  and  loomed  UeDlle- 
man  the  MQn3l>er  for  SheiCeld  irill  understand  it,  aIthou;rb 
oa  »ome  point*  he  seems  to  he  pwuliarly  dark.  If  a  planter 
ID  the  Southeni  St:it«s  \ranti3d  to  grow  one  t<hou«ind  bales  of 
cotton  a-year,  he  would  rc<[uire  about  two  hundnxl  uogroce. 
Taking-  them  nt  fiv«  hundred  dollars,  or  one  hundred  pounds 
e»<:li,  which  is  not  more  thiui  hull'  the  ]>r'ux  of  »  Urst-ului'S 
baud,  the  cost  of  the  two  hundred  would  be  twenty  thouaiiud 
pounds.  To  grow  oDe  thousand  bnles  of  cotton  a-jreur  yuu 
ro({iiire  not  oidj  to  possess  tin  eetate,  machinery,  to^jlfi, 
and  other  things  neccseary  to  tvtry  ou  tho  cotton-growing' 
basineesj  but  you  must  Rnd  a  capital  of  twenty  thousand 
pounds  to  buy  the  actual  labourers  by  whom  the  pUoUtion 
is  to  be  worked;  and  therefore,  as  every  gentleman  will  see 
■t  once,  this  great  trade,  to  a  large  extent,  wag  dint  up  in 
the  handy  of  men  who  wt^re  re([uired  to  be  I'iclior  Uiuii  would 
be  neeeesary  if  slavery  did  not  exist. 

Thiu  the  ploDtatioo  bufinces  to  a  large  C3t«Qt  bceamo 
a  monopoly,  and  therefore  even  on  that  account  the  prodnc- 
taoD  of  cotton  waa  constantly  limited  and  eoulroUed.  I  was 
xpcaJciug  to  a  gentleman  thf  other  day  from  Misxisuppi.  1 
beliovo  DO  man  iu  America  or  iii  Euglaad  in  inoTf*  aocjualuted 
with  the  facta  of  this  ease.  He  has  been  fur  many  yoars 
a  Senator  irom  the  State  of  Mississippi.  He  told  me  that 
every  ooo  of  these  faoLi  were  true,  and  said,  '  I  h&vn  no  doubt 
whatever  that  iu  ten  years  afler  freedom  in  the  South,  or  after 

rfreedom  in  conjunctiou  willi  the  North,  the  production  of 
eotton  will  be  doubled,  and  cotton  will  be  forwarded  to  the 
consumers  of  the  world  at  a  much  less  price  than  wc  have 
bad  it  for  many  ycara  past.' 

I  shall   Uiru   for  u    momeat  to   the  political   Lotereetj    to 
which    tlie   hon.   and   learned    Qcutleaian   paid  much   more 
ition  than  to  the  commercial.     The  more  I  cousldev  the 

'course  of  this  war,  the  more  I  eome  to  the  ooneliwiun  that 
it  in  improbable  iu  future  tlutt   the  United  Stutea  will  bo 

Ta 


broken  into  sepamte  republics,  I  do  not  come  to  the  cou- 
clonon  tlwt  the  North  will  conquer  the  South.  Bat  I  Ihiiih 
the  conclusion  to  wIul-K  I  am  more  ilin[xjscd  to  eomo  now  tlian 
nt  any  time  since  the  breaking  out  of  tlie  war  is  this, — thnt 
if  a  separation  tliould  occur  tor  a  time,  etill  the  interest,  the 
Bjrmpathiee.  the  sentiments,  the  neceesitica  of  the  wbob  con- 
tinent, uml  it«  atnbitiuu  also,  which,  us  hon.  Gciitlemfii  have 
mpntionwlj  seems  to  some  people  to  b«  u.  neeeHHitir',  reiuler  it 
highly  pPDbiilile  that  tJie  poiitinent  wouhl  rtill  he  united 
uftder  one  central  Government.  1  may  be  q«it«  mislafcon. 
I  do  not  express  thut  opinion  with  any  more  cou5dence 
than  hou.  Oontk-men  have  cxpiKSsed  thuirB  in  favour  (»f 
a  iM>rtnunent  di.'<M^Iution;  hut  now  is  not  tbiit  pnsjiblr, — 
that  the  Union  may  bo  again  formed  on  the  baidft  of 
the  South  ?  There  are  persons  who  think  thiit  |>0Rgihle. 
1  hope  it  is  not,  but  wc  catmot  say  that  it  ia  ab^c^lutely 
imponble. 

Is  it  not  possible  that  the  Northern  Government  may  be 
bafflod  in  their  military  operations?  Is  it  not  jKissihle  ihat, 
by  their  owii  incajwioity,  they  may  be  humiliatwi  before 
tbcir  own  people?  And  ie  it  not  eren  possible  that  the 
party  which  you  please  to  call  the  Peace  parly  ia  the  North, 
but  which  is  in  no  bcus«  a  peace  |>urty,  tfhoiild  unite  with 
the  South,  and  that  the  Union  should  b^.-  rcconHtitutwl  on 
the  hafiis  of  Southern  opinions  and  of  the  Southern  social 
Bvstem?  Is  it  not  patsJble,  for  esample,  tliat  the  Southern 
people,  and  thoiK  in  their  favour,  thuuld  apgn'al  to  the  Iri^b 
populatiou  of  Amcrim  apunnt  the  negroes,  between  wliom 
fliere  has  been  little  sympathy  aud  Ilttte  reapect ;  and  is  it 
not  pONsible  they  sliould  appnal  to  the  eommereial  clastoea  of 
the  NortJi — and  the  rich  eommereial  classes  in  nil  countries, 
who,  ftt>m  the  uncertaiuly  of  their  poeseasiona  and  the  llue- 
tOftUon  of  thoir  interests,  are  rendered  always  timid  and 
very  often  cornipt— is  it  not  possible,  I  say,  that  thvy 
might  prefer  the  union  of  th«ir  wholy  country  upon  the  basis 


J 


1«U. 


AWERfCA.    rr. 


277 


I 


of  the  Soutli,  rather  thao  that  union  which  tnaiiy  Members 
of  this  HuuEe  look  upon  with  so  mach  apprehension? 

If  that  should  ever  lake  place — but  I  believe,  with  my 
hon.  Friend  below  me  (Mr.  Porster),  in  the  moral  jjoveni- 
nieut  of  tho  world,  axid  therefbnt  I  catinut  believe  th^t  it  tvill 
tahe  place ;  but  if  it  were  to  talce  phice,  with  their  ffmat 
armicfl,  and  with  th«ir  groat  nnvy,  and  their  almost  uu- 
limltetl  power,  they  mig^lit  seek  to  drive  IJngland  out  of 
Caua<la,  France  ont  of  Mexion,  and  whatever  nations  arc 
interested  in  them  out  of  tlie  islantbt  of  tJie  West  ludiea ;  and 
you  might  then  ha%'e  a  jfreat  State  huilt  upon  slavery  and 
war,  instead  f>f  that  free  State  to  which  I  look,  built  up  upon 
uu  educated  people,  upon  ^neml  freedom,  and  upon  moniHty 
in  guvemmunt. 

Now  there  i?  one  more  point  to  which  the  hon.  and  learned 
Geiitk'mfln  will  forgive  van  if  I  ulliide — he  does  not  np]>ear  to 
me  to  think  it  of  ^reat  importance — and  that  ix,  the  morality 
of  this  question.  The  ri^^ht  hon.  Gentleman  the  Chaneeltnr 
of  the  Exchequer,  and  the  hon.  Gentleman  who  Rpoke  from 
the  bench  behind — aud  I  think  the  noble  Lord,  if  I  am  nut 
mistaken — referred  to  the  carna^  which  is  oeeasiuoed  by 
thifi  lamentable  ptrife.  Well,  camaj»e,  I  presume,  is  the  ac- 
companiment of  all  \var.  Two  years  ago  the  press  of  London 
ridiculed  ver>'  much  tlie  battles  of  the  United  States,  in  which 
nobody  was  killed  and  few  were  hurt.  There  wae  a  time 
when  I  stood  up  in  this  JInuse,  and  pnint<;d  out  the  dre-idful 
horrors  of  war.  There  waa  a  war  waged  by  this  eounliy  in 
the  Crimea ;  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exfibetiuer,  with  an 
uneasy  consdcDCe,  18  coDsfantly  striving  to  defend  that 
straggle.  That  war — for  it  Itietcd  about  the  same  time  that 
the  American  war  has  lasted — at  least  destroyed  an  many 
lives  as  are  CBtimatod  to  have  been  destroyed  in  the  United 
States. 

My  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  Montruee,  who,  1  think, 
is  not  in  the  Hou»e,  made  a  s|>e«ch  in  Si^otland  mme  time 


278  StJiBCitES  OF  JOUK  liRlOllT.  ju»i  3o. 

\ast  ycoir,  in  which  ho  gnvc  tiit^  numhvni  which  wpre  hist  by 
ItuBsia  in  tliat  war.  An  hon.  Friend  near  me  observeji,  that 
eomc  people  do  not  reckuii  thp  UiirtftiiuiH  for  anything:.  I  bbv, 
if  ywi  will  odd  Uio  Russians  to  Uie  E]i«:Lmh,  and  thti  two  to 
the  Fn-iich,  and  ttiu  throv  Ut  the  Saidiiiiiuis,  and  the  four  to 
the  Turks,  that  more  lives  were  lost  in  the  invasion  of  tho 
Crimea,  in  tlio  iv;a  y«ire  ttint  it  liist«d,  ttiim  hnve  been  lost 
hitherto  iu  tlie  Amcricou  war.  Ttiat  is  no  defbncc  of  the 
carnage  cJ  the  American  war;  but  kt  hon.  Gentlemen  bear 
in  mind  that,  when  I  protested  against  the  carnage  in 
^e  Crimea — for  ao  object  which  few  eonid  comprehend  and 
nobody  can  fairly  i-splaJn — I  was  told  that  I  was  actuated 
by  a  morbid  sentimentility.  Well,  if  1  am  converted,  if  I 
view  tlio  mortality  in  war  with  less  bwrrcr  than  1  did  then, 
it  must  be  attributed  to  the  argiimeiita  of  lion.  Gentlemen 
oppoxito  aud  on  the  Treasury  bench  ;  but  the  fact  is,  I  view 
this  eamflK«  Juist  iis  I  viewed  that,  with  only  this  difference, 
thnt  while  oiir  wildiere  perishcti  three  thousand  miles  from 
bcnnu  iu  a  wortiilcss  and  indofeosiljle  cauae,  these  men  wero 
OD  their  own  soil,  and  every  man  of  tliem  kntnv  for  what 
he  enlisted  and  for  what  parpose  he  was  to  fight. 

Now,  I  will  ask  the  right  bon.  (ientlen)a,ii  tlie  Chancellor 
of  the  Kxcheqiirr,  and  those  who  are  of  opiuiou  wiUi  him  on 
this  c|uet>-tioQ  of  slaughter  in  the  American  war — a  ahtughter 
wliich  I  hope  there  is  no  hon.  Member  here,  and  no  pcnMD 
out  of  this  House,  that  iIuck  not  in  his  calm  moments  took 
upon  with  grief  and  horror — to  consider  what  was  the  state 
of  tbingii  before  the  war.  It  was  thia :  that  ovety  year  in 
the  Slave  Slates  of  America.  tJiert'  were  one  handred  and 
fifly  thousand  cliildieu  bom  into  tho  world — bom  with 
Uie  badg«  and  the  doom  of  sbvcry — bom  to  tho  liability 
by  law,  and  by  cu5tc>m,  and  by  the  deviliKh  cupidity  of 
man — to  the  lash  and  to  tlie  chain  and  to  the  branding- 
iion,  and  to  be  taken  from  tlieir  families  and  r.arricd  they 
know  not  when*. 


IH». 


AMERICA.     }'/. 


379 


I  ivunt  to  know  wlictlicr  yon  fc«I  as  I  feel  upon  Uiis 
(jucstion.  Wl)on  I  can  get  down  to  my  home  Ixom  thU 
IIoii^  I  find  hnir  a  dozen  little  cliildren  playing  upon  my 
hmrtii.  How  many  Meniliers  are  there  who  can  s&y  with 
me,  that  the  mot^  innocent,  the  moet  pure,  Uio  most  lioly  joy 
which  in  Uicir  post  Tears  they  have  felt,  or  in  tlieir  future 
years  thej-  have  hoped  for,  has  not  arisen  from  contact  and 

' asBociattuQ  witli  onr  prociuuH  childrKn?  WMI,  tlien,  if  that 
he  so — if,  when  the  hand  of  Death  tiikea  one  of  thoee  flowers 
from  our  dwpllinpf,  our  heart  ia  overwhelmed  with  sorrow  and 
our  household  is  covered  with  gloom ;  what  would  it  be  if 
oar  children  were  hrought  up  to  this  infernal  system — oii« 
hundred  and  lifty  thousand  of  them  every  year  bmught  into 
the  world  in  these  Slave  Stntec,  amonpit  these  'gentlemen,' 
amongst  this  '  chivalry/  amongst  thc^e  men  that  we  con 
make  our  friends? 

Do  you  forget  the  thoueuud-fold  lirricfs  and  the  oounttess 
■gonicH  which  hchiiiged  to  the  silent  conflict  ol'  slavery  Wore 
tlie  war  liegan?  It  is  all  very  well  ftir  the  hon.  and  learned 
Geittlenutu  to  tell  me,  to  tell  thit;  House — he  will  not  tell  the 
oonntry  with  any  mtixfnetion  to  it — that  slavery,  afUT  nil, 
is  not  80  bad  a  thing.  The  bi-other  of  my  hon.  Friend  tho 
Member  for  South  Durham  told  me  that  in  North  Carolina 
he  himself  saw  a  woman  whose  every  ehild,  ten  in  number, 
had  been  sold  wlien  they  grew  up  to  the  age  at  which  they 
would  fetch  n  price  to  their  master. 

I  have  not  heard  a  word  to-night  of  another  matter — 
the  Proclamation  of  the  PresidcDt  of  the  United  States. 
The  hon.  and  IcamL-d  Gentleman  spoke  somcwherL-  in  tlio 
country',  and  he  had  not  the  magnanimity  to  abstain  from 

>a  statement  which  I  was  going  to  Hay  he  must  Eiave  known 
had  no  reel  foundation.     I  can  make  all  allowanw  for  tho 

^paseion — and  I  was  going  to  say  the  malice — but  I  will  say 
the  ill-will  of  the  hoa.  and  learned  Gentleman ;  but  1  nuke 
DO  allowanre  for  his  ignoranev.     I  make  no   allowance  for 


SPBECJIKS  OF  JOUN  BRWHT. 


that,  bccausB  if  he  is  ignnnuit  it  is  bis  own  fault,  for  God 
bis  ^veii  him  an  int«llept -wliirh  ou^t  in  keep  him  frnm 
ignorance  on  a  quostiun  of  tlit^  mngiiitude.  I  now  take  tlmi 
Prodaina.lioti.  Wliat  Jo  you  proptjso  to  do?  You  pntpuefr' 
by  your  resolution  to  help  the  South,  if  possiWe,  to  gnio  and 
sastain  iti<  independence.  Nobody  doubts  that.  The  hon. 
flnd  learned  Gentleman  will  not  deny  it.  But  what  luwomefl 
i)f  the  Proclamation  ?  T  shoulJ  like  to  n»k  any  lawyer  iti 
whAt  ttg;ht  we  etand  hr  regardii  that  Proclamation?  To  as 
thoro  is  only  one  country  in  what  wn«  wiIImI  tho  United 
States ;  there  is  only  one  President,  there  is  only  one  general 
Legislature,  there  itt  only  one  law ;  and  tf  that  Proclamation 
be  lawfijl  anywhere,  wo  are  not  in  a  eonditiou  to  deny  ita 
Ipgality,  becanse  nt.  present  we  know  nn  President  Davis,  nor 
do  we  know  the  men  who  arc  about  liim.  We  Imve  o«r 
Consuls  in  the  South,  but  recognizing'  only  one  Legitthituro, 
one  Preeident,  one  law.  So  far  as  we  are  concerned,  tltat 
Proclnuiation  is  a  legal  and  ellbetivc  document. 

I  want  to  know,  to  aa!c  you,  tlic  House  of  Commons, 
wbrther  you  have  turned  baek  to  your  own  proceedings  in 
1834,  and  traeeil  the  pmiscs  which  have  lieen  Invisheil  upon 
you  for  thirty  years  by  the  great  and  good  men  ol'  other 
countries, — and  whether,  after  what  you  did  at  tlmt  time,  you 
believe  that  you  will  meet  the  views  of  the  thoughtXul,  moral, 
and  religious  people  of  EiigUind,  when  you  pn»pose  to  remit 
to  slavery  thrro  millions  of  negroes  in  the  Southeni  Stales, 
who  in  our  views,  nnd  regarding  the  Proolamation  of  the 
only  President  of  the  United  States  as  a  legal  doeument,  are 
certainly  and  to  all  iritcnta  und  purijoses  free?  ['Oh  !  'j  'llio 
hon.  and  learned  (lentlenian  miiy  say  '  Oh  ! '  and  shake  his 
head  lightly,  and  he  scornful  at  this.  Ho  has  managed 
to  got  rid  of  all  those  feelingH  under  which  all  men,  black 
and  white,  like  to  he  free.  He  has  talked  of  the  cant  and 
hypocrisy  of  these  men.  Was  Wilberforee,  was  Clark^on, 
WW    Buxton, — I    might  run    over    the   whole    list, — were 


AMERICA.     Vr. 


3S1 


these  men    hyi>ocriU'«,   and   had  they  nothing  about  them 
but  cant? 

I  could  stjiic  somcthiiip;  ubout  llie  family  of  my  hon.  Friciiil 
below  me  (Mr.  I'oreter) ,  which  I  almost  fear  to  sfftte  in  his 
prcseofo;  hut  his  ri-vered  father — n  man  unsiirpHsaed  in 
diameter,  not  cquuDed  by  many  iii  iiitelk'ct,  and  approathed 
by  few  in  service — laid  down  liis  life  in  a  Slave  Statt»  in 
America,  while  carrj-ing  to  the  jpjvernors  and  legislatures  of 
every  Slave  State  the  protect  of  himself  and  hia  sect  aguiQst 
tho  «normity  of  that  odioua  8y»t«m. 

In  eonclusioii,  Sir,  1  have  only  this  to  say, — that  I  wish 
to  take  a  f^ii&roUH  view  of  this  qiicRtion, — a  view,  I  say, 
generoiLs  with  r«gard  to  tho  peoplewithvhom  wcore  in  amity, 
wliose  Minister  wo  receive  here,  and  who  receivo  our  Minister 
in  Washtngion.  We  we  that  the  Qovcnimciit  of  the  United 
States  has  for  twn  years  past  been  contending  for  its  life, 
and  we  know  that  it  is  oontondiug  necessarily  for  human  free- 

rdom.  That  Government  attbrds  the  remarkable  example — 
oSered  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world — of  a 
great  Uovemment  coming  forward  as  the  organized  defender 
of  Uw,  freedom,  and  c<]uality. 

Sup-'ly  hon.  Gentlemen  opposite  eaiinot  I»g  so  ilUinfornKHl 
aa  to  say  tliat  the  revolt  of  the  Soiithorn  Siatos  is  in  favonr 
of  freedom  and  ccjuality.  In  Euivpe  often,  and  in  some  parta 
of  America,  vhcn  there  has  been  insurrection,  it  has  generally 
been  of  the  suficring  against  the  oppressor,  and  rarely  lias 
it  been  found,  and  not  more  eonimonly  in  our  liistoiy  than  iu 
the  biiitory  of  any  other  country,  tlrnt  the  Govomment  has 
stepped  forward  as  the  orfianized  defender  of  frc«dom— of 
the  wide  and  general  freedom  of  thoMi  under  its  lulc.  With 
such  a  Government,  in  such  a  contest,  with  such  a  foe,  the 
hoD.  and  lca.rned  Gentleman  the  McmWr  fur  Sheffield,  who 
profetBBB  to  be  more  an  Etiglisbman  tlian  most  Etigli&Iimen, 
wk*  na  to   throw  into  tho   scale  against  it  the  weight  of 

[thd  hostility  of  Engluid. 


282 


SPEECHES  OF  JOtiif   HRWHT.         inn  8fl, 


I  have  not  aaid  a  word  with  regard  to  what  may  hap]>eti 
to  Englnnd  if  we  go  into  war  with  the  TTnltcd  States.  It 
will  be  a  war  upon  Ihe  r>o«aD, — Gvury  ship  that  WlongB  to  the 
two  nations  will,  as  far  as  possible,  be  swept  from  the  ecaUi. 
But  wbtu  th«  trouble*  io  Americn  are  over, — be  tlic/  ended  by 
tJie  restoration  of  tlic  Union,  or  by  separation, — ^tbat  great  and 
fVeio  poplc,  the  most  instrncted  in  tJie  world, — there  is  not  an 
American  to  be  found  in  the  New  England  Stales  who  viinnot 
rend  and  write,  and  there  are  not  three  men  in  one  hundred 
in  the  whole  Norihcm  States  who  cannui  read  and  write, — 
and  those  who  cannot  read  and  write  are  those  who  liaye 
reeently  como  from  Europe, — I  say  the  most  iiistriieted  people 
in  the  world,  and  the  most  wealthy, — if  you  take  the  di»- 
tribation  of  wealth  among  the  whole  p*ople, — will  have  a 
wound  in  their  hearts  by  your  act  which  a  century  may  not 
heal ;  and  the  posterity  of  some  of  those  who  now  hear  my 
voiee  may  look  back  with  amnzenieut,  and  I  will  say  with 
lamentation,  at  the  CDur8i>  uhicli  was  Uikcn  by  the  hon.  and 
learned  Crentlemaa,  and  by  such  hon.  Members  as  may  choose 
to  follow  his  loading.  ['No!  No  I']  leuppoee  the  hon.  Gentle- 
men who  cry  '  No  !'  will  admit  that  we  sometimes  sufTcr  from 
the  errors  of  our  ancGMtore.  Then;  arL-  fow  |>i.<n>()nB  who  will 
not  admit  that,  if  their  fathers  had  lieen  wiser,  their  children 
would  have  been  happier. 

"We  know  the  canac  of  tliii  revolt,  it«  purposes,  and  its 
juma.  Those  who  nude  it  have  not  lefl  »a  in  darkness 
respecting  their  intentions,  but  what  they  are  to  accoraplisli 
18  still  hidden  from  onr  sight;  and  I  will  abstain  now,  as  I 
have  always  abstained  with  regard  to  it,  from  predicting  what 
is  to  come.  I  know  what  I  hope  for, — and  what  1  shall 
rejoice  in, — but  1  know  nothing  of  future  facts  that  will 
enable  tne  to  express  a  confident  opinion.  VDiether  it  will 
give  freedom  to  the  race  which  white  men  have  trampled 
in  the  dust,  and  whether  the  issue  will  purify  a  nation 
steeped  in   orimce    committed  agttiqst  that  nice,  is  known 


1868.  AMERICA.     YI.  283 

only  to  the  SupTcme.  In  Hie  hands  are  alike  the  breath 
of  man  and  the  life  of  States.  I  am  willing  to  commit  to 
Him  the  issue  of  this  dreaded  contest ;  bat  I  implore  of  Him, 
and  I  beseech  this  House,  that  my  country  may  lift  nor  hand 
nor  voice  in  aid  of  the  most  stupendous  act  of  g^ilt  that 
history  has  recorded  in  the  annals  of  mankind. 


•-«=SK>^- 


AMERICA. 

VII. 

LONDON,  JUNE  29,  1867. 

[The  following  speech  waa  made  at  a  public  break&st  given  to  William  Lloyd 
GarriBon,  in  St.  James's  Hall,  at  which  Hr.  Bright  occupied  the  Chair.] 

The  position  in  which  I  am  placed  this  morning  is  one  very 
nnusnal  for  me,  and  one  that  I  find  somewhat  difiScnlt;  but 
I  consider  it  a  eignal  distinction  to  be  permitted  to  take 
a  prominent  part  in  the  proceedings  of  this  daj,  which  are 
intended  to  commemorate  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  great 
triumphs  of  fireedom,  ant]  to  do  honour  to  a  most  eminent 
instrument  in  the  achievement  of  that  freedom.  There  may 
be,  perhaps,  those  who  ask  what  is  this  triamph  of  which 
I  speak.  To  pnt  it  brieSy,  and,  indeed,  only  to  put  one  part 
of  it,  I  may  say  that  it  is  a  triumph  which  has  had  the  effect 
of  raising  4,ooo,cxx3  of  human  beings  from  the  very  lowest 
depth  of  social  and  political  degiiadation  to  that  lofly  height 
which  men  have  attained  when  they  posseas  equality  of  rights 
in  the  first  countiy  on  the  globe.  More  than  this,  it  is  a 
triumph  which  has  prononnccd  the  irreversible  doom  of  slavery 
in  all  countries  and  for  all  time.  Another  question  suggests 
itself — how  has  this  great  triumph  been  accomplished  ?     The 


286 


SPEECBES  OF  JOIfX  UlilGUT. 


Jt;n2», 


answer  sa^cetn  itfielf  in  uaother  question — How  »  it  that 
any  great  thing  is  BccMjinpIiiJied  ?  By  love  of  justioe,  by 
contctunt  devotion  to  a  great  cause,  and  \>y  un  unfaltcriug 
faith  timt  wbiit  \*  ri(>ht  will  in  the  end  succeed. 

When  I  look  at  this  hall,  filled  vritb  buc!»  tax  assembly — 
when  I  partake  of  tlio  sympntliy  which  rims  from  heart  to  - 
heart  at  this  moment  in  welcome  to  our  guvei  of  to-doy — I 
cannot  but  coutroeit  bis  i^rvscnt  position  with  that  which,  not 
so  far  back  but  tliat  mtiny  of  us  i»n  rcmunbvr,  be  uceupitHl  in 
his  own  countiy.  It  is  not  forty  yeani  ago,  I  believe  about 
the  year  1S29,  wLen  the  guest  whom  we  honour  this  morning 
wu  Kpeiiding-  hiB  solitary  days  iii  u  priBoii  in  the  slave-owning 
city  of  J3altimoro.  I  will  not  wy  that  he  was  Inngninhing  in 
prison,  fi>r  that  I  do  not  bvlicve  j  ho  was  eutitained  by  a  hope 
that  did  not  yield  to  the  persecution  of  those  who  thus 
maltreated  him;  and  lo  show  that  Lbe  elfeet  of  that  imprlHou- 
mont  waa  of  no  avail  to  suppress  or  extinguish  his  ardour, 
within  two  }'«iri!  after  thai  he  bad  Uie  eourag*,  the  niidaeity 
— I  dare  say  many  of  hie  countrjTuen  used  wen  a  stronger 
phruflc  than  that — he  had  the  vuuruge  to  comini-uoe  the 
publication,  in  the  city  of  Bostou,  of  a  newspaper  dcvotul 
mainly  to  the  qiieittiou  of  the  abolition  o^  slavery.  Tlie  first 
nuiubt^^r  uf  Uiut  pajjer,  issued  on  the  iBt  of  January,  1 8-51,  con- 
tained an  address  to  the  public,  one  passage  of  wliieh  I  have 
often  read  with  tho  greatest  interest,  and  it  is  a  kc-y  to  the 
future  life  of  Mr.  (jarri::ion.  He  hail  been  complained  of  fur 
having  used  bard  language — which  is  a  very  coniiuou  com- 
pluint  indeed — and  he  said  in  bis  first  number: — ■ 

*I  am  nwaru  tliat  roaay  o))j««l  tn  thn  «ev«rity  ef  mjr  liuigiii«eo,  bat  ii  th«r* 
itot  cants  fur  lucL  unvvniy  )  I  nil!  be  «■  linnli  ai  truiU,  kO'd  m  ancompco- 
iiiluiig  on  jiuiice.  I  Mil  in  wttitmt,  I  wili  nnt  oqiiiriwAtiv  I  will  noC  cscuie.  1 
will  nut  rutntct  ■  ni%'l«  iiidi,  aii<l  I  will  be  1i«»nJ.' 

And  that,  after  all,  espresses  to  s  great  extent  llie  future 
course  of  bis  life.  But  what  was  at  tliat  time  the  temjier 
of  the  people  amougst  whom  be  lived — of  tliu  people  wlio  are 


1887. 


AMSIilCA.     rii. 


287 


gluryiDg-  now,  as  they  well  may  glory,  in  Ihe  abolition  of 
Blavery  tbroughoiit  iheir  country?  At  that  time  it  was  very 
little  belter  in  the  Xortti  than  it  was  in  the  South.  I  think 
it  wns  in  the  your  1835  thnt  Hots  of  the  most  serious  churactcr 
took  pkcc  in  Eom«  of  the  Nofthem  (ities;  during' that  time 
Mr.  Garrison's  life  whb  in  immitient  peril ;  and  he  has 
never  aECcrtuint.-(]  to  tliia  (lay  how  it  waa  that  be  was  left 
alive  on  the  earth  to  eari^-  out  bi«  great  work.  Tiimiti|r  to 
tho  South,  a  State  that  hiiJ!  b»l»,'ly  RuflerM  fmni  tlie  ravages 
of  armies,  tb©  St«t«  of  Georgia,  by  its  kgislature  of  House, 
Seiiati.',  and  Governor,  if  my  memory  does  not  deceive  me, 
IHissed  a  bill,  offering  10,000  dollars  reward — [Air.  Garrison 
here  saiii  '5,000'J — well,  they  seemed  to  Uiink  there  were  people 
who  would  do  it  chenp — oflVring  5,000  dollorsj  and  zeal,  dotiht- 
less,  would  make  »]»  tho  ditrerenco,  for  Uie  capture  of  Mr. 
Garrison,  or  for  adequate  proof  of  liia  death.  Kow,  tbeae  were 
menaces  and  pcrila  such  as  wc  liavo  not  in  our  time  been 
accustomed  to  in  this  country  in  any  of  our  poIiticaJ  move- 
menls,  and  we  ith-iU  take  a  very  poor  measure  indeed  of  the 
cuuduet  of  the  leader^i  of  the  Koumeiputiuii  parly  in  Uiu  United 
States  if  we  estimate  them  by  that  of  any  of  those  who  Imve  bevn 
concerned  in  politic«l  movcmcute  amongst  us.  })ut,  notwith- 
standing all  drswhiiekH,  the  cause  was  gattiering  strength,  ami 
\tr.  Garrison  found.  him«-elf  by-and-hy  surroimded  by  a  small 
but  increasing  band  of  men  an<l  women  who  were  devoted  to 
this  cause,  as  he  himwlf  wa:^.  We  have  in  this  country 
a  very  nobU  woman,  who  taught  the  English  people  much 
upon  this  ({uestion  about  thii'ty  years  ago :  I  allude  to  Harriet 
Martineau.  I  recollect  well  the  iuipreseion  with  which  1  n-ad 
a  most  ]Hiwerlul  and  touching  papLT  which  she;  had  written, 
and  which  was  published  in  the  nnmber  of  the  Wealmiiister 
Heviae  for  December,  J83S.  It  was  entitled  'The  Martyr 
Af^  of  the  Vnited  States.'  The  paper  introduced  to  the 
English  public  the  great  niunes  which  were  apj>earitig-  on 
the  scene  in  vouueetiun  with  tliiit  cause  in  Amuriuu.     There 


288 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  fiJUGIIT. 


jtmsv, 


was,  of  oonrse  I  tiot-d  hiirdly  sny,  our  I'minent  guest  of 
to-dfty;  there  was  Artlmr  Tnppun,  and  Lewis  Tiii)pftn,  and 
James  (j.  Bimey  of  Alalama,  it  planter  and  $lavc-own*r, 
who  liberaled  liis  slaved  hikI  came  North,  and  became,  I  W- 
Here,  tlie  first  Prcsideutinl  canitiJate  ajKin  Abolition  princi^ilca 
in  the  United  Statejt,  There  were  besides  them.  Dr.  Channing, 
Juhu  Quiiipy  Adiuus,  a  statvxiuatt  niid  Prtsidvut  of  tbo  UnitMl 
St«lep,  and  fatlier  of  th«  eminent  man  who  is  now  Minister 
from  that  people  amongst  us.  Then  there  wub  Wendell 
I'hillips,  admitted  to  he  hy  all  who  know  him  pcrliaps  the 
most  powerful  orator  who  epealc^  the  Englisli  laiigiia^.  1 
mig-ht  refer  to  ullierHj  to  Cliiu-lcti  Sumner,  the  sehular  and 
Htatesmon,  »nd  HoruoG  Greeley,  the  first  of  joumali^ta  in 
the  Uuit(.*d  States,  if  not  the  lir«t  of  JouroaliEte  in  the  world. 
But,  besides  these,  there  were  of  nolilo  women  not  a  few. 
There  waa  Lydia  Maria  ('hi!d ;  there  were  the  two  sisters, 
Sarah  and  Angelina  Grimke,  ladies  who  vamc  &om  Suutli 
Carolina,  who  liheraU'd  their  slaves,  and  devoted  all  they  had 
to  the  iwrvieo  of  this  just  cause ;  and  Maria  Wf^ton  CliApmou, 
of  whom  Miss  Martincau  speaks  in  tcrme  which,  tJioug'h  I 
do  not  exactly  recollect  them,  yet  I  Jinow  describe  her  as 
noble-minded,  heautifiil,  nnd  ^^uod.  It  may  he  that  ihcrc 
are  mme  of  her  tamily  who  are  now  within  tlie  Round  of  my 
voiw.  If  it  be  so,  all  I  have  to  »&y  is,  tJiat  I  hope  tli«/ 
wili  feci,  in  addition  to  all  they  have  felt  heretofore  ae  to  the 
character  of  their  motbut,  that  we  who  are  liere  can  ujipreciatv 
her  aervioes,  and  the  services  of  all  who  were  united  with  her 
as  co-o|)erator3  in  thi^  greiit  and  worthy  cause.  Bnt  there 
was  another  whuae  name  muet  not  be  forguttL'n,  a  man  whoee 
name  must  live  for  over  in  history,  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy,  who 
in  the  free  State  of  Illinois  laid  down  his  lift  for  the  cauue. 
W'hen  1  read  that  article  by  Harriet  Alartineau,  and  the 
descnption  of  tliwte  mun  aud  women  there  g-iren,  1  waa  led, 
I  know  not  huw,  to  think  of  a  veiy  striking  passage  which 
I  am  sure  must  he  familiar  to  must  hei-c,  because  it  is  to  be 


isn. 


A  MB  RICA.     VU. 


289 


-found  in  tLe  EpistlL'  to  Uic  Hfbrtrws.  Afttr  the  writer  of  that 
Epistle  Iius  ilescri1>e(l  the  great  meD  and  fatliere  of  tbe  nation, 
lie  S3i}'8  : — 'Time  would  fail  mu  to  t*ll  of  Gideon,  of  Barak,  of 
Sainsou,  of  Jt-phtlia,  of  Oavid,  of  SBmuel,  und  the  Prophets, 
who  thiiDu^b  faitli  subdued  kingdoms,  wrouglit  righteoueneiffl, 
obtained  pnimj«?«,  otuppwl  the  mouths  of  lions,  quenched  the 
violence  of  fire,  cscap«tl  the  edge  of  the  sword,  out  of  weak- 
ness were  mjide  titrong-,  waxed  valiant  in  figlit,  turned  to  flight 
tho  armies  of  llie  aliens.'  1  ask  if  this  j^raud  paBOigv  of  the 
inspired  writer  may  not  he  applied  to  that  heroic  band  who 
have  made  America  tiiv  perpctiuil  liuiiiu  of  freedom  ? 

Thus,  in  s])ite  of  all  that  peTsocutions  could  do,  opinion 
grew  ill  the  North  in  favour  of  freedom ;  but  in  the  South, 
alas  \  in  favour  of  that  most  devilish  delusion  tliat  slavery  was 
a  Divine  tn»titution.  Tlie  moment  that  idea  took  pOHScsaion 
of  the  South,  war  wae  inevitable.  Neither  fact,  uor  argument, 
nor  counsel,  nor  philoso])hyj  nor  religion,  could  by  any  pos- 
aibllity  aifect  the  iliHcuBsitm  of  the  (juestiou  when  otice  the 
Chureh  leodertt  of  the  South  had  taught  their  |>«iplc  that 
ftlnviTv  Wits  a  I>ivine  inatitution;  for  then  they  took  thrir 
stand  on  other  and  diflcrciit,  and  what  they  in  their  blindness 
thou(fUt  hi(^vr  grounds,  und  they  said,  '£vill  be  thou  my 
gootl ;'  and  so  they  exchanged  light  for  darknees.  and  freedom 
for  boudagej  and  good  for  evil,  and,  if  you  like,  heaven  for 
hell.  Of  vouriie,  unices  there  woe  some  elupeodous  miracle, 
greater  than  any  that  is  on  record  even  in  the  inspired 
irritings,  it  was  impoeeible  that  war  should  not  spring  oat 
of  that  atate  of  thiugs ;  oud  tlic  political  staveholdera,  that^ 
'  dreadful  brotherhood,  in  whom  all  tm-buleut  pasdioos  were 
let  loose,'  the  moment  they  found  that  the  presidential  elec 
tion  of  i860  was  adverse  to  the  caneo  of  slavery,  took  tip 
arms  to  tiustuiu  tlieir  cherished  and  endangered  system. 
ITien  came  the  outbreak  which  hud  been  to  often  foretold* 
%o  cJten  menaced ;  and  the  ground  reeled  under  the  nation 
during  four  years  of  agony,  until  at  last^  after  the  emoke  of 

vol..  I,  D 


MO 


8PEBCBES  OF  JOBS  BRIGHT. 


JVSltt. 


the  battle-field  had  cleared  away,  the  horrid  shape  which  had. 
cast  it«  ahadow  orer  a  whol«  continent  had  vaniBfaed,  and 
vas  gone  for  ever.     An  aoci«Qt  aod  naiovnied  poet   has 

Mid— 

or  1m4  clnakivMiV  vrgr  alMi^tered  mtm.' 

It  Fxworaea  lu  not  to  rejoice,  but  to  b«  humhicd,  that  a 
cfaattiscmeut  bu  Lc-rrihlc  should  huTC  fallen  upon  aor  of 
oqr  race;  bat  we  may  he  thankful  for  tliie — tliat  llua 
chaftiseiDeat  waa  at  leaat  not  sent  in  vain.  He  great 
triumph  in  the  field  wiu  nut  all ;  there  came  after  it  anotii«r 
great  trtum[th — a  triumph  over  passion,  and  there  taune  op 
before  the  world  the  epectacic,  not  of  armies  and  militarj* 
oontnuindeni,  but  of  the  roagoaiiimity  and  mercy  of  a  powei^ 
ful  and  victortuiu  uatiun.  The  raniiuiDlied  vere  treated  as 
tlu.'  vancjiiished,  in  tJie  hiKtory  of  the  world,  have  never  before 
betm  treated.  There  woa  a  univ^sal  feeling  in  the  North 
that  every  care  should  be  taken  of  thow!  who  bad  so  recently 
and  marrcllotuly  been  vufraDcliiaod.  Immediatelj*  nc  found 
that  the  privilegea  of  independent  labour  wore  open  to  them, 
acboola  were  establiiilied  id  which  tJieir  (tons  might  obtain  an 
rdtimiioit  (Imt  would  raise  them  to  an  intellectual  poeitiou 
never  ruocUod  i>y  their  fathers ;  and  at  length  full  pulitieal 
right«  were  conferred  upon  those  who  a  few  short  years,  or 
latlier  montlia  before,  had  been  palled  chattels,  and  things,  U> 
be  bought  and  told  in  any  uiiirket.  And  we  may  foel  osttured, 
that  tlicwe  j>en)uns  iu  the  Northern  States  who  befriended  titc 
negio  in  bin  bondage  will  not  now  fii.il  to  assist  his  struggles 
for  a  higher  position.  May  we  not  say,  reviewing  what  has 
taken  place — and  I  have  only  {^lanced  i»  the  briefeet  poeaible 
way  at  the  chief  tujiecLii  of  this  gtiut  qucetiou — that  probably 
hiatory  has  no  ladder,  and  yet,  if  we  take  n  dtfierent  view, 
1  may  «ay  also  pmbably  no  brighter  page  ?  To  Mr.  Garrison 
more  than  to  any  other  man  this  i^  due;  his  is  the  creation 
of  that  opiuioQ  which  hai  mode  elavcry  hateful,  and  which  hae 


1867.  AMERICA.     VII.  291 

made  freedom  possible  in  America.  His  name  is  venerated 
in  his  own  country — venerated  where  not  long  ago  it  was 
a  name  of  obloquy  and  reproach.  His  name  is  venerated 
in  this  country  and  in  Europe  wheresoever  Christianity 
softens  the  hearte  and  lessens  the  sorrows  of  men;  and  I 
venture  to  say  that  in  time  te  come,  near  or  remote  I  know 
not,  his  name  will  become  the  herald  and  the  synonym  of 
good  to  millions  of  men  who  will  dwelt  on  the  now  almost 
unknown  continent  of  Africa. 

But  we  must  not  allow  our  own  land  to  be  forgotten  or 
depreciated,  even  whilst  we  are  saying  what  our  feelings  bid 
us  say  of  our  friend  beside  me  and  of  our  other  friends  across 
the  water.  We,  too,  can  share  in  the  triumph  I  have  de- 
Bcribed,  and  in  the  honours  which  the  world  is  willing  to 
shower  upon  our  guest,  and  upon  those  who,  like  him,  are 
unwearied  in  doing  good.  We  have  had  slaves  in  the  colonial 
territories  that  owned  the  sway  of  this  country.  Our  position 
was  different  from  that  in  which  the  Americans  stood  towards 
theirs ;  the  negroes  were  far  from  being  so  numerous,  and 
they  were  not  in  our  midst,  but  4,000  miles  away.  We  had 
no  prejudices  of  colour  to  overcome,  we  had  a  Parliament  that 
was  omnipotent  in  those  colonies,  and  public  opinion  acting 
upon  that  Parliament  was  too  powerfrd  for  the  Englislimen 
who  were  interested  in  the  continuance  of  slavery.  We 
liberated  our  slaves;  for  the  English  soil  did  not  reject  the 
bondsman,  but  the  moment  he  touched  it  made  him  fr«e. 
We  have  now  in  our  memory  Clarkson,  and  Wilberforce,  and 
Buxton,  and  Sturge ;  and  even  now  we  have  within  tbis  hall 
the  most  eloquent  living  English  champion  of  the  freedom  of 
the  slave  in  my  friend,  and  oxa  friend,  George  Thompson. 
Well,  then,  I  may  presume  to  say  that  we  are  sharers  in  that 
good  work  which  has  raised  our  guest  to  eminence;  and  we 
may  divide  it  with  the  country  from  which  he  comes.  Our 
country  is  still  his;  for  did  not  his  fathers  bear  allegiance 
to  our  ancient  monarchy,  and  were  they  not  at  one   time 

V  7. 


292 


8PBBCUES  OF  JOIfy  BJl/GI/r. 


citizeas  of  this  comraonwwiltb  ?  and  may  we  not  add  tliat  the 
freodom  which  now  ovcrs|)Tcn(lg  his  ac)bl(>  nation  first  sprang 
into  life  amongst  our  own  aiicctitora?  To  Mr.  Garrison,  as  is 
btated  iu  one  of  the  letkre  which  lias  just  been  read,  U> 
William  Lloyd  CJarrison  it  has  been  g^veii,  in  u  inatmer  not 
often  pennitUxl  to  those  who  do  great  things  of  this  Ijind,  lo 
sea  tho  ripo  fruit  of  hia  vaat  labuure.  Over  a  teri-itory  targo 
enough  to  niahe  uiaQy  rualios,  be  has  eeen  hopeless  toil 
Kii]>pUiitud  by  I'uiuiwusaWd  industry;  and  where  the  hond- 
man  drngged  his  chain,  then?  freedom  is  cstabliehwl  for  ever. 
"We  now  welcome  him  amongst  us  as  a  friend  whom  imme  of 
us  bav«  known  lonjf ;  for  I  havu  watched  his  cjirwr  with  no 
ccmmon  interest,  even  when  1  was  too  young  to  talce  much 
part  in  public  uBairg;  and  I  have  krpt  within  my  heart  hie 
name,  and  the  nanne»  of  thoae  who  have  been  associated  with 
him  in  every  stt-p  wbicb  he  has  lakeu;  aad  in  public  debates 
in  the  ImlU  of  peace,  and  even  on  the  hlood-miled  fields  of 
war,  my  heart  lias  always  been  with  tlio»<e  who  ^vcro  the 
friend*  of  freedom.  We  welcome  him,  then,  with  a  cordiality 
which  knows  no  Htini  and  no  limit  for  hint  and  for  his  noble 
ii»Hociates,  Iwtb  men  and  women;  and  we  venture  to  speak 
a  verdict  which,  I  believe,  will  be  sanctioned  by  all  mankind, 
not  only  by  Ihoac  who  liv«  now,  hut  by  those  who  sliall  come 
aftt-r,  to  whom  their  per6C\'erance  and  their  euccesfi  shall  he 
a  leeson  and  a  help  in  the  future  struggles  whidi  remain  for 
m<;n  to  make.  One  of  our  oldest  and  greatest  jtoets  has  fur- 
nished me  with  a  line  that  well  exjiresst^s  Lhat  verdict.  Are 
not  William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  his  fcllow-labourera  in  that 
world's  work — are  tJiey  not 

•  Oil  Fwiic't  «teniiJ  Im»c1-i  oil  worthy  to  l<e  flkiil )' 


IRELAND. 


IRELAND. 
I. 

MAYNOOTH  GRANT. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  APRIL  16,  1845. 

[On  April  jrd  Sir  Bobert  Feel  proposed  &  KeBoluLion  tor  the  improvemeDt  of 
Majnooth  College,  the  graut  to  cooBiat  of  i6,oooI.  per  lumum.  It  wu 
BiggMted  b^  some  speakers,  thftt  the  act  would  justify  the  endowment  of 
the  Bomaa  Catholic  priesthood,  And  Lord  John  Ronell  Baaert«d  that  sach  a 
pUn  would  bs  a  hurger,  more  liberal,  and  more  statesmanlike  measure. 
Others  objected  to  the  grant  on  theological  gr<iunds,  others  for  the  reason  that 
it  waaastep  towards  endowing  another  CharchEBtabliahment  in  Ireland.  The 
ReaoluLion  was  carried  by  ai6  to  1 14.  The  debate  on  the  Bill  was  reenmed 
on  April  I  oth,  and  was  continued  on  April  14th  and  i6th.  The  second  reading 
WHS  carried  on  the  last  day  by  313  votes  to  176;  on  Maj  ind  the  Bill  paaaed 
through  Committee.  It  was  opposed  agtuo  on  bringing  ap  the  Report,  on 
May  5th,  and  was  finally  passed  on  May  aiat,  bjr  317  to  184.  The  Sill,  after 
opposition,  passed  in  the  Lords  on  June  loth.] 

I  AH  anxious  to  make  a  few  observations  on  tlie  principle 
on  which  I  shall  give  my  vote;  because  I  shall  be  obliged 
to  pass  into  the  lobby  along  with  a  number  of  Members 
of  the  House  from  whose  principles  I  entirely  dissent ; 
and  after  the  speech  of  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for 
BandoQ,  I  think  that  any  one  who  votes  with  him  has 
need  to  explain  why  he  votes  on  his  side,  for  anything  more 
unlike  the  principles  of  the  present  day,  more  intolerant,  or 


S96 


SPEECilMS  OF  JOlfX  BRWUT. 


«niiL  I  A. 


niOTe  insane  with  r(»[H>ct  to  Ibc  policy  to  be  [iiinmed  t^iwBTds 
InOand,  I  Iiuvp  never  lieard ;  and  I  cniild  not  have  belicnred 
thiit  nnv  ninn  cnmuiff  from  that  wuntrv  coitUI  have  iif*<l 
tidcli  lanfT^iHt^  in  addre^in^  tliis  Uoose.  I  do  not  think 
timt  thifi  fjticfition  i»  to  be  looked  at  in  a  favoiiratile  or  un- 
favouniblp  lig-ht  Wcaiire  of  the  party  from  n-hich  it  comes. 
Some  liou.  Merabew  Imve  charged  the  right  hoii.  Baronet 
with  ineonsristi-noy,  and  have  in  some  ilegrw  thrown  the  blame 
of  his  conduct  on  the  meninirc  which  he  hai*  introdnccd.  The 
right  hon.  Biironet  has,  from  anrortunatc  circumstances,  been 
connet;tctl  in  Opposition  with  b  party  of  such  n  nature,  that 
he  oould  n«ver  promote  any  {^ood  iiieajrtui'e  whiltit  in  power 
without  being  charged,  luid  justly,  writh  inconsistent  conduct. 
But  1  will  look  nt  the  moaKure  bs  n  measure  liy  itxelf,  and  if 
it  be  a  good  mcaeure  I  will  vote  for  it  as  williag'ly,  conaing 
from  the  present  Government,  as  if  it  came  from  the  Govent- 
ment  whicli  preceded  it.  But  I  object  to  this  meaBure  on 
tlie  grotiiid  tliat  !t  is  propoeed  to  vote  some  of  the  public 
taxes  for  the  puqKec  of  maintaining  an  institution  purely 
ecclcflimticdl,  and  for  the  rcflring  und  c<Itic&ting  of  the  priost* 
of  a  particular  sect.  I  am  the  more  strongly  agnin&t  the 
Bill,  because,  IVoni  h11  that  Iium  been  Kiid  on  both  sides  of  the 
House,  and  from  all  that  I  can  learn  from  the  public  pa|jerK, 
and  even  from  the  organs  of  the  Goveraaieut,  I  am  convinced 
that  there  is  no  argument  which  has  been  used  in  defence 
of  thin  meaMure,  which  would  not  be  just  as  valid  for  the 
drfcnrc  of  further  measures,  not  for  the  pnj-ment  of  Catholic 
priests  of  the  College  of  Muynooth  oidy,  hut  for  the  pnyment 
of  all  the  priests  in  Irelnnd  or  in  Knglnrd.  I  admit  that  the 
principles  and  the  arguments  which  have  justified  the  origiual 
vote  are  good  to  aome  extent  to  justify  this  vole.  The 
right  iion.  Baronet  in  his  0}K-iiing  speech  haa  stated  fhnt  the 
principle  was  conceded,  that  it  \%  bnt  a  matter  of  ii  few  thou- 
sand pounds.  But  if  the  principle  were  eoneedwl  now,  ten  or 
twenty  yeore  hence  wme  Prime  .Minister  might  etand  np  tnd 


1845.  IRELAND.     I.  297. 

Btate  that  in  1795  the  principle  was  conceded,  and  in  1845 
that  conccsBioQ — or  rather,  that  principle — was  again  sanc- 
tioned ;  and  then,  arguing  from  the  two  cases,  it  would  be 
easy  to  demonstrate  that  it  was  no  violation  of  principle 
whatever  to  establish  a  new  Chtirch  in  Ireland,  and  add 
thereby  to  the  monstrous  evik  which  exist  there  now  from 
the  establishment  of  one  in  connection  with  the  State.  The 
right  hon.  Baronet  has  paid  no  great  compliment  to  the 
Iri^h  Catholics  in  the  possession  of  means  and  property,  when 
ho  has  said  that  the  9,000^.  now  voted  is  just  sufficient  to 
damp  the  generosity  of  the  people  of  that  country.  If  9,000^. 
were  enough  in  some  degree  to  check  their  generosily,  I  should 
think  that  a  sum  of  26,000^.  is  sufficient  to  destroy  it  alto- 
gether. When  I  consider  that  the  Catholic  gentry  of  Ireland 
pay  no  Income  Tax  and  no  Property  Tax,  and  no  Assessed 
Tuxes,  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  a  thing  altogether  impossible, 
or  to  he  unlocked  for,  that  they  should  have  supported  an 
establishment  for  the  rearing  of  priests  to  teach  that  religion 
to  which  they  profess  to  be  so  much  devoted. 

But  the  object  of  this  measure  was  just  as  objectionable 
to  me  when  I  learned  that  it  was  intended  by  this  vote 
to  soothe  the  discontent  which  exists  in  Ireland.  I  wilt 
look  at  the  causes  whence  this  discontent  arises.  Does  it 
arise  because  the  priests  of  Maynooth  are  now  insufficiently 
clad  or  fed?  I  have  always  thought  that  it  arose  from 
the  fact  that  one-third  of  the  people  are  paupers — that 
almost  all  of  them  are  not  in  regular  employment  at  the 
very  lowest  rate  of  wages — and  that  the  state  of  things 
amongst  the  hulk  of  the  population  is  most  disastrous,  and 
to  be  deplored ;  but  I  cannot  for  the  life  of  me  conceive 
how  the  grant  of  additional  money  to  Maynooth  is  to  give 
additional  employment,  or  food,  or  clothing  to  the  people  of 
Ireland,  or  make  them  more  satisfied  with  their  condition. 
I  can  easily  see  how,  by  the  granting  of  this  sum,  the  Legis- 
laturp  may  hear  far  less  in  future  times  of  the  sufferings  and 


298 


SPEBCUES  OF  JOHN  BRIGUT. 


Aran.  1«, 


wrongs  of  the  people  of  Ireland  than  tbcy  have  heard  hereto- 
fore;  for  they  raiiy  discover  tlmt  one  hirge  me&us  of  infltR'neo, 
posatosfeed  by  those  who  had  ngitated  lor  the  redrew  of  Irish 
wrongs,  is  to  be  found  in  the  eupport  which  the  Irish 
Catholic  clergy  has  given  to  the  various  aesociutloiis  for 
currying  on  politiout  agitation;  and  the  object  of  this  Bill  it 
to  tame  down  tho?e  agitators — it  is  a  sop  given  to  tlie  priests. 
It  \a  hush-jnoney  ^iveii,  that  Lhey  may  not  proclaim  to  tho 
whole  conntry,  to  Europe,  and  to  the  world,  the  sufferings 
of  the  population  to  whom  they  administer  the  rites  and  the 
coiiBolatioiui  of  relig'iun.  I  assert  that  the  Protestant  CJmreli 
of  Ireland  is  at  the  root  of  tJie  evils  of  tliat  country.  The 
Irish  Cfttholies  woTild  thank  you  inGottely  more  if  you  were  to 
wipe  out  that  foul  hlot,  tlian  they  would  even  if  Parliament 
were  to  t-stabliifh  tho  Itommi  Catholic  Church  alongBide  of  it. 
They  have  had  everything  Protestant— a  Protestant  eliijue 
which  tins  been  dominant  iu  the  eouiitry ;  a  Protestant 
Viwroy  to  dirtribnte  pliioes  and  emoUimentR  amongst  that 
Protestant  elique;  Protestant  judges  who  have  polUited  the 
seals  of  justice;  Protestant  magistrates,  before  whom  tho 
Catholic  peasant  could  not  hojw  for  justice.  They  have  not 
only  Pi-oteKt^tnt,  h'Ut  extj^-rminatiug  landlords,  and  more  than 
that,  a  Pmttwtant  soldiery,  who,  at  the  heek  and  command  of 
a  Protctttant  prieet,  have  hutchcred  and  killed  a  Catholic 
peasant,  even  in  the  presence  of  bis  widowed  motlier.  All 
(beao  things  lire  notoriouH;  I  merely  state  them.  I  do  not 
bring  the  proof  of  them  :  lhey  are  patent  to  all  the  world,  and 
that  ninn  must  have  been  unobservant  indeed  who  is  not 
perfectly  convinced  of  their  truth.  The  eonsequence  of  all 
Uiie  is,  the  extreme  dieeuntcnt  of  the  Irish  jieople;  and 
bet-anse  this  Mouse  is  not  prepared  yet  to  take  thnue  meuaures 
whidi  would  bc>  really  doing  justice  to  Trolnnd,  and  to  wipe 
:iway  that  Prot^wtant  EstabhtihmcQt  which  is  the  most  dis* 
graceful  institution  in  Christendom ;  tho  next  thing  is,  that 
they  should  drive  oiF  the  watcii-dogs,  if  it  be  possible,  and 


IMS. 


IRELAND,     r 


sas 


tAkc  irom  Mr.  O'Omnel)  and  the  Eepeal  Aesuciation  that  Tor- 
inidabk  oi^nization  which  has  htxn  cstahlUhod  thron^oat 
Uic  whole  couutry,  through  tlie  Hymiiathies  of  tlic  CuUiolic 
prii-st*  Iwin^  Itouud  up  with  tlie  interests  of  the  people. 
Their  object  is  to  take  away  the  sympathy  of  the  Catholic 
priests  from  lli©  pwple,  and  to  give  them  more  Latin  and 
Greek.  Tbc  object  ifl  ta  make  the  priests  id  In-Iand  u  tame 
afl  thnee  of  Suflolk  uiid  Dorw^tahirc.  The  objot-t  is,  that 
when  the  horizon  is  brightened  every  night  with  incendiary 
Urea,  no  prieeit  of  the  paid  lEHtablitduueut  ohall  over  tell  of 
the  wrongs  of  the  people  amongst  wliom  he  it:  living ;  and 
when  the  popiilntioti  is  stniring,  nnd  panpcrisod  by  thou- 
i*aftds,  as  in  the  eouthem  parts  of  England,  the  prieste  ehntl 
not  unite  themselves  with  any  ufrtociation  for  the  purpotte  of 
wresting  fn>m  »n  oppressive  (Jnvemment  those  right«  to 
which  the  people  hnvc  a  elaini. 

I  am  alfcogi?ther  against  this  sygtem  for  any  purpose,  under 
uny  circumstuuccs,  at  any  time  whatever.  Nothing'  cou  be 
more  diaastrous  to  the  bent  interesta  of  the  eommonity,  nor 
more  dangerous  to  religion  ilnelf.  If  the  Government  wants 
to  make  the  prieste  rif  Ireland  as  useless  for  all  practical 
purposes  as  the  pnid  prieeta  of  their  own  Kftablisliment,  they 
shooM  not  give  them  26,000/.  merely,  hut  as  much  a«  they 
cau  itursuiide  the  Fluiisu  to  agru:  to.  Ireland  it  fluQering, 
not  from  the  want  of  another  Church,  but  rather  because  she 
already  hatt  one  Cbureli  too  many;  for  with  the  present 
Charch,  having  a  small  eommnnity,  overpaid  minititers,  a 
cottly  EKttibliehment,  and  little  work,  it  is  quite  ImpcBEiblc 
to  have  peace  and  content  in  tliut  couutt^'.  IT  yon  give  the 
.Catltolic  priest*  a  portion  of  the  public  funde,  38  the  Govern- 
ment has  given  the  Jftyiiim  DontiM  to  the  Presbvttfrians  ni'  the 
North,  they  will  unite  with  the  Church  ne  the  Pre9bj-tt'ri.ina 
did  agninct  any  attempt  to  nvortum  the  old  eystcra  of  Cburoft 
and  Slate  alliance  in  tlist  country. 

The  experience  of  State  ChurcheK  is  not  of  a  character  to 


soo 


SPEECHES  OF  JOILV  BRIGHT. 


APRIL  16. 


n-iii'Tnnt  Iho  Hoiiw  in  ^tng  furtli'&r  in  thot  direction.  In  tliis 
country  there  is  a  State  Church,  and  1  <lo  not  deoy  that  there 
aru  mauy  excel li-iit  [iiiiiiatent  in  it;  but  fmm  time  immomorial 
it  hsH  lieen  cliaracU'rixiKl  by  a  mnnt  deplorable  and  dimuitroiii* 
spirit  uf  i^ersecution,  wliieh  t-veii  at  Lli{«  hour  still  exists;  for 
that  Church  is  now  perseeutinff  apoorphoGmakeratCumbridKe 
for  non-pannent  of  Church  rates,  and  pursuing  him  from  court 
to  oniirt.  That  Church  has  hcen  upheld  a^  a  hiiln-arlc  against 
Cutbolicintin,  and  yet  all  the  errcrnt  of  Catholicism  fuid  a  home 
aod  a  hearty  welcome  there.  In  IjanejiKhire  and  Yorkshire, 
and  ill  other  coniitiea,  that  Church  is  found  Ui  lie  Unj  im- 
wielJy  a  maeliine,  and  altogether  unlitted  to  a  popuLttivu 
growing  in  numl>cn«  ond  iiitclli^eiioc  like  tliat  of  thoso  parts 
of  the  kingdom.  Kven  in  Scotland,  where  there  is  a  model 
of  the  niutit  perfeet  E«tahlislimeiit  which  perhaps  euuld  be 
raiwd,  Ihore  are  the  SeceiUiion  Churoh,  the  Rehef  Chiireh, 
and  the  Free  Cbnrch ;  that  which  the  State  upholds  bcitj 
eidled  by  the  eom [►! tmentniy  name  of  the  Rc^sidiiary  Chureh, 
Afier  the  experience  of  such  State  Churches,  wliirh  have  done 
so  little  giond  and  n>  min^h  evil,  is  thin  a  time  for  e^tahlish- 
iiig  another  Chureh?  If  1  approved  of  Church  endowment! 
by  the  State  I  wouM  vot,e  for  this  Bill  with  all  my  heart, 
becanee  it  ia  calculated  to  create  a  kinder  feeling  iim'anis 
this  oouutry  amongst  the  ^leople  of  Ireland. 

Two  parties  opjMised  to  the  Bill  are  represented  by  hoa. 
Oentk'iiien  on  the  other  «ide  of  the  Tlonso.  They  state 
that  the  Iloman  Catholic  religion  should  not  be  e^tftblifihcd 
or  helped  hy  the  State.  But  when  tlieir  Cliurch  is  absorb- 
ing millions  of  the  public  money,  while  millions  of  their 
countri,Tnen  refiiee  to  enter  its  doors,  how  ean  they  for 
a  moment  object  to  the  passing  o?  a  measure  which  will 
give  some  sort  of  diow  of  as&istaneo  to  that  Church  to 
wbieh  millions  of  the  Irish  people  belong?  The  Non- 
eonfomiist  or  Dissenting  party  in  this  eonntry  are  opjioBed 
to  the  measaiv ;    hut  by  some  of  them   n  spirit  is  mixed 


1845.  IRELAND.     I.  301 

up  with  their  agitation  of  this  question  which  shows  that 
they  do  not  understand,  or  do  not  value,  the  great  prin- 
ciples of  Nonconformity,  for  which  their  forefathers  strug- 
gled and  suffered.  I  allude  more  especially  to  a  portion  of 
the  Weeleyan  body,  which,  I  believe,  does  not  altogether  re- 
pudiate the  principle  of  endowment. 

But,  with  regard  to  the  rest,  I  am  persuaded  that  their  agi- 
tation against  this  measure  is  honest.  If  the  Dissenters  look 
back  to  all  that  their  forefathers  have  suffered,  aye,  even  within 
a  late  period,  they  will  be  recreant  to  their  own  principles, 
and  merit  the  contempt  of  the  House  and  of  the  world,  if  they 
do  not  come  forward  manfully  to  uphold  their  own  principles, 
and  dissent  from  and  oppose  the  measure  under  the  consideration 
of  the  House.  For  myself,  I  shall  oppose  the  Bill  in  every 
stage,  simply  on  one  ground,  that  I  believe  the  principle  of 
endowment  to  be  most  unjust  and  injurious  to  the  country, 
and  whatever  may  be  the  effect  on  any  Government,  whether 
that  of  the  right  hon.  Baronet  or  any  that  has  preceded  or 
will  succeed  him,  no  strength  of  attachment  to  party  or 
Government  will  induce  me  to  tamper  with  what  I  hold  to  be 
the  greatest  and  dearest  principle  which  any  man  or  any 
body  of  men  can  assert.  When  I  look  back  to  the  history 
of  this  country,  and  consider  its  present  condition,  I  must 
say,  that  all  that  the  people  possess  of  liberty  has  come, 
not  through  the  portals  of  the  cathedrals  and  the  parish 
churches,  but  from  the  conventicles,  which  are  despised  by 
hon.  Gentlemen  opposite.  When  I  know  that  if  a  good 
measure  is  to  be  carried  in  this  House,  it  must  be  by  men 
who  are  sent  hither  by  the  Nonconformists  of  Great  Britain ; 
when  I  read  and  see  that  the  past  and  present  State  alliance 
with  religion  is  hostile  to  religious  liberty,  preveuting  all 
growth  and  nearly  destroying  all  vitality  in  religion  itself, 
then  I  shall  hold  myself  to  have  read,  thought,  and  lived  in 
vain,  if  I  vote  for  a  measure  which  in  the  smallest  degree  shall 
give  any  further  power  or  life  to  the  principle  of  State  endow- 


302  SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 

ment ;  and,  in  concluBion,  I  will  only  exhort  the  Dissenters  of 
England  to  act  in  the  same  way,  and  to  stand  upon  their  own 
great,  pure,  and  unasaailable  principle ;  for,  if  they  stand  by 
it  manfully,  and  work  for  it  vigorously,  the  time  may  come, 
nay,  it  will  come,  when  that  principle  will  be  adopted  by 
the  Legislature  of  l^e  country. 


-=W^5^;«-^ — 


IRELAND. 

n. 

CRIME    AND    OUTRAGE    BILL. 
HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  DECEMBER   13.    1847. 

[Towarda  the  ooadunon  of  this  year  (1847)  nomeroiu  Crimea  and  outnigea  of 
a  seriooB  character  were  oommitted  ia  IreLuid.  The^  were  chiefij  agrarian. 
In  order  to  increase  the  powers  of  the  Irieh  ExecntiTe,  Parliament  was  in- 
Tited  in  the  Queen's  Speech  (Not.  13)  to  take  f\irther  precautions  against 
the  perpetration  of  crime  in  certun  counties  in  Ireland.  The  Bill  was  moved 
bj  Sir  George  Grej  on  Nov.  39,  and  leave  was  given,  by  114  votes  to  18,  was 
read  a  second  time  {196  to  19)  on  Dee.  9,  and  passed  (174  to  14)  on  Dec.  13. 
It  was  passed  in  the  House  at  Lords  on  Dec.  19.  On  July  31,  1848,  the 
Irish  Government  proclaimed  certain  districts  in  which  rebellion  had  broken 
out.  Smith  O'Brien  and  the  other  leaders  of  the  inmrganti  were  speedily 
arrested,  toied,  and  convicted.] 

I  FEEL  very  mach  in  the  position  of  the  hon.  Member  who 
ha«  just  addressed  the  House,  for  I  am  in  some  degree  com- 
pelled to  speak  before  this  Bill  is  read  a  third  time.  I  have 
presented  a  petition  against  the  Bill,  signed  by  more  than 
2o,cxx)  persons,  inhabitants  of  the  borough  of  Manchester, 
and  I  am  unwilling  to  vote  without  briefly  giving  the  reasons 
which  make  it  impossible  for  me  to  oppose  this  Bill.  When 
I  recollect  the  circumstances  attending  the  rejection  of  the 
Bill  of  1846,  for  the  protection  of  life  in  Ireland,  I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  GrovemmeDt  wonld  not  have  brought  forward 


S04 


SP££aiJiS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


tftc.  IS. 


^le  present  measure  if  it  ttacl  not  appcu-ed  to  them  absolutely 
oeoesMry,  and  tltat,  but  for  tliis  supposed  neecsdty,  it  woiiUI 
never  liave  been  beard  of. 

Tlie  ease  of  tbe  Government,  so  fur  ns  ilie  necessity  for  this 
Bill  is  ooticcmed,  socms  to  me  to  be  as  clvur  and  ns  perfcc-t  ns 
it  can  be.  I'Vom  the  sp«ecl]  of  tbe  ri^bt  bon,  Ucntlenuui  the 
Secretary  of  the  Huuiu  Dcpiutinwul,  frtun  tbo  miaiiimoiw 
slateTnents  of  all  the  newspapers,  and  from  the  evidence  of  all 
partiee  ^wnoefted  with  IreUiud,  it  is  placed  byyoiut  a  doubt 
that  in  tbe  disturbnl  districts  of  Ireland  the  ordiiiar)'  law  is 
utterly  powerles*.  The  reason  why  the  law  is  earried  into 
effect  in  Kngland  is,  because  tbe  feeling  of  the  pcuplc  is  in 
favour  of  it.  oud  every  muu  ia  willing  to  become  and  la  in 
reality  a  peace  ofBcer,  in  order  to  further  tbe  endB  of  Justice. 

But  in  Trolnnd  tbii«  state  of  things  docs  not  exiut.  The 
public  sentiraent  in  certain  districts  is  depraved  and  tbo- 
roae^'y  vitiated.  [Mr.  J.  CyConncll, '  No !  No  I']  Tbe  bon. 
Member  cries  *Noj  No;'  but  1  maintain  tliat  in  tlie  disturbed 
districts  tbe  public  or  populur  feelin-^  is  us  I  liave  descriljed 
it.  ]  do  not  niuan  to  usH-Tt  timt  all  which  the  neu'spatters 
eontain  is  true,  or  that  they  contain  nil  the  truth ;  but  I  nslc 
tbe  bon.  Gentleman  if  he  ha«  not  r^ad  accounts  which  are  not 
contradicted,  from  which  wc  lejim  that  ou  tlic  wcurrenee  of 
some  recent  eafleH  of  assassination,  whole  districts  have  been 
in  a  stat«  of  rejoicing  and  exultation?  These  ossa»si nations 
are  not  looked  ujKm  as  murdem,  but  rather  as  executions. 
Take  the  cuae  of  Mr.  Lloyd,  a  clergyman,  who  was  recently 
assassinated.  There  was  no  show  of  vindictive  feeling  on 
the  pait  of  his  murderers;  there  was  little  of  the  oharacter 
of  ordinary  murders  in  it.  The  servant  was  allowed  to 
depart  unharmed ;  a  boy  who  was  in  the  carrioj^  was 
removed  that  he  might  not  l>e  injuied;  and  the  unhappy 
gcntlemnn  was  shot  with  all  the  delibenitiun  and  the  calm- 
ness with  which  a  man  would  be  made  to  suffer  the  ejitreme 
penally  of  the  law.    It  is  cleoTj  then,  that  the  ordiuarj'  law 


1847.  IRELAND.     II.  305 

fails,  and  that  the  Qovernment  have  a  case  for  the  demand 
they  make  for  an  extension  of  the  present  powers  of  the  law. 

I  do  not  say  the  present  Bill  will  certainly  he  effective,  but 
it  is  the  leas  to  be  opposed  because  it  does  not  grestly 
exceed  or  infringe  the  ordinary  law  j  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
Legislature,  when  called  upon  to  strengthen  the  ExecutiTe, 
to  do  so  by  the  smallest  possible  infringement  of  the  law  and 
the  constitution.  But,  to  leave  the  particular  measure  now 
before  ue,  I  am  bound  to  say  that  the  case  of  the  Government 
with  respect  to  their  Irish  policy  in  general  is  not  aa  good 
as  could  be  wished.  The  Government  has  not  shown  the 
courage  which  is  necessary  to  deal  effectually  with  the  diffi- 
culties of  Ireland.  They  should  remember  what  passed  when 
the  Poor-law  was  proposed  for  that  country.  They  were  told 
it  would  be  a  &ilme — that  it  could  not  be  worked ;  but  dis- 
regarding these  statements,  they  passed  the  Bill ;  and  I 
believe,  since  the  Act  of  1829,  no  measure  has  passed  this 
House  of  equal  benefit  to  Ireland.  The  noble  Lord  at  the 
head  of  the  Government  has  said  that  all  parties  are  to  be 
blamed  for  the  misgovemment  of  Ireland;  but  he  should 
remember  the  responsibility  which  is  upon  him,  for  he  is  now 
in  the  position  of  dictator  on  Irish  questions,  and  whatever 
he  proposes  for  that  country,  I  verily  believe,  will  find  no 
successful  opposition  in  this  House. 

There  is  another  fact  to  which  I  would  call  attention.  The 
Irish  Members  complain,  and  very  justly,  of  the  past  legis- 
lation of  this  House ;  but  when  we  call  to  mind  that  there 
are  105  of  them  here,  of  whom  60  or  70  are  of  Liberal  politics 
or  opinions,  and  that  about  30  of  them  are  Kepealers,  and  hold 
very  strong  views  with  regard  to  the  mismanagement  of  Irish 
affairs  in  the  Imperial  Parliament,  I  think  we  have  a  right  to 
complain  that  they  have  not  laid  on  the  table  of  the  House 
any  one  measure  which  they  believe  to  be  necessary  to  the 
prosperity  of  their  country. 

I  have  been  in  this  House  more  than  four  years,  and  I 
VOL.  I.  * 


306 


SPEECnES  OF  JOHN   HHIGTIT. 


DM.  IS, 


have  never  yet  seen  the  Irish  Memliers  briDging  fartvanl  sDjr 
proposition  of  a  prnctical  eliaraeter — nor  am  I  aware  that 
they  liive  eiipporteJ  any  mciisiirc  tliev  dwioed  mwcssary  for 
Irekud,  with  unuuiniity  iiiid  eurucstnt'ss,  or  witli  auythiog 
like  persevers.nce  and  resolution.  I  am  sore  tliMt  105,  or 
even  30  Eugliitli  Members,  sitting  in  a  Farlisment  in  Dublin, 
and  believing  thoir  country  had  siinVred  from  Uif  i^fTiects  of 
bnd  logiiilittion,  would,  by  their  kmmletig*  of  the  aise,  their 
business  habits,  activ-ity,  imiou,  and  porsovorancc,  have  showed 
a  powerful  front,  and  by  uniting  together,  and  working  man- 
fully in  fitvour  of  auy  pro]>o»itioti  tbey  ini^ht  think  neccs* 
sary  to  remedy  the  evils  of  which  they  complained,  they  would 
have  forced  it  on  the  nttcntion  of  the  House.  But  the  Irittb 
Memb<^rB  have  not  done  thia.  So  far  then,  they  are  and  have 
been  as  much  to  blame  m  any  otiicr  !^fcmber  oF  this  House 
for  tlie  absence  of  good  government  in  frcland. 

]  will  not,  like  titem,  complaiu  of  l>ad  legislation,  and  pm< 
I»o*iL'  no  remedy,  What  is  the  t-ondition  of  Ireland?  Lsiit 
year  we  vot»>d  millions  to  koep  its  (^MipTilation  from  starvation ; 
and  this  year  we  have  bccu  ssbcd  for  a  i'urther  sum,  but  have 
not  granti'd  it.  We  maintain  a  large  army  in  Irdtind,  and  an 
artiierl  jwlifu,  which  is  ati  army  in  everything  hut  in  name,  and 
yet  we  have  in  that  eoimtry  a  condition  of  things  which  is  uot 
to  be  matched  in  any  other  civilised  country  on  the  (aee  of  thd 
earth,  aud  which  \^  alike  di^gracclul  to  Irvland  and  to  us. 
Tlie  great  euuEc  of  Irclatid'ti  cfiUmitte«  ix,  that  Ireland  is  idle. 
I  believe  it  would  \k  found,  on  inquiry,  that  ihc  popuhition 
of  Ireland,  aj>  comiiarod  with  that  of  England,  do  not  work 
more  tliaii  two  days  per  week.  Wherever  a  people  are  not 
industriouit  and  arc  not  employed,  there  is  tlie  greatetit  danger 
of  crime  aud  outrage.  Ireland  \»  idle,  and  tben-forc  ^e 
Htarvea ;  Ireland  starrett,  and  therefore  she  reljels.  We  must 
choose  between  industry  and  anarehy :  we  must  have  ODO  or 
the  other  in  Irehiud.  This  propoxitiuii  I  believe  to  be  iiieon- 
trovvrlible,  aud  I  defy  the  House  to  give  peace  aod  proBperity 


]SI7. 


IRELAND.    11. 


MT 


to  that  country  tintil  thoy  ael  in  motion  lier  indurtry,  ereftto 
and  dilTase  capital,  and  thas  «stabli9h  those  gradations  of  nutk 
and  conditioD  by  wlitcli  tlie  wbolu  social  fabric  cun  alone  be 
held  tog«ttier. 

But  the  idleness  of  the  people  ofTreland  is  not  wholly  their 
ftnlt.  It  is  for  the  most  pa.rt  a  Turt.-^  idloti^s,  for  it  is 
notorioiiH  that  when  the  Irish  come  to  England,  or  remove 
to  the  United  States  or  the  Colonics,  they  are  about  the 
hardest  working-  jieupte  in  the  world.  We  employ  them 
down  in  Lancashire,  and  with  tlie  prospect  of  good  pay 
Ibey  worit  about  as  well,  and  are  ufi  trustworthy,  and  quiet, 
and  well-dispoBed  to  (he  law  as  the  iteopte  of  this  country. 
The  jfreat  Boeret  of  their  idleness  at  home  i«,  that  there  is 
little  or  no  trade  in  Ireland ;  there  are  tew  flourishing  towns 
to  which  the  increasing  population  tan  resort  for  euiploy- 
inent,  hu  that  there  is  a  vast  niasx  of  people  living  on  the 
land;  and  the  land  itself  is  not  half  do  uecful  for  their  em- 
ployment and  Buatentation  as  it  might  be.  A  great  projior- 
tion  of  her  skill,  her  strength,  ht-r  Kiuewn,  and  her  labour, 
is  usel<s8  to  Ireland  for  the  fnipjwrt  of  her  population.  Every 
year  they  have  a  large  emigration,  because  there  are  a  great 
number  of  persons  with  just  enuu^b  inoanti  to  tranKport 
themselves  to  other  countripB,  who,  finding  it  im]K>BSjil)!e  to 
live  at  home  in  comfort,  carry  thcmxelvcs  and  their  capital 
out  of  Trctacd;  bo  tliat,  year  al^r  year,  ahe  Iobch  u  lar^ 
portion  of  thoRe  Iietweeu  flic  very  poorest  ;tnd  the  more 
wealthy  ela»iscs  of  society,  and  with  them  many  of  the  oppor- 
tunities for  the  employment  of  labour, 

X  do  not  believe  tliat  the  Bill  for  regululiu^  the  relations 
of  landlord  and  tenant,  as  rccommtnsdcd  by  the  hon.  Member 
for  the  County  of  Liinericli,  will  restt-re  ]»ro»i)erity  to  Ireland. 
Such  a  measure  may  l)e  passed  with  great  advantage;  but  if 
it  be  intended  by  a  Bill  with  thid  title  to  vest  the  ownership 
of  the  land  in  the  present  occupiers,  I  believe  this  House  will 
never  poKS  it,  and  if  it  did,  that  it  would  prove  nnoet  fatal  lu  tlic 

X  % 


3f)8 


SPEECHES  OF  JOfffi^  BRIGHT. 


nxc.  18. 


best  interests  of  tlie  couutry.  I  Ihiuk  vie  luive  k  right  to 
blame  the  Government  tbnt  as  yet  we  Iiave  not  iwen  tbe  Bill 
for  t'lic  sale  of  enciimljervd  mtat««  in  IrclaLd.  I  nitsh  to  ask 
why  auch  0.  Bil]  is  not  ready  before  this?  [Lord  John 
RusBell ;  *  The  Bill  has  hecu  ready  u  long  time.']  The  noble 
Lord  mys  the  Hill  haH  been  rvrAy  long  agpj  but  that  »tAt«- 
ment  only  makvs  the  Government  ojien  to  greater  blame,  for 
if  the  Bill  is  ready,  why  bus  it  not  hti'ii  broiigbt  forward 
before  this?  Lftat  Scia*ion  the  Bill  \vft»  withdrawn,  and  Uie 
reason  given  wao  that  lundlonU  and  mort^.igCi-u  did  not  like 
it.  If  the  Government  wait  till  the  landlords  and  mortgv^ees 
like  it,  it  will  never  be  brought  forward  mI  all.  Had  they 
n&itcd  tit]  the  Irish  landlords  iulccd  for  the  Poor-law,  there 
would  have  boon  no  Poor-law  in  Irclfttid  now. 

The  Oovemment  should  disregard  the  oiiposition  of  these 
partieif,  and  should  take  their  stand  above  all  claim  intereata. 
They  must  refu»e  to  listen  to  the  interesUnl  HU^estioos  oF 
one  class  or  the  other,  and  they  iniiBt  remeraWr  that  they 
are  the  Exceiitive  Govcrnmeiit  of  the  country,  and  bound  to 
act  for  the  pubUe  ^od.  There  is  au  unanimous  admisaion 
now  that  the  misfortunes  of  Ireland  are  connected  with  the 
question  of  the  management  of  the  land.  I  have  a  theory 
tliat,  it)  England  a*  well  as  in  Ireland,  the  proprietors  of 
tlie  schI  are  obietly  responsible  for  whatever  had  1i^.ilatioii 
hox  been  inl1icte<l  npoii  ns.  ,  The  ownership  of  land  confers 
more  political  power  than  the  possetssion  of  any  other  descrip- 
tion of  property.  Tlie  Irisli  landowners  have  been  willing 
partic8  to  the  past  Ee^islation  for  Ireland,  and  they  have  also 
had  the  aJmiiiistnition  and  exeeution  of  the  laws  in  that 
country.  TTie  enenmhered  condition  of  landed  pro]»erly  iu 
Ireland  ia  at  rtiis  moment  the  moat  pressing  question.  I  am 
informed  by  a  ^ntleman  in  Dnblin,  of  the  best  means  of 
infonnation  and  of  undoubted  veracity,  thjit  in  the  province 
of  Connaiig'ht  there  i%  uot  five  per  eent.  of  the  land  friw  from 
settlements  of  one  kind  or  other,  and  that  |>robahly  not  one 


mr. 


IRELAND.     IL 


809 


pirr  cent,  is  free  frora  mortgages.  I  liavc  aslcod  Iriali  Mumbera 
of  all  parties  if  this  be  true,  and  not  one  of  them  is  dispogod 
to  deny  it ;  oud  if  it  be  tnic,  I  «&/  it  i*  iUlc  to  ecck  clecwhera 
for  the  Bouros  of  the  evils  of  Ireland ;  and  every  day,  nay, 
every  hour  we  allow  to  \go  by  without  taking  m»taut  measures 
to  remedy  tbts  crying*  miscliief,  only  addn  to  the  eriminality 
whit-h  rests  on  us  for  our  past  le^elation. 

Patchwork  legislation  will  not  now  snccccd ;  spcoehw  from 
the  Lord  Licut«auDt — articles  in  the  newspapers — lending 
to  the  landowners  at  jj-  per  cent,  money  raiseJ  by  taxation 
from  the  tmders  of  England,  who  have  recently  been  paying 
8  per  ennt. — all  will  fail  to  revive  the  indmrtry  of  Ireland. 
I  will  now  Gtatt'  wliat,  in  my  opinion,  is  tlie  rem^y,  and 
I  beg  to  aek  tlie  attention  of  the  Government  to  it,  because, 
though  they  miiy  now  Uiink  it  an  extreme  one,  I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  time  will  come  when  they  will  be  oompelled 
to  adopt  it. 

lu  the  first  place,  it  is  their  duty  to  bring  in  a  Sale  of 
Estates  Bill,  and  make  it  Ml^v  for  lundowncre  who  nnsh  to 
dispose  of  their  estates  to  do  so.  Ulioy  should  bring  in  a  Bill 
to  simplify  the  titles  to  land  in  Ireland.  I  understand  that 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  transfer  an  estate  now,  the  diffi- 
culties in  th«  way  of  a  cltsar  title  bt'ing  almost  iiuiurmouat- 
ahlt^.  In  tli«  next  place,  they  should  diminish  temporarily, 
if  not  iwrmanciitly,  all  stomp  duties  which  hinder  the  transfer 
(of  landed  property,  and  they  should  pass  a  law  by  which  tlii) 
system  of  entailing  estates  should  (or  the  future  be  prevented. 
[Laughter.]  I  can  assure  lion.  Gentlemen  who  laugh  at  this, 
tliat  at  some  not  distant  day  this  must  be  done,  and  not  in 
Ireland  only,  but  in  England  also.  It  is  an  absurd  and  mon- 
strous system,  for  it  bindu,  an  it  were,  the  living  under  the 
power  of  the  dead. 

The  principle  on  which  the  law  should  proceed  '%*  tins,  that 
the  owner  uf  property  should  be  permitted  to  leave  It  to  whom- 
K>e\'er  he  will^  provided  the  individual  is  living  when  the  will 


3in 


SI'KSCUES  OF  JOUS  BRIGHT. 


Ti%e.  13. 


ifl  made;  but  he  should  not  bo  siifl'crod,  after  be  is  dead,  and 
biiheJ,  and  furgotteit,  to  ^iwak  mid  still  to  direct  the  cliaanci 
thmugb  which  the  c»tuto  vhoiild  yasn.  I  eliuU  be  told  that  the 
law  of'eiitail  ill  Ireland  \»  tin;  same  as  in  Hnfflaad,  and  tliiit  in 
Scotland  it  is  oven  more  Btriet,  T  admit  it ;  but  the  k\\[  is 
great  in  England,  and  in  St^tlaiid  it  has  bwioine  int^jlcrable, 
and  must  soon  be  relaxed  if  not  aliolished.  Perhaps  I  shall 
be  lotd  that  the  lawa  of  entail  and  primof^^frniture  are  iieCo*9aty 
for  the  mninteuancc  of  our  nrlHtncratie  institutions ;  Liiit  if  the 
evils  of  Irvlaud  sjmng  from  this  source,  I  »ay,  perish  your 
nriotocratic  inirtitutions  rather  than  that  a  wliole  nation  ithould 
t»e  in  this  tt^rriWe  eondition.  Tf  y^ur  ariFf«cnitic  families 
would  rear  up  their  thitdren  in  babiU  of  businc*«,  and  with 
Home  notions  of  duty  and  prudcuee,  thi^rw  miscbievotu  arrange- 
iQC'utit  would  iiot  be  rwjuircd,  and  they  would  retain  in  their 
possession  estat«H  at  least  as  large  as  is  CDmpatible  with  the 
iiiterents  of  the  rest  of  the  eommunity.  If  the  laws  of  entail 
and  primogeniture  are  sound  and  just,  why  not  apply  them 
Ui  personal  property  as  well  as  to  freehold?  Imofrinc  thetn 
in  force  in  the  middle  claases  of  the  community,  and  it  will 
be  seen  at  once  that  the  unnatural  syxtcm,  if  univenuLl,  would 
produce  confusion;  and  confusion  would  neceseitate  ita  total 
nlwlitiou. 

I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  everything  tlie  (iovero- 
mcnt  or  Parliament  can  do  for  Ireland  will  be  unavaiting, 
anleas  the  foundation  of  the  worlc  he  laid  well  and  dee]>,  by 
clearing  away  the  fetters  under  wliieh  land  is  now  held,  bo 
that  it  may  become  the  [KTSse^mon  of  real  ownert^,  and  be  made 
instrument*!  to  the  employment  and  sustcutation  of  the  people. 
Hon.  Gentlemen  u[>p«situ  may  fancy  themeetves  interested  in 
maintaining  the  prewut  system ;  tut  there  is  surely  no  in- 
t«re(<i  they  ean  have  in  it  which  they  will  weigh  against  the 
safety  and  prosperity  of  Irclnntl?  I  «peak  as  a  r©pr<«n- 
t«tiv«  from  a  eoiinty  which  suffers  extremely  from  the  con- 
dition of  Ireland.     Lancashire  is  perioilicttlly  overrun  by  the 


1847.  IRELAND.    II.  311 

pauperism  of  Ireland ;  for  a  year  past  it  has  sufFered  most 
serioiiBly  from  the  pestilence  imported  from  Ireland ;  and 
many  of  the  eviU  which  in  times  past  have  been  attributed 
to  the  extension  of  manu&ctures  in  that  connty  have  arisen 
from  the  enormous  immig^tion  of  a  suffering  and  pauperized 
people  driven  for  sustenance  from  their  own  country. 

As  a  Lancashire  representative^  I  protest  most  solemnly 
against  a  system  which  drives  the  Irish  population  to  seek 
work  and  wages  in  this  country  and  in  other  countries,  when 
both  might  he  afforded  them  at  home.  Parliament  is  bound 
to  remedy  this  state  of  things.  The  present  Parliament  con- 
tains a  larger  number  of  men  of  business  and  of  members  re- 
presenting the  middle  classes  than  any  former  Parliament.  The 
present  Government  is  essentially  of  the  middle  class — 
[a  laugh] — and  its  Members  have  on  many  occasions  shown 
their  sympathy  with  it.  Let  the  hoQ.  Gentleman  laugh ; 
but  he  will  not  deny  that  no  Government  can  long  have 
a  majority  in  this  Home  which  does  not  sympathise  with 
the  great  middle  class  of  this  country.  If  the  Government 
will  manfully  and  courageously  grapple  with  the  question  of 
the  condition  of  land  in  Ireland,  they  will,  I  am  conviacedj 
be  supported  by  a  majority  of  the  Members  of  this  House, 
they  will  enable  the  strength  and  skill  of  Irishmen  to  be 
expended  on  their  own  soil,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  her 
certain  prosperity  by  giving  that  stimulus  and  reward  to 
industry  which  it  cannot  have  in  the  present  circumstences 
of  that  country.  Sir,  I  feel  it  impossible  to  refuse  my  vote 
in  favour  of  the  Bill  now  before  us;  but  I  am  compelled 
to  say,  that  unless  the  Government  will  zealously  promote 
measures  in  the  direction  I  have  indicated,  they  cannot  hope 
long  to  retttin  the  confidence  of  this  House  or  of  the  country. 


IRELAND. 

III. 

EMPLOYMENT    OF    THE    POOR. 

HOUSE   OF  COMMONS,  AUGUST   25,    1848. 

Fkoh  the  speeches  that  haTe  been  detivered  in  this  debate, 
and  from  what  we  know  of  Irehmd,  it  is  clear  that  Ireland  is 
so  entirely  disorganised,  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  sug- 
gest any  means  by  which  relief  can  be  extensively  given 
without  causing  two  evils :  first,  the  waste  of  a  great  portion 
of  the  money  which  is  granted ;  and  next,  the  demoralization 
of  a  large  number  of  those  to  whom  the  relief  is  given.  It  is 
on  account  of  these  difficulties  that  I  am  disposed  to  make 
great  allowance  for  the  measures  which  the  Government 
have  undertaken,  as  well  as  for  any  propoeitiona  which 
may  be  made  by  the  hon.  Member  for  Stroud,  even  when 
they  appear  somewhat  inconsistent  with  correct  economical 
principles. 

Ab  this  is  probably  the  last  opportunity  during  this  Session 
when  the  question  of  the  condition  of  Ireland  can  be  dis- 
cussed, I  am  anxious  to  avail  myself  of  it  to  offer  a  few 
observations  to  the  House,  and  to  explain  briefly  what  I 
conceive  to  be  the  course  which  ought  to  be  taken  with  regard 
to  that  country,  to  enable  its  population  to  place  themselves 


SI  I 


SPJitiCHJiS   VF  JOHX  BKIGUT.         *coo8ras. 


iu  a  position  of  comfort  and  itidc|n.'n(lcnw.  The  ]iast  of 
IreUnd  is  knowu  to  us  all;  it  is  a  tnle  of  ic]I«ne»i,  and 
poverty,  and  jjeriodical  insurrcction ;  the  pi*c«cDt  of  Irolaad 
U  Hk<>  the  pn^,  pxc<>{it  fhnt  ut  this  momvDt  all  ita  ordinaiy 
evils  &rG  fixliibit«<l  iu  un  ag'gnivatcd  form.  But  thcK  arc  one 
or  two  points  with  regard  to  this  siibject  to  which  I  wish 
us|HM.'!iil1^'  to  axle  the  utt(.*nti<Jti  of  the  House.  Haw  _v<>u  ever 
fully  ponsidpivd  the  efii-ot  which  this  xtate  of  things  in  Ire. 
laud  \\&s  iipuu  Iho  eondlLiun  of  ocrtaiii  di«trioti>  in  K»gland? 
We  have  had  »ome  threatenioga  of  dietnThaacea  in  England, 
and  of  Ujfiu(ra:tiui)— I  hope  il  if  not  wide-epreod — here  and 
there  in  various  |»art«  oi"  the  eountry.  Tike  the  comity  of 
Tjaiieai^t'^r  an  an  exani|>l(!,  and  von  will  see  &ontethlng  of  the 
conbei[uenet«  of  a  largo  influx  uf  tlio  Irit-h  population  into  that 
district.  In  Liverpool  and  Mancheator,  and  in  all  the  Iwlt  of 
towns  wLich  surround  MaochestiT,  thcro  is  i>  Urj^  Irish 
pifirutatiun — in  fact,  thtrrc  is  an  Irish  quarter  in  each  of  thefie 
townH.  It  is  true  that  a  grmt  nuniLer  of  Iheae  persons  are 
(iteudy,  respurtuMe,  and  induiifrinuR,  but  it  is  notorious  that 
a  portion  of  them  are,  in  some  drgroe,  the  oppnwte  of  all  thi;;. 
They  bring-  to  this  country  all  the  sices  whicfa  liave  prevailed 
80  lonp  in  Irehuid;  their  inllm-nee  on  the  piople  of  Lanea- 
sbiro  is  oflen  of  an  unfavourable  ehanirter,  and  the  efleet  of 
tlieir  example  on  the  native  jKijiulatiun  uiiii^t  ni?cei!«iirily  be 
injnriutifi.  We  find  that  crimeB  attended  with  violence  prevail 
t/)o  generatly  in  Lancashire  and  YorlMhire.  Thew  Crimea  to 
a  larfjc  extent  are  eonimttted  by  persons  wh«  arc  not  natives 
of  those  eountics,  but  who  rome  from  Trelnnd,  beeanso  it  is 
impOEsible  tor  them  to  find  KubHiiitUDce  iu  that  country. 

There  is  another  point  which  seemR  t^i  me  importonl. 
Driven  forth  by  poverty.  Irishmen  omigrat*  in  greol  numbers, 
and  in  whatever  quarter  of  the  world  au  Irishman  sets  his 
foot,  there  etands  a  bitter,  an  implacable  enemy  of  England. 
Tliat  ia  one  of  the  resuIlA  of  the  wide-spread  di-siili-etiun  that 
exists  in  Irebuid.    There  are  hundre<lM  of  thou)iund« — I  suppose 


IMS. 


JREIAXV.     ///. 


SIB 


there  are  milliona — of  the  popalation  of  the  Unitud  SUW  of 
America  who  toe  Irish  by  birth^  or  by  immcdinte  descent; 
and  be  tt  remcmLcred,  Iri'^hmen  settled  in  the  United  States 
have  a  larf^^  iufluonce  iu  public  ulTuirs.  They  eometiaicia  Bway 
the  etectioQ  ol'  Mcmhere  f<f  tlic  Iji^slaturc,  ond  may  even 
ulTect  the  election  of  the  President  of  the  Repnblic.  Thrro 
may  eoitie  a  lime  when  (|tie8tii>iis  uf  a  criticnl  imture  will  be 
ablated  belueeu  \he  Governments  of  Great  Brilaiu  and  the 
United  StftteR;  and  it  in  oertnin  that  at  enoh  a  time  the  Irish 
in  tliat  countiy  will  throw  their  whole  woig'ht  Into  the  scale 
ngaiusbtJiis  country,  and  agninst  peace  with  this  country.  These 
are  points  which  it  iti  neu^Ksujj  to  consider,  and  which  aHm 
out  of  the  himentable  condition  in  wliicli  Ireland  is  plawed. 

^Xlit^n  we  reflect  tor  a  moment  upon  the  destitution  whiuh 
millions  of  our  countrymen  suffor  in  that  iinibrtuont^'  island, 
the  CMOcluaiou  is  inevitable  that  eiUicr  the  Government  ur 
ibe  people  of  Ireland  are  in  fault.  I  think  both  are  in  fliiilt. 
I  think  tlie  Oovei-imieut  lias  been  n^ligent  of  Iraland.  I  do 
not  mean  the  present  Government  in  particular;  for  they  ar« 
fully  ac  onxioua  for  the  welfare  of  Ireland  as  any  former 
AdmiiiiHtrafcinn  has  l>oen — but  I  bhink  the  Qovemmeut  gene- 
lally  baa  been  negligent  of  In^Iaud.  It  is  a  common  thing 
to  heai-  it  said,  and  especially  by  Gentlemen  sitting  on  the 
Trwisury  boncli,  that  the  reniedy  for  Irish  evils  in  diflicult, 
and  that  tli»?  difficulty  eeeme  infiiirmoiintnblc;  bnt  the  House 
may  rcift  asKurui  that  no  difBculty  can  be  so  great  as  that 
which  must  be  met  if  no  remedy  is  appliwl.  To  do  anything 
tiiat  can  be  effectual,  must  be  infinilcly  less  dangerous  than 
to  do  nothing. 

Now  I  believe  the  real  difficulties  which  beaet  tliis  t]u«ation 
do  not  arise  from  unytbiug  in  Ireland,  ao  much  as  from  tfao 
constitution  of  the  (rovemmont^  This  Houae,  and  the  othtT 
House  of  Parliament,  are  almost  eiclusively  ari»tocraUc  in 
their  ehai-acter.  The  Administration  is  therefore  neces«;ari1y 
the  same,  and  on  the  Treoeuty  benches  aristocracy  reigna 


31«  SPKECll/SS   OF  JOIiX  BRIGHT.         *cocw85. 

siiprcmc.  Ko  fewer  tiian  wwn  Memlwrs  of  the  Cnbind  are 
Members  of  tlic  HoiLsc  of  LonU ;  and  every  other  McmWr  of 
it  i«  eitlier  a  TiOtx]  by  title,  or  on  the  \ery  thnwholil  of  the 
peera^v  by  birUi  or  marriage.  I  am  not  blaming  them  Ibr 
this;  it  may  even  be  that  from  neither  House  of  Parliament 
ean  fourteen  better  men  \x  chosen  to  til)  their  placet).  But  I 
maiutain  tbat  in  the  present  po«itiou  of  Ireland,  and  looking 
at  human  nature  ae  it  n,  it  is  not  pofisible  that  fourtc-cn 
Ocntlemcu,  eircumstanced  as  they  are,  ean  meet  round  the 
Council  table,  and  with  unbiassed  minds  ^rly  diiicu8H  the 
question  of  Ireland,  w  it  now  presents  itself  to  this  House,  to 
the  country,  and  *->  the  world. 

Hie  conditioD  of  Ireland  ret)uin;e  two  kiud^  of  retncdice — 
one  political,  tbu  other  Hoeial ;  and  it  Is  hard  to  tcU  where  the 
one  ends  and  the  other  liegins.  I  will  lipeak  firat  of  the 
politiuid  remedit'M.  At  prt^Mnil,  there  provails  throughout 
throe-fourth*  of  the  Irish  people  a  total  tinbelief  in  the 
boncety  and  intt^ty  of  the  Govemiuent  of  this  countr)-. 
There  may  or  may  not  l»e  goo<l  grounds  lor  all  this  ill  feeling; 
but  that  it  exists,  no  man  acijuainted  with  Ireland  will  deny. 
The  firvt  step  to  be  taken  is  to  remore  thiK  feeling;  and,  to 
do  this^  some  gruat  measure  or  measiifei«  should  be  uttered  to 
the  people  of  Ireland,  which  will  aet  a«  a  complete  demonstra- 
tion to  them  that  bygones  are  to  be  bygoitetf,  with  regard  to 
tlie  administration  of  Irish  affkirtt,  and  that  henceforth  new, 
generous,  and  equal  principles  of  gOTemmeut  are  to  be 
adopted. 

I  luve  on  a  former  occasion  Htated  my  opinions  on  ooo  or 
tffo  subjects,  and  1  will  venture  again  brielly  to  explain  them 
lo  bbc  House.  Irvtund  has  long  bfx^n  a  country  of  jars  and 
tarmoiJ,  and  it«  jars  have  nritien  chiefly  from  religionit  dissen- 
sions. In  respect  of  matters  of  religion  she  has  Imvii  goremed 
in  a  manner  totally  unknown  in  England  and  Scotland.  If 
Ireland  ha*  been  rightly  governed — if  it  has  been  wise  and 
just  to  miHDtAia  the  Protut^tant  Church  eutublislied  there,  you 


18M.  IRELAND.     III.  Sir 

ought,  in  order  to  cany  oat  your  syetem,  to  establish  Prelacy 
in  Scotland,  and  Catholicism  in  England;  though,  if  you  were 
to  attempt  to  do  either  the  one  or  the  other,  it  would  not  be 
a  sham  but  a  real  insurrection  that  you  would  provoke.  There 
must  be  equality  between  the  great  religious  sects  in  Ireland 
— between  Catholic  and  Protestant.  It  is  impossible  that  this 
equality  can  be  much  longer  denied. 

It  is  suspected  that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  Government 
to  bring  forward  at  no  distant  dayj  if  they  can  catch  tiie 
people  of  England  napping,  a  proposition  for  paying  the 
Roman  Catholic  priests  of  Ireland.  On  more  than  one  ground 
I  should  object  to  any  such  scheme.  In  the  first  place,  I 
believe  the  GoTemment  cannot,  from  any  funds  they  possess, 
or  from  any  they  can  obtain,  place  the  Catholic  priests  on  an 
equality  with  the  ministers  of  the  Protestant  Church ;  and  if 
they  cannot  do  that  in  every  respect,  the  tiling  is  not  worth 
attempting.  They  will,  I  think,  find  it  infinitely  more  easy, 
and  it  will  certainly  be  much  more  in  accordance  with  political 
justice,  and  wttii  the  true  interests  of  religion,  to  withdraw 
from  Ireland  the  Church  Establishment  which  now  exists 
there,  and  to  bring  about  die  perfect  equality  which  may  be 
secured  by  taking  away  so  much  of  the  funds  as  are  proved  to 
be  totally  unnecessary  for  the  wants  of  the  population.  I  do 
not  mean  that  you  should  withdraw  from  the  Protestwit 
Church  every  sixpence  now  in  its  possession ;  what  I  mean  is, 
that  you  should  separate  it  from  the  State,  and  appropriate  all 
the  funds  of  which  it  migiit  justly  be  deprived  to  some  grand 
national  objectj  such  as  the  support  and  extension  of  the  system 
of  education  now  established  in  Ireland ;  an  appropriation  of 
money  which  would,  I  am  sure,  produce  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  of  Ireland  an  entire  change  of  feeling  with 
r^ard  to  the  legislation  of  Parliament  in  relation  to  their 
country. 

With  regard  to  the  Parliamentary  representation  of  Ireland, 
having  recently  spent  seventy-three  days  in  an  examination 


1)18 


SPBECIIES  OF  JOnS  BRIGHT.        Mmtn  M, 


of  the  snbjectj  whilst  serving  as  a  Member  of  tbe  Diihlin 
Klection  Commtttoe,  I  nssert  most  diatinctly  tJiat  tlie  repro- 
ecntation  which  exists  nt  this  moment  \s  a  Traut) ;  and  T 
teliove  it  would  be  far  liettcr  if  there  wen-  no  reprvscnttttion  ut 
all,  brcanse  the  people  n-oiild  nnt  tlien  be  dehidrd  by  ihc  idea 
that  they  had  a  represeiLt.fltive  Oovenimeiit  to  protect-  their 
inleresta.  Thp  Ttiimber  of  taxes  which  the  people  have  to  pay,  in 
onierto  secure  either  the  mnnicipal  or  Parlinnu'iitarj"  franchise, 
is  so  gKoi  that  it  ie  att«rly  impoeeiblc  for  tbe  oonstitueticies 
tn  be  omiii tallied,  aad  tor  public  opiniou — tlie  huneet,  riitl 
opinion  of  intfilligmt  classes  in  Ireland — to  obtain  any  common 
or  detent  degree  of  representation  in  the  Imperial  Legislature. 
T  feel  quite  eoolident  that  in  the  next  Session  of  Parliament, 
the  question*  of  religious  eipiaiity  iu  Ireland  and  of  Irish 
represt'ntation  must  receive  a  much  more  serioun  attention 
than  they  have  obtained  in  any  pa«t  Setwioii. 

I  oome  novr  to  those  Boc-ial  qua^tiono  tvhieh  mutit  alscu  re> 
eeive  the  attention  of  Parliiiment ;  fci  if  tliej-  do  not,  1h« 
political  remedies  will,  after  all,  be  of  very  little  permanent 
use.  I  advocate  these  poUtieal  Lhan)>i-&  on  the  grouiidj  not 
that  they  will  feed  the  hnngry  or  employ  the  idle,  but  that 
they  wiU  be  as  oil  thrown  upon  the  ivaterii,  and  will  induce 
the  jieojile  no  longer  to  feel  tliemselvea  treated  as  a  eonqucNxl 
race.  It  is  agrreed  on  all  eideo  that  the  social  rcmediee  which 
arc  iminedintety  poeiBihle  to  us,  are  thoee  having  reference  to 
the  mode  in  whith  the  hind  nf  Ireland  is  owned,  or  held  nod 
cnlMvaled  — pcrhapR  '  not  cultivnt«d'  would  he  a  mon?  wimset 
expression.  I'he  noble  Lord  nt  the  head  of  the  GovemraoDfc 
haa  alluded  to  parts  of  Ireland  in  which  it  is  jroposnhle  that 
tlic  land  as  at  present  l.t-ld,  or  the  rati-s  which  can  be  eoUvcted, 
can  lliid  relief  or  sustentntion  for  the  people.  It  i.t  a  notnrioaa 
&ot,  that  there  are  vast  tracts  of  laud  in  IrelatuI,  vvliicli,  if 
left  in  the  hands  of  nominal  luid  hunknipt  ownersj  trill  never 
to  the  end  of  time  wipjwrt  the  |>opulation  which  ought  to  live 
upuu  theui.     And  it  in  on  thiH  groiiud  that  I  niuxt  queetiun 


18*8.  IRELAND.    III.  319 

the  policy  of  measures  for  expending  public  money  witli  a 
view  to  the  ctiltivation  and  reclamation  of  these  lands. 

The  true  solution  of  this  matter  is  to  get  the  lands  out 
of  the  hands  of  men  who  are  the  nominal,  and  not  the  real, 
possessors.  But  Parliament  maintains  laws  which  act  most 
injuriously  in  this  particular.  The  law  and  practice  of  entails 
tends  to  keep  the  soil  in  large  properties,  and  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  cannot  perform  their  duty  to  it.  It  will  be  said 
that  entails  exist  in  Scotland  and  in  England.  Yes;  but  this 
Session  a  law  has  passed,  or  is  passing,  to  modify  the  system 
as  it  has  heretofore  existed  in  Scotland;  and  in  England 
many  of  its  evils  have  been  partially  overcome  by  the  extra- 
ordinary, and,  to  some  degree,  the  accidental  extension  of 
manufacturing  industry  among  the  people.  In  Ireland  there 
are  no  such  mitigations ;  a  code  of  laws  exists,  under  which 
it  is  impossible  for  the  land  and  the  people  to  be  brought, 
as  it  were,  together,  and  for  industry  to  live  in  independence 
and  comfort,  instead  of  crawling  to  this  House,  as  it  does 
almost  annually,  to  ask  alms  of  the  hardworking  people  of 
England. 

The  law  and  practice  of  primogeniture  is  another  evil  of 
the  same  character.  It  is  a  law  unnatural  and  unjust  at  all 
times ;  but  in  the  present  condition  of  Ireland  it  cannot  much 
longer  be  endured.  Were  I  called  upon — and  it  is  a  bold 
figure  of  speech  to  mention  such  a  thing — but  were  I  called 
upon  to  treat  this  Irish  question,  I  would  establish,  for  a 
limited  period  at  least,  a  special  court  in  Ireland  to  adjudicate 
on  all  questions  connected  with  the  titles  and  transfers  of 
landed  property.  This  court  should  finally  decide  questions 
of  title;  it  should  prepare  and  enforce  a  simple  and  short 
form  of  conveyance,  as  short  almost  as  that  by  which  railway 
stock  is  transferred ;  and,  without  regard  to  the  public 
revenue,  I'  would  abolish  every  farthing  of  expense  which 
is  now  incurred  in  the  duties  on  stamps,  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  the  distribution  of  land   in  Ireland,  and  of 


320 


SPKECIIKS  OF  JOIIK  BBIGHT.       Avwn  if,. 


Moving  the  capita]  untl  industry  of  tbe  people  to  work  out 
lie  salvation.  AH  this  i«  po»<ib]e;  and,  mare  than  this,  it  is 
nil  neceasary.  Well,  now,  wliikt  ia  tbc  real  oWtacIc  in  our 
imth  ?  You  have  toiled  at  this  Irieli  diflicuItT'  See^iion  aller 
Sfsiiion,  and  sx>inv  uf  you  liavc  grown  almost  from  boyhood 
to  gro}'-tieadcd  old  men  Kinre  it  Krst  met  yon  in  yotir  iegin- 
lalive  career,  aud  yt^l  ttitro  i^  not  in  andi?nt  or  modem 
history  a  pi«ture  bo  humiliaHnj;  aa  that  which  IreUnd 
prcsent£  to  the  world  ut  tbis  moment;  and  there  ia  uot  an 
English  g«ntl«mfln  who,  it'  he  croNSwl  th<>  (.Imnnel  in  the 
prewnt  autumn,  and  travf-Ued  in  nny  foreig'n  country,  would 
not  wish  to  eecsji^.'  rR>m  any  muversHtiou  among  loreign«B 
in  which  the  qnpjition  of  the  condition  of  frelnnd  was 
mo»tcd  for  a  sintiflc  moment. 

Ijet  the  IIouM>,  if  it.  ran,  regard  Ireland  as  an  English 
country.  Lot  us  think  of  the  eight  miltiouii  of  jieople,  and 
of  the  millionB  of  them  doomed  to  thii<  intolerable  Buflbriug. 
Let  us  tliinU  of  the  half-inilliou  who,  within  two  years  past, 
have  perished  miserably  in  the  worlfhooaes,  and  on  the  high- 
ways, and  in  their  hords — morv,  far  more  than  ever  fell  by 
the  sword  in  any  war  this  country  ever  waged  ;  let  us  think 
of  the  crop  of  nameless  lionx>rs  which  is  even  now  grouHng 
up  in  Ireland,  and  whose  diHuttrous  fruit  may  Iw  gathered  in 
years  and  generations)  to  come.  Let  us  examine  what  arc 
the  law»  and  the  principles  under  which  alone  God  and  nature 
Imve  permittcfl  that  nations  should  become  industrious  and 
pruvident. 

I  hope  the  Houw  will  panlon  me  if  I  have  said  a  word 
that  ran  offend  nny  one.  But  1  feel  oonseious  oJ'  a  persooal 
himiiliation  when  I  consider  the  state  of  Ireland.  I  do  not 
wish  to  puff  nosLrums  of  my  own,  thnugh  it  may  be  tbouglit 
I  am  opposed  to  much  that  exista  id  the  present  order  of 
things;  but  whether  it  tended  to  adranee  democracj-,  or  to 
uphold  ari-itwraey,  or  any  other  Br«t<in,  I  would  wish  to  fling 
to  tlw  winds  any    prejudice    1    have  entertained,   and   any 


1848.  IRELAND.    III.  321 

principle  that  may  be  questioned,  if  I  oan  thereby  do  one 
single  thing  to  hasten  by  a  single  day  the  time  when 
Ireland  shall  be  equal  to  Dngland  in  that  oomfort  and 
that  independence  which  an  industrioufl  people  may  enjoy, 
if  the   Government  under  which   they   live   is   equal   and 

jUBt. 


VOL.  I. 


IRELAND. 

IV. 

RATE    IN    AID. 

HOUSE   OF  COMMONS,  APRIL  2,  1849. 

[On  Febmai7  7, 1 849,  ft  proposAt  waa  made  by  the  Cbuicellur  of  tbe  Exchequer 
that  a  sum  of  50,000!.  should  be  granted  to  certain  Irish  UnioiiB,  in  which 
diatresa  whs  mote  thMi  ueuallj  preyalent.  The  retolntion  waa  passed  oa 
March  3,  On  March  17  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  founded  on  thu 
re«olDtion  was  moved,  and  the  debate  continued  till  April  3,  when  tbe 
second  reading  was  affinned  by  193  votes  to  138.  Tbe  third  reading  wu 
carried  by  1 19  to  55,  on  April  30.  "Hie  Bill  passed  the  HoQse  of  Lords  on 
Hay  iS.] 

I  TENTUR£D  to  move  the  adjouTQicent  of  the  debate  od 
IViday  night,  because  I  was  anxious  to  have  the  opportunity 
of  expressing  the  opinions  which  I  entertain  on  this  most 
important  subject.  I  am  one  of  the  Committee  appointed  by 
this  House  to  inquire  into  tbe  working  of  the  Irish  poor-law, 
and  on  that  Committee  I  was  one  of  tbe  majority — the  large 
majority — by  which  the  resolution  for  a  rate  in  aid  was 
a£Brmed.  In  the  division  which  took  place  on  the  same 
proposition  in  tbe  House,  I  also  voted  in  tbe  majority.  But 
I  am  not  by  any  means  disposed  to  say  that  there  are  no 
reasons  against  the  coarse  which  I  take,  or  against  tbe  pro- 
position  which    has  been   submitted   to  the   House  by  tbe 


324 


SFEECUES  OF  JOHX  BRIGHT. 


APftttS, 


Government.  On  the  whole,  however,  I  am  preiuired  t<i<mgrht 
to  justify  that  proixiaition,  anil  the  vote  which  I  have  given 
for  it.. 

As  to  the  projetrt  of  raising  money  for  the  purpose  of  these 
distreesvd  UnionB,  I  think  there  mtn  be  na  doiiht  in  the  mind 
of  any  Member  of  the  Ilouae,  that  money  must  come  from 
some  qiuirttn'.  It  uppcurs  to  bo  u  ((ueittion  of  life  or  raoriey. 
All  th<!  witnejoes  who  were  examined  belbru  tht-  Committee; 
the  concurrent  t«sLtinony  of  aJl  partieii  in  Irelaod,  of  all 
the  pubtio  papef^,  of  all  the  siweuhea  wbich  have  been  de- 
tivorwl  in  the  eourM  of  thi*  debate,  go  to  prove,  that  unless 
additional  fu»da  he  provided,  tens  of  thousands  of  our  unlbr- 
tun&te  fol  low-country  men  lu  Inland  muHt  perish  of  famine  in 
the  connte  of  the  present  year.  If  this  he  true,  it  is  evid«it 
thnt  a  great  neeessity  ha  upon  \\» ;  a  g^mvc  emergency,  which 
M-e  must  meet.  I  am  not  prepared  to  justify  the  proposition  of 
a  rate  in  aid  merely  on  the  ground  of  thin  Dccewity,  U-cauac 
it  will  be  aaid,  and  justly,  that  the  same  amotint  of  fttnds 
might  Ik>  raised  by  isunie  other  modi.' ;  but  I  am  prepared  to 
justify  the  projioailion  whteh  nwtriets  this  rate  in  iiid  to  Ire- 
land, on-the  ground  that  the  rest  of  the  United  Kingdom  has, 
during  the  )>aat  three  yeara,  paid  its  own  rate  in  aid  for 
Ireland;  Jiml  Uiia  to  a  far  larger  amount  lliaii  any  call  wbicli 
the  Government  now  proposes  to  make  on  the  rateable  pn> 
perty  in  Ireland. 

Wo  have  taken  firom  the  general  taxation  of  this  country, 
in  the  last  two  or  three  years,  for  the  purposes  of  Ireland, 
several  millions,  I  may  say  not  fewer  than  from  eight  to  ten 
milUona  sterling.  We  have  puid  also  very  large  subscrip- 
tions from  private  resources,  to  the  same  purpose;  the  sums 
expended  by  the  British  ^Vssociation  were  not  le»s,  in  the 
aggregate,  than  600,000/.,  in  addition  to  other  large  amouul< 
contributed.  The  Irish,  certainly,  gave  something  to  these 
funds;  but  by  far  the  larger  amount  was  paid  hy  the  tax- 
payiog  chuses  of  Great  Britain.     In  addition  to  this  special 


m». 


inBLAyD.    IV. 


385 


outlay  lor  tliii*  i»urposc,  vx-ry  hi-avy  local  taxation  has  been 
iucurreJ  by  sevt-rnl  of  the  ^-eat  conimunitlei*  of  this  island, 
for  the  purpose  of  eupporliiig  tliv  pauperism  which  tiuH 
e6cai»ed  i'rom  Ireland  to  Great  Britain.  In  this  metropolis, 
in  Glosf'on',  in  Liverpool,  and  in  Lho  gT«:at  mamifacturiDg 
town  which  I  hare  the  honour  to  repreerat,  the  overflow  of 
Irinh  pauperism  ha^,  nitliin  the  Inst  two  or  three yfu re  more 
especially,  ovi-SHioned  a  vast  additional  burJen  of  taxation. 
I  believe  ihe  hon.  Member  for  South  Lancashire  mode  soniu 
statcmcDt  in  this  House  on  a  former  occasion  with  respect  to 
the  burden  which  was  inflicted  upon  Liverpool  by  the  Irish 
paupcTE,  who  constantly  Row  into  that  town.  Ah  to  Glasgow, 
the  poor-rate  lem'ed  last  year  In  the  city  pariiJi  alone, 
amuitnted  to  70,000/.;  iind  this  y«ar,  owing  lo  the  visitation 
of  ohohra  and  the  poverty  thereby  engender«!,  there  will  be 
an  additional  assessment  of  20,000/.  The  inty  parish  contuios 
only  about  1:0,000  or  130,000  of  the  280,000  residents  in 
the  mass  of  huildiDgn  kiiuivn  by  the  general  name  of  Glaa- 
gow.  Or  the  Kiim  levit-d  as  |xior-pate  in  the  city  parish,  it  is 
estimated  Ihut,  on  au  average,  two-tbirds  are  speot  u|Kin  Irish 
paupers.  The  ninka  of  these  Irish  paupers  arc  recruited, 
to  a  comparatively  small  extent  from  the  IriKh  workruen, 
who  have  been,  with  tlieir  families,  vXivof^A-A  by,  and  who  have 
found  empluyineut  in,  the  miinerotis  ninnufactories  of  Glas- 
gow. The  Irish  paupers,  upon  whom  twn-thirdsof  the  Gla^fow 
poor-rates  are  spent,  are  principally  stiualid  and  destitute 
creatures  who  are  brought  over  ««  deck  passengers,  clustering 
like  bees  to  the  bulwarks  and  rigging,  by  almost  e^'crj' 
fitenmcr  that  HiiU  from  a  northern  Irish  port.  With  rettpBct 
lo  the  town  of  Manchesler,  I  am  able  to  give  some  more 
dcfiiiitc  particulars  as  to  the  burthen  im^Htsed  u]>ou  the  in< 
faabitaoti!  fur  the  eupi>orb  of  Ibe  Irish  uieual  poor.  In  the 
year  1 848,  the  snm  expended  in  tlie  relief  of  the  settled  poor, 
which  term  iiiohides  the  resident  Irish  who  are  not  dis- 
tinguished by  name  frum  the  English,  amounted  to  37,847/. 


886 


SP££CU£ii  OF  JOiOf  BRIOUT. 


<UB1&  1, 


The  Bum  cxpcndwi  for  the  rcli«f  of  the  non-»eUled  Gugliuh 
paupers  in  the  trtwn  of  Manchester,  in  the  year  1848,  was 
18,699^.  TliP  amoiuit  expyiidcd  for  the  relief  of  cn«ual  Irish 
|)Oor  ulonc  was  28,007/,  Tlie  total  uHsessment  of  Afuucliait«r 
is  647,568/.,  wliicli,  if  dmded  by  the  umouut  required  to 
relieve  the  camial  Irish  poor,  would  amount  to  a  rate  of  \Q\d. 
in  the  poitiul  upon  every  puuiul  of  nituible  projx?rly  in  the 
town  of  M3nL'hL»st*!r ;  but  if  estimated  aiK.-ording  to  th« 
pr»>pcrty  really  rated  (as  there  niv.  grent  iiumbera  of  persons 
who,  trom  poverty,  do  not  pay  the  poor-rates  on  the  proper^ 
(hey  oecupy),  the  umount  of  asBessnieiit  fur  the  relief  of  the 
casual  Irish  poor  alone  will  be  from  \^d.  to  l^d.  in  the  pound, 
and  the  charge  upon  the  ratepayoni  of  Manchester  for  the 
relief  of  the  Iriiih  raisuul  [lour  during  the  last  year  is  out  leas 
than  z».  td.  per  head  upon  the  whnle  pripiilation  of  that 
town. 

Now,  daring  the  la^t  year,  Manchester  had  to  strogg-Ie 
with  very  severe  difficullie«,  and  the  manufacturers  there 
tiufren>d  mo»t  acutely  from  viLrimiK  causes.  The  fniliuv  of  the 
eoltou  erup  of  iH,^6,  the  |<a.uic  in  the  financial  and  eommerdal 
world  in  1847,  the  couvulsiont  in  the  European  States  in  1848 
— ill!  these  contributed  to  hriii^  ii]>ou  Maiichixt«^'r  cuurmous 
HI  ;  ond  in  mldition  to  tliia  we  had  to  bear  an  ndditional 
bunteu  of  28,000/,  for  the  inaiiitenJinoe  of  the  eatiual  Iriah 
poor.  I  have  here  an  analysis  of  the  poor-mtes  eollected  in 
Mancheater  during  the  last  four  year*,  and  I  will  briefly 
state  the  rveults  to  the  House,  In  the  year  1845  the  amount 
of  mt4»  eollorted  exi)res8ly  For  the  relief  of  the  casual  IriBh 
poor  wan  3.500/.  lu  1846  the  cost  of  the  eiuiual  Iri^h  poor 
imponi>d  a  burden  upon  Manoheslor  of  3,300/.;  in  1847  of 
6,558/.;  aud  in  ]$46  thi.K  item  of  expenditure  reaehed  the 
uxtraordinury  sum  of  28,007/.  The  people  of  AIuDobesler 
have  uttered  no  loud  or  eUimorous  complaints  respecting  the 
exoesmve  Inirdeu  Iwnie  by  them  for  tht^  suppurt  of  the  Irish. 
They  have  sent  no  ur^nl  de]iututions  to  the  Qovemmcut  ou 


184ft 


IRBLANli.     IV. 


ni 


tlie  suiijoct  of  tliiii  heavy  expeiiw.  But,  eeciu^  Uiat  Ibey 
have  paid  tbis  money  &r  the  reliuf  ol'  Iri»lt  pauiiers,  and 
BcuLO^  qUm)  thiit  the  Btnaller  matiufaciunDg  and  other  townt. 
in  Jiui^lniid  have  aleo  |>aJd  no  smal)  HumH  fur  Irish  [laiiper^, 
tbey  do  thiuk,  iuv\  I  here  express  my  convictioD,  thai  it  will 
be  s(!en  and  admitted  thnt  wo  h&vo  paid  our  nito  in  oid  for 
the  relief  of  Irehind,  and  that  it  does  btjcome  the  lando\viiei« 
and  pei-80113  of  pnjijcrty  tii  that  country  to  make  iui  effort 
during  a  t«niporary  period  to  supply  that  small  sum  which  is 
by  this  Bill  dcmiinded  of  them. 

I  will  now  say  a  few  words  rcgftrding  the  province  of 
Ulster.  Au  lioii.  Gentleman  opposite,  the  Member  for  Lon- 
donderry, who  made  a  not  very  civil  spucch,  so  fur  us  it 
regarded  persoiie  who  entertain  the  cnme  opinions  generally 
whieh  I  profe!<«,  seemed  to  allege  that  there  xvas  uo  party  so 
tyrannical  na  those  who  wished  to  carry  this  rate  in  aid, 
and  that  no  Viody  of  men  on  earth  wcrt'  eo  opprvi^^cd  a^ 
tlic  unibriunuti.-  proprietors  of  Ulster.  [Mr.  Bateson : 
'  Tlie  farmers  of  Ulster.']  T  have  made  a  ealculalion, 
the  result  of  which  is,  that,  with  the  population  of  Ulster^ 
a  ftii.  rate  would  be  83,000/.  o-year,  oi-  164,000/.  for  tJie 
two  years  during  which  they  will  be  required  to  pay 
towania  the  HiipiKtH  of  their  R' How -country  men  in  tlie 
south  and  west.  If  1  were  an  (j'hit«r  proprietor,  I  would 
not  have  raisi'd  uiy  voice  against  such  a  proposition,  becauso 
it  is  not  a  state  of  things  of  an  ordinary  rharacter,  nor 
are  tbeae  proprietora  called  ou  to  do  that  which  nobody 
elae  has  done  before  them.  Xuilher  were  they  called  upon 
before  other  sources  had  been  applied  to.  Had  I  beeu  an 
Ulster  proprietor,  I  would  mther  Uavo  loH:  thiji  House  than 
have  taken  the  course  they  have  pursued  in  denouncing  this 
raeanure.  A*  to  the  fanncni  of  Ulster,  they  would  not  have 
raiwd  thi.s  opposition  had  they  not  been  instigated  to  do  so 
by  hon.  Members  in  this  Ftouse,  and  by  tlie  proprietors  in 
that  province,  whom  they   repreeentod.     It  appenrsf   by  the 


328 


SPEECUEi,   OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


APSJL  3, 


report*  of  the  inspeetors  under  tlio  poor-law,  that  where  there 
has  been  n  difficulty  in  oollectinfj^  rates,  and  tlie  people  hsvo 
refuBitl  to  pay,  they  have  followed  the  cuuupk  of  the  higher 
and  laiidlonl  clnss;  and  the  oondiirt  nf  that  dans  in  many 
cases  liax  buen  such  as  tu  render  the  coll4>ctioD  extremely 
didicuU.  [Mr.  Rnteson  :  '  Xot  in  TJlster.']  I  do  not  iipesk  of 
Ulster  pnrtieuliLrly  iu  thi»  instance,  hnt  the  caeti  has  oociirred 
in  other  pUcep;  hut  happily  for  Ulster  the  burden  bss  not 
proved  so  scriiHis  in  that  proviiiL-c, 

I  hare  heard  a  goo<l  deal  said  respecting-  the  resignation 
of  Mr.  Twisleton,  who  pri'ft!rre(l  giviujj  up  his  tiltiuLtioD  to 
eupportinfT  the  rntc  in  aid.  But  the  reasons  assigned  by 
Mr.  Tnieleton  destroy  the  importance  of  his  own  act.  He 
did  not  insist  upon  the  question  whether  Ulster  wa£  able  to 
hear  the  iiiU?  iu  aid;  but  his  uhJi>ction  wus  that  Ubtter  was 
l/lRter,  and  more  Ulister  than  it  was  Ireland.  He  aiid  Ulster 
preferrtd  hein^  united  wHth  Kng-laiid,  rather  than  with 
Leinster,  Coiiuau{>ht,  aud  MtiDster;  in  short,  that  Ulster 
wBfi  un\villing  txi  he  maiie  a  part  of  Ireland.  Now,  if  this 
Bill  can  succeed  in  making  UUt«r  a  part  of  Ireland  in 
iiitcrestii  atid  sympathies,  I  think  it  will  he  attendwl  with 
a  VQxy  happy  result,  and  oue  tlml  will  oompen^te  for  some 
portion  of  the  present  misfortunc-i  of  Ireland. 

But  the  hem.  Jlemhcr  also,  iu  another  part  of  bis  sjiceeh, 
charged  the  (Joveniment  with  having  rauscd  the  cabtmities 
of  Ireland.  Now,  if  I  were  the  hon.  Member,  I  would  Dot 
have  opened  up  that  tjiii>jiti<]n.  My  opinion  is,  that  tho 
course  which  l*arliainent  has  taken  with  re8[)ect  to  Ireland 
for  upwards  of  a  century,  and  c8|>eciaUy  since  the  Union,  tias 
bei-ru  iu  acuordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  proprietors  of  the 
laud  ofthal  eountry.  If,  therefore,  tht-ro  has  heoii  misgoveru- 
mcnt  in  Ireluud  during  that  iwriod,  it  '\s  the  land  which  has 
iullucucvd  PurliaoiL'nt,  and  the  landowners  are  responsible. 
I  do  not  mean  to  nay  that  the  House  of  Commons  ia  oot 
responsible  for  taking  the  evil  adviec  which  the  landowner* 


1W». 


IHBLASD.     IV. 


3S» 


of  FriflaiKl  have  profiered ;  but  what  1  mean  to  assert  is,  tJut 
this  advice  }ir8  been  almost  invRriably  acted  upon  by  the 
Oov«nuneiit.  This  it  is  which  has  proved  f&tal  to  th« 
interette  of  Ireland ;  the  Ulster  men  have  stood  in  the  wu/ 
of  improvements  iii  tlie  Franchise,  in  thr  Cliurcli,  anil  iu  the 
Laud  ijuestion;  tliey  have  purchuHed  Proteiitant  aiicendancy, 
and  the  price  paid  for  it  is  the  ruin  and  rit^radation  of  thoir 
country.  So  much  for  the  vote  which  1  am  about  to  give  in 
support  of  the  nitu  in  uid. 

In  the  next  place,  I  must  obHcrve  that  it'  an  income  iax 
were  to  be  substituted  for  a  rate  in  aid,  I  think  I  oould  »how 
Bubstiintiat  reasons  why  it  would  not  be  sat  isfnotory.  In  the 
fin^t  pLicc,  I  t&tc  wn  objection  to  the  impouitiou  of  an  income 
tax  for  the  express  |>nrpo»e  of  etip^iorting'  paii|>cr8,  This,  I 
apprehend,  is  a  filial  ohjeetion  at  the  outset.  I  understand 
that  there  hiw  been  n  document  isfiicd  by  a  Committee  in 
■i)Otlu>r  place,  whieh  haa  reported  favourablj'  for  the  substi- 
tution of  an  income  tax  in  lieu  of  the  nitc  in  aid.  1  always 
find  that  if  a  proposition  is  brought  forwanl  Ijy  the  Goveru- 
meut  t«  iini«)Be  a  new  tax,  it  \*  always  fur  a  tax  which  is 
disliked,  and  T  conclude,  that  if  an  income  tax  for  tn^land 
had  been  projHwed  iiuitcad  of  the  rate  in  aid,  that  would  have 
been  n-pudiatcd  with  quite  a*  much  vigour  as  the  propoeition 
now  before  the  ItoiLw. 

And  now  I  will  address  a  few  words  to  the  general  ques- 
tion of  Ireland,  which  1  think  may  be  fairly  entered  upon  in 
this  debate  after  the  speech  of  the  rig'ht  hon.  Jiaronet  tlie 
Member  for  lUmworth.  Wluit  have  we  been  doing  all  the 
Se>isinn  ?  With  the  cx(;eption  of  the  Jtjwish  Oaths  Bill,  and 
the  Navigation  Laws,  our  attention  has  been  solely  taken  up 
with  Irish  matters.  Fnim  the  inoegsant  recurrence  of  the 
Irish  debate,  it  would  ecom,  cither  that  the  wrongs  ond  e\-iU 
endured  by  the  Irish  people  are  incufabte,  or  eW  that  ttc 
lack  Atatesmen.  I  alwayn  iind  that,  whoever  happens  to  sit 
nn  the  other  eidc  of  the  table,  he  always  has  some  wheme  to 


330 


SPEKCllKS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


ApniL  2. 


propose  for  the  rt"(feuerdtion  of  Irplnnd.  Tbe  noble  Lord  on 
tile  Trc^iHury  bcucli  bad  his  schumus  for  thut  piu-{K}M  wIicd  Be 
was  i*eatcd  opposite.  The  right  hon.  Uaronet  thr  Mt'ml)er 
Tor  IVnnvurth  now  has  his  kcW-iiiv  lo  pro^usf,  atid  if  he  t-au 
miRcred  in  it^  \\e.  will  not  only  have  the  universal  wish  of  tlu> 
nation  in  his  favour,  but  the  noble  Lord  itifo  who  is  nt  tlic 
head  of  the  Goveninionl  will  iivt,  I  uiu  aurc,  ohject  to  ^ve 
way  to  auy  uum  ivho  will  Hcttle  thr  Iriish  ijueKtiou.  But  the 
treatment  of  this  Imh  malady  remains  ever  the  same.  We 
have  uothiuff  fur  it  still  but  force  and  ulms.  Vou  have  no 
urmed  forcp  thero  of  (50,000  men  to  keep  the  people  quiet, 
\ax^  votcij  arc  annnally  re<|uired  to  keep  the  people  quiet, 
and  large  voles  are  ituiiiiiilly  requiri'd  to  keep  the  jteoplc 
■lire.  I  presume  the  government  by  troops  is  easy,  and 
that  tlu) 

TlTtl  pdwtr  nuj  mot*  tt  eaw, 
WliQa  loltlien  fire — to  k.««p  the  po»««.' 

But  the  Duhle  Lord  at  the  head  of  the  Qoverrimcnt  has  no 
policy  to  i)ropose  for  Iretaud.  If  he  had,  he  would  have 
XjM.  iiK  what  it  ifi  before  now.  Tlie  pixir-law  as  a  means 
of  reg^DLratiog  L-eland  is  a  delusion.  So  is  the  rate  in  aid. 
I  do  not  believe  in  I  be  rcg«ncrati  ug  iHJwer  cither  of  the 
poor-law  or  of  the  rate  in  aid.  There  may  occur  cases  where 
faimers  will  (K)nliQue  to  eiiijtloy  labuureix  for  the  nit're  pur- 
pose of  preventing  them  from  coming  on  the  poor-rates,  but 
these  arc  oxcoptione.  If  the  desire  of  gain  will  not  cause  the 
cmplojTnent  of  capital,  assuredly  poor^nites  will  not.  A  jKXjr- 
law  addx  to  pau^>erism,  by  inviting  to  idleness.  It  drags 
down  the  man  who  pays,  and  demoralises  him  who  reeeivea. 
It  may  expose,  it  may  temporarily  relieve,  it  will  increase, 
bat  it  can  never  put  uu  cud  to  paui>ei'ij»m.  Tlii;  poor-Liw  and 
tlic  rate  in  aid  art^  therefore,  utterly  unavailing  for  Buch  a 
purpose. 

It  is  the  abhience  of  all  demnnd  for  lahmir  that  conKtitutew 
the  real  evil  of  Ireland.     In  the  distressed  Unions  a  man's 


lf!49. 


IllKLAND.     tV 


381 


Ubour  is  absolutely  worth  notbiog.  It  ie  not  tlwt  the  Irieh 
pROple  will  not  work.  I  »poke  to  an  Irish  nayigator  tii« 
other  day  re«)icctiiig  liix  work,  aud  I  aiikeHl  lijm  why  his 
coantrymen  diil  not  work  in  their  own  country.  ■  Giv: 
thi-m  2».  Sil.  a-day,'  said  he, '  and  you  will  lind  plenty  who 
will  work.'  There  exists  in  Ireland  a  luiQc-uUiblo  want  of 
cmj)Ioyraciit,  Thv  land  thrm  enjoys  a  peqwtiial  Habliatli.  If 
the  [leople  of  Ireland  were  set  to  work,  they  would  gain  their 
tiuhtiiiiteuce ;  but  if  this  couree  is  not  adc^lvd,  they  must 
either  continue  to  be  supported  out  cif  the  taxes,  or  cite  b« 
left  to  starve.  In  order  to  shove  how  grta-i  is  the  general 
j>overty  in  Ireland,  1  will  read  a  8ta.lenient  of  the  coiuparutivc 
amount  of  h^gacy  duty  paid  in  thv  two  countries.  In  l^g* 
land,  in  the  year  1844,  the  amount  of  cnpitat  on  which  legacy 
duty  was  paid  was  44,393,887/.;  in  Ireland,  in  184/;,  the 
ujDount  of  capital  on  whioh  legnvy  duly  was  paid  was 
3,140,021/. — the  populntion  of  the  latter  being  nearly  on«> 
half  .of  the  former,  whitat  the  proportion  between  the  ca]>ita] 
paying  legacy  duty  \»  only  i>ne-(.wentictli.  In  1844,  th« 
le^^acy  duty  paid  in  England  waa  ijil4r435A,  with  a 
population  of  lS,coo,ooo;  in  Scotland  it  wan  74,116/., 
with  a  population  of  3,000,000;  wbilet  Ireland  paid  only 
^3,618/.,  with  a  population  of  8,000,000.  Tliese  facts  oAer 
the  strongest  possible  proof  of  the  poverty  of  Ireland. 

On  looking  over  the  reports  of  the  Poor-law  Inspectors, 
]  find  UicRi  teeming  with  statements  of  the  wretched- 
ncN(  which  prevails  in  the  di.-<tres3ed  diHtricf^  of  Ireluod. 
The  gMicTal  characti^r  of  the  reixirUt  is,  that  starvation  is, 
literally  speaking,  gnuliially  driving  the  |)opalation  into  Uieir 
gru\-o>i.  'fliB  ]>eopIe  cannot  quit  their  hovels  for  want  of 
olothing.  whilirt  others  cannot  be  discharged  from  the  work- 
houses omng  to  the  hamc  cause.  Men  arc  seen  wearing 
women's  apparel,  not  being  able  to  procure  proper  clothing ; 
whilst,  in  other  instaiiees,  men,  women,  and  children  are  all 
huddled  togctJier  under  bundles  of  rags,  unable  to  rise  for 


332 


SPKiCClJKS  Oy  JOHN   SHitflir. 


UHIL  i. 


lack  of  covering ;  u-orkhoiise«  uud  iiriHons  lav  crowded 
bcj-ond  thdr  capacity  to  c-onlaio,  the  mortality  being:  vcrj 
great  in  tlmm.  Pcr.-uns  of  bonCi<^t  chnnicU-T  commit  thefts 
in  order  lo  \ye  sent  to  prison,  snil  snme  ask.  a»  a  favour,  to 
fee  truunporteJ. 

I  know  of  nothing-  like  this  in  the  history  of  tnodern 
titin?s.  The  only  parallel  I  can  find  to  it  le  in  the  work 
«f  tte  grefit  (icrman  iiutlior  (Moslieinti),  who,  in  \\\ts  Insti- 
tutes of  tJie  Christiiiu  Rvliyioii,  tti^cakiiif;  of  Ihi'  inmaila 
of  tfa«  harbarinns  into  the  Roman  empin!  in  the  filth 
iwutury,  &\y>i  tlint  in  Gaul,  tlie  cnlnniiticfi  of  the  tiiiii's 
drove  many  to  such  madness,  that  they  wholly  excluded  God 
from  tho  govcmincul  of  the  world,  aud  ilcuied  IIib  providoncc 
over  human  atlairs.  It  would  almost  appcjir  that  this  titate 
of  things  ii*  now  to  he  seen  in  Ireland.  Tlie  prit^ng  arc 
orowd«Hl,  the  chai)eU  dewrteil,  ewiety  is  diaorganisod  and 
mined;  labour  ie  useless,  for  capital  is  not  to  be  bad  for  ita 
employment.  TLe  rejmrts  of  the  Insjiet'tora  say  that  this 
cstafitrnphiT  has  only  bet-n  hastened,  and  not  originated,  liy 
ibe  failure  of  the  potato  crop  during  tJie  last  four  years,  and 
that  alt  men  [)0<»L'aied  of  any  intelligence  must  have  foreseen 
what  would  ultimntcly  happen. 

'Hiis  Iwing  the  caw,  in  what  manner  are  tJie  Irish  (leoplc 
to  isulMtst  in  future?  There  is  ihe  land,  and  there  is  labour 
cnongli  to  bring  it  into  cutti%-ation.  But  8ucb  is  the  state  in 
w>iieh  tho  land  is  placed,  that  capita]  cannot  be  employed 
upon  it.  Vou  have  tied  up  the  raw  material  in  «ucU  n 
manner — you  have  created  such  a  monopoly  of  land  by  your 
lairs  and  your  mode  of  dealing  witli  it,  as  to  render  it  alike  a 
curse  to  the  people  and  1o  the  ownew  of  it.  ^Vhy,  let  me 
adk,  ahould  land  be  tied  up  any  more  tlinn  any  other  raw  mate- 
lul?  If  the  supply  of  cotton  wool  were  limited  to  the  handa 
of  the  nron-nii  and  the  Uariugs,  what  would  be  the  condition 
of  the  Iiiinc-oshire  manufactories?  Wliat  the  manufactories 
would  be  andcr  Bueh  a  raouo]>oly,  tho  land  in  the  county  of 


1840. 


rJl£KAXV.     IV. 


833 


Mikyo   ttetually   is  under    tim    systt^tn   whicli    prevails   with 

nsp«ct  to  it  in  Irt-Iand.     But  bud  farrieu  with  it  territorial 

iiiHiu>n<!p,  vvhieii  Un>  Lfgislature  will  not  iiitt-pferjf  with  lest 

it  tthuuld  bo  (iifilurbi?d.     Laui  \a  sacnxl,  and  miuit  not  l>o 

tOQched. 

The  right  hon.  Geiitlemaii  the  Prenideiil  of  the  Board  of 

Tnitk-  will    iiudLTfitund  what  I  mean  when  I  aJIude  to  the 

Tjand  Tmpnivflment  Comjmny  whteli  t\w  Logiektuiv  is  rciuly 

to  ehnrtt'P  fur  Irolaiid,  hut  whioh  it  Coara  to  suffer  to  exist  in 

£ng'l&nd,  leat  the  territoriiil  iuHuciict:  whicli  ever  accvinpiuiivs 

tlic  poflsetisicti  nt  landed  t&late»  flhoidd  he  Inst  ur  diiniiiishe<l. 

But  one  of  the  diflicultit?8  to  which  a  R-mMly  must  he  applied 

in  the  defective  titles,  which  ciuinot  eas^ily  he  gtit  rid  nf  under 

the  present  system  of  ootaiU.    This  is  ona  of  the  qneatioiis 

to  which  the   Hou»e  of  CointaDni«  mu^t  %'ery  nk>u  g-ive  its 

st-rious  iLitenlicin.     Thtn  there  comeji  the  ((uejttion  of  settle* 

ments.     Now,   I   do   not   sny   Ihorc   ongliL  not  to  ht*   auy 

settlements;   hut  what  I   mean   to  say  is,  that  Ihey  arc  so 

hound  up  and  cutanglcd  with   the  6y$t«ni  of  entaiU  as  to 

pratciit  injtupcrahle  ilifheulties  in  tlie  way  of  dealing-  with  land 

Hi  a  marketable  cnnitnodity.     I  liave  here  an  Opinion  wliii.-h  I 

will  read  to  the  House,  which  1  find  recorded  as  having  been 

given  by  an  eminent  eonnat-l :  it  in  «niotcd  in  Hayes'  work  on 

ConvoynDoingj  and  tho  Opiuion  was  jfiven  on  the  ocfasiou  of 

a  settlement  on  the  marriage  of  a  geutlcinan  liavinjy  a  fee- 

simpte  estate: — ■ 

■The  prapiMBlt  «xt«ad  u  a  attiet  MlUtment  bf  th»  g«ntl»nian  upon  tlia 
tint  >[jil  uLlicT  wnirt  uf  iho  nuuTWfro.  It  will  *p]>Mir  from  Ui«  |ii«c«dinit  otMOi^ 
mtioiin,  thnt  whirrc  the  reUtivc  cirviiiiuitaii.OM  UTe  (Uuli  ■■  In  tha  pr«a*>iil  om*. 
«  atricl  wttliiiiBit  uf  till!  ^cntlfniAn'*  otiatd  ilvsi  n<)t  ordinarily  ent^e  into  the 
Hmcemant,  which  lic^^iiiB  iui<i  etuie  witli  hin  toikiij^  iha  laily'ii  rurluiiiN  ami 
inipMlng  an  aqujiittont  jKniniarj  chnrgn  ujMin  hU  Datato  (far  licr  twniiitial 
ticqefit).  Tile  prupcoMls  ■vldcna  {«  (uttliL-r,  uulm  thorn  is  )i«Tv<liUr]r  nuik 
or  ltll«  10  be  siipporicil,  or  it  In  in  onnlcmplalinn  ta  fmind  a  fBiniiiT'  The 
ft>rmer  orthoM  tiro  cifcomdMiM*  do  n-ot  eilat  in  tlii4<»ii«,aii(l  clis  laCtor  would 
rctfiiirv  tlw  Mttkaneot  of  tha  bulk  of  the  citato*.  Tbc  poliu^  "f  ■noh  mUW- 
nunla  isvxtmaeljr  qaeatlonntile.  It  i*  ilifficult  to  rcfw  them,  in  Uio  nlaonoa 
ol  both  tha  itw>tiv««  ulttndy  mdiMted,  to  nnj  rational  principle.     Thn  |»t«vnt 


334 


SPUKCttKR  OF  jo/r,v  snrGffr. 


AfBIL  2f 


[nwciwor  ha*  afaaolaM  doiniiiion  ;  liU  chMnt«t«r  b  knoivn,  hia  right  iLu<|a«iliDn- 
able.  He  is  uhf'il  tn  roduM  hiiiUMlf  to  *  ni«r»  tenant  for  hh  in  ra-roiir  n(  kh 
anboni  nun,  of  whose  cliiuiict«r  oottiintc  can  1>o  |irc<liGlo>Ii  rtiid  wlio,  if  lie  can 
Im  *ald  bD  have  &iij  rl^M,  CAnncit  potilbl;  bar»  n  [in<(prali(«  ri^lit.  At  no 
Vftry  dUUnt  psriod  the  abacJ-ute  (laminicn  miwt  ba  confided  ta  BMiicbodj' — nn.l 
irlij  khoiili]  coiiflJonco  l«  re[ioi>cd  in  tlio  uiilwi'ii  chl'd  nithor  tbnti  tin-  livliif 
pAmil  t  Suuli  11  w-tlleiiient  liui  no  tetiilvuof  tu  |iruleol  or  Iwnelil  the  Cithor, 
whoM  odvantAK*  and  e(»of«irt  ought  first  bn  Le  ooiuultei!.  It  <1«m  not  abi«U 
him  TriMa  lh«  cuimcquiiiictv  of  hia  own  iioprudenLV^  Oii  tlie  cuntrarjr,  if  hia 
axpcndituro  ahnulil  iti  nny  inatnnce  eireerl  I.ia  inciimn,  h» — -aii  a  ninro  t^nuit 
fot  l»f»— i«  III  iluigpr  i)f  boing  obligwi  Iw  borrow  on  wimiity,  «  |itoom«  wbirb. 
onr«  begun,  prnccmi*  Boncrallj  rniil  nlmnat  nfcmaarily  to  the  eibanitlon  of 
the  life  Jiicrime.  The  aon  atay  be  nn  liliol  or  »  Htxiniltbrifl.  He  may  ba 
tempted  to  raiac  mone^  by  pert  o&<V.  ]f  to  tbo«  not  iiu|>robnbli:  renulla  w« 
aild  nil  Ibc  (auiily  femU  ),>cuentte(]  bolwoen  Ibe  teiiJiiil  fut  life  aii<i  reinAinder- 
mun.  in  nj^tud  to  tha  manngemMit  anJ  eiiJAytnaikt  hy  tha  formrf  nf  tiii^t 
cMaIv  wbicb  wAii  on«c  hia  owu,  luurticularly  witlj  rttfarviitn  to  cuttinif  tinibBi, 
llic  dimlvauUi^Bi  fif  ihuit  fi.'ttprliig  [he  (tuminion.  will  ;Lp|iMtr  {Tcatlj  to  jint- 
|>eitil«rsto.  At  bwt^  a  aiittlfmoul  w  a  itpecuklioii  ;  at  wiint,  it  U  tb*  oocuion 
4if  diairon,  praflJi^ujr,  nnJ  duiiiMtiv  iliBc«.>n1.  eiidinK  nnt  unfinjnDiiitlj',  aa 
ibv  Oiaiuiery  Repurta  bear  i«iliii.-n.  in  olntinalo  littpitiiin,  niimniH  lUlkif 
tti  the  |»>Acc  and  to  ibo  |irtj|ieity  uf  tlm  fainilji.  Sivnintinmr  llic  rattisr 
uffwta  iwii  arrangeiiKiiil  iritb  lili  eldoit  nun  uti  hia  comins  of  i^b  ;  th« 
mm  alipuUtinf  (nr  ui  imiuwliata  proviijan  in  iho  «bnjt>>  af  in  annuitf,  the 

faCh«r  far  a,  gmn*  ")tn  In  mtiafj  bii  onHlili<ri>,  or  ti)  jxirtion  hia  jrooDgnr 
uliildtrn.  and  fur  n  nT-nntllomciit  nf  the  entntc.  Hiia  nrnuitccniraiL,  [irr- 
b^w.  ia  brought  about  bjr  tueaua,  or  impoeui  It^mu,  vrbieb,  tu  the  ijv  of 
w)u!tj',  render  It  ■  btud  apnn  the  niD  ;  and  licrc  wc  har«  Miothar  aouree 
of  litigalion.' 

Now,  what  I  liavc  hen  ivad  is  cxnctly  tliat  which  evenrlKidy's 
espFricnce  trIU  uh  ia  tbfc  fact,  uiid  wk  liavi!  ruoctitly  liail  a 
notable  case  which  exnc^tly  rniBwers  to  that  referreii  to  in  the 
litst  ])anigraph  of  IIiIk  Opuiioti.  The  prnctice  of  making 
itetUcniciittJ  of  thiti  description  in  miicphievoui^ — icada  to  nnd- 
les«  litigation — and  sooner  or  later  the  landed  classes  must 
sink  under  it. 

The  InRh  propriefoni  havp  altn  another  difficulty  lo  contend 
with,  and  that  is  their  pxtravngance.  It  is  suid — for  I  cannot 
vouch  for  tlie  fact  myself — that  they  kwp  too  many  honvs 
and  dogs.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  tiiat  an  Irish  gentlt^man 
may  not  spend  his  rent.s  utt  he  jikat^^ ;  but  I  ean  say 
that  he  cannot   bnth    i^-nd    hiK    money   and   have    it    loo. 


lUft. 


fRKLAxn.    ir. 


335 


1  think  if  they  TCoiild  «uit  thetr  ptide  on  one  tiide,  nud  fjo 
honvstly  to  work — if,  iiisteud  of  Uieir  yoirng  men  itptitdln^ 
their  tim«  '  waiting  for  a  commission,'  they  wew  to  gn  intii 
buiiinpeHj  thoy  woiiid  1k>  fur  better  and  more  iiiwftdly  fin- 
ployed,  and  they  would  find  that  thu  \em  humtliatitif;  (-'>n> 
dttioD  of  the  two.  Anoblicr  banc  of  Ireland  i»  the  prevalence 
of  life  iiitepest«  in  landed  projwrty  there.  Under  such  a 
(n'Htem  liif  luiid  can  nttitliLT  he  iin|JTuved  uor  sold.  Now 
what  has  th(>  noble  I»rd  at  the  head  of  the  Govtrnment  done 
towards  grappling  with  all  these  qnc^tionsV  Nothing — ab- 
Bohitely  aotiiing.  I  think  htm  v<;ry  unwine  in  not  propound- 
ing to  himself  the  momentous  question.  'M'hiit  aluill  W*  done 
for  Ireland  V  Th«  right  hon.  Ilaronet  the  Jlember  for 
Tamwortb  has  a  plan.  He  entered  upon  its  outline  ou 
Friday  laiit..  But  I  doubt  whether  it  ha*  yet  taken  thnt 
distinct  form  which  it  muat  aseame  in  onler  that  tlit-  House 
may  fake  oognis&iioe  of  it.  I  admire  aome  of  the  measurm 
which  the  right  ban.  Baronet  intimates  he  would  carrv  into 
effoct,  but  there  are  other  parte  of  his  proposals  which  are 
vague  and  impraetieahle.  I  think,  if  it  is  ix'Iieved  in  Ireland 
that  a  Comtnisfflon  it  to  be  appointed  to  take  charge  of  the 
didtrcKsed  Unions  of  the  nouth  and  west — tliat  the  whole  tiling 
is  to  bo  managed  through  a  new  department  of  the  CJorem- 
ment,  and  all  withtiut  the  Blightt-st  trouble  l«  llie  luadloids — 
that  tJiere  will  he  more  t.han  cv-«r  a  clinging  to  thi«  wretched 
property  in  bankrtipt  estates,  and  moro  thou  ever  an  indis- 
position to  adopt  those  mea«aree  which  are  8titl  open  to  them, 
in  the  direction  in  which  the  right  hou.  Baronet  wishes  to 
proceed. 

Tlie  right  hon.  Baronet  stated  in  his  first  speech  on  this 
topic,  that  he  did  not  wish  the  tranifer  of  property  to  be  hy 
individual  barter ;  and  on  Friday  he  stated  that  he  wuj?  very 
much  averse  to  allowing  matteni  to  go  on  in  their  natural 
noune,  for  by  that  means  land  would  Ijc  uunatiirully  rlieap- 
ened.     Well,  hut  u|>on  what  eouditiona  would  the  right  hon. 


336 


spuEcnsf?  OF  joiry  bjiigitt. 


ATKIt-S. 


Baronet  buy  land  in  Ireland?  u-ould  it  be  itndtT  the  name 
cirt'iiintitatic^fij  mid  at  the  Kaine  ]>rice,  that  he  would  buy  tn 
estate  in  Vorkshire  or  Staffordeliire  ?  If  any  shik-  man  goes  to 
tlie  west  or  south  ui'  Irclaiid  to  ]>ur(;busc  uu  vsUtc,  bv  must 
go  on  account  of  the  cheapness  of  tlie  bargain — n  c)icai>iicss 
wbifli  he  hojHM  will  (^ompt>usut4>  him  Tor  nil  Llie  diitudvaii(a^>s 
to  wliich  111*  must  ni'<'<'ssnrily  be  nubjentt^d  in  s^ich  a  piirohns^e. 
There  cmi  bo  no  redemption  for  Ibwt  part  oi'  Irt-land — if  it 
is  to  be  tbrou^li  the  transfer  of  land — except  bbc  land  take 
its  iiatuml  course,  and  uomc  ko  cheap  into  the  market 
t1tat  EiigtiKbmen  and  Scuti-timen,  and  Irishmen  too  having- 
rapitnl,  will  ha  vvilliDj^  to  purchase  it,  uolwithBtauding-  all 
ita  disadviuiingw.  [Colonel  Piinnc:  'Hear,  hcnTl^j  The 
liott.  Member  for  PortarHngton  cheers  that,  as  if  it  were 
an  ostraiirdinary  statement.  If  the  hon.  Member  prefers 
purcha»ii<f  what  is  dear  to  »-|iat  iH  cheap,  he  is  not  a 
very  sensible  man  to  leg-islute  for  Irelund.  If  he  thiukit  that 
u  man  will  ga  into  Ciahvay  and  pay  as  much  per  acre  for  on, 
etftutc  an  he  would  in  England,  be  is  grt'atly  unKtaLon;  but 
the  feet  in,  I  believe,  that  not  only  Kngliitb  and  Scotck 
eapitulj  but  that  much  Irish  capital  alsu,  would  be  expended 
in  the  ]turrbn»w  of  ustates  in  the  south  and  wcKt,  if  the  ends 
which  the  ri^ht  bon.  Baronet  has  in  view  were  faeilitat^id  by 
this  House. 

But  we  hare  a  case  in  point  which  aHbrdH  us  name  guidance 
Qpon  thiH  question,  nnd  it  is  a  case  witli  which  ihe  right  hou. 
Baronet  the  Mwubcr  for  Tamworth,  and  the  right  hon. 
Baronet  the  Member  for  Ripon,  arc  very  familiar.  I  allude 
to  the  case  of  Stockport  in  1842.  Owing  to  a  rariely  of 
circumslnnei-fi — I  will  not  gt>  into  the  ()iicstion  of  the  Corn-law, 
as  that  is  »ettted — but  owing-  to  a  variety  of  circumstances, 
ftom  1838  to  1843  there  vnts  a  continued  ninking  in  the  eon- 
ditioii  of  Stockport— its  property  depreciated  to  a  lamcutable 
ratcut.  One  man  left  pmi>crty,  a£  lie  thought,  worUi  80,000/. 
or  ^,000/.  Wittiin  two  years  it  gold  for  little  more  than  10,000/. 


1U». 


IRELAND.    17. 


337 


Since  tliat  time  the  hod  of  one  mou,  tben  supposed  to  be  a 
IMirwJu  of  large  ptx>[ierty,  has  had  rclicl"  from  the  parochial 
(\inds.  In  1S42  the  atnoimt  of  the  poor-rate  averaged  from 
7».  to  8jf.  in  the  pound.  From  Novcml)er  4,  1841,  to  Mny  ^jo, 
1841,  the  rated  hivicd  were  (>».  in  the  pound,  realising  the 
amount  of  I9,t44^  From  January  28^  1843.  to  August  3  of 
the  luimt:  yeur,  the  ruU-s  levied  were  7*.  in  the  pound,  »i»d  the 
amount  raised  vntat  21,948/.  And  honr  in  mind  that  a1.  tiiat 
time  Stockport  was  in  proeess  of  depopulation — many  thou- 
sands quitted  the  place — whole  streete  were  left  with  scarcely 
u  tA:nant  in  thetn — some  iiublir-houscs,  previonaly  doing  a  large 
LiiKine»«,  were  let  for  little  more  than  their  rates ;  in  fnct, 
Stockport  Has  as  fair  a  representative  of  distress  amongst  a 
manufflcttiring  community  a*  Mayo,  Galwny,  or  Bny  wesl**™ 
county  of  Iit^land  can  he  at  this  moment  of  dietree«  amongst 
an  MgricultunLl  eommunity. 

Now  what  was  done  in  Stoekpnrt?  Th«re  was  a  Commis- 
fiioQ  of  luquirj-^  which  the  then  Home  Seeietary  appointed. 
They  ma(k<  an  admirable  report,  the  laat  paragrnph  of  which 
onght  to  be  road  by  every  one  ivho  wishes  to  know  the  cha- 
racter of  the  people  of  St,ockport.  Mr.  Twislcton,  sjicaking 
of  t^em,  said  that  they  were  a  noble  people ;  and  truly  the 
exertiona  which  they  made  to  avoid  becoming-  charj^able  upon 
th«  mtee  were  heroic.  Well  now,  nil  this  sufTcring  was  going 
on — the  workhouses  were  crowded,  the  people  were  emigrating, 
there  was  a  gtncnd  desolation,  and  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
harvest  of  184a,  which  was  a  goml  one,  and  the  gradual 
recovery  of  trade  wtiich  foltoived,  nothing  in  Trukud  can  be 
worse  tlian  the  condition  of  Stockport  would  have  been.  What 
was  the  result?  Property  wns  greatly  dcpr«cifltcd,  and  much  of 
itctianged  hand».  Somethin^^likehairtbe  manufacturers  failed, 
and,  of  euurse,  gave  up  business  ijtogcther.  My  hon.  Friend 
the  Member  for  Stockport  purchased  property  in  the  borough 
at  that  ]>eriod,  and  since  then  he  hai^  laid  out  not  far  short  of 
a  hundred  tliousand  pounds,  in  a  very  Urge  manufactoring 
TOL.  I.  K 


338 


SPEf!ClIKS  OF  JOUN  niUGUT. 


AFXIL  2, 


establitshtnt^iit  in  ttiut  town.  In  fact,  the  pursoiix  who  are 
now  carrying  on  the  rasnufacliiring  liiixineBs  in  Stockport  are 
of  ii  moiH3  uubi^taiitial  ehumctiT  tlian  tb(we  who  wiTt-  iiWO)it 
away  by  Ibe  calamities  of  184a,  Tbis  ii;  u  vt-ry  sorrowful 
pn^cesa.  I  <!&n  feci  u  much  for  thi)ei-  pcr&ons  a»  any  mui; 
but  we  iniut  all  eiibmit  to  circumstanees  mieh  ns  tlieine  when 
thpy  ('omc. 

There  nrc  vicissitudes  in  all  <>liutie«  of  sf)dct}',  nnd  iu  nil 
ot'ciipations  in  which  we  may  engage;  and  when  we  have, 
uii  now  in  Irclanti,  a  slnU*  of  lhing« — o  grievous  caUmity 
not  efjiialled  nndpv  the  siin,— it  is  tlic  duty  of  this  House 
not  tu  iut4.>rfuru  with  the  orjiuiiry  !iud  iintuml  eounw  of 
roincdy,  and  not  to  flinch  fram  what  is  neoessnry  for  tlie 
eafety  of  the  jicoptc  by  reason  of  any  oiistiiken  cympalhy 
with  the  owners  nf  cotton  inllU  or  with  the  proprietors  of 
landed  entateH.  NwWj  1  want  I'arliumeiit  to  remove  every 
ubfitacle  in  the  iray  of  the  free  Kile  of  land,  t  believe 
that  iu  this  policy  lies  the  only  security  you  have  for  tlio 
rc»toratiou  of  the  diatre»«ed  districts  of  Ireland.  The  (luestioD 
of  a  i'arlinmcntary  title  is  most  inijiortant;  but  I  understand 
that  the  difficulty  of  this  arises  from  the  system  of  entails 
Ijeyond  persons  now  livin;^,  and  l)ec>nnBe  you  must  ^  bitek 
through  a  long  search  of  nixty  years  before  you  can  make 
it  quite  clear  that  tlie  title  is  absolutely  secure,  llie  right 
hoD.  Baronet  the  Member  for  Tamworth  BUgge»ted  tliat 
the  Lord  Chiutcdlor  flhould  be  ousted.  I  propOBOtl  ImI 
year  that  there  Kboiild  be  a  uow  court  established  in  Ire- 
laud,  for  the  adjudicatiuu  of  caseR  connected  with  land,  and 
for  no  other  pur{>U8C,  and  that  it  should  thus  rulicvv  tbe 
prt»ent  courte  trom  miicli  of  the  business  with  which  they 
are  now  encuuibured.  But  I  du  luit  say  tliat  evcu  such 
a  court  would  effect  much  good,  unless  it  were  very  mudi 
more  s[>ecdy  to  its  operations  than  the  existing  ounrts.  I 
believe  that  the  present  Lord  Chancellor  is  admitted  to  be 
ati  good  a  Judge  as  ever  sat  in  the  Court  of  Chancery;  but 


1819. 


IRSLASn,    IV. 


339 


lie  is  ratlicj-  timid  iix  a  Minisier,  »qi1  iucrt  as  u  ylutcsiuan ; 
and,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  he  wao  In  a  great  meaiiure  respoti- 
eililo  for  the  failure  of  thf  Bill  for  faoilitatiug  the  sale  of 
eut'Uraberod  estates  last  Syssiou.  TVie  Government  must 
bav«  knomi,  as  n^cU  oji  I  do,  that  such  a  meuurc  could 
not  siuxwed,  anti  that  the  (^laiixe  whicli  waa  introduced 
— on  tlie  thtril  reading,  I  liolieve — made  it  impoasililc  to 
nork  it. 

Then?  is  another  point,  with  rej^rd  to  intestate  csttttcs.  1 
fwl  how  tenderly  one  mnst  apcalc,  in  this  House,  upon  a  quett- 
tioit  like  \}a\*.  Even  the  ri^ht  huti.  MeinWr  fur  Taiuworth, 
witli  all  his  aiithority,  apprarvtl,  irhrn  tAuchin^  on  this  delicate 
question  of  the  land,  a»  if  lie  were  walking  upon  eggs  which 
he  was  very  muuh  afruid  nf  braaking.  I  certainly  iiover  heaid 
the  rij»ht  hon.  Genttcninn  steer  through  eo  many  Biuuositiw 
in  a  eafic ;  and  hardly,  at  lii«t,  dared  he  eome  tu  the  question^ 
because  he  wa»  talking  uhuut  land — this  xacred  land  I  I  he- 
lievc  land  to  have  nothing  peculiar  in  ite  tiiiturc  wliieli  does  not 
liolong  Xa  other  [miporty;  and  everything  that  we  have  done 
with  the  new  of  treating  land  diilercntly  from  other  property 
bos  been  a  blunder — a  false  coiirdo  which  we  must  retrace — 
an  error  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  very  niuch  of  the 
pauperism  and  want  of  employment  which  so  generally  ]>revail. 
Now,  with  regani  t^i  intestate  CKtaten,  I  am  told  that  the  House 
of  Iiordx  will  never  repeal  the  lav  of  [mmogt-nitiiTc ;  but  I 
do  uot  want  tliem  to  repcul  the  law  of  priinogeniture  iii  the 
acuse  entertained  by  some  people.  I  do  not  want  tliem  to 
enact  the  «y»teni  of  France,  by  u'hicli  a  division  of  property 
iti  eoiQpelted.  I  think  that  to  force  the  division  of  property 
by  law  is  just  lu  contrary  to  sound  principles  and  natnral 
rights  as  to  [irevetit  its  division,  as  is  dwue  by  our  law.  If 
n  iniiu  choose  to  act  the  unnatural  and  abxnrd  part  of 
leanng  the  whole  of  lus  property  to  one  child,  I  should 
not,  Certainly,  look  with  respect  upon  his  memory;  but  X 
would  not  interfere  to  prevent  the  free  exercise  of  his  will. 

t.  a 


340 


UPBEf'UES  OF  JOHN  DRtOHT. 


Kniv  S. 


I  think,  however,  if  a  man  die  by  chance  tvithout  n  will, 
tbat  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  eot  a  high  moml 
example,  and  to  divide  the  property  cquall)'  among  the 
cbildren  of  the  ibriner  owner,  or  among  those  who  maj 
be  said  to  be  Itiii  helis — amon^  thofie,  in  Ihet,  who  would 
fairly  pnrtieipiite  in  hi«  persoiuil  estate.  If  thnt  nystem  of 
leaving  uU  to  the  eldest  were  followed  out  in  thy  eiuto  of 
pcreoualty,  it  would  lead  to  immi-diutv  confusion,  uud,  by 
destroying  the  whole  social  system,  to  a  perfect  anarchy  of 
property.  Why,  tlipii,  Bhould  that  eoarse  be  followed  with 
regard  to  land  'f  Tlie  rep<«il  nf  the  taw  wnuUI  not  of  neoeft- 
fiity  destroy  the  eufltom ;  but  this  House  would  no  longer 
give  its  sanutiou  to  a  practice  which  is  badj  and  1  be- 
lieve tliat  gradually  there  would  be  a  more  just  appre- 
ciation of  their  duties  in  this  resjtect  by  the  great  body  of 
testators. 

Then,  with  regard  to  life  interests ;  1  would  make  on  altera- 
tion there.  I  think  that  Uii.--uwnen<  should  be  allowed  to 
grant  Icunes — of  course,  only  on  tinch  inrmn  as  should  ensure 
the  suoceaeor  frota  fraud — and  tlmt  e^tatos  sliould  1)«  per- 
mitted to  be  charged  with  the  sanis  which  were  expended 
ill  their  improvement-  Next,  with  regard  to  the  registry  of 
laud.  In  many  ICuropeoiii  muntrics  this  is  done;  and  high 
legal  authoriticH  afErm  that  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  ao- 
eomplish  it  in  this  country.  Yuu  have  your  Ordnance  Survey. 
To  make  the  Survey  ncecssar}'  for  a  perfect  registry  of  deeds 
thronghout  the  kingdom,  would  not  c4st  more  than  <)d.  an 
acre ;  and  if  you  hud  your  plans  engraved,  it  would  be  no 
great  addition  to  the  expense.  There  can  be  no  reason  why 
the  landowners  should  nut  liave  tlmt  advantage  conferred 
upon  them,  beeause,  in  addition  to  the  public  benefit,  it 
would  increase  the  value  of  their  UrncU  by  in^vcral  years'  pur- 
chase. Mr,  Senior  lias  stat«--d,  that  if  tlicrt-  were  the  same  ready 
means  for  tlie  tnuisfer  of  land  as  at  present  exist  for  the 
transfer  of  personalty,  the  value  of  laud  would  be  increased. 


18«B. 


JKELANIK     IV. 


841 


if  I  mUtalce  not,  hy  nine  ycai-s'  pnrcba«e.  Tliii;  is  u  siiljjwt 
wliioli  1  would  rvcommend  to  the  hoii.  Meinl)cr  for  Ruolcing- 
bumsliin:,  now  distiogxiished  as  the  advocate  of  the  limdol 
interest. 

Then  xvitU  reg:anl  U>  trtamps,  I  think  that  they  might  be 
reducedj  at  any  rate  for  a  number  of  vcstk.  to  a  nominal 
omouDt.  In  fflct,  t  woul<]  make  uny  eiwrifice  for  th«  purpose 
of  clian^lng-  land  from  thv  hunils  of  insolwnt  anil  cmbarnu^L-d 
owners  into  those  of  solvent  porsoiia,  who  wmilil  employ  it 
in  a  manner  xisefiilly  anil  ndvntitAgeously  to  the  comitry  and 
tliemselvos.  T]i«ro  is  aiiuther  pro[)osjtion  with  regard  to  tlie 
wnste  Innds  of  Ireland.  Tlie  Governinent  miulo  n  proposnl 
last  year  for  obtaining  those  waste  lands,  and  bringing:  them 
into  cultivution.  That  I  thougrht  injudiciou».  But  thuy 
mi^ht  take  thoHc  landu  at  a  valuation,  and,  dividing'  them 
into  farinti  and  4.>titAto6  of  muderato  size,  uilght  lt>inpt  ptir- 
cbaaors  from  different  pnrts  of  the  Unit«d  Kingdom.  By  aueh 
means  I  believe  that  n  large  proportion  of  the  beet  of  the 
wwte  !andri  might  bo  brought  into  cultivation.  1  believe  that 
these  are  the  only  meanit  by  which  capital  can  be  attracted 
to  that  coimtry- 

The  noble  Lord  at  the  head  of  the  Government  proposes 
to  attract  capital  to  iTcland  by  a  maximTnn  rate  and  a  chargi: 
tipon  the  Unionn.  [f  Lhat  maximum  rate  be  all  you  have  to 
propose,  there  will  bi*  no  more  probability  of  capital  llowing 
into  thate  parts  of  Ireland  where  it  is  w>  much  required,  than 
there  was  at  the  time  when  the  poor-rate  was  unknown. 
Tlie  right  lion.  Gentleman  the  Member  for  Tamwortli  K]>ok« 
about  emigration;  nml  I  think  that  lie  was  rather  unjust, 
or  at  least  unwise,  in  his  obsen'jitinns  with  reganl  to  voluntary 
©migration.  Thiiig«  that,  are  done  voluntarily  are  not  always 
done  well ;  neither  ara  things  that  are  done  by  the  Gorern- 
DUtnt;  mnd  I  know  many  ea6e«  where  Oovernineub  undcr- 
lAkings  have  failed  aa  eminently  as  any  that  have  been  at- 
tempted by  private  enterjirise.     But  it  dom  not  ap]>ear  to 


342 


SPEBCnES  OF  JOUN  BRIGUT. 


ATBIbS, 


Die  that  there  is  much  nriHilom  in  the  project  of  cmittTatiuD, 
altbougli  I  know  Uiat  some  hon.  Gentlemen  from  IrelanJ  place 
great  fait.li  in  it  as  a  remedy.  I  bave  wnleavourcd  to  ascertain 
what  is  tlic  relation  of  tljc  popnlatinn  to  tiie  Ijuid  m  Ireland, 
and  this  \»  what  1  find.  In  speaking:  of  the  Clit<leti  UuioQ, 
the  ln8])e(!t(irs  state — 

'  In  coocliiiinn.  we  l>i>g  to  oBor  oar  inatuivil  upiiiioii  tlint  ilie  reiources  of 
the  Union  wrouM,  U  tnide  nvnlliibte,  lie  amjily  HuRJcicnt  for  tlm  tnHopmdmt 
eupport  of  its  popuUbbn.' 

Mr.  Hamilton,  who  was  examined  before  the  Cmnmittw!  of 
whiL-h  I  am  a  member,  eaid,  e|iealnn^  of  the  Unions  of  Done- 
gal and  Glenties— 

'Tli«niLin<j  over-iJutiuUtluii,  irthntv  Uninns,  uoorAngtotiitiraafwI'ititiM, 
ffon  cultivnleJ  lu  tliir  nvcEraee  of  Eit^flltli  ouuntiN,  fritb  tlw  mat*  iikill  and 

I3li]lllll],' 

Aiid  Mr.  Twislotoa  said— 

't  dill  not  "[loiik  >-i  u  nidtiiiilfkiil  popuUtion  It)  McroDoe  to  kud,  onlj 
to  (M.pSUl.  Tliir  laatl  of  InlanU  could  mkintaia  double  iu  prewnt  popu- 
Ution.' 

Then,  ir  that,  be  the  ease,  I  am  not  finite  ocrtain  that  wc 
should  be  wi^e  in  raising  exiras  of  money  to  enable  tlic  people 
to  emigrate.  The  oiMtt  of  trannporiiiif^  a  family  tn  ATi.«traliii, 
oT  even  to  Canada,  ift  coaridemble ;  .^nd  tli«  i|ue«tiun  \s, 
^v'hetber,  with  tbe  means  which  it  would  require  to  eonvn^ 
them  to  a  distant  shore,  they  might  not  be  more  profitably 
employed  at  home. 

I  probably  shall  be  told  tliat  I  proj)osc  schemes  nliicli 
are  a  great  iaterfereucc  witb  the  rig-hte  of  projwriy.  My 
opinion  is  that  nothing  ean  be  a  jfieat^r  interfewnco  and 
iiifriugemont  of  the  rig^its  of  property  than  the  laws  whicli 
retfubte  prop*;rly  now.  1  think  that  the  lamlowiitTs  arc 
under  an  impression  that  they  have  been  maintainiujf  jfreat 
influence,  jxilitical  power,  an  herediLuy  »risrt<KTacv,  and  alt 
thoBO  other  armngwmeols  which  some  think  should  never  Iw 


IMS. 


I  It  ELAND.     ly. 


343 


named  wiUiuiit  raverence  and  awe;  that  they  have  Lk-cd 
a(X!iit<tom«4l  to  look  at  thew  things,  nnd  to  fiiDcy  that 
Ihey  arc  worth  the  price  thrj  pay  for  them.  1  am  of 
opinion  tliat  tlie  diHidvautafi^  under  which  those  righto 
lahnur  tlmiti^hnut  the  Uailcil  Km^lom  are  extreme;  i>ut 
in  Ireland  tho  dii^advanta^e  art}  followed  by  reoulte  not. 
known  in  this  eomitry. 

You  ('peak  oi  interference  with  property ;  hnt  I  ai^k  n-hat 
hecomes  of  the  property  of  the  poor  man,  which  oonaists  of 
UiH  labour?  Take  thoite  4,000,000  jwrsons  who  live  in  tha 
diiitTeiH>d  diiitnctii,  as  dct«ribod  by  the  nj^ht  hon.  Roronet  the 
Member  for  Tamworth.  Their  projicrty  in  labour  is  almost 
totally  destroyed.  There  they  are— men  whom  God  made 
and  pLTmittcd  to  come  into  this  world,  cnilowcd  with  factiltic* 
like  otiri^Ives,  but  who  aiv  unuble  to  maintain  theni^elvc^t.aud 
mnst  cither  starre  or  live  upon  others,  Tlio  interference  xvith 
thi'ir  property  has  been  cnormons — so  great  ae  absolutely  to 
destroy  il.  Now,  1  ask  the  lundloidft  uf  Ireland,  whether 
livinff  in  tlic  atat*  in  which  they  have  lived  for  ymrs  is 
not.  infinitely  worse  than  that  which  I  have  proposed  for 
them  ?  Tlireatoninp  letleni  by  the  post  at  broakfast-timc — 
now  and  then  the  aim  of  the  aseosbUi — poor-rates  which  are 
a  g-rit'vouB  intcrfcrvnci!  willi  tlie  ti^\\iis  of  property,  and  this 
rate  in  aid,  which  the  Rentlemen  of  Ulster  declare  to  ]>e 
directly  opposed  to  all  the  rights  of  property — what  can 
be  worse? 

I  sliall  be  told  that  I  am  injuring  aristocratical  and  terri- 
torial influence.  VMiat  in  thnt  In  Ii-climd  worth  to  you  now  ? 
What  id  Ireland  worth  tu  you  at  all  ?  Is  she  not  the  very 
symbol  and  token  of  your  dii<gTace  and  hnmiliation  to  the 
whole  world  ?  Ib  she  not  an  incessant  trouble  to  your  Lefjis- 
lature,  and  the  source  of  iucrcai<cd  ex|)Ctu«c  to  your  people, 
alrendy  nvrt^taxod  ?  \»  not  your  legislation  all  ut  fault  in 
what  it  has  hitherto  done  for  that  country-  ?  Tlie  people  of 
UUtcr  say  that  wc  shall  weaken  the  Union.     It  has  been 


344 


aPEECUES  OF  JOUif  BRIGHT. 


*nuL  2, 


one  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  ]e^«latitin  of  this  nou8e  that 
there  tias  l>i>«n  no  hoDost  aUvmpt  to  make  a  uuiuu  witJi  the 
whole  people  of  Ireland  up  to  thie  tim&.  Wc  Lave  had  a  union 
with  Ulster,  but  ttierc  has  bceu  no  union  with  the  whole  people 
of  Ireland,  and  tliere  never  can  l>e  a  uuion  bel\irecn  the 
Goremment  and  the  people  whilst  suoh  a  Etat»  of  things 
cxistfi  as  has  for  many  jears  poat  prevailed  in  the  eoiitli  and 
west  of  Irolitnd. 

The  condition  of  Ireland  at  this  momeat  is  this — the  rich 
arc  menaced  with  ruin,  and  ruin  from  which,  in  their  preseot 
course,  they  caiinot  escape ;  whil»t  the  poor  aif  menaced  with 
Bturvution  aiid  death.  Tliero  are  hon.  Geutlemcu  in  this 
UouM,  and  there  are  other  landed  proprietors  in  IwIanJ, 
who  are  as  admirable  in  the  pcrformuucc  of  all  their  eodal 
duticH  flK  any  men  to  be  found  in  any  pari  of  Oie  world.  We 
have  had  brilliant  exampW  mentioned  In  tliiii  House;  but 
thoGO  men  thcmselven  are  euQerini^^  their  characters  to  be 
damaged  by  the  present  condition  of  Ireland,  and  are 
undergoing;  u  procciis  which  must  end  in  their  own  ruin; 
because  this  demoralii^ition  and  pauj^erisatiun  will  go  on  in 
an  extending  circle,  and  will  engulf  the  whale  pixiperty  of 
Ireland  id  oho  common  ruin,  unloM  eomcthing  more  be  done 
than  passing  poor-kws  and  proposing-  rat«6  in  aid. 

Sir,  if  ever  there  were  an  opportunity  for  a  8tale«nuiu,  it 
is  iJiis.  This  is  the  hour  undoubtedly,  and  wc  want  the  man. 
Thu  noble  Tjord  at  the  lieud  uf  the  Guvb>mment  has  done 
many  things  for  his  ountrj',  for  which  I  thank  him  as 
heartily  as  any  man — he  has  shown  on  isomo  occasioas  aa 
much  moral  courage  as  it  is  neceeaaiy,  in  the  etjtte  of  public 
opinion,  upon  any  c^ui'stion,  for  a  Ktatetiman  to  show;  but  I 
have  been  much  disappointed  that,  upon  this  Irish  question, 
he  has  Beemed  to  ^irink  frora  a  full  consideratioD  of  the 
difficulty,  and  &om  a  resolutioa  to  meet  it  fairly.  The 
character  of  the  present,  the  ehnrader  of  any  Government 
under   such  circumatauces,  miut    be    at    stake.     The   noble 


184ft. 


IKEIAXJJ.     iV. 


844 


Lord  cannot,  in  his  positioR,  remain  inactive.  Ijet  him  be 
as  inaooout  as  he  may,  he  can  never  justify  himself  (o  the 
country,  or  to  the  world,  or  to  posterity,  if  he  remains  at 
the  hciul  of  thit;  Imperial  Ije^slattire  and  is  still  unable,  or 
unwitting,  to  bring-  fanvard  meaeurea  for  Ibe  restoration  of 
Ireland.  I  would  addroK  tlie  sume  lan^o^  also  to  the 
noble  Ijord  at  tiie  head  of  the  Irish  Government,  ffho  has 
wuu,  I  must  i;ay,  tho  admiration  of  the  population  of  tlita 
ooantiy  for  the  temper  iind  manner  in  whioh  he  has  admini»- 
hn'ed  the  govenimcat  of  Iruland.  But  he  muet  bear  in  mind 
that  it  m  not  the  highest  eflort  of  statesmanship  to  prcservo 
the  peace  in  a  country  where  lliere  are  very  few  men  anxious 
to  go  to  war,  and  to  preserve  tlie  peace,  too,  with  50,000 
anned  men  at  his  command,  and  the  whole  power  of  this 
empiru  to  back  him.  All  that  may  be  necessary,  and  paooe 
at  nil  ha7^nlii  muiit  be  secured;  but  if  that  distin^iiriied 
Kublemau  itit«iid»  to  be  known  hereafter  as  u  (itattiB< 
man  with  r^nrd  to  his  rule  m  Ireland,  he  rnnut  be  pre- 
pared to  eoggeet  mcasurce  to  Uic  Goremmcnt  of  a  more 
pmettcal  and  directly  operative  character  than  any  he  has 
yet  inltiat»L 

Sir,  I  am  achamed,  I  must  say,  of  the  course  which  we 
have  taken  upon  this  quoation.  Lnok  at  that  great  sub- 
ecription  tlut  wia  raised  three  years  ago  for  Ireland.  There 
was  scarcely  a.  part  of  the  globe  firom  which  subeciiptions 
did  not  come.  The  Pope,  as  was  very  natural,  unbEwribed — 
the  liond  of  the  great  Mahometan  empire,  the  Grand  Seigiiior, 
sent  his  thousand  pounda — the  uttermost  parts  of  the  ejirth 
scut  in  their  donations.  A  tribe  of  Bed  In<tians  on  the 
American  continent  stent  their  mibBcription ;  and  I  have  it 
on  good  authority  that  even  tlie  slaves  on  \  jilantation  in  one 
of  the  Ci^rolina*  subscribed  th«ir  sorrowful  mite  that  the 
miseries  of  Ireland  might  be  relicAi'cd.  The  whole  world 
looked  U[)on  the  condition  of  Ireland,  and  helped  to  mitigate 
bcr  miscricK.      What  can  wc  euy  to  all  those  contributois, 


34€ 


si'EEi'uas  or  Jons  brwut. 


AraibS. 


who,  now  (hat  tho^  lmY«  puid,  must  be  niixioiis  to  know  if 
anyttiiujf  is  done  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  these  uilaniitlys ? 
Wo  muBt  tell  llictn  ivith  bliiKhoe  that  nothing  hns  )>efiii  dont>, 
bet  that  wc  oro  Etill  gating  on  with  the  poor>rat«s,  and  that, 
buviu^  exliau^ttil  liie  patioQOC  oi'  the  people  of  J^n^hind  in 
Farliamcntary  grants,  we  are  coming  now  with  rates  in  aid, 
restritfled  altogether  lo  the  pnijierty  of  Ireland.  That  is 
what  wp  have  U\  t«II  Ihem ;  whilst  we  have  t«  aclmow- 
\ei\^  that  our  CoDstitution,  boasted  of  oa  it  biut  been  tor 
gi'ncraliouB  past,  utterly  feils  U>  grapi'le  with  this  great 
<jH08tion. 

Uou.  Gc'UtlcnM^ii  Utni  with  trinniph  to  noighboiiring  ooun- 
triee,  and  «peak  in  plowing  tprmn  of  our  (jlorioiia  Conatitu- 
tinn.  It  is  true,  that  abrued  thrones  aud  d^'uofttio!  Imvc  been 
overturned,  whilnt  in  Eng-tand  pence  ha«  reigned  nndinturhed. 
But  take  all  the  livi«  tbat  have  Iwen  lost  in  the  last  twelve 
months  in  Europe  amidst  tlic  oonvHlsionR  that  have  oocurrod 
— take  all  the  coss^atJon  of  trade,  the  de«»tTuction  of  industry, 
all  the  CTiishing  of  ho|i«!  and  hwirle,  and  Ui«y  will  n&t 
compare  for  an  insta.nt  with  the  agonies  whieh  have  Iwcn 
endured  by  tliu  population  of  Ireland  under  your  glorious 
Cnnetitutinn.  And  tbero  arc  those  who  now  say  that  thin 
ia  the  ordering  of  Provident.  I  met  an  Irish  ^-entlcman  the 
other  uighl,  and,  :<peak!u^  upon  the  sul)jiK;t,  he  tuanl  that 
ho  mw  no  remedy,  bat  that  it  seemed  sm  if  the  prcnent  slate 
of  things  were  iJie  mode  by  whicti  Providence  intended  to 
mIvo  the  ijuwtioii  of  Irish  difRndties.  But  let  us  not  lay 
thwe  calamities  at  the  door  of  Providcnoo;  it  were  sinful  in 
ns,  of  all  men,  to  do  bo.  GxmI  hae  bleeecd  Ireland — nnd  does 
still  blctw  h<^T — in  posittoD,  in  soil,  in  climate;  He  haa  not 
withdm\m  His  [iromiecs,  nor  aro  they  nnfidfilled;  there  w 
etil!  the  sunshine  and  the  ehoworj  Btill  tlie  seed-time  and 
the  har\-e«t;  and  the  affluent  boeom  nf  Ibe  earth  yet  oOert) 
BUstraonce  For  man.  lint  man  must  do  his  part — we  must 
do  oar  part — we   must  retrace   onr  8te[Mi — we   mual  ttbim 


1849.  IRELAND.    IV.  347 

the  blunders,  and,  I  would  even  say,  the  Crimea  of  onr 
past  legislation.  We  must  free  the  land,  and  then  we  shall 
discover,  and  not  till  then,  that  industiy,  hopeful  and  re- 
munerated— industry,  free  and  inviolate,  is  the  only  sure 
foundation  on  which  can  be  reared  the  enduring  edifice  of 
union  and  of  peace. 


:&i©£j5^:— ■ 


IRELAND. 

V. 

HABEAS  CORPUS  SUSPENSION  BILL. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  FEBRUARY  17,  1866. 

[The  Feni&o  Conspincy  and  thre>tetied  Insuirection  Id  Ireland  compelled 
the  Government  to  introduce  &  Bill  to  nupend  the  Habeu  Corpus 
Act.  It  waa  brought  in  auddenlj,  the  House  meeting  on  Saturday  to 
oonsider  it.] 

I  OWE  an  apology  to  the  Irish  Memhera  for  stepping'  in 
to  make  an  observation  to  the  House  on  this  question.  My 
strong  interest  in  the  affairs  of  their  country,  ever  since 
I  came  into  Parliament,  will  be  my  sufficient  excuse.  The 
Secretary  of  State,  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  which 
he  is  a  Member,  has  called  us  together  on  an  unusual  day 
and  at  an  unusual  hour,  to  consider  a  proposition  of  the 
greatest  magnitude,  and  which  we  are  informed  is  one  of 
extreme  urgency.  If  it  be  so,  I  hope  it  will  not  be  under- 
stood that  we  are  here  merely  to  carry  out  the  behests  of 
the  Administration;  and  that  we  are  to  be  permitted,  if 
we  choose,  to  discuss  this  measure,  and  if  possible  to  say 
something  which  may  mitigate  the  apparent  harshness  of 
the  course  which  the  Government  feels  itself  compelled  to 
pursue. 


350 


SPEECHES  OF  JOinV  BRIGffT. 


FKB.  I7r 


It  is  now  more  than  twentj^-two  years  eiDce  I  was  first 
permitted  to  take  my  seat  in  this  Uous«.  Duricg'  that 
lime  I  have  on  many  occasionB,  with  gnul  favom',  bwii 
allowed  to  address  it,  init  I  declare  tliat  during  the  whole 
of  that  pL-riod  I  have  never  risen  t<i  speak  here  under  eo 
strong  a  feeling,  as  a  Member  of  the  House,  of  Rhame  and 
of  humiliation,  aa  that  by  which  I  find  myevlf  oppressed  at 
thi»  moment.  The  SL-cretary  of  State  proiJOscs— iw  the  right 
hon.  Gentleman  himself  lias  naid — to  deprive  no  Inconsidenibte 
[lorliun  of  the  Kttbjccts  of  tlio  ClueeQ — our  eonntrymen,  within 
theTJiiitt'd  Kingdom — of  thi' commoiiest,  of  th«  mort  precious, 
and  of'thi;  most  &aercd  right  of  the  Kngliiih  Cobstitutiou,  the 
right  to  their  personal  frre-dom.  From  the  statement  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  it  in  cle4ir  that  tliis  is  not  aslced  to  he  done, 
or  required  to  he  done,  with  reference  only  to  n  small  neetion 
of  the  Irish  people.  He  has  named  groat  coimtiee,  wide  dis- 
tncta,  whole  pTOTiD«eSj  over  which  lhi«  alleged  and  undoubted 
disulfecLivu  lius  Kjircad,  and  has  propo^cil  that  five  or  six 
milh'onN  of  the  inhabit;) nts  of  the  United  Kingdom  shall 
siiffLT  the  loss  of  that  right  of  [ic-ixonal  frw-dom  that  i-; 
guaranteed  to  all  Her  Majcety'a  subject*  by  the  Courtitution 
of  theee  realms. 

Now,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Secretary  of  State  has 
overrtatecl  hw  ease  fur  the  ]'ur[JOBe  of  indueiug  the  House 
to  eonsciit  to  his  pntpositinn,  ]  believe  that  if  the  majority 
of  the  people  of  Ireland,  counted  fairly  ont,  had  Ihcit  will, 
and  if  they  had  the  power,  they  would  unmoor  the  ii^land 
from  ittt  riwteningH  in  the  deep,  and  move  it  at  least  2,000 
mitefl  to  the  West.  And  I  believe,  further,  tlint  if  by  cod- 
apimey,  or  insurrection,  or  by  that  open  agitation  to  whii-h 
alone  I  ever  would  give  any  favour  or  cinisciit,  they  could 
shake  off  the  nutlierity,  I  will  not.  say  of  the  Mnglifih  Cmwn, 
but  of  the  Imperial  Parliament,  they  would  gladly  do  so. 

Au  hou.  Member  from  Irulatid  a  few  niglifai  ago  referred 
to  the  charaeter  of  the  Irish  people.     lie  said,  and  I  believe 


1880. 


/RELAXD.     V. 


S51 


it  is  true,  that  tliere  U  uo  ChrulitiD  uation  witb  which  \vc 
tUK  acquainted  amongst  the  people  of  which  cn'tne  of  tli« 
onUtiury  chiirnc1«r,  iw  ivv  reckon  it  in  tlii»  cotiotr)',  iti  »> 
rare  as  it  is  amongst  hie  oountrymen.  He  might  have 
8ui(],  also,  that  Uicru  is  no  people — whatover  they  may  be 
at  home — muru  induiitnous  than  his  countrymen  in  every 
otli^r  country  but  their  uvru.  He  might  have  t«id  more ; 
that  they  are  a  people  of  a  cheerful  utid  joyuuti  temperu- 
moit.  Uc  mig^tit  h«vc  suid  more  tli&u  this — that  they  are 
ftiii^tilarly  gratcfti!  for  kindn&iHce  shown  to  them,  and  that 
of  all  tile  [tL-ople  of  uur  rate  tliL-y  arc  (ilk-d  with  the  i-trnngi-sb 
eciiliiiicDt  of  veneration. 

Aud  yet,  with  «uch  mutcrialB  and  with  such  a  people,  ufter 
ccuturies  of  govenuncut—uftor  Bixly-iive  yeare  of  goverameiit 
hy  this  House — ^j-ou  liavc  tlnim  emhittcred  againnt  your  nih-, 
and  anxious  only  to  throw  off  the  authority  uf  the  Crown  aud 
Queen  of  tlirae  realnut.  Now,  tbta  is  not  a  single  occaanon  we 
are  dittciiei^iiijoi'.  This  is  merely  an  qccmtsb  of  the  complaint 
Ireland  has  been  $atfenng  tmder  during  the  lifetime  of  the 
oldust  nuia  in  this  Hniiiif,  that  of  dironiu  iasiim.-ction.  No 
man  can  deny  tlii».  I  dare  say  a  large  number  of  tlie 
Memlxiix  of  tluH  Housu,  ut  the  t!me  t«  which  l\w  rijjlit  hou. 
Member  for  Buclcinghamshirc  r»'fi'rTe<l,  hcnrd  the  aame  s]>eech 
oa  the  same  suhject,  from  the  game  Minister  to  whom  we 
have  liKtcued  to-day.  [Sir  G.  Grey:  *No!']  I  certainly 
thong-ht  I  hpard  the  right  hon.  Gentleman  the  Secr»;tary  of 
State  for  the  Honid  Dcpartmeut  make  a  speech  befurp  on  the 
Bamc  (jncstion,  hut  he  was  a  Afinlster  of  the  Govemmrat  on 
whose  behalf  a  simihir  speech  wat>  made  on  the  occasion 
referred  lo,  nml  no  donht  concurred  in  every  word  thai  wus 
utlen?d  by  bis  Colleague. 

Sixty-6ve  yean-  ago  tltitt  country  and  this  Parliament  under- 
took to  govern  Ireland.  I  will  say  nothing  of  the  manner  in 
which  that  duty  wiui  bnnighb  upuu  us — except  litis — that  it 
was  hy  proceedings  dit^gntceful  and  i^>rrupt  to  the  last  degree. 


3S2 


SPBRCllBS  OP  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


m.  17, 


I  will  BUy  nothinjrof  the  ]irt»toui'es  uiMler  wliicli  it  was  broug-ht 
sluout  but  this — Ihnt  the  Eiig'lifih  Parliament  and  puople,  anil 
the  Irish  pwiple  too,  were  told,  that  if  they  once  got  rid  of  the 
Imh  Furliament  lli(>y  would  dethrone  for  «Ter  Irish  factious, 
and  that  with  a  united  Parliumeiitwe  should  become  a  uiiit^^d, 
and  stronger,  and  hnppier  people.  During  these  eixty-five 
years — and  on  this  point  I  ask  for  the  attention  of  the  riff  lit 
lion.  GciitlL'muQ  (Mr.  Disraeli)  who  bus  juet  spoken — there 
are  only  three  coneiderable  measures  whirh  Parliament  has 
passed  in  the  interestit  of  Ireland.  One  of  thein  was  tJie 
meiuure  of  1839,  for  the  cmnncipntioii  of  the  Catholtoti  nnd 
to  permit  them  to  have  eoats  in  this  House.  But  that 
measure,  so  just,  tio  iieaential,  and  whick,  of  courM*  is  not 
ever  to  be  reoillcd,  was  a  measure  which  the  chief  Minister 
of  the  day,  a  great  efjldior,  and  a  great  judge  of  militiry 
matters,  admitted  wnB  pncisod  under  the  meiiiLGe  of,  and 
only  becBUfiO  of,  the  danger  of  civil  war.  The  other  two 
measures  to  which  I  lutve  referred  are  that  for  the  relief  of 
the  ponr,  and  that  for  the  sale  nf  the  incttmbi-red  estutex; 
and  thu)(e  measures  were  iutrwbiRed  to  the  Iloiixe  and  parsed 
throuffh  the  House  in  tbe  emei^ney  of  a  famine  mora 
severe  than  any  thnt  has  desolated  ain*  Christian  comitry  of 
the  world  within  the  last  fmir  hundred  years. 

Except  on  these  two  emergcncieM  1  appeal  to  every  Irish 
Member,  and  to  every  Englitih  Afemlwr  \v\u\  bas  [«id  any 
attention  to  the  matter,  whether  the  Rtat«ment  is  not  true 
that  this  Parliament  has  done  nothing  for  the  i>eoplc  of 
Ireland.  And,  more  than  tliat,  their  oouiplaints  have  been 
met — complaints  of  thi-ir  KufTeringit  have  been  met — ofleu 
by  denial,  often  by  inmlt,  o(\en  by  contempt.  And  within 
the  last  few  years  wo  have  heard  from  this  verj'  Treasury 
bench  obstTvatiofts  with  regard  to  Ireland  which  no  friend 
of  It^land  or  of  Knglond,  and  no  Minister  of  the  Crown, 
ought  to  have  uttered  with  regard  to  Ihut  country.  Twice 
in  my  Parliameu la rj'  life  tliis  thing  has  been  drme — at  least 


IBM. 


ntBLANii.    r. 


sas 


hy  tlie  cl«e  of  this  day  will  bavt  been  doue — aud  moasures 
of  repression — measures  for  tlie  siispcneion  of  the  civil  rights 
of  the  Irieh  people — have  been  Lmught  into  IVlimncut  and 
passed  with  «xtrom«  and  nnuauol  ni]>)dity. 

I  have  not  risen  to  blame  tW  Swrctary  of  State  or  to 
bbime  his  CoUeag'aes  for  the  act  of  to-day,  Therci  may  be 
cirominttances  to  justify  a  propositioo  of  this  kind,  and  I  am 
not  here  to  deny  that  these  circnmstancea  now  exiel ;  but 
whttt  I  complun  of  in  tbta :  there  is  no  state&mandhip  merely 
in  acta  of  force  an<l  actti  of  rcpt-cnaion.  And  more  than  thatj 
I  have  not  observed  since  I  have  been  in  Parliament  anytliing 
on  this  Irish  question  that  upproadivs  to  the  dignity  of  Btatce- 
inan«hip.  There  hoA  been,  I  admit,  an  improved  administra- 
tion in  Ireland.  I'herc  have  been  Lord- Lieutenants  anxious 
to  be  jtist,  and  there  is  one  tliere  now  who  is  probably  aa 
auxiouti  to  do  juatioe  as  any  man.  We  have  observeil  (pne- 
nUly  in  the  recent  Trials  a  better  tone  and  temper  than  were 
ever  witueesed  under  nimilar  eircumHtaneeti  in  Ireland  before. 
But  if  I  fco  back  to  the  Ministoni  wbo  have  eat  ou  tlie 
TreuEUT^'  Bunch  eincc  1  iinst  camu  into  this  House — Sir 
Robert  Pe«l  firet,  then  IjovA  John  Russell,  then  Lord  Aber- 
dfen,  then  Li>rd  Derby,  then  Ijord  Palmei>ton,  then  Lord 
Derby  again,  then  Lord  PalniprBtoua^iu,  and  now  Earl  KusBvIl 
— I  soy  that  with  re^anl  to  all  thette  men,  there  has  not  been 
any  approach  to  anything-  that  hietory  will  describe  as  states- 
luaiisbip  oo  the  port  of  the  Engtifih  Cinvernment  towanln 
Ireland.  Tliere  w«re  Coercion  Bills  in  abundance— Anns 
Bills  Session  after  Sc^Ksion — lamentations  like  that  of  the 
ri^ht  bon.  Gentleman  the  Member  for  Buckinghamshire 
(Mr.  Disraeli)  that  the  suspeneioa  of  the  Habeas  Corpus 
Act  wa«  nub  made  perpetual  by  a  clause  which  lie  lameuta 
n-a«  repealetl. 

There  have  been  Acts  for  the  suaptnniinn  of  the  Habeas 
Cor|)U8  Act,  like  that  which  we  nrc  now  diecnmin^;  but 
there  \at&  been  do  itatesmunship.      Men,  the    most  clumsy 

VOL.  I.  A.  a 


351 


SPEECHES  OF  JOH^  BSfGHT. 


ffis.  17. 


nnd  I>nita!,  «in  do  these  tliiugs  ;  but  we  want  men  of  higher 
temper — men  of  higher  genius — men  of  hijjhvr  patriotisn)  to 
eli-al  with  the  affairs  of  Ireland.  I  ehould  like  to  Uuuw 
whether  those  i<tate»nieii  who  hold  greut  ol£oc«  liuve  them- 
telvds  comprehended  the  nature  of  thin  qnestion.  If  they 
hare  not,  they  have  been  mamfesttih'  ignorant ;  aiiii  if  Ihejr 
have  comprEihended  it  and  Imve  not  dealt  with  it,  they  have 
eonoealed  that  which  thty  knew  from  tJic  people,  and  evaded 
(lie  duty  they  owed  to  their  Sovereign.  I  do  not  want  to 
speak  diarcsjieclfiilly  of  men  iu  office.  It  i»  not  my  cnstoin 
in  thin  Hoilxp.  I  know  sompthing  of  the  worrying  luboun  to 
wliieh  they  apo  Buhjcetod,  and  I  Icnnw  not  hmv  from  day  to 
day  they  bear  the  hurdim  of  the  lahour  impo^  cipon  them; 
b«t  Btill  I  lament  that  those  who  wear  the  garb— enjoy  the 
emolunienlfi— and  I  bud  almost  euid  usurp  the  dignity  of 
Rtatjci^manship,  sink  themiielves  merely  into  respectable  and 
honourable  admiiiistnitorx,  when  there  is  a  whole  nation  imder 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Oueen  ealling  for  atl  their  anxious 
thoughts — calling  for  the  h)g;hci:t  exereiee  of  the  highest 
quolibiee  of  the  statesman. 

I  put  the  question  to  tlic  ChaDcellor  of  the  Exchequer.  He 
is  the  ouly  man  of  this  Governmc-nt  whom  I  have  heard  of 
late  years  who  has  spoken  as  if  he  comprehended  thia  question, 
and  he  made  a  speech  in  the  lust  SeNsioi)  of  Parliament  which 
waii  not  without  it)  influence  both  in  England  and  in  Ireland. 
I  should  like  to  ask  him  whether  this  Irish  question  is  aliore 
(he  ataturv  of  himself  and  of  his  Colleagnes  ?  If  it  he,  I  ask 
them  to  come  down  from  the  high  places  wbieh  they  ooeupy, 
and  try  to  learn  the  nrt  of  li^gi^ilatiun  und  guvcrnmeiit  hufore 
they  practise  it.  I  myself  believe,  if  we  could  divest  oursclvee 
of  the  feeling*  engendered  by  ]>arty  strife,  we  might  come  to 
some  hotter  result.  Take  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchctjucr. 
Is  there  in  any  legislative!  assembly  in  the  world  a  man, 
as  the  world  judges,  of  more  trantwendent  capacity  ?  I  trill 
my  even,  is  there  a  nmi)  with  a  more  honest  wish  to  do 


iRElASD.     V. 


asft 


good  to  ttie  country  in  whicli  he  oocupiee  w  ooDspicuoiu 
a  place? 

Tnlce  tlip  rig'ht  hou.  Gentleman  oppoeitc,  the  leader  of  th« 
Opposition — is  tberc  iu  aujr  logiEUtivc  at^cmbly  in  the  world, 
at  fliifi  moment,  u  man  leading  an  Opposition  of  more  geniua 
fiir  his  position,  who  has  given  in  erery  way  but  one  in  which 
proof  OLD  be  given  that  he  is  eom|>et«nt  to  the  highest  diitios 
of  the  highest  offices  of  the  Stat<>*  Well,  but  tl»P«e  men— 
|;great  men  whom  wc  ou  this  side  and  you  on  that  side,  to 
B  lar^  extent,  admire  and  follow — fight  for  office,  and  the 
remilt  is  they  dit  alternuttily,  one  ou  this  side  and  one  on  that. 
But  suppose  it  were  pssible  for  these  men,  with  their  intel- 
lects, with  tlicir  fnr-reaching-  ^nsion,  to  examine  this  question 
thoroughly,  and  to  say  for  once,  whether  this  leiula  to  oflice 
and  to  the  niiseralile  notoriety  tJiat  men  call  fame  which 
springs  frum  offit-c,  or  nut,  '  If  it  be  posaibk-j  we  will  aut  with 
loyalty  to  the  Sovereign  and  juHiice  to  the  ]ief»ple ;  and  if  it  be 
poHiible,  we  wilt  maVv  Ireland  a  «(tre»glh  and  not  »  weakness 
to  the  Britinh  Empire.'  It  ie  from  this  fighting  with  party, 
and  lor  party,  and  for  the  gains  which  party  g^vca,  that  there 
is  flo  little  result  from  the  great  intellect  of  such  men  us  these. 
Like  the  captive  Sumson  of  old, — 

'  Thn;  kHrcI  in  bnucan  fcttcn,  uuder  taak. 
With  thoir  HMiven-gifUd  irtrungtli — ' 

and  tlie  country  and  the  world  gnin  little  by  those  faciiUios 
whieli  Ood  has  given  them  for  the  blessing  of  the  countrj-  and 
the  world. 

The  Secretary  of  State  and  the  right  hon.  Gentleman 
iippositc  have  referred,  even  in  stronger  laagiuge,  to  the 
unhappy  fiict  that  much  of  what  now  exists  in  Ireland 
has  been  brought  there  from  the  Umted  States  of  America. 
H)at  is  not  a  fact  for  ur  to  consnle  ourselves  with ;  it  ouly 
adds  to  the  gravity  and  the  difficulty  of  this  qneetiou.  You 
miiy  dci>end  upon  it  that  if  the  Irish  in  America,,  having  left 
this  country,  settle  there  with  so  strong  a  hostili^  to  us,  they 

A  a  3 


356 


SPEECUKS  01^  JOJ/y  URtGUT. 


nn-ir. 


have  had  tbeir  reaKoos — nail  if  bcniig  then)  with  that  Wltng 
of  atrectioii  for  their  native  country  wliich  in  all  other  cases  in 
which  wo  ar«  not  c(>iiccr»€d  we  admire  and  reverence,  tlicy 
interfere  in  IreLind  and  stir  up  there  the  sedition  that  Qon 
i-xiatK,  dej^end  upon  it  there  in  in  the  condition  of  Ireland  a 
state  of  tiling  which  graatly  favours  their  attempU.  Tbere 
can  bo  no  fontimiwl  fire  without  fiiol,  and  all  the  Irish  in 
America,  and  all  the  citizcne  of  America,  nnitod  tf^lhor, 
with  uti  th«ir  ur^nizatiuu  and  all  their  vaat  resources,  wotdd 
not  raise  the  very  slijtrhtcst  flame  of  sedition  or  of  iiwnrrec- 
tionary  inoTement  in  England  or  in  Scotland.  I  want  to  know 
why  they  v&w  do  it  in  Tretand?  Are  you  to  fi*y,  as  somo 
ponple  gay  in  America  and  in  Jamaica  when  fipcakinj;  of  tiie 
bluuk  man,  that '  Nothing;  can  be  made  uf  the  Iriiihnuin'  t 

Kverj'thing'  can  l>e  made  <>f  him  in  every  country  but  liis 
own.  ^^llen  he  has  pniwcd  through  t}io  American  xchuul — 
I  xjieak  of  him  as  a  child,  or  in  the  second  generation  of  the 
Irish  emigrant  in  that  eountry — he  is  hg  industrious,  aa 
frugal,  ne  indci)cndcnt,  as  loyal,  as  good  a  citizea  of  thti 
American  ti«]iublic,  ad  any  man  bom  within  the  dominiona  of 
that  Power.  "WHiy  is  it  not  bo  In  Ireland .'  I  bore  asked  the 
qnestion  before,  and  I  will  a^k  it  again — it  iti  a  pertinent 
qneatioa,  and  it  demands  an  answer.  Why  i»  it  that  nu 
Seotehmaa  who  leaver  Scotland — and  the  Scotch  have  be«n 
taunted  and  ridiculed  for  being  eo  ready  to  leave  their 
country  for  a  better  climate  and  a  Iwttei-  soil — how  cometi  it, 
I  H»k,  that  no  Scotchman  who  emiyrates  to  the  Unitod  Statw, 
and  no  Englishman  who  plants  himself  there,  cherishes  tho 
smallest  hoKtilily  to  the  [ipopte,  to  the  infititiitiona,  or  to  the 
Government  of  his  native  countr)- 1  Why  does  every  Irish- 
roan  who  Icavee  his  country  and  goes  to  the  United  States 
immediately  settle  himself  down  there,  resolved  to  hetter  his 
condition  in  life,  but  with  a  feeling  of  ineradicahle  hatred  to 
the  laws  and  iuKtitutions  of  the  land  of  his  birth?  Is  not 
this  a  fit  (jamtion  for  statosmausbip  t 


isn. 


IRELAND.     V. 


sar- 


If  the  Sectvlary  of  State,  sintM  hJs  la^t  measure  was  bn>aq;hi 
in,  now  cif;-1itMn  ycon  nco,  hul  hud  time,  in  the  multiplicity 
of  hi»  dottee,  to  consitkr  thb  quc»tion ;  instead  of  now 
nio?inf;  for  the  siisjicnaion  of  the  Halieus  Coqius  Act,  li«  in!]^lit 
powdbly  have  bit-ri  ryjoicing-  at  Ihe  iinirereal  loyalty  which 
prerailnl,  not  throughout  Great  Britain  only,  hnt  throughout 
th«  whole  popnIntJoD  of  Ireland.  1  spent  two  autumns  in 
Tretand  in  the  years  1849  and  l8,ij3,  and  I  recoUect  making  a 
epvcch  ill  thi^  Huuav  nut  long  uiU.'rwanl^,  tvhich  some  penwns 
thought  was  not  very  %vido  of  the  mark.  I  recommended  the 
Mini»teifi«f  that  time  t/>  talte  an  opportpnity  to  hold  an  Irish 
Session  of  the  Imperial  Parliament — ia  have  no  great  quea. 
(jons  disKmsae*!  oonneotcd  with  tlie  ordinarj-  mfttt<T«  which 
are  brought  before  us,  hut  to  keep  IWIiament  to  the  con- 
Hidfnitiun  of  this  Irish  question  solely,  and  to  deal  tvith  those 
gTpat  matlcm  wliieh  are  constant  sources  of  complaint;  and  I 
said  that  a  Se^wion  that  waa  en  dcvot«<l  to  KUch  a  hloMned  and 
h«>ly  work,  would  be  a  Session,  if  it  were  sitcecssfnl,  that 
would  staud  fortli  in  all  our  future  history  u)  one  of  the 
noblest  which  had  ever  pasNcd  in  the  annals  of  the  Imperial 
Parliament. 

Now,  Sir,  a  few  days  ago  everybody  in  thin  House,  with 
two  or  throe  exccptiona,  wa<  taking  an  oath  at  that  table.  It 
is  called  the  Oath  of  Allegiance.  It  is  meant  at  once  to  ex- 
press loyalty  and  to  keep  men  loyal.  I  do  not  think  it 
generally  doe*  hind  men  to  loyalty,  if  thoy  have  not  loyalty 
without  it.  I  hold  loyalty  to  eonmiit,  in  a  oonntrj-  like  this, 
as  much  in  doing  jutitice  to  the  people  as  in  guarding  the 
Crown ;  for  I  helieve  there  is  no  guardianship  of  the  Crown 
in  a  country  like  this,  where  the  Crown  ix  not  supposed  to 
rest  absolutely  upon  force,  so  sale  as  that  of  whirh  we  know 
more  in  our  day  probably  than  has  t>een  Icnown  in  former 
periods  nf  nur  history,  when  the  occupant  of  the  'Rirune  iu 
Kwpoctwl,  odmirtd,  and  lored  by  th©  general  people.  Now, 
faow  romes  it  thai  these  great  fttatenuen  whom  I  have  named. 


398 


SPBBCIiBS  OF  Joins'  BRIGHT. 


ru.  17. 


with  all  their  CoUeaguet;,  soniv  of  them  us  emmoiil  alinust  us 
their  leaders,  have  nerer  tried  what  the}-  could  do^liave  never 
showu  tijcir  lovalty  to  the  Cruwu  bj'  eudcavuurio^  to  make  the 
Queen  as  safe  in  the  hearts  of  tliu  people  nf  Ireland  as  t^he  is 
in  the  hearts  of  tlie  [tcople  of  Gn^land  and  of  Scotland  ? 

Bfor  in  mind  that  the  Queen  of  England  can  do  almost 
nothing  in  theftc  matten;.  By  our  Constitution  the  Crown 
can  take  no  direct  part  in  them.  The  Crown  cannot  direct 
the  pohcy  of  the  Uovernment;  nay,  the  Crown  cannot,  with- 
out tiie  coiiseut  of  this  House,  even  aclect  its  Mini&ters ; 
therefore  the  Crown  is  helpless  in  this  matter.  And  wc  have 
•in  tliiH  country  a  Queen,  who,  in  all  the  civilized  nations  of 
the  world,  is  looked  npon  ae  a  model  of  a  Sovi»reig-n,  and  yet 
lier  name  and  fame  are  diecrcdited  and  diebonoiired  by  cir- 
cumistunccx  such  as  tlioac  which  have  twice  during'  her  reign 
called  ns  together  to  agree  to  a  proposition  like  that  which  i« 
brought  before  uk  to-day, 

Tliere  is  an  inBtmctive  anecdote  \a  be  found  in  the  annalB 
of  the  Chinese  Empire,  lu  a  temote  province  theire  wa»  an 
insurrection.  The  Emperor  puLdowii  the  insurrectiun,  hut  he 
abasL-d  and  humbled  himwif  bofure  the  people,  and  said  tJial  if 
he  ha<l  been  guilty  of  neglect  lie  acknowledged  his  guilt,  and 
he  humbled  hi mtit'If  before  those  on  whom  he  hud  brought  the 
e\il  of  an  insurrection  in  one  of  his  provinces.  The  Queen  of 
theec  rculms  is  not  so  responsible.  She  cannot  thus  humble 
herself;  but  I  say  that  your  stateemen  for  the  laet  forty — for 
the  hist  sixty — years  are  thus  guilty,  and  that  they  ought  to 
humble  themi>e1ves  before  the  people  of  this  country  for  their 
neglect,  Hut  J  hnvo  heard  from  Member*  in  this  Hounc — I 
have  )aceu  mueh  writing  in  newspapers — and  I  have  heard  of 
speeches  el]*ewhere,  in  vrhicli  some  of  «»,  who  advocate  what 
we  believe  to  bo  a  great  and  high  morality  in  public  alTaini, 
are  charged  with  dislike  to  the  institutions,  and  even  dia- 
loyiilty  to  the  dynasty  which  rule»  in  Eugland.  There  can  be 
nothing  more  offeneive,  nothing  more  unjn«t.  nothing  more 


IRXLAND.      V. 


369 


attcrly  fiilw.  We  who  aek  Parliameiit,  in  dealing  with 
Ireland,  to  deal  with  it  npon  the  UDchangeahle  principles  of 
justice,  ure  the  fricnclK  of  the  ]wople,  and  the  really  lo}il 
advisers  and  eiipporUTs  of  thi'  Throne. 

All  history  tenches  us  that  it  \a  not  in  human  nature  that 
men  should  bo  content  under  any  system  of  legittlation, 
und  of  inatitntions  such  as  exist  in  Ireland.  Von  nmy  pajw 
this  Bill,  you  may  put  the  Home  SecTetarj''»  fi\'c  hiindnK] 
men  into  ganl — you  may  do  more  than  this,  you  may  Biipprtuis 
tfa«  conspiracy  «nd  put  down  the  insurrection,  hut  the 
mcnuent  it  is  suppressed  there  will  atill  remuiu  the  gvtius 
of  this  malady,  and  from  th«se  gt-rma  will  grow  up  as  heie- 
tofurt"  lUHither  crop  of  ineiirrerUon  and  another  harvest  of 
misfortune.  And  it  may  he  that  those  who  nit  here  eighteen 
ycare  nftor  this  moment  will  Hrd  another  Ministry  and  another 
Secretary  of  State  ready  to  propoec  to  you  another  adminis- 
tration of  the  uanie  ever-failiTig  and  ever-poisonous  medicine. 
I  say  there  is  a  mode  of  making  Ireland  loyal.  I  say  that 
the  Parliament  of  England  having  abolished  the  Parliament 
of  Ireland  is  doubly  lx}und  t<?  examine  what  that  mixle  19,  and, 
if  it  can  discover  it,  to  adopt  it.  I  aay  that  the  Miniittcr  who 
occupies  office  in  this  country,  merely  that  he  may  carry  on 
the  daily  routine  of  administration,  who  dares  not  grapple  with 
this  question,  who  dares  not  go  into  Op|iugitiuu,  and  who  will 
eit  anywhere  except  where  lie  can  tell  his  mind  freely  to  the 
House  and  to  the  country,  may  have  a  high  position  in  the 
(.-Duntry,  but  he  is  not  a  etatt^mau,  nor  is  he  worthy  of 
the  name. 

Sir,  T  shall  not  oppose  the  proposition  of  the  right  hon. 
OGntleouD.  The  circumstances,  I  presiune,  are  such  thai  the 
course  which  is  about  to  be  pursued  is  i>erhapB  the  only 
merciful  course  for  Ireland.  But  I  Kuj>po«e  it  is  not  the  in- 
ientioD  of  the  Goremment,  in  the  cnsc  of  persons  who  are 
arrested,  and  against  whom  any  juiit  coinptaint  ran  he  tiuide, 
to   do   anything   more   tlian    that  which   the   onlinnrj'  law 


3fi0 


SPSECBSS  OF  JOHN  BRIGUT. 


jHirmits,  anil  that  when  moa  are  brouffbt  tv  trial  tlicy  ^I'ill  hu 
brought  to  trial  with  ull  the  tairncss  and  nil  the  iklvantagcfi 
whic'li  tliv  ordinary  law  given.  I  Rhotild  nay  vrhni  was  mosi 
imjiwt  to  the  Gentlvineu  sitting  on  that  (tlie  Trefaiiry) 
Wneh,  if  1  ^d  ntig'ht  else  (hati  that  I  believe  they  are  ok 
lioncatly  dtsposc<l  to  do  right  in  this  mnttcr  lu  I  am  aii<l  ns  I 
httvi;  ever  l)«eu.  I  implore  tliein,  if  they  can,  to  shako  off 
the  trammt-lB  of  doubt  uiid  fi-ar  with  regard  to  thix  question, 
aiid  to  Bay  something  thst  may  be  soothing — flomethin^^  that 
may  give  hope  to  Ireland. 

I  voted  the  other  ni^ht  with  the  hou.  Member  for  Tralee 
(TUe  O'Donoghiic),  We  were  in  a  very  small  minority. 
['  Hear,  hear.']  Yea,  I  have  olWn  been  in  emaW  minoritiw. 
TTie  hou.  Oentlemau  would  hnvc  been  content  with  a  word  of 
1cindne«R  and  of  sympathy,  not  for  oooKpiraoy,  but  for  the 
people  of  Ireland.  That  word  was  not  inserted  in  the  Queen's 
speech,  and  to-night  the  llome  Secretary  has  made  a  epeech 
ur^ii^  the  House  to  the  eonrse  wliich,  I  presume,  i»  about  la 
be  pursued ;  but  }ic  did  not  io  that  lapeech  utter  a  fiingle 
eeutence  with  rpg;nrd  to  a  question  whieb  lies  behind,  and  is 
greater  and  deeper  Umn  that  which  is  discussed. 

I  hope,  Sir,  that  if  Minist^i-s  feel  themwlvce  bound  to  take 
thit>  coiiri>e  of  fluepending  the  common  rights  of  personal 
freedom  to  n  whole  nation,  at  leju»t  I  hey  will  not  allow  this 
debate  to  cIok«  without  giving  to  us  and  to  that  nation  some 
hope  that  hefore  hmff  mciiKures  will  be  considerEnJ  and 
will  be  intmducod  which  will  tend  to  ereate  the  same  loyally 
in  Irehmd  that  exists  in  Great  Britain.  If  every  oion  out- 
Bide  the  waits  of  this  House  who  has  the  interest  of  the 
whole  Empire  at  heart  were  to  speak  here,  what  would  h«  aay 
to  this  House?  Let  not  one  day  elapse,  let  not  annther 
Session  p(»s,  until  you  have  done  somethinj;  to  wipe  off  thia 
blot — for  blot  it  is  upon  the  reign  of  the  Queen,  and  scuitdal 
it  is  to  the  civilization  and  to  the  justice  of  the  people  of 
this  country. 


IRELAND. 

VI. 

DUBLIN,  OCTOBER  30,  1866. 

[Mr.  Bright  wRB  invited  to  a  Public  Banquet  in  Dablin.  The  inTi- 
tation  was  mgned  by  more  than  twenty  MambEra  of  Parliament,  and  by 
a  large  number  of  influential  Members  of  the  Liberal  Party  in  Ireland. 
His  ipeech  was  spoken  at  the  Banquet.  The  O'Donoghne  waa  in  the 
Chair.] 

I  FEEL  myself  more  embarraased  than  I  can  well  describe 
at  the  difficult  but  bocoarable  position  in  whicb  I  find 
myself  to-night.  I  am  profoundly  moved  by  the  exceeding 
and  generous  kindness  with  which  you  have  received  me,  and 
all  I  can  do  is  to  thank  you  for  it,  and  to  say  bow  grateful  to 
my  heart  it  is  that  such  a  number  as  I  see  before  me — I 
will  Bay  of  my  countrymen— have  approved  generally  of  the 
political  course  which  I  have  pursued.  But  I  may  assure 
you  that  the  difficulty  of  this  position  is  not  at  all  of  my 
seeking.  I  beard  during  the  last  Session  of  Parliament  that 
if  I  was  likely  to  come  to  Ireland  daring  the  autumnj  it  was 
not  improbable  that  I  should  be  asked  to  some  banquet  of 
this  kind  in  this  city.  I  had  an  intention  of  coming,  but 
being  moved  by  this  kindness  or  menace,  I  changed  my 
mind,  and  spent  some  weeks  in  Scotland  instead  of  Ireland. 


3li2 


SPEMCUES  OF  JOI/.V  BRlfJUr. 


OCT.  80. 


When  I  Toiind  from  the  newspftpeni  that  an  invitation  was 
Jwing  signed,  ogkiug  me  to  come  here,  I  wrote  to  my  honour- 
able frit'iiJ,  Sir  John  Gray,  to  a«k  him  if  he  would  by  kind 
Miongh  to  put  an  extinguisher  upon  the  projcet,  innHtnuch  as 
1  wa^  not  intending  to  croe»  the  Channel.  He  lioid  that  the 
timlU-r  hnd  proceeded  so  fur  thul  it  wms  im^WKsihle  to  interfere 
with  it — that  it  must  take  itn  nntiiral  counse;  and  the  result 
was  that  I  receivetl  nn  inTittttioii  sigiied,  I  think,  hy  nlwrnt 
one  hundred  and  forty  names,  amnngiit  ivhom  there  were  not 
less,  I  believe,  than  twenty-two  IMcmbere  of  the  House  of 
Commons.  Well,  as  you  will  probably  imagine,  T  felt  that 
this  in^'itatioIl  vas*  of  aiich  a  nature  that,  tilthough  it  was 
moKt  (lifiiL'iilt  tu  avcede  to  it,  it  was  impostiiblu  to  rvftific  it. 
This  flf'countif  for  my  being  here  to-night,  and  is  a  eimple 
i-xplountiou  of  what  has  taken  place. 

I  Hiid  amoiig&t  the  »iguaturf«  were  the  names  of  nul  less 
than  tweuty-two  Members  of  the  House  of  fommons.  I 
speak  with  grief  when  I  say  that  one  nf  oar  frwnds  who 
that  invitation  ie  no  longer  witli  uh.  1  had  not  t]ie 
of  a  long  acquaintunw  with  Mr.  Dillon,  but  I  shall 
take  this  opportunity  of  saying  that  during  the  last  Seeraon 
of  Parlitiment  1  foi-med  a  very  high  opinion  of  his  chaTsctera 
Ttiere  vm  tli^t  in  hi»  eye  and  in  the  tone  of  bis  voiee — in 
his  manner  altngcther,  whieh  marked  him  fiir  an  honoumblc 
and  a  jiiet  man.  I  venture  to  m.y  that  his  sad  and  sudden 
removal  is  a  great  lotis  to  Ireland.  I  believe  amougot  all  her 
worthy  iKinit,  Iretaud  hau  hud  uo  worthier  and  no  nobler  sod 
than  Jolm  Blukc  Dillon. 

I  ithatl  not  be  wrong  if  I  assume  that  the  groimd  of  my 
visit  to  Dublin  is  1o  be  foimd  first  in  tJie  uympathy  whieh  I 
have  alwayii  felt  and  uprCHi'd  for  the  condition,  and  for  tbo 
wrongs,  and  for  the  righla  of  the  people  of  Irelnnd,  and 
probably  also  beeauae  I  am  Kupposed,  in  some  degrc*?,  tu 
represent  i^ome  amount  of  the  opinion  in  England,  which  tu 
alw  fAVourohle  to  the  true  inttrer-ts  of  thie  ixUnd. 


IB08. 


lliMlANIK     VI. 


a6» 


The  Irisb  (juwtion  is  a  queittioii  Uiat  luut  uileii  U»u  dU. 
cussed,  and  yet  it  remains  at  this  dny  as  much  a  qncotion 
(16  it  hfts  liocti  for  oentaries  past.  The  Parliamont  of  Kil- 
kenny,— a  Parliament  that  sat  a  very  long  time  ago,  if  indeed 
it  was  ft  PiirliamL'iit  ut  all, — it  ^vas  a  Purliarafnt  Uiat  Bat 
about  five  hntidred  yearn  ago,  which  proposed,  I  I)eIieTe,  to 
inflict  a  very  heavy  penalty  if  any  Irishman's  horse  wa»  found 
grazing  on  any  Englishman's  land, — Uum  Parliament  leO.  ou 
record  a  ()U(!stion,  which  it  may  be  worth  our  while  to  twn- 
uder  to-night.  It  put  thiu  question  to  the  King,  '  How 
cntnes  it  to  pass  that  the  King  was  never  the  richei-  for 
Ireland  ?*  We,  fivf  hundred  years  aftenviinlM,  venture  to 
afik  this  question,  '  Why  is  it  that  the  Queen,  or  the  Crown, 
or  the  Ignited  Kingdom,  or  the  Empire,  is  novcr  the  richer 
for  Ireland  ?' — and  if  you  will  permit  me  I  will  try  to  give  you 
lis  eloarly  aa  I  can  eomt'thiiifj  like  au  niuiwor  tu  ttiat  vurj-  old 
question.  Whiit  it.  may  tie  followed  hy  is  thin.  How  i«  it 
that  wc,  the  Imjicrinl  Parliament,  i?aDuot  act  so  as  t«  briug 
ahout  in  Ireland  eoiitentniwit  and  tmnquiltity,  and  a  solid 
nnioo  between  Ireland  and  Great  Britain  ?  And  that  means, 
further.  How  nan  we  improve  the  condition  and  change  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  Ireland?  Some  say  (I  have  heard 
nuny  whtJ  Kay  it  in  England,  and  T  am  afraid  there  are 
Irishmen  also  who  would  wiy  it),  thnt  there  i.s  sonic  nidioni 
defect  in  the  Irish  character  which  prevents  the  condition  of 
Ireland  being  to  mtisfaclory  as  ts  the  condition  of  England 
and  of  Scotland.  Now.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  what- 
ever tlivre  i&  that  la  deftK.-tive  in  any  portion  of  the  Irish  people 
eomes  not  from  Iheir  raee,  but  from  their  history,  and  from 
tie  conditions  to  which  they  have  been  subjected. 

I  am  told  by  thoflc  in  authority  tlutt  in  Ireland  tiiere  ia 
a  remarkable  absence  of  crime.  I  have  heaj-d  since  I  oftme  U\ 
Dublin,  from  those  well  acquainted  witli  the  Cicts,  that  tliere 
is  probably  no  great  ei^-  in  the  world — in  the  civilizetl  and 
Christian  world — of  equal  population  with  the  city  in  which 


364 


SPBECnBS  OF  JOHN  BRIGBT, 


OCT.  30. 


we  are  now  nesi-tubkv),  wlicrc  tl^crc  is  so  litt)«  crime  com- 
mitted. And  I  Qiitl  that  tlie  [portion  of  tbe  Iruli  pmplti 
nrltich  luwt  found  a  hnme  id  tbe  United  StAtfs  hnii  in  tlie 
[leriod  of  mxfeen  jr'paf — hplween  1*^48  nnd  1RA4 — remitted 
about  13,000,000/-  fclprliiig  to  thtir  frJoiidn  jmd  relalives  in 
Ireland.  I  am  l>oiind  Xo  place  tbew  faiib)  in  nppogilinn  Uv 
any  statements  that  1  hear  as  to  any  radical  defocts  of  thn 
Iritili  cliantder.  I  say  that  it  wmild  be  murh  more  jipobable 
that  the  defect  Ucis  tn  the  Quverntui^nt  and  in  the  law.  Btit 
there  are  some  others  who  nay  that  the  great  misfortune  of 
Ireland  is  in  tlio  existcnco  of  tlio  iiaxiouB  race  of  political 
a^tatore.  Wei),  iu  to  that  I  may  ^ite,  that  tlic  moi<t  dis- 
tingniehod  political  ugitiitors  that  liuvv  appeared  during  tlio 
last  hundred  years  in  Ireland  arc  tJra-tiiin  and  O'Connell, 
and  I  should  eay  that  he  miut  lie  ettlier  a  very  stupid  or 
a  very  base  Iriahinan  who  would  wish  to  ur^se  the  aohieve- 
menta  of  Grntton  .ind  O'Coonell  fironi  the  aiinaU  of  bia 
country. 

But  some  say  (and  this  is  not  au  uncommon  thing) — some 
say  that  the  prie6t«  of  the  popular  Church  in  Ireland  have 
been  tlie  eau«(.>  of  much  discontent.  I  believe  there  ia  nu 
class  of  men  in  Irdaiii!  who  have  a  deeper  interest  in  * 
prospcrona  and  numerous  commuuity  than  the  priests  of  thfl 
Catholic  Cliurch;  and  furtlKT,  1  helieve  that  no  men  have 
sutTered  more — have  sufFercd  more,  I  mean,  in  mind  and  in 
feeling — from  witnesmng  the  miserieii  and  the  dewilnlion  whieJt 
diritvgf  the  last  eenturj'  (to  go  no  further  bacli]  hava  etricken 
and  aHiictcd  the  Irish  people. 

But  some  otliere  sny  tluit  tliere  ia  no  g:n)und  of  complaint, 
Watue  tlie  luwx  and  institutions  of  Ireland  ar«,  in  the  main, 
the  Hime  aa  the  bivit  and  institutions  of  Enirlund  and  Sout< 
land.  They  say,  for  exaTrii>le,  that  if  there  \w  nn  KiHablidicd 
Cburoli  in  Ireland  ^ere  ie  one  in  England  and  one  in 
Sootlnnd,  and  thai  Noncouformiirttf  arc  very  mimerona  both 
in  England  and  in  8eotbmd ;    hut  they  seem  to  forget  this 


IKSfl. 


IRELAND.     VT. 


965 


fact,  that  Uie  Churi'h  in  Kiigluncl  nr  thv  Church  iii  Scotland 
is  not  ill  taiy  mnsn  a  foreign  Church — that  it  bos  not  Ltcen 
imposed  in  jMUt  t^m«t4,  and  ih  not  iiiaijitaiii«il  by  force — that 
it  \s  not  in  iiiiy  degree  tlic  ayinbol  of  couiiucst — that  it  In  oot 
Uii>  Church  of  a  small  minority,  absorbinj;;  the  ecclt'siastiuil 
revenues  mid  (•udtiwrnentH  of  a  u'liolc  kiu^om;  and  tb«y 
omit  to  n-memher  or  to  acknowlod^  that  if  any  Govommiimt 
attempted  tu  phmt  by  lurvu  thi;  Episcopal  Chuich  iu  Scothiud 
or  the  Catholic  Church  in  Enghmd,  tli«  disorders  and  diit- 
ooiit«ot  which  have  prevailed  in  Ireland  would  he  witne«wd 
with  tenfold  Intuniiity  u)d  viukince  in  Great  Britain.  And 
tboee  ])eri^nii  uh^im  I  iim  describing  also  vay  that  Iho  land 
lawa  in  Ireland  arc  the  same  ae  the  land  laws  in  England. 
It  would  be  ^a»y  to  show  that  the  laud  latv»  in  Knglnnd  are 
ttad  tniougb,  and  that  but<  for  tlit-  outlet  of  the  [Mipulatioii, 
affbrdiKl  by  our  extraordinary  manufarturin^  indiistxy,  th« 
condition  of  England  would  in  all  probability  become  ijuitu 
08  bad  00  the  condition  of  Ireland  hae  boon ;  but  if  the 
countnoa  diHcr  with  re^rd  to  land  and  the  manugrmvnt 
of  it  in  tlioir  cuiitoma,  may  it  not  ho  reasonable  tliat  tlicy 
tilioiJd  also  dilTcr  in  their  laws  ? 

In  Iri'luud  the  laudowuvr  in  the  creaturo  of  oonqtust,  not 
of  cont|uest  of  eifrht  hundn>d  years  agn,  hut  of  conquait  mm- 
plctcd  only  two  hundred  ytfun;  agoj  and  it  may  he  well  for 
hb  to  remember,  and  for  all  Englishmen  to  remember,  that 
KUMirdiii^-  that  tranHlVr  of  the  land  t«  (he  new-comers  from 
Great  Britain,  there  followed  a  system  oi  law,  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Pcnat  Code,  of  the  most  ingvuious  cruelty,  and 
mch  as,  I  believe,  hug  never  in  modem  ttmea  been  inflicted 
ou  any  Christian  i>oople.  Unhappily,  on  lhi»  account,  the 
wound  which  »va»  oiwiied  by  the  c«nqu«Kt  has  never  been 
permitted  to  be  cto»cd,  and  thus  we  have  had  landowners 
iu  Ireland  of  a  different  race,  of  a  diffijrL'ut  religion,  and  of 
diflerent  ideaa  from  th«  great  bulk  of  the  people,  and  there 
has  beoQ  a  coiutimt  and  bitter  %-ar  hetwcou  the  ouuctb  and 


366 


SPEECUKR  OF  JOffX  JISTGUT. 


OCT,  SQ, 


oct-upicw  of  tlie  soil.  Now,  up  to  this  point  I  sujiposc  Uiut 
evun  tho  ^atlmni-u  who  were  dining  togvUier  tlie  other 
evening  in  ndfast  would  probably  n^free  witli  mc,  Wwuise  what 
I  have  stated  is  mere  matter  of  notorious  history,  and  to  be 
found  in  every  book  which  haa  treated  of  tlie  course  of  Iritih 
aflium  durinir  the  lust  two  hundred  years.  Bub  I  think  they 
would  agree  with  me  even  furtlier  tlian  this.  TUvy  would  say 
that  Ireland  iti  a  Isuid  which  Iiuh  been  torn  by  religicnm 
factioiiB,  and  torn  by  these  factions  at  leant  in  the  North  tug 
mueh  as  iu  the  South  ;  and  I  think  they  would  be  duini^  less 
than  justice  to  tliie  inhuhitunte  of  the  North  if  they  eaid  (hat 
they  had  iu  auy  degree  come  ehort  of  the  [tcople  of  the  South 
ill  the  tutensity  of  their  [lassionute  feelings  with  re^^rd  to 
their  Church. 

But  Ireland  has  frecn  more  than  this — it  has  been  a  land  of 
«victioDS — a  word  which,  I  suspect,  ia  scarcely  known  in  any 
other  civiliKcd  country.  It  is  a  country  from  which  tho«- 
tsuiidii  of  lumilieii  bare  bwn  driven  by  the  will  of  the  land* 
owners  and  the  jjowcr  uf  tlio  law.  11  is  a  coimtrj*  where  have 
exiHted,  to  a  great  extent,  those  di«ad  tribunala  known  by 
the  common  uamc  of  Evcn-t  societies,  by  wliicb,  iu  pursuit  of 
what  some  men  have  thought  to  be  justice,  there  have  Iwcn 
committed  crimetf  uf  appalling-  giiltt  in  the  eye  of  the  whole 
world.  It  is  a  country,  too,  in  wliich — and  it  i«  the  only 
CbristiBn  country  of  which  it  may  be  said  for  some  centoriea 
pa$t — it  is  a  countrj-  in  which  a  famine  of  the  most  dwolating 
character  hati  prevailed  evea  during  our  own  lime.  I  tliink 
I  wae  told  iu  i8,|9,  a«  I  stood  in  the  bunal-ground  at  Skib- 
liereen,  that  at  least  4C0  people  who  bad  died  of  famine  were 
buried  within  tlie  (|uartGr  of  an  aere  of  ground  on  which  I 
was  then  looking.  It  is  a  country,  too,  from  wliieb  thei-e  has 
been  u  feTcatcr  emigration  l>y  acfl  within  0  given  time  than 
has  been  known  at  any  time  from  any  nthcr  country  iu  the 
world.  It  ia  a  country  where  there  has  Ijcen,  for  gencraiiona 
past,  a  general  sense  uf  wrong,  out  of  wlueh  liaa  grown  a 


IRELAND.      Vf. 


SOT 


''State  of  ebranic  iosurrection ;  and  at  this  rcry  moment  wbeo 
I  speak,  the  gcnenJ  Bafegiiard  of  constitutional  lilicrty  is 
witticlran'u,  oud  w«  moet  In  tlik  hall,  and  I  Hpeak  here  to- 
night, rather  by  the  forbearance  iuid  peruiiKsiun  of  the  Irish 
executive  than  under  the  protection  of  the  common  wifeguariJji 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  the  United 
Kingdom. 

I  vt-nturu  to  aay  tliat  this  is  a  miserable  and  a  humiliating 
picture  to  draw  of  this  countrj.  Bear  in  mind  that  1  am  not 
speaking  of  Poland  sufleriug-  under  the  conquest  of  Riiswa. 
There  is  a  gentloman,  now  a  candidate  for  an  Irisli  euunty, 
who  is  very  greut  upon  the  \TrongB  of  Fuliuid ;  hut  I  have 
found  him  always  in  the  House  of  Commons  taking  eide« 
with  that  great  party  which  has  eystemntically  supported  the 
wrongs  of  Ireland.  I  am  not  spfaking  about  Hungary,  or  of 
Veni«>  OB  she  was  under  the  rule  of  Austria,  or  of  the  Greeks 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Turk,  but  1  am  Epeakiog  of  Ire- 
land— part  of  the  United  Kiwjjdoio — part  of  that  which 
ibooirts  ititelf  to  be  the  luont  civilized  and  the  must  Chribtiau 
ition  in  the  world,  I  took  the  liberty  r«:«utiy,  at  a  mcetr 
ing  in  Glasgow,  to  Bay  that  I  believed  it  was  impowible  for  a 
class  to  govern  a  great  nation  wisely  and  justly.  Now,  in 
Ireland  there  baa  been  a  Geld  in  wbiuh  ull  tlie  pnnoiplee  of 
the  Tory  party  have  had  their  complete  experiment  aud 
development.  You  have  had  the  country  gentleman  in  all 
his  power.  You  have  had  any  number  of  Acts  of  Furliument 
which  the  ancient  Parliament  of  Ireland  or  the  Parliament  of 
the  United  Kingdom  could  give  him.  You  have  bad  the 
Established  Church  &up))orted  by  th«  law,  even  to  the  extent, 
not  numy  yean*  a^^iiJ,  of  collectinij:  its  revenues  by  the  aid  of 
mitilary  force.  In  point  of  fact,  I  believe  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  imagine  n  state  of  things  in  wliieh  the  principles 
of  the  Tory  party  have  bad  »  more  entire  and  complete  oppor- 
tunity for  their  trial  than  they  have  had  within  the  limits  of 
this   iahmd.     And  yet   what    has   happened?     TbiB.  surely. 


366 


8PESCU£S  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


ooi.  8V, 


Ttiat  the  kingdom  Iiils  boen  cuutinually  weftkeaed — that  tbc 
harinuojr  of  the  empire  bus  bcuu  disUirbed,  uiid  thai  the 
miscliivf  has  not  tx^en  cnntined  to  the  United  Kingdom,  but 
hae  8[>n?ad  to  the  C«l<)Ui««.  Aud  at  this  moiueut,  ax  wh  know 
Ity  every  arrivu!  frum  the  Unitwl  Stst«&,  the  oniony  of  Canada 
is  ex]ioi<cd  to  dnnger  of  invtifion — that  it  is  forced  to  hwp  on 
foot  soldiers  nhich  it  othcnviso  trould  not  want,  aud  tu  lavolve 
itwir  in  expeiieefl  which  tLr«at(.'u  tu  be  niinouH  to  ittt  fiuancial 
coiiditiou,  uod  ull  thut  it  may  doreiid  iteeli'  (rom  Irislimtai 
hostjle  lo  Kn^Iarid  who  are  settled  in  the  United  States. 

in  foet,  thti  Cruvemmeiit  uf  Lord  Derby  nt  this  mumt'iit  is 
doing-  exactly  that  whieh  the  Governmeut  of  Lord  North  did 
nearly  n  hundred  years  ago — it  is  eonding  out  troops  acrcm 
the  Atlantic  bo  tight  InKhmen  who  are  the  bitter  enemies  of 
Bnffland  on  the  American  continent.  Now,  I  believe  every 
^'iilleniau  in  this  room  wUl  admit  that  all  thut  I  hare  said  is 
literally  true.  And  if  it  be  truej  what  conclugion  «rc  we  to 
come  to?  Ib  it  that  the  law  whieh  rules  in  IreUnd  is  had, 
but  the  people  good;  or  that  the  law  ia  good,  but  the  i)eople 
bud?  Now,  let  UB,  if  wc  can,  gH  rid  for  n  moment  of  Epi- 
floopalianism,  Presbyteriuuioii],  Protestantism,  and  Orangeistn 
uu  the  one  hand,  nnd  of  Cntliolicism,  Romanism,  and  Ultra- 
montonism  on  the  other, — let  m  for  a  moment  get  beyond  all 
these  '  israe,'  aud  try  if  we  can  discover  what  it  in  thut  is  the 
great  evil  io  your  country.  I  Khali  ask  you  only  to  turn  your 
eye  upon  two  points— the  first  is  the  Rstahlisbed  Church,  and 
the  seouud  is  the  tenuro  of  hind.  The  Church  may  he  eaid  to 
aflcct  the  ftoal  and  sentiment  of  the  eountty,  and  tbo  land 
qncetion  may  be  said  to  oflWt  the  means  of  life  and  tbe 
comfbrtfl  of  the  people. 

I  shall  not  blame  tliu  bifihopo  and  clergy  of  the  Established 
Church.  There  may  be,  and  I  doubt  not  there  are  amongst 
them,  many  pious  nnd  rlevo1«d  men,  who  labour  to  the  utmost 
of  their  ]>ower  to  do  good  in  the  ditttrict  which  is  committed 
to  their  care;   but  I  venture  tu  suy  this,  that  if  they  were  all 


IBM. 


IBELAXD.     VI. 


369 


gWKl  and  all  pioue,  it  wout<l  not  iq  a  ufttb»al  point  of  view 
coropenaate  for  thin  one  latel  error — the  error  of  their  ensU 
eiit-e  an  the  miuistcrs  of  an  Established  Prott-Blant  Church  lu 
Ireland.  Every  man  of  tliem  is  necessanly  in  liis  district  & 
sjmbol  of  the  supremacy  of  the  few  and  of  the  eubjoctioD  of 
the  m&ny;  and  althoug-h  the  amount  of  tlie  rerenne  <iS  tlie 
Et»Ui.l>Iisheil  Church  its  tin-  »um  i^ayuble  hy  tlm  uhule  nation 
muy  not  hu  considerable,  yvi  hear  in  mind  that  it  is  ollen 
the  galling  of  the  chain  which  is  more  tormenting  than  the 
wetg'ht  of  it.  1  helivvt)  that  tho  rmnovbl  uf  thv  Eh-tiihlishod 
Church  would  create  a  uew  |iolitical  an<]  soeiat  atmospheru  in 
Ireiund — tliat  it  would  make  the  pi-ople  feel  that  old  bhiogiv 
had  piisecd  anay— that  all  thiu^  hud  become  new — that  an 
Iriiihmnn  and  his  faitJi  tvere  no  longer  to  be  mndemneil  in  hin 
own  ouuutry — and  Unit  fur  the  first  time  the  Kiiglit^h  people 
and  the  £u);lisib  Piuhamctit  intruded  to  do  full  junticc  to 
Ireland. 

Now,  leaving  the  GHUhlished  Church,  I  come  to  the  ques- 
tion uf  the  land.  I  have  iutid  that  the  ownership  of  the  land 
in  IfLluiid  eame  originally  from  contiuest  and  from  confisca- 
tioa,  oaJ,  oe  n  matter  of  courM,  tberti  was  created  u  great  gulf 
between  the  owner  and  the  oeciipier,  and  from  that  tima  to 
thin  doubtless  there  hax  hceu  wautin^  that  symiutthy  which 
exists  to  a  large  extent  in  Great  Britain,  and  Uiut  uug'ht  to 
exist  in  every  conntry.  I  am  told — you  eiui  answer  it  if  I  am 
wrong — that  it  is  not  common  in  Ireland  now  to  give  Ic&ecs 
to  lenauts,  capecially  to  Catholic  Itfimnts.  If  that  be  8o,  then 
the  securit)'  for  the  property  of  tin*  ttfuant  resU  only  upon  the 
good  feoliug  aud  favour  of  the  owner  of  the  land,  for  the  taws, 
OS  we  know,  have  been  made  hy  the  kndmvners,  and  many 
propoeitions  fur  the  advantage  of  the  tenant*  have  unfortu- 
nately been  too  little  considered  by  l^rliaincnt.  llic  result  is 
that  you  have  bad  fanning,  had  d»'elling-hou»e!tj  bod  temper^ 
and  everj'thing  had  connected  wilh  the  oecupatiou  and  culti- 
vation of  land  in  Ireland.     One  of  the  ivsults — a  result  the 

VOL.  I.  B   b 


370 


SPEECHES  OF  JOUK  BEIQUT. 


OCT.  80, 


most  nppiilliiijir — is  tliis,  that  your  population  are  tleeing  from 
your  enuiitry  and  s<M>kiti^  a  rofugc  in  a  distant  land.  On  this 
point  I  wish  to  refer  to  a  letter  whicli  1  rrecivotl  A  fi?w  days 
a^  from  a  most  esteemed  citiwa  of  l>ul>liti.  He  told  me  that 
be  bcliovcd  that  a  very  large  portion  of  wLat  be  called  the 
poor,  amongst  Irishmen,  sj'mpuUiiiicd  w-ith  any  Btjhumv  or  any 
proposition  that  was  adverse  to  the  Imperial  (Jovernment'. 
He  Raid  furthur,  that  th«  jti'oplo  Iiore  ai-e  rather  in  the  eountiy 
than  of  it,  and  that  they  are  looking  more  to  America  than 
they  are  looking  to  Kii^lund.  X  tKiuk  thure  is  a  ^^H)d  deal  in 
tliat.  ^^Ticn  xve  consider  how  many  Irishmen  have  found  a 
refug«  in  America,  1  du  nut  know  hour  tv«  can  wonder  at  that 
stAtcmeot. 

You  will  PWMllcct  that  when  the  ancient  Hebrew  prophet 
prayed  in  liii-  captivity  he  i)rayed  with  hJa  window  opencil 
towards  Jerusalem.  Vou  knnw  that  tim  fullowcni  of  Mo- 
hnmmcd,  when  tliey  pray,  turn  their  face.*;  towards  Mecca. 
'\A''lit'n  the  Irish  gieuKant  asks  for  food,  and  freedom,  and 
bleBsln^,  his  eye  follon-s  the  m^ttinj;  sun;  the  aspirations  of 
hi«  Koart  reach  beyond  the  wide  Atlantic,  and  in  spirit  b« 
Rpti  hands  with  the  great  Repnhlic  of  the  West.  If  this 
be  so.  I  say,  then,  thiit  the  disease  is  not  only  etrioas,  but  it  is 
even  deBpcmtc;  but  desperate  a«  it  is,  I  I>elieve  there  is  a 
wrtain  remedy  for  it,  if  the  people  and  the  Parliament  of  the 
United  Kiu^om  ore  willing  to  apply  it.  Now,  if  it  wem 
poiisible,  would  it  not  be  worth  while  to  change  the  8eDti> 
ment«  and  improve  the  condition  of  tiie  Iriah  cultivators 
of  the  soil  ?  If  we  wearo  to  remove  the  State  CImreh,  there 
would  btill  be  a  Church,  but  it  would  not  be  a  supremacy 
Churt'h.  The  Catholics  of  Ireland  have  no  idea  of  saying  that 
Frotc^tantiaii  in  i(«  various  foruiH  ghall  not  exiftl  in  their 
There  would  still  be  a  Church,  but  it  would  be  a  tcoo 
lurch  of  a  section  of  a  free  people.  I  wall  not  go  ioto  details 
aliout  the  change.  Doul>tJess  every  man  would  say  that  the 
present  occupants  of  the  livings  should  not,  during  their  life- 


IMS, 


IRELASD.     VI. 


871 


time,  be  disturbed ;  but  if  the  principle  of  the  aliolition  ol'  the 
State  Cliurcb  were  onec  fixed  and  iicc«pt«d,  it  would  not  b« 
difficult  to  nrrnn^  tlic  details  that  would  be  satistactory  to 
th«  poopio  of  Ireland. 

Will)  olijcets  tu  thin?  Tlie  men  wlio  are  in  tarour  of 
tsupremacv,  anil  the  men  who  have  n  fuuntical  Uatn,-d  of  wbut 
tliey  cftll  Popery.  To  honetit  and  good  men  of  the  Protestant 
Church  and  of  the  FrolL-etaiLt  faith  Wwra  iu  no  r«Uion  wliat- 
ever  to  fear  this  rhiinge.  "WTint  has  the  voluntary  system 
dune  in  Sixitland?  What  haa  it  donu  otnongst  tbo  Noncon- 
formists of  Eu^tiuid?  What  hail  it  done  aniongut  the  jiopu* 
lutiun  of  Wales  ?  and  what  haa  it  done  amongnt  ihf  Catholic 
population  of  your  own  Ireland?  lu  my  opinion,  the  nliolitiim 
of  the  Established  Cbnrch  would  give  ProtestantiFm  itself 
auutbcr  cimnoc.  I  heliuvc  there  bu«i  been  in  Ireland  no  other 
enemy  of  Prot«*tanti»ni  so  injurious  as  the  Protestant  State 
Establishmmit.  It  has  been  loaded  for  two  hundred  years 
with  the  Kins  of  hod  government  and  hod  Inwit,  and  whatever 
may  ha\'e  been  the  beauty  and  the  holiness  of  its  doctrin«  or 
of  its  professors,  it  him  uut  been  able  to  hold  its  ground, 
loaded  as  it  htie  been  by  the  wns  of  a  bud  ^verumcnt.  One 
^ect  of  the  Established  Cbureh  hii«  been  this,  the  makiu}'' 
Catholieium  in  Ireland  not  only  a  faith  but  a  patriotiam,  for  it 
was  not  likely  that  any  member  of  the  Catholic  Church  would 
incline  in  the  slightetit  degree  to  Prote^tnntisni  so  long  aa  ib 
presented  itself  to  his  c)'C»  us  a  wrung-dutT  and  full  of  injus- 
tice in  connection  with  the  government  of  bis  countrj'. 

But  if  h'>ne«t  Protct^tautism  ha»  nothing  to  fear  irum  the 
changes  that  I  would  recommend,  what  has  the  bone«t  land- 
owner to  fuarV  The  history  of  £umpc  and  America  for  the 
last  one  hundred  years  affords  scarcely  any  picture  more 
painful  than  that  whieh  is  atfonled  by  the  landowners  of  Ibin 
kingdom.  The  Iri^  landowner  baa  been  diilbrent  from  every 
other  landowner,  for  the  bulk  of  bis  land  baa  only  been 
al)out  half  cultivated,  and  ho  has  ba<]  to  colkx;t  liitf  rcutt«  by 

aba 


372 


SPKKCUKS  OF  JOHN  BRltiHT. 


OCT.  80, 


a  proccsH  niiprouuhiiig'  the  evils  of  civil  wiu-.  Hia  properly 
lias  been  vetj-  insecure — tbe  saJ«  qI'  it  Hoiii«tiint«  liius  been 
renOeri^  impuKiiiljlf.  TIr*  kiiduwrner  Itiouielf  lias  often  been 
bntoil  W  thoie  wlio  ou^ht  to  Imvc  lovutl  bini,  Hu  bus  boen 
bauisbcd  from  his  anwBtral  bome  by  t«rroT,  and  not  ft  few 
Iiave  lo8t  tbeir  lives  witbout  ibc  syinputb^'  of  those  who  ought 
to  buvL-  been  tlioir  jiroleoUir^  aiiil  th«^ir  Irieuils.  I  wuuld  like 
t()  ■isV,  wbut  cull  \iv  mul-b  vtone  than  this?  If  in  tbis  coiintrj' 
fifty  ycare  ngo,  a»  in  Prniiiiifl,  there  hiul  nrit^en  Bt4it4.«m6u  who 
woald  bave  taken  one-third  or  onc^hitlf  the  land  from  Uie 
iundciwia-re  of  Irvluiid,  uuj  luudv  it  over  to  tbuir  benants,  I 
bebove  that  the  Irish  Inndownrr,  great  ns  would  have  been 
the  iujuijtic«  of  wbicb  he  nii^bt  hiix'e  coinphiiut'd,  would  la  all 
probabiUty  liave  been  richer  mid  happier  than  he  liiut  1>eeD. 

What  is  thf  fif>t  rcmi-dy  which  you  would  propose?  CI«orly 
thia — that  which  is  the  most  easily  applicable  aad  which 
would  moat  si^eedity  touch  the  condition  of  tliv  country.  It 
i«  ibiH — thut  the  prajwrty  whiuh  the  tenant  shuti  invest  or 
create  in  his  farm  sbiill  bo  8L<<!ured  to  the  tenant  by  law.  1 
believe  tbat  if  Parliament  were  fairly  to  cuact  this  it  would 
make  u  cbungc  in  the  whole  temper  of  the  euuntry.  I  recol- 
lect ill  the  year  1849  being  down  in  the  county  of  Wexford. 
I  called  at  the  house  of  :iu  old  Itiriner  of  the  name  of  Staflunl, 
who  lived  in  a  very  g-ood  houiie,  the  best  farm-houBe,  1  think, 
thut  I  had  well  noce  leuvinjj;  Dublin.  He  lived  on  hi:«  own 
fiiriu,  M'hich  he  had  bouj^bt  hfteeu  years  before.  The  house 
was  a  huuiie  which  be  had  himself  built.  He  wiia  u  venerable 
old  mini,  and  we  bad  Kumo  very  interesting  convcr.-ation  with 
liim.  1  askfd  bow  it  was  be  bud  ho  good  a  bousol'  He  mid 
the  farm  wus  his  oum,  and  the  Iioum  wok  bis  one,  and,  us  no 
inau  ouuld  disturb  liirn,  ho  bod  made  it  a  muvb  better  botise 
tbun  was  common  for  tlie  farmers  of  Ireland.  I  i^aid  to  him, 
'  If  all  Uie  fanners  of  Ireland  bad  the  ttame  8eciirity  for  the 
capitid  they  bud  out  on  their  farms,  what  would  be  the 
result'/'     The  uld    man  nlnioitt  sprang  out  of  hiii  duiir,  and 


18N. 


JffUlAiVD.      VI. 


S78 


aiid,  '  Sir,  if  yr>u  will  give  n»  that  cnrouraKcmfnt,  we  will 
6alf  tli<T  hunger  nut  of  Ireland.*  lb  is  said  thsl  all  this  mtiRt 
be  left  to  onntmct  between  the  lan<Uonl  and  the  tenant;  hut 
the  public,  which  may  be  neither  landlord  nor  tenant,  has  a 
great  interest  in  this  qnestion ;  and  I  maintain  that  the 
iotcrosts  of  the  public  require  that  Purliamcnl  i<1iould  secure 
to  the  tenant  the  propt-rty  which  he  has  invt-sted  in  hi«  farm. 
But  I  woidd  not  stop  here. 

There  is  unotlitT,  and  wliat  I  eTiouM  call  a  more  ]>erma.nent 
and  rar-rc»chinj^  remedy  for  the  evilis  of  Irelund.  and  bhoso 
persons  who  stichlv  bo  much  for  poHtiral  eronomy  1  hope  will 
follow  me  in  this.  The  great  evil  of  Ireland  i*  this — that  the 
Irish  people  — the  Irish  nation— are  disposeewted  of  the  soil, 
and  what  we  ought  to  do  is  to  provide  for,  and  aid  tn,  their 
restomtion  to  it  by  nil  measures  of  juBticc.  Why  should  ive 
to]«raie  in  Ireland  the  law  of  priiiiogcnitiire  ?  Why  should 
we  tolerate  the  system  of  entails  ?  Why  should  the  object  of 
the  law  he  to  aceiitnulnt«  land  in  great  masses  ia  few 
hand)),  and  to  make  it  almost  impossihlo  for  persons  of  small 
mcnDS,  and  tenant-farmers,  to  become  poeeoseors  of  land? 
If  you  go  to  other  countries — for  example,  to  Norway,  to 
Denmark,  to  Holland,  tn  Helgiiim.  to  Prance,  to  Germany,  to 
Italy,  or  to  tlie  UniLed  States,  you  will  find  that  in  all  these 
oniintrips  Uiobo  law»  of  which  I  complain  hiivc  been  nboli>i)iw[, 
and  the  land  is  just  as  free  to  buy  and  sell,  and  hold  and 
cultivate,  as  any  other  deijcriptioii  of  property  in  the  kin<;^lom. 
No  doubt  your  Landi-d  Instates  (Tourt,  and  your  Record  of 
Titles  Act  were  gowl  measures,  but  they  were  good  W-auise 
they  were  iu  the  direction  Uiat  I  want  to  travel  farther  in. 

But  I  would  go  farther  than  that;  I  would  deal  with  the 
qucfftion  of  abeenteeiHrn.  I  am  not  goinff  to  propose  to  tax 
alwuntciM;  but  if  my  adviee  were  taken,  we  should  have  a 
rarlfamentarv-  Commistgion  empowered  to  buy  up  tiie  large 
estates  in  Ireland  belonging  to  the  Englisih  nobility,  fiir  the 
purpose  of  selling  them  on  ca»y  t^rms  to  the  occupiers  of  the 


371 


SPEKCUES  OF  JOBX  fiBIGIIT. 


OCT.  Hi, 


farms  Ami  to  the  tenantry  of  Ireland.  Nr»w,  let  me  Iw  fairly 
imdenitfKKl.  I  nni  not  proposing  to  tax  aWntees;  I  am  not 
|)Topo«ing  to  take  any  of  tbeir  property  from  tliem ;  l>tit  I 
propo(«  tliie,  that  a  PnrliamcntAry  Cominie^on  tihouM  lie  em- 
powered to  treat  for  the  purchase  of  tho«e  lai;f^  estates  with 
a  view  of  Rulling^  them  to  the  tenantry  of  IrvlantL  Now,  here 
arc  some  of  them — the  present  Prime  Minister  lioni  Derliy, 
Lord  Ijansdowne,  XxirA  F^tzMnlliam,  tbn  ){srt|uiii  of  Hertford, 
the  Maniuis  of  Bath,  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  the  Duke  of 
Devonshire,  and  maiiy  others.  They  have  estates  in  Irelaitil; 
many  of  them,  I  dare  any,  are  jii»t  as  welt  muuiig«d  aif  any 
other  eRtatrii  in  the  comitry;  but  wliat  you  want  is  to  restore 
to  Ireland  a  middle-clam  proprietary  of  the  soil ;  and  I  venture 
to  Hay  that  if  thoM  wtatM  could  bu  purehnsed  and  could  be 
(w>Id  out  farm  by  farm  to  the  tenant  oronpiers  in  Ireland,  that  it 
would  bcinlinitcty  better  in  a  conservative  sense,  than  that  they 
Bhoiild  belong  to  great  jiroprietorB  living  out  of  the  country. 

I  have  said  that  the  diseaiK  is  d««]M>rati>,  and  that  ilie 
remedy  miust  be  searehinj^.  I  aasert  thnt  the  pri'sent  ey^tom 
of  government  with  regard  to  the  Cliurch  and  with  regard 
to  the  land  has  failed  dtsosti'ously  in  Ireland.  Under  it 
In:luiid  \w»  bveome  au  uhjuut  of  cfMnmiHCTation  to  the  whole 
workl,  and  a  discredit  to  the  United  Kingdom,  of  whidi  it 
forms  n  part.  It  is  a  laud  of  many  BorrowB,  Men  fight  for 
supremacy,  and  call  it  Pnitestantimn ;  they  fight  for  evil  and 
bnd  Uw^,  and  they  call  it  acting  for  the  (lercnce  of  property. 
Now,  arc  tlnere  no  good  men  in  Ireland  of  those  who  are 
generally  opposed  to  us  In  politics — are  tliero  none  who  can 
rise  above  the  level  of  [larty  ?  If  there  be  imch,  I  wish  ray 
voioc  might  reanh  tliom.  I  have  often  asked  myself  whether 
patriotiMQ  ia  dejul  in  Ireland.  Cannot  all  the  people  of  Ireland 
see  that  the  calamities  of  their  country  are  the  creatnros  of 
tlie  law,  and  if  that  he  so,  tliat  jnst  laws  only  can  remove 
tht«e  calamities  ? 

If  Iriahmen  were  united— if  your  105  Members  were  for  the 


IMS. 


1RSLAHD.     Vi. 


ars 


most  part  agreed,  ymt  mi^ht  do  almost  an^iJiing  that  you  liked 
— ^you  nii^t  do  it  even  in  the  present  Farliftmout ;  liut  if  jou 
are  disunited,  then  1  know  not  how  you  can  guin  anything 
from  a  Parliament  crcntcd  a?  the  Imperial  PnrlJamcnt  is  now. 
The  ctaeses  who  nile  in  Britain  will  hear  your  cry  as  they  have 
lieard  it  before,  and  will  pay  no  attention  to  it.  Tiic-y  will 
8M  your  ptoplo  lea%'iiigr  your  shores,  and  thpy  will  tliink  it 
BO  calamity  to  the  «)untry.  They  know  that  they  have  ftiPL-e 
to  mipprcss  insurrection,  and,  thcrefoif,  you  can  gain  nothing 
fhim  their  fears.  "What,  then,  is  your  hope?  It  is  in  a  better 
P&rliam(?nf,  representing  fairly  the  T^nit^d  Kiogdnm — the 
movemont  which  is  now  in  force  in  England  and  Scotland, 
and  whioli  is  your  movement  as  much  an  ours.  IF  there  were 
leo  more  Members,  the  representatives  of  largis  and  freo  con- 
st itufncicM,  then  your  cry  would  he  lieurd,  and  the  people 
would  give  you  that  justice  which  a  class  has  m  long  denied 
you.  Tlie  great  party  that  is  now  in  power — -Iho  Tory  party 
— denies  that  you  have  any  juitt  eanste  of  eomplaint. 

In  a  Speech  delivered  the  other  day  in  BcUact,  much  was 
said  of  the  enforcement  of  the  law ;  but  tliere  wsh  nothing 
Bud  about  any  change  or  amendment  in  the  luw'.  M'^ith  this 
party  terror  \a  their  only  spwiGc, — they  liave  no  confidence 
in  allegiaiiut"  exepjit  where  there  is  no  power  to  rebel.  Now, 
I  differ  from  these  men  entirely.  I  believe  th«t  at  the  root 
of  a  general  di&content  there  is  in  all  countries  a  general 
grievance  and  general  aufl'eriiig'.  The  sarface  of  aoeiety  is 
not  incessantly  disturbed  without  a  cause.  I  recollect  in  the 
poem  of  the  greatest,  of  Italian  poets,  he  tells  ii»  that  as  he 
saw  in  vision  the  Stygian  lake,  and  stood  apon  its  hanks,  he 
observed  the  constant  commutiun  u{ion  the  eurfavc  of  the  pool, 
and  his  good  instructor  and  guide  explained  to  him  the  cause 
ofitr— 

•Tliij,  Ion,  forccrtUD  litiow,  iTint  unrtcnii^iiLU 
Tho  mUr  dwelU  a  iuultltuiJi\  wliuso  nigha 
Int«  tbwo  butiblo  make  ibc  svrfk<«  limtvc, 
A«  Uiin«  0/e  telU  th«e  wlwrMoe'oc  it  turn.' 


376 


SPSBCaSS  OF  JOHN  JiRIGIfT. 


Anil  I  BBy  in  Trcland  for  gonorations  hiu>k,  that  tbe  misery 
and  the  wron^  of  the  people  have  miuie  their  sign,  and  have 
found  a  voice  in  corstsnt  iDsurrectioii  and  disoriler.  I  have 
said  that  Ireland  is  a  country  of  many  wrongs  and  of  many 
sorrows.  Her  pant  lies  almost  all  itt  shadow.  Hit  prescat 
iH  full  of  anxiety  and  peril.  Uor  future  depend),  od  the  power 
of  her  people  to  euhatitiite  eqiiali^'  andjustiee  for  supremacyj 
and  a  generous  pntriotifim  for  Uic  spirit  of  factiou.  lo  the 
effort  now  making  in  Great  Britain  to  create  a  free  r^re- 
sentation  of  the  people  you  have  the  deepest  int«re8t.  Tlw 
people  never  wish  to  Ruffer,  and  thoy  never  wish  to  inflict 
injiistioe.  They  hjivc  no  sympathy  with  the  wrong-doer, 
whether  in  Oreat  Britain  or  in  Ireland ;  and  when  they  ore 
fairly  represented  in  the  Imperial  Parliament,  as  I  hopt  they 
will  one  day  l>e,  they  will  speedily  give  an  efTective  and  final 
answer  to  that  old  qnegtjon  of  the  Parliament  of  Kilkenny — 
'  How  oomee  it  to  pass  that  the  King  has  never  been  the 
richer  for  Ireland?' 


IRELAND. 

VII. 

DUBLIN,  NOVEMBER  2,    1866. 

[This  ipeach  wu  ipoken  kt  &  public  meeting  bold  in  Dublin,  at  which  an 
AddreBR  from  the  IVadea  wns  prsBeuted  to  Mr.  Bright.  Jsnies  Uttugbton, 
Eiq.,  was  in  the  Chair] 

Whek  I  came  to  your  city  I  was  asked  if  I  would  attend 
a  public  meeting  on  the  qaestion  of  Parliamentary  Reform. 
I  answered  that  I  was  not  in  good  order  for  much  speaking, 
for  I  have  suffered,  as  I  am  afraid  you  will  find  before  I  come 
to  the  end  of  my  speech,  from  much  cold  and  hoarseness; 
but  it  was  urged  upon  me  that  there  were  at  least  some,  and 
not  an  inconsiderable  nmnber,  of  the  working  men  of  this 
city  who  would  be  glad  if  I  would  meet  thdm;  and  it  was 
proposed  to  offer  me  some  address  of  friendship  and  confidence 
such  as  that  which  has  been  read.  I  have  no  complaint  to 
make  of  it  but  this,  that  whilst  I  do  not  say  it  indicates  too 
much  kindness,  yet  that  it  colours  too  highly  the  email 
services  which  I  have  been  able  to  render  to  any  portion  of 
my  countiymen.  Your  countrymen  are  reckoned  generally  to 
be  a  people  of  great  gratitude  and  of  much  enthusiasm,  and, 
therefore,  I  accept  the  Address  with  all  the  kindness  and  feelings 


378 


SPBEGUES  OF  JOUN  BHIOBT. 


am.  3. 


of  rriundsliip  witb  wfaicb  it  has  been  offered,  and  I  hope  it 
will  In*,  nt  least  in  some  de{j*ree,  a  atimulant  to  me,  iu  n')iaU->%'er 
pofiition  of  life  I  om  placed,  to  remember,  as  I  hdvo  ever  in 
pasi  times  remeraWrcd,  tJie  clairos  of  the  p€op[e  of  this  island 
to  oiraplftc  and  equal  justice  with  tJie  people  of  Great 
Britain. 

Now,  there  mfty  bo  pereons  in  this  room,  T  ehould  ho  wir- 
pmcd.  if  there  were  not,  who  doubt  whether  it  is  worth  their 
while  even  to  hope  far  suhetantial  juxtioc, «»  this  address  B»ys, 
from  a  Parliament  sitting  in  London.  If  there  he  such  a  man 
in  this  room  let  him  nuderetJiiid  that  1  am  not  the  man  to 
condemn  him  or  to  expre^  tiiirprisc  at  the  opinion  at  which 
lie  has  arrived.  But  I  would  ask  him  in  return  for  thai,  tliat 
ho  M'ouM  ^ive  mc  ikt  leuet  fur  u  few  minutes  a  piiticiit  hoaria^j 
and  he  will  Bad  that,  whether  justice  may  come  from  the 
north  or  the  sonth,  or  tlie  cast  or  tho  wret,  I,  at  any  rate, 
stand  m  a,  frieud  of  the  moet  complete  junbiipe  to  the  people  of 
this  islmd.  When  diseuseing  the  question  of  Parlinmontary 
Ileform,  1  have  often  heard  it  asserted  that  the  ]>eoi)le  of 
Ireland,  ojid  I  fun  nut  8j)oaking  of  those  who  are  hopeless  of 
good  from  &  rurliiiment  in  Jjondon,  hut  that  the  people  of 
Iroland  ^nenJly  imagine  that  the  queution  uf  Piu'tiam^nlary 
Reform  has  verj-  little  importmice  for  them.  Now  I  under- 
take to  my,  and  I  think  I  can  make  it  ok-or  tn  this  meeting', 
that  whatever  be  the  importance  of  that  question  to  any  man 
iu  England  or  Seotknd,  if  the  two  islands  are  to  oontiiiue 
under  Imperiid  Pjirliamentary  Government,  it  is  of  more 
imporlance  to  every  Iriehman.  You  know  that  the  Parliament 
of  which  1  am  a  Member  coiilains  6,58  McmWrs,  of  whom  105 
cross  the  Channel  from  Ireland,  and  when  they  go  to  Ijondon 
they  meet— Bupijoaiiig  all  the  Members  of  the  House  of 
Conunons  are  gathered  together — 553  Members  who  are 
rotarticd  for  Greot  Britain.  Now,  suppose  that  all  your 
loj  Members  were  alwolutely  gof»d  and  honourable  reprc- 
sentatires  of  the  jwople  of  Ireland — I  will  not  ray  Tories,  or 


1866, 


ntHLANii.    7H. 


S79 


Wlii^,  or  Iluiltouls,  or  Eepealers,  but  unjihing  you  like, — let 
every  man  imag-ine  that  all  these  Members  were  exactiy  the 
sort  of  men  he  would  u'isli  to  go  fniin  Irotaod, — wben  tho  1 05 
Arrive  in  London  tlioy  meet  witli  the  553  wlio  are  returned 
from  Gri?At  Britaiu.  Now,  6U{;ipn8e  that  the  system  of  Pur- 
tiamcntaxy  reiireseittation  in  Great  Britaio  is  very  bad,  thai  It 
rBpreRents  very  few  persons  in  that  great  islam),  and  that  thoBc 
who  ap[icflr  to  he  roprosciitfd  are  distributed  in  the  sinidl 
ttorourjfhs  over  dil&ruat  piirtjj  of  the  oouiitry,  and  iii  the 
counties  under  the  thumb  and  Gai^r  of  the  la&dlordu,  it  is 
clear  tliat  the  whole  Parliament,  although  your  105  Members 
tnay  be  v«rv  gwod  men,  must  still  bo  a  very  bad  Parliament. 
Tlierefore,  if  any  man  imagines — and  I  should  think  no  man 
can  imagine — ^that  the  representation  of  the  poojile  in  Ireland 
is  iu  a  very  g^nd  state — still,  if  he  fancies  it  is  in  a  good  state 
— ^unless  the  representation  of  Great  Criluin  were  ftt  lcji»t 
ctjaslly  good,  you  might  have  a  hnndi-ed  excellent  Iriish 
Memhere  in  Parliament  at  Westraijister ;  but  the  whole  658 
Blembore  might  be  n  vtsry  bad  Parliament  for  the  United 
Kingdom. 

The  Member  for  a  boroiig'h  or  a  county  in  Ireland,  when  he 
goes  to  London,  votea  for  measures  for  the  whole  kingdom; 
and  a  Member  for  Lanc&sbin?  or  fi>r  Warwiekehire,  or  for  any 
other  county  or  borough  in  Gwat  Britain,  votes  for  mcaBurc's 
uot  only  for  Great  Britain  but  also  for  Ireland,  and  therefore, 
all  parts  of  the  United  Kingdom — every  county,  every  borough, 
every  jwirish,  «vory  family,  everj"  man— liaj?  a  clear  and  dis- 
tinet  and  nndoiibted  interest  in  n  Parlinnieut  that  shnl)  fairly 
and  justly  rcpreB«nt  the  whole  nation.  Now,  look  for  a 
moment  at  two  or  tliree  facts  with  rcganl  to  Ireland  u1oii«. 
I  hove  stated  some  facts  with  regard  to  England  and  Scotland 
at  recent  meetings  held  across  (he  Channel. 

Now  for  two  or  three  facta  with  regard  to  Ireland.  In 
Iw-land  yon  have  five  boroughs  rctnming  each  one  Member, 
the  average  number  of  electors  in  each  of  these  boroughs  being 


380 


SPEECBES  OF  JOHN  HRI(fHT. 


SOV    2. 


only  17J.  You  have  13  borouifhs,  the  nverngc  nwmljcr  Wing 
316.  You  have  g  other  horounrha  witli  an  sTt-ruge  numWr  of 
electors  of  497.  Yoii  have,  iliprpfore,  27  borough*  who^e 
wTioIe  niimbBP  of  Dlectors,  if  tlioy  wi«re  all  put  tog^tlitT.  is 
only  9,453.  OP  "tt  averaffp  of  350  plectors  for  eaph  Menib<'r. 
I  must  tell  you  further  that  j*on  have  a  single  countj  with 
nearly  twice  as  many  voters  its  the  whole  of  those  27  boroughs. 
Your  27  boroughs  have  only  <),\3^  v\v(Aots,  aud  the  (wmrity  of 
Corlc  has  trt,io7  electnrd,  and  rptums  but  two  Memlters,  Hut 
that  id  not  the  worst  of  the  case.  It  happeoB  both  io  Great 
Britain  and  IrelanfJ,  wherever  tho  borough  con Btit ncneios  nro 
so  small,  thai  it  is  almost  impnsoihle  that  they  E<hould  be 
independpnt ;  a  verj-  acute  lawyer,  for  example,  in  one  of 
those  boroughs— a  vpiy  influential  olergynian ,  whether  of 
your  Church  or  ours — when  I  siiy  ours,  I  do  not  moan  min«j 
but  the  Church  of  England — half-u-dozcn  men  combining^ 
together,  or  a  Uttlu  corruption  from  candida-tcs  going  with 
a  well-filled  j)ur*e, — these  are  the  influences  brought  to  bear 
upon  those  small  boroughs  lioth  in  England  and  Ireland,  A 
grciit  mnriy  of  them  rotiim  tlioir  Momliors  by  meanx  of  eor- 
niption,  more  or  lees,  and  a  free  and  real  rqiresenfation  of  the 
jiccfpli'  is  hardly  ever  possible  in  a  liorougb  of  tluit  small  size. 
But  if  I  were  to  compare  your  boroughs  with  your  coimtie?', 
see  how  it  stands.  You  have  thirty-nine  borough  Member*, 
with  30,000  electors,  and  you  have  sixty-four  county  Mem- 
ber*, with  173,000  oleetor*.  Therefore  you  tev  that  the 
Membere  arc  so  distributed  that  the  great  popidatione  have 
not  one  <|uarter  of  the  tuflitencc  in  Parliuineut  which  tliose 
amall  populations  in  the  small  boroughs  have.  We  come 
next  to  nrother  (luestion  which  is  of  gr^at  eonfM-tpience.  Not 
only  are  those  small  boroughs  altogether  too  small  for  indc- 
pendence,  but  if  we  come  to  your  lai^  county  const  itueucies, 
we  lind  that  from  the  peculiar  cirenmstAnees  and  the  relations 
which  exist  between  the  voter  and  the  owner  of  the  land, 
there   is  scarcely  any  freedom  of  clcelioii.     Even    in  your 


I6M. 


U!  EL  AND.     VU. 


381 


counties  I  should  tfuppuac  thut  if  therf  was  uo  cumpulRion 
IroBi  tlie  landowners  or  their  agents,  that  in  at  least  three- 
fuurths  ufthiti  islaiid  the  vote  of  the  county  vlet-'torB  would  "he 
by  a  vast  majority  in  favour  of  thu  Lihi>ral  candidiite^.  I  am 
not  speaking:  merely  of  oioiu  who  proff&s  a  iKrrt  of  liberality 
which  JHot  enables  Ihem  to  ^  with  their  party,  but  I  speak 
of  men  who  would  be  thoroughly  in  curiirat  in  sustuitiiug, 
as  far  a»  ihey  were  able,  in  Parliament,  the  opinions  which 
th«y  were  si'ut  to  roprcsent  by  the  large  eonstitueneies  who 
elected  the  up. 

Thi.-  question  of  the  ballot  18,  in  my  opiuioD,  of  the  greatest 
innportauce  iu  Orc»t  Hritain  and  Ireland,  but  is  of  more  im- 
portauoo  ill  the  counties  than  it  is  iu  thu  large  boroughs.  For 
example:  in  Greut  Rritain,  in  ituoh  boroughs  as  Edinburgh 
tod  (jlas^'ow,  and  Manvhe&ter  and  Biroaingham,  and  the 
metropulilan  boroughs,  where  the  liumbcr  of  electors  ruua 
from  io,ocx3  to  25,000,  bribery  is  of  no  avail,  beeaun:  you 
could  not  bribe  thousands  of  men.  To  bribe  100  or  300 
Would  not  iiltL'r  the  return  at  an  eleetioii  with  so  largw  a  w>n- 
stitueney.  But  wUot  you  want  with  the  ballot  is,  that  in  the 
counties  where  the  tenant^farmcra  vote>  and  where  Utuy  live 
upon  tbeir  land  without  the  security  of  a  lease,  or  without 
the  security  of  any  law  to  give  them  eompeusatiou  for  any 
imppovemeuts  Ihey  raay  have  maile  ujwn  the  lund,  the  tenant- 
farmer  feeU  liimsvlf  olwuys  liable  to  injury,  and  sometimes  to 
ruin,  if  bo  gets  into  a  dispute  with  the  aj^nt  or  the  land- 
OH-ner  with  regard  to  the  uijiuner  iu  wliieb  he  has  exercised 
bis  frauahifie.  Aud  ivhat  will  lw>  very  important  aUo,  if  you 
have  tlie  ballot,  your  «Icctione  will  be  tran(]^uil,  without  dis- 
order and  without  riot.  Last  week,  or  the  week  before,  tbeie 
was  an  election  in  one  of  your  great  countiL-s.  Well,  mukin^ 
every  allowanoe  tlial  can  be  made  for  the  exaggerations  circu- 
lated by  the  writers  of  the  two  [)artiee,  it  tx  quite  clear  to 
everybody  that  the  circum*taaeo«  of  that  election,  though  not 
absolutely   uncommon   in   Ireland,    nei-c  still   such   as   to    be 


382 


SPEECHES  OF   JOHS  BRIGUT. 


ltV9.% 


utterly  discreditable  to  a  rvsl  repn^ecDtalive  sytitcm.  Anil 
you  must  bear  in  miud  that  there  is  uo  otiier  people  in  th« 
vrorld  tbnt  considers  that  it  lias  a  fair  representative  system 
unless  it  hait  th«^  ballot.  Tbo  ballot  is  ucivcrsal  almoot  in  the 
United  StaU^s.  It  is  almost  universal  in  the  oolooius,  at  wiy 
rate  Ja  the  Australian  eoloniei«;  it  ie  almost  iinivcrBuI  on  ttie 
contioettt  of  Europe,  nitd  in  the  new  Parliamvnt  uf  North 
Gcrmuuy,  which  is  about  sooii  to  be  ai».eniblvd,  vvcry  man  of 
twenty>ltve  yeans  of  age  is  to  be  allowed  tu  vote,  and  \a  \ott) 
by  ballot. 

Now,  I  bold,  mthout  any  feu-r  of  eotilradiotion,  that  the 
intt-'UigcDCti  and  the  virtnett  of  the  pcoplv  uf  Irclaod  arc  not 
represi'tited  iu  the  Parliumcnt.  You  have  your  wrongs  lo 
eompluiu  of— wrongs  centuries  old,  aud  wit>ngii  that  lony  ago 
the  iJfOplu  of  Ireland,  and,  I  venture  to  sny,  the  people  of 

Oreut    Ijritaiii    iiuitt<d  viU)  Ireland My  friend  up  there 

will  not  lietcD  to  the  end  of  my  sentence.  I  say  that  the 
people  of  Grvat  Urititin,  acting'  with  tlie  people  of  Ireland, 
in  a  fair  jt-prvscuUtiuu  of  the  whole,  would  long'  ago  have 
temedied  ever}'  just  grievance  of  whi<.'h  yuu  eould  complain. 

I  will  take  two  questLous  which  I  treated  upon  the  other 
QVening.  I  mil  ask  about  one  question — that  is,  the  ques- 
tion of  the  supremacy  of  tlie  Church  iu  Ircliuid.  Half  the 
people  in  Enjrland  are  iSouuMuformists.  They  are  not  in 
favour  of  an  Established  Church  anj-where,  and  it  is  utterly 
impossible  that  they  could  bu  in  favour  of  iin  Estiibliahed 
Church  in  an  island  like  this — im  Eattubliiibvd  Church  furnned 
of  a  mere  handful  of  the  population,  in  <oppnsition  to  tbo 
wishes  of  the  nation.  Now  take  the  Principlity  of  Wales. 
I  Buppuee  that  four  out  of  five  of  the  population  there  are 
Diaaentcrs,  luid  tliey  are  not  tn  favour  of  maintaining^  m 
religious  Protestant  Establishment  in  ln.'land.  Th«  people  of 
Scotland  harvu  idso  secvded  in  such  large  nimibci-H  from  their 
Kfllabli<«he<l  Church,  although  of  a  democratic  character,  that 
I  suppose  those  who  have  seceded  me  a  ocmfiiderBblti  m^orily 


iMe. 


IRELAND.      Yir. 


883 


of  the  whole  people — Ihey  are  not  in  favour  of  maintaining 
un  ecclcBiusbical  Establish mviib  in  Ireland  in  oppoaition  to  th« 
view*  of  the  great  majority  of  your  jjcoplc.  Take  the  other 
<{ue!itio)i — tliut  of  laud.  There  is  nobody  in  Great  IlritAio 
of  the  great  town  population,  or  of  the  middlt?  dass,  or  of  the 
still  more  numerous  irorlting  class,  who  hiw  oiiy  8yrapnthy 
with  that  condition  of  the  law  and  of  the  admiuLitr&tion  of 
the  law  n'hit.-Ii  hue  worked  such  miechiefe  in  your  country. 
But  thiase  NonconformiRta,  whether  in  England,  Wulex,  or 
Suulland,  these  grejit  middle  cliuae^,  and  still  greater  working 
<:hia8eH,  are  iu  the  poBiLion  that  you  are.  Only  sixteen  af 
cwry  hundred  have  n  vote,  and  those  sixteen  are  so  armuged 
that  when  their  representatives  get  to  ^^rliament  they  turn 
out  for  the  most  part  to  be  no  real  rejireiseatativeii  of  the 
peo|jle. 

I  will  tell  you  fairly  that  yoo,  u  the  less  populous  and  less 
powerful  part  of  thia  great  nation — you  of  all  the  men  in  tha 
Uiiittd  Kingdom,  huve  by  (sr  tlio  strongest  iutt-ru-st  in  a 
thorough  rcforui  of  the  Imperial  Parliament,  and  I  believe 
that  you  yourselves  cnnM  not  do  youri»«lve8  such  complete 
juutiee  by  yourNt-lvw;  va  you  cam  do,  by  fairly  acting  with  the 
geaeroiis  raillvona  of  my  eountrymea  in  whose  name  I  nlond 
here.  You  have  on  thia  platform  two  memlierri  of  the  ll«form 
League  from  London.  I  rewlvcd  yesterday,  or  the  Any 
before,  a  telegram  from  the  Scottiuli  Reform  League,  from 
Glai:gow.  I  am  not  sure  whetlier  there  is  a  copy  of  it  in  any 
of  the  newspapcri4.  but  it  was  sent  to  me,  and  I  presume  it 
wu»  sent  to  me  thiit  I  might  read  il,  if  I  had  the  opportunity 
of  meeting  any  of  the  unenfranchised  men  of  this  city.  It 
sqrs: — 'The  Soottifch  Reform  Lragiio  requuet  yon  to  convoy 
to  tho  Reformers  in  Ireland  tlieir  deep  sympathy.  They 
sincerely  hope  that  aoon  in  Ireland,  ae  iu  Scotland  oud  Dug^ 
laitd,  Reform  Lcuguea  may  he  formed  in  every  town  to  secure 
to  the  pet.ple  their  ijolitical  right*.  Urge  upon  our  friends 
iu  Irehmd  their  duty  to  promote  this  great  movement,  and  lu 


384 


SPBECBES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


XDV.  S, 


secure  at  home  tbo^e  benefits  nhicb  thousunds  of  their  fellow- 
countrymen  are  forced  to  sMk  ia  other  luD<b — where  luad  and 
Statu  ChiirL'h  grievances  are  unknown.  We  also  seek  co- 
operation, knowing  lliut  uur  frcudooij  though  sucuru  to- 
mon-ow,  would  not  be  safe  so  long  as  one  portion  of  the 
UuU«d  Kingdom  were  Icks  frve  tlian  Ihc  otbvr  portions.'  Tlii-re 
18  the  outspoken  voice  of  the  represeatativea  of  that  great  mul- 
titude thut  only  u  furtuight  siucc  I  eaw  ptussiiiK  through  the 
streets  of  Glasgow.  For  three  hours  the  procession  pnascd, 
wiUi  all  the  erableinti  aud  symbolii  of  their  variouH  trader,  and 
the  8trect«  for  two  or  throe  milesf  were  enlivened  by  banners, 
and  the  air  was  filled  with  the  sounds  of  mu)ii<'  from  their 
huudjH.  Those  men  but  ttpoke  the  aame  langunge  that  ww 
licuj-d  in  ilic  Wust  Riding,  in  ManehL-st(.-r,  in  Biriniugham, 
Aud  in  London  ;  and  you  mt-n  of  Dublin,  and  of  Ireland,  you 
never  made  u  miHtuke  mure  jrrievous  in  your  lives  than  whuri 
you  eome  to  tlie  conclusion  that  there  arc  not  millions  of 
men  in  Great  Hrituin  willing  to  do  you  full  jufitico. 

1  iim  verj-  sorry  that  my  voice  is  not  »vhiil  it  was,  and 
when  I  think  of  the  work  thai  i?  to  be  done  somclime^'i  I  feel 
it  is  a  pity  wc  grow  old  so  fast  But  years  a^,  when  I 
have  thought  of  the  condition  of  Ireland,  of  its  sorrows  atid 
wrongs,  of  the  discredit  that  its  condition  hiw  bmu^rht  upon 
the  Eng-llfih,  the  Irish,  and  the  British  name,  I  have  thought, 
if  I  could  be  id  all  other  things  the  same,  but  by  birth  an 
Irishman,  thi?ri>  is  not  a  town  in  this  Ulnnd  I  would  not 
visit  for  the  pui-ptisc  of  discussing  the  groat  Irish  question, 
and  of  tx>using  my  countrymen  lu  some  great  aud  united 
action. 

I  <Io  not  believe  in  the  neeeasity  of  wide-sprend  and  jwr- 
petual  mistiry.  I  do  nut  believe  that  we  are  placed  ou  this 
islan<l,  and  on  this  earth,  that  one  man  may  he  greftt  and 
\\cnlthy,  and  revel  in  every  profuse  indulgence,  and  five,  six, 
nine,  or  ten  men  ehall  huII'lt  tlii;  abjuL't  misL-ry  which  we 
sve  so  commonly  in  the  world.     With  your  soil,  your  climate. 


IMK 


TRELAHD.     Vn. 


886 


and  joar  active  mid  spirited  race,  I  Iedow  not  what  ynn 
might  not  do.  There  liavo  been  reasons  to  my  mind  wliy 
soil  and  climate,  and  the  labour  of  your  populfttion,  have  not 
produced  ^ncrul  cotnibrt  and  competeQce  f  rr  all. 

The  Address  speaks  of  the  friendly  feeling  nnd  the  sympathy 
whtcb  I  have  bad  for  Ireland  during  my  political  eareer. 
When  I  first  went  into  the  House  of  Coinmuii!)  tht;  most 
prominent  figiirc  in  it  wan  Daniol  O'ConnclI.  I  Iiave  «it  by 
his  side  lor  hoars  in  that  Hou^,  and  listened  lo  ohsurvationii 
both  amusing  and  instructive  on  ivhat  wan  passing-  undn* 
disctission .  I  have  neen  him,  too,  more  than  once  njwn 
the  platromis  of  the  Anti-Coru-Iaw  Leagiii?.  I  revullivt 
that  on  one  occasion  he  sent  to  Ireland  expreiialy  for  a  neW)i> 
paper  for  mc,  which  contained  a  report  of  a  spt^ech  which 
he  made  a;E:ain»t  the  Com-Iaw  when  the  Coru-Iaw  was  pass- 
ing- through  Parliameiit  in  1815,  and  we  owb  mucJi  to  his 
exertions  in  cooneotion  with  that  question,  for  almort  tLe 
whole  Liberal — I  suppose  the  whole  Libeml — party  of  the 
Irish  representatives  in  Parliament  supported  the  measure 
of  free  tragic  of  wliieh  wc  were  the  proniini-nt  udvoRatcs;  and 
I  know  of  nothing  that  wna  favotirable  to  freedom,  whether 
in  connection  with  Ireland  or  T^nglaml,  thut.  O'Connell  did 
not  (support  willi  all  ht^  gi'ent  jwwern.  \Vhy  is  it,  now, 
that  there  should  be  any  kind  of  echi^m  between  the  Liberal 
people  of  Ireland  a»d  tho  Liberal  people  of  Oreat  Britain? 
I  do  not  ask  you  to  join  hands  with  supremacy  and  oppres- 
sion, whetlier  in  your  inland  or  ours.  What  I  ask  you  is, 
to  open  your  heart  of  henrte,  and  join  hands  for  a  real  and 
thorough  working  union  for  Ireedom  with  the  people  of  Great 
Britain. 

Before  1  sit  down,  I  must  be  allowed  to  advert  to  a  point 
which  has  been  mucli  commented  upon — a  Hentcnce  In  my 
^Mech  made  the  oUier  night  with  regard  to  the  land.  Thera 
are  newspapere  in  Dublin  which  1  need  not  name,  brcauwj 
I  am  quite  sure  you  can  find  them  out — which  do  not  Icel 

VOL.  I.  o  c 


3SG 


SPEECiiKS  OF  jojry  BitTGnr. 


Kor,  2, 


wiy  strong-  desire  to  jmlge  fairly  oayUiinff  I  m%y  proiwsc 
for  the  pacification  and  pedemption  of  the  people  »f  Ireland. 
It  n-As  this  I  Bnid :  '  II  is  of  the  first  iinporlance  that  the 
jiortpltf  of  Trelnnd,  by  mrne  proeoes  or  otlier,  abuiilU  liave  llie 
opportunity  of  being  rafidc  Ihc  possCBgors  of  their  own  wil/ 
You  will  know  ]ierfwtly  well  that  1  am  not  about  to  propose 
n  copy  uf  the  rillaiiioiis  crimes  of  two  hundred  years  ago,  to 
confiBcntc  the  lands  of  the  proprietors,  liere  or  elsewbOTe, 
I  propose  to  introduco  a  Hystetn  which  would  gradunlly,  no 
douht  rapidly  and  easily,  without  injuring  anybody,  maltc 
m&iiy  IhoiiRanda  who  ttro  now  ti-nant-farinors,  without  lease 
and  Becnrity,  the  owners  of  their  tiu-mH  in  this  island.  This 
is  my  plan,  mid  I  want  to  restate  it  with  a  litite  fnrther  ex- 
planation, in  ortler  that  these  jjentlemen  to  whom  I  have 
referred  may  not  repeat  the  very  untrue,  and  I  may  say  dis- 
Itoiiuuralilc  coouneut«t  which  tlicy  have  made  npon  rae. 

There  are  many  targe  efltatcs  in  Ireland  which  belong  to 
rich  families  in  Kng-land, — families  not  only  of  the  highest 
rank,  but  of  the  hi^fhest  charae't«^r, — ^Iieeausie  1  will  venture  tn 
say  there  are  not  to  bo  found  amonfjst  the  English  nobility 
families  of  more  perfect  lionourablcncss  and  worili  than  some 
of  tho.te  to  whom  my  plan  would  be  offered ;  and,  therefore, 
I  am  not  speaking  agaiust  the  Bristooracy,  against  tbnse 
families,  or  against  property,  or  against  anybody,  or  against 
anything  that  ie  good.  I  sny,  that  if  Parliament  were  to 
appoint  a  Commie&ion,  and  give  it,  say,  at  first  up  to  the 
amount  of  five  millions  sterling',  tlie  power  to  ut^tiute  or 
treat  with  those  great  families  in  Kngtand  who  have  estates 
in  Ireland,  it  is  pi-ohable  that  some  of  those  great  eetat«s 
might  be  bought  at  a  not  very  unreasonable  priee.  I  am 
of  opinion  that  thia  would  be  the  cheapest  money  Uiat  the 
Imperial  Parliament  ever  expended,  c\tti  though  it  beconM 
possessed  of  those  estates  at  a  price  considerably  above  the 
market  price.  But  I  propose  it  should  be  worked  in  this 
vay.    I  will  take  a  ease.     I  will  assume  that  this  Com- 


18M. 


IRELAND.     Vn. 


387 


miasioD  in  in  pnssecifiion  of  a  considemble  lurtate  bought  fmm 
some  present  owddf  of  it.  I  will  take  one  farm,  wliicti  I  will 
aeHiime  to  be  worth  i.oooi'.,  for  which  the  present  tenant 
is  paying  a  rent  of  ^fll.  a-veur.  He  hat  no  lease.  He  lia* 
no  secnritjr.  He  makrH  alma»t  no  impmTeoient  of  any  kind ; 
and  he  is  not  quite  sure  whether,  when  he  has  tiaved  a  little 
more  money,  he  will  not  take  his  family  off  to  the  United 
States.  Now  we  will  nesiime  oiirselve*,  if  j-on  like,  to  bo 
that  Commission,  and  that  wo  have  before  lui  the  farmer 
who  '\»  the  tenant  on  thnt  pairtieular  rarm,  for  which  he  pays 
50/.  aycar,  without  lease  or  swnrity,  and  whicli  I  assume 
to  be  worth  1,000^.  The  Government,  I  believe,  lencU  money 
to  Irish  landownewi  for  drainage  purposes  at  about  3J  per 
cent,  per  annum.  Suppose  the  Government  were  to  say  to 
this  farmer,  '  Von  would  not  have  any  ohjection  to  become 
pOMMaed  of  this  farm?'  'No,  not  the  slightest,'  he  mig'ht 
aDaw«r,*bnt  how  i«  that  to  he  done?*  Tn  this  way; — You 
may  pay  50/.  a-year,  that  ie,  5  (»r  cent,  on  one  thousand 
pounds;  the  Government  can  aiford  to  do  these  transactious 
for  3i  per  cent.;  if  you  will  pay  60/.  a-ycnr  for  a  given 
number  of  years,  whieh  any  of  the  artuaries  of  the  insurance 
officen  or  any  ^'ood  arithraetteiuii  may  soon  calculate, — if  you 
will  pay  60/.  for  your  rent,  instead  of  50/.,  it  may  be  for 
perhaps  twenty  yca^e,^^^t  the  end  of  that  time  the  farm  vnXX 
be  yours,  without  any  further  payment. 

I  want  you  to  understiuid  how  this  is.  If  the  farmer  paid 
t*n  pounds  a-year  more  than  he  now  pays,  towards  buying 
his  farm,  and  if  the  1 ,000^.  the  Government  would  pay  for 
the  farm  would  not  eo«t  the  Government  more  than  35A,  the 
difference  between  35/.  and  60/.  being  25/.,  would  bo  the  sum 
which  tiiat  fanner,  in  Mx  rent,  would  be  paying  to  tlie  Com- 
mitision,  that  is,  to  the  Government,  for  the  redemption  of  bia 
farm.  Thiu<,  at  tho  end  of  n  very  few  years,  the  farmer  would 
|>09sea«  his  own  farm,  having  a  perfect  security  in  the  me-an- 
time.     Nobody  could  turn  him  out  if  lie  paid  hie  rent,  and 

oca 


388 


SPEECUKS  OF  JOffA^  BltrGlIT. 


Kov.  3, 


nobody  could  rob  him  for  anj'  improvement  he  made  «n  hia 
luud.  Thtj  uext  moroing  after  he  made  th»t  agreement,  he 
would  explain  it  to  bis  wife  and  to  Iiis  big'  boy,  who  had 
I'crliaps  bwQ  idling  nbout  for  ii  Iviiff  time,  and  there  would 
not  be  a.  stone  on  the  land  thiit  would  not  he  removed,  not 
a  viwA  that  be  would  not  ]>ull  up.  not  a  particle  of  roannre 
that  he  would  not  savo;  evi'rj'thiuj»  would  be  done  with  a 
zcnl  and  an  cnthueiarim  which  he  had  npvnr  known  before; 
and  by  the  time  the  few  years  had  run  on  when  the  fann 
tihuuld  bccomt'  IiIh  without  »iiy  further  purchase,  he  would 
have  turned  a  dilapidatec],  miRemblc  little  &rm  into  a  ^rden 
for  bimswlf  and  family.  Now,  this  stutc-moiit  may  be  com- 
mented  on  by  some  of  the  newspapers.  You  will  under- 
stand that  I  do  not  propose  a  forced  purchase,  or  any  con- 
fiecation.  I  would  undertalce  even  in  give — if  I  wore  the 
Government  —  to  every  one  of  these  landlurch)  twenty  per 
cent,  more  for  bin  estate  than  it  will  fetch  in  the  niu-ket  in 
London  or  in  Unbliii,  and  1  say  that  to  do  this  would  pro. 
duce  a  mar%-eIlou3  chaa}>e  in  the  ^ntiwcntit  of  the  p4M>plc, 
and  iti  the  condition  of  agriculture  in  Ireland. 

But  I  Niw  in  one  of  the  papera  a  (ptestion  to  which  I  may 
give  a  reply.  It  was  said,  IIoiv  would  you  like  to  have  a 
Commiininn  eomo  down  into  Tjancashirc  and  int;ttit  on  buying; 
your  (aetoriofi  ?  I  can  only  eay  that  if  they  will  give  me  ao 
per  cent,  or  lo  per  cent,  more  than  they  an-  wurth,  tbey  shall 
linve  them  to-iuorrow.  But  I  do  not  propo-w  that  the  Com- 
misKion  tihuuM  come  here  and  insist  on  buying  these  estates. 
They  any,  further,  Wtiy  should  a  man  in  Ireland  keep  his 
eBtate,  and  not  s  nuin  in  Eug-lund  who  has  aa  estate  in 
Ireland?  There  is  this  difforonee.  A  man  in  Ireland,  if  he 
has  an  estate  of  io,ooo  acres,  has  in  it  probably  his  ancestral 
home.  He  has  ties  to  thia  which  it  would  be  monatroiw  lo 
think  of  ^tevering  in  suoh  a  manner.  Btit  a  man  Ijging  in 
£Dghind,  who  is  not  an  Imhrnan,  and  who  never  comes  over 
here  estoept  to  reciave  bin  ront«  (which,  in  fact,  he  gi^nerally 


18S8. 


fRBLAyn.    vn. 


3S9 


receives  through  his  bankers  in  London),  whf»  lias  iu>  partitnibr 
Ue  to  tliifi  country,  uud  who  comes  over  here  occaeioiiiilly 
merely  because  h«  teeln  thnt,  as  a  great  propHvior  m  Ireland, 
it  would  b»  KcniidiiloiiK  uever  to  show  his  Taett  on  his  pmix-rty 
Mid  amongst  hie  tenants — to  auch  a  rimu  there  would  be 
no  b&rdebip  if  he  should  part  with  his  land  at  a  fair  price. 

I  }iave  keen  chained  with  saying  severe  things  of  the 
English  arisi^RTacy.  Now,  tliis  is  not  true  in  the  sense  in 
wliich  it  is  imputed  to  ni«.  I  have  always  itaid  that  there 
are  many  xaaxx  in  the  Euglisli  nrietocniey  trtio  wtmld  be 
noblemen  in  the  sight  of  their  fellow-men  although  they  luul 
no  titles  and  no  coronet*.  There  arc  men  amongst  them  of 
an  undoubted  patriotism  as  any  man  in  this  building,  or  in 
this  island,  and  there  are  men  amongirt  tlwm,  who  when  they 
saw  that  n  groat  public  object  was  to  be  gainod  for  the  benefit 
of  their  fellow-men,  would  make  as  great  wicrifiew  ns  any 
one  of  us  would  be  willing  to  do.  1  am  of  opinion  therefore 
— I  may  be  wrong,  but  I  wilt  not  bcliere  it  until  it  m 
proved — 1  am  of  opinion  that  if  this  question  wore  discussed 
in  Pnrlinment  when  next  the  Irii-h  Innd  que»tion  is  discussed, 
and  ir  there  w«e  a  general  sentiment  in  the  llouw  of  Com- 
mons that  eome  measure  like  this  would  be  advantagvnns  for 
Ireland, — and  if  it  were  so  expressed,  it  may  be  assumed  tliat 
it  wonltl  be  aeeeptecl  to  a  Ini^  extent  by  the  people  of  the 
United  Kingdom, — then  I  think  that  u  Commission  so  up- 
pointed  would  find  no  diflicutty  whatever  in  discovering 
noblemen  and  rich  meti  in  l^nglaud,  who  are  tlie  pa^se^sors 
of  great  estate*  iu  Ireland,  wha  would  l»c  willing  ia  nego- 
tiate for  their  transfer,  and  that  Commission,  by  the  proeess 
I  have  indicated,  might  transfer  them  gradually  but  speedily 
to  the  tenant-fanners  of  UiEs  country. 

I  am  told  that  1  have  not  been  much  in  In;land,  and  do 
not  know  much  of  it.  I  recollect  a  man  in  England  dnring 
the  Ainerican  war  asking  me  a  quet^tton  about  America, 
M'^hen    I   gave  him  an  aninvor   which   did  not  agree  with 


390 


SPJiKCUeS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


WW.  3, 


bis  opioiou,  he  said,  '  1  tlitnk  you  have  nevor  bcu-n  in 
AinBriwi,  Imve  ywxV  I  said  I  had  not;  and  lie  replied, 
*  Well,  I  have  hecn  there  three  times,  and  I  tnow  something 
of  them.'  He  was  usking  me  whether  I  thought  the 
Yankees  would  pay  when  they  borrowed  money  to  carry  on 
tlie  wikr;  and  I  thought  they  would.  Hut,  as  he  bad  boon 
there,  he  thought  hi»  opinion  wss  worth  mure  than  mine. 
I  told  him  I  knew  sever:il  [^euplu  who  hjid  lived  in  ^England 
all  their  lives  and  yet  knew  very  little  about  Englftiid.  1  nm 
told  that  ir  I  were  to  live  in  Irelaad  amongst  the  people 
I  shr.uIJ  have  a  different  opinion;  that  I  should  think  the 
State  Church  of  a  snmll  minority  was  honest,  iu  the  face  of  the 
greiit  Church  of  the  majority ;  tbut  I  i^hould  think  it  wbk  not 
the  fault  of  the  landowners  or  of  the  law  in  any  degree,  but 
Lhc  fuult  of  ihc  tenunU;,  that  Krcrything  went  wrong  witli 
regard  tn  the  land ;  and  that  1  should  find  that  it  wa»  the 
Government  that  wsk  uiustly  right,  and  the  It-gisbttion  right, 
and  that  it  was  the  people  that  were  mostly  wrong.  There 
are  certain  (j^ueations  with  regard  to  any  country  that  you 
may  settle  in  your  owu  huu^-,  never  having  seen  tluLt  eountry 
even  upon  a  map.  This  you  may  Bcttte,  that  what  is 
just  U  just  everywhere,  and  that  men,  from  those  of  the 
lushest  eulture  even  to  those  of  the  most  inoderat«  tapucity, 
whatever  may  be  their  race,  whatever  tJicir  colour,  have  iro- 
pluutvd  in  their  hoartfi  by  their  Creator,  wucr  much  tlian 
my  critics,  the  knowledge  and  the  Iotc  of  juslicc,  I  will  tell 
you  that,  since  the  day  when  I  itat  beside  O'Connell — and  at 
an  earlior  day — I  bavi?  considered  this  question  of  Iri'land. 
In  1849,  for  several  weeks  in  the  autumn,  and  for  eevenl 
woeke  lii  the  autumn  of  1851, 1  eame  to  Ireland  expressly  to 
examine  thi.4  '{iiestion  by  coUKulting  with  all  claeaes  of  the 
penple  in  every  part  of  the  isUnd.  I  will  undertake  to  say 
that  I  believe  there  is  ou  man  in  England  who  has  more  fully 
studied  the  evidence  given  I  efore  the  celebrated  Devon  Com- 
mioeion  in  regard  to  Ireland  than  I  have.     Therefore  I  daie 


1H«. 


IHELAiVD.      VI  r. 


3»1 


stand  op  before  any  Irishman  or  Bng-li^liman  to  disoiijta  the 
Irish  questioii.  I  saj-  that  tlie  plans,  the  tlicurie»,  the  policy, 
the  li-^Etiition  of  my  opponents  in  this  matter  all  have  failed 
sigually,  deplorably,  disastrously,  ig^ioiiiinioxuily,  and,  thci'o- 
Son,  I  say  that  I  have  a  rif^bt  to  come  Id  and  otler  the  people 
of  Irchuid,  as  I  would  ofTcr  to  thu  people  of  tireat  Britniu 
and  the  Imperial  Parliament,  a  wise  and  just  policy  upon  this 
qtiestioa. 

You  know  thnt  I  have  attended  great  meetings  in  England 
within  the  last  two  months,  and  in  Scotland  also.  I  think 
I  nm  at  liberty  to  tender  to  you  from  tho&e  huudnslu 
of  thousuiidit  of  uiL-ii  the  baud  uf  rdlutvtihip  and  goodviill. 
I  wish  I  might  be  permitted  when  I  go  back,  as  in  fact 
I  think  by  this  Addre^i  that  1  am  permitted  to  wy  to 
tfaomj  tliat  amidiit  tiie  Jiictioas  by  which  Ireland  liiu  lieeu 
toroj  amtdjit  the  many  errors  that  have  bi-cu  committed, 
amidst  the  passions  that  have  been  excited,  amidst  the  hopes 
that  have  been  blasted,  and  amiditt  the  misery  that  has  been 
endured,  there  is  still  in  thin  island,  and  amongst  itn  people, 
a  heart  thnt  eun  eympatliiet.-  with  tho^e  who  turn  to  tliem 
with  a  fixed  reeolation  to  judge  them  fairly,  and  to  do  them 
justice. 

I  have  raadi-  my  ^ei-ch.  I  have  said  my  *wy.  I  have 
fulfilted  my  ^luall  misKlon  to  you.  1  thank  you  from  my 
heart  for  the  kindness  with  wliich  you  have  received  me, 
which  I  shall  never  forget.  .\iid  if  1  have  in  past  times  felt 
an  uatjiicnchablc  sympathy  witli  tJie  sufleriugs  of  your  people, 
you  may  rtdy  upon  it  that  ii'  there  be  an  Irish  Member  to 
speak  for  Ireland,  he  will  6nd  me  heartily  by  his  side. 


"•«««>-•— 


IRELAND. 

vin. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  MARCH    14,    1868. 
From  Hansard. 

[This  speeoh  wiu  Hpoken  on  tbe  ocoaaion  of  a  i>r»poBitioD  by  Mr.  Mnguire, 
H.P.  for  Cork,  tor  'n  Conunittoe  of  the  whole  Houm  to  conaicier  the  atate 
of  Ireliwd.'] 

When  this  debate  began  it  was  not  mj  intention  to  take 
any  part  in  it ;  for  I  had  very  lately,  in  another  place  and 
to  a  larger  audience^  added  my  contribution  to  the  great 
national  deliberation  upon  Irish  affairs  which  is  now  in  pro- 
gresE.  But  the  speech  of  the  noble  Lord  the  Chief  Secretary 
for  Ireland^  and  some  mieunderstanding  that  has  arisen  of 
what  I  said  elsewhere,  have  changed  my  intention,  and  there- 
fore I  have  to  ask  for  the  indulgence  of  the  House,  in  the 
hope  that  I  may  make  on  this  question  a  more  practical  speech 
than  that  to  which  we  have  just  listened. 

It  is  said  by  eminent  censors  of  the  press  that  this  debate 
will  yield  about  thirty  hours  of  talk,  and  will  end  in  no 
result.  I  have  observed  that  all  great  questions  in  this 
country  require  thirty  hours  of  talk  many  times  repeated 
before  they  are  settled.  There  is  much  shower  and  much 
sunshine  between  the  sowing  of  the  seed  and  the  reaping  of 
the  harvest,  but  the  harvest  is  generally  reaped  after  alt. 


394 


S^BECUES  OF  JOnX  BRIGHT.       »iakc«  14, 


I  was  very  uiQcfa  strucli  with  nbnt  huppcned  on  the  tint 
ti\^\ii  of  the  debute.  My  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  Cork, 
in  the  opcniu};  |x>rtio»  uf  bus  aildnnt^,  dtscribcJ  the  otatv 
of  Ireland  from  his  point  of  Tiew,  and  the  facb*  he  stated 
are  uot  auj  cannot  be  di«{iut«d.  He  euid  tlut  thv  Habcoa 
Corpus  Aut  hud  been  Hut^pvuded  for  three  years  in  his  country 
— that  within  the  island  there  was  a  lai'^  military  fgrcc, 
amounting,  ms  wc  liave  heard  to-night — beeideb  12,000  or 
more  uf  armed  i>oHc« — to  au  anny  of  20/xx>  men — that  tu 
the  harbours  of  Ireland  there  vere  ahipii  of  war,  and  in 
her  rtvun;  tlioro  were  gunboats;  and  tliat  Ibroug^iout  that 
countiy — ae  throughout  tliia — there  has  been  and  is  jet 
conaidurablc  ahirm  witli  regard  to  the  dificxtntcnt  pret'alcnt 
in  Ireland. 

All  that  in  ijuite  true;  but  when  the  noUe  Lord  the  Chief 
Secretary  opened  his  speech,  the  fireC  p<trtioii  of  it  kub  of  a 
very  diflerent  complexion.  I  am  willing  to  admit  that  to  a 
large  eatctit  it  wae  equally  true.  He  t<ild  lu  that  thv  coo- 
ditioii  of  ttie  people  of  Ireland  tras  eonsidemljly  better  notv 
than  it  \\a%  at  the  time  of  the  Devon  ComuiiNiion.  At  the 
time  of  the  Devon  Commi>isioD  the  condition  of  that  country 
had  no  parallel  in  any  civilised  and  Chrietiiiu  natiun.  By  the 
force  of  faminL-,  [Kstitencc,  and  eroigratiun,  the  population  was 
frreatly  diminished,  and  it  would  be  a  very  extraordinary 
thing  indeed  if  with  eueh  a  diminutiou  of  the  population  there 
was  no  improvement  in  the  condition  of  tho^c  who  remained 
bdiiud.  Ue  showed  that  wages  are  higher,  and  he  pointed 
to  the  fact  that  in  tlie  inide  in  and  out  of  tin-  Irish  |M>rt«  they 
had  a  oonaiderable  increase,  and  though  I  will  not  eay  that 
some  of  those  oomparisonB  were  quite  accurate  or  fair,  I  am 
on  the  whole  ready  to  admit  the  truth  of  the  tttatcmcnt  lh« 
uoblc  I^>rd  mudc.  But  now  it  isccms  to  me  that,  admitting 
the  truth  of  what  my  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  Cork  said, 
and  admitting  equally  the  truth  of  what  the  noble  Lord  said, 
there  rcmninti  bcfutx;  tis  a  queutiou  even  more  grave  than  any 


lUB. 


JRELA  SD.     V/JI. 


89S 


■we  btive  liad  to  duicuss  in  past  years  with  rcgsnl  to  the  con- 
dition of  Irolutifl. 

If — aiid  tliiii;  has  boea  already  n-'ferretl  to  liy  more  than  one 
S|)ea1c«r — it'  it  be  true  thnt  with  a  considerable  improvement 
in  the  physicQl  coudition  of  the  people — if  it  be  true  that 
tritli  &  anivereality  of  cducn-lion  much  beyond  that  which 
exi»t!!  ill  this  isliiitd — if  it  be  true  that  nflcr  the  meueures  tliat 
have  been  passed,  and  have  been  useful,  there  still  remainx  in 
Ireland,  fir«t  of  ail,  what  \e  culled  Feuiauiem,  wbic-h  is  a 
reckless  and  daHhg-  exliibitioii  of  fccliiig'— bvyoud  that  a  very 
wide  diKuotitcut  and  diijloyidty— and  lioyoud  that,  amongbt  thu 
whole  of  ilie  Roman  Catliolio  jxiputatinn,  univi'rsal  di^twtiit- 
laction — and  if  that  be  so,  surely  my  hon.  hViend  the  Member 
for  Cork — one  of  the  mort  iiecful  and  eminent  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  Ireland — is  right  in  biing-Lng  this  cjucstion  before 
the  House.  ^Vud  there  is  do  qiiestifin  at  this  mcimi-nt  tbat 
we  could  possibly  ditiCUM  connected  with  the  interest  or 
honour  of  the  people  that  approiu:lteH  in  gravity  and  mag- 
nitude  to  that  now  before  ns.  And  if  this  state  of  thing*  Iw; 
true — and  remember  I  have  naiil  m»thing  but  what  tlte  hon. 
Member  for  Cork  haa  said,  luid  I  liave  ^veu  my  approval 
to  nothing  he  lias  said  that  was  not  voitlirmed  by  the  speech 
of  the  noble  Lord — if  this  bo  true,  surely  all  this  great  clfcut 
must  have  some  cause. 

Weare  uuwortby  of  our  poailion  as  Member)!  of  this  IIoudc, 
and  rcpresentattres  of  our  countrymen,  if  we  do  not  endeavour 
at  leaat  to  disc^>ver  the  eause,  and  if  we  cain  discover  it,  s])eedily 
to  apply  a  remedy.  The  cause  i»  perfeetly  well  known  to 
both  side*  of  tho  House.  The  noble  Lord,  it  is  clear,  knows 
it  even  from  the  tenor  of  hi»  own  ^pciccb — he  spoke  of  the 
qncstion  of  the  land,  and  of  the  Church.  The  nobtc  Ixird  the 
MemlxT  for  King's  Lynn — whose  obitervationg  in  this  debate, 
if  he  had  offered  them,  we  xhotild  have  been  glad  to  listen 
to — understands  it,  for  he  referred  to  the  two  tiucstions  in 
his  speech  at  the  Bristol  banquet.    Tlie  right,  hon.  Urutli-mau 


396 


SPKECllES   OF  JOif!f   KRTGHT. 


XAHm  II. 


ut  the  hciul  of  till'  Goveniuicut  understands  it  not  only  its 
well  as  I  do,  but  hv  undvnitands  it  preoisety  in  the  same 
nmse — niic]  nrnre  than  twenty  year»  agti,  when  I  stated  in 
this  House  the  tUiuj^,  or  nearly  th4>  thing«,  I  state]  rt>ccnt1y 
and  ehall  state  to-nigbt,  he,  froia  your  onu  benches,  was 
making  speeches  cx&cbly  nf  the  aaaa  import.  And  though 
there  is  many  a  thiug  he  seem^  at  times  not  to  reeollect,  yet 
I  am  bound  to  say  he  recollects  these  nurds,  aiid  the  liupreo- 
rion^,  of  which  the«e  words  were  the  cxprc^sioDs  to  the  Hoine. 
He  referred  to  au  absentee  aristocracy  and  nii  alien  Church. 
I  wouid  not  say  a  syllable  about  the  aristocmcy  in  this 
matter ;  if  I  had  to  ehootse  a  phrase,  1  would  rather  say  an 
a1)«eiitee  proprietary  and  nn  niton  Church. 

What  is  the  obrious  remedy  which  for  this  stjtte  of  things 
1ia!<  Iieen  found  to  be  gufhcient  in  every  other  country  ?  If 
I  could  du  s(j  by  any  means  tliat  did  not  Wolatc  the  rif^hta 
of  property,  I  should  be  happy  to  giv-e  to  a  considerable 
tion  of  the  farmers  of  Ireland  Bomo  proprietarj'  rights,  and 
remove  from  that  country  the  Etcnn;  of  injoxticc,  and  the 
eeiiBC — the  gtroii^pest  of  all — of  the  injustice  caused  by  the 
vxiittence  of  an  alien  Church.  Just  for  a  moment  look  at 
the  proposition  the  noble  Lord  is  about  to  submit  to  the 
HouM?.  It  is  vory  like  the  Bill  of  Inet  year.  I  will  not  enter 
into  the  details,  except  to  say  that  he  proposes,  as  he  prop05ed 
then,  that  the  Qovcrumcut  should  lend  the  tcunnt-farmers 
of  Ireland  sums  of  money,  by  wlilc)i  they  would  mnke  im- 
provetneuts,  which  sunui  of  money  were  to  he  repaid  by  some 
gradual  proncwt  to  the  Crovemment  nnthoritie*.  Ho  proposes 
that  the  repayment  shontd  be  spread  over  a  cotksiderahlo 
number  of  yearn — I  do  not  know  the  exact  numhcr,  and  it  is 
not  of  importance  fur  my  argument.  These  teDant-farmera 
are  very  numerous — perhajiB  too  numeroiui,  it  may  be,  for  the 
good  of  the  country — but  there  they  are,  and  we  must  deal 
with  them  fl«  we  fiud  them.  The  number  of  them  boldin|f 
iindfr  r3  acres  is  250,000;  holding  between    i.j  aon-s  and 


IMt. 


IRELAND.     VIII. 


iW 


30  acres,  136,000;  holding  over  30  ncros,  158,000 — altogether 
there  arc  more  than  540,000  holders  of  litad.  It  is  to  these 
540,000  Und-hoUlers  or  occupiers  tiint  the  nobte  Lord  proposes 
lu  lend  money,  uii  the  condition  thnt  they  make  certain  im- 
provements, and  repay  after  a  uertain  number  of  years  tJie 
sums  advanced  to  them.  I  think  T  am  right  in  Baying  that 
there  is  no  limitation  in  the  BUI  as  t«  the  &mallnes»  of  the 
holding  to  which  the  advance  of  money  will  he  rt'lused; 
and  therefore  the  whole  540,000  ti'iiouU  will  be  in  a  pOHitioti 
to  come  to  the  Government,  or  to  some  Commiesion,  or  to  the 
Board  of  ^^Wks,  or  to  some  authnrity  in  Ireland,  and  ael; 
for  money  to  enal^le  them  to  improve  Uicir  tarms. 

The  House  will  see  that  if  this  pl»n  is  to  produce  any 
considerable  result,  it  will  be  the  noiirce  of  a  number  of 
trunsuutionn  guc-h  as  the  Government  liave  not  had  to  deal 
with  in  any  other  matter;  and  I  expect  that  the  dilHculties 
will  be  very  great,  and  that  the  working  out  of  the  phia 
with  any  beuelicial  reKults  wiU  be  altogether  impossible. 
What  I  ask  the  Froiisc  is  this — if  it  be  rig'ht  of  tlie  noble 
Lord,  to  enable  him  to  carry  out  his  plan,  to  ask  the  House 
to  pass  a  measure  hke  this — to  lend  all  these  tenants  the 
money  for  improvemcntB  to  be  repaid  after  a  series  of  years, 
would  it  not  be  possible  for  us  by  u  somewhat  similar  pro- 
cess, iind  by  Kouie  ntep  farther  in  the  same  direction,  to 
extabliKh  to  some  extent — I  am  not  Kjieaking  of  extending 
it  all  thi'oug-b  Ireland— a  fnrmer  proprictniy  throughout  the 
country?  If  it  he  rig^bt  and  proper  to  lend  money  to  im- 
prove, it  surely  may  be  projiw,  if  it  be  on  other  groinids 
judicious,  to  lend  money  to  bay.  I  do  not  know  if  tJie  right 
hon.  Member  for  Calne  is  here;  but  ver^-  likely  he  would 
■pare  mc  from  the  severe  criticiams  be  expended  upon  my 
hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  Westminster. 

Now,  I  am  SB  careful  sa  any  man  can  be,  I  believe,  of 
doing  anything  by  law  that  «hall  infringe  what  yon  tbink 
KoA  what  I  think  on;    the   right?    of  property.     I   do   not 


31)8 


SPKScnns  of  jofx  bright.     u^k«  u. 


pretend  to  believe,  if  yoa  examine  the  terms  strictly,  in  what 
is  oalled  the  absolute  ppoperty  in  land.  You  may  toes  a 
sixpence  into  t\w  sen  if  you  like,  bnt  there  are  tliiri|fs  with 
respect  to  land  whicli  you  eaiwot,  and  ou^ht  not,  aud  dare 
not  do.  But  I  do  not  wont  to  urgue  the  quifition  of  legis- 
lation npon  that  ground  T  am  myself  of  opinion  that  there 
is  nu  eliMS  in  the  community  more  iDterested  in  a  strict 
adhercnee  to  the  prituriples  of  politienl  economy,  worked  out 
in  a  benevolent  and  just  manner,  than  the  hamblest  and 
poorest  cInsH  in  the  country.  I  think  tliey  have  aa  much 
interest  in  it  us  the  rich,  and  the  House  has  never  known 
me,  and  so  lon^  as  I  stand  here  «tI!  never  know  me,  I  lielieve, 
to  pTt^Joee  or  advoeato  anything  which  shall  interfere  with 
what  I  believe  to  be,  and  what  if  a  landowner  I  would  main- 
tiiin  to  Ik",  tlic  just  rig-Ul  (if  property  in  the  land. 

But,  then,  I  do  not  think,  nu  some  persone  »eem  to  think, 
that  the  bind  is  really  only  intended  to  be  in  the  hands  of 
the  rich.  1  think  that  is  a  groat  mistnke,  T  am  not  fpeaking 
of  the  poor — for  the  poor  man,  in  tho  ordinary  mcaninj*  of 
the  term,  cannot  be  ilm  possessor  of  land ;  but  what  1  wish 
ia,  that  iarmera  and  men  of  moderate  mtnns  should  become 
possessors  of  land  aud  of  their  farms.  .^Iwiit  two  centiiriee 
ago,  two  very  eelebrat4Kl  men  endeavoured  to  form  a  consti- 
tution for  Carolina,  which  wa*  then  one  of  the  colonic*  of  this 
country  in  America.  Lonl  Shafteaburj-,  the  stato^nian,  and 
Mr.  Locke,  the  philo8o]dR-r,  framed  a  couHtttutiuii  with  the 
notion  of  Iiaving  great  proprietorn  all  over  the  conntry,  and 
men  under  them  to  eiiltivulc  it.  I  recollect  that  Mr.  Ban- 
croft, tli«  historian  of  the  United  Slater,  describing  the  innc 
of  tbat  attempt  and  it«i  utter  failure,  mye:  'The  in»tinot  of 
aristocracy  dreads  the  moral  power  of  a  proprietary  yeomaniyj 
and  therefore  the  perpetual  degradation  of  the  cultivators  of 
the  will  was  enaetcd.'  There  is  no  country  in  the  world,  in 
which  Uicrc  are  only  ^rcat  landowucre  aud  tenants,  with  no 
large  manufacturing   interest   to  absorb    the  popidation,  lu 


UM, 


IRELAND.     VIIl. 


399 


vhich  the  degradation  of  the  cultivating  teiuint  is  not  com- 
pletely assured. 

I  faojw  tliat  hoii.  Mpmbers  opposite,  and  hoo.  Gontlcmcn 
on  this  side  who  may  lie  diirposMl  in  Bome  Jt^^ree  tn  sym- 
^intltisc  with  thom>  will  not  for  a  moment  imafjinc  that  I  am 
discosfiinf;  this  question  in  any  q>irit  of  hostility  to  the  land- 
ownvTv  of  Ireland.  I  have  always  arf^ued  that  the  luTidowiiCTK 
of  Ireland,  in  their  tn!atment  of  this  qiii-slion,  have  gripvoiisiy 
mistaken  not  only  the  interests  of  the  population.  Init  their 
own.  1  wflH  told  the  other  day  by  a  Member  of  tliia  House, 
who  cornea  from  Ireland,  and  ts  eminently  capable  of  giving- 
a  sound,  opinion  upon  the  point,  that  be  believed  the  nhote 
of  Ireland  might  he  bought  at  about  twenty  years'  purcliasc; 
hilt  you  know  that  the  land  of  England  is  worth  thirty  yrani* 
piirfhaue,  and  I  Ix-Iievo  a  grwit  deal  of  it  much  laore, — and 
it  IB  owing  to  cireamatances  which  l«ffis1ation  may  in  a  great 
degree  remove  tltat  the  land  of  livland  is  worth  at  thin 
moment  so  much  less  than  the  land  of  England.  Coming 
hack  to  the  question  of  buying  farms,  I  put  it  to  the  Hoiue 
whether,  if  it  he  right  to  lend  to  landhirda  for  impmve- 
nivnta,  tnd  to  tenants  £»■  improving  the  farnu  of  their 
londlordst,  to  thoee  who  propose  to  carrj-  on  public  works, 
iiud  to  rejjulr  the  ravagcii  of  the  cattle  plaffuc,  I  ask 
whether  it  is  not  also  nght  for  them  to  lend  money  in  eases 
whero  it  may  lie  ad\-antng«ous  to  landlords,  and  where  tliey 
may  be  very  willing  to  consent  to  it,  tu  eatahlitih  a  portion  of 
tbe  teuaut^fanucrs  of  Ireland  as  propricton  of  their  farms. 

Now,  bear  in  mind  tlmt  I  have  never  sjmken  about 
peasant  proprietor!*.  I  do  not  care  what  name  you  give 
tbem ;  I  am  in  favour  of  more  pmprietom,  and  some,  of 
eonrftc,  will  l>e  small  and  some  will  be  large;  but  it  would 
be  quite  poissible  for  Parliament,  if  it  thought  6t  to  at- 
tempt anything  of  this  kind,  to  fix  a  limit  below  which 
it  wmild  not  allow  the  owner  to  sell  or  the  purchaser  to 
buy.     I  believe  that  you  can  etitablish  a  cla»s  uf  moderate 


400 


UPEBCnES  OP  JOIT.y  SR/OffT.        KABon  U. 


proprietors,  vflio  will  fonii  a  body  LuLermediat«  between  the 
great  owoeis  of  land  and  thoHe  who  nic  ahRoltilcly  kudloKi;, 
wiiieli  will  be  of  iinnicnti9  servioe  in  giving  b-tondineus,  loyalty, 
and  pea<«  to  the  whole  population  of  the  island.  The  noble 
Lord,  the  Chief  Secretary,  knows  perfectly  well  Et  what  pricfi 
he  conid  lend  that  money,  and  T  will  jiiH  state  to  the  House 
oue  faet  which  will  show  how  the  plau  would  xvork.  If 
yon  were  to  lend  money  nt  3!  j»cr  cent,  in  thirty-five  years 
the  tenant,  paying  5  per  cent.,  would  have  paid  the  whole 
money  back  und  all  the  iii1erest<  due  on  it,  and  would  be- 
eomc  tJic  owner  of  his  farm ;  and  if  you  were  to  take  the 
rate  at  which  you  have  lent  to  the  ITarbotir  Cominiegioners, 
and  to  rejwir  the  ravages  of  the  cnttle  plague,  which  U  3^ 
per  ccut.,  of  course  the  whole  sum  would  be  paid  back  in 
a  shorter  perinil.  Therefore,  in  a  term  whitrli  in  Iwmcr  timea 
WHS  not  unusual  in  the  length  of  leasm  in  Ireland,  namely, 
thirtV'one  years,  the  tenant  purchasing  bin  farm,  without 
hie  prewnt  rent  Iwing  raised,  would  rejuiy  t«  the  Govcm- 
ment  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  sum  borrowed  for 
that  puq>o»!,  would  bL-conic  the  owner  of  his  farm,  and 
during  the  whole  of  that  time  would  have  absolute  fixi^ 
of  tenure,  because  every  year  he  would  lie  saving  more  and 
more,  adding-  ticid  to  fit'ld,  and  at  the  end  of  the  time  he 
Would  be  the  proprietor  of  the  soil. 

Let  not  the  Honee  imagine  that  I  am  proposing  to  bny 
up  the  whole  uf  the  Innd.  I  am  pro]HN«ing  only  to  btiy  It 
in  cases  where  men  are  willing  to  sell,  and  to  transfer  it 
only  in  cases  where  men  are  nble  and  willing  to  buy,  and 
you  most  know  aa  well  as  I  tliat  there  will  be  many 
thousands  of  «ich  east*  in  a  few  years.  Every  Irish  pro- 
prietor oppnsit*' — the  noble  Lord  tlie  Meml>er  for  Tyrone 
(Lord  C.  Hamilton)  bimiiolf,  who  made  so  animated  a  speech, 
and  appeared  so  angry  with  me  a  nhorl.  time  ago — miirt 
know  perfectly  vrell  that  amongst  the  tenantiy  of  Ireland 
there  IB  8  considembU'  sura  of  auval  monev  aot  invented  iu 


1806. 


IRELAND.     VIU. 


401 


jiiroia.  Well,  Uiut  buvcil  niuiivy  would  all  rome  out  lo  can'y 
into  eilWt  tranKacticinx  nf  lliU  nature;  aiid  you  would  find 
the  most  extraordinary  uffortu  innd(>  by  thoiiMinds  of  U-UAQts 
to  become  |)08M«M>ra  of  their  farniii  by  iiivesliufr  their  .lavinf^ 
in  thctD,  by  ohtaining-  it  may  Lg  ttic  itesistaiieo  of  ihcJr 
fiieods,  and  by  such  an  induHtnoug  and  euergetic  cultivation* 
of  the  iioil  »K  hati  Krarcelv  ever  bc'en  seen  in  Ireland. 
I  tuiid  there  were  luiidlorde  willing  to  m^II,  and  Ihvre  arc 
cases  in  which,  probably,  Parliament  mig-ht  insist  upon  a 
»ale — for  iuetuncc,  the  lauds  of  the  Loadou  Companies.  I 
never  hcanl  of  micch  good  that  waa  dono  by  all  thr  money 
of  the  London  Companies.  I  was  uiicm?  invited  to  a  diiintM 
by  one  of  theee  Companies,  and  certainly  it  was  of  a  very 
snmptaouf  and  miht^ntinl  ohnrat^tcr,  but  X  bclicvo  Uiat,  if 
the  tenants  of  these  CompanieE  were  ]>roprietor8  of  tlie  lands 
they  cultivate,  it  would  be  a  ^reat  advunta^  to  the  couiiiie« 
in  which  they  are  gitualed.  I  come  then  to  1hi«:  I  would 
negotiate  with  huidowuere  who  were  willing  to  sell  and 
tetiautit  who  were  willing  to  buy,  and  T  would  mnkc  tho 
land  the  {pN^at  savings -hoQl;  for  the  tutun:  lenantry  of 
Ireland.  H  you  like,  I  would  limit  tlie  point  to  which 
wo  might  go  down  in  the  transference  of  farms,  but  I 
would  do  nothing-  iti  the  whole  tranHactJoti  which  was  not 
perfectly  nequii'Mied  in  by  \>cA\\  landlord  and  tenant^  Hud 
I  would  pay  the  landlord  every  shilling  he  could  fbirly  de- 
mand in  the  market  for  the  estate  he  proposed  to  ^11. 

Well,  I  hope  eveiy  Gentleman  present,  will  acc|nit  me  nf 
intending-  eonfiMeation^  and  that  wo  «liall  have  no  further  m\»- 
undcrRtandin^  upon  that  point.  I  venture  to  eay  to  the  nobit* 
Lord  that  tbie  is  a  plon  which  would  tie  within  eompas»  and 
manag^uieut,  na  conipnred  with  that  laid  down  in  hin  Itill,  if  it 
worked  at  all,  and  I  believe  that  it  would  do  a  h\iudre<l  times 
M  much  gtiod,  in  putting  the  farmer  upon  the  Touting  of  a 
holder  of  land  in  Irolaud.  What  do  hon.  Gentlemen  think 
would  become  of  an  American  Fenian  if  lio  came  over   to 

vou  1.  D  d 


'Kfg 


SPBECUHS  OF  JOJjy  BRIGUT. 


VAKl-U  14, 


Ireland  and  happened  to  spend  an  evening  vrith  a  number  (if 
men  who  bad  got  possL'ssiou  oF  tbvir  fiutas?  I  Feine>inber  my 
old  friend  Mr.  StuSord,  in  tbc  county  of  Wexford,  uhum  I 
cnllcd  u])on  in  1H49,  who  had  bought  hie  farm  and  had  built 
Qpoii  it  tlic  bi^t  tarni-houae  it  liicit  I  »aiv  in  the  wbule  South  of 
Ireland,  and  who  told  me  that  if  all  the  U-uantrj'  of  Ireluul 
had  scLniriir  for  their  holding — he  nmi  an  uld  man,  and 
could  not  eaiiily  rise  fruin  bis  chnir,  though  \tv.  made  an 
uQurt  to  do  so — '  If  they  had  the  security  that  I  have,*  said  he, 
'  we'd  ^/if  tbc  hun^i-r  out  of  Ircluud.'  If  the  Feiiiau  afp«nt 
his  evening'  with  such  nten  as  these,  and  proposal  his  i-eckleM 
schemi's  to  tb«-in,  uut  a  siuglti  farmer  vrould  listen  to  him  for  a 
moment.  Their  Srst  impres»inn  would  be  that  he  was  mad ; 
their  t««ond,  perhaps,  that  the  whkky  hod  bwn  too  strong  for 
him ;  and  it  would  «ud,  no  doubt,  if  he  persisted  in  his  efforta 
to  aeducx:  them  from  tbctr  allei^iancc  to  the  Imperial  GoverO' 
m«nt,  by  their  turning  him  ofi'  tJie  premises,  though  i>eTbap)i, 
knowing  tJint  he  could  do  110  harm,  they  might  not  hand  him 
over  to  tht!  police. 

The  Other  day  ]  poased  through  Ihc  coud^'  of  Somerset,  and 
through  villages  that  must  be  well  known  to  many  Gcnilemen 
here— Rodney-Stoke  and  Urayford,  I  think  tliey  wei-e  called  — 
ond  I  noticed  a  great  appearance  of  life  und  activity  about  tile 
iietghbuurbood.  I  a«ked  the  driver  of  the  earriage  whieh  had 
brought  me  from  \»Ilfi  what  was  the  caiiw  of  it,  'Why,'  be 
said, '  don't  you  know  that  is  lti«  place  where  the  great  »ale  took 
plaue  ?'  '  What  »ale  ?'  I  a^ked.  '  Oh  !  the  sale  of  the  Duke'a 
property,'  'What  Duke?'  '  ITie  Duke  of  Bnckingbam.  Did 
you  never  hear  of  it?  About  fiiloon  years  iigo  his  projwrty 
wiw  sold  in  lots,  and  tbc  people  bought  all  the  farms.  You 
never  saw  such  a  stir  in  tbc  world.'  lie  jmintcd  oat  the 
bouses  on  tbi-  hill-side  which  had  be«n  built  to  replaee  old 
fcnmbie-down  tenements,  the  red  aoil  appearing  under  the 
plough,  and  cultivation  going  on  with  sueh  gcnond  activity  as 
luid  not  been  witnessed  till  within  th«»v  last  few  years.     Tbe 


isstt. 


/RBlAyp.     VJff 


403 


appearance  of  tht>£t-  villaf^i;  vas  such  ni:  miiet  strike  4?vei3' 
traveller  from  uiiolher  ^laTt  uf  the  countr)',  aiid  it  was  pro- 
duced by  eimpk*  mvaiie.  TIic  grcut  estate  of  an  iinban'8f«f<l 
Duke  had  t>i>fn  ilivided  aiir]  Hotil  oH';  lie  had  not  been 
robbed;  the  old  uii^-rabtc  liavcle  of  the  formci'  teoHiit^  had 
been'jmlled  down,  aiid  new  life  and  activity  had  been  pven 
to  th«  whole  di»tjict.  If  you  could  have  sucJi  a  chaugc  aa 
this  in  Ireland,  you  would  sec  such  ei  progress  ami  prosperity 
that  grentlemcD  would  hardly  know  the  district  Irom  which 
they  came. 

I  think  it  only  fair  to  my  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for 
'Westminster  to  sny,  that  I  do  not  believe  the  time  is  tome  in 
Ireland,  and  I  do  net  believe  it  ever  will  come,  when  it  will  be 
ueeei«ary  tu  have  recourse  to  so  vast  and  extraordinary  a  eebemc 
Dfi  that  which  he  has  proposed  to  the  House.  It  appears 
to  me  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  Ireland.  There  is  the  land — 
there  is  the  owner — there  is  the  tenant.  If  the  lutidowners  had 
hcen  a  little  wiser  we  migrht  not  hovfl  had  before  lu  to-niglit 
the  difficulty  that  now  perplexee  us.  Suppoec,  for  csample,  they 
had  not  been  tempted  to  coerce  or  to  make  nse  of  the  votes  of 
their  teuuots;  suppose  Ihey  had  not  been  tempted  to  withhold 
leases — ^undoubtedly  the  eondition  of  Ireland  wcvuhl  have  been 
fiir  superior  to  what  it  now  is.  My  hon.  Friend  the  Memher 
for  Westminster  has  eomc  scruplee,  I  believe,  on  the  question 
of  the  hallot,  but  1  believe  cveu  he  would  not  object  to  see 
that  lulmirable  machinery  of  election  tried  in  that  country. 
Do  hou.  Gentlemen  think  it  not  neci'SKary  ?  I  was  talking, 
only  two  (lays  ago,  to  a  Member  of  this  House  who  »at  on  one 
of  the  Irish  election  coounitteea — tlie  AVaterford  committee,  I 
think — and  he  said :  '  We  could  not  unseat  the  Members, 
thoti};h  the  evidence  went  to  show  a  frightful  8tate  of  things ; 
it  was  one  of  the  most  orderly  electious  they  have  in  that 
ooQntry — only  three  men  killeil  and  twenty-eight  seriously 
wounded.'  After  all,  wc  may  emile,  and  some  of  you  may 
laugh  at  thiit,  but  it  h  not  a  thing  to  lie  tauglied  at.     It  it 

V  il  I 


104 


SPUFVUiHy    OF  JOIfy   BR/GJ/T.         hawii  U, 


a  wry  twrious  matter,  but  it  cxista  iu  ito  couDtr>-  iu  tile  world 
where  ttic  ballot  ia  in  ojttTat ion. 

If  you  were  to  try  that  uicidi?  of  election  in  Ireland  it  vrould 
have  two  results :  it  wmild  tnuka  your  eletlions  pcrffctly 
tmoquil,  and  at  tbe  snmc  time  it  woald  witbdntw  from  the 
landowner — und  a  most  ble.'«ed  thin^  for  the  lundowtict  liim- 
self  tbia  woidd  I>e — it  would  witbdraw  from  liim  thw  great 
teniptJitiuii  to  niitke  use  of  liiit  t^'nant's  vote  for  tin*  support  of 
bis  owa  jiolitical  party ;  and  if  tbat  temptation  were  witb- 
drawn,  you  would  ba%'e  much  mom  induoement  U>  gtant  leases 
to  many  of  your  tcnnnte,  and  yoa  would  take  a  step  big:hly 
iarouiable,  not  to  tbe  prodperity  of  your  tenants  only,  but  to 
your  own  prosperity  and  your  own  honour.  Now,  Sir,  1  shall 
say  uo  more  upon  tliat  question  except  tbiB,  thnt  I  feel  myself 
at  a  dinudvitntji^  in  making  n  proportion  of  lliii*  iiattiro  to  n 
Hooee  whero  limdowners  are  so  mimerous  and  so  powerful,  but 
1  have  disarmed  them  in  »o  far  that  they  t^-ill  uta  tbat  I  mean 
them  no  burm,  and  that  what  I  pmpuse  is  not  eontmr^*  to  tbe 
principles  of  political  economy  ;  and  tliat  it"  Government  is  at 
1il)erty  to  lend  nmiiey  for  all  tbe  purposes  to  wbli'b  I  have 
referred,  Government  munt  be  equally  at  hberty  to  lend  money 
for  this  greater  purpose ;  and,  further,  I  vcntiirc  to  express 
my  opinion,  \i-ithout  (he  eniallwt  hesitation  or  doubt,  that  if 
tlii^  wei'e  dutie  to  the  extent  of  ercifctiiig  some  iew  seorea  of 
tbouRandfi  of  farmer  proprietors  in  Ireland,  you  would  find 
that  their  inllunnee  nouUl  be  altogrethor  loyiil ;  tliut  it  woidd 
extend  around  tiirou^^liout  tbe  whole  country ;  that  whilst  yoa 
were  adding'  to  the  eeeurity  of  Gorerumuiit  yuu  would  awaken 
industry  iu  Ireland  from  its  slumber,  and  yon  would  hnvc 
the  wealth  which  yoti  have  not  bad  before,  and,  with  weultli, 
contentment  and  tmnquillity  in  ita  train. 

Now,  Sir,  it  may  appear  cgotistieal  in  me  to  nuke  one 
remark  more,  but  I  think  if  tbe  Houac  will  not  condemn 
me  I  shall  niitke  It.  Luist  year  you  did,  under  tbe  leader- 
ship of  the  right  hou.  (Jenllemiui,  aeeept  a  pruposition  which 


tses- 


IIlMLAXf).     VIII. 


405 


1  had  tabun  BuvoRil  years  of  trouble  and  l»lwiir  to  (wnvince 
you  was  vnsa.  On  W«lni»(]ay  Inst,  only  two  days  t/go,  by 
nil  almost  mmiiitnoti.<i  vote  yon  accejitcd  a  proposition  vvitli 
regaixl  Ui  another  niattor,  exaetly  in  tbe  farm  in  which  six  or 
ttevL'U  jLiirs  ayo  I  had  urgad  you  to  ucM^fpt  it.  Vou  in  iJiis 
Uouao  recollect  when  Mr.  Spoalcer  hiul  to  fjfive  the  casting 
vote,  amidst  vast  excitement  in  the  Hou«e,  on  Uic  mi&cts1>lc 
question  of  Church  Rutcs  ;  but  now,  on  Wednesday  last,  yoii 
luxtiplc-d  tliat  Bill  nlmoHt  without  oppoBition  ;  and  I  presume 
that,  extiept  for  the  formality  of  n  third  reading,  we  have 
(lone  willi  thf  question  for  ever.  Now  if  vou  would  fcindly, 
1  ask  it  as  a  favour — if  you  wouU  kiudly  for  a  moment 
forgui  things  that  you  read  of  me  which  are  not  fuvoumbloi 
and  generally  which  are  not  true,  and  if  you  woitlil  imagine 
that  tliuu<,'h  I  havo  not  &»  acre  of  land  in  Ireland,  I  can  he 
ttB  honestly  a  friend  of  Irelsind  a.^  the  man  who  owns  half 
a  «oiinty,  it  may  be  worth  your  while  to  consider  for  your 
own  interest,  the  intprcste  of  your  Icnante,  tlic  security  of 
the  coniitiy  from  which  yuii  come,  for  the  honour  of  the 
United  Kingdom,  whether  there  is  not  something  in  the 
proposition  that  I  have  made  to  you. 

Now,  Sir,  perhaps  the  House  will  allow  mo  U»  turn  io  that 
other  qiteetion  which,  on  the  authority  of  the  noble  Lord  tijo 
Chief  SecreUiry  lor  laOund,  and  the  noblti  Lord  the  Hfeniber 
for  King's  Lynn,  and  indeed  on  the  authority  of  iho  Prime 
MiiilstL-r  himself,  is  oonsidur^  the  next  greatest — ^perhaps 
I  ouf^ht  to  have  said  the  greatest — queetion  we  have  to  eon- 
sider  in  connection  with  Iri^h  affairs  j  ]  mean  the  Irish 
Church  qaeetion.  What  ix  it  that  is  oflcred  upon  thi« 
matter  by  the  Government?  Tlie  noble  Lord  himself  said 
very  little  about  it,  but  he  is  not  evksy  upon  it;  he  knows 
perfectly  well,  ant!  cannot  conceal  it,  that  the  Irish  Church 
qtloetioQ  ia  at  the  root  of  every  other  qupstion  in  Ireland. 
The  noble  l»nl  tin-  Member  ftir  King's  Lynn  eaid  nlso  that 
it  was,  along  with   the  land,  tlw^  great  and  wjlemn  quefilion 


406 


SPEECHKS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.       maucm  U, 


whicli  we  had  to  discuss,  and  he  turned  round — I  eould  discoror 
it  from  ihc  report  in  the  |)ii]»er,  tiecaiiw  I  was  not,  »s  you 
may  suppose,  at  tlic  Bristol  Imnquft — ^Iic  turued  round  alnwwk 
will)  a  look  of  dospair,  and  ini[ilorwl  som^lindy  lo  oonop  and 
t«1t  uei  what  ouf^ht  to  be  done  on  this  Irish  question.     And 
the  Prime  Mini;ilvr  biiosclf,  in  ^pcnkin^  of  it,  called  it  an 
'  Alien  {i^huirh.'      Itcar  that  pliraen  in  mind.      It  is  a  strong- 
j)hra-<ie,  a  jihrase  we  can  »ll  understand,  and  we  know  that 
the  right  hon.  0«ntteiuan  is  a  great  master  of  phnues — be 
iiHj's  a  word  upon  some  snhjeet ;    it  sticka ;    wtf  alt  remember 
it,  and  this  {»  sometimes  a  great  advantage.     '  .\lion  Cliureh ' 
is  the  name  he  giveo  it ;   and  now,  what  docs  the  noble  Lonl, 
acting,   no    doubt,   under    the  direction    of    hia   CoUeuguos 
and   the   Prime    Minister.   of!«r    upon    this    qiiesUon  ?     He 
(uther  ofl'ered  a  defenee  of  it;    he  did  not  go  into  any  argu- 
ment, but  still,  at  the  same  time,  lie  ratlier  defied  anybody 
to  make  an  aesanit  upon  it ;    h«  believed  that  it  would  not 
bhowmhI,  nnd  that  it  wiis  very  wroug ;    but  what  docs  he  really 
pmjmaeV     (^ly   thi.i :    to  add  another  biitlress  in  the  shape 
of  another  brilw.     He  nays  that  he  will  make  an  offVr  to  the 
Rumuu  Catholic  hierarchy  and  peoi>le  of  Ireland — some  say 
that  the  people  do  not  want  it,  and  that  the  hienux'hy  do 
want  it]  but  1  eay  nothing  »hont  that,  bt-eause  I  huiJe  the 
Catholic  people  of  Ireland  arc  at  least  able  to  defend  them- 
wives   from  the   hierarchy,  if   the   hierarchy  wish   lo  ori|iple 
them  too  much — ho  says  he  will  tmJow  a  Roman  Catholic 
University  in  Ireland.     A»  the  noble  Lord  went  on  with  his 
Bpeech   he  touched    upon   the  question  of  the  Presbyterian 
fffffiam    Dontim,    and    spoke   oF   it,   I   think,   as   a   imiwrable 
provision    for   the    PreshytorianB    of  the  North    of   Ireland; 
and    evidentlyj   if    he  had    had  tlie  courago,    the  desperate 
ooumge  to  do  it,  he  woiUd  have  proposed,  whilst  be  waa 
ollering  to  endow  a  new  Roman  Catholic  UniverHity,  to  in- 
cruusc  or  double  the  Se^inm  Donum.     llie  noble  liord  docs 
not  vxprew  soy   dissent   from  thisj  aad  1   rather  think  he 


18SB. 


IRKLASD.     ri/I. 


407 


vrMli««  that  it  were  safel}'  done.  The  object  of  iWia,  ond 
what  he  would  like  to  hare  Raid  to  the  hoD.  Qentlemeii 
aImjiW  him  who  cnmc  IVom  Itvlnnd  1o  n>pn>aont  the  Romiui 
Catholic  popnhitiot*,  and  to  the  I'rcsbyterianfl  of  tho  Nirth 
of  Ireland,  woe  this :  '  If  you  will  cootiuue  to  support  the 
I'nit^^tant  Church  in  Irclimtl  and  tht-  Prnt^stjint  snpnTnuicy, 
we  win  endow  yon  (the  Uomim  Catholicf)  »  University,  reiilly, 
if  not  ppolesswily,  under  derioal  rule ;  and  as  to  yon  (tho 
Preshj-terians),  we  will  double  your  etipends  by  doubling; 
the  aniouut  of  the  Bcgiu/a  DonHm.' 

Nnw,  why  do  you  offer  nnything  ?  Why  is  it  wc  are 
diseiii^siug  tins  question  ?  ^'hy  did  the  uoble  Lord  think 
it  necessary  to  speak  fitr  three  houni  and  twenty  minutes 
on  the  Ruhjeet?  Recaiise  the  B|jit<>  of  Irclaiid  ie  now  vevy 
dilTerent  Iroin  the  state  which  we  have  somctimeB  seen, 
and  very  dilTcrcnt,  I  hope,  from  that  which  many  of  us 
may  live  to  see  hereaflcr ;  because  Ircltkad  hos  ii  certain 
portion  of  its  population  rehellioiiR,  ha*  a  larger  portion 
disloyal  and  <lieeoiit«nted,  bui  has  »  )^till  largi-r  portion 
dissatisfiod  with  the  Imperial  rule.  Now  I  mnH  my 
— I  hope  the  noklc  Lord  will  not  thiuk  I  am  faymg 
an>*thin^  uncivil — but  I  munt  nay  that  his  proposition 
ap[<ciLr8  to  be  at  once  g-rotefMj^iie  nnd  init>eeite.  nud  I  Uiiiik 
at  the  same  time — though  I  do  not  like  to  use  unpleasiuit 
words — that  to  a  ccrtitin  extent  it  muiit  he  held  to  l)c — in 
fact,  1  think  the  hon.  Gentleman  the  Member  for  North 
WDrwiekshire  hiiiU'd  as  much — not  only  %'i'ry  wrong,  hut 
very  diRhone-st.  At  thi«  moment  it  wemn  to  find  no  favour 
on  either  side  of  tho  Hoiuc,  nltliou^h  I  eau  understand  the 
Catholic  Members  of  the  House  feelirg-  thomB^Ives  bound 
to  eay  nothing  agiuuH  it,  and  perhaps,  if  it  came  to  a 
division,  to  vole  for  it ;  hut  1  believe  there  is  not  &  Catholic 
Memljcr  on  this  side  of  the  House  who  could  in  his 
comicienee  ):.ty  that  it  wan  rijifht  in  him  to  Oicoept  tliis 
pmpoeitioii  ta   a   bribe   that    he   shotdd    hercaiWr    Knpport 


i06 


SPEECilKS  OF  JOHN  BliWUT.       .^kch  ii. 


Protestint  snpremacj'.  In  fact,  it  Mppcan  to  inc  exactljr  in 
the  podtioii  now  that  the  diinl  vote  tran  in  this  time  twrelre 
monttis,  and  there  aw  ]»eopl€  wlio  say  Uml  it  has  been 
brought  forward  with  the  sumi:  ubject,  unrl  tiiat  by-and-bj,  as 
nobody  is  for  it,  the  rig-ht  Imn.  Ocntlcmaa  will  iwy  that 
as  nobody  lit  in  fai'onr  of  it  they  will  not  urg«  it<  upiHi 
Parliament.  Now,  doi«  anyljody  Wlieve  that  a  Catholic 
Univetsiity  in  Iri'land  could  h&ve  ihe  smalleet  eSxvi  upon 
Ftfiiitmism,  or  upon  the  disloyalty,  dijtcontcnt,  and  dissatis- 
faction of  which  Ffitiani:^m  is  the  Ia1«tit  and  thu  moet 
ti^iriblf  cxprcsKion?  It  is  quite  clnkr  that  for  the  evil 
which  wc  have  to  combat,  the  remwlj*  which  the  right  hon. 
fientloman  offers  through  the  Chief  Secretary  for  Irehind  'm 
no  remedy  at  ail. 

It  reRiiiidn  mt  of  an  ancc-dotc  which  is  reliit<-'d  by  Addisou. 
He  says  that  in  hi:!  time  there  was  a  man  who  made  a  living 
by  clieatiug  the  country  people.  He  was  not  a  Cabjoel 
Minister, — he  was  nnl_>-  a  mnimtebiinL, — and  he  snt  up  n  dtall, 
and  sold  pillg  that  were  very  grood  ag:ainst  the  earthijoako. 
Well,  that  is  about  ttie  state  of  tiling  that  we  are  in 
now.  Tliere  \b  an  carthijuake  in  Irclanil.  Does  anybody 
doubt  it?  I  wnll  not  go  into  the  eiHdence  of  it,  but  I  will 
t^ay  that  there  has  been  a  moiit  extraurdinury  alarm-^Rome  of 
it  extravagant,  I  will  admit — throughout  the  whole  of  the 
three  kingdoms ;  and  nlthou|rh  Fcnianism  may  Ire  hut  a  low, 
a  rerkloss,  and  an  ignorant  cmisjiiiiKy,  the  noble  Ijord  \ia» 
admitted  that  there  is  dist-ontent  and  disaffection  in  llic 
ooimtry;  and  when  the  Member  for  one  of  iho  great 
cities  of  Ireland  eomee  forward  and  aska  the  Imperial  Par- 
liament to  discuss  thiii  threat  qiii'&tion — this  social  and 
[xditical  earth (jiiake  under  which  Indand  is  hcavmgf — the 
noble  Lord  come«  fonvtird  and  offers  that  there  shall  be 
n  clerical-fjovemed  endowed  University  for  the  mng,  T  (nip- 
pose,  of  the  Catholic  ^ntlemon  of  Ireland.  1  have  never 
heard  a  more  uDstattismanliko  or  more  uusuli^foctory  proposi- 


itu. 


IHELAND.     VIII. 


409 


ticin ;  and  I  lielicve  the  entire  diEfavour  iviUi  whioli  it  hiu 
been  reeeired  in  thi«  House  is  only  a  proper  representation 
of  thi!  ccmdemnalion  which  it  will  receive  Prom  tiie  great 
majority  of  the  jiouplt.'  of  Uie  tliriM:  kiugilomK, 

Do  not  let  any  one  Hiip{)o»c'  th:tt  I  join  in  th«  terms  n-liicli 
I  regrelletl  to  hear  fn^in  tlie  right  lion,  Oentleiii«n  the  Member 
for  Stroud,  and  still  less  that  I  join  in  the,  in  my  opinion,  mons 
oflcnsi%'i:  terms  which  fell  from  the  li^bt  hoii.  Ocntleman  tha 
Member  for  Calne.  There  can  be  no  good  in  onr  attacking 
either  the  Catholic  population  or  the  Catholic  hierarchy  of 
Ireland.  Wi*  hiive  uur  duty  straight  beforL-  us,  wliic-h  is  to  do 
both  the  hierareliy  and  the*  peoplo  jiistifle.  We  are  not  nailed 
upon  to  support  the  plan  of  the  Uovcmmcnt,  and  1  believe  the 
pL-oplc  of  Oieat  Britain,  and  n  very  large  |K)rtion  of  the  ]>eo|>le 
of  Intland,  will  rwjoicc  when  the  House  of  Commons  slmll 
reject  u  |iropo*.itii>n  \vlii(!h  is  atlven^  to  the  conr»e  we  have 
taken  fur  many  years  piist,  and  a  proposition  which  would 
have  no  better  effect  in  tranquilliaing  Ireland  in  the  future 
than  the  iucrense  of  the  grant  lo  Maynooth  did  more  than 
twenty  years  ago.  Sir  llobert  Pet'l  at  that  time,  with  tlie 
mont  honourable  and  kindly  ftvling  to  Ireland,  propueetl  to 
increase  tlie  grant  to  Maynooth,  and  it  was  passed,  I  think, 
by  a  large  majority  of  the  House,  1  being  one  of  a  very 
few  persona  on  this  side  of  the  House  who  opposed  the 
grant.  I  was  a»  kindly  disposed  to  the  Catholics  of  Ireland 
as  Sir  Robert  Peel,  hut  I  was  natisfieil  thnt  was  not  the 
path  of  tranquil liHati<>n,  nnil  that  if  he  tn>d  that  path 
it  would  before  any  long  time  have  to  be  retraced;  and  I 
think,  if  yon  now  proceed  upon  the  course  recommended  by 
the  right  Hon.  Gentleman,  yon  will  fail  in  the  pacifieation  of 
Ireland,  and  the  time  will  come  when  you  will  have  to 
retrace  the  steps  he  invites  you  to  tread  in  now. 

Now,  Sir,  I  think  wc  have  arrived  at  this  point  of  the 
qui'Btion — that  we  have  absolutely  arrived  at  it,  and  there  in 
no  eacaiie  from    it — thnt    it  doe^   not   mat(4>r   in    the  least 


•tio 


SPSJiCIIUS  OF  JOUS   BRIfWr.        UAHCH  II. 


whether  tlie  riglit  hgn.  (Jeiitieman  Kits  on  the  Treasiiij-  Beiicb, 
or  whether  tho  right  hoii.  Member  for  South  LancaBhirt>  takes 
his  plnco,  or  whether  the  two  should  unite — ^which  is  a  vpr>' 
bold  li^urc  of  sijccoh — but  I  say  that  if  the  two  should  unite, 
ib  could  not  alter  this  fnct,  that  tlie  Protestant  suprcotncr,  as 
re[)re!(ented  hy  a  Stat«  Church  lu  Ireland,  ib  doomed,  and 
is,  in  fact,  at  an  end.  Whatever  are  the  dt^tniU,  and  I 
mlmit  thnt  they  will  Iw  very  ditticult  details  in  some  par- 
ticulare,  which  nuiy  he  introduced  into  tbc  measure  which 
fihuH  emii-t  the  j»rcat  cluin;??  thut  the  circtimstjiiiees  of  Ire- 
land and  the  opinion  of  the  United  Kingdom  have  declaiTsl 
to  be  ned's&ary,  this,  at  least,  we  have  eome  to,  thut  perfect 
reli^ouB  eqtiality  heneeforth,  and  not  only  relifjpons  c<)iuility, 
but  equality  nu  the  voluntary  prmeipte,  must  be  granted. 

Slime  hon.  tJrntlemcn  opposite  have  ajioken  about  n  pam- 
jililet  whicii  ha«  recently  Iwcn  written  by  Ijord  Russell.  I 
would  speak  of  Lord  Russetl,  as  the  House  knows,  as  I  tvould 
llways  of  a  man  older  than  myself,  and  wliosn  Bervtces  to 
l)c  country  have  been  go  long  and  6o  groat ;  I  speak  of  him 
with  great  re«pect,  and  I  Kay  that  the  pamphlet  is  written 
witK  wonderful  lire,  that  it  contuins  in  it  very  much  that  is 
interesting,  and  very  much  that  is  tnie,  Iml  its  one  fault  is 
that  it  should  have  been  published  about  forty  years  ago. 
Lord  R.uwcIK«  propoitition  is  poHtica.l]y  jiut  in  the  divisioD 
which  he  proposes  of  (he  property  of  the  Church  in  Ireland^ 
nnd.  if  public  opinion  had  not  condemned  the  creation  of  new 
KstablisbfKl  Chuivhes,  it  might  have  been  poswble  to  have 
adopted  his  ficheme  na  it  is.  But  I  say  the  time  has  gone  by 
for  the  establishment  of  new  State  Churches.  They  will 
never  again  be  planted  as  an  institution  in  this  country,  and  I 
auKjiect  there  is  no  other  country  in  the  world  which  has  not 
an  Kstahli^hed  Chnrch  that  would  wish  to  possess  one.  But, 
if  the  House  will  allow  me,  I  should  like  to  advert  to  a  littl« 
scheme  on  this  matter  which  I  was  bold  enough  to  explain 
to  my  cooDtrytncn  on  the  occasion  to  which  I  luve  referred. 


IM8. 


tRELAUt).     VIII. 


411 


It  is  not  a  now  selidiie  in  my  mind.  Tor  the  whole  principle 
of  it,  with  an  etatforate  argument  in  ita  favour,  were  publiidiot] 
TiTV  widflj-  ill  Ihi'  j'wir  i  S^^a,  in  a  ItttiT  which  I  wrote  to  my 
hon.  KriencI  the  Mcmher  fnr  Kilkenny  {Sir  John  Gmy),  who 
xms  ono  of  eortaiu  persons,  Members  of  Parfiainont  and 
others,  who  met  in  conference  in  Dulilln  on  the  question 
of  rplig^ious  W]«ality  ir  Irelantl.  T  nnly  dtato  Ihie  to  show 
l.liat  it  is  uo  new  idea,  and  that  I  have  had  plenty  of  time  la 
consider  it.  Tlierc  have  been  great  olijections  to  the  plan, 
atid  amongst  those  who  have  objected  to  it,  as  mi^ht  p(^- 
Kihly  have  been  expeeted,  were  gt-ntlemen  of  tlie  Liberation 
.Society.  Now,  I  know  many  of  the  leading  membewi  of  that 
Society,  and  they  are  very  gimd  men.  £veu  those  who  may 
think  they  are  misUikcn  would,  if  they  knew  them,  join 
with  me  in  that  opinion.  One  of  them,  at  leaf<t,  who  was 
oiii!(?  a  Mernlier  of  thiii  House,  und,  in  ull  probabihty,  will  l>e 
h«re  ognin — Mr.  Kliall — ^is  not  only  a  (food  man,  btit  hp  is 
a  ^reat  man.  I  judge  him  by  the  nobleness  of  his  principles, 
and  by  the  grand  devotion  which  he  han  msnifeste^l  to  the 
t«iching  of  what  he  believes  to  Lc  a  great  truth.  I  take 
criticisms  from  them  kindly,  as  we  ought  to  take  them  from 
our  friendx  when  they  are  honeatly  given. 

What  is  the  condition  of  Ireland  at  this  moment  with 
ii-hiuli  you  have  to  deal  ?  There  is  not  only  the  Church  which 
it  is  pro(>09ed  to  disc^itablish,  hut  you  have  the  Re^inm 
I)i>nttta,  which,  if  the  Chtireh  bo  disestablished,  most  necvs* 
snrily  be  withdrawn ;  and  you  have,  if  theac  two  tliinga 
happen,  a  grant  to  Mnynooth,  the  Aet  conferring;  which  mnit 
necesearily  be  repealed.  Now,  in  doin?  these  things  the 
House  will  observe  tliut  we  shall  disturb  all  the  three  prin- 
cipal wets  or  Churches  in  Ireland,  and  we  can  only  do  it, 
or  attempt  to  do  it,  on  the  groimd  that  we  are  about  to 
ftcooinpliah  aomc  great  public  pood.  Well,  my  proposal, 
which  Bnme  hon.  Gentlemen,  I  liarc  say,  will  have  some 
va<^iie  idea  of,  was  made  with  Uie  view  of  easing   Parliament 


412 


spJiKCJWs  or  joifir  bright,      mabch  u. 


in  the  frveai  tmn«ii«tJoD,  from  wliicli  I  believe  it  cannot  estrnpc 
It  ifl  a  ffrcat  thing  in  slatMmaaship,  when  you  are  about  to 
make  a  chaii^^c  winch  is  {iiu vital ilc,  untl  which  slioeka  eumv, 
disfiu-lis  more,  aiid  makes  hesitiitiiig'  people  liesiUitc  stiti 
more — it  ih  a  ^rrciit  thin^,  I  say,  if  yon  can  make  the  past 
shilo  into  tlic  lutnre  without  any  grvat  jar,  and  without 
any  great  shock  ta  the  feelings  of  the  peo]ile.  And  in 
<lQing  these  tbin;^  Uiv  Goverumcat  can  always  aSbnl  to  he 
g^rnerous  and  gracious  to  those  whom  they  are  ohiiged  to 
tlistiirlj. 

We  havt>  found  that  this  has.  hoen  the  c»se  when  needful 
changes  have  been  proposed ;  for  instance,  hon.  Gentlemen 
will  recolluctj  when  tithe  commulation  for  Irehud  waa  patweclf 
that  there  wna  a  cerLaiii  eonccssioa  made  U)  the  lunilownora 
of  Ireland,  to  induce  them  to  aequieuce  in  the  proposition  of 
Pnrliuniont.  Wo  know  that  when  ttlavery  waii  aliulished  aeon- 
sidtTsblo  sum  of  money  was  voted.  Lord  Derhy  proposed  in 
this  House  that  compensation  should  he  given  to  tho  alare- 
owniTfi.  If  it  had  not  been  for  that,  slavery  would  before 
long  have  been  aholtflhed  by  violence.  But  Parliament 
thought  it  waK  much  better  to  take  tlie  Btep  it  did  take,  and 
I  am  not,  nt  thi»t  jieriod  of  time,  about  for  a  momt^nt  to  dia- 
pute  itti  wi)<dom.  lu  all  these  things  wo  endeavour,  if  wc  arc 
forced  to  make  a  grejit  eliange,  to  make  it  in  such  a,  manner 
as  Uiat  we  shall  nbta.in  the  acquiescence  and  the  supporty 
if  po^iKible,  of  those  who  are  most  likely  to  hi*  tiMirly  afieeted 
hy  it.  Suppose  wo  were  going  to  diBCj(tflbli)ih  the  Chureh 
of  Scotland — and  1  nndcrstand  that  there  ate  n  great  numWr 
belonging  to  the  Eslablielicd  Church  of  Scotland  who  are 
coming;  round  to  the  opiuiuu  tliat  it  would  be  much  to  tJmr 
benefit,  and  I  think  for  the  benefit  of  their  Charch,  if  it  were 
dificstoblished — if  wc  were  going  to  diHeetabliah  the  Church 
of  Scotland  or  the  Church  ofKngland,  no  person  for  a  momcut 
would  suppose  thai,  after  having  taken  alt  the  tithes  and  nil 
tlie  income  i'rom  these  ('hurcheA,  you  would  aUo  take  all  the 


lUB. 


IRKLAND.     VI  !l. 


413 


churches  nuil  iill  t!ic  paraonugv-housea  from  the  Pit»li>-tcriiin 
pcuple  of  SL-titlaiid,  or  ftDm  tJte  EpUc-oiml  Cliiircli  puoplc  in 
Knfjland.  Yoii  woiihl  not  do  nnytliing  of  that  kind.  You 
would  cli>  to  tliiom  Its  wi>  should  wish,  iT  wo  woro  in  thbir 
|K>sitit>n,  that  th<>  (!overnim>nt  and  Parliament  ehould  do  to 
iiM,  Do  what  you  buvc  to  do  thoroug'hly  for  thv  gvod  of  the 
rniiiitry,  hut  do  it  in  8iich  a  manner  ah  fthail  do  li'iuit  hiinn, 
and  n«  «hnll  galii  the  largiitt  amount  of  acqiiiesceuct'  from 
VXxosv  whom  you  are  ahout  to  alTect.  I  venture  to  say  that 
Btioh  )»  tlie  ccinnie  we  »hoiihI  take  alK>ut  Iruliuid. 

I  nm  VC17  free  in  speaking'  on  tlieec  matters,  I  am  not 
a  Catholic  in  the  »ensG  of  Rome.  I  nm  not  a  Protestant  lu 
the  sense  in  which  thutword  Is  used  in  Ireland.  Iamnntcon> 
nested  with  a  powerful  Rect  in  England.  I  think,  from  tny 
truining,  and  cducntloiij  und  a^Miointioii,  and  thought  on  them 
qiioetione,  I  stand  in  a  position  which  enables  me  to  take  as 
fair  and  iininiptutsioncd  0.  view  of  the  matter  fts  perhaps  any 
man  in  tht;  House.  Now,  if  I  were  asked  to  give  my  adviee, 
and  if  I  am  not  aske^l  I  shall  give  it — I  should  proixise  tliat 
when*  llitTi!  an*  congrt^galiouii  in  Irehiml — I  am  i«|ii>iikiug 
now,  of  courfie,  of  the  present  Estnhlisbed  Chureli  —  who 
would  undertake  to  keep  in  repair  the  church  in  which  they 
have  heeti  nrcustomed  to  worship,  and  the  pursoiiage-hontie  in 
whi<:h  their  minixt^'rs  live.  Parliament  t^liouM  leave  them 
in  the  pOB^eieion  of  their  ohiirehcs  and  of  their  par^nngc- 
houites.  And  I  helieve  I  8|)euk  the  xentimont  of  every 
Catholic  Member  on  this  bide  of  the  House,  and  probably 
of  evcrj-  intelli^-nt  Catholic  In  Ireland,  not  only  of  the  laity 
but  of  the  hicmrcliy  and  the  pnesthood,  when  I  %a.y  that  Hiey 
wotdd  reganl  ouch  a  eouree  as  thai  on  the  part  of  Parliament 
as  jnst,  under  the  circuiiiBtnnceii  in  which  wc  arc  phieed.  Well, 
ihon,  of  course  there  would  bo  no  more  bi&hope  appointed  by 
the  CruwL,  and  that  institntion  in  Ireland  would  come  to  an 
end,  exci?pt  it  wi-rc  continued  upon  tlie  principle  npon  which 
btshu^H   are  appointed    in    Scotland.      All    Stutu  connection 


*u 


SPeSCIIKS  OF  JOHN  BKtOUT. 


Mabcr  14, 


wuul«l  bu  untitvlji-  ubolisht-d.  You  wuuid  tlicu  bavc  ull  ulile. 
Th«  Hn)te)4tantfi  would  have  their  diurchen  mid  pantonnge- 
houbitj  US  ifat-y  bavu  uow.  But  tha  repaini  of  tlifiii,  and  tbu 
Riipport  of  tlieir  miniiiteni,  would  be  provided  liy  their  ooti- 
gruj^tions,  or  Ly  such  ao  organi&atiou  as  tlii'v  i-faose  to 
form.  The  Catholics  would  provide,  as  tlicy  Itare  liithcrla 
done-  so  meritoriotisty  aud  witli  a  n-murkuble  libcrnlitj^  lor 
t.hemaelveB. 

No  gntater  imstajico  of  geuero^ity  and  fidelity  to  their 
Church  «an  te  m«ii  ia  the  world  than  that  which  hm  l>een 
mmiifostcd  Ly  thu  Catholic  jiL-opIu  of  In-tiiud.  They  havu 
their  churches  and  their  priests'  hoais&s  in  many  places.  There 
is  no  pretence  for  meddling'  with  thern.  Tn  the  uortli  of 
IrGlaod,  where  the  Pn.'sbyti'muH  are  must  tiuineruus,  Ibey 
would  also  hnve  their  plaee-ii  of  worship,  and  their  tnimstcm' 
houses  us  they  haw  naw.  All  Ihc  Cburclici;,  therefore,  in 
that  resp«ct  would  I>e  on  au  equality.  Well,  now^  the  renl 
point  of  this  (^ueaiion,  and  whicli  will  create  in  all  pmhaliility 
much  fw^ling  in  Parliament  and  in  the  eoiiiitry,  is,  what 
should  be  dono  on  the  quvsliun  of  the  Maynooth  Grant,  and 
on  the  question  of  the  iterfium  Doutim  /  They  mu!it  be  treated 
alike,  I  presume.  If  you  prc«:r\'t'  tbu  life  iiitt'rtata  of  the 
nilni»t^r8  Jind  hisliopa  of  ihu  I'litahlishrd  Chnrcli,  it  may  be 
right  to  preserve  the  life  iiiten-'stij  of  the  minititers  of  the 
Preahyt^rian  Chureh,  and  it  may  Ire  right  niao  in  some  wfty 
or  other  to  make  «0R)e  provision  that  tihall  not  in  the  least 
degree  brinp  them  under  the  control  of  the  Stute.  Aud  eomc 
pruviaion  might  luive  to  he  made  to  the  Catholiu  ('hurch  in 
lieu  of  the  Maynooth  Granl^  which,  of  course,  you  would  be 
obliged  to  withdraw.  The>e  tire  pi^iuUi  which  I  will  not 
discuss  in  d<-iail.  1  merely  indicate  thcni  for  the  »akc  of 
showing  to  the  House,  aud  to  n  great  mimbcr  of  people  who 
are  regarding  it  with  oven  more  feeling  Ihnn  we  do,  what  Are 
8om«  of  the  ditRcultiee  of  this  quesiion^diflieullies  which 
muRt  be  met — ditficulties  which  it  will  require  all  tlic  modem- 


1H8. 


iKBLAXD.    vrn. 


4U 


tion,  nil  the  Christiiin  feeliiif^,  and  all  the  putriotism  which 
thU  House  enn  muster  ou  hoth  Bidets  of  it,  with  the  view  of 
stettling  this  question  perraaDently,  and  to  tlic  general  «uti»- 
tactioti  of  the  Ihree  kitigdoms.  Now,  I  will  go  no  further, 
but  to  say  that  whatever  is  doae — if  a  single  tiixiwDce  is 
given  by  Parliament,  in  ticu  of  the  Muynooth  Grant,  or  in 
lieu  of  tlic  Regiuta  Doaiiia,  it  tnuttt  be  given  on  tli^M  ternw 
only — atid  on  that  matter  I  thiulc  Lord  Russell  has  cum< 
mitted  a  great  error — that  it  heeoTOes  the  nbiK>1ut«  property 
of  the  Catholics  or  of  the  Fresbyti'riiuiE — it  must  be  aa  com* 
pletely  tliejr  property  as  the  prnpcrty  of  the  great  Wesleyan 
hixly  in  this  country,  or  of  the  Independents,  or  of  the 
Itajitiste,  belongs  to  these  bodies.  It  mm^t  be  property 
u-hioh  Parlinmcnt  cnn  never  pretend  to  control,  ot  regulate, 
or  withdraw. 

And  having-  consented  to  that  condition,  the  three  Chorches 
of  Ireland  would  be  started  as  votnnlary  Chiin:ke«,  &nd  in- 
stead of  fighting,  Via  I  am  sorry  to  say  they  have  Iweu  fight- 
ing far  longer  thnn  within  the  memory  of  man,  I  hope  soon 
there  would  be  a  uompetition  among  them  which  &hould  do 
most  for  (be  education,  the  momI»,  and  the  CbriKtiauity  of 
the  peculation  who  sre  within  their  instruction  and  guidance. 
Now,  Protestant*:  in  this  country — I  think  almost  all  Pro- 
tostauta — object  very  strongly  to  Kome-  'Hie  Nonconform irts 
object  to  endowments.  Tbcy  sometimes,  1  think,  couibiind 
cstablitrhments  with  endowments.  I  think  it  ab»olut4:ly  CEsen- 
kial  that  ei^tnhli^hments  should  cease,  and  that  tliere  should 
be  nothing  in  thu  way  of  endowment  unless  it  be  some  small 
|RMrSaion  such  us  that  which  I  Imvc  indicated;  which  it  might 
be  npocesary  to  make  when  you  ate  withilrawiiig  certain 
things  which  the  Churches  in  Ireland  had  supposed  were 
theirs  in  perpetuity. 

Now,  one  word  which  I  would  say  to  the  Nonconformist 
people  of  Enghind  and  Scotland,  if  the  IIourc  will  allow 
me  to  np«ak,  is   this — they  should    Ixar   in  mind   that  the 


116 


SPEECUKS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.         MAiuifl*. 


whole  of  this  property  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
Bstabtittliod  Church  of  Itvlaud  Lk  Irish  pmiivrtjr.  H  docs  not 
bdong  to  Scntlanil  or  to  Ktig-lund,  and  it  ivnnid  be  a  mcnsiirc 
intolerobli.'  ami  not  to  he  llioii^hl  of,  thiit  it  t^lioiild  be 
touc'hwl  <jr  deult  with  Ju  any  nmiiniT  that  is  Jiot  iu  accunl- 
nnce  \rit)i  the  ftwliii^  nnd  the  interests  of  the  iHwplc  of 
Ireland.  Lot  any  uiau  who  to-morrow  crJlit-istw  this  yi'rt  of 
uiy  »i)eech  ask  himself  vvliat  an  Iri^h  Parliiiment  I'rtely  i-IecteJ 
would  do  with  the  ccclesiasticid  funds  of  Ircloud.  I  tbiuk  tbc 
Fre«l)}'tf>rians  nf  Srotland,  the  Charchmeti  aiid  Noneonfor- 
miHls  of  ICngland,  have  no  right  to  suppom-  themselves  to  be 
judses  with  regard  to  reUgioue  matters  in  Ireland.  They 
have  a  pt-rfect  right  to  »iy  to  Parliament  through  their 
repreitentatives,  'M'^e  will  discontinue  the  State  Church  in 
Tndiiiid,  ti»d  we  will  cfL-wte  no  other  Stale  Chiirehes,'  But 
that  seems  to  he  about  the  extent  of  the  interfereuoe  whivh 
they  arc  entitled  to  in  this  matter. 

1  hope  ]  have  explained  with  tolci'abic  cleaniess  the  yiews 
which  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  lay  before  Llic  Uuure  on 
ihu  oceiuiioi]  of  this  ^eat  question,  llie  IIniii«  will  see, 
and  I  think  hoQ.  Oontlcmcii  opposite  will  admit,  Uiat  I 
am  at  least  dispost'd  to  treat  it  as  u  great  (iiiestion  which, 
if  it  be  dejilt  with,  tihuuld  be  dealt  with  in  the  uioflt 
geiKTuus^  f^u.-iuLi»,  and.  if  you  Hlie,  tender  muiiner  l>y 
P^liament,  as  reepectti  the  feelings  and  inten>Kts  of  all  who 
are  mnst  dii-eotly  eoncei-ned.  Tlip  right  hnn.  Oentleraou 
the  Hume  Seerolary,  in  his  speech  \xtA,  night,  said  tJiat  thi^ 
proposal  to  disestablish  the  Established  Church  of  Irelaud 
WS8,  ill  point  offset,  in  some  sort  a  revolution,  lliid,  at  any 
nitf,  I  am  satbilieJ,  nould  lie  nut  only  an  entirely  hloixllem 
revolution,  but  a  revolution  full  of  blessing  to  the  Irish 
people. 

I  bftTc  not  Enid  &  word— I  never  said  a  word  in  this  Uooae, 
and,  I  believe,  never  out  of  it,  to  dcprceiate  the  character  of 
the  elerjjjiueii  of  tin*  Kwtjtblii'hed  C'hnrch  in  Ireland.     I  think 


im 


IRELAND.     VIII. 


417 


110  religious  mii)ister8aT«  placed  in  a  more  unfortunate  poeitioDf 
and  I  uin  saluificd  tbat  m»n/  of  them  fi-cl  it  to  be  ao.  I  hare 
not  the  least  doubt,  wlien  this  tninftnction  ts  otitH?  nocom- 
plUtied,  that  tbcy  will  breathe  moro  freoly.  I  LpIil'vu  iXivy 
will  be  moK  potent  is  their  ministrations,  and  that  their 
infiueuoe,  which  muet,  or  ou^ht  to  be,  considerable,  will  Im 
far  more  cxtciiaiv*  than  it  hii»  been,  and  fur  more  benelicial 
in  the  districts  in  which  thvy  Wvc.  But  being  so  grrat  a 
question,  as  the  Home  Secretary  described  it,  it  can  only  bo 
st^ttlt-d  by  mutual  and  rfaeonable  couci.'(»iou.  Tlie  mwn 
principle  being  setiired,  that  Slate  Church  supromopy  is 
ubuliehcd  in  Ircliuid,  and  that  the  Irish  Cliun.'^hcs  urt:  hence- 
forth to  be  free  Churches  upon  the  voluntary  principle,  then 
I  ithould  1k>  willing,  and  I  ^otild  reconimend  nwiy  person  in 
the  country  whom  my  voJtie  may  reach,  to  make  any  reason- 
able concession  that  can  be  suggested  in  the  case.  So  anxious 
am  I  that  it  should  he  done,  that  I  should  be  delighted  to 
ca>opcratc  with  tlio  right  hon.  Oentleman,  and  wiUi  Hon. 
Members  on  the  oppogite  side  of  the  Houhc,  iii  supfwrt  of 
a,ny  just  measuro  for  settling  this  great  question.  But  I 
Bay,  if  it  ever  does  come  to  be  dealt  with  by  a  great  and 
powerful  Minister,  let  it  be  dealt  with  in  a  great  and  geucroiw 
spirit.  I  would  counsel  to  alt  men  moderatiuu  and  justic«>. 
It  is  as  nctt-'itsary  to  FrotestantK  as  to  Catholics  and  to  Nnn- 
coaformists  that  they  should  endeavour  to  get  rid  of  passion 
in  discuiBsing  this  question. 

We  are,  after  all,  of  one  religion.  I  imagine  that  there 
will  come  a  time  m  the  history  of  the  world  when  men  will 
he  aiftonished  that  Catholics  and  Protestants  have  had  so 
much  animosity  against  and  suepiciou  of  each  other.  I  accept 
the  belief  in  a  grand  passage,  which  I  onee  met  with  in  the 
writings  of  the  illuelrious  founder  of  the  colony  of  Feuu- 
itylvania.  He  rays  that  "The  humble,  meek,  merciful,  juhI, 
piouH,  and  devout  souls  are  CYcrywhcrc  of  one  religion,  and 
when  death  lias  token   off  the  ma#k  they  will    know  one 

vou  1.  X  e 


418  SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 

another^  though  the  diverse  liveries  they  wear  here  make 
them  strangers.'  Now,  may  I  ask  the  House  to  act  in  this 
spirit,  and  then  our  work  will  be  easy.  The  noble  Lord, 
towards  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  spoke  of  the  cload  which 
rests  at  present  over  Ireland.  It  is  a  dark  and  beavy  cloud, 
and  its  darkness  extends  over  the  feelings  of  men  in  all  parts 
of  the  British  Empire.  But  there  is  a  consolation  which  we 
may  all  take  to  ourselves.  An  inspired  king  and  hard  and 
prophet  has  left  us  words  which  are  not  only  the  expression 
of  a  fact,  but  which  we  may  take  as  the  utteruice  of  a  pro- 
phecy. He  says, '  To  the  upright  there  ariseth  light  in  the 
darkness.*  Let  us  try  in  this  matter  to  be  upright.  Let  as 
try  to  be  just.  That  eloud  will  be  dispelled.  The  dangers 
which  surround  us  will  vanish,  and  we  may  yet  have  the 
happiness  of  leaving  to  our  children  the  heritage  of  an 
honourable  citizenship  in  a  united  and  prosperous  Empire. 


-»IKt«— ^ 


IRELAND. 

IX. 

HOUSE   OP  COMMONS,  APEIL  1,  1868. 

{This  (rpeeoh  was  made  in  the  debate  on  Mr.  Gladstone's  resolutioiu  for 
diseetabliahing  the  Irish  Church.] 

The  House  will  not  expect  me  to  follow  the  l^al  arg;u- 
ment  of  the  hon.  and  learned  Member  who  has  just  sat  down. 
I  entertain  a  firm  belief  that  those  l^al  cobwebs  which  are 
spread,  and  which  are  supposed  to,  and  do  in  the  minds  of 
many  Gentlemen,  interpose  between  the  completion  of  a 
great  act  of  justice,  will  be  swept  away  before  long  by 
the  almost  unanimous  opini<Hi  of  the  people  of  the  three 
kingdoms. 

During  this  debate,  which  has  yet  lasted  only  two  nights, 
there  has  been,  if  not  a  remarkable  change  of  opinion,  a 
remarkable  change  of  expression.  Last  night  we  had  an 
interesting  speech  from  the  noble  Lord  who  generally  sits 
opposite  me,  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  Stamford.  I 
refer  only  to  the  beginning  of  his  speech,  in  which  he  spoke 
of  his  affection  for  the  principle  of  a  Church  Establishment. 
There  was  a  hesitation  in  his  manner ;  he  bad  a  strong  love 
for  his  principle,  but  it  appeared  to  me  that  he  thought  the 

8  6  2 


420 


SPEECHES  OF  JOIliV  BRIGHT. 


IMUt  I, 


time  tTK  come  when  even  that  chcmhcd  principle  would 
have  to  be  eurrendenxl.  From  the  Treasury  bench  we  had 
a  speech  from  the  iiolile  Lord  Um?  Swn-tar}-  for  Foreign 
Affairs^  iinel  when  he  sat  tltuvii  it  is  difficult  to  say  what 
was  the  prociiw  imikrctguiou  riindc  ii[io»  the  Houut;  but  I 
think,  on  the  whole,  the  impression  made  on  the  other 
aide  of  the  House — his  own  sido — vviis  l)y  no  means  a  com- 
fortable one.  Now  tn  nic  it  Is,  and  I  think  to  the  HouRe 
it  is,  a  mUfortune  tliat  wo  have  a  Oovcrmnent  that  Kjieaks 
with  a  diirercnt  voice  from  night  to  night.  Via  had  it  last 
year,  and  I  ])ru6ame,  from  the  example  of  tli*  debate  which 
lately  tijolt  place  on  the  motion  of  the  bou.  Member  for  Cork, 
and  jjum  the  debate  on  (hit!  motion,  wc  arc  about  bo  see  a 
n?i>etitioii  of  it. 

Tim  fact  {>i,  tliHt  the  potdtinu  of  thi>  Govemmont  is  one 
of  great  difhcalty  and  pt-rplextty ;  to  Mpcuk  plainly,  it  i«  one 
which  I  ithould  call,  iu  our  Coustitntiotml  system,  altogether 
nnnatural.  They  are  the  Ministers,  tlie  leaders  of  a  minority 
of  the  Houxe,  and  whilst  thtfy  sat  as  leaders  of  the  minority  iu 
op|Htsitiou  tliev  dofiiided  tlio  piinpiplcj;  nfthoir  party,  and  they 
apparently  rcpurdcd  all  their  pimtcarecr  nith  satisfaction;  but 
the  moment  they  are  transferred  ti>  the  Trfaoun-  bench  they 
find  tliemsulvoa  iu  this  difficulty,  that  although  their  (Jwiy 
may  still  wish  to  cling  to  their  past  opinions,  there  is  some- 
thing'  ill  the  very  air,  there  is  something  throughout  the  mind 
of  the  whole  kinj^dom,  which  tenche?  them  that  their  past 
opinions  ure  inipuBsilile  in  their  new  popition. 

The  noble  Ixird  the  Member  fur  King's  Lynn  made  a 
speed]  not  long  ago  at  Bristol,  and  in  that  speech  he  ex- 
premed  what  I  am  tpiite  sure  were  bi»  honest  opiuions  with 
regard  to  the  condition  of  Ireland.  He  stated  that  the  con- 
dition of  Irelund  was  uue  painful  and  dangcmus,  and  to  us, 
in  appearance  at  least,  discredil^ble.  He  said  iro  had 
a  Strang?  and  perplexing  problem  to  solve;  that  in  Ireland 
there  was  a  miserable  utale  of  things.     Then  he  said,  '  If 


1U8. 


JRtiLASD.    IX. 


4S1 


we  look  for  a  remedy,  who  CRti  give  iis  nn  inliOligibl« 
uiswer  ?  Ireland  \%  the  question  of  the  hour.'  And  that 
is  not  flltogetlier  at  variiLnoe — in  fact,  I  bIiouIiI  say  not 
St  all  at  variance — with  the  speech  of  the  Chief  Sccrctiiry 
tor  Ireland,  who  told  iis,  ae  far  as  lie  kncn-,  tJie  factn  ahoiit 
his  country'.  But  immcdtalcly  aftcm'si-da  vte  had  the  dexcrip- 
lion  of  the  right  lion,  Gentlfniari  at  the  head  of  the  Govern- 
ment, to  the  effect  that  there  was  no  enRiR  nt  all  — that, 
iu  jtoint  of  fact,  the  condition  of  Irehmd  was  a  normni 
condition,  and  that  there  was  no  neoeseity  for  anything 
remurkihlc  or  iinu»ual  lu  the  legislation  tliut  was  rLtjuired. 
Now,  to*night  we  have  liaci  a  fipecch  from  the  Home  Secretary. 
I  may  say  that  every  speaker  on  that  siile  of  the  Housi?  has 
admitted  that  his  s])eeeh  is  entirely  in  uppoKition,  in  its  tone, 
its  )mrpoM!,  and  its  prinoipio,  tn  the  Bpeeeh  of  the  nnhlc  Lord 
the  MemlHS-  for  King^t;  Lj-nn.  It  eccma  to  me  that  the  Home 
Secretary  to-night  answered  the  Foreign  Secretary  of  last 
night — and  I  Biippose  if  the  debate  goes  on  until  Thurwlny, 
prohahly  the  ri^ht  hoii,  GentJemiU]  at  the  he«d  of  tlie 
Government,  or  perhaps  the  Seeret^ry  of  Stale  for  India, 
will  answer  the  speech  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Home  Department. 

But  all  thix  shoe's  us  that  the  House  is  in  n  wrong 
position.  We  have  a  minority  in  office  which  cannot  aii!<ert 
its  own  views  with  anfrty,  nor  ean  it  with  any  more  safety 
directly  adopt  our  views ;  and  thus,  when,  on  that  side  of 
the  Houcte,  a  Minister  gets  up  and  make»  wliat  i.-(  called  a 
lilicral  s]>ei.-ch  on  this  question  to  us  who  are  in  opposition, 
that  cT«atefi  discontent;  and  then  another  Minister  rises  and 
makes  a.  speech  of  nn  exactly  opposite  eharaeter,  to  reeoncile 
that  discontent.  'Inhere  is,  in  fact,  conAiston  and  chaos  iu  the 
House.  We  liave  a  Government  which  is  not  a  GoTemmeQt 
— and  we  have  an  Ojiposition  wliieh  is  not  an  Opposition, 
hee«»se  really  we  do  not  oppose  anything  that  you  propose. 
Your  proposilious  arc  not  hased  upon  your  own  principlwi, 


423 


SP£ECffNS  OF  JOnX  BRWBT. 


ATBIL  1, 


wliich  you  LeM  when  you  sat  on  this  side  of  the  Hoiwe,  but 
on  our  priacipleBj  luid  thovfore  vre  are  not  id  opposition  at 
ftll,  but  w«  belp  jou  &6  much  vs  possible  bi  enforce,  not 
your  own  principles,  but  oure,  Wbatever  compensation  it 
nuiy  be  to  riglit  hoo.  Oeutlvnica  wbo  sit  on  tbut  bt-'uch  aud 
enjoy  tlic  di^itira  and  emolnmeuts  cfi'  oflice,  I  think  there 
ara  many  honourable  meu  on  vrbom  I  am  looking-  nt  this 
moment  who  do  not  obHervo  the  uuunu  uf  tb(Kit>  prooufidings 
with  entiiv  satisfaction. 

But  now,  notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  there  remaios 
UiiK  ;:rTcat  qiiestton  whidi  wc  must  discus,  and  which,  if 
jioKible,  we  must  settle.  I  tray,  notwith^Uuiding'  some 
obeervntions  to  the  oontranr',  tliat  thn  people  of  th«  tliroe 
kingdoms  are  l«)bing  with  anxious  suspeoso  «t  the  conrae 
which  Parliament  may  take  on  thid  question.  Tlic  right 
hon.  Guuth-mun  the  Hume  Set-retury  au  one  occasion  spoke 
of  this  question,  of  this  propositioo,  as  being  something 
in  the  nature  of  a  revolution.  But,  if  it  1*0  a  revolution, 
afU>r  all  it  is  nut  eo  ^rcat  a  one  as  we  mij^ht  suppose 
from  tho  force  and  energy  of  tilo  Bpecoh  which  he  has  deli- 
vered to-night — a  speech  which,  although  I  differ  from  bia 
views,  was,  I  must  Buy,  a  very  good  speech — ^lu  which  lie 
bnjug-tit  into  the  House  a  good  deal  of  thi-  energy  of  the 
people  of  that  g^rcat  county  (Yortebire)  from  which  he  oomcs- 
But  we  are  now  about  to  deal  with  a  question  vHiich  only 
atTects,  according  to  Uie  censuif,  eomcthiiig  under  700POO 
people.  I  abecr^'c  hon.  Gentlemen  talk  of  the  Protdstanta  of 
Ireland  nit  being  one-foarth  of  the  whole  population— Hif  bein|f 
a  million  niit!  n  bnlf.  All  that  ig  fanciful  exuggeratioa.  Aoconl- 
ing  to  the  oemtue  the  Episcopalians  are  not  more  than  700,000, 
and  let  hon.  Gentlemco  bear  this  in  mind— when  the  ocnsua 
enumenttora  go  round,  if  a  man  ia  not  a  Catholic  or  »  Fre»- 
bytwrian,  he  is  put  daviiT»,  uules^  he  can  state  he  is  uf  some 
other  »ect,  m  an  Epiacopaliau.  Aud  judging  fmm  wliat  we 
know,   there   must  be    oat  of  the   ;oo,ooo   a  coasiderabla 


IMS. 


IRELAND.     IX. 


US 


nmnlwr  who  uever  jfo  to  church,  and,  politieally  or  reliffiousjy, 
have  no  iDt«re6t  in  it.  Therefore,  I  believe,  Bpcaking  oor- 
redl/,  it  would  not  be  possible  to  show  that  there  are 
Episcopalians  in  Ireland  in  intiinatt*  coaiiection  with  tbc 
Estattiithed  Churub  to  the  amount  of  more  than  from  half 
a  million  to  600,000, 

Now,  this  will  not  come  to  more  than  )00,000  lamilivE, 
that  is,  n-ill  not  he  reiy  mnch  more  than  the  population  of 
Liverpool,  or  M'atichestor,  or  Glasgow ;  eo  that,  iu  point  of 
fact,  this  queetion,  which  is  held  to  be  a  revolution, — this 
gTcnt  question  affects  onljr  a  popuhitioncqunl  to  that  of  the 
city  of  Glasgow,  or  of  Liverpool,  or  of  Manchester.  Aivl  it  is 
for  a  population  so  small  as  this,  I  um  told — for  I  am  not  versed 
in  computatiouK  of  this  kind — jou  have  no  less  than  twelve 
hitihops  and  arohhislinpft,  and  that  you  hare  deroted  for  their 
serricee — for  their  religious  rervicea — not  less  than  the  annual 
income  arising  from  a  capital  Hum  (K<timat«d  to  be,  at  least,  t«i 
or  twelve  millions  sterling.  Now,  if  ilieir  83'stcm  of  teaching 
u  r«illy  very  good,  I  mu«t  say  there  ought  to  he  in  Ireland 
a  more  jwrfectly  moral  and  rulij^iouK  popiilation  among  the 
Church  Protofitanls  tluin  there  is  in  any  other  country  in 
the  world. 

What,  tlicn,  arc  we  uhaut  to  do  ?  ^Vhat  is  the  Houfte  about 
to  do  if  we  adopt  the  rcnolutious  of  the  right  hon.  Member 
for  South  lAncj^shire  ?  If  the  House  accept  the  advice  of 
the  majority  nitting  on  this  side,  what  will  ho  done  ?  TVe 
arc  not  leroiog  to  commit  any  vital  wrong  upon  that  one 
dty  population  of  ^00,000  or  600,000.  When  we  have  done 
eveni'thing  that  I  have  suggested  should  be  done,  we  diall 
leave  them  in  a»  oomfortahle  a  jwiiitiun  vm  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  Scotland  are  in  at  tbiii  moment.  We  shall  leave 
them  as  well  off  as  eight  or  ninc-tcuths  of  the  popuhttion  of 
Wales  are;  wc  ehall  leave  tlicm  ae  well  off  as  half,  and  not 
the  leiMst  tL-ligious  half,  of  the  jwiojile  of  England  are ;  we 
shall  leave  them  a*  well  off  as  the  Engtisb,  Scotcli,  Webb, 


iii 


SPUBCHEH  OP  JOHN  HRWUT. 


ATML  I, 


and  Irisk  people  who  form  the  population  in  our  eokmies, 
whettier  in  North  Ammai  or  Australia.  And  vrtiaL  can  be 
more  monetpouB  thun  for  Geiitlcmcn  Xn  come  hore  from 
Ireland — and  there  may  bo  some  from  Kngland — and  UOl  tie 
wc  are  hnng:ing  about  a  rcrolutiou,  that  we  are  comiutttiuiif 
an  eoormoufi  oppression,  that  we  arc  hamtrding:  ilie  byulty  of 
the  pooplt'  of  iho  North  of  Ireland,  when,  after  all,  the  most 
ami  worst  which  any  of  us  proposes  to  do  19  tliat  the  Church 
population  of  Ireland  will  be  left  at  IcJist  m  well  off  a*  any 
of  the  various  populations  of  the  Empire  I  have  just  de- 
scribed? I  hope  hoti,  Geiitlenifii  O|)|)osile  will  l)c  convinced 
that  it  is  not  a  bottomleiw  abyss  we  are  going  to  plunge  their 
frietida  into. 

Aithouglt  it  13  a  very  small  question  for  the  Church  in 
Ireland  and  for  the  Church  people,  I  hold  it  is  an  inlinitcly 
Uii^g-er  question  for  the  Catholic  population.  The  hon.  and 
leomiHi  Gentleman  who  spoke  last  relies  much  upon  law. 
I  KUppose  it  will  Ih*  admitted  that  there  are  only  two  pre- 
tences on  which  this  State  Church — the  Protestant  Church — 
can  cxifit  in  Ireland.  The  one  is  relij^ous — the  other  is 
political.  Now,  hue  anybody  been  able  to  show  that,  as 
a  relitjious  insfitutinn,  it  has  not  bwn  a  deplorable  failure? 
because  eloorly,  the  nripinal  intention,  the  original  hojie  was, 
that  the  people  of  Ireland  would  bo  drawn  from  the  Church 
of  Rome  and  broug:ht  iato  haxmony  vith  the  Chureh  of 
Kn<;1aiid.  I  undertalic  to  say,  from  the  time  of  its  liret 
establishment  until  now,  reckoning  up  all  the  (^atholicH  on 
the  one  side  and  the  Prote«t;tnt8  on  the  other,  that  it  oonid 
not  W  shown,  and  is  not  to  be  Ix^HevLxl,  that  it  has  ever 
lidded  really  one  person  in  every  hundred  persons  to  the 
actual  number  of  Prote«taat»  iu  the  Icingdom  of  Ireland. 
It  has  been  an  entire  failurv — a  failure  deplorable,  and  almost 
ludicrous,  as  an  eng^ine  for  converting  the  Catholic  populalnon. 
But  it  baa  not  only  not  made  Catholics  into  Protestants,  but 
it  has  made  Catholics  in  Ireland  more  intensely  Roman  than 


IMS. 


lilKLAyi).     !X. 


426 


the  members  of  thut  Chiiroh  are  found  to  be  in  any  other 
country  in  Ji)arop«  or  in  America.  XdA  wliat  is  more  tlian 
thiLt,  1  think  it  can  be  (lemoustnitcil  thut  tlic  exist^-tice  of 
tht  Protestant  Church  in  Iffland,  whether  missionary  or  not 
in  preteuee,  lias  not  only  nut  couvertc'd  tlie  Cathulics  tliem- 
Belven,  but  liiw  mndc  it  alitolntoly  impoaniblc  that  nnylwdy 
else,  or  any  otlier  Church,  should  convert  them.  Bc-causCj  it' 
you  look  bow  the  Church  has  bct-n  coiiuectwtl  witli  the  SUite, 
mid  with  the  politics  ol'  the  country,  with,  the  supremacy  of 
the  landed  proprietors,  with  tlie  supremacy  of  the  Frotcwlant 
party,  «-itb  ull  the  dark  rt>(.-ordH  of  the  pn^st,  you  will  aw  the 
effect  Utkfi  been  Lo  make  Catholicism  in  Ireland  not  only  a 
faiUi,  but  absolutely  a  jifttriotiHrn . 

I  think  I  might  appeal  to  every  Member  of  the  House  who 
now  heans  me  whethfr,  if  he  hud  been  placed  in  Ircluiul  with 
his  fnther  before  him  amonpthe  Catholic  population — ]  mi^ht 
tixk  hira  whether  he  would  not  have  felt  that  if  he  threw  off 
his  ollegnance  lo  his  Church,  and  if  he  entered  the  portals  of 
this  garrisou  Church,  thut  it  would  liavc  bcL-ci  to  him  not  only 
a  change  of  faith,  but  a  denial  an  it  were  of  bis  birth  and  of 
his  country.  I  have  felt  always  in  considering  this  que^toii 
— and  I  have  (jousidered  it  much  for  twenty-five  years  past — 
that  all  the  circiimstaiiceB  of  that  Church  in  Ireland  have 
been  such  as  to  stimulate  tlie  heart  of  every  Catholic  to  a 
stronger  adherence  to  his  own  faith,  and  to  a  dctcrmi uctl 
and  unchangeable  rejt'ction  of  the  fidth  and  of  the  Church 
which  were  ollered  to  him  by  the  bands  of  conqQext.  Tliorc 
is  one  point  on  this,  too,  which  iii  important,  that  the  more 
you  have  produced  dieeatisfsclion  with  Impeiial  rule  in 
Ireland,  the  more  you  have  thrown  the  ijopulation  into  the 
hands  of  Rome.  Now,"  T  hope  I  shall  olTend  no  Catholic 
Member  in  this  Houstf  when  I  eay  tliat  1  coneidcr  it  one  of 
the  greateot  cidamities  of  the  world  that  there  are  in  many 
conntrits  millions  of  Catholic  population  who  arc  liublc  to  be 
directed  in  much  of  tlieir  conduct^  and  often  in  thcic-  polt- 


-126 


SPSECIISS  OF  JOi/y  BRIGHT, 


AruiL  I. 


tical  conduct,  throug'li  thdr  liiahops  and  clergy  from  the 
centre  of  tbo  city  of  Rome,  t  think  th&t  is  a  misfortune — 
1  think  it  is  a  misfortune  to  the  freedom  of  the  world. 
And  I  tliink,  inorcvvcj',  that  it  is  a  misfortuac  to  every 
Catholic  Church  in  every  country,  for  it  Umda  to  prevent 
it  from  heing  ivliolly  national,  and  it  prevents  alao  nteh 
chnngffs  dnd  sueh  rcformutionB  as,  I  ht-lievo,  are  noocn^ 
ear)'  in  the  progreae  of  cveiy  Church.  We  see  acme 
result  of  thi«  in  other  countries  of  Eurojifc.  Notably,  at  this 
moment,  in  Austria,  even  in  thnt  country  whicli  we  lately 
thought  was  the  very  liiat  in  the  race  of  freedom,  tliere  is 
a  contvKt  going  on  with  Rome.  But  iJiere  proluihly  is  no 
country  in  Europe  at  tliie  monioiit  in  which  the  Catholic 
Church  Hiid  population  are  more  entirely  subject  than  in  Ire- 
land to  the  direct  iufiucnc<i  of  a  certain  nuniWr  of  pt-rsous,  of 
whom  most  of  us  know  nothing,  who  pull  the  strings  of 
the  Catholic  world  in  the  city  of  itomo.  1  attribute  muob 
of  this,  which  I  think  a  great  evil,  to  the  existence  of  the 
Protectant  Church  in  Ireland.  You  know  iicrfcclly  wvU  Lhat 
the  great  discontent  iif  Ireland  is  chiefly  entertained  by  the 
Catliulic  population,  and  you  know  that  this  populutiou  is  even 
at  this  raoment,  more  than  it  was  some  yetire  ago,  snlyeet 
directly  to  political  infinences  from  Rumo.  But  I  urn  satis6ed 
that  it  is  fur  the  intcrbsl  of  the  Catholic  popubtion,  and  that 
it  is  for  the  interest  of  this  great  nation  and  of  this  Imperial 
Government,  that  whatsoever  be  the  tie  between  the  Catholic 
population  of  Irehtnd  and  tbo  Government  iu  Ireland,  we 
ought  at  least  to  take  away  every  obstnclc  thnt  can  Icwcn  in 
the  smallest  degree  the  loyalty  of  that  people  to  the  Imperial 
Crown. 

And  if  this  Chnreh  has  failed  a«  a  religious  institution, 
bow  stands  it  as  a  politieal  institution?  It  was  intontled 
not  only  to  convert  the  Catliolics,  but  to  mcutc  the  Union. 
An  hon.  Gentleman,  with  a  courage  that  1  should  not  tike 
to  imitate,  said  that  if  tlie  jth  Article  of  tlie  Act  of  I'ni^jD 


1868.  IRELAND.     IX.  427 

should  be  altered^  then  in  point  of  fact  the  Union  ia  aa  good  as 
abolished.  I  see  the  hon.  Gentleman  up  there,  and  I  think  he 
is  not  the  only  one  who  has  said  it  in  the  course  of  this  discus- 
sion. It  is  a  very  old  and  not  a  very  strange  device  to  expect 
the  people  to  be  made  loyal  through  the  instrumentality  of  the 
clergy.  I  know  that  many  centuries  ago  a  monk  of  some 
celebrity  at  the  Court  of  Louis  of  Bavaria  told  that  monarch, 
'  You  defend  me  with  the  sword,  and  I  will  defend  you  with 
the  pen.'  We  have  been  during  all  this  time  defending  this 
Church  with  the  sword.  The  sword  has  scarcely  ever  been  out 
of  the  hand  of  the  governing  power  in  Ireland.  And  if  a  fair, 
simple,  and  unadorned  narrative  were  g^ven  of  the  transactions 
of  this  Parliament '  with  Ireland,  with  regard  to  its  different 
enactments,  coercive  restrictions,  suspensions  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act,  and  so  forth,  it  would  form  a  narrative  which 
would  astonish  the  world  and  would  discredit  us.  Sir,  I  am 
afraid  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that,  in  support  of  this  supre- 
macy, many  victims  have  perished  on  the  scaffold  in  Ireland, 
and  that  the  fields  of  Ireland  have  been  more  than  once 
drenched  with  the  blood  of  her  people.  But,  after  all  this  is 
done,  we  are  not  a  bit  more  secure. 

It  is  no  matter  what  Government  sits  on  the  bench  op- 
posite. The  right  hon.  Gentleman  the  Member  for  South 
Lancashire  was  there  two  years  ago,  and  on  that  occasion, 
by  the  consent  of  his  Colleagues,  the  then  Home  Secretary 
had  to  introduce  the  Bill  for  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act.  Now  you  are  on  that  side  of  the  House,  and  you 
have  to  do  the  same.  Nobody  says  it  is  not  necessary.  I  am 
not  prepared  to  say  it  has  not  been  necessary  at  other  times. 
But  surely  if  this  be  necessary — and  if  there  is  this  painful 
duty  to  perform  at  various  times — ^it  shows  that  the  Union  is 
not  very  secure  in  Ireland.  In  fact.  Sir,  it  is  the  most 
painful  thing  that  we  have  witnessed  lately,  that  the  sus- 
pension of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  has  become  so  common 
that  it  causes  almost  no  remark.     The  measure  is  introduced 


428 


SPeHCilJ-JS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


AI1UL   1, 


into  ttio  House.  An  Irish  Memlier  maken  a  feeble  protest 
a^inst  it,  and  it  is  passed,  nnd  we  suspend  ibo  liberties  of 
out*  (jf  tliL-  tlirvc  kiiiKdoms  from  year  to  year,  And  tlie  Prime 
Miiiiiitt'r  has  the  cnurag« — I  mig:lit  aliuost  list  niioUit-T  word 
— he  lias  the  courage  to  «iy  thi-re  is  no  i-risis,  and  timt  Ihing'j 
^ing  on  very  mueh  iie  iiKiinl,  and  thnt  th(f  IIoiim»  of 
"Commons  in  not  required  to  do  much  or  care  much  for  that 
country-. 

What  yon  hnve  in  Ireland  is  this.  There  is  anarchy,  which 
is  subdued  by  furce,  and  afler  centuries  of  rule— not  our 
nilc,  but  that  of  our  forefathers — wu  liave  ffot  uo  fjrtlicr. 
We  have  not  reeoneilcd  Treiiind  to  us,  we  have  done  none 
of  those  thingv  which  the  world  eays  we  ought  to  liave  dou«  ; 
and  ut  this  moment — in  the  year  1868 — wc  are  diHcuHsiug-  tho 
qnaition  whether  it  is  possiblr  to  make  any  ohunge  with 
rt'fereiice  Ut  the  ExlnbHshcel  Clinreh  in  Irulmid  which  will 
bri»^  about  a  better  state  of  feelin};  between  tiie  people  and 
the  Imperial  Government.  Sir,  I  am  afraid  thoio  has  been 
very  little  sttttcsmunship  and  very  much  neglert,  and  I  think 
we  ought  to  tflke  ^biinie  to  ourselves,  and  trj'  to  get  rid 
of  iomt  of  oiu*  antiquuted  prejudices  on  tliiet  matter^  and  took 
at  it  a.-;  men  would  look  nX  it  from  n  difitanWi  as  men 
whose  vision  is  not  impaired  by  the  passionate  feelings 
whiL-h  have  »o  eltcu  prevailed  in  tKis  conutry  witli  regard  U> 
tliiK  qnostioo.  What,  then,  i.<i  the  remedy  that  i»  now 
offered  ?  U'hat  do  people  say  of  it?  Now,  I  challenge  any 
hoii.  Oentlcman  on  the  otlier  side  to  deny  this,  Uint  out  of 
half  A  million  Episcopal iunii  in  Ireland  there  ar«  many — there 
are  some  in  the  Irish  nobility,  9omc  landod  proprietors,  some 
niagifitrBtpfl,  even  some  of  the  clergy,  a  grvat  many  Irishmen 
—who  believe  at  this  momenL  that  it  is  of  the  very  first  im- 
portanL't"  that  the  proposition  of  the  right  hou.  (ientleman  the 
Member  for  South  I^ncaiihire  should  he  curried. 

I  am  not  going  to  overstate  my  case.  I  do  not  say  that  all 
of  them  arv  of  tliat  opinion.     Of  thut  lialf-niillion,  say  that 


IWS. 


IRK  LAND.     IX. 


489 


one-fourtE — I  will  iriafc  no  nanibcr — ^but  of  this  I  am  quite 
certain,  that  tliere  is  an  inflaentiul,  a  conKidprable,  HRd,  us  I 
Wlievi',  a  wise  minority,  \vho  arc  iii  fuvoiir  of  distinct  and 
deoiilec]  uctioii  on  the  part  of  Parliament  with  regard  to  this 
question.  But  if  you  ask  the  whole  Koman  Catholic  popu- 
lation of  Ireland,  Ije  they  nobl«e,  or  landed  proprietors,  or 
iniTL-lianl*.  or  farmers,  or  labourers, — the  whole  minil>er  of 
tlie  Catholic  population  in  Irutand  being,  I  giippose,  eight  or 
nine  tim^s  the  number  of  Episcopalians — thpse  are  probably, 
without  oxoeption,  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  greatly  advan- 
tageous nnd  jupt  to  tlieir  country  if  tiie  propo»itioii  submitted 
on  this  side  of  the  Houfit-  ahouM  receive  tin.-  sanetiun  of 
Fkrliament.  Now,  if  some  Protestants  and  all  Calhglicg  are 
agreed  that  we  slioiild  remove  tlita  Church,  wliat  would  Imppua 
if  Ireland  was  i,ooo  miles  away,  and  wc  were  diacuesing'  it  as 
nc  might  discuss  the  same  &tatc  of  ulTairs  in  Canada  ?  If  wo 
were  to  have  in  Canada  and  in  Australia  all  this  disloyalty 
among  the  Ruuiiiii  Catliolif  population,  owing  to  the  exist- 
ence of  a  State  Church  there,  the  House  would  be  unani- 
mous that  the  HU)t«  Oiiircli  in  tho»>L>  eidonicH  should  bo 
abolished,  and  that  perfect  Ereedotu  in  religion  ehonld  be 
given. 

But  there  is  a  fear  in  tbi?  mind  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman 
the  Home  Secretary  that  the  malady  which  would  exist  in 
Ireland  might  cross  the  Channel  and  appear  in  IScgbiud ;  tiiat 
in  fact  the  di«order  of  VoluntAryi«jrn]n!)  ho  decm«  it,  in  Ireland, 
like  any  other  contagioua  disorder,  might  crone  the  Channel, 
by  force  of  ibe  west  wind,  lodging  first  in  Scothiud,  and  tht-u 
orosKing  the  Twc-ed  and  coming  Kouth  to  England.  T  ihiok  tJie 
right  hon,  Gvntlt^mnn  went  bo  far  od  to  aay  that  he  was  bo 
much  in  favour  of  religious  equality,  that  if  you  went  so  far  a« 
to  discstablisb  the  CliurL'b  in  Ireland,  In;  would  recommend 
the  sanac  policy  ibr  England.  Now,  with  regard  to  thab,  I 
will  give  you  an  anecdote  which  lias  reference  \a  ScoN 
land.     Some  years  ago  1  bad  the  pleasure  of  spending  some 


4M 


SPEECH BS  OF  JQUN   BETOffT. 


APRIL   1, 


days  in  Sc^tJuiid  at  tlie  houcc  of  tbc  late  Lord  Aberdeen,  after 
be  liiul ceased  to  be  Prime  Minister.  He  was  talking  of  the  dis> 
ruption  of  the  Church  of  Seotkud.  and  he  said  tJiat  nothing 
in  the  course  of  Iiih  pub1i<:  life  hnd  given  him  no  miicti  pain  as 
the  disruption,  and  the  entablishment  of  the  Free  Chureh  in 
(hnt  country;  but  he  said  he  had  lived  long  enoiif^b  to  dJc- 
covcr  that  it  was  oue  of  tlie  greatest  Lleeeinga  thul  had  crer 
come  to  Scotland.  Ho  suid  thnt  they  had  n  vant  increase  iu 
the  Diimher  of  churc-bes.  a  eorre^pnnding  inereaite  in  the 
nuuiber  of  manses  or  ministers'  liousesj  and  that  gehonlii  hod 
increased,  oho,  to  nn  extriwirdinary  ("xtont ;  that  there  bad 
been  impiirtod  in  the  E^luhlit^hed  Church  a  \-ituiity  and 
energy  which  it  biul  not  known  for  a  long  period;  nnd  thafc 
education,  morality,  nud  religion  had  rw-eived  a  yreat  ad- 
vancement in  Scotland  in  (.'(msajuencc  of  that  change.  There- 
fore, after  all,  it  i^  not  the  most  drotidfiil  thing-  in  the  world — 
not  so  bad  ae  a  great  earthqiuike— or  as  many  other  tilings 
that  huvc  hufjpcued.  I  am  not  quite  Mure  that  the  Scottish 
peo]>le  themselveg  may  not  Bome  day  ask  yrm — if  you  do  not 
yoiiraelves  introduce  and  pass  it  without  their  asking — tu 
nltow  their  State  Church  to  be  diseRtahlieihed. 

1  met  only  the  other  dny  a  most  intelligent  gentleman  from 
the  north  of  Scotland,  and  be  told  me  that  the  minister  of  the 
church  he  frequented  Iiad  250/.  a-yeur  from  the  Establishment 
Fimd«,  which  be  thoug'ht  very  much  too  little,  and  he  felt 
certain  that',  if  the  EgtsMisbment  were  abolished,  and  the 
Church  made  into  a  tVee  Church,  I  he  salary  of  the  tninisler 
would  be  iiumi>diutely  advauced  U>  at  Ienj<t  500/.  a-year.  That 
is  a  very  ^^d  argument  fur  the  ministers,  and  we  chall  nee 
by-and-by,  if  theeonveraion  of  Scotland  proceeds  mueh  further, 
tliat  you  may  be  asked  to  diisefitablish  tJieir  Church.  The  hon. 
Member  for  HonitAn  lart  night  quoted  wmething  which, 
1  dttr«*ay,  he  did  n«t  recollect  accurately — sometliing  which 
I  had  Haid  re^jiccting  the  Church  of  En^htiid ;  but  the  &ct  vs 
that  the  Chureli  of  Kngbind  in  not  Fuflering  froni  the  axsaulta 


leo. 


inELANI>.     fX. 


481 


of  the  Litiumtiou  SocibIj-;  it  is  Buffering  from  a  Tery  diffcrenL 
comphiint.  It  i$  an  internal  compl&int.  Yoa  have  had  it 
before  ooo  of  tlio  courts  of  law  within  tho  last  few  dnj'e,  and 
a  very  oarioua  ilocision  liatt  l>een  pvcn, — that  candles  are  hiw- 
ful,  but  incense  is  eomctbing  terrible,  and  cannot  be  allowed ; 
and  then  the  newepaipers  tell  you  that  on  tho  very  next  Sunday 
there  is  mure  incense  in  timt  [lai-ticulur  church  whicti  hiu 
been  eompliiined  uf  than  there  ever  had  been  before. 

I  win  tell  hoD.  Gentlemen  opposite  whut  it  in  that  en- 
dangers the  State  Church  now — I  mean  a  State  Church  like 
thifi  in  Kngland,  against  which  tbcru  is  nu  violent  political 
avsnnlt.  It  is  the  prevalence  of  zenl.  Whenever  zeal  creeps 
into  a  State  Church,  it  takes  naturally  diifereitt  forms — one 
strongly  Evan^lical,  niiother  strongly  High  Church  or 
fiitoalist — and  these  two  ttpecies  of  zeal  work  on  and  on  iu 
opposition,  until  Imally  tlicre  comes  ii  eatastrophe,  and  it  is 
found  that  it  w  not  Mr.  Miall  and  the  Lii>eration  Society, 
nlthoiigb  they  bax'e  prepared  man'a  minds  not  to  dread  it, 
hat  it  \e  aoraetUing  wholly  different,  within  the  Chnreh 
itself,  that  causes  the  disruption  of  the  Church.  The  Scot- 
tish  disruption  did  not  take  place  from  any  assaults  Irom 
without — it  took  place  from  zeal  antl  difltciiitiea  within  ;  and 
if  you  could  keep  tlie  whole  of  the  Church  of  England  per- 
fe(!tly  harmonious  nithin  its  own  liorde-m,  it  would  take  a 
very  daring  prophet  who  would  nndertake  to  point  out  the 
time  when  it  wuutil  he  discstahlifihed. 

We  will  confine  ourselves,  therefore,  to  Irehinil,  and  I  will 
a»k  hoD.  Oeutlemeu  this :  I  believe  Gentlemen  opjx^site 
do  not  usually  reject  the  view  wliieh  we  entertain,  that  the 
abolition  of  the  State  Clinreh  in  Irelund  would  l«nd  to  lessen 
the  ibflieiilties  of  governing  that  country.  I  think  tliere  \» 
scarcely  an  hon.  Gentk-mttii  ou  tlie  other  side,  who  has  not 
some  doubt  of  his  previous  opinions,  mine  slight  misgiving 
on  this  point,  and  suiiiedis^iotiiliuii  t<>  accept  our  %'ieir  of  the 
case.     Well,  why  should  yon  l)e  afi-aid  ?     Even  children,  we 


432 


SPEECnBS  OF  JOHN  BRWnT. 


ArRtL  1, 


know,  can  be  induced,  by  repeated  pmctioe,  to  go  into  »  tlark 
room  n'ithoat  fear.  Yoa  have  always,  somebody  said  the 
other  nig-lil,  lions  in  the  path;  but  1  'will  iiul  dimity  Uicm 
with  the  name  of  lions — tht-y  arc  but  bubg^ibtins.  Now,  when 
you  have  seen  and  hiindle<l  them,  as  you  have  a  (fivat  many 
timi!s  siiice  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  spcMikiug^  foee  to  liiee 
with  you,  these  things  are  found,  after  all,  to  W  only  Itob- 
g^bUna;  you  have  IcuriiL-O,  ufti.^  all,  that  thuy  aro  perfectly 
liarmlees ;  and  when  yoti  thought  wc  werr  doing  you  harm,  and 
upsetting  the  CoiistltutioD,  you  have  found  that,  after  all,  we 
were  doJiifj  you  gmKl,  and  that  the  Constitution  was  rather 
stronger  than  it  was  liefore.  Let  me  poiril  out  for  a  Tnonivnt 
Bumc  of  tlieae  changes  that  were  found  at  tlie  time  to  be  of 
great  diBk-uUy,  but  Iiavc  been  foand  to  be  very  wine  aud 
good  afterwards. 

Wheu  I  came  into  tliiu  House,  nearly  twenty-five  years 
ago,  our  colonial  system  was  wholly  different  from  what  it  ta 
now.  It  has  been  changed:  Sir  William  Molesworth  and 
Joseph  rjumo  were  mainly  the  autliora  in  Parliament  of 
that  change.  Well,  all  our  wdouics,  as  we  all  admit,  are  much 
more  easily  governed  and  mueh  more  loj/al  than  they  wer«  in 
thoHo  days.  Turning  then  to  our  liiiaiicial  ej'stem — aud  I 
really  do  uot  want  to  otTend  any  one  by  mentioning  tliis — >'ou 
know  that  oiir  fmauciu.1  «j'stcm,  iiinec  Sir  Robert  Peel  came 
into  offiee  in  1841,  has  l>een  completely  changed,  and  yet  the 
revenue  of  the  eounlry  is  larger,  wbieh  I  regard  as  a  mis- 
fortune— and  not  only  larger,  but  more  secure  by  far,  if 
Parliament  requires  it,  than  it  waa  at  any  pres-ious  period  of 
our  history.  TVki;  the  old  protective  system,  which  the  hou, 
Member  for  North  Warwickshire  (Mr.  Ncwdegate)  and  some 
others  have  uot  forgotten.  Free-trade  was  a  frightful  monster. 
But  the  protective  sj'stem  is  gone ;  aud  now  ever)'  candid  man 
•mongst  you  will  admit  that  industry,  b«iug  more  frc« 
throughout  the  country,  its  bett4;r  rewarded,  and  that  (be 
land,  which  you  said  would  go  out  of  cidltviiliun,  aud  liecome 


1888. 


IREIAKD.     rx. 


4ail 


of  DO  value,  mUs  fur  a  lii^fbei'  price  in  the  market  thjin  it  ever 
brouffht  before. 

There  are  two  other  points  on  wblcli  I  wish  to  add  a  word. 
One  Wis  meationctl  last  aight  after  many  McmiKrm  had 
gone  home.  The  halauce  of  power  was  onc«  oousiderwl  the 
bi^nning  and  end  of  oui-  forei^  policy,  and  I  am  not  smre 
that  there  arc  not  some  old  statesmen  in  tlie  other  House 
who  beliere  in  it  even  yet.  What  was  done  last  uig-ht? 
Tlie  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  Haddingtoashire,  who  comes 
up  from  St^cjtland  brimfull  of  enthusiasm  for  impossible  pro- 
jects, priipOHfd  to  ]>ut  ill  wordii  which  had  been  pejectwl  from 
the  preaml»le  of  the  Mutiny  Bill  rchitiog  to  the  pri»ervotiou 
of  the  balancse  of  power.  What  did  one  of  yovir  most  dia- 
tinguitibed  Miuistersj  the  right  hon.  Baronet  the  Secretary 
for  War,  say  in  refereiiee  to  the  propoftition  ?  He  said  he 
thought  it  singular  that  the  hon.  Member  for  Cliatham 
Bbould  have  proposed  to  omit  the  words,  because  they 
rcutty  minnt  nothing,  but  he  was  still  more  surprised  that 
the  noble  Lord  should  have  asked  to  have  them  replaced. 
Well,  thus  yoii  see  that  tliis  Iialaat-'e  of  powur  is  gone,  and 
yet  England,  I  will  undertake  to  say,  ander  the  rational  and 
fair  administratiou  of  foreign  aflairs  by  the  noble  Lord  tlie 
Mfmhcr  for  Kiii^B  L^-nn,  is  just  as  much  respevted  by  all 
Ibreigi]  Powers  a«  «be  wa»  when  we  were  ready  to  meddle 
in  every  stupid  quarrel  that  necurred  upon  the  Continent  of 
Europe. 

Now,  there  is  only  one  other  thing  to  whiali  1  will  advert 
■ — the  question  of  the  representation.  Voii  know,  in  1830, 
there  was  almost  no  represput^itioo.  Tlierc  wer«  a  few  towns 
in  which  there  was  almost  universal  suffrage,  and  many 
8Core9  of  rotten  boroughs;  in  fact,  th«  whole  eysttm  woe 
in  Buch  a  state  of  congestion  that  it  coidd  not  be  tolenitod 
any  longer,  aod  we  bad  a  small,  but  which  might  have  been 
a  \'ery  large  revolution,  in  amending  that  stat-e  of  tliingv. 
Lust  year  you,  who  hod  scc-n  this  hobgoblin  for  yeursj  who 

VOL.  1.  F  f 


■131 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRFGHT. 


u-itn.  1, 


Iia<l  tSnug'ht,  I  luivc  no  doubt,  many  of  yuu,  tliat  I  was  very 
unvrise  and  Tery  rash  in  the  mode  in  which  1  had  propwsed 
to  extend  tlto  sufTm^;  la^t  year  you  found  out  that  it  was 
not  fo  moDiJtmtiK  il  thing  after  all,  and  you  becutnu  almost 
enthuiiiastic  in  support  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman's  Reform 
Bill.  Well,  yon  believe  now,  and  Wie  l-'irst  Minister,  if  thifl 
«-as  an  otx.-nsioii  on  which  he  bul  to  spmk  ulxtut  it,  would  t«ll 
yuu  not  to  l*  afraid  of  what  wa*  don*;, — hp  would  tell  you 
that,  hawed  on  the  sufirage  of  a  largwr  iwrtion  of  your  conntry- 
rat-ii.  Parliament  will  henceforth  l>e  more  etrons"  and  more 
venerated  by  the  people  than  ercr  it  liue  been  hofore. 

If  that  is  true  of  Parliament,  what  shall  we  nay  of  tlie 
Throne  itaelf  after  all  these  changes?  I  will  venture  to 
aek,  whatever  of  convenience  there  may  be  in  hereditary 
luouarehy,  wliutever  of  historic  "-randeur  in  the  kindly  office, 
whatt  vcr  of  nobloneKi  in  tlic  poeswMor  of  the  Crown,  in  all 
these  things  is  it  not  true  that  everytJiiiig  is  at  least  as  fully 
ri-eo^ised  by  tlie  nation  »«  it  ever  was  at  any  previous 
[vcriodV  I  do  not.  mention  tliew  thinj^'s  to  reproaeh  anybody 
here.  We  aJI  have  to  learn.  Iliere  are  many  in  thi#  Houae 
who  have  been  in  pruoesa  of  leuiuiug'  fur  u  pMd  while.  I  am 
not  Rtire  that  my  ri^ht  hon.  Frientl  the  Member  for  Soatll 
Lancashire  wuidd  nut  admit  Lo  us  that  on  this  very  queetiou 
of  the  Irish  Church  hiR  opinionn  have  boen  f^rcatly  ex|Mindod, 
and  have  ln}en  ripening'  for  a  series  of  yeare.  That  ia  g:reatly 
the  eredit,  nut  only  of  his  lie^l,  but  of  his  heart.     We  have 

en  even  amongst  you  a  profp-esH  in  miiny  things— a  pro- 
gw  whicli  is  nwist  gmtif^Hng  to  mc — that  is  s  very  Bmall 
matter;  but  it  ie  a  very  wholesome  indicatioD  that  the 
mindri  of  men  are  becoming  more  open  to  the  ronaidemtion 
of  ^reat  principles  in  connection  with  great  public  tiueetions. 
And  this  g'ivfti  MS  proaiiifu  tliut  in  future  we  ehall  have—  as,  no 
dnnbt,  we  shall  havt«— a  Government  more  in  aecordnnee  witli 
public  opioton  and  public  iotereiita  than  we  have  had  id  pa&t 
timcfl. 


IHB. 


IRELAND     IX 


43S 


In  my  opioion,  the  changes  tbat  have  been  mode  in  oni 
time  are  the  gluiy  of  onr  time,  and  1  believe  that  our  po»> 
teritj-  will  mgard  thpiu  ax  the  natural  anH  blessed  G'uit]^  of 
th«  growth  of  iiitvUi^nce  in  our  day.  I  mention  tliese  thingg 
to  urge  you  not  to  ctow  your  ears  to  the  nrgruuonts  nor  to 
close  your  hearts  to  the  impresdona  of  jo^tioe  which  must  aeeail 
you  with  n'gan!  to  this  question  which  is  now  being  de- 
l)at«d  HO  much  in  Gtetit  Britain  and  Ireland.  I  mi^ht  ai>i>eal 
to  a  ng>ht  hon.  Geotleman  who  perhnpR  is  i»  the  Mouse — the 
Member  for  the  CoutiQi"  of  Limerick — who  was  at  a  very 
remarkable  meeting  held  the  other  day  in  Limerick  on  tliis 
Vfty  question.  I  have  heard  from  sourees  which  cannot,  I 
think,  be  (jne^tioued,  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
meetings  held  in  Ireland  within  the  lest  twuuLy  ymre,  or, 
perhape,  I  might  sjiy  for  a  longer  period.  There  was  a 
(ar  more  healthj'  tone  of  mind,  of  conduct,  of  feeling,  of 
expnssion,  of  evcrj'tbiiig  wi?  wiuli  for,  but  have  not  known 
there  for  a  very  long  period;  and  I  lielie^-e  and  know  — 
l>CL-uitHi^  I  am  told  by  witne6»9H  who  t-aunot  l>e  eontnulicted 
— that  the  change  arose  irom  the  growing  belief  tliat  there 
naa  a  aullieicnt  majority  in  this  HouMi,  that  the  general 
opinion  of  Parliament  waa  e^uiliciently  strong,  to  enable  this 
measure  of  juatice  and  reeouciliatiou  to  be  pniiaed.  'Son,  I 
ask  you.  If,  after  whnt.  has  taken  |)lnee,  you  are  able,  nn> 
happily  able,  to  prevent  the  progress  of  tho  movement  which 
u  now  uu  foot  for  the  ditM.-atabli»hmenl  of  the  State  Church  in 
Ireland,  are  yon  not  of  opinion  tluit  it  will  criuite  great  di»- 
satixfactiua;  that  it  will  add  to  the  existing  diiteoiitent; 
that  it  will  make  tiKwe  that  are  hopeful  despair;  and  that 
men — raah  men,  if  you  lite — strong  and  earm^st  men,  \ri!l 
8]>euk  to  those  that  hitherto  have  not  been  rash,  and  hare  nut 
been  earnest,  and  will  »»/,  'You  see  ut  last;  is  this  not  a 
proof  convincing  and  iinan«iverable,  that  the  Imperial  Par- 
liament  sittiag   in    London    is   not  t«|*ablc  of  hearing  our 

vfa 


436 


SPEKcrrEs  OF  john  brigbt. 


Anxt.  L, 


complaints,  and  of  doing-  that  justice  wbich  wc  as  a  people 
require  at  its  bands?' 

Bo  not  imagine  that  I  am  speakiug  ivitli  persona.)  hoi^tility 
to  tliR  riffht  lion.  Gentleman  wlio  is  your  Chief  Atiuiiiter 
here.  Do  not  imagine  for  a  moment  that  I  am  one  of  thoM, 
if  tliere  be  anr,  who  aro  hoping  to  drive  hon.  Gentlemen  from 
ttiut  bencb  iu  orit-r  that  I  muy  take  one  of  the  ])laoi*s  occupied 
by  them.  I  would  treat  this  subject  as  a  thing  far  beyond 
and  far  above  party  cliffercnces.  The  question  eomes  before 
the  House,  of  course,  ae  nil  these  ^?at  questions  must,  as  a 
great  party  quvstiuii,  uiid  I  iim  one  of  the  Mcmbi-rs  of  tbis 
party ;  hut  it  docs  not  foltuw  that  all  the  Metnljera  nf  a  jnuty 
should  be  actuated  by  a  paity  spirit,  or  by  a.  mi>terable,  low 
ambiti'ju  to  laku  the  \t[a.v»  of  a  Minister  uf  the  Cronu.  I  say 
there  ie  eometbinrf  fur  higher  and  better  than  that;  and  if 
ever  there  waa  a  queetion  presented  to  Parliament  which 
invitwi  the  exercise  of  Uic  highest  and  noblest  feeUugs  of 
Members  of  the  Ilou»«e,  I  nay  this  is  that  question . 

I  say,  then,  do  nut  be  alarmed  at  what  is  prupused.  Let 
us  tnko  this  Iriflh  Stflt4<  Chnrchj  let  u«  tnhe  it,  not  with  a 
rude  —  I  am  against  rudeness  and  harshncH&  In  legislative 
action — but  If  not  with  a  rude,  ^till  with  a  resulute  gnutp. 
Tf  you  adopt  the  policy  we  re^^ommend,  yrm  will  pluck  up 
a  wi?cd  which  pollutes  the  air.  ['  Oh  I  Oh  I ']  1  will  give  hon. 
Gentlemen  consolation  in  the  conclusion  of  the  sentence — I 
(ioy  you  will  pluck  up  a  weed  which  polliit<'!i  the  air ;  but  you 
will  lea^e  n  free  Protectant  Church,  which  will  Ite  herea^er 
an  ornament  and  a  grace  to  alt  those  who  mny  be  brought 
within  the  range  of  its  influence.  Sir,  I  esid  in  the  begin- 
ning of  my  i:>l>ser\-ation9  that  there  ore  the  people  of  three 
kingdoms  who  are  waiting  wnth  unxious  suspense  for  the  golii- 
tion  of  this  question.  Ireland  waits  and  longs.  I  a^ipcal  to  the 
right  hon.  Gentleman  the  Member  for  Limcriek ;  I  apjieal  to 
Uial  Meeting,  the  chamcter  of  whicli  he  can  deflcribe,  and 


1868.  IRELAND.     IX.  437 

perhaps  may  describe,  to  the  House ;  and  I  say  that  Ireland 
waits  and  longe  for  a  great  act  of  reconciliation.  I  say,  further, 
that  England  and  Scotland  are  e^er  to  make  atonement  for 
past  crimes  and  past  errors ;  and  I  say,  yet  tiirther,  that  it 
depends  upon  us,  this  House  of  Commons,  this  Imperial 
Parliament,  whether  that  reconciliation  shall  take  place,  and 
whether  that  atonement  shall  at  length  be  made. 


WAR 


WITH 


RUSSIA. 


RUSSIA. 

L 

■WAR    WITH    BDB8IA— THE    QUEEN'S    MESSAGE. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  MARCH  31,  1854. 
From  Hansard. 

[Mr.  Bright  wu  oppoBod  to  the  war  with  RdwU.  This  apevch  wiu  ■polcen 
oo  the  Aay  when  the  meesage  frou  th«  Crown  announcing  the  decUration 
of  war  wu  bnmght  down  to  the  House.] 

There  are  two  reasons  which  may  induce  a  Member  of  this 
House  to  address  it — he  may  hope  to  convince  some  of  those 
to  whom  he  speaks,  or  he  may  wish  to  clear  himself  from  any 
participation  in  a  course  which  he  believes  to  be  evil.  I 
presume  I  am  one  of  that  small  section  of  the  House  to  whom 
the  hon.  Qentleman  who  has  just  spoken  (Mr.  Layard)  has 
referred,  when  he  allqded  to  the  small  party  who  objected  to 
the  policy  by  which  this  country  has  arrived  at  the  'triumphant 
position  which  it  now  occupies.'  In  coming  forward  to  speak 
on  this  occasion,  I  may  be  told  that  I  am  like  a  physician 
proposing  to  prescribe  to-day  for  a  man  who  died  yester- 
day, and  that  it  is  of  no  use  to  insist  upon  views  which  the 
G-overnment  and  the  House  have  already  determined  to  reject. 
I  feel,  however,  that  we  are  entering  upon  a  policy  which 
may  affect  the  fortunes  of  this  country  for  a  long  time  to 


']<12 


srsEcnES  or  jojJaV  BRronr.     uam-h  si. 


oome,  luid  I  am  unwilling  to  loae  this  ojijiortunity  of  exjilain- 
ing  wherein  I  dtlfer  from  the  course  which  the  Government 
has  piirmicd,  und  of  clearing  mjiwlf  (rora  any  portion  of  the 
re^ponsihitity  which  attaches  to  those  who  support  the  poHcjr 
which  the  Oovyrnment  has  adopted. 

We  nrc  asked  to  ^vc  onr  confidence  to  tho  AdminietnitioH 

in  volinj>  tht;  Addrc«t<  to  the  Ci-own,  Vk-hicli  ha»  bt-cn  moved 

by  ihe  noble  Ltird  tlie  Member  for  London,  and  to  pledge 

our  support  to  them  in  the  war  in  which  the  country  ie  now 

to  engage.     The   right   hou.    Geatleman    the    Member    for 

Buckinghamshire  (Mr.  Disraeli),  on  a  recent  occasion,  mnd« 

U8C  of  a  t«rm  which  differed  considerably  from  what  be  said 

in   B  former  delmtc ;   be  spoke  of  thia  ^var  as  a  ' juat  and 

imneceBsary  war,'    T  shall  not  diiM>ii6ti  tho  justiec  of  the  war. 

It  may  he  difflciilt  to  den'de  a  point  like  tliisj  aeeing  that 

every  vna  luidiTlakcn  dnct-  the  days  of  Mimrod  hue  bi'ou 

declared  to  be  jnet  by  those  in  favour  of  it ;  but  I  may  at 

leaot  queotioQ  whether  imy  war  that  in  unaecesiuuy  can  be 

doomed  to  be  jutit.     T  i^hall  not  diseusa  thie  ({iicMtion  on  the 

abgtraot  prineijile  of  peace  at  any  price,  as  it  is  tinned,  which 

is  held  by  a  ^nall  minority  of  perennt;  in  this  country,  founded 

on  religious  opinionB  which  are  not  generally  received,  but 

T  nball  discufw  it  entirely  on  principles  which  are  accepted 

by  all  the  MemlwrH  of  Ihii?   Hoiiae.     1  shall  maintain  that 

wbeu  we  are  deliberating  od  the  qtieetion  of  var,  and  en- 

di'avouring  to  prove  its  juHticc  or  nciv--»ity,  it  becomes  ua 

to  show  that  the  interests  of  the  country  arc  clearly  involved; 

that  the  objecta  for  which  the  war  is  imdertaken  are  probable, 

or,  at  leant,  popoible  of  attainment ;    and,  further,  that  the 

end  proposed  to  be  acwmpliebcd  is  worth  the  cost  and  the 

NU.ri fiW'S  which  wc  arc  about  to  inctir.     I  think  tbi>pe  arc  fair 

principles  on  which  to  diacnsB  the  question,  and  I  hope  that 

when  the  noble  Lord  the  Memlier  for  Tiverton  (Lord  Pnlmer- 

eton]  risce  during  this  debate,  hL>  will  not  assume  that  1  have 

dealt  with  it  oa  any  other  principles  than  these. 


IWi. 


RVSSIA.     I. 


44S 


Tlie  House  should  bear  in  mind  that  at  this  tnoment  we 
are  in  intimate  olliuncc  vrith  a  nci^blxiunng  Otivemmcut, 
whioli  waK,  at  a  recent  period,  the  originator  of  the  troiiljlc* 
wliidb  have  uristrt  at  CoiiBtuutinoplo.  I  do  not  wish  to  blame 
the  FVcnch  Government,  because  nothing  eould  have  been 
more  pn)p«r  than  the  manner  in  which  it  has  retired  from 
the  ilifficnltr  it  haij  cr«it».'d ;  but  it  is  nevertheUiM  <niitc  true 
that  France,  having  made  certain  demands  upon  Turkey  with 
regard  to  concepeioiif  to  the  Latin  Church,  )i]icki?d  by  a  tliM-at 
of  the  appearance  of  a  French  ileet  in  the  Dardanellea.  which 
dcinunds  Turkey'  hud  wholly  or  partially  compbvd  with ; 
Rnsnia,  the  priwertui  neighbour  nf  Turkey,  being  on  the 
watch,  made  certain  other  demandi!,  having'  reference  to  th« 
Greek  Church  ;  and  RuBtna  at  the  mme  time  required  (and 
this  I  understand  to  be-  the  real  groxmd  of  the  quarrel)  that 
Turkey  should  define  by  treaty,  or  convention,  or  by  a  nim]>le 
note,  or  mcmonuidumj  what  wb«  concL-dett,  mid  wimt  were 
the  rights  of  Kuwda,  in  order  that  the  Government  of  Russia 
mi^t  not  Kiitfcr  ill  future  from  the-  varying  policy  and  the 
vadiUtion  of  the  Ottoman  Government. 

Now,  it  seema  to  me  quite  impoeeiblc  to  disoucM  this 
qnefftion  without  considering  the  actual  nnndltinn  of  'l\irkey. 
The  hon.  Member  for  Aylesbury  (Mr.  Laynrd)  assumes  that 
they  who  dti  not  agree  in  the  policy  he  advocatcB  are  neoe»- 
«arily  hostile  to  the  l\irks,  and  have  no  sympathy  for  Turkey. 
1  repudiate  such  an  asQumptiou  altogether.  I  cuu  teel  for 
B  country  like  that,  if  it  be  iuKultt.'d  or  opprcstied  by  a  power- 
ful neighbour;  but  all  that  sympathy  may  exist  witliout 
my  being  abtc  to  convince  myself  that  it  m  the  duty  of  this 
country  to  enter  into  the  serioue  obligation  of  a  war  in 
defence  of  the  rights  of  that  country.  The  noble  Lord  the 
Member  lor  'J'ivcrton  is  one  of  the  verj'  lew  men  in  this 
House,  ur  out  of  it,  who  arc  bold  enough  to  iuitixt  upon  it 
that  there  in  a  grrjwing  strength  in  the  Turkish  Kmpire. 
There  was  n  Gentleman  in  this  House,  aixty  year*  ago,  who. 


444 


SPEKCIIES  OF  JOIiX   BRIGHT. 


KAHcn  31, 


in  the  debates  in  I7siii  expresMnl  tlie  singular  u]>miun  which 
t3iQ  nuble  Li>nl  no\s'  holtls.  There  was  a  Mr.  Sfanley  in  the 
Mouse  nt  that  period,  who  in^dgtcd  on  the  growing  power 
of  Turkey,  ami  OBserltKl  ihiit  tJit  Turks  of  that  (Jay 'were 
more  and  more  imit&tiiig  our  matiiiiOrs,  and  cmerging^  from 
their  inactivity  and  indolence;  thut  improvcmentB  of  every 
kind  were  Wing  intmdiicpd  among  them,  and  that  even 
printing^jiressee  hud  bfE>ii  liiti>ly  Lstablielicd  iti  thi-ir  mjttlal.' 
Thftt  wa«  the  opinion  nf  a  Oentlemnn  anxious  to  defwnd 
Turkey,  and  speating  in  this  Honoe  more  than  fiixty  yearn 
ago;  ivtf  are  uow  living  sixty  years  later,  and  no  one  now, 
but  tJie  noble  L<inl,  MM-mii  tu  insiHt  u|>nn  the  faet  nf  the  great 
and  growing  j>ow«r  of  the  TiirkJBh  Knipin-. 

If  any  one  thing  is  more  apparent  than  another,  on  the 
face  of  all  the  docmneiitw  fiirnipliwl  Uy  Ww  House  by  the 
Government  of  whieh  the  noble  Ixinl  it*  a  Memfwr,  it  is 
this,  that  the  Tarkish  l^mpircr  is  fxlliug,  or  has  fallen,  into 
a  Htate  of  decay,  and  into  anarehy  m  permanent  aa  to  have 
assumed  n  ehronic  character.  The  noble  Lord  aitrely  ha^ 
not  forf^otten  that  Turkey  has  lotst  the  Crimea  and  Beesu- 
rabia,  and  i\&  eontrul  over  the  Danubian  Principalitiua;  that 
the  Kitijfdom  of  Greece  has  been  earved  out  of  it;  that  it 
has  lost  its  authority  over  Algiers,  and  has  nin  ^preat  risk 
of  being  eonquepcd  by  its  own  vassal  the  I'aaha  of  Egypt ; 
and  from  thii<  he  might  have  drawn  the  conclusion  tliat  the 
empire  was  gradually  falling  into  decay,  and  that  to  pledge 
ourselvea  to  ellwt  il*  recovery  and  aimtontation,  in  to  imder- 
take  what  uo  human  power  will  be  able  to  aecomplislt.  I 
only  attk  the  Hotuc  to  turn  to  the  Etateoicats  which  will  be 
found  nearly  at  the  end  of  the  first  of  the  Blue  Books 
recently  placed  on  the  table  of  the  House,  and  they  will 
find  that  there  is  scarcely  any  calamity  which  enn  1w  de- 
scribed nic  afHioting  any  countr)*,  which  is  not  there  proved 
to  be  prefient,  and  actively  at  work,  in  almost  every  province 
of  IJte  Turkish  Empire.      And  tlie  Honne  should  bear  in  mJnil, 


1861. 


RCSSIA.     /. 


44S 


wb«n  i-cocliDg  these  dcspotchcs  trom  the  English  Consuls  in 
Turkey  to  the  English  Ambassador  at  Constuntinoplc,  that 
they  {five  a  very  faint  ptcture  of  what  really  exists,  hecautte 
what  are  submitted  to  us  are  but  cuctmcts  of  more  extended 
nnd  iraportunt  coDuuumcatiuus.  It  may  fairly  be  iis>.umed 
tliat  tb«  parte  which  ate  Dot  published  are  those  which 
df^cribcd  tliu  state  of  thingit  to  l)c  50  bad,  tliiil  tho  Govcni- 
oient  has  been  unwilling  to  lay  before  the  lloiisi^  and  the 
fouutry,  and  the  world,  that  which  would  be  bo  offwlisive  uud 
aa  injurinug  to  its  nlly  the  Sultan  of  Turkey.  , 

But,  if  other  evidence  be  wanting,  ib  it  not  a  fact  tiiat 
CouKtatLtiiiuple  is  the  eKat  of  intrigues  aud  fiictiooe  to  » 
df^ree  not  knonn  in  any  other  eoiintry  or  capital  in  tlm 
world  ?  tVnnee  deinnuds  on»  thing,  Russia  another,  ]^ng-tnnd 
n  third,  and  Aimtria  wimething  clw-  For  many  year^  past 
our  AmbusBudor  at  Cou&tautinople  has  been  partly  carr^'ing 
OD  the  government  of  that  country,  and  influencing  its 
policy,  and  it  '\»  the  city  m  which  are  Cnnght  the  diplomatic 
eonlest*  of  the  Great  Powcfb  of  Europ*-.  Aud  if  I  have 
aet'urately  descriled  the  state  of  Turkey,  what  is  the  positjoa 
of  Bustiia  ?  It  is  a  powerful  country',  under  u  strong  Executive 
GovernineDtj  it  is  udjaeenl  to  a  weak  and  falling  nation; 
it  has  in  it«  hiidory  the  evideniies  of  a  suuct-^wiun  of  triumphs 
orer  Turkey ;  it  has  rt^ligiuuH  aflhiitic-tt  with  a  majonty  of 
the  population  of  European  Turkey  which  make  it  absolutely 
im|)oeeible  that  its  (lovL-mmont  should  not,  more  or  less, 
interfere,  or  have  a  strong  intenstj  in  the  internal  policy  of 
the  Ottonuin  Kmpire.  \ow,  if  we  weiv  Itub^iiuu — and  I  put 
the  enM  to  the  Members  of  this  House — ts  it  not  likely, 
aficording  to  all  the  tlieories  1  have  heard  explained  when  we 
have  teen  cuDcernud  in  eimilur  ea«4w,  that  u  large  majority 
of  the  House  and  the  rount.ry  would  \ye  strongly  in  fni'OUr 
of  such  iuterveutlon  sb  Russia  hoa  attempted?  and  if  I 
opposed  it,  as  I  tvrtaiiily  should  oppose  it,  I  should  he  in 
ft  minority  <>u  that  i^uevtiuu  more  iitsignitic^nt  than  that  in 


416 


SPBECnsS  OF  JOHN  BRfQilT.         uabcb  »l. 


whicli  I  have  uow  llie  uisfurtune  to  Iind  mjrseir  with  r^pird 
to  th«  policy  uf  tKe  Qoverament  on  tliv  j^rave  queKtitm  ttour 

The  Dol*l«   Lord   the  Member  Tor   LondoD  has  made  a 
ittatcmcnt  of  tlit*  cdue  of  thv  Guvcmmcot,  ood  in  favour  of 
this  AddrcHs  to  the  Crown ;  hnt  I  thought  it  wus  a  statement 
remiirkaltly  fwble  iu  iWt  aiid  in  ur^uuii-iiL,  if  iut^mded  m 
u  juiitifieatinn  of  tlie  «>nree  ho  and  his  Collf-n^iea  have  tnken. 
For  the  purpoeos  of  the  noble  Lord's  defence,  the  iUtseiau 
demand    iii)ou   Turkey   is  asBumed   to   he  soincthiug-  of  Gw 
greater  importance  than  I  have  heen  ahle  t<>  diwover  it  to  be 
from  a  oareful    exuiuiuatiuu  uf    \Xvi   lt>rmii  iu  which    it  waia 
coached.     The  nohle  Lord  himself,  in  one  of  hiti  desfiatohes, 
admitfi  that  Hussta  had  reason  to  complain,  and  that  she  lias 
certain  riffhts  and  duties  hy  treiity.  aud  by  tradition,  with 
rpgaid  to  the  proteobiou  of  the  OirititianH  iu  'IVirkey.     Russia 
attH^rted  thew  rights,  nud   wished   to  Itavi;  them  defined  in 
a  particuhir  fortn;  and  it  was  on  tlie  question  of  the  form  of 
thi*  dL-Diiiiid,  and  the  muuncr  in  which  it  should  be  conceded, 
that  the  whole  of  thiH  uiiforiunate  dilTereuce  liae  ariaeu.    Now, 
if  Rutuna  made  certain  demands  on   Turkey,  this  eountry 
insisted  that  Turkey  «lioiild  not  coosent  to  them;  fur  although 
noble  Lvrd  has  attempted  to  show  that  Turkey  herself, 
xg  for  herself,   had  resolved  to  rcsiet,  I  defy  any  one  to 
reail   the  despatches  of  Lord   Stnitfonl  de  RcdclilTe  without 
ooniing:  to  the  curielufiiou  that,  from  the  he^innin^  to  the  end 
of  the  ne^>tiutioiii<,  the  Knglii^h  Am hiDJ^wlor  had  ineistod,  in 
the  strongest  manner,  that  Turkey  sliould  reluee  to  make  tlie 
elightett  conceeeiou  on  tiie  real  ])oiiil  at  issue  in  the  demiind^ 
of  the  Ruxsiau  (lovernment.     As  a  proof  of  that  Htiiteiiieiit,  I 
may  refer  to  the  aeeoiint  given  by  Ltird  Stratford  de  Redelilfe, 
iu  luB  despatch  of  ^e  ^tli  of  IVIay,  1853,  of  the  private  inter- 
view he  bad  with  the  Sultan,  the  Minister  of  tlie  Sultan 
bavins'   left,  him  nt  the  door,  thai    the    iulerviexv  mig-ht  be 
rtriully  i>riv:tt^.     In  describing  thut  interview,  Lonl  Stratibid 


1851. 


SUSS  J  A.     I. 


447 


liaytij  ■  1  then  eadeuvuureil  to  g^vo  him  a  just  idea  of  the 
di^rec  of  dunger  to  which  hiii  Empire  was  cxjjosed.'  Tho 
SulUn  \\a»  uot  sufficicutly  nwiire  of  his  danger,  and  the  Eug^. 
lisb  Ambassador  'endeavoured  tx>  give  him  a  just  idea  of  it;* 
and  it  was  by  meHrii^  nuch  am  this  that  he  urged  upon  the 
Tiurkisb  UcveraiQeDt  the  neoesaity  of  resist^noe  1o  any  of 
1)i«  dciuoiids  of  Russiu,  promising  the  urined  assietautt:  of 
England,  whatevfr  conseijuencra  migbt  cnemr.  From  tlie 
inoitimit  that  pruniisu  wan  made,  or  from  the  moment  it  wns 
nanctioncd  by  the  Cabinet  at  home,  war  vros  all  but  inevit- 
able ;  they  had  oQt«rod  into  a  partii«r8bip  with  the  l\u-kieh 
Govcrumeat  (which,  ludecd^  could  scarcely  Le  called  a  Govi-m- 
ment  at  alt),  to  aasist  it  by  military  force;  and  Twrkej', 
having  old  nuarrclfi  to  settle  with  RuBBia,  and  old  wrongs 
t«  avongw,  wag  not  slow  to  plnnge  into  the  war,  having 
ecGun-d  the  co-operation  of  two  powerful  liatioDH,  England 
aod  Prance,  iu  Iilt  quarrel. 

Now,  I  have  no  speinal  Rymjiathy  with  Ruswa,  and  I  refuge 
to  disctifw  or  to  decide  tlii»  qu<>atioii  on  ^ruunda  of  xyrafiathy 
witli  Russia  or  with  Turkey;  I  consider  it  simply  m  it  affect* 
the  duties  and  the  interests  of  ray  own  oonntry.  I  iind  that 
aller  the  first  projiositiou  for  a  ix&iiy  had  beeu  made  by 
Prince  Menchikofl'',  that  envoy  made  some  concession,  and 
nwliod  only  ior  a  SeiicJ,  or  Convention;  iind  when  that  waa 
dieajiproved  ol',  be  offered  to  accept  a  note,  or  memorandum 
merely,  that  ehoiilcl  apecify  what  should  1>c  agreed  upon.  But 
the  Tnrfe  was  advit>ed  to  reaiat,  Grst  the  treaty,  then  the  con- 
vention, and  then  the  note  or  m<^inomndiini  j  and  «n  armed 
force  waa  promiBcd  on  behalf  of  this  oonntry.  At  the  same 
lime  be  knew  that  he  would  incur  the  high  dieplfafiitre  of 
England  and  France,  and  especially  of  Engluml,  il'  he  made 
the  •illgbtuKt  concession  lo  Ruk^iu.  Jt  was  about  Uie  middle 
of  May  that  Prince  Menchikoff  left  Constantinople,  not 
haviog  suci-eedctl  in  obljiimng  any  coiiees«iou  from  the  Porte; 
and  il  was  on  tlie  3nl  of  July  that  the  Ru^itiun  forces  eroBsed 


448 


SPSSCHBS  OF  JOffiV  BRIOUT.        maeohJI. 


the  Pnilb;  Ibiukiii^,  I  believe,  by  making  n  cbixb  at  the 
Priacipalitdes,  to  coerce  Turkey,  and  deter  ber  allies  from 
rendering  her  ibe  promised  support.  It  has  been  assumed 
by  some,  tbat  if  Kn^land  biul  deelannl  war  last  year,  Rueeia 
would  have  been  deterred  from  any  furtlier  step,  and  tbat  tte 
wliole  mutter  would  havu  bceu  settled  at  ouct'.  I,  however, 
have  no  belief  that  Russia  on  the  one  hand,  or  England  and 
France  on  the  otiierj  would  tiavi*  been  buUiwl  into  aiiy  cliaug^ 
«f  policy  by  means  of  that  kind. 

1  come  now  to  the  celebrated  '  Vienna  note.'  I  am  bound 
here  to  say,  tbat  nobody  bus  yet  been  able  clearly  to  exptaiu 
the  diflereiice  betveen  the  various  notex  Turkey  luis  been 
udviwd  to  reject,  and  tbi»  and  otlier  notett  she  has  been  urg«d 
to  atcept.  With  respect  to  thie  particidar  note,  nobody 
aecRiig  to  have  uudct%tood  it.  Thcra  wure  tour  Anibaseadora 
at  Vienna,  representing  England,  France,  AuatriUj  and 
Priiseia;  and  tIteKi!  four  gentlemen  drtrw  up  the  Vienna  note, 
and  rceommcnded  it  to  tbe  Porle  as  one  wliieli  she  migiit 
accept  without  injury  to  her  independence  or  her  honour. 
Luuia  Kapolouu  Ja  a  man  knowing-  the  u«;  of  language,  and 
able  to  comprehend  the  meaning  of  a  document  of  this  nature, 
and  liiK  MiuiKter  of  Foreign  Atfaim  is  a  man  of  eminent 
ability;  and  Louis  Napoleon  and  his  Minister  agree  witii 
the  j^ba^^dors  at  Vienna  as  to  the  character  of  tlie 
Vienna  note.  We  liave  n  Cabinet  composed  o^  men  of  jiix-at 
individual  ra|>actty ;  u  Cabinet,  ton,  including  no  less  than 
five  Gcnllemcn  who  have  iillcd  the  office  of  Secretary  for 
Foreign  ABaira,  and  who  may,  therefore,  be  presumed  to 
undertitand  even  the  eomctimoe  opncicaltd  meaning  of  diplo- 
matic pbraaeology.  These  five  Fureij^n  Secreturtes,  backed 
by  the  whole  Cabinet,  concurred  with  the  Ambassadora  at 
Vienna,  and  n-iili  the  Emperor  of  the  French  and  bin  Foreign 
Secretary,  in  recommending;  the  Vienna  note  to  th«  Sultan  as 
a  document  which  he  might  accept  consit>tcDtly  with  hia 
liouour^  and  with  that  integrity  and  that  Judcpeudeiice  nhich 


18H.  RUSSIA.     I.  449 

onr  Government  is  eo  anxious  to  secure  for  him.  Wliat  was 
done  with  this  note?  PsEsing  hy  the  marvellous  stupidity, 
or  something  worscj  which  caused  that  note  not  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  Turkey  before  it  was  sent  to  St.  PetersbtiTg*,  he 
would  merely  state  that  it  was  sent  to  St.  Petersburg,  and 
was  accepted  in  its  integrity  by  the  Emperor  of  Kussia  in 
the  most  frank  and  uni-eserved  manner.  We  were  then  told 
—  I  was  told  by  Members  of  the  Government — that  the 
moment  the  note  was  accepted  hy  Russia  we  might  consider 
the  affair  to  be  settled,  and  that  the  dispute  would  never  be 
heard  of  again.  When,  however,  the  note  was  sent  to 
Constantinople,  after  its  acceptance  by  Russia,  Turkey  dis- 
covered, or  thought,  or  said  she  discovered,  that  it  was  as 
bad  as  the  original  or  modified  proposition  of  Prince  Men- 
chikoff,  and  she  refused  the  note  as  it  was,  and  proposed 
certain  modifications.  And  what  are  we  to  think  of  these 
arbitrators  or  mediators — the  four  Ambassadors  at  Vienna, 
and  the  Governments  of  France  and  Sngland — who,  ofler 
discussing  the  matter  in  three  different  cities,  and  at  three 
distinct  and  different  periods,  and  after  agreeing  that  the 
proposition  was  one  which  Turkey  could  assent  to  without 
detriment  to  her  honour  and  independence,  immediately  after- 
wards turned  round,  and  declared  that  the  note  was  one  which 
Turkey  could  not  be  asked  to  accede  to,  and  repudiated  in  the 
most  form^  and  express  manner  that  which  they  themselves 
had  drawn  up,  and  which,  only  a  few  days  before,  they  had 
approved  of  as  a  combination  of  wisdom  and  diplomatic 
dexterity  which  had  never  been  excelled  ? 

But  it  was  said  that  the  interpretation  which  Count 
Ne&selrode  placed  upon  this  note  made  it  impossible  for 
Turkey  to  accede  to  it.  I  very  much  doubt  whether  Count 
Nesselrode  placed  any  meaning  upon  it  which  it  did  not  fairly 
warrant,  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  he  really  differed 
at  all  from  the  actual  intentions  of  the  four  Ambassadors  at 
Vienna.     But  I  can  easily  understand  the  course  taken  by 

VOL.  1.  G  g 


460 


SPEECHES  OF  JOJJN  BRTQIIT. 


181. 


the  Buwuui  MluitiUT.  It  was  Ihts:— eocing  tiic  note  was 
ri-jtvled  by  the  Turk,  and  considering  tliat  its  previous 
HL'ci'j>Iuucc  hy  Rusiia  was  some  cotic«a»ioi)  i'rom  the  original 
demaiiti,  he  UsutMl  u  circular,  givijig  Buch  aii  cxplatiatjou  or 
interpretation  of  the  Vienna  note  as  might  eDnhle  him  to  gut 
b»ok  to  hifl  original  poxition,  and  mi^ht  »av«  Rufsia  front 
being  committed  and  damaged  ly  tho  conccs^OD,  whichi  for 
the  sake  of  {)eaoe>  she  hod  ma<ie.  This  circnlar,  howerer, 
could  miike  uo  nil]  ditTercnce  in  the  note  iWlf;  and  ootwitk- 
standing  this  circular,  whatever  the  note  rwilly  m«ant,  it 
would  have  heen  jusit  as  hindinjr  upon  Kussiu  as  any  other 
note  will  bo  that  may  he  drawn  up  and  ngreod  to  at  the  end 
of  the  war.  AJthoagh,  howc^'cr,  this  note  n-ae  considered 
iimdmi»HibU-,  ue^tiatiotut  v/vve  continued ;  and  at  the  Con- 
ference at  Olmutz,  at  which  the  Earl  of  Wt'etuturi'lauil  wan 
lintsent,  tlic  Kmperur  of  Ruseia  himself  cxpreiised.  his  wilUn^- 
ucss  to  accept  the  \''ienna  note — not  in  the  scn«e  that 
Count  No£«elrod<!  had  phK'iHl  upon  it,  but  in  that  which  \ho 
Ambaseadors  at  Vienna  declared  to  be  ita  real  meaoiug',  and 
with  such  a  clause  u»  tbcy  should  attach  to  it,  ddining  its 
n«1  meaning. 

It  iR  iinpotf^ihlo  from  tlii«  fairly  to  doubt  the  aiucerity  of 
the  desire  for  pi-acc  mamfested  by  the  Emperor  of  Russia. 
He  would  accept  the  note  prepared  by  the  Conference  at 
Vienna,  sanctioned  by  the  Cabinets  iu  Luiidon  and  PariEi,  and 
according  to  the  inlcrj>retation  put  upon  it  by  those  by  whom 
it  hail  been  prepared — sucli  interpretation  to  be  defined  iu 
a  clause,  to  he  by  them  atlaehed  to  the  original  note.  But 
in  the  precise  week  in  which  these  negotiations  wen?  pro- 
ceeding apjiarently  to  a  favourable  conclusion,  the  Turkisli 
Counoi],  connvting  of  a  large  number  of  dignitaries  of  the 
Turkish  Empire — not  one  of  whom,  however,  rcpreaented  the 
Christian  majority  of  the  population  of  Turkey,  hut  innpiivtl 
by  the  lanatici^m  and  desperation  of  the  old  Mahomedan 
party — aesembletl ;    and,  fearful    that    peace  would   be   eeta- 


ISM. 


RUSSIA.     I. 


451 


blishcd,  nod  that  tliey  vvoitid  Ium)  the  gn>(it  op^jortiinity  of 
dragging  England  and  Franee  iiilo  a  \var  with  their  ancient 
enemy  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  tliey  came  to  a  sadden  resolu- 
tion in  favour  of  war;  and  in  the  very  wiisk  in  which  Uitssiu 
Bg-revd  to  thf  Vicpna  ante  in  the  sense  of  the  Vienna  Con- 
ference, tho  Turks  declared  war  against  Russia, — the  IVirkiah 
forces  croeeed  the  Danube,  »iid  Wgan  the  war,  iiivulviiig 
Eag'land  in  an  inglorious  and  costly  struggle,  from  whieli 
ten  Government  and  a  succeeding'  Government  may  ful  to 
cxtrtcatu  us. 

I  dififer  very  much  from  those  Gentlemen  who  condemn 
the  Goveniroent  for  the  tardy  nature  of  their  proceedings, 
I  never  iiaid  or  thought  that  the  (iovermnent  wiis  not 
honeMly  nnxioua  for  peaee ;  but  I  heUere,  and  indeed  I 
know,  that  at  an  early  period  they  committed  themselves 
and  the  country  tu  a  policj'  which  lelt  the  issue  of  peuce  or 
war  in  other  hands  than  their  own — namely,  in  the  hands  of 
the  Turks,  the  very  lust  hnndx  in  which  I  am  willing  to  trurt 
the  intereete  and  tlie  future  of  this  country.  In  my  opinion, 
the  original  blunder  wna  committed  vrhen  the  Turks  were 
advised  to  resi&t  and  not  to  concede;  and  tho  second  blunder 
vim  made  when  the  Turlcs  were  supported  in  their  rejection 
of  the  Vienna  note  ;  ftir  tlic  moment  the  four  PowerB  admitted 
that  their  recommendation  vras,  not  nt'cessanly  to  he  accepted 
by  the  Porte,  they  put  tliemM>lvc«  entirely  into  the  hands  of 
the  Turk,  and  mij^ht  he  drag^d  into  any  depth  of  eonfusion 
and  war  in  which  that  respectable  individual  might  wish  to 
involve  them. 

The  conrse  t*»ken  by  Turkey  in  beginning  the  war  was 
igainitt  the  strong  advice  of  her  allieti;  but,  notwithstundin}^ 
this,  the  moment  the  step  was  taken,  they  turned  round 
again,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Vienna  note,  and  justified  and 
defended  her  in  the  courae  she  had  adopted,  iu  dctiance  of 
tho  remonstrances  they  had  uryed  against  it.  In  liia  speech 
to-night,  the  uohle  Lord  (Lord  J.  Russell)  has  oeeiipied  some 

Qga 


452 


SPEECHES  OF  J0H2f  BKIGIIT. 


HAKCK  31, 


lime  in  sliowiug  Uiut  Turktfy  wus  fully  justified  in  dcclariuj^ 
war.  I  should  say  uothiiig  :igaiiiBt  that  view,  if  Turkey  were 
jilting  on  her  owu  rcsourcce;  l>ut  I  amintein  ttiut,  if  she  is 
iu  uUiuDvi:  with  Kn^^land  and  France,  the  Dpioious  of  tfaote 
Powers  should  at)  least  hnve  been  heard,  and  that,  iu  caec  of 
her  refusal  to  listeu  to  their  couunel,  tliey  would  have  been 
jtiBti6ud  iu  saying  to  her,  '  If  yuu  persist  iu  taking  your  own 
fiouDso,  we  caoDot  be  involved  in  the  diDivulties  to  wbiult  it 
may  give  rise,  but  must  leave  you  to  tnkc  the  coniMXiuencM  of 
your  owu  acta.'  But  thiB  \va^  not  naid,  and  the  result  ie, 
that  we  are  itrag-g^d  into  a  wtir  I>y  the  mftdnc.-^  of  the  Turk. 
whicli,  Lmt  for  the  fatal  hluuJen*  wo  Imve  committed,  we 
niijfht  have  avoided. 

There  hiivij  lioeii  tlir«e  planfi  for  dtiiltug  with  tliia  Turkish 
qucfitioD,  itdvocuted  by  as  many  parties  in  this  country.  The 
firat  finds  favour  wilti  two  or  thrive  Gentlemen  who  usually 
sit  on  the  heueh  below  mc — with  a  cwuinderahle  uumbcr  out 
of  doors — and  with  a  portion  of  the  public  pieK-.  These 
]iemotui  wore  anxious  to  liave  ^one  to  war  during  last 
summer.  They  mx'iii  aL-tuated  by  a  frantic  aud  bitter  hostility 
to  Ituseia,  ajid.  tvithout  coniiidering  the  calamities  in  which 
they  luigbl  iuvulvc  this  country,  they  have  sought  to  urjce  >t 
into  a  ^reat  war,  as  they  imagined,  on  behalf  of  ]!!uro]>can 
freedom,  and  in  order  to  cripple  the  resources  of  Ilvi8«ia.  I 
noo<l  hardily  say  that  I  have  not  a  piu-tJele  of  symjiathy  with 
Umt  jMirly,  or  with  that  jwlit-y,  I  think  nothing-  can  l>e 
more  unwise  than  tliat  party,  and  nothing  moro  atrocious 
than  their  policy.  But  there  was  another  course  recom* 
nn-'iidcd,  and  which  the  (love.rmncnt  has  followed.  War 
delayed,  hut  stili  cert:;in — iu-niu<^c'U)cnt!i  made  which  placed 
the  issue  of  war  iu  other  hands  than  in  those  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  tliis  country — tlmt  is  the  policy  which  the  CJovern- 
soent  has  pursued)  and  in  my  opinion  it  is  fatal  to  Turkey, 
and  disastrous  to  Kngland.  There  is  a  thinl  couree,  uud 
which  I  «tic)idd  liave,  aud  indeed  have  all  along-  reconiniended 


188L 


Iif\9SfA.     J. 


453 


— that  war  Bhoiild  hiiv*  boon  avoided  hj  tho  »o<'Oj)taiioe  on 
the  part  of  TtirVey  cither  of  tlie  last  note  of  Prince  Menchikoff, 
or  of  tho  Vieima  note ;  or,  if  Tiirkoj  would  not  oon»ent  to 
ettlirr,  tliat  then  she  should  hnvc  been  nlluwotl  to  enter  into 
the  war  :il«ne,  and  England  and  France — supposing  they  had 
tAlceti,  and  cnntinned  to  take,  the  Hime  view  of  the  interecl* 
of  Western  Kiirope  nOiich  they  have  hitherto  tnlten — might 
h«vc  stood  idfiof  until  the  time  when  there  appeared  some 
evident  danger  of  the  wnr  being  si'ttleJ  on  terms  destructive 
of  the  Itnlance  of  ]>ower  ;  nnd  then  Uiey  niij^hi  have  come  ioj 
and  have  insisted  on  a  different  wjtUement,  I  would  cither 
have  allowed  or  compelled  Turkey  tn  yield,  or  wonld  have 
inRiRted  on  her  earrying  on  the  war  alone. 

The  question  is,  whether  the  advantages  both  to  Turkej" 
Bad  Knglui>d  of  avoiding  war  altogether,  would  have  been 
loM  tlian  those  which  are  likely  to  arise  from  the  policy  which 
the  Government  ha»  pnrsned  ?  Now,  if  the  noble  Ijord  the 
Member  for  Tiverton  is  n<^ht  in  saying  thut  Tiu'key  is  a 
growing  Power,  and  that  she  has  elrmenta  of  stren^h  which 
unlearned  peiWDS  like  myself  know  nothing  about ;  ^rely  no 
immediAte,  or  wmublc,  or  permanent  niificbief  eould  bare 
ari^n  to  her  from  the  acceptance  of  the  Vienna  note,  which 
all  the  diKiingiiishe<l  persons  who  agreed  to  it  have  deelarod 
to  be  perfeefly  ronsiatent  with  her  honour  and  indopendonee. 
If  she  has  been  growing  etronger  and  stronger  of  late  yearn, 
■ttrely  die  would  have  grown  still  stronger  in  tlie  future,  and 
there  might  have  been  a  rcat'onablc  expectation  that,  whatever 
disadrantnges  Bhe  might  have  siiflercd  for  a  time  from  that 
note,  her  growing  strength  wonld  have  enabled  her  to  overcome 
them,  while  the  peace  of  Ktirope  might  have  been  preserved. 
But  9uppoee  that  Turkey  is  not  a  growing  Power,  but  that 
the  Ottonuin  nde  in  Europe  is  tottering  to  it«  fall,  I  eome  to 
the  conelusion  that,  whatever  advantages  were  nfibrded  to  the 
Christian  population  of  Turkey  would  have  enabled  them 
to  grow  more  rapidly  in  numbers,  in  industry,  in  wealth,  in 


454 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT.        k«cb31. 


intelligence,  ami  in  political  power;  and  that,  as  they  thus 
increased  in  influence,  they  would  have  become  more  alle,  in 
CAM  any  accident,  which  might  not  he  far  distant,  oceurred, 
to  supplant  the  Mahoraedan  ]'iilt',  and  to  establieh  themsclvfls 
in  Constantinople  a»  a  Christian  State,  which,  I  think,  eveiy 
man  who  hearx  me  nnll  udmit  is  infinitely  more  to  be  desired 
than  thnt  tlio  Mahoniedau  p^nvt-r  t^hoiild  lie  perinnni>ntJy  sus- 
tained by  the  bayonets  of  France  and  the  Heets  of  Kn^Iand. 
Kurope  would  tlius  have  been  at  pctice ;  for  I  do  not  think 
even  the  most  bitter  encmifn  of  Kussiu  bclicvo  that  the 
Kmpemt  of  Riis^fa  intendwl  last  year,  if  the  Vienna  note  or 
Prince  MetiehiI:off'!>  Wt  and  mud  moderate  proposdtion  had 
been  accepted,  to  have  marched  on  Constantinople.  Indeed, 
he  hud  plnl^-d  himM-H'  in  the  inoft  distinct  mnnuer  to  with- 
draw his  tn>ops  at  once  from  tlie  Priticipnliticfi,  if  the  Vienna 
note  were  accepted  ;  and  therefore  in  that  ca*e  Turkey  would 
have  been  delivered  from  the  pretence  of  the  foe;  peace 
would  for  a  time  have  been  iJf*eun?d  to  Europe ;  and  the 
whole  matter  would  have  drifted  on  to  it«  mitxiral  solution — 
whicli  is,  that  the  Maliomudnu  power  in  IDurope  tdiould 
eventually  succumb  to  the  gTOwiiig-  puM'er  of  the  ChriBtiaii 
population  of  the  Turkish  tenitnries. 

The  noble  Ijord  the  Member  for  London,  and  Ids  oollengiie 
the  noblo  Lord  the  Member  for  Tiverton,  when  they  speak 
of  the  aj^trandieement  of  Russia  relatively  to  the  rest  of 
Europe,  always  aptiik  of  the  '  balance  of  power,*  a  term  which 
it  is  not  easy  to  define.  It  in  n  hackneyed  term—*  pbra«e  to 
which  it  18  difficult  to  attach  iiny  definite  meaning.  I  wish 
the  uoblo  Lord  would  explain  \chat  is  meant  by  the  lialanue 
of  power.  In  1791,  the  whole  Whig  party  repudiated  tJic 
propo«itioD  that  Turkey  had  anything  to  do  with  the  balaoce 
of  power.  Mr.  Burke,  in  1791,  when  apettking'  on  that 
subject,  n«ed  the  follomng  Ungui^  :^ 

■  U*  hftd  never  bimnl  it  aXA  twfbro.  that  th»  Tiirkuh  Emph*  WM  «t«r  «0B- 
•idarod  H  Mjr  |«rt  of  tliu  Wlkiwe  or  puna  in  Europa.    Th«j  ImJ  Mtlhuif  to 


UH. 


RUSSIA.     I. 


4SS 


da  irjtii  EiirA|t«i«ii  polipr;  th^y  Mviddwcd  thfntiMlTM  m  wholly  A«iatl& 
What  hut  theve  wom.'  tluui  m.ixstM  to  <Id  with  llie  P<iwctb  of  Europe,  liut 
to  vpmHil  (rsir.  dmlnictinEi,  uiH  [iiatilfliica  niiiniij;  thom  T  Tiin  Minlnti^  onil 
thp  pnlicy  wliiflb  woiiM  giro  tbnw  [mojilp  »fij  trright  in  Enrol*,  ""'nW  ili--«rvB 
»1]  the  bMiti  BDil  cnnica  of  pwtotity.  All  that  wm  koly  in  ivlision,  ftH  Clikt 
WM  mcirkl  nnd  hruaRii?,  liomiuiifeil  ui  nl>h'rrTvni>o  of  avvTyUiJiig  whiofa  Umlad 
to  waUnil  tbs  povcrr  o(  tli>t  cnipl  mini  inuUirul  Biupim.  Koj  ChrJiitiaii  Pi>w<r 
WM  to  btt  prefrmd  Ui  thc«  ilcntnictivi!  iuthcdi.' 

Mr.  Whitbread,  on  the  »une  oecsKion,  said  : — 

'  Snppai«  Ihu  Empreu  ftl  CnrwUuitinoplu,  ftnd  the  Tcirka  cxpcJlcd  from  Ih* 
Etimpnan  provinfan,  wnulij  any  Dnpr«jiiili4!i>d  raui  ciontrnd  thnt  \\j  RUoh  mi 
CVMit  lunnkinil  waulil  not  be  lari(oljr  beiicBlol  f  Would  any  uuut  contend 
tlut  the  cxpubinn  of  n  taeo  of  bninca  wlinm  nlioniirinbla  tynuiuy  pmncritmd 
th«  arU,  Hnd  lit«nitur«.  Mid  PTfiirthing  that  "lu  gAod,  uiif  gr^^t,  and  nmlnhln, 
wonltl  not  cini(lac«  tu  tile  pmapcrity  Mid  tinppinca*  of  Lhc'  worlill  He  in* 
convintRil  it  wouM.  Tliiiwa.*  lui  «v«nt  wiUi  nhich  tli«  pnltry  Ronaliknlion 
oftlto  nW  adjutCmciit  of  the  b-uUiK^t  in  Kurope  viai  not  to  t«  put  in  aata- 
pedtian,  htthnugh  Iii^  wim  n  frieiiil  to  tliit  linlnnci;  en  liruvl  itnd  libcnl 
lirinciplea.  Hv  uljliorrpil  Uji*  wrutulied  |K>liuy  whrcli  ooul^  enlorlalii  a.  «lah 
that  tl>o  malt  liixuriiuit  |>Brt  ot  tlio  ouih  cliouM  rcniwn  d«H>kt«  and  niter- 
nbk  that  A  particulkT  *jr«tani  mleht  Ik>  ntniiitninod.' 

And  Mr.  Fox,  when  xpraking  of  Mr.  Pitt's  Bystem,  said — 
and  be  it  rcoiPoibcTcd  that  nobody  is  so  great  »n  authority 
witli  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  London  ae  Mr.  Foij 
wbase  words  I  um  now  about  tu  ijuutc : — 

*Hb  (JAi.  I'itl'a)  dcbiuDve  aywlGni  wm  wkli«cl  mi4  ftbwrd— thnt  vr&y 
country  wtiicli  AppcMviJ,  frnni  wbmtcTcr  cnusc,  t«  te  (■rnwini;  K'^'ot.  sboultl  ba 
kttx^kM  :  that  all  the  I'owsn  of  Etir«p«  vbanld  be  oanfinNl  to  th«  ittmo  pr«olM 
■ilUAtion  in  vbicb  llit*  defendro  ayitt-iii  found  them.  .  .  .  Her  (&aMib'«)  «(t«tit 
of  Lerritory,  tcaoly  r««cnuo,  and  tViiii  popiilnlion  iumIc  ber  power  by  no  mOMW 
fiimiiilahie  to  as — x  I'owar  vhom  w«  eonld  neither  attoclc  nor  b#  attAok^  by  > 
and  iliiB  lias  the  Foncr  «giun*t  wbieh  we  wi.t«  ^iak  ii  wnr.  Uv-crtumiiig 
till)  nttiinian  Empire  he  conoeivMl  to  bo  an  ai^uueiit  «f  tiu  wtiigbi.  The  tveiil 
(nut  mil  pmhabU  ;  and  if  it  (hcisld  lMt|i|ien,  it  waa  more  like^  ta  be  «f  advan- 
tafo  than  injuiiuUH  to  lu.' 

It  will  probably  be  said,  that  these  were  opinionK  held  by 
Gentleincti  svho  aat  on  that  Bide  of  th«  Houso,  and  who  were 
loady  to  advocate  any  coarse  that  might  serve  to  damo^  the 
BfiniBt«r8  of  the  day.  I  should  bu  sorry  to  tbiuk  so,  espe- 
cially of  n  man  wIkisc  public  character  is  so  much  to  Iw 
admired  as  that  of  Mr.  Fox ;  but  I  will  come  to  a  much 
Ut«r  period,  and  produce  authority  of  a  very  Bimllar  kind. 


45G 


SPEECHES  OF  JOnN  BHWIIT.        xaimk  31. 


Many  lioti.  Membeni  now  in  the  Iloute  recollect  the  Iftte 
Lord  HoUaml,  aud  t)ie_y  stil  koow  liis  sagucit}'  nnc]  whnt  his 
authonty  wti**  witli  tlit'  party  with  wliit-li  Iio  was  coiiiiectod. 
Wluit  did  he  say?  Why,  iw  late  ax  ihe  year  1828,  when 
this  quMtiou  vriis  moott-d  in  tlic  Huiuc  of  LorJ»,  he  said : — 

'  No,  my  Iiorl*,  t  ltnp«  I  nhall  nerw  mot—tioA  &r1>id  I  arcr  •honld  ■•• — 
forlha  propoaltion  wuiild  Ihi  ncitittnil  from  one  end  af  Rnnliinil  to  ui»tli*r^ 
tuj  prapAtaLiniiij  or  nil/  atCoinpl.  tu  dtf^tiJ  lliia  our  "  Aiiritrat  itllj  "  frau  llw 
mttaeki  of  tU  imaiiiiM.  Thar*  wu  no  nmngnmont  mrwls  in  thM  trcMly  for 
liWHWrlng:  the  cniuUjJinf  luiJ  tnuful.  or,  m  Mr.  Burke  I'sUoJ  it,  lliAt  wuUful 
and  dUgiictinj;  Empire  of  iKo  INiriu^  fnmi  ditmoniWmcnt  knd  destruction ; 
Mul  Dione  of  tbe  Puwcn  whu  trera  pucio  Lu  llut  trasly  will  over,  I  hiope, 
mv«  tUo  rAllLii^'  Buifilra  vf  TurkvY  fi^tu  naiu.' 

I  liope  it  will  not  he  supposed  that  I  am  animated  hy  any 
hoirtility  to  Turkry,  in  qnoting  sentiments  and  Uiig-uagc  tiuch 
!i«  this,  for  I  have  at;  mud)  (lympnthy  with  what  is  juBt 
t.»war<lK  tliflt  Wiiintry  as  «ny  other  man  can  have;  but  tha 
question  is,  not  what  is  just  to  Turkey,  hut  what  1*  jont  to 
this  country,  and  what  this  Hodsl',  a&  the  ilepoentary  of  the 
power  of  this  country,  has  a  right  !*>  do  with  rcptrd  to  this 
most  dangtJroHB  quAStion.  I  am,  thorcfifre,  at  liberty  to 
quote  from  the  sitntenmon  of  1791  and  1828,  the  politicnl 
rathor*  and  nuth^rittos  of  the  nohle  Tjord  the  ^^emI^e^  for 
I^mlon,  and  (o  t>ay,  that  if  I  hold  npitiions  dillmrnt  from 
those  hc-ld  1  y  the  Government,  I  am,  at  least,  not  singular  in 
those  opinions,  for  I  can  quote  ^eot  names  and  high  aiilJio- 
ritiet)  in  ):up|x>rt  of  the  eoiiree  I  am  taking. 

This  'balance  of  power'  is  in  reality  the  hinge  on  which 
the  whole  quesiioii  turns.  But  if  that  is  so  imiiortant  as  to 
be  worth  a  san^inary  war,  why  did  you  not  go  to  war  witb 
Franc-i-  when  she  seixed  mHin  Algiers?  That  was  a  portion  of 
Turkey  not  quite  so  distinetj  it  ie  true,  as  are  the  Dannbinn 
Principalities;  but  still  Turkey  had  sovereign  rights  over 
Algiers.  When,  therefore,  France  aeized  on  a  large  portion 
of  the  northern  coobI  of  Africo,  might  it  not  have  been  said 
tliat  such  au  act  tendnl  to  convert  the  Mnlitcrranean  into  a 


18S4.  HUSSIA.     I.  457 

French  lakCj — that  Algiers  lay  next  to  Tunis,  and  that, 
having  eonqneted  Tunis,  there  would  remain  only  Tripoli 
between  France  and  Alexandria,  and  that  the  *  balance  of 
power '  was  being  destroyed  by  the  aggrandisement  of  France  ? 
All  this  might  have  been  said,  and  the  Government  might 
easily  have  plunged  the  country  into  war  on  that  question. 
Snt  happily  the  Government  of  that  day  had  the  good  sense 
not  to  resist,  and  the  result  had  not  been  disadvantageous  to 
Europe;  this  country  had  not  suffered  from  the  seizure  of 
Algiers,  and  England  and  France  had  contiitued  at  peace. 

Tate  another  case — the  ease  of  the  United  States.  The 
United  States  waged  war  with  Mexico — a  war  with  a  weaker 
State — in  my  opinion,  an  unjust  and  unnecessary  war.  If  I 
had  been  a  citizen  of  the  American  Republic,  I  should  have 
condemned  that  war ;  but  might  it  not  have  been  as  justly 
argued  that,  if  we  allowed  the  a^ressive  attacks  of  the 
United  States  upon  Mexico,  her  insatiable  appetite  would 
soon  be  turned  towards  the  north — towards  the  dependencies 
of  this  Empire — and  that  the  magnificent  colonies  of  the 
Canadas  would  soon  fall  a  prey  to  the  assaults  of  their 
rapacious  neighbour/  But  such  arguments  were  not  used, 
and  it  was  not  thought  necessary  to  involve  this  country  in  a 
war  for  the  support  of  Mexico,  although  the  Power  that  was 
attacking  that  country  lay  adjacent  to  our  own  dominions. 

If  this  phrase  of  the  '  balance  of  power  Ms  to  be  always  an 
argument  for  war,  the  pretence  for  war  will  never  be  wanting, 
and  peace  can  never  be  secure.  Xjet  any  one  compare  the  power 
of  this  country  with  that  of  Austria  now,  and  forty  years 
ago.  Will  any  one  say  that  England,  compared  with  Austria, 
is  now  three  times  as  powerful  as  she  was  thirty  or  forty 
years  ago  ?  Austria  has  a  divided  people,  bankrupt  finances, 
and  her  credit  is  so  low  that  she  cannot  borrow  a  shilling 
out  of  her  own  territories;  England  has  a  united  people, 
national  wealth  rapidly  increasing,  and  a  mechanical  and 
productive  i:ower   to  which  that  of  Austria  is  as  nothing. 


458 


SPERCIIBS  OF  JOIIX  URIGUT.        itiRcK  31, 


Might  Dot  Austria  compluin  that  vre  liave  disturbed  the 
'  balance  of  ponder'  because  we  are  grawiti^  i;o  much  strouger 
from  hotter  govenimcnt,  from  the  grcnler  union  of  our 
people,  fi-om  the  wealth  thai  m  created  by  the  hmd  lubour 
nnd  skill  of  our  population,  nnd  from  the  wotiderful  develop- 
metit  of  the  mechanical  resourcej*  of  the  kingdom,  which  in 
8iwn  on  everj-  sidu?  If  this  phraeu  of  thi>  'hahiiire  of  power,' 
tlie  meaning;  of  wliieh  nobody  can  exa<?t]y  make,  out,  is  to  lie 
broHpht  in  on  every  oooBaion  to  gtitnulnte  this  countij'  to 
nar,  there  is  nn  end  to  all  hopv  of  permanent  pence. 

There  is,  indeed,  a  qnestioii  of  11  'biilancc  of  power'  which 
thin  oountiy  might  n>gard,  if  our  Ktatpsmen  had  a  little  lesit 
of  those  narrow  views  which  they  sometimes  arrogwntly 
impute  to  me  nnd  to  those  who  think  xrith  me.  !f  they 
could  get  beyond  those  old  notions  winch  belong  to  the 
traditions  of  Europe,  imd  «ist  thuir  eyes  iik  fur  w«itwo«l  oh 
they  «re  now  I>ooking  ryistward,  they  might  there  see  a  power 
f^rowiiig  lip  in  it*  gigantic  proportions,  whieh  uill  teach  U8 
liefore  very  lonj^  where  the  true  'balance  of  power'  is  to  be 
found.  This  struggle  may  indeed  begin  with  RuBsia,  but  it 
may  end  with  half  the  Stat«H  of  Europe ;  for  Austria  and 
Pnissia  art*  just  os  likely  to  join  with  Rii»sia  as  with  England 
and  France,  and  probably  much  more  bh;  and  we  lainw  not 
how  long  alliances  which  now  »p]>ear  very  aecure,  may 
romaia  so;  for  the  cirenmKtanccs  in  which  the  Government 
lin:«  involved  us  arc  of  the  most  critical  character,  and  we 
stand  ujH)n  a  mine  wliicli  may  explode  any  day.  Give  us 
oeven  years  of  thin  infatuated  struffgle  upon  which  we  are 
now  entering,  and  lot  the  United  States  remain  at  ]»eaoc 
during  that  period,  and  who  shall  siiy  what  will  then  bo  the 
relative  [loeitions  of  the  two  nations?  Ilavo  yon  read  the 
Report«  of  your  own  Commiesionei's  lo  the  New  Vork  Exhi- 
bition ?  Do  you  comprehend  what  is  tho  process  of  that 
country,  as  exhibited  in  it«  tonnage,  and  exports,  and 
import*,  and  manufactures,   nnd  in  the  development  of  all 


Wt..  RUSSIA.    I.  469 

ite  resonrcCT,  »iul  the  ineanst  of  transit?  Thpw  hus  been 
uotltiDg  like  it  bitlierto  uiidor  tbe  sao.  Tlie  United  StatM 
may  profit  to  a  lar^  extent  bj*  the  calamities  whicb  will 
1)otiiU  m;  n-hilst  we,  iimler  the  miBRrablf  aiul  lunatic  idea 
tJiat  we  are  alroiit  to  ect  the  worn-out  Turkish  Kmpir^oii  it« 
legs,  and  penmiiieiitl/  to  eustnin  It  n^inot  the  aggjt>8(»ions  of 
Russia,  are  cntanglcil  in  n  wiir.  Our  trade  will  dcfuj-  and 
diiiitnish — our  peoyilo,  RUircrin^  and  dtvcontcnted,  as  Ji^  nit 
foi-mer  periods  of  war,  will  coiigmte  in  incrensing  numbers  to 
u  country  whoM  wise  policy  is  to  keep  itself  iree  from  tiie 
en  fa  uy  lenient  of  Riimpcfln  politics — to  a  country  w-itb  which 
rests  the  great  iiuostion,  whether  England  ttball,  for  any  toug- 
timp,  retain  that  which  she  profeBses  to  value  so  highly  —  her 
^rcat  superiority  in  indiiotry  and  nt  sea. 

This  whole  notion  of  the  '  halane*  of  power'  is  a  mis- 
chievous delu(<ion  which  han  come  down  to  us  from  past 
trmcii ;  wc  ought  to  drive  it  from  our  mindit,  and  to  consider 
the  solemn  cjiiextion  of  peace  or  war  on  more  clear,  more 
deltnite,  and  on  far  higher  principle!)  than  any  that  are 
involved  in  tbe  phrase  the  '  haiauoi?  of  power.'  What  is  it 
the  Government  propose  to  do?  Let  ae  examine  their  policy 
as  dc^erilKHl  in  the  Dievsof^  from  the  Crown,  and  in  the 
Address  which  hiw  liecn  moved  to*night.  As  I  understand 
it,  wo  are  a^^ked  to  go  to  war  to  maintain  the  '  integrity  and 
independence  of  the  Ottoman  Empire' — to  curb  the  a^ro^ive 
power  of  Kusrift— and  to  defend  the  intercuts  of  this  conntfy. 

These  are  tlie  ihi-ee  great  object*  to  which  the  efTorh*  and 
resources  of  this  country  are  to  he  direcf<j(l.  The  uohlc  Lord 
the  Tbfember  for  London  is,  I  think,  tJie  author  of  the  phraao 
'  the  integrity  and  independence*  of  Turkey.  If  T  am  not 
mistaken,  he  pledged  himself  to  this  more  tlian  a  year  ago, 
when  he  was  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affaire,  in  u 
letter  to  somebody  at  Ncwcastle-oa-Tync,  in  auewer  to  an 
Addreas  from  certain  enthiiKiaKts  in  that  town,  who  exhorted 
the  Qovernment  to  step  in  for  the  support  of  tbe  Ottomau 


460 


SPKEliHES  OF  JOI/y  BltWUT.         habcusi. 


Empire.  But  what  is  the  onndition  of  that  Empire  at  this 
momeut?  I  have  already  deBorihw!  to  tlie  House  what  it 
would  hftve  been  if  my  policy  had  hccn  adopted — if  the 
thricu-modifii'il  note  of  Priticc  Mt-Qohikoff  liud  bvt-u  ucwptcd, 
or  if  the  Vienna  nntc  hnd  been  assented  to  by  the  Poric. 
But  what  18  it  now  under  the  protection  of  the  nohle  Lord 
and  his  ColU^n^uvs?  At  the  present  moment  there  uro  ur> 
loss  than  three  foreign  urmiea  on  Turkish  enil :  thei-e  aro 
roo,ooo  RiJssiiin  troops  in  Rulf^nm;  there  are  armie*  from 
Rng:land  and  Franec  approaching  the  Dardanelles,  to  cntrcnrh 
themselves  on  Tiirhieh  t<'rritory,  and  to  return  nolmdy  Irnown 
when.  All  tfiis  can  h:u"dly  contribute  to  the  '  iiidcpeiideure' 
of  liny  country.  But  more  than  this  :  there  are  insurrections 
lepriiitring^  np  in  almnst.  everj-  Tiirfciwli  provinee,  mid  insun-cc- 
tions  which  must,  from  the  nnturo  of  the  Turkish  Gorem- 
ment,  widely  extend  ;  and  it  \»  inipo8><ihle  to  derarihe  the 
anandiy  which  must  prc^-ail,  inasmuch  as  the  control  hereto- 
fore exercised  by  the  Government  to  keep  the  peace  is  now 
gone,  hy  the  wttlidra»vnl  of  Its  tixiops  to  the  bankR  of  the 
Dauube;  and  the  licence  and  demnmlizatton  enf^iidercd  by 
ngM  of  bad  government  will  be  altogether  uncbcckcd.  In 
addition  to  these  complieafcfl  hoiTors,  there  are  200,000  men 
midcr  arms ;  the  Ktate  of  their  fmunccs  is  alrcjdy  pa)^t  re- 
covery ;  and  the  altiee  of  Turkey  arc  making  demands  upon 
her  far  beyond  anything  that  wa«  required  by  Riisstn  hernolf. 
Can  «nythin{f  he  more  destructive  of  the  '  iutegrity  aiid 
independence'  of  Turkey  than  the  policy  of  the  noble  Lortl  ? 

I  have  seen  only  thi*  day  a  letter  in  the  Timet  from  its 
Corresponchmt  at  ('nnstaiitinople,  which  states  that  Lord 
Stratford  du  RcHlclitrit  ami  one  of  the  I'ashai  of  the  Porle  lind 
Fpcut  a  whole  ni^ht  in  the  attempt  to  arran^  concessions 
which  her  allies  had  rcquirwl  on  behalf  of  the  Chrintian  popu- 
lation of  Turkey.  The  Christians  are  to  he  allowed  to  hold 
landed  property;  the  eupitiition  tax  is  t^)  be  slK>li8hed — for 
they  are  actually  contending-  for  the  almlition  of  t}iat  which 


1854.  RUSSIA,     I.  461 

the  Hon.  Member  for  Aylesbury  (Mr.  Layard)  says  is  a  posi- 
tive benefit  to  those  upon  whom  it  is  imposed ;  and  the 
evidence  of  Christians  is  to  be  admitted  into  courts  of  justice. 
But  the  'Kmea'  Correspondent  asks,  what  is  the  use  of  a  decree 
at  Constantinople,  which  will  have  no  effect  in  the  provinces  ? 
— for  the  judges  are  Turks  of  the  old  school,  and  they  will 
have  little  sympathy  with  a  change  under  which  a  Christian 
in  a  court  of  justice  is  made  equal  with  his  master  the  Turk. 
This  Corresijondent  describes  what  Turkey  really  wants — not 
three  foreign  armies  on  her  soilj  uor  any  other  thing  which 
our  Government  is  about  to  give  her,  but  '  a  pure  executive, 
a  better  financial  administration,  and  sensible  laws;'  and  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  true  wants  of  the  country  are  not 
likely  soon  to  be  supplied. 

Now,  so  far  as  regards  Turkey  herself,  and  the  '  integrity 
and  independence'  of  that  Empire,  I  put  it  seriously  to  the 
House— do  you  believe,  that  if  the  Government  and  Lord 
Stratford  de  Redcliffe  had  advised  Turkey  to  accept  the  last 
note  of  Prince  Mcnchikoff,  a  note  so  little  different  from  iiie 
others,  offered  before  and  since,  that  it  was  impossible  to 
discover  in  what  the  distinction  consisted ;  or  if  the  Govern- 
ment had  insisted  on  Turkey  accepting,  as  the  condition  of 
their  co-operation,  the  Vienna  note,  either  as  at  first  proposed 
by  the  Conference,  or  with  the  explanatory  definitions  with 
which  the  Emperor  of  Russia  at  Olmutz  offered  to  accept  it, 
that  they  would  have  injured  the  '  integrity  and  iudependence* 
of  Turkey  ?  Nay,  I  will  not  insult  you  by  asking  whether, 
under  such  circumstances,  that  '  integrity  and  independence' 
would  not  have  been  a  thousand  times  more  secure  than  it  is 
at  this  hour  ?  If  that  be  true,  then  the  '  balance  of  power* 
theory  has  been  entirely  overthrown  by  the  policy  of  the 
Government,  for  no  one  will  argue  that  Turkey  will  come 
out  of  her  present  difficulties  more  able  to  cope  with  the 
power  of  Russia  than  she  was  before.  With  her  finances 
hopelessly  exhausted,  will  she  ever  again  be  able  to  raise  an 


462 


SPEECUB8  OF  JOUX  BRWUT.         xAtca  »l. 


army  of  200,000  men?  But  tliere  art  men,  and  I  8U(ti>ect 
there  are  &tate«tnen,  in  this  coucLi^',  and  men  iii  office,  too, 
wlio  l>eliuvc  that  Turkey  will  not  be  Turkey  at  tlio  ctid  of  thi» 
ivar — tliat  sbe  canoot  come  out  of  it  an  Olt^inian  Power — 
thttt  eoch  a  couvulMon  has  bceo  created,  tliat  while  we  ore 
ready  to  contend  with  half  the  world  to  supi>ort  tho  '  integritj- 
and  inde|)endeuce'  of  the  Ottoman  Emj)ire,  tliere  will  shortl}? 
he  no  Ottoman  Empire  to  take  the  Lvuetit  of  the  enormous 
iiiienfife'i  we  are  ahont  to  make. 

But  we  are  imdertakin^  to  repress  and  to  curb  Ruwian 
aggression.  These  are  catching:  words;  they  have  been  ani- 
pliGed  in  new8jia]KTs,  anel  hare  pasised  from  mouib  )o  mouth, 
and  have  eerved  to  blind  tJio  eyes  of  multitudfs  wholly  igno- 
rant of  the  details  of  this  q^uesti«n.  If  Turkey  has  been  in 
dan->er  from  the  side  of  Kussia  heretofore,  will  she  not  be  in 
lar  greater  daDg:or  when  the  war  ie  over?  Kuseia  is  always 
there.  You  do  not  projMwe  to  diemiemljer  Bussia,  or  U>  blot 
outlier  name  from  the  miiji,  utid  her  history  from  the  records 
of  Europe.  Itussia  will  be  ulways  there — always  powerful, 
always  wntehful,  and  actuated  by  the  t<ame  motives  of  ambi- 
tion, either  of  influence  or  of  territory,  which  are  supposed  to 
Imve  moved  her  lu  yaai  timcH.  Mliat,  then,  do  you  propose 
to  du?  and  how  is  Turkey  to  be  secured?  Will  joa  make  a 
treaty  with  Russia,  and  force  conditions  upon  her?  Bat  if 
so,  what  security  have  you  that  one  treaty  will  be  more 
binding  tlkan  another?  It  is  easy  to  find  or  make  a  reason 
for  breaking  a  trvaty,  when  it  is  tbe  iutcrcist  of  a  countij  to 
break  it. 

I  recollect  reading  a  statement  miwle  by  the  ilhiidnoufl 
Washington,  when  it  was  proposetl  to  land  a  French  army 
in  North  America,  to  assist  the  eolotiies  in  overthrowing  the 
yoke  of  this  country.  Washington  wa«  ufraid  of  them — ho 
did  not  know  whether  these  allies  oitcu  landed  might  not 
be  a8  diflicult  to  grt  rid  of  as  the  Eii<i;tii>h  troops  he  was 
endeavotiring  I0  expel;   for,  said  he,  'whatever  may  be  Uie 


1854.  RUSSIA.    I.  463 

convention  entered  into,  my  experience  teaches  me  that 
nations  and  Governments  rarely  abide  by  conventions  or 
treaties  longer  than  it  is  their  interest  to  do  so.'  So  you 
may  make  a  treaty  with  Buesia;  but  if  Russia  is  still  powerful 
and  ambitious — as  she  certainly  will  be — and  if  Turkey  is 
eshausted  and  enfeebled  by  the  war — as  she  certainly  will 
be — then  I  want  to  know  what  g^rantee  you  have,  the 
moment  the  resources  of  Bussia  have  recovered  from  the 
utmost  degree  of  humiliation  and  exhaustion  to  which  you 
may  succeed  in  reducing  her,  that  she  will  not  again  insist 
on  terms  with  Turkey  infinitely  more  perilous  than  those 
you  have  ruined  Turkey  by  urging  her  to  refuse?  It  is  a 
delusion  to  suppose  you  can  dismember  Bussia — that  you 
can  blot  her  from  the  map  of  Europe — that  you  can  take 
guarantees  irom  her,  as  some  seem  to  imagine,  as  easily  as 
you  take  bail  from  an  offender,  who  would  otherwise  go  to 
prison  for  three  months.  England  and  France  cannot  do  this 
with  a  stroke  of  the  pen,  and  the  sword  will  equally  fail  if 
the  attempt  be  made. 

But  I  come  now  to  another  point.  How  are  the  interests 
of  England  involved  in  this  question?  This  is,  after  all, 
the  great  matter  which  we,  the  representatives  of  the  people 
of  England,  have  to  consider.  It  is  not  a  question  of 
sympathy  with  any  other  State.  I  have  sympathy  with 
Turkey ;  I  have  sympathy  with  the  serfs  of  Bussia ;  I  have 
sympathy  with  the  people  of  Hungary,  whose  envoy  the 
nobie  Lord  the  Member  for  Tiverton  refused  to  see,  and  the 
overthrow  of  whose  struggle  for  freedom  by  the  armies  of 
Bussia  he  needlessly  justified  in  this  House;  I  have  sympathy 
with  the  Italians,  subjects  of  Austria,  Naples,  and  the  Pope; 
I  have  sympathy  with  the  three  millions  of  slaves  in  the 
United  States;  but  it  is  not  on  a  question  of  sympathy 
that  I  dare  involve  this  country,  or  any  country,  in  a  war 
which  must  cost  an  incalculable  amount  of  treasure  and  of 
blood.     It  is  not  my  duty  to  make  diis  country  the  knight- 


164 


SPBBCUBS  OF  JOnX  BllIGHT.        mxrcu  31. 


errmit  of  tlie  human  race,  aud  to  take  upou  liemulf  the 
protection  of  the  thoiuanii  niillioiis  of  human  beings  who 
have  been  permltteci  hjr  the  Creator  of  »11  things  to  people 
tliix  jilunet. 

I  hope  tv>  one  will  aa«umo  that  I  woulil  invite — that  ia 
the  phrase  which  has  been  used — the  affgreswione  &f  BuBsia. 
It'  1  wvre  u  UuiHiiuu,  speaking  in  a  Rtiitauin  Poriiauicut,  I 
tihoult]  denounce  an^v  sg^gressdon  upon  Tiirkcjr,  as  1  now  hlame 
tJi«  policy  of  our  own  Government;  and  I  greatly  fear  I 
should  find  myself  in  u  minority,  sk  I  now  tind  myBelf  in 
a  minority  en  this  question.  But  it  has  never  yet  been  ex- 
plained hvw  the  interests  of  this  country  are  invalvtid  tn  tha 
present  dt»]iut«.  AVe  are  not  going  to  fight  fur  tarilTs,  or 
for  niarkvU  t'ur  our  expurto.  In  i7v^>  ^^'"-  ^'^'^S  argued 
that,  a*  our  iniportR  from  RusiriiL  exeetvled  1,000,000/.  stw- 
lin^,  it  was  not  detsiruble  that  wo  »houtd  go  to  war  with  a 
oountiy  trading  with  U3  to  that  amount.  In  J  853,  Ku^sia 
exported  to  thin  country  at  luLst  14,000,000^.  sterhug,  and 
that  favt  aOurd^  uo  pruuf  uf  tlie  inereiialn^  1jurljuri»ni  of 
Kuiuia,  or  of  any  disrcgurd  of  her  o^vu  intvrvsta  aa  rMpecta 
Uie  development  of  her  rcsnuroes.  What  has  ]):ii««tl  in  ttiis 
ilouuc  tiince  the  opening  of  the  proM-ut  eLi»ioii  t  We  had 
a  laz^  euqiliis  revenue,  and  onr  Chancellor  of  the  Kxclie<^iier 
ia  an  ambitious  CluuecUur.  I  linve  no  Lope  in  any  HUitecmnn 
wlio  hnM  no  umbilion;  he  can  have  no  grcut  object  before 
him,  and  his  i-nreer  will  be  unmarked  by  any  dtt^tiuguiahed 
serficcH  to  hiu  ouuutiy. 

When  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  entered  oiKcCj 
doubtless  he  hoped,  by  great  services  to  his  country,  to  build 
up  u  reputation  such  as  a  man  may  labour  for  and  live  for. 
Every  man  in  thni  Hoiiite,  even  those  motit  opposed  to  him, 
acknowledged  the  n^markable  mpaeity  which  be  displayed 
during  tlie  labt  Ktiwion,  and  the  eountry  has  set  its  seat  to 
i\oa — that  his  financial  measures,  in  tlu.-  reniinsion  and  re- 
^ustinvat  of  taxntioo,  were  worthy  of  the  approbation  of 


ISH. 


RUSSrA.    J. 


465 


the  great  body  of  the  people.  The  right  hon.  Gentleman 
haa  been,  blamed  for  liis  Hpeech  at  Manchrtitor,  not  for  making 
the  speech,  but  because  it  difTervd  rrom  the  lone  of  tlie  H^iceeh 
made  by  the  noble  Lord,  his  colleii^ie  in  office,  at  Greeutx^k. 
1  observed  thai  difTcpenec.  There  ean  Ijc  no  doiibt  that  there 
has  been,  and  that  there  is  now,  a  greaX  difference  of  opinion 
in  the  Cabinet  on  this  Eoitttirn  t|Ui:»tiuu.  It  txjuld  not  be 
otherwise;  and  Govemmrnt  has  gone  on  irom  one  step  to 
another;  tbey  have  drifted — to  use  the  happy  exjiresKiou  of 
Lord  Clarendon  to  deecrib*  what  is  bo  truly  unhajipy — ^they 
have  drifted  fmm  a  state  of  pence  to  a  rtatc  of  wur  ;  and  to  no 
Member  of  tlic  Government  couH  this  state  of  thiti^  be  more 
distresjinff  than  to  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exelicqiier,  for  it 
dashed  from  biin  tlie  h(i[>es  he  entertained  that  session  after 
setwioTi,  as  trade  extendt^l  nnd  tho  piiblie  revenue  ineieawd, 
he  would  find  Inmiielf  the  beneficent  dispenser  of  blessings  to 
the  poor,  and  indeed  to  all  classes  of  tlie  jieople  of  this  king^ 
dom.  Where  is  the  surplus  now  ?  No  man  dare  even  ask  for 
it,  or  for  any  portiwu  of  it. 

Here  is  my  right  hon.  Friend  and  Ci>lleHgiiej  who  is  re- 
eolved  on  the  abolition  of  the  newspaper  etcunp.  1  ean  hardly 
imaj^ine  a  more  important  tiuention  than  that,  if  it  be  desirable 
for  the  iH-'opIe  to  lie  inslnietcd  in  their  social  and  political 
obligations;  and  yet  my  right  hon.  Friend  has  scarcely  the 
courage  to  ask  for  the  abolition  of  thai  odious  tax.  I  believe, 
indeed,  that  my  right  hon,  Friend  has  a  plan  to  submit  to  the 
CbuuceUur  l>y  which  the  abolition  of  the  stamp  may  be  aeeom- 
pliahed  without  sacrifice  to  the  Exchequer,  but  that  1  will  not 
go  into  at  present.  But  thin  year's  suiplui!  U  gone,  and  next 
year's  surjdus  is  gone  with  it;  and  ^'ou  have  already  passed  a 
Bill  to  double  the  income-tax.  And  it  iu  a  mistake  t'l  t^iip- 
poee  that  you  will  obtain  double  the  sum  by  inmply  doublin]^ 
the  tax.  &tany  persons  make  un  uveni^  of  tlieir  income^ 
and  make  a  return  aoeurdingly.  Tlie  average  will  not  be 
stntoiued  at  the  bidding  of  Parliament ;  and  ]>rufitH  that  were 

VOL.  I,  u  h 


480 


SPEECHES  OF  JOITS  BRIGHT.       mabchsi. 


<-oiiHicli;rablc  last  year,  will  henoefortli  sliow  a  gjeat  diminu- 
tion, or  will  have  vaniubwl  altogether.  I  mention  this  for  the 
Iwnefit  of  the  couritrj'  g^'ntlomen,  I>ccru«c  it  is  pinin  thnt  real 
property,  lands  and  hotiaes,  must  hear  the  burden  of  this  war ; 
far  I  will  undcrtuku  to  isay,  thut  ihu  CluincL-Uor  of  tho  Ex- 
chequer will  prefer  to  leave  that  bench,  and  will  take  his  seat 
in  Bomt?  (itJw-T  (juarter  of  tht*  House,  ratbor  than  retrace  the 
stops  which  Sir  Kol*rt  Pool  took  i»  1842.  He  is  not  the  jwo- 
moter  of  this  war;  bis  speechce  have  shown  that  he  is  uuxious 
for  peace,  and  that  ho  hopwl  to  he  a  Miiiieter  who  might  di»- 
penw  blessings  by  the  remission  of  taxm  to  the  people;  and  I 
do  not  holievc  the  rig-ht  huii.  Gentleninn  will  consimt  U>  be  nuwle 
the  instrument  to  reimposc  upon  the  country  the  Excise  duties 
which  have  been  rvpc'ulcd,  «r  the  Import  duLive  which  in  poet 
tiTnen  inflicted  such  enormous  injury  ujion  trade.  The  pro- 
perty-tax is  the  lever,  or  the  weajiun,  witli  which  the  pro- 
prietora  of  lands  and  hoiiKes  in  this  klnj^dnm  will  have  to 
Hiipport  the  *  iutejfrity  )i>id  tudojiendcnet-'  of  the  Ottoman 
£nipire.  Gentleineu,  I  coii^atulate  yoti,  that  every  man  of 
yon  has  a  Turk  upon  his  shoulders. 

The  hon.  Member  for  Aylesbury  (Mr.  Ijnyard)  gpoko  of  oar 
'trinmphuiit  poiiitiou* — tho  ponlion  iu  which  the  Govei-nmunt 
has  placed  ur  by  pled^ng  lhi»  country  to  xupport  the  Tarke. 
I  see  nothing  like  a  triumph  in  the  &ct,  tha.t  in  additioa  to 
our  many  duties  to  our  o^vd  country^  we  have  acci;]4iMl  the 
defence  of  twenty  millions  or  more  ()f  the  people  of  Tiirkey,  on 
whoss  behalf,  but.  I  behove,  not  for  their  benefit,  we  are  about 
to  saerifice  the  blood  and  tresfiiire  of  Gnglaiid.  But  there  are 
other  pcuultics  and  other  convidcnttioiu;.  I  will  say  littU) 
Blx)ut  the  Reform  Hill,  liecause,  as  the  noble  Lord  (ixird  John 
Ritseell)  is  iiware,  I  do  not  re^rd  it  as  an  uoinixed  hlcssing*. 
But  T  think  e\'en  hon.  Gentlemen  opposite  will  admit  that  it 
would  be  well  if  the  pepresentation  of  the  people  in  tliis  House 
wero  in  a  more  gntisfncton*  state,  and  that  it  is  unfortunate 
that  we  are  not  permitted,  calmly  and  with   mutual   ifood 


1U4. 


RUSSIA.     J. 


467 


fe«1in(ir,  to  consider  the  qticstioa,  undisturbed  by  the  tbtinder 
of  urtUlei^  and  undt«ina/ed  hy  tlie  diiAstcrs  which  arc  id- 
•^ftrahle  fmm  h  !<tnte  of  war. 

With  re^rd  tu  trade,  I  can  s|)e.-ik  with  some  autliority  as 
to  the  state  of  tilings  in  Lanciuiliirc.  The  Riifwiati  trade  is 
not  only  nt  ou  end,  bnt  it  is  mndo  an  oflence  sgainst  the  law 
to  deal  with  aoy  of  our  cuetomers  iu  lluaeia.  The  Germau 
tnule  is  must  iojuriousty  afTected  by  the  uncertainty  whieb 
prevails  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  The  I«Tant  trade,  a 
v^Tf  important  branch,  is  altuo«t  extinguished  in  the  present 
state  of  affairs  in  Greeiw,  TurVey  iu  Eun>iM>,  and  Syriii.  All 
property  in  trade  is  dimiuiiihiii^  in  value,  whilst  it6  burdena 
are  increofiing.  The  funds  hare  fiillcn  in  value  to  the  amount 
of  about  1 20,000,000^.  sterling-,  and  railway  property  is  t[noted 
St  about  80,000,000/.  less  tliun  was  tht.'  cjum!  a  year  ago.  I 
do  not  pretend  to  luk  the  hon.  Member  for  Ayleabiiry  (Mr. 
lAvard)  to  put  these  losses,  these  ^e-at  dcstruet)on«  of  pro- 
perty, against  tlie  salisfnetion  he  Feels  at  the  *  triumphant 
position*  at  which  we  have  anivcd.  He  may  content  hlniaelf 
with  th«  (Stream  that  we  are  8up[K>rting  the  '  integrity  and 
independence*  oF  T»irkey,  though  I  doubt  whether  bringiii)^ 
three  foreign  armies  on  licr  ftoi),  raining  insurrections  in  her 
ppovinoes,  and  hopelessly  exhausting  her  finaiice»,  is  a  nttionnl 
mode  of  nmintuiniog'  her  aa  an  indejiendent  Power. 

But  we  arc  nending  nut  30,000  troops  to  Turkey,  and  iu 
tliat  number  arc  not  included  the  men  serring  on  Iward  tlic 
tlccts.  Here  are  30,000  lives !  Tlierc  is  a  thrill  of  horror 
snmetimcH  when  u  i<ingle  life  is  lost,  and  we  sigh  at  the  loss 
of  a  friend,  or  of  a  casual  acquuintuuce  !  But  licre  we  are  in 
danger  of  1o«in» — and  T  give  the  opininns  of  military  men  and 
not  my  own  merely — lo.coo,  or  it  may  Ix"  30,000  liven,  that 
may  be  sacriticed  in  this  Btrugg-lo.  I  have  never  pretended 
to  any  »ymi>atliy  for  the  military  profeeaion — bnt  I  have 
sympathy  for  my  fcllow-rnen  and  fellow-countrymen,  where- 
ever  ibey  may  lie.     I  hare  beard  very  melancholy  acctmnt*  of 

M  h  1 


468 


SPKSCHBS  OF  JOES  BRWHT.         u^ncn  SI, 


Ihc  AoeneR  nhicli  have  br«n  witncmed  in  the  Beparatiniift  from 
families  oocafioncd  by  this  e3:]K)dition  to  the  £ast.  But  it 
will  be  eaid,  and  prolalily  the  noble  lAird  the  Member  for 
Tiverton  will  soy,  that  it  is  a  just  war,  a  glorioua  n-ar,  and 
tliat  [  am  full  of  morbid  sen  timet)  tatity,  and  liavc  intndaceil 
topics  not  wortiiy  to  be  mentioned  in  Parlinment.  But  lliose 
are  matters  aSectin}^  the  huppinms  of  the  hiHnee  of  £ng;)aiid, 
and  we,  who  are  the  repre^utatives  ftod  guardiuu  of  UiOM 
homes,  when  the  grand  quustinn  of  war  is  helbni  ns,  shoald 
know  at  l«u8t  that  we  have  n  case — tbat  eiicoess  is  probabl^^ 
and  that  un  objeet  is  uttainablti,  which  may  be  commensurate 
with  tho  eost  ol'  war. 

There  is  anotlier  point  which  gives  me  some  anxiety.  Yoa 
arc  boasting' of  an  alliauee  wiUi  Fnttice.  Alliuiu'cs  are  danger- 
oiis  things.  It  Ik  an  utltsn*;^  witli  Tiirktv^'  that  has  drawn  iia 
into  this  war.  I  would  not  advi**  nllianocs  with  any  nation, 
but  I  would  cultivate  frieudship  with  all  nations.  I  would 
have  no  ulltancc  that  mif^ht  dm^  us  Juto  measures  which  it  is 
neither  our  duty  nor  our  iutt'riat  lo  tindertalie.  Uy  our  preBcnt 
atliunee  with  Turkey,  Turkey  cannot  make  peace  without  the 
coni»entof  Englwid  and  Fraue^;  and  by  this  boasted  alliance 
with  Fninet'  ive  may  find  ourselves  involvetl  in  g;rpnt  difficulties 
at  «ome  future  period  of  these  transnctioufl. 

I  have  endeavoured  to  look  at  the  whole  of  tliis  questioa, 
and  I  declare,  after  etudyiug  tlic  correspondence  which  has 
been  laid  on  the  table — knowing  what  I  know  of  Riuoria  and 
of  Turkey — seeing-  uhat  I  sec  of  Austria  and  of  Prussia — 
filling  the  enormous  perils  to  whieh  this  country  i»  now 
cxpowd,  I  am  amazed  at  the  course  which  the  Qovummcnt 
have  punucd,  and  I  am  hiimKed  at  the  reaulta  to  whidi 
their  polie}'  must  inevitably  tend.  I  do  not  say  this  in  any 
Bpirit  of  hostility  to  the  Govornnieut.  I  have  never  betm 
hostile  to  them.  I  have  once  or  twice  felt  it  my  duty  to 
Bpwik,  with  9ome  dejfpee  of  sharpness,  of  particular  Members 
of  the  AdminiBlration,  but  I  aunx^'ct  tliat  in  private  tliey 


185«. 


SUSSfA.    L 


469 


would  ndmit  tliat  my  censure  wae  tncritocl.  Hut  I  have  txtrver 
entertaiitcil  a  party  boatitity  to  ttie  Govenimcnt.  I  know 
eometiiing  of  tlic  difficulties  tlioy  have  hud  to  encounter,  and 
I  have  no  dnubfc  that,  in  taking'  office,  they  nct^d  In  as 
pntriotic  a  spirit  as  it.  guuenilly  expected  f'rum  Mi^mbon;  of 
tiiia  House.  So  long  as  their  courso  vt&s  one  which  I  oould 
Bopport,  or  even  excuse,  they  have  had  my  supjxirt.  But  tJiis 
is  Dot  an  ordinary  question ;  it  is  not  a  queslion  of  reforming 
llie  University  of  Oxford,  or  of  abolishing  'ministers'  money' 
in  Ireland;  the  matter  now  liefore  us  aHects  the  character, 
the  polioy,  and  the  vital  interests  of  the  Empire;  and  whnn  I 
think' the  Government  have  committed  a  grievoBB — it  may 
be  a  fatal  error — I  am  buund  to  tL-ti  thcui  so. 

I  am  told  indeed  that  the  war  is  popular,  and  that  it  is 
Ibolish  and  eccentric  to  oppose  it.  I  doubt  if  the  war  is 
Very  pofukr  in  tliis  House.  But  as  to  what  i«,  or  ha^ 
been  popular,  I  may  ask,  whnt  was  more  popular  than  tlie 
American  war?  There  were  pcraons  lately  living  in  Man- 
chester u'ho  had  seen  the  recruiting  party  guin^  tliroiigh  the 
principal  streets  of  that  elty,  accompanied  by  the  parochial 
clergy  in  full  canouieala,  exhorting  the  people  to  enlist  to  put 
down  the  rebels  in  the  .'Vmcrican  colooiea.  "SMiere  is  now  the 
popnlarily  of  that  dtsastrous  and  diagraw^fnl  iivar,  and  who  Is 
the  man  to  defend  it?  But  if  hon.  ]V[eml}er8  will  turn  to  the 
com'sjxtndeuce  between  George  III  and  Lord  North,  on  the 
subject  of  that  war,  they  will  find  that  the  King's  chief 
argument  for  continuing  the  war  wa«,  that  it  would  be  dis- 
honourable in  him  to  make  peace  so  long  aa  the  war  was 
popular  with  the  people.  Again*  what  war  could  be  more 
popular  than  the  French  war?  Has  not  the  noble  Lord 
(Lord  John  Rusgelt)  E;aid,  not  long  ago,  in  this  House,  tliat 
pciUM  was  rendered  difficult  if  not  ini{K)t»ible  by  the  conduct 
of  the  English  press  in  1803?  For  myself,  I  do  not  trouble 
myself  whether  toy  conduct  in  IWIiament  is  popular  or  not. 
I  care  only  that  it  shall  be  wise  and  just  as  regards  the 


470 


SPEECHES  OF  JOffX  BRIGHT. 


pormaDCnt  lulenvtu  of  uiy  couutrvt  and  I  despise  from  tiiu 
bottom  of  ray  heart  the  man  wlio  ttpeaks  a  word  in  lavonr  of 
thiH  war,  or  of  auy  war  which  he  Iwlicrce  might  liavc  been 
nvoidet),  merely  fcet-ause  Iho  pivBS  and  a  portion  of  the  people 
urge  the  Goveromtnt  to  eutcr  into  it. 

I  reoolleot  a  pnflsag«  of  a  distinguished  French  writ«r  and 
■totesmau  which  bears  stroiigly  upon  our  present  positifHi : 
he  tuys, — 

"The  ooantry  irbioh  can  Din»|ui:henil  utiA  act  ii|m>d  tlio  Icaaoiu  whiub  Oud 
hu  ^v«n  It  in  tho  past  ercnto  nr  it*  Mstfliy,  is  sooure  lo  the  most  tnmiiMiit 
ciiK4  of  iU  fotc.' 

■Hi©  past  (JTcnt*  of  our  historj'  have  taught  me  that  tJic  inter- 
vention of  this  L-ountry  in  Kiiropi>au  wars  in  not  cmly  an- 
nccCMnry,  but  calamitom ;  that  we  have  tacely  come  oat  of 
such  intarvi-ntion  hsTing  succfcdt-d  in  the  objwta  we  fought 
lor ;  that  u  ilvbt  of  8oo,ooo,ooo/.  sterling  has  been  incurred  by 
the  poliny  whlrh  the  unblp  liord  Approves,  apparently  for  no 
other  reason  tlian  tluit  it  dat*-*  from  the  tim«  of  William  HI ; 
and  that,  not  debt  alone  has  i>cen  incurrted,  but  that  wc  kavo 
led  KiiroiK!  at  k-nsi  as  much  in  chains  as  before  a  single  effort 
was  made  by  ii*  to  rescue  her  from  tyranny.  1  believe,  if  this 
country,  seveuty  yearv  ago,  had  ad';pted  the  principle  of  non- 
intervention in  every  pjise  where  her  interests  were  not  directly 
and  oLviously  as«ailcd,  that  she  would  have  been  tavod  from 
much  of  the  pauperism  and  brutal  orimee  by  which  our 
Goremmeiit  and  [xmple  have  alike  been  disgraced.  This 
country  might  have  been  n  garden,  «very  dwelling  might 
have  been  of  marble,  and  every  jiersou  who  trtwU  its  soil 
might  have  been  gulEcieDtly  educated.  We  should  ind«ct! 
have  bad  less  of  military  glory.  Wc  might  have  hwl  neither 
Trafalgar  nor  Wat*Tloo;  hut  we  lihould  have  set  the  high 
example  nf  a  Christian  nation,  fn«  in  itM  infititutions,  oour- 
teouH  and  juftt  in  it«  conduct  towiirdij  all  foreign  Slateti,  and 
resting  its  policy  on  the  nnchangcable  foundation  of  Christian 
morality. 


RUSSIA, 
II. 

BNUSTMENT  OF  FOREIGNEBS  BILL. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  DEC3EMBER  22,  1854. 
From,   Hansard. 

At  this  hour  of  the  night  I  shall  not  make  a  speech  ;  bat 
I  wish  to  say  a  fevr  things  in  answer  to  the  noble  Lord  the 
Member  for  the  City  of  London,  who  has  very  strangely 
misapprehended — I  am  not  allowed  to  say  'misrepresented* 
— what  fell  from  my  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  the  West 
Riding.  The  noble  Lord  began  by  saying  that  my  hoa. 
Friend  had  charged  the  Government  with  making  war  in 
something  of  a  propagandist  spirit  in  favour  of  nationalities 
throughout  the  Continent;  but  that  was  the  exact  contrary 
of  what  my  hon.  Friend  did  say.  What  he  said  was,  that 
that  portion  of  the  people  of  this  country  who  had  clamoured 
for  war,  and  whose  opinion  formed  the  basis  whereupon  the 
Government  grounded  their  plea  for  the  popularity  of  the  war, 
were  in  lavour  of  the  setting  up  of  nationalities ;  but  my  hon. 
Friend  showed  that  the  Gt>Ternment  had  no  such  object,  and 
the  war  no  such  tendency.  The  next  misrepresentation  was, 
that  my  hon.  Friend  had  spoken  in  favour  of  tlie  sialits  quo  ; 
but  there  is  not  the  shadow  of  a  shade  of  truth  in  that  state- 
ment.    What  my  hon.  Friend  said  was  precisely  the  contrary; 


472 


SPEECHES  OF  JOffii^  BRIGUT. 


ftxo.  S8, 


but  tho  Qcblc  Lord,  argtiiag  from  bis  owd  misapprchcDsioa 
of  my  hon.  Friend's  meaning,  wont  on  then  to  show  that  it 
would  not  do  to  Mitaldisli  a  pt-nct-  ou  the  «(<Uus  quo  t«rin8, 
tlms  knocldnff  down  a.  poMtion  wlutih  noliody  bad  set  up. 
The  noblo  Lord  uiie  aW  g;iiitty  of  auother  mii^bike  witli 
rcforoncc  to  an  observntioa  of  my  ben.  Fiiend  as  to  tbe 
obiiractt-r  and  position  of  tlio  Turks.  We  have  rt-fcrrcd  over 
utid  ovor  ui^aiu  tu  a  nioiistruuM  i^tuLomeat  mode  by  iXw  Doblu 
Lord  tbe  Member  fnr  Tivei*)ii  aa  to  the  iraprovement  of  the 
Turks — a  stAtctneut.  whicb  is  coiit-radictftd  by  nil  fact*.  To- 
night, with  n  di;^ ingenuousness  wUicli  I  should  b«  ashamed  Lo 
use  in.  argument — [Ones  of  '  Oh  ! ']  — it  is  very  well  for  hon. 
Geiittemeu  who  come  down  to  choer  il  Minister  to  cry  •  Oh  I ' 
but  is  it  a  fact,  or  \»  it  oat  ?  Is  there  a  man  who  bears  me 
■who  does  not  know  jxirfcetly  well,  when  the  noblfi  Ijord  said 
that  the  Tui'hs  had  irn]>roved  within  the  last  twenty  years 
more  than  any  other  nation  iu  Euro}>L',  that  the  stAtcoaenfe 
referred  not  to  the  ChrigtianR,  whose  rigbtsi  and  interests  we 
wore  defending,  but  to  i\w  chunnitcr  of  tho  Mahometan  popa- 
lation?  But  to-night,  with  a  digingc-nuou^ness  which  I 
could  not  condi'scend  to  be  guilty  of,  the  noblo  Lord  hits 
assumed  that  the  statement  referred  to  the  condition  of  the 
Chri)<tian  [lopulation. 

The  real  question  was,  ait  every  hoti.  Gentleman  knows. 
What  WW  the  condition  of  the  Mabomcbiu  ?  and  there  is  not 
a  Oentieman  in  this  House  who  in  not  aware  that  the 
Maliometan  portion  of  tlie  pofiulatiun  of  tbe  Turkish  Empire 
ia  in  a  deeayinj^  and  d)-ing  condition,  and  tliat  the  two  great 
Empires  which  hn.ro  undortukon  to  eel  it.  on  it«  legit  ngain  will 
find  it  about  tbe  mo:<t  diiHcutt  ta^k  in  whi«h  they  ever  were 
engaged.  What  do  your  own  officers  say  ?  Here  is  an  extmct 
from  a  letter  whinh  appeared  in  the  papers  the  other  day : — 

"Tboy  Might  to  iMt  tl)M«  mucaH/  INirk*  to  tnmifl  ibom  [the  r«*il<l,  ichick 
mixtit  tnsHy  lie  ilimti,  lU  uiKter  the  clitj  thora  in  plenty  of  Mipitkl  aUine.  TliSJ' 
are.  I  lun  iprr;  to  uy.  bringing  mom  of  thmn  brntM  Into  tlio  Crimoii,  whtcli 
mitk«9  mora  mootlm  to  f>«d,  without  bumg  «f  any  u>e.* 


IS54. 


RUSSIA.     II. 


473 


I  Iiavc  8««n  a  private  letter,  too,  from  ati  able  and  di»> 
tin^iRhetl  officer  in  the  Crimcji,  who  Kays — 

■HaIT of  UR  do  nut  Vnow  wlint  mo  iiro  tiglitlng  for,  And  Uie  other  half  oulj 
prnjrttiat  wo  luiiV  not  Im  lijjiiliu,-  (or  Uie  Turk»." 

The  only  sign  of  improvement  whieh  has  been  itianifestrd 
that  I  know  of  is,  that  on  a  ^peat  emergency,  wl)*ii  theb* 
Empire,  under  the  adviw  of  Her  Mujeaty'B  Governraeut,  and 
lUiit  of  their  Ambaiisador,  was  ]>laccd  in  a  situation  of  ^ruit 
peril,  the  Turks  niana^ii  to  make  an  expiring  i-Hort,  and  to 
get  tip  an  army  which  the  GovcnuneDt,  so  far  as  I  can  hear, 
has  since  permitted  f^  he  almost  dpstmypd. 

Another  eign  of  improvement  is,  perhaps,  that  they  have 
bcguu  to  wear  trowsersj  but  a»  to  their  commerce,  tJietr 
industry,  or  their  revenue,  nothing  can  be  in  a  worse  con- 
dition. You  have  now  two  Empire*  attempting  to  set  the 
Turkish  Smpire  tip  again  j  and  it  is  said  that  a  third  jj^reat 
Empire  ie  also  about  to  engage  in  the  tmk.  The  Turk  wants 
to  borrow  money,  but  be  cannot  borrow  it  tO'day  in  the 
London  market  at  lew  than  from  eight  to  nine  per  cent. 
Riistiiii,  on  the  other  hand,  ig  an  Empire  againgt  which  throe 
great  Empires,  if  Turkey  cam  be  counted  one  still,  are  now 
combined,  and  it  ia  mid  that  a  fourth  great  Empire  will 
jioon  join  the  ranks  of  ite  enemies.  But  Rufwian  fbndn  at 
this  moment  are  very  little  lower  than  the  stock  of  the 
London  and  North-'Weetern  Railway.  You  have  engaged  to 
aet  this  Turkish  Empire  up  again — a  task  in  which  every- 
body knows  you  must  fail— and  you  have  peranadeil  the  Turk 
to  enter  into  a  contest,  one  of  the  very  first  pn«!(!cdings  In 
which  bus  forced  him  to  mortgage  to  the  EnglL'th  eapitali»t 
a  Tery  !»rp>  portion — and  the  securest  portion,  too,  of  his 
revenues — namely,  that  which  he  derive*  from  Egji>t,  amount- 
iiig-  in  fact,  in  a  fisca,!  and  financial  point  of  view,  to  an 
actual  dismemberment  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  by  a  separation 
of  Egypt  fnim  it.  Why  is  it  that  the  noble  Lord  has  to- 
aigUt  oome  forward  ns  the  defender  of  the  Greeks  ?     Is  il  that 


474 


SPEBCUE8  OF  JO/fX  BRIGUT. 


Die.  22. 


be  has  disuovered,  when  this  war  is  over,  that  IXirkey, 
which  he  hoD  uadcrtakco  to  protect,  the  Empire  which  lie  is 
to  defend  and  RUt-tain  agaiiiHt  the  Kinpernr  of  KuRsia,  will 
have  been  smothenHl  under  his  iifrvctioiiatf  embrace  ?  or,  to 
quot«  the  powerful  lan^age  t)f  the  Timet,  when  the  "Vienna 
note  wna  rcfiiaod,  tliat  whatever  else  tnay  be  the  rc«iilt  of  the 
war  in  which  'I'urkcy  has  plunged  Eui'0)>e,  this  one  thing 
\»  u-rtain,  tha.t.  at  its  cutiduKiuii  thinv  may  he  uu  TurkiHlt 
Kmpire  to  talk  about? 

The  noble  Lord  (jiiotod  a  tetter  which  I  wrote  some  timo 
ajfo,  and  which,  like  otUtTs  who  have  diwwesod  it,  he  found 
it  not  coey  to  uuswvt.  lu  that  Ivtter  1  ivfcrrcd  to  Dou 
Pacifico's  case;  and  I  am  aiire  that  the  nohle  Lord  the 
Member  for  Tiverton  will  remember  a  dc8[]<atcb  which  ho 
nweived  through  Baron  Bninnow,  from  Count  NL'sselrode,  on 
thatsubjcct, — a  despatch  which  1  think  tlioH.iuBp  willforgivo 
my  reading  to  it  on  tbc  present  occasion,  as  it  gives  the 
Russian  Government's  i-stimution  of  that  act  of  '  uiaterial 
gnaraiitt-c'  on  the  part  of  England  : — 

*  It  ronuini  to  l>«  m4u  wluittior  Qrcat  Britftin,  ftbiuiug  tli«  ftdrnntiigw  vUcJi 
am  nDanltsil  her  >ijr  li«r  immeiiK;  maritime  ■uperinriljr.  uitcndii  l«no«fbrth  to 
jiuniiu  nn  tuoliitaft  pnlicy.  withaat  cjirlng  for  thou-*  (ingi^^ancntu  wliich  kind 
bar  tu  lliv  utlirr  Cnbinotfl  ;  ivlieibur  nlio  iiitonJii  to  liucngacB  Lcnolf  frDin  v^vrj 
abtiir*Unii,  M  Droll  u  from  kII  cnmtniinity  nf  notion,  and  to  anttwrua  bU  w^»l 
Powon,  on  arisTy  ^lUn^  vp\iiitta\\\ly,  la  recoijniii:  to  tbe  w««k  W>  otbor  nila 
but  their  Dwn  will,  no  iithcr  rii;l)t  biit  tJi<iir  nwa  iitijAicBl  iitnin^lli>  Ynur 
EKMlIenojr  will  pleaM  to  rsftd  this  deipAloh  to  L(W  FaliuMalon.  und  to  glvo 
biiu  ft  copy  of  it.' 

If'  there  had  hccu  nu  more  temiwr — no  more  sense — tw 
more  unity  in  the  negotiations  which  took  place  with  r^;ard 
to  this  matt^-r,  in  all  probability  we  mi^ht  have  liad  a  war 
abont  it.  It  wan  a  case  in  which  RiiHsia  might  have  gone 
to  war  witli  this  country,  if  she  had  been  so  minded.  But 
Rtusia  did  not  do  that.  Fortunately,  the  ii<^tiatiou8  that 
rauaed  settled  that  qurfltion  without  briuging-  that  disaster 
tipon  Eoroj'e.     But  the  noLle  Lord  again  misinterpreted  my 


1S51. 


RUSSIA.     SI. 


•175 


hon.  Friend  (Mr.  CobdcD).  I  appeal  to  every  Gentlemaa  wbo 
lieard  ray  hon.  Friemi's  speecli  whether  the  drift  of  it  was  not 
this — thut  111  this  (juarrel,  PrusHia,  and  fertiiiuly  Au«tri«.  had 
a  n«»r«r  and  stronger  interert  than  Kiijfland,  and  that  he 
cotdd  not  underat^nd  why  the  terms  which  Austria  mig-ht 
consider  fair  and  taSm  fur  heraeli'  and  for  Turkey,  mi^ht  not 
he  accepted  with  honour  hy  this  country  and  hy  France? 
Now,  1  am  prepared  to  show  that,  from  the  heginning:  of 
this  disputt-s  ihf^re  iii  not  u  single  thing  which  Austria  wii^lied 
to  do  in  the  oonrgc  of  the  no^otiationit,  or  even  which  Kranee 
wiahed  to  do,  that  the  Goveniment  of  the  nohlo  LomI  did 
not  systematically  refuse  its  assent  to,  and  that  the  noble 
Lord's  Goveniment  is  alone  rtisiKinsiUe  for  the  fiiilure  in  every 
particular  point  which  took  place  in  these  negotiations.  I 
will  not  trouhle  the  House  hy  going  into  the  history  of  the** 
negotiations  now,  further  than  just  to  state  two  facts,  which 
will  not  take  more  than  a  few  sentences.  The  nohle  liOrd 
referred  to  the  note  which  Russia  wanted  Turkey  to  sign, 
known  bb  tlie  MenoliikofT  note  ;  but  tlio  noble  Lord  kno^vs  a>t 
well  ax  I  do,  that  when  the  French  Amhu^sudor,  M.  De  ta 
CouT,  went  to  Constantinople,  or  whilst  he  was  at  Constanti- 
nople, he  received  express  inatructiona  from  the  Kmpcror  of 
the  French  not  lo  take  upon  himself  the  R-BponBihiHly  of  ia- 
citing  the  Sultan  to  reject  that  note.  ['  No.']  1  know  thin 
iR  the  fact,  Ikjcbusc  it  is  stated  in  Lord  Cowley's  despateh  to 
the  noble  Lord. 

I  am  expressing  no  opinion  on  the  propriety  of  what  was 
here  done;  I  simply  stale  the  fact :  and  it  was  tlirougli  the 
interference  of  Lord  Stratford  de  Redeliife — acting,  T  prcunme, 
in  ftcoordanee  with  inat  ructions  from  our  Cabinet,  and  pro- 
mising the  intervention  of  the  fleets — tliat  the  rejection  of 
that  note  was  secured.'  The  next  fact  1  have  to  mention  \s 
this.  When  in  Septemljcr,  last  year,  the  last  projtogitiona  were 
drawn  up  hy  Count*  Buol  and  Neaselmde,  and  offered  at 
Oimiitz  by  tlie  Emperor,  as  a  final  eottlemoiit  of  the  question, 


476 


St'JiECllES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


l»u.  18, 


olthoug-h  Atuitria  and  Prussia  were  in  faronr  of  thora  pro- 
positiona;  tbougb  Lord  M'estmoreliiud  liimBelf  said  (I  do 
not  quote  his  exact  words,  but  their  Bii1>staii(!c)  that  tbcy 
were  of  such  a  naLutc  as  might  \m  received;  thus  indi- 
cating his  favourable  opioioii  of  them;  niid  though,  liku- 
wise,  tlw  Emperor  of  the  FVeneh  hituKelf  decUred  that  they 
guarded  nil  the  points  in  which  Eii^liim]  mid  France  woro 
conoCTne<l  (for  tJiis  was  stated  hj-  Count  Waiewski  when  be 
said  thai  th«  Emperor  watt  prepared  t«  order  bis  AiubaasuJur 
at  Constuntinople  to  sign  them  along  with  the  other  Amlias- 
sarlors,  and  to  oflVr  them  to  the  Porte  ia  exchange  for  the 
Viennn  note],  ncvt'i-thcUss,  tlio  Earl  of  Clarendon  wrttte,  not 
in  A  very  Btati-«miiultkc  toanncr  in  eucb  an  omergcacy,  but  in 
almost  a  cunt«mi(tiious  loucj  that  our  Qovcninicut  would  uut, 
upon  any  ronsidrratjnn,  have  anything  further  to  do  witli 
iho  Vii'niirt  note.  Tlie  rejection,  firet  of  the  amended  Mcn- 
ehtknlT  not«,  and  then  of  the  OlmiiLz  note,  was  a  piilicy 
adopted  solely  by  the  Oovcriinient  of  this  eomitry*,  and  only 
concurred  in,  but  not  recoiiiniended,  by  the  I'Venth  Govero- 
mciit  and  the  other  Ciuvemments  of  Europe.  Whether  this 
policy  was  right  or  «Tong,  there  ears  be  no  donbt  of  the  faet; 
and  1  am  prepared  to  stake  my  reputation  for  accuracy  and 
for  a  knovvlodgc  of  the  English  language  on  tliiii  interpreta- 
tion of  the  do'cumetits  which  have  been  laid  liefore  us.  That 
being  w,  on  what  pretence  could  we  expect  that  Austria 
should  go  to  war  in  enm^winy  with  iis  for  objocta  far  beyond 
what  she  thought  aatistoctory  at  the  beginning  ?  or  why  should 
we  a^k  the  EiaiHiror  of  the  French  to  go  to  war  for  ohjcclii 
which  he  did  not  contemplate,  nnd  to  insist  on  conditions 
which,  in  tlie  month  of  September  of  last  year,  be  thonght 
wholly  imneee«;ar\' ? 

But  one  fact  more  I  hope  the  House  will  allow  me  U>  state. 
There  in  a  despatch  in  existence  which  wub  never  pnxlnccd  (o 
the  people  of  thiK  country,  hut  which  made  its  fir»t  appear- 
ance  in  o  SU   Petersburg  newi»paper,  aud   was  afterwards 


1854.  RUSSIA.     II.  477 

published  in  the  Paiia  joaroalB — a  despatch  in  which  the 
Emperor  of  the  French,  or  his  Minister,  urged  the  Russian 
Government  to  accept  the  Vienna  note  on  the  express  ground 
— I  give  the  exact  words — that '  its  general  sense  differed  in 
nothing  from  the  sense  of  the  original  propositions  of  Prince 
Menchikoff.'  Why,  Sir,  can  there  be  dissimulation  more 
estraordinarj— can  there  be  guilt  more  conclusive  than  that 
this  Government  should  act  as  it  did,  after  it  had  recom- 
mended the  Emperor  of  Russia  to  accept  the  Vienna  note  ? 
For  the  noble  Lord  has  told  us,  over  and  over  again,  that  the 
Government  of  England  concurred  in  all  the  steps  taken  by 
the  French  Government.  The  House  will  allow  me  to  read 
the  very  words  of  the  despatch,  for,  after  all,  this  is  no  very 
small  matter.  I  have  an  English  translation,  but  the  French 
original  is  underneath,  and  any  hon.  Gentlemau  who  chooses 
may  see  it.  The  despatch  is  irom  M,  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  the 
French  Foreign  Minister,  who  states  : — 

'TbAt  wbicb  the  Cnbinet  of  St.  Petenbnr^  ought  to  desire  is  ui  &ct  of  the 
Porte,  which  testifies  thsit  it  hsa  taken  into  seriona  conaidenition  the  mission 
of  PriDce  Menchiko^  nnd  thnt  it  renders  homage  to  the  sympathies  which  an 
identity  of  religion  inspires  in  the  Emperor  Nicholas  for  all  Christiana  of  the 

Eastern  rite.' 

And  farther  on  :— 

'  They  [the  French  Government]  submit  it  to  the  Cabinet  of  St.  Petersbui^ 
with  the  hope  that  it  will  find  that  its  general  sense  differs  in  nothing  firoro 
the  sense  of  the  proposition  presented  by  Prince  UenchikoK' 

The  French  words  are : — 

'Que  son  sens  g^n^ral  no  differs  en  rien  da  sens  du  projet  pr^sent^  par 
M.  le  Prince  Menchikoff.' 

It  then  goes  on : — 

'  And  that  it  givea  it  satisfnction  on  all  the  essential  points  of  its  demands. 
The  slight  variation  in  the  form  of  it  will  not  be  observed  by  the  masses  of  the 
people,  either  in  Busaia  or  in  Turkey.  To  their  eyes,  the  step  taken  by  the 
Porte  [that  is,  in  accepting  it]  will  preserve  all  the  signification  which  the 
Cabinet  of  St.  Peteniburg  wishes  to  give  it ;  and  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
Nicholas  will  appear  to  them  always  as  the  powerfiil  and  respected  protector 
of  their  religious  faith.' 


4Tft 


fiPKECURft  OF  JOUif  liRIOnT. 


DEOlSS. 


Tliifl  deepnivli  wafl  wrilten,  rt'commendiDg  la  note  Franfoite; 
iriiicb  is  the  basis  of,  and  is  iu  reality  and  substance  the  same 
ITiiti^  with,  (he  Vienna  note ;  liut,  tip  to  tliis  momeut, 
neither  the  tJoTernment  of  Krance  nor  the  Government  of 
which  the  uohk*  Lord  \&  a  MemW  has  for  an  iimtaul  denied 
the  justice — I  do  uol  say  the  extent  or  degree — but  the 
justice  of  the  claim  made  on  the  part  of  the  Itussinn  Govern- 
ment ogainst  the  l\ii'ks ;  and  -aavi  tbvy  turn  round  upon  their 
own  note  and  tell  yoti  that  tliere  was  »  diflerent  coastruebion 
pQt  upon  it.  Was  then*  any  construction  ])iit  upon  it,  ivhieh 
was  different  from  the  rocommend&tion  hero  made  and  the 
•r^tnent  used  by  the  French  (jovemraent  ?  No ;  and  the 
whole  of  that  stutcment  is  n  Ktatcmcnt  tJiut  is  delusive,  and  if 
I  were  not  in  thin  Hoiihc  I  would  characteriKP  it  by  n  harsher 
vplthet.  I  say  now  what  I  stated  in  Mareh  last,  and  what  I 
have  sinee  said  and  written  to  the  eountry,  that  you  are 
making  war  agninst  the  Government  which  accepted  yonr 
4iwti  t«i'mtt  of  peace;  und  I  state  thlt  now  oidy  fur  the  pur- 
pose of  urging  upon  the  lltmse  and  npon  iJie  (rovemment 
tJiat  you  arc  bound  at  least,  after  making  war  for  many 
months,  to  exact  nn  further  terms  from  the  State  with  which 
you  are  at  war,  than  stich  »s  will  give  that  security  which  at 
lirHl  you  ijflieved  to  he  necessary  ;  and  tliat  if  you  curry  on  a 
war  for  vengeance — if  you  carry  on  a  war  for  conquest — if 
you  carry  on  a  war  for  purpows  of  Govcmmeut  at  home,  as 
many  xvara  havt'  liiwn  carried  on  in  past  timt>B,  I  siiy  yon  will 
h«  guilty  of  a  bcinotis  crime,  idiko  in  the  eye»  of  God  and 
of  man. 

One  other  rcmaric  perhap^^  the  Hoiue  will  permit  me  to 
make.  The  nohle  Lord  spoke  ver\'  confidently  to-night ;  and 
a  very  coni^iderablc  jiortion  of  hia  speceh^ — hoping,  as  I  do, 
for  the  restoration  of  peace  at  some  time  or  another — was  to 
me  not  very  Hitisfacbory.  I  think  tJiat  be  would  only  Iw 
aotio^  a  more  stat<>smanlike  part  it',  in  his  speeches,  he 
vrsre  at  least  (o  ah«tniu  from  those  trilling  but  still  irritaLing 


1854. 


RtrssiA.    //. 


479 


charges  which  he  is  constantly  zDiUnn^  ngumst  the  Russian 
Oovemmeni.  I  can  conceiTe  one  nation  going  to  war  with 
nnotlier  nation ;  but  why  should  the  noble  Lord  say,  '  The 
Sovereign  of  that  State  does  not  allow  Bible*  t«  be  cir- 
eulated — he  suppreflsed  this  thing  here,  and  he  put  down 
something  else  there'?  What  did  one  of  the  noble  Loi-d's 
prc8t?nt  I'ollfagm-s  ssy  of  ilie  Govcninient  of  our  ally  ?  Did 
he  not  thank  Gixl  that  h\s  despotism  could  not  5Uppn-ss 
or  gitg  our  tiowApajM^r  j)n>88,  and  declare  that  tJie  people  of 
France  vere  subject  to  the  woret  tyranny  in  Europe?  These 
etatcmonts  from  a  Minister— from  one  who  hoe  boon  Prime 
Minister,  and  who,  for  aug-ht  1  know,  may  J>e  again  Prime 
Minister — show  u  littleness  that  I  did  not  cipcct  from  a  stateB^ 
man  of  this  eonntry,  whoite  fate  and  whose  intereirt*  hang  on 
ever\'  word  the  noble  Lord  Titters,  and  when  the  fate  of  t.huu> 
soudsj  aye,  and  of  tetiei  of  thousondtj,  may  de^iend  on  whether 
the  noble  Lord  should  make  one  fahe  step  in  the  position  in 
uhioli  he  IB  now  placed. 

And  when  terrible  ealainitioo  were  eoming  upon  your 
army,  where  was  this  Government?  One  Minietcr  was  in 
Sootlund,  another  at  the  sea-side,  and  for  six  veelcs  no 
mfTftiltg  of  the  Cabinet  took  place.  I  do  not  note  when 
CabinetB  are  held — I  Bometimes  observe  tliat  they  sit  for  four 
or  five  bouts  at  a  time,  and  then  I  think  oonicthing  is  wrong 
— but  for  six  weeks,  or  two  months,  it  is  siaid  no  meeting  of 
the  Miniatcn*  was  held.  The  nolle  Lord  FrcBident  was 
making  a  xmall  speech  on  a  great  gnbject  somewhere  In  Cum> 
herland.  At  Bedford  he  deseauted  on  the  fate  of  empires, 
forgetting  timt  there  was  nothing  sua  likely  to  destroy  an  empire 
OS  unncocteary  wars.  At  Bristol  he  was  advocating  a  new 
History  of  England,  which,  if  impariialty  written,  I  know  nut 
how  the  noble  Lord's  policy  for  the  last  few  months  will  «1iow 
to  posterity.  The  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  Tiverton  nnder- 
look  n  more  difficnlt  tusk — a  labour  left  iimiccompliahod  by 
Voltaire — and,  when  he  addre«8cd  the  Hampshire  i»casantry. 


480 


SPEBCHES  OF  JOny  BE/O/IT. 


no.  tS, 


in  one  short  ecntence  lie  overturned  the  New  TeAtaineDt  aud 
destrayvd  the  foundations  of  the  Christian  rvligioo. 

Now,  Sir,  I  liiivp  only  to  ^pcfllf  on  one  more  point.  My 
hou.  Friend  the  Memfetr  for  the  West  Kiding,  in  what  lie 
said  ttbout  the  coudilion  of  the  Gn^listh  army  in  the  Crimea, 
I  believe  expressed  only  that  which  all  in  this  House  feel, 
and  which,  I  trust,  everj-  perBon  in  thin  country  i-apshle  of 
thinking  feels.  liMien  I  look  at  Gentlemen  on  that  hench^ 
and  consider  all  their  policy  bas  brought  about  tvithin  the 
last  twelve  months,  I  goarcely  dare  trust  myself  to  speaik 
of  them,  either  in  or  out  of  their  presence.  Wc  all  know 
wlmt  we  have  lost  in  this  House,  llei-e,  sitting  near  me, 
very  often  sat  the  Member  for  Frome  (Colonel  Boyle).  I  mot 
him  ft  fihcrt  time  before  he  went  out,  at  Mr.  Wcsterton's,  the 
bookseller,  near  Hyde  Park  Comer.  I  allied  luin  whether  ho 
was  going^  out?  He  answered,  he  was  afraid  he  was;  not 
nfraid  in  the  sense  of  personal  fear— he  knew  not  that ;  but  he 
said,  with  a  looU  and  a  t<iiie  1  shall  never  forget,  'It  is  no 
light  matter  for  a  man  who  has  a  wife  and  five  little  children.' 
The  stormy  Eiixiue  It;  hifl  grnve ;  hin  wife  is  a  widow,  fais 
children  fatlieilei^s.  On  the  oilier  side  of  the  House  sat  a 
Memhrr,  nath  whom  T  wosi  not  nc^cjuainti^d,  who  has  lost  his 
life,  and  another  of  whom  I  knew  something  (Colonel  Bloir). 
Who  is  there  that  doi-s  not  reeulk-vl  hie  frank,  amiable,  and 
manly  countenance?  1  doubt  whether  there  were  any  men 
on  uither  i^ide  of  the  House  who  were  more  capable  of  fiidng 
the  goodwill  ami  atTcctiou  of  thn:*  with  whom  they  were 
associated.  Well,  but  the  place  that  knew  them  eball  know 
them  no  more  tor  ever. 

I  have  specified  only  two;  but  there  am  a  hundred  offlccra 
who  have  been  killed  In  battle,  or  who  have  died  of  their 
wounds;  forty  have  died  of  diHcajHC;  and  more  than  two  hun> 
dred  others  have  been  wounded  mow  or  less  severely.  This  ha» 
bt)cn  a  terribly  destructive  war  to  oflleers.  The,>-  have  been,  as 
one  would  have  expected  them  to  he,  the  lirst  in  valour  tiit  the 


1854.  RUSSIA.     II.  481 

first  in  place ;  they  have  suffered  more  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers  than  the  commonest  soldiers  in  the  lunks.  This 
has  spread  sorrow  over  the  whole  country.  I  was  in  the 
House  of  Lords  when  the  vote  of  thanks  was  moved.  In  the 
gallery  were  many  ladies,  three-fourths  of  whom  were  dressed 
in  the  deepest  mourning.  Is  this  nothing?  And  in  every 
village^  cottages  are  to  be  found  into  which  sorrow  has 
entered,  and,  as  I  believe,  through  the  policy  of  the  Ministry, 
which  might  have  been  avoided.  No  one  supposes  that  the 
Government  wished  to  spread  the  pall  of  sorrow  over  the  land ; 
but  this  n'e  had  a  right  to  expect,  that  they  wotdd  at  least 
show  becoming  gravity  in  discassing  a  subject  the  appalling 
consequences  of  which  may  come  home  to  individuals  and  to 
the  nation.  I  recollect  when  Sir  Robert  Peel  addressed  the 
House  on  a  dispute  which  threatened  hostilities  with  the 
United  States, — I  recollect  the  gravity  of  his  countenance,  the 
solemnity  of  his  tone,  his  whole  demeanour  showing  that  he 
felt  in  his  soul  the  responsibility  that  rested  ou  him. 

I  have  seen  this,  and  I  have  seen  the  present  Ministry.  There 
was  the  buffoonery  at  the  Beform  Club.  Was  that  becoming 
a  matter  of  this  grave  nature  ?  Has  there  been  a  solemnity 
of  manner  in  the  spee<:hes  heard  in  connection  with  this  ww — 
and  have  Ministers  shown  themselves  statesmen  and  Christian 
men  when  speaking  on  a  subject  of  this  natnre  ?  It  is  very  easy 
for  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  TivertoiTto  rise  and  say 
that  I  am  against  war  under  all  circumstances ;  and  that  if  an 
enemy  were  to  land  on  our  shores,  I  should  make  a  calculation 
as  to  whether  it  would  be  cheaper  to  take  him  in  or  keep 
him  out,  and  that  my  opinion  on  this  question  is  not  to  be 
considered  either  by  Parliament  or  the  country.  I  am  not 
afraid  of  discussing  the  war  with  the  noble  Lord  on  his  own 
principles.  I  understand  the  Blue  Books  as  well  as  he;  and, 
leaving  out  all  fantastic  and  visionary  notions  about  what 
will  become  of  us  if  something  is  not  done  to  destroy  or  to 
cripple  Russia,  I  say — and  I  say  it  with  as  much  confidence 

VOL.  I.  I  i 


482  SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 

as  I  ever  said  aDTthing  in  mj  life — that  the  war  cannot  be 
justiBed  out  of  tliese  docoments ;  and  that  impartial  hietoiy 
will  teach  this  to  posterity  if  we  do  not  comprehend  it  now. 

I  am  not,  nor  did  I  ever  pretend  to  be,  a  statesman  j  and 
that  character  is  so  tainted  and  so  equivocal  in  our  day,  that 
I  am  not  sure  that  a  pure  and  honourable  ambition  would 
aspire  to  it.  I  have  not  enjoyed  for  thirty  years,  like  these 
nohle  Lords,  the  honours  and  emoluments  of  office.  I  have 
not  set  my  sails  to  every  passing  breeze.  I  am  a  plain  and 
simple  citizen,  sent  here  by  one  of  the  foremost  constituencies 
of  the  Empire,  representing  feebly,  perhaps,  but  honestly, 
I  dare  aver,  the  opinions  of  very  many,  and  the  true  interests 
of  alt  those  who  have  sent  me  here.  Let  it  not  be  said  that 
I  am  alone  in  my  condemnation  of  this  war,  and  of  this 
incapable  and  guilty  Administration.  And,  even  if  I  were 
alone,  if  mine  were  a  solitary  voice,  raised  amid  the  din  of 
arms  and  the  clamours  of  a  venal  press,  I  should  have  tiie 
consolation  I  have  to-night — and  which  I  trust  will  be  mine 
to  the  last  moment  of  my  existence — the  priceless  consolation 
that  no  word  of  mine  has  tended  to  promote  the  squandering 
of  my  country's  treasure  or  the  spilling  of  one  single  drop  of 
my  country's  blood. 


ErssiA. 

III. 

NEGOTIATIONS  AT  VIENNA. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  FEBRUARY  23,  1855. 
From  Hansard. 

[On  February  la  I^orJ  Pftlmerstou  ftDDOtinoed  in  the  Home  of  Commoni  that 
Hr.  Glidatone,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Ur.  Sduey  Herbert,  the 
Coloukl  Secretarjr,  Afr.  CaHwell,  the  Fresitlent  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and 
Sir  Jaiiie«  Graham,  the  First  Lord  of  the  AdiDiraltr,  had  resigned  the  offices 
which  they  had  accepted  a  fortnight  before.  The  ground  of  this  aeoeaaion 
waa  the  imprenion  entertuned  bj  the  above-named  peraonagea  that  tike 
Committee  of  Inquiry  moved  for  by  Mr.  Roebuck  was  equivalent  to  a  vote 
of  ceniure  on  them,  aa  they  had  formed  part  of  the  Government  of  Lord 
Aberdeen,  whose  conduct  of  the  Rnaaian  war  was  impugned  by  the 
appointment  of  the  Committee.  The  places  vacated  by  these  aeceaaionB 
were  filled  up  on  February  sS.] 

I  AH  one  of  those  fonniDg  the  majority  of  the  House,  I 
suspect,  who  are  disposed  to  look  upon  our  present  position 
as  one  of  more  than  ordinary  gravity.  I  am  one,  also,  of 
those,  not  probably  constituting  so  great  a  majority  of  the 
House,  who  regret  extremely  the  circumstances  which  have 
obliged  the  right  hon.  Gentlemen  who  are  now  upon  this 
bench  to  secede  from  the  Government  of  the  noble  Lord  tlie 
Member  for  Tiverton.  I  do  not  take  upon  me  for  a  moment 
to  condemn  them;  because  I  think,  if  there  he  anything  in 
which  a  man  must  judge  for  himself,  it  is  whether  he  should 

I  i  a 


484 


Si'KJiCliES  Of  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


n*.  S3, 


tak«  ollice  if  it  be  oflbrcd  to  him,  whether  lie  sliuuld  eecode 
rrom  office,  wlictlior  lie  should  serre  under  n  pnrticular  leader, 
or  cngngc  in  tlie  service  of  Uie  Crown,  or  retain  ufiice  in  a 
pariiciitiir  emergency.  In  BU'ch  cases  1  tkiul:  that,  the  decision 
muiit  be  left  to  his  owd  L^iieciKUce  nitd  hii<  own  judgment; 
and  I  should  be  the  Inst  person  to  condemn  any  one  for  the 
decision  to  which  bo  miglit  come.  I  think,  however,  that 
the  speech  of  the  rislit  lion.  Gentleman  is  one  which  the 
House  c-innot  ha.vc  listened  to  without  being  convinced  that 
he  aud  his  retiriug  Colleagues  have  been  moved  to  the  couree 
which  they  hare  taken  by  a  delilK-rata  judgment  upon  this 
qucHtion,  which,  whether  it  he  right  or  wi-cng,  is  folly 
ex]>laine(i,  and  is  honest  to  the  House  und  to  the  country. 

Now,  Sir,  I  said  tliat  I  regretted  fheir  secession,  becaoae  I 
am  one  of  thoHe  who  do  not  winh  to  see  the  GovL-mment  of 
the  nohle  Lord  the  Member  for  Tiverton  overthrown.  The 
House  knows  well,  and  nobody  knows  bettor  than  the  noble 
Lord,  that  I  liave  never  been  one  of  hifi  ardent  and  enlhu- 
Kiastic  HupporterH,  T  have  often  disapproved  of  hi«  jioHcy 
both  at  home  and  abmiid  ;  hut  I  hope  that  1  do  not  bear  to 
him,  as  I  can  honestly  sny  that  I  do  not  bear  to  any  man  in 
this  House — for  irom  all  1  have  received  «nnumbci-ed  cour- 
tesies— any  feeling  tluit  takes  even  the  tinge  of  a  peraonal 
animosity;  and  even  if  I  did,  at  a  moment  so  grave  as  tiiix, 
no  feeling  of  a  personal  character  whatever  should  pravent 
me  from  doing  that  which  1  tltink  now,  of  all  time«,  we  are 
called  upuu  to  do — that  which  we  honestly  and  ronscien- 
ti^iusly  Itelievo  to  be  for  the  permanent  iuten^ts  of  the 
country.  We  are  in  this  position,  that  for  a  month  past,  at 
lea«t,  there  Iui8  been  a  ehuot;  in  the  r«^ionH  of  the  .\dmiDi»- 
tration.  Nothing  can  be  more  embarmwiing — X  bad  almost 
said  nothing  can  be  more  humiliatiug  —  than  the  position 
which  we  offer  to  tho  country;  and  I  am  afraid  Uiat  the 
knowledge  of  our  position  is  not  conKned  to  the  limits  of 
these  islands. 


1855.  RUSSIA.     III.  485 

It  will  be  admitted  that  %ve  want  a  Government ;  that  if 
the  country  is  to  be  saved  from  the  breakers  which  now 
surround  it,  there  most  be  a  G-overnment;  and  it  devolves 
upon  the  House  of  Commons  to  rise  to  the  gravity  of  the 
occasion,  and  to  support  any  man  who  ie  conscious  of  his 
responsibility,  and  who  is  honestly  offering  and  endeavouring 
to  deliver  the  country  from  the  embarrassment  in  which  we 
now  find  it.  We  are  at  war,  and  I  shall  not  say  one  single 
sentence  with  regard  to  the  policy  of  the  war  or  its  origin, 
and  I  know  not  that  I  shall  say  a  single  sentence  with  regard 
to  the  conduct  of  it ;  but  the  fact  is  that  we  are  at  war  with 
the  greatest  military  Power,  probably,  of  the  world,  and  that 
we  are  carrying  on  our  operations  at  a  distance  of  3,000  miles 
from  home,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  strongest  forti- 
fications of  that  great  military  Empire.  I  will  not  stop  to 
criticise — though  it  really  invites  me — the  fact  that  some  who 
have  told  us  that  we  were  in  danger  from  the  aggressions  of 
that  Empire,  at  the  same  time  told  us  that  that  Empire  was 
powerless  for  aggression,  and  also  that  it  was  impregnable 
to  attack.  By  some  means,  however,  the  public  have  been 
alarmed  as  if  that  aggressive  power  were  unbounded,  and  they 
have  been  induced  to  undertake  an  expedition,  as  if  the  in- 
vasion of  an  impregnable  country  were  a  matter  of  holiday- 
making  ratiier  than  of  war. 

But  we  are  now  in  a  peculiar  position  with  regard  to  that 
war  J  for,  if  I  am  not  mistaken — and  I  think  I  gathered  as 
much  from  the  language  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman — at 
this  very  moment  terms  have  been  agreed  upon — agreed  upon 
by  the  Cabinet  of  Lord  Aberdeen  ;  consented  to  by  the  noble 
Lord  the  Member  for  Tiverton  when  he  was  in  that  Cabinet; 
and  ratified  and  confirmed  by  him  upon  the  formation  of  his 
own  Government — and  that  those  terms  are  now  specifically 
known  and  understood  j  and  that  they  have  been  ofiered  to 
the  Government  with  which  this  country  is  at  war,  and  in 
conjunction  with  France  and  Austria — one,  certainly,  and  the 


486 


SPBECUBSl  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


nB.S3. 


other  suppoaed  to  be,  au  ally  of  Ihis  couotr)'.  Now,  thosa 
terme  consist  of  four  propositionx,  which  I  ehall  neither 
describe  nor  disciist!,  because  they  axo  known  to  tbo  House; 
bnt  tbmc  of  tliein  are  not  mait^ra  of  dispute ;  and  n*ith 
regard  to  the  other,  I  think  that  the  noble  Lord  the  Member 
lor  tbo  City  of  London  stated,  upon  n  reeent  occasion,  that  it 
was  involvwi  in  this  protjosition — tlial  the  pn-poudcrant  j^iower 
ofRiufiiu  ia  the  Black  Sea  should  cease,  aud  that  Riueia  bsd 
accepted  it  with  that  iutoqirotation.  TheroTorei  whatever 
difference  arises  is  merely  as  to  the  mode  in  which  that  '  pre- 
ponderant power  *  fiball  be  understood  or  made  to  ocbbc.  Now, 
there  are  eomp  Gentlemen  not.  lar  from  m« — there  are  meo 
vrho  write  in  the  public  pre«8 — ^thero  are  thousands  of  persons 
in  the  United  Kin^oin  at  thi;*  moment — and  I  learn  with 
ARtonishmpnt  and  dismay  that  there  are  persons  even  in  thafc 
f^ve  as&embly  which  we  are  not  allowed  to  specify  by  a 
name  in  this  House — who  have  entertained  dieanis — imprac< 
ticabic  tlieories — expcc-tAtiooa  of  vast  European  and  Asi&tio 
changea,  of  revived  nationalittefl,  and  of  a  new  map  of  Enrope, 
if  not  of  the  world,  as  a  result  or  au  object  of  this  war.  And 
it  ES  from  thoK>  Gentlemen  that  we  hear  oontinnally,  addressed 
to  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  Tiverton,  language  which  I 
cannot  well  understand.  They  call  upon  liim  to  act,  to  csrty 
on  the  war  with  vigour,  and  to  prosecute  entcrprisea  which 
neither  his  (invemmeDt  nor  any  other  GovernmeDt  has  erer 
seriously  ent4?rtuiued;  bnt  I  would  appeal  to  those  Gentleman 
whether  it  iloes  not  become  us — regarding  the  true  intMMta 
and  the  true  hoaoar  of  the  country — if  our  Government  have 
offered  t«nnei  uf  peace  to  Russia,  not  to  draw  back  from  those 
terms,  not  to  cause  any  nnnecewsary  delay,  not  to  adopt  any 
mibt«rfug«  to  prevent  thoee  terms  being  acoe|itedj  not  to 
attempt  abuffles  of  any  kind,  not  to  endeavour  to  insist  upon 
harder  ienaa,  and  thus  make  the  approach  of  peace  even  still 
more  tli.M-ant  thnn  it  is  at  present? 

Whatever  may  be  said  about  the  honour  of  the  country  in 


185«. 


RUSSIA.    III. 


487 


any  other  relation  involved  ia  this  affair,  tliia,  at  least,  I 
cxi>cct  every  muii  who  hfAis  nic  to  ndmit — that  if  terms  of 
IK'Jice  have  Iitx-ii  ofrcreil  they  have  heen  oflcred  in  good  faith, 
and  shall  he  in  honour  and  gwod  faith  adhered  to;  bo  that  if, 
unfortunately  for  Europe  and  liiimnnity,  thet'C  iihoiitd  he  any 
fnilare  at  Viotma,  no  man  ehould  point  to  the  Eng-lieh 
Government  and  to  the  authorities  and  rulers  of  this 
Chrifitiiiu  country,  and  say  that  wc  have  prolonged  tlie  war 
and  the  infinite  calamitieii  of  which  it  is  the  caum. 

I  linvc  said  tliat  I  was  unxiouB  that  the  Uoveniment  of 
the  nohle  Lord  should  not  I>o  overthrown.  Will  the  House 
allow  me  to  suy  why  1  am  so  ?  'l^ic  nohlc  Lord  at  the  head 
of  the  OoTomment  hns  long  heen  a  ^reat  authority  witli 
many  persons  iu  this  cojntry  upon  foreign  policy.  Uia 
late  (Hilleapue,  and  prpjwrit  envoy  to  Vienna,  luw  lonj?  Itoeii 
II  great  authority  with  a  large  portion  of  the  |>eople  of  thi« 
countiy  upon  almost  alt  political  questions.  "U'lth  the 
exception  of  that  unliappy  eclcetion  of  nn  umhuMador  at 
Constantinople,  I  hold  that  there  ai-e  no  men  in  this  eonntry 
more  truly  reaponsible  for  our  pnwent  position  in  tliig  war 
than  the  noble  Lord  who  now  lilU  the  highest  ofliee  in  the 
State  and  the  nnhle  Lord  who  is  now,  £  tnist,  rapidly 
ajiprouching  thu  scvuc  of  his  lahours  in  Virntut.  I  do  not 
say  Uiis  now  to  throw  blame  iiiKin  those  nohle  Lords,  hecause 
their  policy,  which  1  hold  to  he  wrong,  tJiey,  without  douht, 
ns  firmly  helicvc  to  be  right ;  but  1  am  only  stating  fact«. 
It  has  been  tiieir  policy  that  they  have  entered  into  war  for 
certain  objects,  and  I  am  t^uru  that  neither  the  noble  Lord  at 
the  head  of  tlic  Oovemment  nor  his  late  colleague  the  noble 
Lord  the  Member  tor  London  will  tihriuk  from  the  rutpon- 
sibility  whieb  attaches  to  them.  Wei),  Sir,  now  wc  have 
those  noble  Loids  In  a  position  which  is,  in  my  humble 
opinion,  favourable  to  the  termination  of  the  troubles  whicli 
exist.  I  think  that  the  noble  Ijord  at  the  head  of  the 
GovcranuiDt  himself  wouhl  have  mora  influence  in  stilling 


468 


SPEBCfFES  OF  JOHX  BRIGHT. 


n».  S3, 


wtuitevcr  may  exint  of  rlamour  iu  ttiis  L-ountry  than  oiiy  other 
McmbDr  of  ibU  Hoiiso^  I  thiok,  iil«o,  that  the  noble  Lord 
the  Member  for  London  «'oiiIil  not  have  tmilertakeii  the 
mission  to  ViL-iina  if  he  had  not  eut«rtainLHl  some  ittrony 
litilief  that,  bjp-  so  doing,  he  might  bring  t1i<?  war  to  an  end. 
Nobody  gaiiii:  reputation  by  n  failure  in  nrgotiatiun,  aud  aa 
that  iioMu  Lurd  is  well  auiuaiut-t^d  with  the  whole  question 
from  beginning  to  end,  I  entertain  a  hopo — 1  will  not  eay 
a  sanguine  hope— that  the  result  of  that  missioQ  to  Vienna 
will  be  to  bring  about  a  jicaci!,  to  extricat*  this  country  from 
Home  of  thoHe  diffiuulties  inH{>|karid)te  (rnm  a  state  of  war. 

There  is  onfl  subject  iijion  w)i!eb  1  should  like  to  put  a 
queetion  to  tho  noble  Lord  at  tbe  head  of  the  Qo^'erument. 
I  shall  nrtt  Huy  oue  tvurd  here  about  tliu  sLutv  of  the  nrmy  in 
the  Crimea,  or  one  word  about  it«  niimhers  or  il«  condition. 
Every  Momber  of  thti;  HouiiO,  cvary  iiihabiUiiit  of  tliis 
oonntry,  lias  Iwen  sufEmently  harrowed  with  detaiU  regarding 
it.  To  my  solemn  belief,  thout^andii  —nay,  ecorue  of  IfaousandR 
of  persons— linve  retired  lo  rest,  night  after  night,  whose 
slumbers  have  been  disturbed  or  wliose  dreams  have  been 
based  upon  the  eufTerin^  and  agonies  of  our  soldiers  in  the 
Crimen.  I  should  like  to  a^k  the  nobW  Lord  at  the  head  of 
the  Ciovernmcnt — although  I  am  not  *ure  if  lit  will  feci  that 
he  can  or  ought  In  answer  the  question— whether  the  noble 
Lord  tliB  Member  for  IxMidon  has  power,  after  diwniBsions 
hnve  cnmmonced,  and  as  Hoon  ns  there  shall  be  establiiihed 
good  grounds  for  believing  that  the  negotiations  for  peace 
will  prove  succeeaful,  to  enter  into  any  armistioe?  ['No I 
noPJ 

I  know  not,  Sir,  who  it  ts  that  sayd  '  No,  no/  but  I  should 
like  to  see  any  man  got  up  and  say  that  the  destruotJon  of 
20O/x>0  human  lives  lost  on  all  sides  during  tbfi  course  of 
this  unhappy  conflict  is  not  a  sufhcieiit  sacrifice.  You  are 
not  pretemling  to  conquer  territory — ^j-ou  arc  not  jirefending 
to  hold  fortified  or  unfortified  towns;  you  have  offered  t«rau 


1855.  sua  SI  A.     III.  489 

of  peace  which,  as  I  understatid  them,  I  do  not  sa^  are  not 
moderate ;  aad  breathes  there  a  man  in  this  House  or  in  this 
country  whose  appetite  for  blood  is  so  insatiable  that,  evwi 
when  terms  of  peace  have  been  offered  and  accepted,  he  pines 
for  that  assault  in  which  of  Bussian,  Turk,  French  and 
English,  as  sure  as  one  man  dies,  20,000  corpses  will  strew  the 
streets  of  Sebastopol  ?  I  say  I  should  like  to  ask  the  noble 
Lord — and  I  am  sure  that  he  will  feel,  and  that  this  House 
will  feel,  that  I  am  speaking  in  no  unfriendly  manner  towards 
the  GoTemment  of  which  he  is  at  the  bead — I  should  like  to 
know,  and  I  venture  to  hope  that  it  is  so,  if  the  noble  Lord 
the  Member  for  London  has  power,  at  the  earliest  stage  of 
these  proceedings  at  Vienna,  at  which  it  can  properly  be  done 
— and  I  should  think  that  it  might  properly  be  done  at  a  very 
early  stage — to  adopt  a  course  by  which  all  further  waste  of 
human  life  may  be  put  an  end  to,  and  ftirther  animosity  be- 
tween three  great  nations  be,  as  &r  as  possible,  prevented  ? 

I  appeal  to  the  noble  Lord  at  the  head  of  the  GoTemment 
and  to  this  House ;  I  am  not  now  complaining  of  the  war — 
I  am  not  now  complaining  of  the  terms  of  peace,  nor,  indeed, 
of  anything  that  has  been  done — but  I  wish  to  suggest  to 
this  House  what,  I  believe,  thousands  and  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  the  most  educated  and  of  the  most  Christian 
portion  of  the  people  of  this  country  are  feeling  upon  this 
subject,  although,  indeed,  in  the  midst  of  a  certain  clamour  in 
the  country,  they  do  not  give  public  expression  to  their  feel- 
ings. Your  country  is  not  in  an  advantageous  state  at  this 
moment ;  from  one  end  of  ike  kingdom  to  the  other  there  is 
a  general  collapse  of  industry.  Those  Members  of  this  House 
not  intimately  acquainted  with  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the 
country  do  not  fully  comprehend  our  position  as  to  the  dimi- 
nution of  emplojonent  and  the  lessening  of  wages.  An 
increase  in  the  cost  of  living  is  finding  ite  way  to  the  homes 
and  hearts  of  a  vast  number  of  the  labouring  population. 

At  the  same   time   there   is  growing   up— and,  notwith- 


400 


SPEJiCIIES  OF  JOUS  SRIGUT. 


ru.  U, 


Staudii)^  whut  sumo  liou.  Metnbeni  af  this  Himse  muy  think 
of  me,  no  man  rcgrcte  W  mon;!  tbuu  I  do — a  bitt«r  nud  augry 
fcdin^  ftgainfl  IJi&t  cla«s  wtiicli  has  for  a  Inng  period  coo- 
ducted  the  public  ufikin!  of  tbii  aiimlrjir.  I  Uku  |xilitjcal 
cfaangcs  when  such  cIian^Lres  are  made  aa  tlic  retiult^  not  of 
piLSiiion,  but  of  deliberation  and  tvnson.  ChangcB  «o  made  are 
safe,  but  chanfri.>3  mfule  uudtr  t!i«  influeiico  of  violent  exsggfr> 
ration,  or  of  the  violent  pussiontt  of  public  mcctiogs,  are  not 
rhangcH  usmally  ajiproved  by  this  ilouao  or  adTantagooiu  to 
the  country.  I  caiinot  but  notice,  in  speaking  to  GenUemen 
who  sit  on  either  side  of  'thL<4  Tloii&e,  or  in  speaking  to  any 
one  I  mcot  between  this  Hoiieo  and  nny  of  tli'^iv  localities  we 
frequent  wboo  tliia  Jloum  is  up — I  caonot,  I  eay,  but  notice 
that  an  uncnsy  fi.i.'linjf  exists  as  to  the  ncwn  which  m».y  arrive 
by  the  very  next  mail  from  the  East.  I  do  not  suppose  that 
jour  troops  are  to  be  Kiilen  in  actual  oouilict  willi  the  foe,  or 
that  they  will  lie  driven  into  tlic  wb  ;  but  I  am  ceHain  that 
many  homce  in  England  in  which  there  now  exi:4t«  a  load 
ho]tc  that  the  distant  one  may  rctiint — many  such  homes 
may  be  rendered  desolate  when  the  next  mail  tihall  arriv». 
Tlie  Angel  of  Death  hae  bt^on  abroad  throughout  the  land ; 
you  may  almost  hear  the  beating  of  hia  wings.  There  is  no 
one,  an  when  the  liret-born  wvrc  slain  of  old,  to  eprioklc  with 
blood  the  lintel  and  the  two  sldeposts  of  our  doors,  tliat  he 
may  ^are  and  pass  on ;  he  takes  bin  victims  from  the  ca«tle 
of  the  noble,  the  mansion  of  the  wealthy,  and  the  cottage  of 
the  poor  and  tlie  lowly,  and  it  is  on  behalf  of  all  thcee  classes 
that  I  make  tliis  solemn  appeal. 

I  tell  the  noble  Ijord,  that  if  he  be  ready  honestly  anil 
frankly  1 «  endeavour,  by  the  uef^iUatiwns  about  to  1»  opened 
at  Vienna,  to  put  an  end  to  this  war,  no  word  of  mine,  no 
vote  of  mine,  will  he  given  to  shake  his  power  for  one  sin^c 
moment,  or  to  change  1u8  position  iu  this  House.  1  am  aura 
Ihat  the  noble  Ijord  xa  not  inaccesHihlc  to  appealn  made  to  him 
from  honest  motives  and  with  no  unfriendly  feeling.     The 


1855.  RUSSIA.     III.  491 

noble  Lord  has  been  for  more  than  forty  years  a  Member  of 
this  House.  Before  I  was  bom,  he  sat  upon  the  Treasury 
bench,  and  he  has  spent  his  life  in  the  service  of  his 
country.  He  is  no  longer  young,  and  his  life  has  extended 
almost  to  the  term  allotted  to  man.  I  would  ask,  I  would 
entreat  the  noble  Lord  to  take  a  course  which,  when  he  looks 
back  upon  his  whole  political  career  —  whatever  he  may 
therein  find  to  be  pleased  with,  whatever  to  regret — cannot 
bat  be  a  source  of  gratification  to  him.  By  adopting  that 
course  he  would  have  the  satisfaction  of  reflecting  that,  having 
obtwned  the  object  of  his  laudable  ambition — having  become 
the  foremost  subject  of  the  Crown,  the  director  of,  it  may  be, 
the  destinies  of  his  country,  and  the  presiding  genius  in  her 
councils — he  had  achieved  a  still  higher  and  nobler  ambition : 
that  he  had  returned  the  sword  to  the  scabbard — that  at  hie 
word  torrents  of  blood  had  ceased  to  flow — ^that  he  had  re- 
stored tranquillity  to  Europe,  and  saved  this  country  from  the 
indescribable  caJunitiee  of  war. 


™<IHKHD"» 


RUSSIA. 

IV. 


ON  THE  PROSECUTION   OF  THE  ETJBSIAN   WAB. 

HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  JUNE  7,  1855. 

From  Hansard. 

[On  yitiy  -it  Mr.  Dismeli  moved,  'Thitt  tUis  Houm  ciuinot  adjouTn  for  the 
Kecees  without  expresaing  its  disaatisbctioD  with  the  nmbiguoua  I&ngu^e 
and  uncertain  co>duct  of  Her  Majesty's  GoverDment  in  refaretice  t»  the 
great  question  of  peaca  or  war,  and  that,  under  these  circumstances,  the 
House  feels  it  a  duty  to  declare  that  it  will  continne  to  give  every  support 
to  Her  Majesty  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  until  Her  Majesty  shall,  in 
conjunction  with  liar  alliea,  obtain  for  the  country  a  safe  and  honourable 
peace.'  This  was  mot  by  an  amendment  from  Sir  Francis  Baring,  'That 
this  House,  having  seen  with  rt^et  that  the  Conferences  At  Vienna  have 
not  leil  to  a  tcrminatioa  of  liostilities,  feels  it  to  be  a  duty  to  declare  thnt  it 
will  conUnne  to  give  every  support  to  Her  Majmtj  in  (lie  prosecuUoii  of  the 
war  until  Her  Majesty  shall,  in  conjunction  with  her  allies,  obtain  for  this 
country  a  safe  and  honourable  peace.'  Mr.  Disnteli's  resolution  was  rejected 
by  319  votes  to  119.  Sir  F.  Baring's  motion  having  become  subet.intive, 
was  met  by  an  amendment  of  Mr.  Lowe,  to  the  eflect,  "That  this  House 
havinir  seen  with  regret,  owing  to  the  refiiial  of  Russia  to  restrict  the 
strength  of  her  navy  in  the  Bkck  Sea,  that  the  Conferences  at  Vienna  have 
not  led  to  a  termination  of  hostilities,  feels  it  to  be  a  duty  to  declare  that 
tlie  means  of  coining  to  an  agreement  on  the  third  basis  of  negotiation  being 
by  that  refusal  exhausted,  it  will  continue,'  tc.  Mr.  Lowe's  amendment 
was  ne^tived  and  Sir  F.  Baring's  moUon  carried  without  a  division  on 
June  8  ] 

Last  yearj  wlien  the  declaration  of  war  was  brought  down 
to  the  House,  I  took  the  opportunity  of  addressing  the  Honse 
in  opposition  to  the  policy  of  the  Government  of  that  day. 


4M 


SfEBCHES  OF  JOBN  BRIGBT. 


JDSli  7, 


I  was  told  I  v/B»  too  lnt« ;  nnc]  it  has  licen  nlso  snit]  repeatedly 
in  this  debate  tliat  those  who  take  the  views  which  I  take  are 
too  late  on  this  (iccufiioii.  It  i<««ids  to  be  one  uf  the  couec- 
qucnvut  of  the,  1  would  Bay,  irrcsponsildc  system  of  diplomacy 
in  this  country  with  regard  to  foreigu  afiairsj  that  we  are 
never  aUi>n-«d  to  diiicuss  a  mint-bier  when  it  is  gn>win^,  but 
only  wh»>n  it  i«  completed,  and  wh*n  no  remedy  can  be  ap- 
plied. And  now  we  are  at  liberty  to  discusB  the  conduct  of 
the  Goveniiiieut  in  the  Conferences  ai  Vienna;  acd,  thoogh 
we  were  repeatedly  told  from  the  Treasury  bench  that  it 
might  be  injurious  to  the  public  eervioo  to  d)M.'UBs  what  was 
^iug  on  till  the  adiair  was  concluded,  I  suspect  the  House 
has  come  to  the  concluifioD  tliat  we  have  bMn  piiRtaing  our 
true  duty  to  the  country  in  the  debate  that  has  taken  place. 

We  arc  indebted  to  the  right  hou.  Gentlemiin  tlie  Member 
for  BuekinghaniBhire  (Mr.  IJifiraeli)  for  having  placwi  bis 
notice  on  the  tabic  of  the  House,  and  not  lem  to  my  right 
hon.  Friend  and  Colleague  that  he,  before  the  rc«ss,  moved 
the  adjournment  of  the  deflate.  I  am  RntiffiiMl  myself  that 
the  people  of  this  country  have  no  iuteutlon  to  gu  wrong 
cither  in  home  or  foreign  8flbir«,  and  it  requires  only  that 
quefltioDS  of  this  nature  should  be  fre<jueutly  discussed  by  the 
intelligent  men  of  which  this  House  is  comiiosfd  to  eet  before 
them  the  true  tttat«  of  afTaifK,  and  to  bring  them  to  a  wise 
opinion  with  regard  to  Iho  policy  which  is  being  pursned. 
Now,  we  are  not  discussing  the  policj*  of  the  war — that  is, 
of  tlic  origin  of  the  war.  H  we  were,  I  ebould  lay  claim 
to  Mime  degree  of  fortagfat  in  the  opinion  which  1  uv- 
presicd  a  year  ago,  for  there  Beems  to  be  a  general  feeling 
that  the  Mierifiees  that  liave  aln^ady  been  made  im?  somewhat 
greater  than  the  results  that  have  been  obtained.  1  ana 
anxious,  in  the  obeen-ations  I  may  have  to  addreea  to  tJic 
Huiioe,  to  impreat  m^-  upinionii  on  them,  if  it  be  jwesible  lu 
do  so,  and  to  lay  before  my  countrymen  out  of  the  Hoitse 
lliat  wkieli  1  believe  involves  tbeir  true  interests  with  regard 


IKE. 


RUSSIA;    IV. 


40B 


to  tliiK  qucsUon.  li  w  UDcesMry,  tliererore,  to  hare  a  tuuis 
for  our  di^usHion — to  Bx  what  were  the  objects  of  the  war — 
to  Bficcrtain,  if  tliat  Ijc  possildo,  whether  those  ohjtKtii  have 
been  secured  and  accomplished — aud  wliethtr  there  con  he 
anything  in  prospect  which  we  are  likely  to  gain  that  will 
jii^ify  the  Governnicnt  and  the  Ilouao  in  |)rovftidiu^  further 
with  the  war. 

Now,  in  my  obfiervalions  I  am  not  about  to  varry  ou  this 
diifcuueion  with  the  Uentlemen  below  mi',  who  are  intertiiited 
ID  a  question  which  ts  Dot  the  cjUdEtton  before  the  Hou8«. 
They  arc  intemsted  lu  some  vast,  and,  as  it  seenis  to  me, 
iniaginarj-  scheme  that  would  involve  Kuroi)f  in  protnictcd 
aud  widely-oxtouded  huttUities;  and  I  think  that, eo  Tara-i  Ihe 
House  IB  concerned  indiseuesing  the  ciuestion  with  the  Quvuru- 
ment,  those  OoDtbmon  nrc  almost,  if  not  altogetiier,  out  of 
court.  It  appears  to  me,  if  they  were  logical  in  thi-ir  coiirae, 
finding  that  the  objects  of  the  Government  and  the  objects  of 
the  Government  of  rranoe  were  entirely  diflerent  from  ihoJW 
which  thev  ha%'e  »t  ht'art,  and  believiii)*,  as  they  dt>,  thut  the 
objects  of  the  allied  Governments  axe  not  worth  a  war,  that 
they  ought  rather  to  join  ua  on  thia  bench,  and,  inatoad  of 
there  being-  one  Peace  bench  in  the  Ilou-te,  tliere  would  he  two 
Peace  benches,  and  the  Peace  party  would  clearly  gain  a  con- 
siderable aceession  of  strength.  The  noble  lx)rJ  the  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  Colonies  has  Btat«d  over  and  over  again — and, 
amid  the  eunfuMon  of  statemeots  which  he  unJ  his  Colleagues 
have  made,  I  think  he  will  not  find  fault  if  I  asaume  that  the 
ubjeet  of  the  war  is  simply  the  security  of  the  Turkish  ten-i- 
tory  from  the  grasp  of  Russia,  and  prol>abl3*  from  the  grasp 
of  any  other  Power — the  noblv  Lord  has  stated  that  he  appro- 
hcndtt  that  if  Russia  were  to  extend  her  empire  by  the  puieses- 
Kion  of  Turkey,  it  would  give  her  a  power  that  would  he 
nngafe  with  regard  to  the  other  nations  of  Kurope.  When  lire 
noble  Lord  speaks  in  that  vague,  and,  if  I  were  not  speaking 
of  a  man  so  eminent,  I  should  say,  absurd  language  of  the 


)M 


SPSF.artiii  OF  JOHS  BlliaHT. 


ixmatj. 


lil)i-rlii*ti  of  Etirupe  iiiid  lliu  irivili/^tiuu  of  the  world,  1  tthotilil 
any  lie  means  liy  tlmt  mervly  thosi*  great  ubJL'vta,  so  f'u*  aa 
tlicy  can  1w  coDscrved  by  tlio  conscrTaiion  of  the  Turkish 
territory. 

The  iiohle  Lord  ttlls  us — wc  aro  now  gt'tting  out  of  some 
of  the  myistifloRtions — that  he  hiw  no  kind  of  Bjinpathy  tbnt 
would  load  liitn  into  war  for  tho  M]>ijreBiM>d  Uiitionalitles  of 
E^iropc.  The  noble  Lord  the  Mfiul>or  for  Tivertoa  (Viwount 
P^lmerston)  a  few  nights  a^o  turned  the  cold  shoulder  to  the 
people  of  Huug^ry.  He  said  he  thotight  tliere  cuuld  be  no 
greater  calamity  to  Eunijie  than  that  Huiignry  should  he 
Bt'pnmtod  from  tlio  Ainitrinn  Empire.  Well,  then,  we  hnve 
got  rid  of  Hungary;  aiid,  next,  the  noble  Ijorxl  the  Member 
ibr  the  City  of  London  (Lord  John  Rum^cll)  tells  lus  it  is  quite 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that  he  ever  intenderl  to  go  to  war  for 
Poland.  In  fuut,  he  stated — what  will  W  very  dt«h(>nrteniiig- 
to  hou.  Gentlemen  below  mc — that  he  never  suppo>scd  we  were 
going  to  war  for  such  a  Qiiixotiti  object;  that  the  wise  of 
I'otuud  is  one  thiit  is  hupetess,  and  tht-refurc  it  would  1)c  mod- 
nesn  in  England  and  Franoe — not  indiscretion — iiol  a  doubtfut 
undertiik iiig — ^but  positive  madne»«  in  Eiiglund  and  Frauee  to 
tnlte  any  part  in  promoting  n«istanne  in  that  country. 

Ilaii'ini,''  now  g«t  rid  of  Hungary  und  Polund,  we  only  ro- 
quiri!  that  tome  Memher  of  the  Cabinet  tihoiild  get  up  later  in 
the  evening — jitid  that  I  have  no  doubt  will  be  the  caee-^to 
titiite  that  it  i»  utterly  impossible  for  this  country  to  involve 
it«cU"in  hostilitie*  with  a  view  to  the  regonenition  of  any  part 
of  Italy.  The  nghle  Lord  the  Member  for  London  tella  us 
we  are  not  going-  to  war  for  the  MiVe  ofconqucttt ;  ancl  that,  I 
think,  is  a  matter  whieh  ought  to  he  kept  in  mind  by  hou, 
(ienllemen  who  aronrging  the  Government  on  to  a  prolonged 
war.  lie  stated  on  Tuesday  night, '  Be  it  always  rememhored 
that  wc  arc  ncektug  no  object  of  our  own;*— it  wouM  be  a 
very  udd  thing  if  we  were  to  go  to  war  for  the  olgeots  ftf 
Homebody  else — 'that  we  aie  seekiog  uo  object  of  our  ovn; 


lauL 


R[rss/A.   /r. 


407 


thnt  nlieu  peace  is  coDcludetl  we  liball  not  have  act^uired  one 
ell  of  new  territxjry,  ar  secured  any  advantage  whatever  Cw 
ourselves.  It  is  for  Turkey  and  the  geaeral  syetem  of  Europe 
that  wc  are  struggling,'  In  fact,  the  whole  mutter  alwaj-s 
resolTCB  ittjelf  intu  name  g«uc-nil  mysiificatian,  and  at  this 
ntomeat  we  are,  every  man  of  lu,  almost  entirely  in  the  daik 
an  to  what  ai-e  the  ultimntc  objects  of  thp.  war. 

One  othor  point  that  I  ought  to  mention  is  the  quefl- 
ti<Hi  of  crippling  and  humbling  Rua&ia>  1  am,  of  coarse, 
willing  to  admit  Uiat  when  peuple  go  to  war  they  arc  not 
expected  to  be  very  nice  in  their  trt-atmeut  of  «a«h  other,  and, 
if  the  taking  of  Seba»topol  be  an  object  of  those  who  art!  in 
TaTour  of  the  war,  to  taJce  Sebaatopol  they  vrill  inflict  any 
injury  they  can  npon  Ru^a.  But  the  noble  Lord  told  lu 
hint  year  that  he  btill  intended  to  leave  Russia  a  great  empire. 
I  thought  that  exceedingly  considerate  of  the  noble  Lord,  and 
I  nnderetaud — 1  think  it  liits  Le«u  tainted  in  the  public  papers 
— that  it  in  eoii!>id(>red  at  St.  Petersburg  a  great  condescension 
on  the  part  of  so  eminent  a  atatesmaa.  Well,  then,  if  vee  are 
not  going  to  war  for  natioDalitice,  nor  for  conquent,  nor 
for  any  such  crippling  of  Runeda  as  would  be  effected  by 
her  dismenibenQeDl,  we  come  to  thii^  simple  question — in 
tlie  condHioD  in  which  Turkey  hm  long  exietcd,  what  are 
tlie  means  by  which  the  secarity  of  Turkey  ean  be  best 
gDtnnteod  ?  No  man  ofiecrt«  that  tlic  Hccurity  of  Turkey  can 
be  absolute,  but  that  it  must  be  partial  and  conditional.  As 
it  ifi  well  to  have  high  authority  for  these  statemtnlB,  I  luivo 
here  an  extract  liom  a  speech  made  by  Lord  Clarendon  a  few 
nights  ago  on  the  Refiotutjoi)  moved  by  Lord  Grey.  Tlie 
noble  Lord  then  stated : — 

*  Mj  nattlti  Friend  Mys,  And  njt  truly.  tW  the  attauuncnl  «f  kU  till*  waiiM 
«Sa  no  Moiuritj  to  Turlwy.  TIib  taIuv  uf  it  IrcAty  tnusi  nlwuyi  depend  ap«iv 
Ibe  qinit  in  whi«h  il  w  •(tm'I  ^  "■"'  l^"  K""^  ^''''  *'^  whicli  it  U  entered 
into.  N<i  trwity  cui  ni*k«  a  wuhk  Powur  like  Turkt>7  perf^eUy  **-f^  ft|{ailMt  a 
IMmorfiil  neiiclilKiur  iintnedinteljr  tn  conUct  wUb  Lui,  i(  iLkt  ueigliliouT  ii 
tlotMnuincd  to  net  thii  uggnmiT*  townril*  liar' — [3  Hanaaiyl.  cxiiviii.  1 151.] 

VOL.  I.  K  k 


49S 


spKBci/Es  OP  Jons  BlilOin. 


jBmt7. 


Time  Lord  Clarendon  admi^,  what  in  pt-rfectly  obvious  to 
the  eommoii  sora^  i>r  all  who  have  lioard  anylhiiip^  of  Hiiiuiia 
or  Turkey,  except  fnim  the  lips  of  the  Primt'  Miiii«t«>r,  that 
whut  w«  are  seekiiis  to  dhtain  i»  not  an  ab»o!ut«  security  for 
Turkey,  but  a  conditiouul  Bccurity,  such  a»  her  circumstances, 
her  paptilatlon,  her  ^vcmmunt,  and  gen^rapliical  jiositiuu 
rondor  atlnirialik'  by  hor  friends  and  »lliei4.  We  have  now 
bi>en  fuiirtt-TD  months  at  wur,  utid  two  C:ibitiL'te — the  Cabinets 
of  Lord  Aberdeen  and  of  the  preaeat  First  Minister — I 
mifrht  suy  four  Ciilinctj!,  for  the  Cabinets  of  Fmuoe  and 
Austria  must  have  agra«?<l  t«  the  fiame  things — ha%'0  a^ji'tsed  to 
citrtaia  ti^niitt,  iind  hav«  oH'crcd  tht^'iii  {>.)  Russia.  Tliey  have 
been  luweptod  aa  the  basis  nf  nt'gotiationBj  eonfeivnoes  have 
been  openwl,  ami  certain  prtteeipdinjjs  townrdfi  a  Bftttlement 
hnvo  talton  plaeu;  and  now  1  ehvuld  like  to  know  wbetlier 
the  terms  whith  were  offered  woreolfered  in  earnest.  Judging 
of  the  Cabinet  of  Lonl  Aberdeen  by  the  eoiiduct  of  Sf)ine  of  its 
Members,  and  fspL-cially  of  Lord  Aberdeen  himself,  I  lun 
certain  that  they  were  sincere  in  the  terms  tliey  olTeped.  But 
the  Timea  newspa.por,  whicli  now  iu  its  many  chang>e8  hu 
become  the  or^^ao  &nd  g-roa.t  ettinuhikut  of  the  prcnnit  Cabinet, 
CxproeMs  its  uslonwhm«ut  that  uny  )>urson  should  think  that 
peace  was  intended  by  the  Conieveitn^s  at  Vienna.  The  Timtt 
Btates  that  the  object  of  the  Conferences  was  no^  to  bring 
about  a  pmoe,  but  to  shame  Austria  into  beeomin|j>  a  faithful 
and  warlike  ally. 

Now,  when  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  Loudon  was 
eent  to  Vienna  to  negfotiate,  I  confess  I  was  one  of  those  who 
formed  the  opinion  that  the  nobte  LunJ,  amid  the  roaajr 
eccentricities  of  his  career,  would  not  have  undertaken  that 
miiision  unless  he  himself  hiul  been  honest  with  n^urd  t^^  the 
totina  to  be  oBcrcd,  and  anxious,  if  possible,  to  cotuolidate 
a  peace.  Tliere  wtre,  however,  cerlaia  persons — tnalieious 
people,  of  course — who  found  out  that  it  would  be  convenient 
to  the  First  Minister  to  have  the  noble  Lord  at  a  diolnnce, 


18U. 


RUaSiA.     IV, 


4B9 


at  least  Inr  a  time.  But  I  never  adopted  tiiat  idua.  I  did 
not  believe  tliat  the  noble  Ijord's  journey  to  Vienna,  with  a 
retinue  that  rwjuitvd  Uim  t»  ot"i!U|iy  no  Usii  tliuii  thirty-two 
rooms  in  one  hotel,  would  Kavc  beon  undert-ikcn  iinleits 
the  noble  Lord  considered  tliat  th«  object  v&s  a  rculity,  on 
vhich  tiic  intcmbt  of  tlie  coiuilry  and  of  Eumpe  de|iendcd, 
1  think  he  wouUl  have  bwii  the  last  inan  in  the  coimtry  to 
lend  liiniBplf  to  such  a  miseraljle  hoax  as  going  to  Vienna,  not 
to  make  peace,  but  1o  f^tiame  Austrin  into  becoming  n  fnithfitl 
and  warlike  ally.  I  fteeuma,  therefore,  that  terms  wer«  sin- 
cerely ufTured,  and  that  those  termti  gave  puarant«es  tvhich 
were  sutHcient,  and  a  security  wliitb  was  us  ainpk-  as  Ibe 
circumstances  admitted  for  the  integrity  and  indi-pi-ndence  of 
the  OUuman  Empire,  jl  is  from  that  etarting-|)oint  that  I 
would  discuss  this  querition. 

There  arc  Lou.  Mvmbere  in  this  House  who  think  that  even 
if  t1io»e  term?  were  obtained  they  would  still  be  in  no  degree 
a  comiwrwation  for  the  enormous  Mcrifieea  which  the  coiintry 
Itas  made.  I  happen  to  hold  the  same  opinion,  und  it  was 
with  that  eonvnotion  that  1  protcslod  ngsiiist  gom^  into 
tbe  war.  Indeed,  I  think  that  the  arg^umcnt  I  need  a 
year  agu,  that  nothiti^  to  be  obtained  in  the  war  could  at 
all  approach  a  romiK'Usutiuu  for  the  euormoiis  eacriftees  tli« 
country  would  be  called  upon  to  make,  hsK  Ui-eu  greatly 
strengthened.  Well ,  Sir,  the  terms  offerpd  are  called  '  ba^es  : ' 
from  which  one  understamitt,  not  that  they  are  everything, 
but  that  they  arc  iometliiu>f  capable  of  what  diplomatists  call 
*dcrelopni(mt.'  I  rvcoUect  u  queatioa  luked  uf  a  child  at 
whool,  in  one  of  tlioae  les-sona  called  'object  les-sons,'  '  What 
is  the  bafiis  of  a  baiter  pudding?'  It  was  obvious  that  flour 
WM  t)ie  basis,  hut  the  eggs  and  the  butter  and  the  rest 
were  devclopmcnte  and  additions.  But  if  the  bases  are 
capable  of  development,  so  1  take  it  for  grouted  Ihnt  the 
meaniug  of  negotiatiun  is  not  the  offering  of  an  ult-imulunt, 
but  the  word  involves  io  every  mau'o  sense  the  prohability  of 

K  k  1 


500 


SPEECHES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT 


josB ;, 


concession — butter,  it  may  Iw — but  conoes&iou  of  oue  sort  or 
ajiothcr. 

T  will  not  (fn  througli  all  the  Pour  Points,  because  Uw 
attention  of  tlio  House  ought  really  to  be  centred  upon 
the  third  aHiL-le  and  the  matters  connected  with  it. 
The  llcuso  must  rptncmbcr  that  this  article  involves  two 
most  important  subjects — first,  the  territorial  f-uar&Dt«<, 
which  if  it  ivere  sufficiently  secured  would  be  e?ery- 
thing  the  Houee  and  the  country  rc(|uired  from  the  war 
— namely,  that  the  Urritories  of  Tiirltey  nhall  never  be  n»o- 
Ififrted^  ea  long  as  the  treaty  Hlmll  coiitiuue,  by  any  of  the 
great  Powers  who  are  i»arties  to  euch  treaty ;  and,  secondly, 
that  the  prepondcraucf  of  Kusxia  in  tbc  Bluck  Sea  Bholl  eca«c. 
Now,  the  territorial  guarantee  was  granted  without  difficulty, 
[An  hon.  Member :  '  No.'J  Well,  no  difficulty  was  made  about 
the  t^^rritarial  guarautwo  but  this: — Prince  Qortchakoff  eaid, 
very  wisely,  that  he  would  not  enter  into  an  absolute  pledge 
to  go  to  war  in  caeo  of  any  infraction  of  the  treaty,  and  the 
noble  Lord  who  said  'No'  will  find,  when  he  has  examined 
the  question  u  little  more  clo»L-ly,  tbnl  it  dues  not  make  fclie 
Hlightest  difTerenoe  ad  to  the  actual  results  of  a  treaty  whether 
n  Power  guamntectt  in  the  mode  proposed  by  Ktissia,  or  in  the 
manner  proposed  by  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  the  City 
of  London,  bccuusc,  wbcu  an  inlruction  of  a  treaty  oocunt,  the 
power  of  judging  whether  any  of  the  Governments  who  are 
partipH  to  BUch  treaty  aliould  go  to  war  or  not,  is  It-ft.  with  each 
individual  Ooveruraent,  If,  fur  example,  France  Btrctchod 
her  dominions  westward  towards  Morooeo,  or  csBtward  to- 
wards Tunis  or  Tripoli,  it  would,  of  courve,  have  bei-n  the 
duty,  and  would  iiavc  been  in  the  jiowrr  of  IluRsia,  even  had 
she  accepted  the  exact  termii  proposed  by  tlie  allies,  to  judge 
for  herself  whether  a  case  had  arisen  whidi  required  her  to  go 
to  war,  or  which  justified  her  in  doing  no. 

S«(!h  a  ease  arose  very  latelj'  with  reference  to  Scbleawig- 
UoUteiu.     We  were  boand,  under  an  ancient  treaty,  to  go  to 


ISSff. 


RUSSIA.     IV. 


601 


war  in  the  event  of  the  infraction  of  certiun  trwities  affecting 
Schlcswig-Holstcin ;  tut  when  thia  case  occurred  the  subject 
tvas  considered  \>j  the  Gorcniaicut,  the  noble  Lord  (Lord 
Paltner»t«n)  being  at  the  time,  I  believe.  Foreign  Secretary- — 
who  most  wisely  and  properly,  not  only  for  tluit  eouiitrj,  but 
Jbr  the  interests  of  Schleswig-Holsleiu  and  of  Europe,  declined 
to  act  upon  what  wan  Tejiresented  to  be  the  etriet  letter  of  the 
treaty,  and  England  did  not  engage  in  war  in  consequence  of 
the  di*imtve  ^^•liich  then  took  place.  I  must  eay  that  what 
eeeoDS  to  mo  oit  the  most  stutiKinaulike  and  elevated  declaration 
iu  the  protocols  is  the  statement  of  Prince  Gortchal«»tr,  that 
the  blood  of  Rnsa'a  is  the  pru))urLy  of  Kugeia,  and  that  he  will 
not  pledge  himself  that  yeors  herec — it  may  be  even  a  century 
faenco — the  blood  of  Russia  eliall  be  shed  in  u  cause  which, 
when  the  time  arrives,  may  be  one  which  would  be  altogether 
unworthy  of  such  a  aacrifiee. 

With  respect  to  the  qnestion  of  the  Christian  protectorate, 
the  House  «-iU  probably  reoollwt  that  it  was  represented  over 
and  over  again  by  Ministers  in  this  House — it  was  stated  in. 
the  speeches  of  Lord  Clarendon  in  another  plucu — tliiit  the 
proposition  of  Bussia,  w  conveyed  in  the  MenchikolT  note, 
was  intended  to  transfer  the  virtual  swvereignty  of  10,000^000 
or  12,000,000  of  Ottoman  enbjeets  to  the  Caar.  If  that  were 
BO,  the  Menehikutr  note  and  all  the  old  protectorate  treaties 
being  abolished,  surely  the  Hounc  will  consider  whether  the 
combination  of  the  three  propositions — the  territorial  guar- 
antees, the  Christian  protectorate,  and  the  Black  Sea  project — 
do  not  give  eueh  seourities  to  Turkey  as  the  condition  of 
Turkey  will  permit.  Now  the  preponderance  of  Russia  in 
the  Black  Sen,  as  I  think  my  hon.  I'Viend  the  Member  for  the 
West  Hiding  (Mr.  Cobden)  showed  very  clearly  the  other 
evening,  is  in  a  certain  sense  a  fact  which  all  the  negotiations 
in  the  world  cannot  write  olT,  I  see  that  one  of  the  public 
journals  this  morning,  eommeuting  upon  my  hon.  Friend's 
speech,  saye,  *  Yes,  truly,  the  commercial  proponderanco  of 


BOS 


SP££CUK8  OF  JOUN  BRIGHT. 


JU»B  7, 


Rus^a  in  the  Black  Seu  is  a  TftH  wliii-h  cannot  be  denied;' 
and  then  proceedti  to  argue  that  it  docx  not  follow  that  Rumni 
flhnuld  have  u  iwUtittnl  and  naval  prcponderaace.  But  I  do 
not  know  nny  oose  in  w-hioh  there  is  a  commennal  supruraaoy 
in  a  sea  tike  the  Bhick  Sea  that  is  uot  followed  by  a  pro-' 
|)ouden»nce  of  evety  other  kind.  The  question  now  ia,  how- 
ever, liow  is  that  pruptindenmce  to  CL*as«? 

The  nohlfl  Lord  the  Mmnhvr  for  the  City  of  Lnndon  referred 
the  othor  ni^t  to  a  pmpncition  mnde  hy  the  French  ffovern- 
ment,  but  which,  I  think,  doee  not  appear  at  all  distinctly  in  the 
pmtocoix,  with  n-g-iird  to  making'  the  Black  Sea  a  neutral  sea. 
1  conceive  that  was  so  monstrous  a  proposition,  in  the  present' 
condition  of  Europe,  that  I  am  uurjiHsied  it  nhnuld  have  been 
entertaiitod  for  a  moment  by  any  sensible  miiii.  I  >tupp<)tu>d  it 
waa  found  no  utterly  indefonfiible  that  it  doc«  not  appear  as  a 
dislimt  pro]>o«itiou  in  tlic  protocols.  This  proposal  of  makinj^ 
the  Klack  Sea  a  neutral  sea  g:ave  pluce  to  anothi-r  project, 
and  it  appears  to  me  very  like  asking  Rusia,  voluntarily  or 
by  eoinpulsion,  to  perform  the  opemtinn  of  amputation  ujvm 
liertclf.  I  maintain  that  the  third  article  as  oUVred  to  Hu^ia 
in  December  last  coald  aot  mean  what  the  noble  Itortl  offt-red 
l«  Rutaia  at  Vienna,  becuiise  Uic  eessation  of  preponderance  does 
ntjt  mean  thr  transfer  of  preponderance,  but.  rat!ier  t  heotublish- 
ment  ofnn  equilibriiini — not  the  deBtriiution  of  uii  ojuitibriuni 
and  the  estahlLDhment  of  prejMinderanet'  on  the  ftther  side. 

Some  hon.  Gentlemen  talk  as  if  Ktissia  were  a  Power  which 
you  could  take  to  Bow  Street,  and  bind  over  before  some  «ti- 
peniliary  mH^Utrato  to  keep  the  peace  for  six  mouths.  Russia 
»  a  grcut  I'ower,  as  Kngland  is,  and  in  treating  with  her  you 
mtut  coniiider  that  the  RiiRsian  Oovemment  lias  to  consult  ita 
ewn  dignitVj  its  own  interest*,  and  public  opinion,  just  as 
much  at  Ictk^  as  the  Government  of  UiJit  country.  Now,  what 
was  the  proposition  of  this  third  article?  The  propaial  was, 
thai  Russia  should  have  ei(fht  ships ;  bnt  what  was  the  pro- 
position with  regard  to  her  present  anta^nists?   That  Turkey 


RUSHU.     IV. 


eljould  nlH>  bnvc  ci^ht  tiliips,  thnt  France  should  have  four, 
and  I  hat  Eiig'land  should  have  four;  and  I  l»>lieT«  thai  ic  a 
prcocdiii)^  protocol^  which  hiitt  iiui  htxn  alhided  to  Id  this  He- 
bate,  it  is  proposed  that  the  contrBctlng  Powers  should  have 
two  sbips  eBoh  at  the  mouth  of  the  Dunuhtt,  so  that  if  these 
terms  hai  been  ai^et^d  upon,  Rusgiu  would  have  had  ei)*ht 
ehip^  in  the  Black  Sea,  while  Turl:<'_v,  France,  and  En{»land 
would  liavo  had  twenty.  Now,  that  is  not  a  mere  cce&utiou 
of  a  preponderance;  it  is  not  the  establlsliineiit  of  an  equi- 
librium  ;  it  i»  a  tratisfer  of  tlie  siipn'macy  of  the  BhicTc  Sea 
from  thai  country  whioli,  if  any  country  should  he  siiiirerae 
there,  has  the  hest  claim — namely,  Kitmu.  Bosidos  this, 
tioweA'cr,  Turkey  would  bav«  had  whatever  ships  eho  liked  in 
the  Boaphoriis,  and  the  allien  would  also  liave  had  as  many 
Hhiim  an  they  chose  in  the  MediterranL-an  and  the  Ix-vsnt. 

Now,  let  ua  for  a.  momejit  eonsider  ilie  (iffer  with  which 
Itiissin  iDCt  tliis  propoeal.  The  Rn^t  proposition  wac  that  of 
the  oiien  Straits,  which  is  disapproved  by  the  hon.  Baronet 
opiiU!<ite,  T  am  not  about  to  say  that  tliijt  propoeiliou  t^houtd 
have  been  aecepU-d  in  prtfercncc  to  the  other,  hut  I  think  it  is 
the  true  interest  of  Europe,  and  also  of  Turkey  itself,  that  the 
Straits  should  Iw  thrown  open.  At  any  rat*,  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  the  proponderauet'  of  Kufinia,  in  tic  eoiise  in  which 
we  now  understand  it,  would  be  absolutely  Acftxoytd  if  the 
Straite  wore  thrown  open.  Ruseio  made  a  proposition  which 
appears  to  me  to  be  highly  satiafactnr^- — that  such  regiilatiunit 
tihould  be  made  by  the  Sultau  and  Ills  Government  with 
regard  to  the  position  and  duration  of  the  aaehomgcs  of  shipti 
bclwoeii  th<!  Modi  term  iican  and  the  Black  Sea  aa  would  pre- 
dude  the  poeeibiUty,  so  far  as  there  were  means  of  doin^  so, 
of  uuy  inconvenience  or  diinger  to  CouHtontlnople  from  the 
0|}ening  of  the  Straits.  If  that  had  been  agreed  to,  all  nations 
would  have  been  entitled  to  the  pait«nge  of  the  Straits,  and 
I  believe  Uiat  ull  nations  would  uKiually  have  respected  the 
pnvile^  thud  giaiit«d  to  tlicm.    Noir,  suppoie  tliMC  Straite, 


501 


SFEBCIIES  OF  JOtLV  BniGUT. 


mm. 


inst(>ad  of  beiii^f  one  mile  iviJo,  bad  lieeii  ten  mllw  wide,  wliat 
dilTcreacc  nould  it  make  to  Turkey  ?  If  the  Straits  were  t«D 
milea  wide  they  would  be  open.  Turkey  would  bav«  no  right 
to  close  them,  and  Kuropean  natioiut  would  not  permit  bor  to 
jireit^ad  to.  or  to  exercise,  any  such  fwwer ;  but  Cunstantinuple 
would  l>e  no  more  secure  then  ttian  it  would  be  now  with  Hie 
Sti*aiL«  ojven,  wbethor  tlif^y  were  ten  miles  wide  or  on*  mile 
wide.  If  the  Straits  were  open,  the  conwquonees  to  Con- 
stantiDOplc  and  to  Turkey  appear  to  me  to  he  precieety  the 
game.  Turkey  wonld  I>e  equally  Sttfe ;  Turkey  would  be 
eqiinlly  menaced.  Our  lleeta  wuuM  visit  tht;  Blavk  Sea  in 
tliu  couTSu  uf  the  season,  and  the  Ru!<!«t:an  Black  Sea  fleet,  if  it 
chosKJ,  would  visit  the  Mediterranean.  TLero  would  be  no 
sort  of  pr«t«nce  for  wrangling  about  the  Straits ;  and  the 
lutlaiice  of  powCT — if  I  may  ubc  llic  term — Ixiiwcen  the  fleets 
uf  Riissia,  France,  and  England,  woiil<l  l>c  prolmbly  the  beat 
guarantee  that  could  be  olTcred  for  the  eecurity  of  Constnn- 
tinopte  aud  Turkey,  ko  fur  as  tbey  are  iu  dati^r  of  nggresaiou 
cither  from  the  Black  Sea  or  th<>  Mediterranean. 

Bat  it  is  said,  the  Saltan's  sovereignty  would  bo  mcnncod — 
tbkt  he  has  an  undoubted  right  to  close  the  Stroita.  I  doubt 
wltcthL-r  that  right  will  be  very  long  maintained ;  hut  if  tt  he 
maintained,  and  if  you  are  to  njuct  any  proposition  which 
interferes  with  the  Sultan's  sovereignty,  I  ask  you  whether 
the  eovereignty  of  the  Czar  i«  not  as  dear  to  him  ?  and 
whether,  if,  iu  nc^tiations  of  this  kind,  you  can  End  any 
mode  of  attaining  your  object  without  inflicting  injury  upon 
either  the  sovereignty  of  the  Stiltan  or  the  Czar,  it  would  not 
be  mueh  more  etnt^^ts manlike  to  adopt,  it,  and  so  to  frame  your 
treaties  that  neither  should  feel  that  it  was  suhjected  to  an 
indigtiit}',  and  therefore  seek  to  violate  such  iTCatiee  at  the 
first  opportnnitj'?  Well,  but  the  second  proposition,  which  I 
think  thehon.  Baronet  approved,  and  which  I  think  the  noble 
Lord  proposed,  was,  that  the  Sultan  fthould  open  the  Straits 
at  will.   I  aak  the  House  whether  that  proposition,  if  ooooptodj 


IBSS. 


RUSSIA.    JV. 


606 


would  not  imply  that  the  Soltjui  couH  haTc  no  other  enemy 
than  Russia  ? — wliicb  I  think  is  daubtful.  If  the  Black  Sea 
were  njwn  to  the  West,  and  the  Mediterranean  dooed  to  the 
East,  fitir«}y  that  is  nseiiming  thnt  the  Siiltiui  coald  have  no 
enemy  hut  Russia.  Ilic  Sultan  could  clo«e  tlie  Straits  to  Rtusia, 
Imt  Uic  Western  Powers  could  alwa>'s  proceed  to  the  Black  Sea. 
The  French  plan,  iu  my  opinion,  esiKwed  Turkey  far  more 
if>  the  West  than  the  Russinn  plan  exposed  her  to  the  Eiuit. 
Nothing  can  bo  more  short-si^t^d  than  the  notion  nbieh  the 
noble  Lord  the  Member  For  London  started  at  the  confermocs, 
that  Turkey  could  have  no  enemy  but  Russia.  In  fact,  every- 
body there  aetimed  to  ho  on  exceedingly  good  term*  with 
himself.  The  Austrian  Minister  said  nobody  would  fHiKpect 
Austria — no  one  could  be  sutipe«led  but  Russia.  But  our 
experience  for  many  year*  will  tell  «a  that  there  has  been  just 
as  much  menace  from  the  Wcet  aa  from  the  East — the 
rapacity  of  the  West  is  not  less  perceptible  than  that  of  the 
East.  ['  Hear.*]  Some  one  exprMsai  a  sentiment  in  oppo- 
gitioD'— it  u  a  ^ntleman  who  has  never  read  the  Blue  Booka 
— h«  does  Dot  know  that  almost  the  whole  of  this  humncss 
began  in  a  throat  of  the  most  audncious  and  insulting;  clia- 
ni«ter  from  the  Ambassador  of  France — a  threat  to  order  up 
the  French  fleet  to  the  Dardnnellca,  and  further  to  knd  an 
expedition  in  Syria  to  take  poRseewinn  of  Jerujwlem  and  the 
whole  of  the  Holy  Places.  Do  you  mean  to  tell  mo,  you  and 
the  noble  Lord  himself,  who  tried  to  frig^hten  the  country 
with  the  notion  of  the  Prcnoh  fleet  coming  to  iu^-adc  England, 
that  the  ticct  which  three  years  a^  threatened  Eng-land,  and 
more  recently  threatened  the  Dardanelles,  has  for  ever  aban- 
doned ntjHieious  desires,  and  that  therefore  there  will  never 
aguin  be  ii  menace  against  Turke\'  from  France  f 

I  understand,  however,  there  is  a  very  different  opinion 
prevalent  u]Hm  the  90uthern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Tlie  Emperor  of  Moruc»j,  a  potentate  somewhat  atliod  to 
this  comitiy,  as  I  am  told  hi$  empress  is  an  Insb  lady — the 


506 


SPKKCUKS   OF  JOHN   BRJGUT. 


JIIM7, 


Umpcror  of  Morocco,  who  is  not  very  w*Il  versed  in  wliat  is 
goiii^  on  in  tliis  Huu«c,  has  hceu  niilkiu]^  iuquirit^  of  the  most 
aiixioiiR  rhn>ra<-t(T  as  to  whether  the  particular  guarnntec  which 
the  noht«  Lord  wns  gning  to  enter  intn  inclnded  the  tfiritory 
of  Moroceu;  and  I  tiiiilorstiDd  he  hat;  not  been  able  to  find  it 
out  from  the  most  assiduuua  study  of  the  Gibraltar  news- 
papers- It  w  hnppcnii  that  tlii>  Governor  of  Gibraltar — the 
noble  Lord  »t  the  head  of  the  Government  corrected  me  the 
other  iiig'Iit  nheu  I  called  him  an  irrational  man — has  issued 
an  ordinance  by  which  he  bus  entirely  suppressed  the  news- 
paper prens  in  tlint  town  and  ^rriBon. 

Now  wi>  como  to  the  fjiicstion,  which  of  the  proposition* 
wonlcl  be  most  secure  ?  I  wae  very  much  struck  by  an 
ob»ervaiion  which  fell  from  my  hon.  Collea^e  (Mr,  V. 
Gibison)  in  the  eournf  of  his  speech  the  other  nig'ht — a  point 
I  think  %-ery  worthy  of  the  «tt<>ntion  of  the  House  and  of  tho 
Government;  he  siiid  the  limitation  plan  wan  one  which  muKt 
depend  for  its  elficncy  on  tho  will  and  iidelit}'  of  Russia. 
I  am  not  one  of  those  who  believe  Russia  to  be  tlie 
treacherous  and  felonious  Power  which  she  is  dci=cril»ed  to  be 
by  IIm;  pr&rK  of  this  country,  as  she  is  descril>ed  by  the  ooble 
Lord  to  be.  T  believe  the  ripht  hon.  Baronet  the  ifemher 
lor  Suuthwaric  gave  her  the  Kamo  ehameter.  Although  Htiwtta 
may  not  be  more  treacherous  than  other  Powers,  when  yon  are 
miUdng  a  bargain  with  h«r,  it  is  better  you  should  make  the 
rflicacy  of  the  terms  depend  more  on  your  own  vi^lance  than 
on  her  good  failh.  The  noble  Ixinl  the  Member  for  London  hutt 
lulniitted  that  the  limitation  plan  is,  afler  all,  an  inefBcient 
one.  He  said  tliat  Rusaia  might  get  another  sliip — perhaps 
throe  or  four — and  when  elic  had  doubled  the  navy  permitted 
to  her,  perhaps  the  noble  Lord  woidd  be  writing  despatclios 
about  it,  although  I  am  not  iture  he  would  do  that.  I  think 
it  would  be  holding  out  a  temptation  to  buy  Mr.  Scott 
RnRsell'D  great  ship  as  one  of  the  eiglit  tiliipe  the  is  to  be 
allowed  to  keep  by  the  treaty. 


IHfifi. 


KUSSiA.     /K, 


507 


M^  Hon.  Fri«u{i  the  "Member  for  the  West  Riding  remark«l 
that  RuRsia  ral^ltt  purcliase  vessels  of  large  s'ze  from  the 
United  States,  nn<l  still  k«.'«p  within  tho  prosml>ed  limit;  but 
if  this  great  ship,  now  huildinff  in  the  Tliames,  should  sneccod, 
as  I  hoiiiL'  she  will,  Ilussiii  ini^ht  liuy  her  and  send  her  into 
the  "Rlark  Sea,  Somebody  sajs  she  could  not  go  there  with- 
out [>a8«innr  the  Str»)t«,  hut,  rs  ehe  u  built  for  mereautilo 
purposes,  that  monslor  VQssvtX  mi^ht  freely  he  taken  up,  and 
then  form  one  of  the  eig-ht  ships  allowod  to  Russin.  Another 
proposition  has  been  alluded  to  br  the  Hon.  Member  for  the 
Ti.wer  Hamlctfl  (Sir  W.  Chyl  — that  points!  out  by  the 
RusHian  Plcnipolcntiury  —  that  Russia  and  Turkei.'  HhouM 
enter  into  a  friendly  treaty  betwoRu  themi«;lves  and  arrange 
thnt  point;  but  the  other  diplomatists  would  not  allow  it,  un- 
less it  were  done  under  the  eyes  of  the  conference  niid  bearing 
tlic  same  features  of  foiTC  imd  ci>mpiilainn  as  thtir  proposal  of 
tli«  limitation  [loaseeeet].  I  was  astouitthed  to  hear  the  hon. 
Harr)n4>t,  nit  I  nndcrstood  him,  siay  that,  even  although  it 
could  bo  shown  that  tho  Rtiseian  propftBitions  were  better  than 
our  own,  he  thoug-ht  the  proposition  which  bore  on  its  face 
coercion  of  Kusaia  was  most  desirahle.  A  more  unstatesman* 
like  and  immoral  view  ujmu  a  ^reat  (jucstian  between  nibiionit 
I  have  riirely  heanl  of.  [Six  William  Clay  roue,  and  was  under- 
fltood  tiO  deny  tht>  KontimcntK  imputed  to  him  by  the  hon. 
Member.]  1  ondci^tood  my  hon.  Friend  so.  Perhaps  h«  did 
not  mean  what  I  thought  he  did  mean,  hut  that  was  the  con- 
clusion I  came  to  from  hiii  argumeut,  and  I  do  not  think  lie 
will  say  I  entirely  mltirepreBented  him.  It  haa,  however,  lieen 
said  by  the  press  that,  whether  we  were  sincere  or  not  at  the 
cflnferenee,  Russia  was  not.  Hon.  Gentlemen  have  read  in 
the  Timeji  and  other  papers  blowiag  the  flames  of  war,  that 
from  fii'pt  to  last  Russia  was  treacherous  and  infiinrcrc.  I 
wwdd  put  it  to  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  Un  London 
whi-lbi'r  be  i^ii  say  that  was  the  wise,  foi'  I  obwrve  be  •^aid, 
in  his  speech  in  this  Honw  on  the  33rd  of  January  liutt,  in 


«08 


SPKECUKS  OF  JO/LV  nRfGUT, 


jcut  r. 


answer  to  a  qncsUon  from  the  hon.  Mamtujr  for  Aylestury,  or 
Bome  other  Member — 

'  lij  lioD.  Friend  wilt  aeo  lli&t  bj  tliM  Mit  tVio  Ruoiiiui  rioiii|iiit«utiary  ac- 
ooptod  thin  tnt«rjiT«uti'in  m  the  luuln  of  negotiatinn,  of  otmno  mia-ruig  to 
liiniB«lf  tik*  [lowor,  wh«n  Uiia  bui*  ■bull  twvo  b«in  l>Jd  down  is  *  il«finlt* 
articlo,  of  tiuikitig  any  olMorvalianit  ou  t!ie  pttft  of  his  GotCTumciiIi  wbicb  ho 
gliotilil  lliink  proper.' — [3  Ea'atard,  cxkkv'u  9 II.] 

Of  Morse  tbfl  Rtissian  PlenipotonUan-,  when  h«  nwpptwl  it, 
did  so  upon  the  iiiidersUtniliii^  that  it  was  the  kaais  of  nego- 
tiation and  (UtiCDssion,  as  do  one  vrill  dciiv  it  was  il  queetioii 
enpfthle  of  bein^r  solved  in  more  ways  tban  one,  and  it  was  no 
indioatinn  of  inBinc*>rity  for  him  to  reftist?  the  ]ir«L*ise  mode 
proposed  by  the  Plenipoteiitiftry  for  Englnnd.  With  regard 
bo  the  tcrniH  propoec'd,  I  should  like  to  read  to  the  Hoiue  a 
statcmt-nl  I  have  on  very  gtiod  anlliority  as  to  the  lan^ogc 
which  Pniiew  OortchakofT  held  at  Vienna.  Tlie  statement  I 
have  IB  not  to  be  found  in  the  prntocols,  hut  I  Iwlieve  it  may 
be  relied  npnn  as  the  precise  words  he  used.  Tlie  noble  Lord 
inuated,  as  I  understand,  that  it  was  no  indignity  to  ask 
Rosna  to  limit  the  numbvi-  of  her  uhipti  in  the  Black  Sen ;  but 
I  would  submit  it  is  precisely  the  same  in  principle  as  if  she 
were  »)«ked  to  limit  the  amount  of  her  foree  In  the  Crimea  to 
four  or  six  regiments.     Prince  Gortcliakoff  said — 

'  Tv  aak  fram  on  iado)i«n>]oDt  Power  thai  U  ihouU  limit  iU  foivo,  u  to 
amul  iU  ri[;lita  of  wrereiguty  ou  iia  ciwd  terriUiry.  It  u  witli  a  Iwd  ftwet 
UiLt  they  trenld  ■uibun  the  right*  of  tha  SaltMi  and  wish  to  attack  tlioM  of 
till)  Kniptrur  uf  RuMia.  Tti<j  pru|HiBitiaii  to  rendin'  tlt«  Blnck  Sua  iiiKCvaiiblo 
to  veueli  at  wt/c  or  nil  astiuiis  i*  *o  itTwiifo  (ri  bintrrt)  tbat  ono  :■  actuniaheil 
to  ton  thn  fat*  oT  nationa  >!on(iflnd  U>  in«>n  n«h  aa  tlioM  who  lu,r«  eM)ed**d  it. 
How,  cuoli  il  bo  WicTwl  thrtt  Runia  wn-uld  cntuntiit  to  k**c  keniair  up  db- 
anuutl  M  tlio  good  pleiuiur«  of  ilio  NajHiteoaii  aud  tlic  raUuEnttina,  ■nho  wil) 
bo  able  themauUai  to  baro  annod  laret*  in  iKa  Mudilcmuioan  I' 


There  was  uo  answer  to  that.  If  any  diplomatist  from  thin 
ooiintry,  under  the  same  eircumstances  as  Kusnia  wa-^  placctl 
in,  liad  consented  to  terms  »rueh  »s  the  noble  Lurd  had  en- 
deavoured to  force  upon  Russia — I  say,  that  if  he  entered  the 


ISU. 


RUSSIA.     JV. 


609 


door  of  tliid  IIotiHe,  lie  would  be  met  liy  one  univcreul  aliout  of 
execratiou,  and,  as  a  public  man,  would  be  ruined  for  ever. 

I  wish  to  ask  the  Houm;  tliis  question— whether  it  hns 
dolilienitely  mude  up  ita  mind  tliat  this  u-as  a  prupoKilioii 
which  oQ^ht  to  have  been  imposed  upon  Russia?  It'they  bare 
ascertained  which  is  the  best — and  I  rather  think  the  g^encral 
opiaioD  18  that  the  proposition  of  the  Oovemment  is  the 
worst;  but,  asj^iiiuing'  that  it  in  not  so,  uud  that  there  moj*  he 
some  little  diflV-rence — I  want  to  know  what  that  difference  is, 
and  if  there  is  any  difference  which  c«n  be  measured  even  by 
the  6nest  lUplomatic  and  statesmanlike  instriunent  ever  in- 
rented,  I  a«k,  is  that  difference  worth  to  this  country  the 
incalculublc  caUmitiL's  which  a  prolonged  war  must  brinff 
upon  us?  I  am  of  opinion  that,  with  the  territorial  gnantotee 
and  tlie  abolition  of  the  Chriatian  protectorate,  either  the 
terms  proi>osed  by  the  noble  Lord  or  by  Prince  Qortehakoff' 
wonid  have  been  as  secnre  for  Turkey  aa  it  is  possible  under 
esjstiug-  circumslanees  fur  Turkey  to  be  by  any  treaty  between 
the  groat  Puwers  of  Eurojw.  And,  reeolleet  that  we  have  been 
thrown  a,  little  oil'  the  onf^niil  proposition,  for  when  that  pro- 
position was  first  agreed  to  in  the  Cabinet  of  Ixird  Aberdeen  I 
am  satisfied  in  my  own  mind  that  it  meant  aomothing  very 
like  that  tvhich  the  Russians  tliemselvcs  have  projtosed. 

If  WL-  take  this  first  protocol  of  the  conferunce,  and  look  to 
the  speea^  made  by  Count  Ruol  and  to  the  propoxition  he 
made,  yon  will  Jiud  the  third  article  runs  in  this  language: 
'The  treaty  of  July  13,  1841,  shall  be  revised  with  the  double 
object,'  and  «o  on.  But  what  in  the  niiuiniiij^  of  reviising  the 
treaty  of  1841  ?  The  trnaty  has  only  one  object,  which  \»  to 
goazantee  to  the  Turk  thv  right  ho  hat;  claimed  since  his 
poeseauon  of  Constantinople — namely,  that  the  Straits  should 
be  closed  under  the  gnarantec  of  the  Powers,  except  in  oaae  of 
trar.  Therefore,  when  the  Aberdeen  Government,  of  which 
the  nohlo  Lorda  were  Members,  origiually  agreed  upon  these 
terms,  tlwir  object  was  tliat  the  Black  Sea  should  be  thrown 


aio 


SPEBCIISS  OP  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


J  BUB  7. 


Open,  or,  at  le8«t,  tiiat  the  closinj^  of  the  Straits  should  he 
relaxed;  aud  I  presume  t^st  it  wtu  not  until  ailer  it  wus 
known  thnf,  while  Russia  hnd  no  dijectica  to  the  opening  of 
the  Struite,  Turkey  wu5  vcrj'  muub  opposed  to  it,  tbul  it  was 
fouod  neccsflur)'  to  change  the  terms  and  hn'iig  them  IVirwanl 
in  another  form.  Butf  surely,  if  tins  be  %a,  the  House  nnd  tlie 
Ooveruinent  Eliuuld  Le  ehary  iudyed  of  carrying  ou  u  pro- 
longed war  n'ith  Riisaiii,  Riimia  hn\'in{r  been  uillinj^  to  acvept 
ft  projtoeition  mode  origiiuUly  by  U8>  and  which  I  l)olicve  to 
be  the  beat  for  Turkey  and  for  the  interests  of  Kumpe,  If,  I 
say,  tbis  be  no,  waa  the  GoremmL-ntjiislififd  in  breaking-  ulf 
tbi*se  negotiataoDB,  because  that  really  ia  thif  issue  wUicb  tlua 
House  i»  called  upon  to  try?  Can  they  obtain  better  termn? 
If  the  terms  are  safiiciont  for  Turkey  they  ought  not  to  ask 
for  better  ones.  I  do  not  say  they  may  not  get  better  terms. 
I  affree  with  my  lion.  Friend  Ihe  MeniWr  lor  the  West 
Hidiug*  (Mr.  Cobden),  that  Jilngkind  ami  France,  if  tliey  ehou«e 
to  sacrifice  500,000  men,  and  to  tbmw  .iway  100,000,000/.  or 
300,000,000/.  of  Ireaiiuri.',  may  dlsDiembcr  tbe  Kiuuian  Km- 
pire.  But  I  doubt  whether  this  would  give  better  terms  for 
Tudcey — I  am  eme  it  would  not «»'«  better  terms  ftir  Eng-lauJ 
and  Franct'.     Now,  what  Iuib  it  coct  t<i  obtjiiit  all  this? 

And  here  I  must  be  ]>ermitted  to  «iy  one  word  with  rrgard 
to  the  eoiirso  taken  by  thotie  right  hon.  QL>ntlt>men  who  have 
recently  taken  their  sent^  on  this  henuh,  and  whose  conduct 
on  this  question  has  been  the  cause-  of  great  debate,  and  of 
language  which  I  think  the  state  nf  the  caec  hae  not  wholly 
juiitified.  I  pretfume  it  will  l>e  a<lmitted  that  tliet^e  right  boo. 
Gentlemen  at  le-ast  know  the  objeet  of  the  war  as  well  as  any 
other  men  in  this  House.  I  pretnime,  too,  that,  ent^'rlaiatng 
as  they  do  a  very  serious  idea  of  the  results  of  a  prolonged 
war,  they  are  at  liberty  to  come  to  the  eoiiclusiou  tliat  certaio 
termfi,  to  which  they  themselves  were  parties,  ai'e  suHieieiit ; 
and  if  this  be  the  ennvictiou  at  which  they  have  arrived, 
Biiicly  no  Memlier  of  this  House  tvill  Kny  thatj  bvcnutie  they 


ISM. 


KCSSIA.     fV. 


911 


wen>  Members  of  b  Cahini-t  mme  time  ngo  tvhicli  went  into 
tliia  war,  therefore  they  ehould  be  forbidden  to  endeaTOtir  to 
Bv«rt  tbi-  irirulculable  culainitii^  whieli  llireut^u  tlieir  coiiiilry, 
but  hIiouIc]  Ijc  expected  1«  maintain  li  show  ol"  CHnsistcnt-v,  for 
which  tlioy  m\i8t  sacrifice  everything  that  an  honest  man 
ivould  hold  dear.  Have  thete  men  gained  anything  in  popu- 
larity with  th(>  oonntry,  or  even  with  the  Members  of  this 
House,  by  the  cniirae  they  have  tukeu? 

I  am  almo&t  ashamed  to  say  anything  in  the  defence  of 
tliose  who  atv  %o  capable  of  explaining^  and  defending  their 
own  eoncluet  in  this  matter;  but  I  may  be  pardoned  if  I 
rejoice  that  men  ranking  high  an  i(ljit«ftmen,  powerful  by  thetr 
oratory,  dUtinguUhoJ  by  their  long  eervicee,  have  &t|jamto<! 
Lhemselves  from  that  mshj  that  inexciisablc  reckK-^iiesa 
which,  I  say,  markii  the  pnaent  Government,  and  aa-  anxious 
to  deliver  their  country  from  the  dangers  which  surround  it. 
My  hon.  Friends  below  me — nnd  I  am  quite  sure  not  one 
of  them  will  suppose  that  I  Pptak  from  the  mere  wish  to 
nppOMi  them  in  any  way ;  thoy  arc  pcreonal  friend*  of  mine, 
and  it  paimi  me  now  U>  differ  from  them;  but  hon.  Mcmbera 
seem  to  tliinV,  when  they  are  looking  a  long  way  off  for  the 
objects  to  be  j^ained  by  war,  that  a  man  who  looks  at  home  is 
not  R  friend  to  his  coimtry.  Is  war  the  only  thin^  a  nation 
enters  npon  in  which  the  cost  is  dcvct  to  be  reckoned  ?  la  it 
nothing  that  tu  twelve  months  you  have  sacrificed  20,ooo  or 
30,000  men,  who  a  year  a^  were  your  own  fellow-citi/.^'np, 
living  in  your  midst,  and  interested,  as  you  are,  in  all  the 
Booial  and  political  occurrences  of  the  day?  la  it  nothing 
that,  in  addition  to  tIio»c  lives,  a  snm  of — I  am  almost  afraid 
to  HiY  how  much,  but  30,000,000^  «r  40,000,000/.  will  not 
be  beyond  the  mark — has  already  been  exjKinded?  And  let 
the  House  bear  in  mind  tJiis  solemn  &ct — that  the  four 
nations  engaged  in  this  war  have  already  lost  so  many  men, 
that  if  you  were  to  go  from  Chelsea  to  Bhickwall,  and  from 
Higligate  and  Hanipstead  to  Norwcwiii,  and  take  every  man  of 


912 


SPEECHES  OF  JO/IX  SRWUT. 


JVKB7, 


a  fig-hting  fkgv  and  put  him  to  death — if  you  did  this  you 
would  Dot  sacrifice  u  larger  number  of  lives  Itian  have  atrcady 
been  sacrificeJ  in  these  twelve  months  of  war. 

Your  own  troojis,  ns  you  know,  have  Buffered,  during  a 
Crimean  winter,  tortiireft  and  horror*  wliich  the  prcat  Florcn- 
tioc  hardly  imagined  when  he  wrote  hia  immortal  epic.  Uoo, 
Membent  are  ready,  I  know,  to  say,  '  Whose  fault  is  that?* 
But  if  our  losx  has  beoii  lotw  ihiui  that  of  the  I'Vench,  less  than 
that  of  the  Turks,  anJ  \vrss  than  that  of  the  Ruasiaue,  it  is  iair 
to  assume  that,  whatever  mietakeii  may  have  been  committed 
by  th«  Government,  the  loaa  in  the  a^regatc  would,  oven 
under  other  circumstances,  have  fullcn  very  little  xhort  of  that 
which  I  have  attempted  to  describe.  Arc  these  things  to  be 
accounted  notliing?  We  hnve  bad  for  twelve  years  past  a 
gradual  reduction  of  taxation,  and  there  has  beeu  an  immense 
improvement  in  the  ph)-3ical,  intellectual,  and  moral  condition 
of  tJic  people  of  this  couutij- ;  while  for  the  last  two  ytaaxs  vre 
have  commenced  a  career  of  reim]>osing  taxes,  have  had  to 
apply  for  a  loan,  and  uu  doubt,  if  tliin  war  goes  on,  extcuave 
louiiii  are  still  in  prngpect. 

Hon.  Memlicr^  may  think  this  is  uathtng.  Tliey  say  it  is 
a  'low'  view  of  the  caEO.  But,  these  thioga  are  the  foun- 
dation of  your  national  gTcatiii'68,  and  of  your  uational 
duration ;  and  you  may  be  following  visionarj'  phBJit4Mns  in 
all  parts  of  the  world  while  your  own  country  is  becoming 
rotten  within,  nod  ealnmitie«  may  be  lu  tstore  for  the  monarchy 
and  the  nation  of  which  now,  it  appears,  you  take  no  heed. 
Every  man  connected  witli  trade  kuows  liow  much  trade  has 
Muffcred,  how  much  profits  in  every  branch  of  tnwle — esetpt 
in  contracts  arising  out  of  the  war — have  diminished,  how 
industry  \%  becoming  more  prevariouii  and  the  reward  for 
ind;istry  leHS,  how  the  price  of  food  ia  mised,  and  how  muoh 
there  ia  of  a  growing  preswure  of  all  classce,  especially  upon 
thp  poorest  of  the  people — a  pn-iwurc  which  hy-and-by — not 
JDst  now,  when  the  popular  frenzy  ik  laDliul  ititu  fury  morning 


1B5S. 


RUSSIA,   /r. 


SIS 


after  morning  by  the  uews|)a]]eT8 — [Mnrmurs'] — but  1  say 
by-aiid-by  this  disconteut  will  grow  rapidly,  uiid  you  (pointing 
to  Uie  Ministerial  bench)  who  now  faney  you  are  fiilfilliug 
tli«  betieets  of  tUv  national  will,  will  find  yoiireelves  pointed 
to  as  the  m<-n  who  ought  to  have  taught  the  DUtion  better. 

I  will  Dot  enter  into  the  question  of  the  harvest.  That  is 
in  the  hand  of  Providence,  ajid  may  Pntvidenoe  grant  that 
the  harvet^t  may  be  as  buuutiful  as  it  w;i8  last  year  I  But  the 
HuuKe  must  recollect  that  in  i8j3,  only  two  years  a^,  tlicrc 
wan  the  worst  harvesi  thnt  had  been  known  lor  forty  year*. 
Prices  were  very  high  in  (.'outM-<{uencc.  Last  year  tlie  han-cst 
was  the  greatest  ever  kno»i),  yet  prices  have  been  scarecly 
lower,  and  there  arc  not  wanting  men  of  great  informatiun 
and  of  sound  judgment  who  Inolc  witli  mach  alarm  to  what 
may  eome — I  trust  it  may  not  eome — if  wl-  should  have,  in 
addition  to  the  cnlanutiee  of  nar,  culamitics  nrising  from  a 
scarcity  of  food,  which  may  be  ecarccly  Icee  destnictive  of  tlic 
|>eace  and  comfort  of  the  fopiilation  of  this  country. 

I  will  usk  the  House  in  this  state  of  Uiin^  wliether  they 
are  disposed  to  place  intplieit  confidence  in  her  Majissty's 
Ministers?  On  that  (the  Oppoaition)  side  of  the  House  ther« 
is  not,  1  believe,  much  conlldence  in  the  Government ;  and  on 
this  feide  I  suspect  there  are  iitany  uieu  who  are  wi&hful  that 
at  this  critical  moment  ttie  uflairs  of  the  country  Hhoutd  be 
under  the  guidance  of  men  of  greater  wlidity  nnd  of  better 
Judgment,  I  will  now  point  out  one  or  two  ennges  nhieb  T 
think  show  thnt  I  am  justitl&d  in  placing  no  confidence  what- 
ever in  her  Majcjtty's  Goveriiincnt.  Take  for  exsuuple  what 
tlicy  have  t)ern  doing  with  Atii<tria.  The  noble  Lord  at  the 
bead  of  the  Government  ba«  i(tate<l  to  us  tliat  it  wa*  of 
European  importance  thai  Hungary  should  bo  connected  with 
Austria.  The  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  the  Ci^  of  Ixmdoii 
nid  tlie  other  night  it  was  of  esecntial  importance  that 
Auetiia  should  be  preserved  as  she  is — a  gmit  conservative 
Power  ill  the  midnt  of  Europe.     Well,  but  at  the  same  time 

VOL.   I.  L  I 


514 


SPSECHES  OF  JOilS  BRIGHT. 


JUMI  7, 


this  GoTerament  has  been  urging  Austria,  month  after 
month,  to  enter  into  the  same  rainous  course  which  they 
therii*.>lv€s  are  disposed  to  pureuc.  They  know  perft'Ctly  well  . 
that  if  AuHti-iii  wore  to  join  either  with  HuHsiu  uii  the  oiie 
hiiiid,  or  with  the  WusU-ra  Powen*  on  the  other,  in  all  liuniau 
probahility  this  f>;reiLt  Kmj^ire  would  ao  lunj^r  remain  that 
'great  conservative  Power  in  the  midst  of  Europe,'  hut  would 
he  Btripijed  on  the  one  side  of  her  Italian  provuKxs,  and  of 
llungarj  on  the  other;  or,  if  not  strippwl  of  theee  two  por- 
lioDK  of  the  Empire,  woulil  he  plimjred  into  an  iuttfrminaWe 
aiiurehy  whieh  would  prove  destructive  of  her  power. 

Wliat  can  W  more  inconsist«nt  than  for  Ministers  to  tell 
us  that  they  wi»h  Atutria  to  be  preserved,  and,  at  tJi«  same 
time,  to  urgi-  her  upon  a  course  whieh  they  know  i^rfectly 
well  raii^tend  in  hrr  diHniption,  and  in  the  deiitructioD  of  that 
whi<.-h  ihey  think  estieutial  to  the  huliinee  of  [lower  in  Europe? 
We  are  told,  with  ref^ard  to  our  otlier  alliance,  that  it  is  a 
very  delicate  topic.  It  ii  a  very  delirotc  aud  a  very  im- 
portant tnpie;  but  there  ih  another  topic  still  more  ilcticatu 
and  important' — namely,  the  future  of  this  country  ivith 
regard  to  tliat  allianeif.  ]  think  we  have  before  now  speot 
1,000,000,000^.  sterling,  more  or  less,  for  the  wike  of  »  French 
dynasty.  At  this  moment  there  are  French  armies  in  Hoioc, 
in  Athens,  ia  Oallipoli,  in  Coastantiuoplc,  aud  in  the  Crimea, 
aud  the  end  of  all  this,  I  fenr,  is  not  yet.  It  has  l)oen  rc- 
l>entedly  stated  in  this  House  that  the  pwiple  of  FiBuee  are 
not  tbuinselvea  outhtisiaettc  in  I'avour  of  thin  war.  I  would 
fain  hope,  whatever  else  mny  happen,  tliat  between  the  people 
of  England  and  of  IVancc  an  improved  and  friendly  feeling 
huH  growu  up.  But,  as  far  as  the  war  is  csjacerned,  your 
alliance  depetiihi  on  one  life.  The  present  dynasty  may  be  a 
permanent,  but  it  may  be  ao  cpheincra]  one,  and  I  cannot  but 
think  that  when  men  arc  looking  forward  to  prolonged  war- 
faro  thoy  should  at  least  take  Into  considcmtion  the  ground 
00  which  they  are  staudiug. 


1800. 


RUSSIA.     IV. 


Bit 


Lord  ClarendoD  ba«  told  us,  with  re^rd  to  Russia^  tliat 
Europe  wa8  staudiii^  an  a  miDv,  and  did  uut  kuow  it.  I  do 
not  know  thut  lie  is  much  morn  aonte  tliati  other  people,  hiit 
I  pan  fancy  tliat  Lord  Clarendon,  l»y  the  Wundt-ra  of  bis 
uegotifttioiiB  and  the  ailiancee  he  ha«  endeavoured  to  form,  haa 
placed  tlitK  country  on  a  mine  far  more  dangerous  aiid  dc* 
itructive  thim  that  upon  which  he  thinks  Europi.'  mut  pW'ed 
by  the  c-oloiisa]  (wtwer  of  Rntisia.  TJierc  is  aiiotlitT  i>oinl  T 
have  to  touch  upon.  To  mc  it  waK  really  frightful  to  henr 
1  lie  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  London  (Lord  John  Unxeell) 
tell  the  House  that  we  are  not  hj^litinj;  for  oun^clves,  but  for 
OiTmany.  1  recollect  one  pasMige  among  many  in  the  noble 
Lord'a  BiKtx-hes  upon  tJiis  point;  and,  in  looking  over  what 
has  l^een  xaid  by  Mini^ter^,  one  renlly  tvoiiderii  that  they  should 
have  allowed  atiything  of  the  kind  to  apjK-ur  in  llastard. 
On  the  1 7th  of  February  last  year  the  notle  Lord  said, — 

'  TUcy  (Bnglaiid  luid  Pnuice)  feel  lUat  llto  cniiio  ia  une.  In  the  tint  [iUm^  of 

the  mdependcnoeof  TUrk«jr It  b  to  nuunuJii  tlii>  in<ti^n<l«ncw,  Ml 

only  of  TuHicjr,  but  q{  Uvrmniiy  Mid  of  nil  BuropcAn  lutiMi*.'— [3  Uamvrd, 
exii.  906.] 

['  Hear,  hcurl'J  An  hon.  Memlier  cheers.  What  a  notion  a 
man  must  have  of  the  duties  of  the  27,000,000  of  people 
living-  in  thet«e  island!!  if  he  thinks  they  ought  lo  eome 
forward  ns  the  tlofenilerH  of  the  60,000,000  of  people  in 
Germany,  that  the  blood  of  Kngland  is  oot  the  property  of 
tJio  people  of  Eu^hiiid.  and  timt  the  aicred  treasure  of  the 
bravery,  resolution,  and  unfnltering  courage  of  the  people 
of  Eu};laud  is  to  be  Mjuaudered  in  a  oouleet  in  wlileh  the 
noble  Lord  Miys  tre  have  no  iutcrest,  for  the  prcoervntiou  of 
the  jndepondenoc  of  Germany,  and  of  the  integrity,  civiliza- 
tion, and  Bomcthing  else,  of  all  Kurope  I 

l^ie  uuble  Lord  taken  a  much  belter  view,  as  I  presume 
many  of  in  do,  of  things  part  than  of  thingti  pn-Miiit.  The 
□nbte  Lord  knows  that  wc  onee  did  go  lo  wiir  for  all  Europv, 
but  then  we  went  to  war  with  nearly  all  Europe,  wheteas  now 


518 


SPEECHES  OP  JOHN  BRIOIIT. 


JDKK  7, 


we  are  B^^ing  to  war  in  alliance  with  Prance  only,  except  the 
liUle  State  of  Sardinia,  which  via  liave  cajoled  or  coerced  into  a 
coarse  which  T  lielierc  cvory  Mend  to  the  freedom  of  Itiily  and 
U)  Sardinia  will  live  to  regret.  All  the  rest  of  Europe — Spain, 
Portugal,  ttulv,  Austria,  Prii^la,  Switzerland,  HoUund,  DcD- 
mailc,  and  Sweden — talcu  no  ))art  in  the  war,  and  yet  our 
Ministers  have — what  T  should  call,  if  I  were  not  in  tliig 
House,  the  olTronter)'  and  niulacity  to  get  u|>  and  tril  mh  that 
they  are  fig-liting-  the  battle  of  all  Burope,  and  tlukt  all 
Europe  ts  leaded  with  us  a^nst  the  coloseal  ]K>wvr  of 
Ru»tia.  Europe  in  the  last  war  did,  for  the  most  part,  nnite 
with  UB.  Wc  went  to  Spain  Ijeeanso  we  were  called  to  go  by 
tbe  patriot  Spuniajxls,  but  I  think  the  J)uke  of  Wetlingftoo 
has  stated,  in  bis  dcspatcbcK,  that  if  he  bad  kuowu  bow  little 
assistance  would  be  received  from  them  he  would  not  have 
recommended  even  that  expedition. 

But  Do»'j  not  only  ha^  all  Knropc  not  united  with  you,  but 
other  countries  will  uot  even  allow  their  mm  to  6ght  with 
you.  You  pay  ttio  Turlti;  to  fig;ht  tbcir  own  battles,  you 
enlist  ni«u  lu  Germany  to  %ht  the  battles  of  Germany,  and 
the  pvisons  enga^-d  in  Switzerland  and  Hamburg  inculistiuf^ 
ueu  for  you  are  looked  u|k>u  with  BUspiciou  by  the  mithorities, 
and  I  am  not  sure  that  eoine  uf  them  have  uut  oven  biwu 
tab«ii  into  custody.  ^Vhy,  then,  should  you  pretend  that  all 
£urop<  ia  leagued  against  Rueaia,  and  ttuit  you  have  authority 
to  fight  the  I)att1es  of  all  Kurope  a^iuHt  Rus^a,  when  the 
greater  part  uf  Kiirupe  in  standing  by  upatbelit^ally  wonderiiij; 
at  the  folly  you  are  committing?  T  would  appeal  to  the 
noble  Ijord  the  Member  tor  the  Colonies — I  beg  his  pardon, 
the  Member  for  London — but  he  has  been  in  so  maiiy 
different  iKtsitions  lately  that  it  \»  extremely  difficult  t^i 
idvutiry  him.  I  would  appeal  to  the  noble  Lord,  becauae, 
however  mncb  1  differ  from  him,  I  Ijave  ne^-er  yet  come  to  the 
concluxion  tJiat  he  has  not  at  heart  the  interest  of  his  country, 
that  he  is  not  capable  of  appreciating  a  fair  argnment  when  it 


IsfiS. 


Jiirss/A.    IV. 


sir 


Li  laid  liefore  him,  and  tUiit  ho  hut)  not  ^i\xvi  ■m'osa  of  Uie 
Kwpniisibility  as  to  the  political  course  he  lakps,  and  I  \ya\A\ 
ask  him  if  thc'rc  be  do  other  tvorldof  kin^ji^onu  and  of  ontiotui 
but  that  old  world  of  Eumpe  with  nhicli  the  noble  Ixird  is  so . 
diapoeed  to  entangle  this  country  ? 

I  wish  the  noble  Lord  coulil  blot  out  from  his  recollection, 
for  a  little  time-,  William  ITT,  and  all  the  remem'bnuicc  of  what 
bM  been  oallwl  by  the  right  hon.  Member  for  Bucking-ham- 
shira  (Mr.  DiBraeli) '  the  Dutch  conquest,'  which  is  9ui)jKK<e(l 
to  hnre  enthroned  ilic  Whi^  urifstocrucy  in  this  uountry.  I 
uouli)  jisk  tlio  uoljt«  Lord  to  do  this  for  to-iiig-ht — for  an 
hoiiT— for  five  minutes.  There  ia  a  wiintrj'  oalhxl  the  United 
Static  of  America.  Only  on  Tuteday  night  the  very  remark- 
able circumatiuice  occurred — aiid  I  think  the  House  will  be  of 
opinion  that  it  is  one  worth  notice — of  two  of  thoac  difitln- 
gfiiiMhud  men  heing  jireseiit  and  listening  to  the  del)ate'i  in  this 
HooBC  who  hiivfi  occu|iit»d  the  position  of  President  of  tha 
l;nit«d  Stato« ;  a  jwwition,  I  venture  to  say,  not  lower  in 
honour  and  dignity  than  that  of  any  crowned  monarch  on  the 
surface  of  tlie  gloW.  The  Uoited  States  is  jirecisely  the 
country  which  is  running  with  us  tlie  race  of  power  and  of 
greatness.  Its  population  will,  1  Wlicve^  at  the  next  census 
exceed  the  population  of  the  United  Kingdom;  in  its  mann- 
fiwtnreB  and  general  industry  it  iu  by  far  the  most  formidable 
rival  that  the  great  manufacturers  of  this  country  now  have 
to  contend  with ;  it  hiut,  I  nupposc,  ten  ktvamera  for  one 
steamer  of  this  country ;  its  magnificent  steamships  bare 
crofi^  the  Atlaotie  in  a  shorter  time  than  the  steiunshipa  of 
thin  country;  the  finest  vessels  wbieh  are  at  this  moment 
performing  the  voyage  between  England  and  the  Australian 
colonies  have  been  bnilt  in  the  I'nited  States;  therefore,  in 
shipbuilding  industry  the  United  Statt^K  not  only  compete 
with,  hut  in  some  T«^p««ts  even  excel,  this  eountry.  Look  at 
our  present  position  and  thiit  of  thit  United  States. 

May  I  entreat  the  attention  of  this  House,  lor  I  am  not 


SI8 


Si'EK<rHHS  OF  JOHN  BRICHT. 


JWWB  7, 


dcirUiining^  I  am  not  making  a  party  ftttack,  I  nm  tre>aliag  of 
that  which,  in  my  mind,  ia  of  vita!  importance  to  every 
family  in  Uie  kiiigUcmi.  This  year  the  Chnnrellor  of  the 
Exchequer  tohl  you  l!iat  he  miiKt  havK  a  suui  of  86,000,000/. 
iu  order  to  carry  on  the  vurious  dvpartmvntt:  of  your  Govern- 
ment, and  to  dcfrity  ynur  vast  military  expenditure.  The 
United  States  liiis  at  this  monitnt  in  her  Treasury  cuongh,  I 
think,  to  jiuy  oil'  all  h^r  debt.  Deduct  tlie  whole  aoioiint  of 
the  cxpenseB  of  the  Govc-mment  of  the  United  State*,  not 
only  of  the  general  Government,  hut  also  of  the  thirty  inde« 
peiid«nt  soveroign  State?,  from  tin-  8fi,ooo,oooA  wc  are 
»|)eQdin|>,  and  you  will  Imd  tliut  tit  least  70,000,000/.  will  be 
leii,  whteh  ie,  tlieruftire,  the  eum  of  tuxstion  Lliut  wc  ure  paying 
this  year  more  than  the  people  oi'  the  United  Stfttcs. 

Some  lion.  Gi>[itk>nK-[i  know  w-hnt  it  is  to  rim  a  horse  thai 
haa  heeu  weighted.  I  lieunl,  the  other  day,  of  a  horse  that 
won  avtiy  race  in  which  it  ntnrted,  up  to  n  oertain  period 
when  it  vrnH  for  t\\&  first  time  weighted.  It  then  loet  the 
race,  and  it  is  reiKirU-tl  in  the  annals  of  the  tnrf  that  it  never 
won  a  nice  aflernanLi.  If  that  he  the  cheo  with  regard  to  a 
horee,  it  is  much  more  true  with  regard  to  a  nation.  Wheo  a 
nntion  hoit  gone  a  »tcp  hAelnvardi)  it  is  difHctilt  to  restore  it  to 
its  position  ;  if  another  nation  hiis  pu«s«d  it  in  (he  race,  it  is 
almost  impn»nible  for  It  to  regain  the  grnnnd  it  had  lost.  I 
now  epesk  particularly  to  bon.  Memheni  opposite,  for  there 
are,  perhapu,  more  Gentlemen  uptm  that  tliaii  upon  this  side 
of  the  HoHiap  in  the  happy  position  of  owners  of  vast,  pro- 
ductive, bonutifid,  and,  I  hope,  unonciimbcrcd  estates  in  tbd 
varions  parte  of  the  kingdom.  We  are  now  about  ten  days* 
voyage  from  the  Unit^tl  Statui.  and  within  ten  yean  we 
shall  probably  commnnicate  with  that  country  by  telegraph  as 
(jnickly  as  we  now  do  with  the  Crimea.  I  ho[)o  it  will  be  for 
a  mnch  better  object.  The  people  of  the  United  States  are 
our  jicople,  and  then;  arc  few  families  iu  England  which  have 
not  friendfi  and  retalive»  connected   with   or  settltd  in   that 


1W6. 


RUSSIA.    17. 


A19 


country.  The  inducements  for  men  to  remain  at  home  and 
\\k\t  allaobment  to  the  place  of  their  birth  are  neccxrarily  to 
some  pxlrnt  wenknnect  l>y  the  raoility  with  which  they  can 
nnw  triivrl  almost  round  the  world  in  a  few  weeka. 

Do  you  )>elieTe  that  when  the  cnpilnl  of  the  greatvtt  tinnk- 
ing-housc  in  Lombard -street  can  be  transferred  to  the  United 
States  on  a  email  piece  of  paper  in  one  post,  thitt  the  imposi- 
tion of  70,000,000^.  of  taxation  a\&T  and  above  the  taxation 
of  an  equal  population  in  the  United  Stntea  nnll  not  have  tho 
effect  of  trail slt-rriiiit:  capital  from  this  country  to  the  United 
Statcpt,  und,  if  oipital,  then  tradf,  pojiulatioii,  and  all  that 
form*  the  bone  and  «inew  of  tliii4  great  Empire?  I  a^k  lioti. 
Members  to  remembtir  what  fell  on  a  previoun  evening  from 
the  ripht  lion.  Gentleman  the  Preadent  of  the  B/>ard  of 
^Vorka.  Th«  ri|>lit  hon.  Oeullemoii  talked  of  the  war  Imtiug, 
pcrh«i>s,  six  ymn*  with  our  reaourcea  undiminisheil.  NoW) 
notbinff  i-s  ejisier  than  for  a  Cornish  Baronet,  posseseiug  I  am 
afniid  to  «iy  bow  many  thoiisjindH  a  year,  a  Member  of  a 
C'abinet,  or  for  all  thone  who  are  Biirrnunded  with  every  com- 
fort, to  look  with  the  ntmoet  complacency  upon  the  calamitica 
nhich  may  befall  others  not  so  fortunately  (situated  as  them- 
SL'lves.  Six  years  of  tins  war,  ami  our  reaoTirot^  undiminishi^1 1 
Why,  Sir,  six  years  of  this  war,  at  an  annual  expenditure  of 
70/300,000/.,  give  420,000,000 (f.  to  the  wide  of  the  United 
States  as  againrt  the  condition  of  the  people  of  this  con  ntry. 

Am  I,  then,  talkinf;  ortrinei>?  Am  I  talking-  to  sane  men, 
tliat  it  is  noassary  to  bring  forwartl  facts  like  thcBC?  I  am 
amazed,  when  the  newspaper  press,  when  public  speakers, 
when  Oeutlemon  on  both  sidee  of  tbit;  House  are  m  ready 
to  listen  and  to  speak  upon  questions  relating  to  Turkey,  to 
Servia,  or  to  Schamyl,  that  I  cannot  get  the  House  of  Com- 
mona  to  consider  a  i^ucfition  sn  great  as  the  expenditure  of 
410,000,000/.,  and  when  we  have  to  consider  if  we  ehall  trust 
that  vast  iKKue  in  the  bands  of  the  noble  Ijordit  and  right 
lion.  GentlenK'D  on  the  Troawiry  bencli. 


530 


SPSECUES  OF  JOHN  ItRJGUT. 


turn  7f 


I  havu  staU-d  that  I  Lave  no  confidence  in  tlie  GoTernmont, 
and  1  will  now  tell  the  House  anotlier  rwasou  (or  that  want  of 
fonfidenw.  My  hrni.  Friend  the  Member  for  the  West  Ridinff, 
on  n  previoiiB  oc^^on,  tr«»t4xl  i\\v  right  hrtii.  President  ftf  the 
Doard  of  M'orks  very  siuumarily ;  but  I  wish  to  call  the  fttten- 
tion  of  the  House  to  what  was  suid  by  the  ri^Iit  hou.  Gentle- 
man in  1J^50,  in  the  del)at«  whiidi  then  took  plncc  upon  the 
foreign  poliey  ul"  the  iiublo  Lurd  now  his  rhief.  On  that  occa- 
sion th«  riffht  hon.  Gentleman  told  the  House  that  the  forei^ 
policy  of  the  iiohlii  Lord  now  at  the  hood  of  tk«  Govcrnm«at 
had  made  us  hated  by  every  iwrty  in  every  nation  in  Europe  j 
he  said  that  the  noble  Ixtrd  had  excited  the  dtsafiected  to 
revoltj  aud,  having  braught  upon  them  the  vengeance  of 
the  GoTommcnta  iindpr  which  they  lived,  had  then  betrayed 
them..  1  do  uot  miy  timt  thi»  is  true,  but  1  state  it  upoa 
the  authority  of  a  Minintcr  now  in  the  Cabinet  of  the  noble 
Lord;  but,  whether  true  or  not,  I  cannot  have  confidence  in 
the  right  hon.  Geiitk-man  wlit-n  sitting  in  a  Cabinet  to  cany 
out  tJie  foreign  polity'  ff  the  noble  Lortl. 

I  will  take  Wxn  cilbo  of  another  Hinist^ir,  and  I  do  not  thiak 
that  when  he  speaks  he  will  call  my  observation*  uudtscrvcd. 
A  m06t  distinguished  Member  of  the  Govemment — the  Clian- 
oellor  of  the  Exche«[»er — lia«  been  tivice  elected  witJiin  n  very 
nhort  period,  onc«  before  and  onoe  since  his  acccptanoe  of 
offifiCj — I  must  say  that  I  do  not  lilce  to  see  these  changes, 
when  a  man  one  night  site  on  one  bench  and  another  night  oq 
another, — on  the  8th  of  Fcbruurj-,  [8,5,5,  *!•*  right  hon.  Gen- 
tleman, addreiHiiiig  bis  constituents  at  Iladnor,  said  : — 

'  I  ma  n"l  ]nvpkrwl  to  give  ray  votfl  in  frivaitr  of  (vnj  clu>nK«  in  our  policy 
which  woulit  ftttonipt  to  w»3t»  Eii^'lmd  •  linl-nit«  uiLiilary  Pnwor.  U  Mtmiil 
ta  me  lliBt  it  would  be  little  iiburt  oT  mulniiMi  to  attaiupt  kny  ■uoli  jjiguitie 
undBrUking.  It  U  our  true  winlon)  to  limit  oti(i«l«<r«  tn  that  WDoant  of 
niilitar;  fiim:  whicli  ahivll  unalild  in  to  defcii.il  our  omi  ahnm,  «nd  to  protect 
our  jrnnt  dnpondnncinii  atinwul.  If  wn  cim  e^iniplctalf  defend  our  own  MMt<, 
Jt  »|>]>n«»  to  irie  th»t  lliii  o-hjiicta  n(  oKr  iintinnHl  polirjy  linro  liecn  fulfilled.' 


And  then,  m  if  he  hod  in  view  the  language  of  tli«  ooble 


HUSSIA.     IV. 

Lord  at  the  head  or  the  (rovernmeat  aud  that  of  his  colleague 
the  Member  for  Londou,  He  proceeded  to  say, — 

*  I  with  to  K<;  n  cimBtl'Hi  of  that  inordinnto  Mid  iwilmIoih  ttwira  wtuch  liM 
t>t«n  *oinatimca  oipreMcd  of  Utc.  •Intotl  uturpiag;  tliu  fuuutloiia  of  Pnivtdenoet 
that  we  iiboalit  gn  to  kliu'Otn  nil  (lurtaot  tbe  wurlil  to  ru-Ireu  weoag  lOul  to  hoc 

I  say  that  the  riglit  hon.  G^ntlenian  hud  the  lun^a^ 
of  his  coUeagTies  in  view,  and  wheti  lie  spi>.-ikn  he  will 
no  doubt  admit  that  ^ucli  wut  the  eags.  For  what  did  the 
nobte  Lord  the  Scewtary  for  the  Colonies  say  when  lie  ad- 
dressed the  baillies  and  the  entha!»iaatic  cillzcuis  of  Urceiiuck  ? 
He  said, — 

'It  in  likewiae  to  bo  oofUD<i«r«>),  Mod  I  tnut  wc  nhjtll  nana  of  na  fai^nct  it, 
(list  thU  ouuuiry  h.u\da  nti  iiaportaiit  (lontiinL  among  tlie  uatJoiii  of  (tie  wuilJ 
' — tlifti  licit  once,  but  aia-uy  tiiu«,  (lio  liiu  itocKt  forvKril  to  tcmnt.  npjiimiiion, 
t'>  muittun  i\m  ituiii\^wlinoti  of  tvmlcifr  mtiii'iit,  to  |^rumtn't*  io  tb.v  £<I1«TkI 
familj'  of  nntion*  thnt  frcfrdoiu,  tliAi  poorer  of  [rovomiiijt  tbmiuinlvc*.  o(  which 
oth»n  hftve  a^n^ht  in  itepnv«  t'h«>n.  I  tniH  th»t  cbnmol-r  ivill  not  be  fbr- 
gotWn,  iritl  not  be  ntMnd-rruod  by  a  (icopic  wliioh  ia  now  ■troogor  in  inwiWi 
wbioh  U  more  in^julous  &nd  mora  wealthy  llian  it  ev«r  bu  been  nt  uiv  TumiFr 
period.  Thi*  tbttn,  yaa  will  ogreo  with  tno,  is  n«t  the  period  to  abivndon  ivny 
of  tbuw  ilutim  Kiwantv  the  wc>rltl,  tow»nl4  iha  wliolo  of  maakind,  vbicli  Orokt 
Brit&in  liu  liitlierto  jierfin-iiiod.' 

Noiv  let  US  see  what  the  right  hon.  Gentlomftn  eaid,  after 
having  aeeopted  the  oflioe  of  Clinnoellor  of  the  Exchequer. 
The  rig'ht  boo.  Gentleman  made  a  epeoch,  and  it  was  just 
attcr  ihv  death  of  tlic  late  Ktuperor  of  I{.UR!<ia,  and,  in  re- 
ferring; to  the  new  Emperor,  he  said, — 

'11^  howe'or,  it  dioiold  pIsMo  thin  nighty  Potentate  to  oontinue  in  tba 
eoDHEi  i>f  kgirn'wfoD  u|>on  whioh  bin  faihcr  hnA  entertcl,  uid  if  our  raMoitkhl* 
hopM  of  a  more  pAoiBc  policy  ■hoiiltl  bu  cltMi)polutcd.  then  let  Mm  Icnsw  tkkt 
in  Eo^land  he  «iU  And  n  country  )ir«parcd  to  nutintMn  ite  own  rigkte  imd  t)i« 
ri^fbU  uf  other  iistionn.' 

Observe,  *  the  riglits  of  other  nations;*  and  he  goes  oc, — 

'A  oonotry  wfaiob,  •Idioiigh  iu  ruiny  Im*  been  plwcd  in  »  pcriloa*  poeitiun, 
*nil  h>K  hMl  to  nnilcrgu  the  ri|[i>ur*  of  a  Rumiui  winter,  hM  ita  nnoitrcn  un- 
■m)iiurad,  ban  iU  rercDue  ttaaritbiag,  him  it<  Irtde  t»b«t»ntiBlly  unrliminiihod. 
ha«  ita  >(ilr>l  unbrokuR,  aad  will  b«  prDpored,  in  cnao  of  neuevaty,  U>  vindicala 
ita  own  honour,  ttnil  to  lOMutaln  the  nglila  kikI  libarlioa  of  Eixmpi;,' 


£22 


SPKSCUES  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 


JCKS7t 


I  wi*h  the  House  tn  ohscrre  what  a  complete  change  there 
is  in  the  Un^a^  of  the  rtg'ht  boii.  Geutlemau  upon  these 
two  occ»>.iftn8.  Kither  of  the  twr)  opinions  which  he  cxprooKid 
mav  be  right,  hut  Iwth  oP  t.h(>m  uiiiiLot  Ih;  !«o,  and  I  <vtnf«sA 
that  when  I  (iud  that  n  Gentleman  «aye  one  thinjf  one  day, 
and  a  month  later,  when  he  comes  iiit«j  office,  tlie  exact  oppo- 
Bite,  I  do  not  think  tliut  I  can  be  expected  to  have  that  eon- 
lldenev  in  him  ils  to  lie  willing;  lo  entniBt  biin  with  the  nst 
JssiieB  depending  on  the  war. 

I  will  now  refer  to  a  eoHeagne  of  the  right  hon.  Gentleman 
— our  who  htLs  ultiu  distiiif:;uiHh«l  him^olf — 1  mean  the  First 
Lord  of  the  Admiralty.  That  rig-ht  hon,  Genllcmiut  (SirC. 
Wood)  ha8  said  nothing  npon  the  aubject  of  the  war,  and 
I  have  felt  that  he  mvL^l  entertain  great  douhtu  as  to  its 
policy;  hut,  not  verj-  lon^  ajjii,  he  also  uddretised  his  eon- 
atiiueutfi,  and  indulged  in  very  hostile  and  insultinjSf  Ud- 
gnago  towards  *nur  great  and  magnanimous  ally;'  l>nt  he, 
too,  lioH  changed  hiit  mini]  ;  and  not  lon^  ago  he  went  down 
by  express  train  to  KulkeRtone  or  Dover — I  forget  which — to 
meet  in  the  most  friendly,  and  probably  in  the  most  hamblc 
manner,  the  rery  potentate  whom  he  bad  formerly  abused. 

If  I  have  disj>o5etl  of  these  Gentlemen  and  ahnwn  why  I 
can  have  no  conRdenee  in  them,  are  lh«re  an^'  better  reaKOiis 
v'ay  I  should  have  confidence  in  those  two  noble  Lords 
who  were  the  aetive  and  rmtleBs  «pirit«  in  the  Cabinet 
which  the  noble  Lord  the  Member  for  London  overthrew? 
I  regani  those  noble  Lord»  as  respoimihle  for  the  policy 
of  tliis  war.  I  am  boim<l  to  suppose  that  they  aeted  in 
accordance  with  their  cnnseientioiiR  convietionv ;  but,  still, 
the  fact  of  their  hnving  embarked  in  that  policy  is  no 
reasfin  why  I  should  hare  confidence  in  them.  But,  aro 
Ihoee  two  noble  Lords  men  in  whom  Uic  Houbc  and  country 
ought  to  place  implicit  confidence?  "What  of  late  could  be 
more  remarkable  than  the  eaprlow  of  the  noble  Lord  the 
Member  for  London?     When  that  noble    Lord  was  in  the 


ISM. 


RtrSS/A.     It'. 


623 


Govoraraent  of  Lord  Al^erdoen  he  went  in  Greenock,  I  tlimk 
to  Bodford,  and  certainly  to  Bristol — and,  id  fact,  he  took 
evciy  opiwrtnnity  which  ofTered  itself  of  brinKiHK  himscir 
before  ihe  public;  and,  with  his  power  of  spccdi,  his  long 
experience,  and  uminvnt  character,  did  hin  utmoivt  to  stitnu- 
hite  the  feelings  of  tlic  people  to  a  policy  which  I  believe 
bu  be  dvetnictive,  and  vvbioh  I  thiub  the  nuijori^  of  this 
House  in  calm  tnoroent«  do«s  not  btlievc  to  Imvu  boon 
bhe  viscst  vrhtch  coiild  have  l>ecn  pursued.  It  certainly 
appearsi  to  me  to  lie  nnjitstifiable  that,  wMle  Lord  Aberdeen 
was  honestly  endeavoitring  to  briiif^  tlie  negotiations  to  a 
peaceful  oonclueiuuj  the  noble  Lord  was  taking  a  course 
which  rendered  Btateftmanship  valuelcn*  in  conducting:  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  nation.  The  noble  Lonl,  however,  at 
Uut  brought  his  conduct  to  a  climnx.  The  lion,  and  learned 
Member  for  Slieffield  (Mr.  Roebuck)  came  forward  as  a  little 
David  with  fling  and  stone — weapons  which  be  did  not  even 
use,  hut  at  the  mjfht  of  which  the  Whig  Goliab  went  bowling 
and  vun(|uiKhcd  to  the  back  twncheti 

I  am  afraid,  Sir,  to  trust  myeclf  to  speak  of  the  conduct  of 
the  noble  Ixtrd  on  that  occasion.  I  presume  that  we  shall 
liave  to  wait  for  the  ailvont  of  that  Somersetshire  hiBtorian, 
whose  coming  the  noble  Lord  expects,  before  we  know 
whether  his  condncfc  on  that  occasion  was,  what  some  persona 
still  call  it^  treachery  to  hie  chief,  or  whether  it  arose  trom 
that  description  of  moral  cowardice  which  in  erery  man  is  the 
death  of  all  true  statesmanship.  But  in  the  year  1853  the 
noble  Lord  the  \[embcr  for  Txindon  gave  me  u  strong  reason 
why  1  should  feel  no  confidence  in  his  present  chiuf.  The 
House  will  remcmWr  that  be  then  ejected  the  present  Fir^t 
Minister  under  whom  he  now  ser^'Cs  from  the  Cabinet  of  which 
he  himself  was  then  the  head,  and  in  the  explanation  which  he 
made  to  the  House,  tie  told  us  that  men  like  Lord  Grey  and 
Ijord  Melbourne,  men  of  age,  of  anthority,  sind  experience, 
hod  bevn  able  in  some  degree  to  control  his  noble  Friend,  bnt. 


524 


si'EsviiKs  OF  joiix  unnjHT. 


iv»t  7. 


that  he  bein^p  youn^r  tliau  tho  nobte  Lofl,  fuid  having  been 
a.  shurtin-  time  on  the  political  stag:c,  had  found  it  difficult 
to  control  him.  Thf  dtsrrijition  which  tlic  noble  Lord  mi^ht. 
give  of  hiH  eoIleagiK'  is  a  little  like  that  which  wc  ocuasioiiut ly 
see  jfivea  of  a  runawav  horse— that  lie  got  the  bit  Ijetween  his 
teeth,  nnd  there  was  no  hnlilni^  him. 

The  noble  I;or<l  the  Momhpr  for  Ijondon  was  the  captain  of 
the  Slate  vchgcI,  and  the  noblo  Lord  the  Mumbcr  for  I'ivcrtnn 
was  the  mat*.  But  how  is  it  now?  The  noble  Lord  the 
Member  for  the  City  of  Ijondon  liaa  accepted  the  poitition  of 
mate  in  the  most  perilous  timeB,  in  the  most  tempestuous 
weather,  nod  he  goos  to  t,oa  with  no  chart  on  u  mort 
daageroQft  and  iatermiuablc  voyage,  And  with  the  very  reck- 
ie68  captain  whom  lie  wmild  not  triiiit  as  mate.  Sir,  the 
noble  Lord  the  jVIembor  for  London  haa  made  a  defence  of  his 
condiiet  at  the  Conferences  at  Vienna.  I  am  willing  to  give 
lum  credit  that  he  did  then  honeiitly  intend  jieaee;  hut  I  do 
think  that  when  he  goes  again,  and  on  such  a  joiirncy,  he  will 
do  well  to  leave  some  of  his  hitttoric  kiiuwledj^e  behind  hun. 
They  were  indeed  historic  fancies.  Ttiere  is  nnttitng  to  me  so 
out  of  place  as  the  eompnrieon  which  the  noble  Lord  made 
between  the  limitation  of  the  Rtissian  fleet  in  the  Blaclc  Sea 
and  tlio  dintruction  of  Dunkirk,  or  between  the  condition  of 
the  Black  8ca  and  that  of  the  takes  of  North  America.  The 
noble  Lord  can  never  have  heard  of  the  FnlU  of  Niagara.  If 
there  werw  Falls  Hko  them  between  the  Black  Sea  and  the 
Mediterranean  the  eases  would  Ix!  somewhat  BiiniUir,  for  the 
Kuseian  fleet  in  the  Blaok  Sea  would  not  then  he  cxpo«od  to 
the  assaulta  of  the  vast  navies  of  England  or  France.  When 
1  allude  to  this  subjoet,  I  am  reminded  of  that  Weltih- 
man  whom  Shaks|>pare  immortalised,  who  found  some  analogy 
between  a  river  in  Maeedon  and  a  river  in  Monmouth.  He 
knew  the  name  of  the  river  in  Monmouth,  and  he  did  not 
know  the  name  of  the  river  in  Maeedon,  but  he  insisted  upon 
llie  aualog;y  between  them  liecause  there  were  ttalmoii  in  Ixdh. 


Itl/SSIA.     IV. 

Well,  Sir,  I  now  come  to  the  noble  Liord  at  the  head  of  the 
Government,  I  do  not  complain  that  he  is  at  tlic  huul  of 
thi*  Guvpriiineiit.  The  noble  Li>rd  the  Memher  for  the  City 
of  Loufluu  had  thmwii  everything  into  such  jnextricahle  wuH 
nalookod-for  confuKion  that  ftny  one  next  door  to  him  miiBl 
nccessaiily  occupy  the  place.  Bat  I  cannot  have  eontidenw 
in  the  uohle  Viscount,  because  I  cannot  but  recollect  that  in 
1850  hu*  rct'civod  the  condemnation  of  his  foreign  jiolicy  in 
tlie  other  House  of  Parliament ;  and  in  a  spcen-h  which  I  xhall 
never  forget,  the  last  nud  one  of  the  best  ever  delivered  by 
the  greatiBt  statesman  of  the  time,  he  recoivud  a  tiimilar  eon- 
demnatiwu,  and  tlic  nublc  Viiwoiuit  ouly  estaiwd  condemnation 
by  a  direct  vote  of  this  House  by  the  energetic  defence  of  the 
noble  Lord  the  Member  for  the  City  of  London,  and  by  the 
stress  hiid  upon  many  Members  on  this  »iide  of  the  llou^. 
But  only  six  weoks  alter  this  the  noble  Ijord  (Lord  J.  Rnssell) 
jtreeented  to  the  noble  Viscount  a  letter  from  his  Sovereign, 
which  I  euunut  but  think  must  have  cost  him  much  pniiii  and 
to  which  I  will  not  reftr  furthi^r,  except  lo  »ay  Umt  1  do  not 
Itnow  how  it  is  (xxisible,  if  the  content*  of  that  letter  were 
true,  that  either  the  noble  Lord  or  the  House  can  be  called 
upon  to  place  implicit  vontidenc«  in  the  noble  Lord  the  leader 
of  the  Government. 

I  have  observed  the  noble  Viscount's  conduct  ever  since 
I  have  IukI  the  honour  of  a  seat  in  this  House,  and  the  noble 
Vif^iunt  will  excuw;  me  if  I  state  the  reaxnu  why  I  have  otWi 
opposed  him.  The  reason  is^  that  the  noble  Viecount  treat* 
all  these  (lueationji,  and  the  Hrnue  itttelf,  witli  such  a  want  of 
M;ri(jusness  that  it  has  appeared  to  me  that  he  has  no  serious, 
or  sufficiently  serious,  conviction  of  the  imi>ortaut  buKiiie«s 
that  su  euUiitautly  cornea  before  this  House.  T  regard  the 
noble  ViHCount  ast  a  man  who  has  experience,  hut  who  with 
experience  has  not  gained  wisdom — as  a  man  who  has  »ge, 
but  who,  with  ftgi',  has  not  the  gravity  of  age,  and  who,  now 
occupjing  the  liigliesf  sent  of  j«)wer,  has — and  I  say  it  with 


£26 


SPKKCHF.a  01^  JOHN  JiRIGUT. 


JU»  7, 


pain — not  appeared  influcuvMl  by  a  tlue  sooee  of  the  nwpon- 
sibility  that  bi-loiiffs  to  tliat  eievat«J  ixwition. 

Wl'  lire  now  in  the  hanils  of  tlifsc  two  ntiblu  Lynls.  Tlicy 
are  the  authors  of  the  war.  It  lies  betwetin  them  that  peace 
WHS  not  iruide  at  Viemiii  upou  some  proper  term*.  And  u-iiat- 
over  diuuiteni  may  bv  in  store  for  this  country  or  for  Europe, 
they  will  lie  at  the  doors  of  thtsc  noble  Lords.  Their  io- 
fluencc  iu  the  Cabinet  must  W  supreme  j  their  influence  in 
tliis  HuiuH.'  iis  necessarily  great;  and  their  iutlueoce  vritli  the 
country  '%»  griater  than  tliat  of  any  uttier  two  statesmen  now 
uiwn  the  slago  or[iuliti«nl  life  in  England.  They  have  carrieJ 
on  the  war,  They  have,  however,  not  yet  oripplod  Bneaia, 
nUhoug'li  it  is  ginicmJly  Admitted  that  they  Iiuve  almottt  dc- 
rtroyed  Turkey.  They  have  not  yet  xaved  Europe  in  ita 
ind<?|M'ndoiicp  and  civitizntjon, — tliey  liave  only  8Hoc«>ded  in 
convul^iii^  it.  They  have  not  added  to  Uie  honour  and 
renown  of  Eng-land,  but  they  hove  pUcod  the  honour  aod 
renown  of  this  countiy  iu  ]ici'il.  The  country  has  hei-n,  I  am 
afmid,  the  ftport  of  their  ancient  rivalry,  and  1  should  lx>  very 
twrry  if  it  should  be  tlie  victim  of  tlic  policy  which  they  hara 
BO  long  advooRtcd. 

Tlierc  ia  only  one  other  point  upon  which  I -will  trouble  the 
llouec,  it'll  will  t^ive  me  its  attention.  Those  Miui^rtcni — the 
light  hon.  MchiIkt  for  Soutbwark,  the  Commissioner  of  the 
Buanl  ol  Works,  espe<;iolIy,  and  evidently  the  Cbaneellor  of 
Ibt'  Eschetiiiur,  and  I  am  afraid  mHny  othiT  3feinbt»rs  of  ihig 
liouM' — «HVin  to  tiiinfc  little  of  taxes.  Some  Members  of  tlii« 
Hou»e  seem  to  have  no  patience  with  me  if  I  Epeab  of  tlie 
cost  of  the  war ;  but  I  am  ohlig^■d  to  ask  its  a.tt«:iitioo  to  tLis 
ptiint.  T  reeollect  n.'a(ling  in  the  lill-  of  Ncckt'r,  that  un 
aristoeratic  lady  earae  to  him  when  he  m'os  Finance  Minister 
of  Louiii  XVI,  and  asked  bim  to  give  her  i,ooo  crowiw  fifom 
Ifae  public  treasury — not  an  unusual  demand  in  thoee  daya. 
Necker  n'fusod  to  give  the  money.  The  lady  «lar)«l  with 
astonishment—she  had  an  eye  tu  the  vast  funds  of  the  State, 


and  alie  tiskml,  'What  can  i,ooo  crowns  be  to  the  King?' 
Neokt-r's  answer  was, '  Madam  !  i,ooo  crowus  ure  llie  taxes  of 
a  wliole  villajfe!' 

1  ask  hon.  OcDtlcmeu  what  are  the  tasca  or&  wbolc  villfigc, 
mill  what  tliL'y  mt.-aii  ?  TUvy  tUL-aii  burencss  vf  furuitun.-,  ul' 
clothing,  and  of  the  tabk-  in  many  a  cottage  in  Lanrasliirc, 
in  SulFolk,  and  In  l>orset8hin*.  They  mean  an  ahwooe  of 
medical  attciu1aiic«  for  u  siiL  wift?,  au  akei-ni'i.'  of  thi?  st-huol 
pence  of  three  or  four  little  children — ho]M3ii>8«  toil  1«  the 
faltier  of  a  fiunily,  penury  tbruugb  his  lifv,  a  chevrli'ss  old  age, 
and,  if  I  may  quutii  the  Initgiiage  of  a  poet  of  humhlc  lift-,  ut 
loMt — 'the  little  bi-ll  tolled  hastily  for  tlie  pauper's  fiinera!/ 
That  is  what  taxes  mean.  The  lion.  MemW  for  Dorsetshire 
apoke  the  otticr  night  in  a  manner  ratlier  flippant  and  hardly 
respectful  to  some  of  us  on  this  question.  But  the  labourers 
of  Dorsetshire  as  well  us  the  weavers  and  spinners  uf  Luii- 
c-ualiire  are  toiling,  and  mu»i  toil  harder,  longer,  and  witli 
smaller  retnuncratiuu  for  every  single  loo^.  that  you  extract  in 
taxes  from  the  people  in  excess  of  what  is  nccciisnr}'forthejU8t 
requiremeuhJ  of  the  -Exchei{uer  of  tlic  country.  I  hope  I  may 
be  permitted  to  treat  the  question  on  this  ground,  and  1  ask 
the  House  to  recollect  thait  when  you  strike  down  tlie  children 
in  thu  eoblage  you  attack  aliso  the  childivn  in  the  ])alaee.  If 
you  darken  the  lives  and  detjtruy  the  hopcw  of  the  humhie 
dwellers  of  the  country,  you  a1»o  darken  the  proHpecte  of  those 
chiUreD  the  offspring  of  your  Queen,  in  whom  arc  Imiind  up 
so  much  of  the  interest*  and  so  much  of  the  hopes  of  the 
people  of  tliis  fOunLry.  It'  I  defL*nd,  iherwfon*,  the  interesls  of 
the  jjeople  on  this  jwint,  I  do  not  tlie  lees  defend  the  ]ici-mn- 
nenc*  of  the  dignity  of  the  Crown. 

We  on  this  bench  ore  not  willing  to  place  ourseh'ed  uloug- 
Hide  of  noble  Lords  who  are  fur  carrying  on  tliis  war  with  ao 
definite  object  and  for  an  iadeltnite  period,  but  are  ready  to 
take  our  chanco  of  the  verdict  of  posterity  whether  ihey  or  wo 
more  deserve  the  character  of  statesmen  in  the  course  w«  have 


628  SPEECHKS  OF  JOHN  BRIGHT. 

taken  on  this  qaestion.  The  House  muBt  know  that  the 
people  are  misled  and  bewildered^  and  that  if  every  man  in 
this  House,  who  doubts  the  policy  tbat  is  being  pursued, 
would  boldly  say  so  in  this  House  and  out  of  it,  it  would  not 
be  in  the  power  of  the  press  to  mislead  the  people  as  it  has 
done  for  the  last  twelve  months.  If  they  are  thus  misled  and 
bewildered,  is  it  not  the  duty  of  this  House  to  speak  with  the 
voice  of  authority  in  this  hour  of  peril?  We  are  the  de- 
positaries of  the  power  and  the  guardians  of  the  interests  of  a 
great  nation  and  of  an  ancient  monarchy.  Why  should  we 
not  fully  measure  our  responsibility?  Why  should  we  not 
disregard  the  small-minded  ambition  that  struggles  for  place  ? 
and  why  should  we  not,  by  a  &itbful,  just,  and  earnest  policy, 
restore,  as  I  believe  we  may,  tranquillity  to  Europe  and  pros- 
perity to  the  country  so  dear  to  qs  ? 


-  -  K>=cg.j;j.5>=H — . 


LETTER   OF   JOHN   BRIGHT 

TO    ABSALOM    WATKIN 

ON    THE    RUSSIAN    WAR. 


[This  letter  was  originally  published  nith  not«8  cont&ining  extracts  from  tboM* 
duthoritiefl  nhicb  confirtned  the  writer's  views.  The  text  of  these  notes  has 
been  omitted,  but  the  references  have  been  retuned.  It  has  been  thought 
desirable  to  reprint  tliis  letter,  as  explaining  the  policy  which  Mr.  Bright 
thought  it  hit  duty  to  recommend — a  policy  which  was  as  wise  and  jnst  as  it 
was  unfortunately  unpopular. — J.  E.  T.  R.] 

[Mr.  Absalom  Watkin,  of  Manchester,  having  invited  Mr.  Bright  to  a 
meeting  about  to  be  held  in  that  dty  on  behalf  of  the  Patriotic  Fund,  and 
having  stated  that  in  his  opinion  the  present  war  was  justified  by  the 
authority  of  Vatlel,  Mr.  Bright  replied  in  the  subjoined  letter.] 

I  THINK,  on  further  coneideration,  you  will  perceive  that  the 
meeting  on  Thursday  next  would  be  a  most  improper  occasion  for 
a  diseusBion  as  to  the  justice  of  the  war.  Just  or  unjust,  the  war 
is  a  fact,  and  the  men  whose  lives  are  miserably  thrown  away  in  it 
have  clearly  a  claim  upon  the  country,  and  especially  upon  those 
who,  by  the  expression  of  opinions  &ivourable  to  the  war,  have 
made  themselves  responsible  for  it.  I  cannot,  therefore,  for  a 
moment  appear  to  discourage  the  liberality  of  those  who  believe 
the  war  to  be  just,  and  whose  utmost  generosity,  in  my  opinion, 
will  make  but  a  wretched  return  for  the  ruin  they  have  brought 
upon  hundreds  of  families. 

With  regard  to  the  war  itself,  I  am  not  surprised  at  the  differ- 
ence between  your  opinion  and  mine,  if  you  decide  a  question  of 
this  nature  by  an  appeal  to  Vatttl.  The  'law  of  nations'  is  not 
my  law,  and  at  best  it  is  a  code  full  of  confusion  and  contradictions, 
having  ita  foundation  on  custom,  and  not  on  a  higher  morality ; 
and  on  custom  which  has  always  been  determined  by  the  will  trf 
the  strongest.     It  may  be  a  question  of  some  interest  whether 

VOL.  I.  31  TO 


530 


IHTTEn  OF  JOHN   hUtOHT 


OCT.  30, 


the  6rat  cruftaiie  nas  is  nccordaocv  willi  tho  Inw  unci  principles 
fJ  V<tUel ;  but  wlivlligr  the  first  urusnde  was  juet,  nnd  wlictbcr 
tliv  policy  of  tlic  cruNMlt!)  vmt  it  vdnv  imVicy,  iti  a  totnlly  <lilTcrciit 
(juestiou.  1  have  no  douljl  tliat  tbo  American  vrur  wii«  a  Jiuit 
Wftp  according  to  the  priniiploe  laid  dowib  by  writers  gt\  tlic  *Uw 
or  niitioiis,'  tuiil  yet  ihi  man  iu  his  striiara  in  this  country  mil  now 
Bay  tlml  lli«  fniWcy  of  G(!ui);e  HI,  tuwanls  Uie  Anicricaw  culonies 
was  a  wiae  policy,  or  llukt  war  «  rightcoon  war.  Tbc  French  war, 
too,  waa  iloiilitlest)  juttl  Acconltii^c  to  the  aaiuc  authuritjce ;  fur 
there  wen  feom  and  »iili<:i{iHtv<1  iJati^ffint  t*)  be  oomWtted,  and  law 
nntlordortoWsueUiiicd  in  Europe;  an<lyctf«w  intelligent  men  now 
bclitvc  the  Fi-ench  ww  to  have  been  either  accc«sar)-  or  just.  Yob 
muat  cxouMe  iite  if  1  refuse  altogether  to  pin  my  faidi  upon  Vattd. 
There  have  been  writers  on  itttoniatiooal  law  who  have  attempted 
to  show  that  private  asfiasaiiinlion  anil  the  poLsuuing  uF  wi;IU  wvrv 
ju.itiGable  in  war:  aud  perha]iR  it  would  be  difficult  to  demuuotrvto 
wherein  tlie«c  horrora  differ  from  eume  of  the  practices  which  ore 
now  in  vogue.  1  will  n«it  ask  you  tu  niouKl  your  t>)finion  on  tliCM 
puiata  by  such  writera,  nor  ahull  I  submit  my  jwlgment  to  that  of 
Vaiul. 

The  t|ucittiuu  vf  tliia  |>rMcut  war  in  iu  tvru  parte — Orst,  wad  it 
acccMnry  fur  u»  tu  interftre  by  aniia  in  a  dispute  between  the 
Runians  and  thoTiirka  ;  and  secundly,  having  detemuned  to  inter- 
fere, under  certain  eircuui stances,  why  vnta  nvt  the  whole  i^untioa 
lenuiiialfil  whwi  Uu^^ia  acwpted  tlif  Vienna  iiute?  The  neat  of 
war  i^  three  thuuwind  nviln  away  fnmi  ita.  We  luul  not  bean 
attaeked — not  oven  iuaultcd  in  any  way.  Two  indcpenilcot  Qovcm- 
meiita  }ia<I  a  dispute,  and  we  thrust  uun^elves  into  the  quarrel, 
'riiat  there  wmi  some  ground  fur  tin-  ilisput4  ix  ftclnn[,t«i  by  tlte 
four  Powers  in  the  propueitioo,  of  the  Vienna  note".  But  for  the 
Engllih  Miaiitter  at  Conatiuitiii»ple  and  the  Oabinet  at  home  the 
diRpute  would  have  settk'd  itM-lf,  and  th<^  liwt  note  of  Frince 
MeuchikolF  woulJ  liavc  been  accepted,  auti  uo  human  teiiig  ean 
point  ont  any  material  (liflV-reojcc  between  that  note  and  the  Vicuna 
notc^  afterwnrik  agreed  ti|von  and  r<>n>mnie tided  by  the  Oovem- 
m«tit8  of  England,  France,  Austria  and  Prussia.  But  onr  Qovem- 
meat  would  not  allow  the  dispute  to  be  settled.  Lord  Stratford  dc 
HtHlelifTe  held  private  interviewx  with  the  Sulttin — did  his  utmost 
to  alartn  hiui — insisted  on  hia  rejection  of  all  terms  of  neeommo- 
dation  with  Itusain,  and  pmiui.tcd  him  the  armed  asustance  of 
England  if  war  should  arise*. 

'  Colonel  Rone  to  Lonl  J<ihn  Runwll,  Marcb  7.  tX.tj— Blue  Boafc,  part  L 
t>.  87.  LorU  Suntnjni  .lo  IWclilTu  tu  tliv  lC»r1  of  t'liuvnilvn,  April  oaad 
Mky  «>,  18^3  11>i<l.  put  i.  wi-7  ^i"l  'ii  U-rJ  Ji'ha  Rum«II  iuSSrO.  B. 
Kvymnur,  Kel<mujr9,  iS£3— KMt«rn  Pannra,  i.&rt*.  p,*,  Bui  «f  Clann>doB 
111  Sir  n.  H.  Xnymnur,  ApHI  5.  i8f j— Ibiil.  put  v.  p.  if.  Lord  CkrU*l«'« 
LHru-y  in  Turkiidi  and  iittvk  Watem,  |i.  iSt. 

*  Lord  StntUutrl  (u  tlie  Ear\  uf  Clanindini,  Mity  I9,  iSfJ.  Hm.  bowcver.  a 
dnpatch  of  Hay  to— Btae  Uouk.  (mrt  L  p.  Ji.t- 


UH. 


TO  ABSALOM    WATKIlf. 


sat 


Ttic  Turku  rcjr«l€tl  the  Rusaiau  note,  nod  the  Ituuioiu  cro«M^ 
tilt!  IVulh,  occniiylii^  tlu-  Printrijialiticfe  im  n  'tnaterial  giiRiantco.' 
I  ila  not  dc'IViiil  this  net  of  Riii>Mii :  it  hiu  dwHyx  «]1|)|!M0(]  to  rae 
i]ti|Krlitic  iin<l  iuiiuural ;  liut  I  think  it  likely  it  coqld  be  well 
dcfi-iMlc<l  out  of  Vatui,  nnil  It  in  at  Icoat  as  jiutifialilc  aa  the  conduct 
of  Lord  John  Rustcll  nnil  Lord  Falmmton  in  1850,  vrli^tn  thoy 
sent  ten  or  twelve  ships  of  war  to  tlic  Fincua,  DicnncinR  the  towo 
witli  A  bombardment  if  the  duhonml  p^cunJiiry  claitua  nuule  l>y  Don 
I'uoilico  vevw  not  iit  nnir  Aaliitlicd'. 

Bat  tbr  pnsBnKc  of  tbv  E'nitit  uiM  dL-chuvd  by  England  Bod 
Franco  tinA  Turkey  not  to  be  a  ea.ma  bdli.  Nrgotiatiuns  vers 
ooBUutnml  nt  Viennn,  niid  the  celebrated  Vienna  nM«  wns  dmwn 
up.  This  iiutv  bad  itc  origiQ  iu  l*ari«',  wm  agre^'d  to  )>y  tliu 
ConfcrtMicr  at  Vimna,  ratified  Piid  approved  by  the  (\ibiacts  of 
raris  and  London  *,  and  pranouticed  hy  nil  these  atitburitieB  to  be 
such  an  wijuld  satinfy  tlie  hvnour  of  KuKfiii,  ikud  at  tbi.'  Mme  time 
be  com|Mlib1c  with  the  '  indcjK-ndiMirx'  and  inU-grily '  of  Turkey 
and  the  honour  of  the  Sultan.  Russin  araepted  tJiis  note  nt  once ', 
— aoci'jttc'd  il,  I  believe,  l*y  t«legr«ph,  tveii  before  the  jirvcine  wvrda 
of  it  had  been  rreeivtid  iu  Si.  Fel<-r)»bur);li *.  Everybody  tliou^^it 
tbiii  <|UMtiuD  now  orttlod  ;  a  Cabinet  Ministn*  assured  me  we  ahould 
never  hear  iu»oth«r  word  about  it ;  '  the  whole  thiiifc  vs  \A  an  end,' 
lie  MMil,  and  art  it  apiicorcd  for  a  nioincTit.  ]tut  the  Turk  refoscd 
the  note  which  had  been  dmnni  u|)  by  hiti  own  arliitratora,  and 
whiob  Itus»ia  hnd  iK'Ctj>te<l\  And  what  did  the  Miniittcrs  say 
then,  anil  whiit  did  their  orf^n,  the  Ttniw,  say  1  'lliey  said  it  woa 
iiKTt-ly  a  dit>en<iire  nl>oiit  wunl*  ;  it  was  h  pity  thv  Turk  made  any 
diffienlty,  but  it  would  5fton  be  settled'.  But  it  w*«  not  iKtUt*!, 
ami  why  not  I  It  is  sud  that  the  lliiasinti  Onvemiiienl  put  an 
iinpniiw  coimtruction  un  thi>  Vieiina  notv.  But  it  is  unfortunate 
for  thoM  wh»  my  this,  that  the  Turk  plaeed  precisely  the  same 
conatruction  npnn  it ;  and  Rirthpr,  it  it  upon  reconi  that  t-lic  Frcodi 
QoTenim<!nt  adviiicd  the  Ranian  (Tuvcrnmeiit  to  ncMqjt  it,  on  the 

•  Count  NefMtrod«  Xa  Itu«n  Itrnunow,  Keliru»fy,  i8e,». 

'  Ekrl  M  Wottiuuralaad  t«  LonI  ClanBdon,  Jalj  15.  i8j] — Bl««  B«ok, 
pari  ii,  n.  iij. 

'  Gorl  of  CUiraiJon  to  I^tm)  i^tnttora  d«  [tsdcUfEn  Angnat  1,  t8!;j— Bin* 
Book,  {>artiL  p.  17.  Lord  Onwl^y  to  Lord  ClArcndon,  Avfoat  4,  iSJj—Ibiil. 
-  pait  ii  p.  37. 

'  Sir  O.  II.  Seymiror  to  ilie  Ewl  of  Clmraudon,  Aogiat  }.  1853 — Blaa 
Book,  part  ii.  ]«.  4J.  Coant  NeoclnMlr,  Augnat  b,  1833— Ibid,  part  ii. 
p.  46. 

'  Mr  O.  H.  Seymour  to  LonI  Clwondnn,  Angu«t  tt,  1853—81110  V»ak, 
part  El.  p.  fo.  Cutiiit  Nmelnxla  In  linrnn  M«yflD<l«tif,  8«pbnn1i«r  7.  1853 
— Ibid.  I'irt  ii.  |i.  lOl. 

*  trfsrd  Htratfonl  da  RodnlilTn  to  llw)  Eut  of  Clamnilan.  Aupirt  IJ,  l8sj— 
fituo  Itook.  part  iv.  p.  (19.  Lnrd  Siratfonl  to  llio  Ear)  of  Cluviidon,  Aagott 
•*■  '853— I^'iJ- part  ".  p.  71. 

'  LiirJ  Cfiwloy  to  Lord  Clnrviuliwi.  froai  I'aria,  8«p4«mb*r  ),  iSjJ— B)u* 
B«alt.  ]iKrt  iv.  p.  X7.  Lord  aarandan  Ut  Ltff^l  .Slntfonl  do  R«idcliff^  S«p> 
toiuber  10,  i853^Ibld.  part  Iv.  p.  95.    The  Tiim^  S«pt«tnlH-r  tj,  185^. 

M  m  Z 


332 


ISTTXB  OP  JOHN  BRIOUT 


OCT.  29, 


ground  that  '  iM  RCiipml  seiieo  iliffcrwl  in  noUiinfr  fmin  the  ftenso  of 
die  jiropositioD  of  Prince  llcnciikoff'.'  It  i»,  however,  easy  to  tme 
why  llie  Ruiuinii  floveriimeiit  nhould,  when  tlic  Tuiks  refuHed  tlie 
■wnrd  of  thrir  own  ftrhitnttorx,  rc-«tAte  it^  origiiul  claim,  tbut  it 
might  not  be  duniBRvd  by  whatewr  ccniccMion  it  hod  made  in 
ftccepting  the  award  ;  and  this  is  nidently  the  cxplaoatioo  of  the 
document  iwiucd  by  Count  NeMeli^c,  and  nbnut  wbidi  «o  ranch 
hafl  been  raid.  But,  ofkr  this,  tb«  £iu|H*ror  vF  Kuwtu  «pokc  to 
Iiord  Wertmoreland  on  the  eiibjecl  ut  Olmutt,  and  exprcaacd  hia 
readintM  to  Jiccept  tb«  Vienna  note,  n-ith  any  clause  which  the 
Coufereuce  nti^ht  odd  tv  it,  cxpluiiiiu};  and  I'Cstrictitig  it*  mcuoiag*; 
uikI  he-  urged  that  thitt  »)iouM  liv  <Iuik'  at  iintt-,  as  he  vim  anxioin 
tha.t  hie  troup§  i^huuld  re-erues  the  Fnith  bet'une  n-inter*.  It  was 
in  thia  very  week  lliat  the  l>irk»  summoned  a  grand  couucil,  and, 
euntniry  to  Wiv  itdvic«  of  Knglaud  anil  FnnKr^  dctennined  ou  ■ 
declarution  of  vrnr*. 

Now,  obwrv*  the  course  taken  by  our  OoTemmcDt.  They 
agre^ il  to  tho  \'Jei)iin  note ;  mn  fewer  than  five  Mr-mbers  of  this 
Cubiiiet  liave  filled  Uio  tMct  of  Koretgii  SecrrUiry,  and  theroforo 
may  be  supposed  capable  of  comprehend!  ni;  its  mcAning  -.  it  was 
ft  note  drawn  u]i  liy  the  frienda  of  Turkey,  and  by  arbitrator* 
Relf-connlitiited  ou  behalf  of  Turkey ;  tlii^y  av^\  ita  uccRirtancc 
on  the  RiixAian  QovemmeDt,  and  thu  Rumian  QoTcmment  Rceepted 
it  j  there  WBB  then  a  dii^utu  nl>out  ita  precise  meaning,  and  Russia 
agreed,  ami  even  propoaed  tbat  the  arhitratora  at  Yiennn  ahuulj 
amend  it,  by  explaining  it,  and  limiting  it><  moaning,  ta  ihut  no 
<{ueatioD  of  its  intention  should  henceforth  exist.  But,  the  Turks 
haWng  rejected  it,  oar  Government  turned  round,  and  dechired  the 
Vienna  note,  thi-ir  own  not^,  entirely  inadmissible,  and  defended 
the  conduct  of  the  Turks  in  hoviii};  rejected  it.  Tlic  Turks  declared 
war,  againat  the  advice  of  the  Giiglish  and  French  Ooverumenta' 
— M,  at  least,  it  appears  from  the  Blue  Bo^ika ;  but  the  moment 
war  wna  declared  by  Turkey,  uur  (Juvenuiient  ojiciily  applauded  it 
England,  then,  whs   eommltled    to   the   war.     She  hail  promised 

■  Eu-l  «f  Claraudon  to  tbi:  EnrI  of  Wottmcmlaad,  July  15,  1S5.)— K<u 
BoAk,  (xu-t  ii.   ji.    I.     Count  NawwlroilD'*  Mmiorui'luni  of  MiuiJi  *,  18^4,  ia 

*  LonI  M'e*Ui]ur«lan<I  lo  Lord  Clarfiiiilon,  Soplamber  18,  iSsj — Blae  Book, 
|iarL  II.  |>.  iig.  LurI  Ccwky  to  Lanl  Claretiduu.  Uctutwr  4.  185,^ — Ibid,  port 
il.  p.  Iji.  JmtA  ClaremilDU  lo  Lord  Cowlej.  October  7.  i8j^~Ibt<l.  pwt  ii 
|i.  140.    Lonl  Clannilca  to  Lord  A.  Luflus— Ibid,  )An  ii,  |).  iji. 

'  Bari  c^  WMtoMnlaail,  8nit«i»bur  14,  1855— Blue  [IvH-k.  part  ii.  p.  lofi. 

*  Lord  Stmtford  do  n«dobffi»,  Bept«nb«r  16.  iSfj— llluo  Bovk,  pwt  ii. 
[I.  130.  M.  I>rcuyn  da  Lhuya  to  Couot  Wnlewikt,  Octobor  4,  ISJ3— Ibid, 
part  ii.  p.  136, 

*  Lord  Rtratfanl  do  RwkUffiB,  Hsptrmbor  10.  1H53 — rttuo  Book,  part  il, 
pp.  f«9,  IJI.  Lord  CUtvniloa.  October  14.  i8f3— Ibid,  part  ii.  n.  131. 
YjotA  Htmtford,  NovcmWr  17.  iRsj—lhii).  part  Ii.  iru.  j;i,  181.  Lord  Rtmt- 
ford — Ibid,  part  ii.  ji.  iSS.  Lonl  Claicudou  U>  LunI  ^iialford,  November  8, 
1853— Lbid.  part  Li.  p.  119. 


IBSJ. 


TO  ABSALOM    WAT  Km 


633 


ttntivil  aseistaucv  to  Turkey — u  cuuntry  withniit  govoTDinent ',  unil 
wbosc  admiiuscration  vros  at  the  iii«rcy  of  vuiit«ii<lui^  fsclionn  ;  and 
iufa]tal>le  of  (ixijig  a  |jiiiicy  fur  lirntcir.  «lic  kUowed  hiTH«'lf  to  lie 
ilrit}{i^^(i  oil  by  the  ciirrviit  of  events  at  CoiisUintiuoplo.  She 
Nlriftcd.'  as  Lord  Claroudon  said,  exactly  Jescribiug  hU  uwn 
ptMitioTi,  into  the  war,  a[>)mTc»tly  witliuut  ruJdcr  »nil  williuut 
compaiw. 

Tlie  whole  polity  of  our  Qovornment  in  this  matt«r  u  marked 
with  nn  imbecility  jierhape  witliout  enamplc,  I  wil!  iint  say  they 
inteDiled  a  var  fniiii  the  fintt,  though  there  arc  not  vrmititi^  ntuiiy 
evidence*  thai  war  wi«  the  ohjcct  of  at  IcMl  a  Koction  of  t!>« 
CabiDct.  A  distiD<ruisbcd  Mcmlicr  «f  the  House  of  Camnionii 
said  to  B  iri^ad  of  mine,  imniediately  after  Ibe  aceeaaion  of  the 
present  Oovemment  to  offi«',  'You  have  a  war  .Minintty,  and  you 
will  have  a  n-u-.'  But  I  leave  this  qiiitstion  to  point  out  the  di»- 
grnwfiil  feehleaecB  of  the  Csbiaet,  if  I  am  to  abfloive  them  from 
the  guilt  of  h&viag  sought  occasion  for  war.  They  promiacd  the 
Turk  armed  iis8i8tiincc  uu  couditioDS.  or  without  conditions.  Thoy, 
ill  concert  with  Fntuce,  Austria,  aud  PrusBia.  took  the  origiua) 
diupute  out  of  th<>  hands  of  Kossia  and  I'ui-key,  and  formed  them- 
BL-IvcH  into  a  t^iurt  of  iirliitnition  i>i  the  int(.Te>t8  of  Turkey  ;  tln-y 
mluIt^  nil  uwiu^l,  which  thty  clc%lured  to  b«  safe  and  honourahle 
for  both  parties  ;  thia  award  was  aoceptcd  by  liussia  and  n^jdcted 
by  Turkey  ;  and  llifj  tln-u  tuniec]  mund  upwu  their  own  (twiird, 
declared  it  Uy  \»:  'tuUlly  iuadniiseiblc.'  and  inude  wur  upon  the 
wry  country  wliotw  Oovemment.  at  their  au^estion  and  nrj^nt 
rcconuncadatioD,  had  frtuikly  accepted  iU  At  thia  niomcut  Eng- 
land is  e&gagG<L  in  n  murderoni^  warfare  with  RtiKvia,  although  the 
Buenan  Govemineut  accepte<I  her  own  terniH  of  peaco,  luid  has 
b«en  willing  t»  accept  them  in  the  Heuee  of  England's  own  inUtr- 
prctatioii  of  them  ever  since  thi?y  wore  uRVred  ;  and  at  llic  name 
time  l'!»gland  Ja  tilliod  with  Turkey,  whtiee  Govi'mincnt  rojrcted 
the  award  of  Unglaad,  and  who  entered  into  the  war  in  opjHeitioD 
to  the  advice  of  England.  Surely,  when  the  Vienna  note  WM 
accepted  by  Kututla,  the  Turks  hIiou1<I  litivo  bej:-)i  jiroveiited  trwa 
going  to  war,  or  Dkould  have  been  Bllowed  to  go  to  war  at  their 
own  risk. 

I  have  said  nothing  here  of  the  fad  thnt  nil  these  troubles  hav« 
Kpruiig  out  of  the  demands  made  by  France  upon  the  Turkisli 
Oovemment,  and  urged  in  language  more  inguUing  tlinn  any  which 
has  been  shown  to  have  been  used  Iiy  Prince  Menchikoff'.  I  have 
■Ktid  uothinji  of  the  diplouuilo  war  which  has  boeu  ni({iug  fur  many 

'  Lord  Clarendinn  Ia  Lord  StrKtrard — Blue  Bonk,  part  I.  yp.  8r,  i(*.  I.nrd 
Stntford  lo  M.  R.  Pijwni.  .Iitnu  tt,  1853 — lliiil.  jiort  I.  {>,  J^J.  Tbo  iniua 
Id  ttwMun*.  Jnl>  4— lliiil    [jart  i.  pp.  j8j,  3S4. 

*  Col.  Rom  to  Uir  E«rl  of  ItlaJmntburir.  Norcinbor  10,  1851— Bine  Book, 
pwl  i.  p.  49.  Lunl  J.  ftiuoll  to  Lard  Cowlujr.  Jaiiuary  jft,  i8g}— Ibid. 
I-rt  i.  p.  <7. 


534 


LETTER  OF  JOJf.V  BBI6JIT 


on-,  tt. 


yrnrs  pasi  in  Constsiitin<>|>lei  him)  in  wliicb  Eniflxud  hae  been  l>ehia<L 
no  other  Power  in  utU'iiijitiii^  to  Miliji'ct  (lie  Piirte  to  forcigti  iiiflti< 
cnc«i'.  I  liavG  itaiJ  ni^'tliing  of  the  aim nditi)!  I'Vttltnice  tHitr  in 
tbat  wc  nrv  nut  ouly  at  war  with  Rusaia,  but  with  all  the  Clirintian 
pojiulatiun  i>f  tht'  TurUith  Empire,  timl  Ihftl  we  are  building  up  our 
Knatern  policy  on  n  fnlne  roiiitilittion — iimncly,  on  tin-  per|ictunl 
niuiiitt'imnre  of  the  must  imnioral  and  61thy  of  all  dcspotisius  orer 
onv  of  till'  fuimt  porlioiu  itftht^  «kn1i  which  it  lias  desolated,  aiii) 
ovor  a  papulation  it  lias  tli>}^iji>il  1iuL  btiK  tmt  hron  alilc  to  destroy. 
I  luive  said  ucithiuK  of  the  wrct«hcd  dclusinu  that  wc  aic  fiRhtiiiK 
for  viviliuitiofi  in  i^iipporliiig  the  Turk  against  the  Russiao  and 
ai^ajnst  tht.'  xtihjoct  CTliriKtiaii  pnputation  of  Tiirkt}'.  I  havi»  ni*) 
n<>lliin^  about  our  pretended  BfM;rifii;cH  for  freedom  in  tbifl  war,  in 
which  our  u;r»it  and  now  dominant  ally  is  a  monarch  who.  last  in 
Eiiri>]H:,  >«triick  dowu  n  frei!  conatitutiix),  aiuI  <liHpcnH!i)  liy  miliUi7 
vi<i!(rni;p  a  national  Rcprcecntativc  Atecmbly. 

My  dortrine  would  have  licen  non-intervt-ntion  in  thin  esse. 
Thv  daikgcr  of  tho  liuRstian  power  was  n  phanf.oni' ;  tli«<  nrc«BBity 
of  pcrmaucatly  upboldtn^  the  MaliL>mct(ia  lulo  La  Euroi>e  is  na 
ahiturdity.  Our  love  Pur  cmltzatioo,  when  we  subject  the  fir^cks 
arid  (Uiriiitian!)  to  the  Turks,  ia  a  sluini  ;  and  our  fluerilirm  for 
frctdviii,  whvii  wvrkini;  uut  tlic  bchc«(e  of  the  Emperor  of  the 
French  anil  cuoxing  Austria  to  help  us,  is  a  pitiful  impo«tiire. 
Th*  pvila  of  noii-int*rventiou  were  remote  and  vagii.'-,  und  crtuld 
ucither  be  weighod  nor  dencrilwd  in  any  nccunitc  tcmia.  Tho 
good  wo  can  juiIrl'  sometbin};  of  already,  by  rstimatin;;  the  coat 
of  ft  contTsrj-  policy.  And  what  is  that  cost  1  ^Var  in  th«  nortJi 
Knd  Konth  of  Eurofjc,  thnratcniiig  to  involve  c\cry  country  of 
Europe.  Many,  perhaps  fif^y  milliouB  sterlini;.  in  the  rounM  of 
expenditure  by  this  country  alone,  to  bo  nu!ie<)  from  the  Coioa 
of  a  pvtipii;  who««  cxtricativii  from  ignonincc  and  poverty  can  only 
bo  lioped  for  from  the  continuance  of  iJcace.  The  disturbance  ti 
trade  tbrougbont  the  world,  the  derangement  of  raoTirtury  affitira, 
ntid  difficulties  and  min  t^  thoiutando  of  families,  vinother  year 
of  high  priont  of  food,  notwitbutandiiiE  a  full  barrcAt  in  Rn^limd, 
chiefly  because  war  interferes  with  import*,  and  we  have  declarH 
our  priBcipal  foreign  food-i^owen;  to  be  our  enemies.  The  lom 
of  haman  life  to  an  enormous  extents  Many  thauaands  of  out  own 
eountrymim  have  already  mrished  of  [w^tilpne^  and  in  the  field  ; 
and  hundi-«<U,  perhaps  tliousnnd^  of  Knglish  families  will  be 
plimgi'il  into  «om»w,  m  n  part  of  tic  penalty  to  be  paid  for  the 
fully  of  tho  nation  and  it«  rulert). 

'  Bine  Book— CarT««paiuilBaM  raapoctin^  itie  Cvnditinn  nf  Pmtmtanl*  in 
Turkin;.  1841.51,  pp.  5-8, 

■  'Tliuru  ncnu* ku  bwn  n  prvat  !tUlo  whoM  power  for  («t«nial  anrMriua 
hiw  hcan  mntn  tiverratod  thnii  Rumu.  Sba  may  Iw  iiii|>n^Nbl*  witnin  bar 
own  InunilarioK.  uuT  mil  n  i<txv.\.t  mwHKUua  roa  akt  roBrosE  or 
uriffl»n«.'— /.on^  Patmtniim,  in  Ihr.  Hikm  nf  dwaMM,  J8J3. 


1854.  TO  ABSALOM  WATKIN.  635 

When  the  time  comes  for  the  '  inquisition  for  blood,'  who  shall 
answer  for  these  things  t  Ton  have  read  the  tidings  from  the 
Crimea ;  you  have,  perhaps,  shuddered  at  the  slaughter ;  you 
remember  the  terrific  picture, — I  speak  not  of  the  battle,  and 
the  charge,  and  the  tumultuous  excitement  of  the  conflict,  but  of 
the  field  after  the  battle — Russians,  in  their  irenzy  or  their  terror, 
shooting  Englishmen  vho  would  have  offered  them  water  to  quench 
their  agony  of  thirst ;  Englishmen,  in  crowds,  rifling  the  pockets 
of  the  men  they  had  slain  or  wounded,  taking  their  few  shillings 
or  roubles,  and  discovering  among  the  plunder  of  the  stiffening 
corpses  images  of  the  'Virgin  and  the  Child.'  You  have  read  this, 
and  your  imagination  has  followed  the  fearful  details.  This  ia  war, 
— every  crime  which  human  nature  can  commit -or  imagine,  every 
horror  it  can  perpetrate  or  suffer ;  and  this  it  is  which  our  Christian 
Government  recklessly  plunges  into,  and  wLich  so  many  of  our 
countiymen  at  this  moment  think  it  patriotic  to  applaud  i  You 
must  excuse  me  if  I  cannot  go  with  you,  I  will  have  no  part  in 
this  terrible  crime.  My  hands  shall  be  unstained  with  the  blood 
which  is  being  shed.  The  necessity  of  maintaining  themselves 
in  office  may  influence  an  administration ;  delusions  may  mislead 
a  people ;  Vatiel  may  afford  you  a  law  and  a  defence ;  but  no 
respect  for  men  who  form  a  Government,  no  regard  I  have  for 
'  going  witli  tlic  stream,'  and  no  fear  of  being  deemed  wanting 
in  patriotism,  shall  influence  me  in  favour  of  a  policy  which,  in 
my  conscience,  I  believe  to  be  as  criminal  before  God  as  it  is 
destructive  of  the  true  interest  of  my  country. 

I  have  only  to  ask  you  to  forgive  me  for  writing  so  long  a  letter. 
You  have  forced  it  friim  me,  and  I  would  not  have  written  it  did 
I  not  so  much  appreciate  your  sincerity  and  your  good  intentiona 
towards  me. 

Believe  me  to  be,  very  sincerely  yours, 

JOHN   BrTGHT. 
October  29. 


1