Full text of "Speeches of Hon. Horatio Seymour : at the conventions held at Albany, January 31, 1861 and September 10, 1862"

440

MAIN

SPEECHES

HORATIO SEYMOUR,

M V

T THE CONVENTIONS

[Ibany January 31, 1861, and September 10, 1862.

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SPEECHES

OIF 1

HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR,

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AT THE CONVENTIONS
Held at Albany January 31, 1861, and September 10, 1862.

SPEECHES

HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR

At the Conventions held at Albany January
31, 1861, and September 10, 1862.

GOV, SEYMOUR S

At the Convention held at Albany,
January 3 M 1861.

Hon. HORATIO SEYMOUR appeared upon the
stand, aud was received with loud and long
continued applause. He said :

It has been truly said by the President of
this Convention that we do not meet for parti
san purposes, although we are assembled in
pursuance of a call issued by a political organi
zation . There was no other mode by which
we could act as a representative body. The
people of the State are divided into two great
parties, one of which gave at the late Presiden
tial contest more than three hundred and fifty
thousand, and the other more than three hun
dred and ten thousand votes for their respec
tive candidates. We have waited with patient
expectation for some effort on the part of the
responsible majority to avert the calamities
which overhang our country. We have hailed
with joy every indication of a desire on their
part to meet the duties of their position. We
have given a cordial approval to every patriotic
expression coming from individuals of that par
ty, whether uttered through his Journal by the
able Republican leader of the State, by the
distinguished Senator at Washington, or by a
patriotic and intelligent Member of our Legis
lature. The hopes excited by those expres
sions have died away. Our country is on the
verge of ruin, and now, in behalf of the great
organization we represent and of those who,
fcioca the late election, have joined our ranks,
we meet to confront the dangers which menace
us. I believe in oar resolutions we shall utter

the sentiments of a vast majority of tbe people
of New York- We shall rne above political
purposes. We shall indulge in no reproac neH
patriotic purposes in the past must ba shown
by patriotic action now. The acts of this day
will throw light upon onr motives in what we
have done, aud will influence our conduct in
the future.

As I have been placed upon the committee
which is to frame resolutions for your conside
ration, I wish to state my views of the policy
which should guide us and the sentiments we
should put forth to the world.

Three score and ten years, the period alloted
for the lifo of man, have rolled away since
George Washington was Inaugurated first Presi
dent of tbe United States, in the city of New
York. We were then among the feeblest peo
ple cf the earth. The flag of Great Britain still
waved over Oswego with insulting defiance of
our national rights, and the treaty recognizing
our independence. The powers of the world re
garded us with indifference or treated us with
contemptuous injustice. So swift has been our
progress under the influence of our Union that
but yesterday we could defy the world in arms,
and none dared to insult our flag. When our
Constitution was inaugurated the ntmost en
thusiasm pervaded our land. Stern warriors
who had fought the battles of the Revolution
wept for joy. Glad processions of men and
women marched with triumphal pride along
the streets of our cities holy men of God
prayed in his Temples that the spirit of fra
ternal love, which had shaped the compromises
of th@ Constitution, might never fade away,
and that sectional bigotry, hate and discord
might never curse our land. Amid this wild
enthusiasm there was no imagination so excited,
nor piety with faith so strong that it foresaw

the full influence of the event then celebrated.
S&lt;jui6*y6t live a sea our numbers increased
froin c four to thirty naiilfons, our territories
quadrupled and extended from the Atlantic to
\tfy e tucHic , our. power ajdd progress t f &lt;e wonder
of th&world.- Aias; sir, they also live to see
the patriotism and fraternal love, which have
wrought out these marvelloas results, die out,
and the mighty fabric of our government about
to crumble and fall, because the virtues which
reared and upheld it have departed from our
councils .

What spectacle do we present to-day ? Al
ready six States have withdrawn from this
Confederacy. Revolution has actually begun.
The term secession" divests it of none of its
terrors, nor do arguments to prove secession
inconsistent with our Constitution stay its pro
gress, or mitigate its evils. All virtue, patriot
ism and intelligence seem to have fled from our
national Capitol; it, has been well likened to the
conflagration of an asylum for madmen some
look on with idiotic imbecility, some in sullen
silence, and some scatter the h rebrands which
consume the fabric above them, and bring upon
all a common destruction. Js there one revolt
ing aspect in this scene win s as not its paral
lel at the Capitol of your country? Do you
not see tuere the senseless imbecility, the gar
rulous idiocy, the maddened rage displayed
with regard to petty personal passions and
party purposes, while the glory, the honor and
the safety of the country are all forgotten. The
eame pervading fanaticism has brought evil
upon all the institutions of our land. Our
churches are to- n asunder and desecrated to
partisan purposes. The wrongs of our local
legislation, the growing burdens of debt and
taxation, the gradual destruction of the Afri
can in the free States, which is marked by
each recurring census, are all due to the ne
glect of our own duties, caused by the com
plete absorption of the public mind by a sense
less, unreasoning fanaticism. The agitation of
the question of slavery has thus far brought
greater social, moral and legislative evils upon
the people of the free States than it has upon
the institutions of those against whom it has
been excited. The wisdom of Franklin stamped
upon the S^t coin issued by our government,
the wise uotto, " mind your business !" The
violation ot the uomely proverb which lies at
the forinirtion of the doctrines of local rights
has, thur -ar, proved more hurtful to the med
dlers k &gt;.? ..-r *Jrn of others thai 1 to those
against uK.^ is;g pragmatic aul. IH directed.

The &gt;_ :*i t.i&lt;.-uiai buo}^t, of conirove/?y at this
moment ID ;aw t-,&gt;i . "ion&l quystkm. "Wju^n our
ConstiPU ,*.": v, -..::: foiuj.od, &lt;&lt;ur government em
braced Mi .&gt;aaa of 820,GHv square miles. Since
that tWe &gt;. oai oet?n expanded by different ac-
qoib t;:.)::.-; lo ,, ;e vast extent of 2,936,105 square
miles. Tn. fc expansion \vc.r, sot contemplated
by tbd fra.iioie of or&lt;r OO^.VA udoii, and Mr.
Jefferv&lt;,-:i 5ocia,?.od, at theiliuuGi the Louis ana
purcJiASo, t. at t should be made the subject
of a OowUiouonal amendment. This wise
suggestion Yvas unheeded, and we have at
tempted to .sfCYdrji our ditfejxiat acquisitions by

principles inferred, from a constitution which
did not contemplate such exigencies. It is not
surprising, therefore, that the opinions of men
and the policy of government have been unset
tled and conflicting.

Thus far, the North has had greatly the ad
vantage in the division of these acquisiiions,
and the political power which emanates from
the creation of States, made from their limits
Five free and five slave States have been erec
ted from territories gained since the adoption
of our Constitution. The free States have the
whole of the Pacific coast and the largest of
value and extent in the remaining territories,
lie north of a line which bounds the regiom
where slavery can bo employed, and lie, too,
upon the pathway of European and Northern
immigration. Oar acquisitions since 1773, have
extended the Southern States and Territories
to 882 215 square miles, while the North has
expanded to 1,201, 204 square miles. Assum
ing that the Northwestern territory belonged
to Virginia, and deducting that from the area
of the South, it will be found that the South
has increased less than fifty per cent, and the
north nearly 1100 per cent, in extent, since the
Revolution. The South has relinquished to the
North 251,671 square miles, constituting the
present States of Ohio. Indiana, Illinois, Michi
gan, and Wisconsin. The North has never re
linquished one foot of the original territory,
and in the divisions of that which has been ac
quired, it has succeeded in gaining the largest
proportion.

This controversy does not grow out of a claim
by either party that the Constitution shall be
changed, but with regard to the construction
that should be given to that instrument. The
South claim that they have a right to take their
slaves into all the territories, by virtue of the
Constitutional compact, as construed by the
Supreme Court, and because slavery originally
existed in them, with the exception of those
gained from Mexico. They deny that slavery
was abolished when they were added to our
Union, and they deny the power of Congress to
legislate against those rights of property which
were recognized in our whole country at the
time of the Revolution, and which were upheld
by the laws of every State, save one, when the
Constitution was formed.

The South does not ask to extend slavery.
They say it exists in the Territories. The Repub
licans assert that slavery shall not be extended.
They contend that it does not exist in the Tec-
ritofies, but not content with leaving this ques
tion to the decision of the appointed tribunals,
they demand legislation in tLe form of provisos
or declarations in the nature of that contained
in the ordinance regarding the northwest,
which assume the existence of slavery in
the disputed regions, in the absence of positive
prohibitions. They show a distrust in their
own constitutional constructions and historical
statements" by demanding Congressional inter
ferences and restraints and under the cry of
No Extension!" they are in fact agitating for
repeal and restrictions which are of no signifi
cance unless slavery has the legal existence

which they deny.

Our fathers disposed of the same or similar
difficulties, by compromises. Adjustments have
been made from time tp time in the progress of
of oar government. The condition of our af
fairs forces upon us tbe alternative of compro
mise or civil war. Let us contemplate the lat
ter alternative. "We are advised by the conser
vative States of Virginia and Kentucky that if
force is to be used it must be exerted against
the united South. It would be an act of folly
and madness, in entering upon this contest, to
underrate our opponents, and thus subject our
selves to the disgrace of defeat in an inglorious
warfare. Let us also see if successful coercion
by the North is less revolutionary than success
ful secession by tbe South. Shall we prevent
revolution by being foremost in overthrowing
the principles of our government, and all that
makes it valuable to our people, and distin
guishes it among the nations of the earth?
Upon whom are we to wage war? Our own
countrymen, whose white population is three
fold that of the whole country in the tirop^f
the Revolution. Their courage has never been
questioned in any contest in which we have
been engaged. They battled by our side with
equal valor in the Revolutionary struggle, in
the last war with Great Britain, and in the
Mexican conflict. Virginia sent her sons, under
the command of Washington, to the relief of
beleaguered Boston. Alone, the South de
feated the last and most desperate effort of
British power to divide our country, at the bat
tle of New Orleans From the days of Wash- |
ington lill this time, they have furnished their j
full proportion of Soldiers for the field, of
Statesmen for tbe cabinet, and of wi-e and

: patriotic Senators for our legislative halls.

It is only b gotted ignorance that denies the
equality of tbeir public men to those of the
North. To assume that our brethern in fifteen

States lack tbe capacity to understand, and the
ability to protect tbeir own interests, is to as
sume that our government is a failure, and
ought to be overturned. It is to declare that
nearly one-half of our people are incapable of
self government. They have a vast extent of
fertile land producing, not only the cotton,
rice and sugar cultivated in the United States.

, but a great abundance of the cereals and of ani
mal food. Tbe census of 1850 shows that they
produce more than one-half of the Indian Corn
and of tbe live stock raised in the United Stated,

j and that, th y also manufactured one-sixth of
tbe cotton cloth, one-quarter of the raw and
one-sixth of tbe wroneht iron made in our
country. In addition they have a vast abun
dance rf coal, iron, copper and lead, and every
element of wealth and streng h. Tbey have
availed th Twelves of these advantages to an
extent far exceeding what is understood by the
people of tbe North.

I beg those who have been misled by constant
acH designed misrepresentation to study the
statistics of our country, and they will see how
grossly they have been deceived. A war upon
them would lead to still greater development of
their industry in competition with our own, as

the late war with Great Britain made the United
States her most formidable competitor in manu
facturing and in the arts. When we compare
our local legislation with theirp, ^e have reason
to blush, The united debts of th:; Slave States,
excepting Virginia and Missouri, are not equal
to that of Pennsylvania, and their taxation less
than that imposed upon the peop a of the State
of New York ; and yet they have an extended
and effective system of internal improvement,
while they have avoided the ruincas competition
growing out of an undue number of railroads,
&c.

In what way is this warfare to be conducted?
None have been mad enough ta propose to
muster armies to occupy their territory. Great
Britain tried that in the Revolution, when the
population of the South was less than 2,000,-
000. She attempted invasion again in the late
war, when their numbers were less than 3.500,-
000. Nay, more, while she armed Indian
savages to carry murder and rapine into the
homes of the North, she attempted to excite a
servile insurrection in the South. For this we
cursed her brutal inhumanity. Her own in
dignant statesmen expressed their abhorrence
on the floor of Parliament; and yet, at this day,
those who quote British journals to influence
American opinions, have intimated that there
might be a gratification of their hate in the
burning homes of murdered families of their
own countrymen, or by cutting the embank
ments of the Mississippi and submerging their
land.

But some have suggested with complacent
air that the South could be easily subjugated
by blockading their ports with a few ships of
war. Let these gentlmen study tbe geogra
phy of our country. While the Atlantic coast
line of the Northern States is 851 miles, that
of the South, including the Gulf of Mexico, ia
3,076. We have 189 and they have 249 har
bors. Great Britain, with her immense Heet.-
attempted blockade, and failed. But, assuming
the success of this measure, who are to be tbe
sufferers? Are we waging war upon tbe South
or upon tbe North? Upon the Southern plan
ter, or upon the Northern merchant, manu
facturer and mechanic? This coasting trade is
tbe chief support of Northern commerce the
prise which Great Britain struggled so long
and persistently to gain. Not only do oar
ships carry the products of the South, but, at
this time, our manufacturers annually consume
rf their cotton to the amount of more than
$40.000,000. In the hands of Northern car
riers and artisans, this becomes worth more
than $150 000 000. The whole price for the
cotton crop received from all the world about
$200 000 000 each year, is paid out to the labor
and industry of the North. We can intl ct
great misery upon the South, but could human
ingenuity devise a warfare more destructive to
all the interests of the Northern States &lt; f this
Confederacy ? But, say our Republican friends,
these evils may be averted by our internal
channels. If we thus evade the blockade of
the South, to what end is all it cost brought on
us? Is it an object to disturb the course of

trade, in order to ruin Northern seamsn and
merchants and cities?

But let us leave these pecuniary considera
tions for others more weighty with every pa
triot. Upon what tield shall this contest be
waved ? Upon what spot shall American shed
American qiood ? Whore, on this broad con
tinent, shall we find the arena, where every
association acd memory of the past will not
forbid this fratricidal contest I Or, whea un
natural war shall have brought upon our peo
ple its ruin, and upon our nation its shame, to
what ground shall we be brought at last ? To
that we should have accepted at the outset.

The question is simply this: Shall we have
compromise after the war, or compromise with
out war* Shall we be aided in this settlement
by the loss of national honor, the destruction
of individual interest, the shedding of blood,
and by carrying misery and mourning into the
homes of our people? Mr. President, the honor
of the North, the parties to the controversy,
and the object in dispute, demand a compro
mise of this difficulty. I say the honor of the
North demands a conciliatory policy. When
our Constitution was formed there was but one
free State. To day there are 19 free and 15
slave States. Then there were but two Sena
tors from the free States; now we have a ma
jority of eight in the Senate, and this will soon
be increased. Than there were but eight re
presentatives from the free States; un.er the
census of 1860 we will have the proportion of
151 members to 75. Then our population was
about equally divided between the Northern
and Southern States (the Njrth 1 968,455, the
South 1,961,372;) to-day we number more than
18,000 000, they about 12 000 000.

These results are due not alone to natural

causes, but to the
commercial interest

policy that favored the
and immigration from

other lands. This policy has ever been up-

them in the pist, now becoming their moat
bitter and unscrupulous assailants, when their
political powtr is weakened?

It grows out of the acquisition of territories
not contemplated by the Constitution out of
an expansion of our territory from 820,680 to
2 936 166 square miles. In the progress of our
country this has given rise to contiiciiua; views,
and our leading statesman have, at different
times, held incontistent opinions. Mr. C/alhoun,
at one time, decided, while a member of the
Cabinet, that Congress had the power of legis
lating upon territorial questions. At a later
day he took the opposite ground. John Quincy
Adams, who opposed the admission of Mis
souri as a slave State in 1836, on the occasion
of the admission of Arkansas, used the follow
ing language:

"Mr. CHAIRMAN I cannot consistently with
my sense of my obligations as a citizen of the
United States, and bound by oath to support
their Constitution, / cannot object to the admis
sion of Arkansas into the Union as a slave State;
I cannot propose or agree to make it a condition
of her admission that a Convention of her peo
ple shall expunge this article from her Constitu
tion. She is entitled to admission as a slave
State as Louisiana and Mississippi, and Ala
bama . and Missouri, have been admitted, by
virtue of that article in the treaty for the ac
quisition of Louisiana, which secures to the in
habitants of the ceded territories all the rights,
privileges and immunities of tha original citi-
Zrfns of the United States, and stipulates for
their admission, conformably to that principle,
into the Union. Louisiana was purchased as a
i country wherein slavery was the established
j law of the land. As Congress have not power in
time of peace to abolish slavery in the original
States of the Union, they are equally destitute
of the power in those parts of the territory
ceded by France to the United States, by the

subject of internal legislation in the States, and
in peace is cognizable by Congress only, as it is

held loyally by the South, and history tells | name of Louisiana, where slavery existed at

you by whom it was opposed. Would it j the acquisition. Slavery is, in this Union, the

not be base and cowardiy to withold at this day

those courtesi3s and that consideration which

we showed in the days of their comparative ! tacitly tolerated and protected where it exists

strength? lid not one of our distinguished

Senators then declare that comity demanded

that we should permit them to travel through

our State with their slaves, and that, therefore,

by the Constitution of the United States, and
as it mingles in their intercourse with other
nations. Arkansas, therefore, comes, and has
the right to come into the Union with her slaves
and her slave laws. It is written in the bond,
and however I rpay lament that it ever was so

nine months; and did not his colleague, then a | written, I must faithfully perform its obiiga-

member of the House of Representatives, vote tions ."

against allowing a petition for abolition of The region acquired by the Louisiana pur

he was opposed to the repeal of the law which
allowed them to remain here for a period of

slavery in the District of Columbia to be read
or referred? Were bills designed to embar
rass the exerc se of their rights to reclaim fugi
tives, then found upon tha Statute books of the
Northern States? By the increase of our popula
tion, nnder the adjustment of the Constitution,
the power and control of the destinies of our coun
try, are placed in the hand of the North. Does
not every sentiment of patriotism and of hones
ty demand that we shall exercise this power in
a spirit of conciliation and forbearance? And
is it not a just cause for alarm to our Southern
brethren To" finU nuflrtnd journals wlftr Stood by

chase, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to
the Canadian line, and, on its Northern limit,
reaching from the Mississippi to the P*cidc,
comprehends most that is valuable and impor
tant of the remaining territories. Citizens of
the South hold as confidently and as sincerely
that they are entitled to carry their slaves into
this region, as does the Republican that tluy
have no such right. We have had, heretofore,
similar questions of jurisdiction between our
own and foreign governments. When Great
Britain seized, in the Northeast, a portion of
our Country) wiiich wo held by tho sacred litlo

y fh* Wood and suffering* of the Revo-
1 t i n, every Anaeri an btninved it was aa an
ju t i;.v si LI; but we adjusted the ditliculty by
a new bou&gt; dary. Again, when she made a
Claim on a part of the same Louisiana purchase
on the northwest coast, we denu-d its justice,
but yielded up to the jurisdiction of the crown
167 365 square miles of the most valuable part
of the Pacific coast, including its finest harbors
and greatest commercial facilities. We cave
r.p aa aiea greater than New England, New
York, Pennsylvania and Ne,v Jersey combined.
Shall we yield to a forei -u aa!i &gt;n and to a sys
tem of government condemned by our Consti
tution, what we will not concede to our own
countrymen? Shall we, for the sake of psace,
subject vast regions to principles of government
antagonistic to our own, an i then destroy our
Union by refusing a compromise which would
give to the South the occupation of a less valu
able territory in consideration of their giving
up what they believe to bo their constitutional
right to occupy the whole? la there any rea
son why we should be less conciliatory now
than we have been heretofore and are there
not obvious ones why we should be more so, in
view of our relative power? Did the men who
now raise the cry of no compromise and no
concession, hold that language when we had
a controversy with the crown of Great Britain?

Let ns look at the objections which are urged
to this policy It is said this question uas de
cided at the late election. Questions of consti
tutional law are not to be decided by elections;
if they were, our Constitution would be worth
less, and all its guarantees of the rights of
States and of individuals, of rights of conscience
and religious liberty, might be annihilated
Neither is it true th*t the late canvass shows
that the popu ar will is opposed to compromise.
Mr. L ncolu was made President by a consiitu
tionai vote, and is entit ed to our loyal and
cheerful support, acd he shall have it ; but this
is not the only result of the late congest.

If , wo millions of voters declared themselves
in fivor of the principles put forth by his par
ty, -three millions declared tbenose ves opposed
to them ; i* the Republicans triumphed in the
choice of the Executive, we triumphed in gain
ing Congress, which tntkes the laws be is bound
to carry out, without rn*Ard to his own views.
If all parties will yi"!&lt;i to the results of the
Inst election, aod he President elect will cle-
c a&lt;e that, he will be governed by the will Of the
people and not by the will of a patty, and that
he will not exert the inilaeaca of his place to
&lt;i A;at measures of compromise peace will bn
lea ored to oir- land. I hold that those who
p int to the Chicago platform and not to the
Constitution as the guide of his conduct, do
him a basa wrong I know that there are some
!ha: . t/t-.at him us a man with manacles upon
his hands*; who boast that they hold in the Chi -
c.-sgo pltftftfrna a chattel nao rtgage upon his con-
eii and his opinion. All honest rnet de
i, it lie oli"w-* thf. dcclarati Mia put fo&lt; t a
oatest, to C .juirol his
n t , hji v, i;

ui hi 3

h f gh office. I repel, for one, the imputations
thus made against Mr. Lincoln, and the claims
thus impudently put forth to personal and pe
culiar liens on his views as most injurioue to
his honor and his influence. Before the elec
tion, it WAS said by his friends he was the man
best fitted to ad jus; the jarring conflicts of the
d*y . Let bin tften continue to h/&gt;ld the nation
al and dispusionnte position which was then
claimed for him. We invoke the Republicans
not to charge that he will be a tiaitor to his
country by making a partisan creed, and not
the solemn oath of his office, the guide of bis
conduct.

It is also said that the honor and dignity of
our government will not permit measures of
compromise at this moment. When the pres
ent difficulty was only threatened, we were told,
in answer to our appeals for aa adjustment,
that there was no cause for alarm; that the
South could not bo driven out of the Union;
the time had not come for compromises; now*
that six States have withdrawn, we are told it
is too late, that the dignity of the government
will not permit it to make concessions The
error consists in confounding the action of a few
States with the position of the whole South.
We admit that you cannot offer Constitutional
compromises to States that declare themselves
outside of the pale of the Constitution. Bat is
the attitude of South Carolina to be urged
against the appeals of patriotic men in Virgin
ia? Are we to drive the Border States Into
concert of action with those who defy tho
power of your government? Are we to give
an impulse to revolution by indifference to the
appeals of patriotic men and by insulting
threats of coercion , and by irritating displays
of power? Which causa was helped at the
South by the tender of arms by our own State,
that of Union or that of Secession? All
know that the future fate of our country de
pends upon the action of the Border States,
and while the beam trembles, New York throws
its gword into the scale and inclines it in favor
of revolution. This called from the conserva
tive Governor of Virginia, the declaration that
" nothing that has occurred in the progress of
this controversy has been wore timed and less
excusable If New York desires to preserve
the Union a tender of men and money, under
the promptings of passion, prejudice and ex
citement, will not produce this result."

We do not ask concessions for men in open
resistence to government, but to those who ar&gt;
struggling for tho preservation of our Unior
Shall we have no sympathy for those npo
whom the whole weight of this contest fall?
Can we listen, unmoved, to the entreaties &lt;
the Governor of Maryland, of the Senator
Kentucky, or refuse to second the patriot,
efforts of Virginia? Can we so entirely for/;
the past history of our country, that wa ci
stand upon the poi-U, of pride agalot Stal*
whosa cti.uans battled witL our fathers &r-
poured ou; with them fch?ir blood upon tko it-
if our Stale, aruid tho Highlands of the ILw
; ; iui on the finlcb of Saratoga? I ask \ i
cHi men within the sound. of my voice, to wb

quarter did you look for sympathy during tbo &gt;
last war with Great Britain, w^en New Yorr./
was assailed upon the snui^ J- ,. & aad Cm-
tario, and when the disciplined troops, who had
success! ally fought against Napoleon in the
Peoinsuia, invaded us with co-operating fleets
by tha channel of Lake Champlain? Was it
not to the States of the South? Is it well that
States whion then refused to allow their militia
to pass tneir own borders to combat a common
enemy, should be so prompt to tender them
now to brftle egamst our own countrymen?

But ic is urged, as a further objection, that
at the instance of the South, we once compro
mised thih territorial question, and that it has
been untrue to the adjustment, although it was
made at its own request, and against the wish
es of the North. This inisstatement has been
moat injurious in its influence upon the public
mind. The Governor of New Yoik, in his late
message, says, this State strenuously opposed
the eatabiisfiuient of the compromise line of
1820. In this he is mistaken; it was voted for
by every Northern Senator, and the only op
position to this line came from the South. The
Nw York Senators voted against the admis- !
won of Missouri, even after the passage of the
act establishing the line at 30 degrees 30
minuios Tho establishment of this line was a
Northern measure every Northern man vot
ing for it the whole opposition to it is coming
from the Suuth. It is true that after the
amendment was engrafted on the bill, many
Northern men voted against the act, but that
was opposition to the admission of Missouri, and
not to the line. The South was compelled to
accede to it to secure the admission of Mis
souri} but it always held it to be an infringe
ment upon its rights. Even when this con
cession was made to the North, the Senators
from this and other Northern States, whose
votes engrafted iu the bill what is called the
compromise iiue, voted against the act. The
South did not even gain by this concession the
votes of Northern Senators, except two, one
from Now Hampshire and one from Rhode
Island. Mr. Lincoln admits that this opposi
tion to the admision of Missouri was unjustifia
ble, and that be was in favor of letting new
States come into this Confederacy, with or
without Slavery, as they might elect. In of
fering to take this line, which gives to the
North the largest share of the most valuable
portion of our territories, io feels that it is
meeting us more thin half way in its efforts for

BUD it is said that a compromise of this con
troversy will be a sacrifice of principle to which
honest men cannot assent. Then the Constitu
tion itseu cannot be supported by honust men,
for it is based upon aud made up of compro
mises. It is not proposed to make a new Con-
stiiutiou, or to alter the terms of the exisiing
one, all parties at the North and South alike
claim that th y oaly demand their present
rights undor that -nUrument; but owing to
causes t&lt;&gt; wnieh J h-w: referred, an antagonism
springs up la regard to iis construction, and tbis
must be settled by ;orce or by adjustment. Let

rs take care that we do not mistake passion
and prejudice and partizan purposes for princi
ple. Tne cry of no comprom.se is false in
morals, it is treason to the spirit of the Consti
tution; it is infidelity in religion, the cross itself
is a compromise and is pleaded by many who
refuse all cbarity to their fellow citizens. It is
the vital principle of social existence, it unites
the family circle; it sustains the church, and
upholds nationalises.

But the Republicans complain that having
won a victory, we ask them to surrender its
fruits. We do not wish them to give up any
political advantage. We urge measures which
are demanded by the honor and the safety of
our Union. Can it be that they are less con
cerned than we are? Will they admit that
they have interests antagonistic to those of the
whole commonwealth? Are they making sac
rifices, when they do that which is required by
the common welfare?

The objects of this Convention are, to assure
the conservative men of the South that they
have at least the sympathy of 312 000 electors
of New York in the" contest in which they are
engaged, and to keep the Border States in the
Union, and thus ultimately restore its integrity.
But we have another purpose. This is not the
time for the exhibition of party spirit. Wo
propose to bury party differences ; we seek to
restore the moral power of New York, so that
it may now, as in times past, ba the theatre
upon which the cause of our country shall
triumph. To do this we must have unity of
action all must agree to submit to some tribu
nal. The present difficulties have sprung into
existence since the last popular election ; they
have taken this whole community by surprise,
and conflicting views are held with regard to
the proper line of action. To secure this union
of purpose, for one, I am in favor of making
an appeal to the Republicans and to the Legis
lature of this State, to submit the proposition
of Senator Crittenden to the vote of the people
of New York ; if it is approved, then we will
exert ourselves to secure an adjustment upon
that basis ; if, upon the other hand, it is re
jected, then we shall know that the people of
this State are opposed to the policy of com
promise and conciliation. I do not fear the re
sult. But if it is, unhappily, true that the ultra
Republicans represent the people of the State,
then are the davs of the Republic numbered.
Then the future is dark and uncertain.

We may have not only one but many Con
federacies. Before we are involved in the evils
and horrors of domestic war, lt those upon
whom it will bring ba^ruptcy and ruin, and
into whose homes it may carry desolation and
death, be allowed to speak in favor of the policy
of peace If the Legislature do not, it will be
because they dare no& let the popular senti
ment be uttered. If the public voice is heard,
all will yield to its decisions and we shall be
united ia action. In thedownfal 1 of our nation
aud amidst its crumbling ruins we will cliog to
the fortunes of New York. We will stand to
gether and so shape the future that its glory,
and greatness, and wo&derful advantages shall

not be sacrificed to rival ia erests. "We will
loyally follow its fhg through the g oom and
perils of the future , and io the saddest hour
ther^ will remain a gleaai of hope, aai we can
still hail with pride the motto emblazoned on
its shield, EXCELSIOR!

SPEECH OF

Hon. Horatio Seymour,

BEFORE THE DEMOCRATIC STATE
CONVENTION,, AT ALBANY,

September 1O, 1862,

ON RECEIVING THE NOMINATION
FOR GOVERNOR.

Mr. President, having uniformly and deci
dedly expressed my unwillingness to hold any
official position at this time, I did not expect
my name would be brought before this Conven
tion. The nomination you have made subjects
me to. great inconvenience, whatever may be
the result of this election. I came to this Con
vention expecting to aid in placing at the head
of the ticket the name of one whom I feel to bo
more fit than myself for that honorable posi
tion. But. sir, whatever may be the injury to
myself, I cannot refuse a nomination made in a
manner that touches my heart and fills me with
a still stronger sense of my obligations to this
great and patriotic party. In addition to my
debt of gratitude to partial friends, I am im
pelled by the condition of our country, to sacri-
flee my personal wishes and interests to its good

Two years have not passed away since a Don*
vention, remarkable for its numbers, patriotism
and intelligence, assembled at this place to
avert if possible the calamities which alii ct our
people. In respectful terms, it implored the
leaders of the political party which had tri
umphed at a recent e ection to submit to the
people of this country some measure of concilia
tion which would save them from civil war.
It asked that before we should be involved in
the evils and horrors of domestic bloodshed,
thoge upon whom it would bring bankruptcy
and ruin, and into whose homes it would carry
desolation and death, should be allowed to
apeak. That prayer for the rights of our peo
ple was derided and denounced, and false as
surances were given that there was no danger.
The storm came upon us with all its fury and
the war so constantly and clearly foretold,
desolated our land. It is said no compromises
would have satisfied the South. If we had
tried them it would not now be a matter of
discordant opinion. If these offers had not
satisfied the South, they would have gratified
loyal men at the North, and would have united
ua more perfectly.

Animated by devotion to our Constitution and
Union our people rallied to the support of Gov
ernment, and one year since shewed an armed

strength that astonished the world. "We again
appealed to those who wielded this mighty
material power, to use it for the restoration of
the Union and to uphold the Constitution, and
were told that he who clamored for his Consti
tutional rights was a traitor!

Congress assembled, laexperienced in the
conduct of public affairs, drunk with power, it
began its course of agitation, outrage and wrong.
The def at of our arms at Manassas. for a time
filled it with terror. Under this influence it
adopted the resolution of Mr. Crittenden, de
claring,

"Thai the present deplorable Civil War has been forc-
"ed upon the C turrry by the UiisunioiiUts oftue Southern
"Stales, now in arms against tlie Constitutional Govern-
"menl, ami in aim* aiouud Hie Capital; Tnat in tins Na-
"iion&lt;il emergency Congress banishing all feelings of
"mere pa8fon or resentment, will recollect only its duty
"to tlie whole Countrv; That this war is not waged, on
"their part, in any spirit of oppression or for any purpose
of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing
or interfering wi h the rights or established institutions
"of those Stales, but to defend and maintain the su[irema-
"cy of the Con-ti ution and to preserve the Union, with.
"all ihe dignity, equality and rights of the several States
"unimpaired, and that as soon as these object* are accom-
"pl shed the war ought to cease.

Again the people rallied around the flag of
the Union. But no sooner were their fears al
layed than they began anew the factious in
trigues the violent discussions and the uncon
stitutional legislation which ever brings defeat
and disgrace upon Nations. In vain were they
warned of the consequences of their follies. In
vain did the President implore forbearance and
moderation. Jso act was omitted which would
give energy to the Secessionists, or wh^ch would
humiliate and mortify the loyal men of the
South. Every topic calculated to divide
and distract the North was dragged into em
bittered debates. Proclamations of emancipa
tion were urged upon the President, which could
only confiscate the property cf loyal citizens at
the South; for none others could be reached by
the power of the government. The confiscation
act had already forfeited the legal rights of all
who were engaged in or who aided and upheld
the rebellion. These were excited to desperate
energy by laws which made their lives, their
fortunes, the safety of their families and homes
depend upon the tuccess of their schemes.
From the Dragon s teeth, sown broadcast by
Congress, have sprung the armies which have
driven back our forces, and which now beleag-
urts the Capital of our Country. The acts of
the National Legislature have given pleasure to
the Aboliiionists, victories to the Secessionists.
But while treason rejoices and triumphs, defeat
and disgrace have been brought upon the Flag
of our Country and the defenders of our Consti
tution. Everyman who visited Washington six
months ago could see and feel we were upon
the verge of disaster. Discord, jealousy, envy
and strife pervaded its atmosphere.

I went to the camp of our soldiers. Amid
the hardships of an exhausting campaign
amid sufferings from exposure and want amid
those languishing upon beds of sickness, or
those struck down by the casualties of war,
I heard and saw only devotion to our Consti
tution, and love for oar Country s Flag. Each

ye brightened as it looked upon the National
fcjcaudard with Its glorious emoiazonry of Stars
aud &gt;irip s From tnis scene of patriotic de-
vouuu 1 wont into our National Capitol. 1 tra
versed its iHoSiiie pavements; I gajjed upon its
wails of polished uiaroie; 1 saw upon its ceil-
iugs all that wealth, lavishly pou ed out, could
do o make them sug estive of our country s
gieatu as aud its wonderful wealth of varied
productions Att had exhausted itself in paint-
mgiiud sculpture to make every aspect sugges
tive of high and noble thought and purpose.
Fullof the associations which cluster about this
vast Temple wntcn should be dedicaded to pa
triotism and truth; i entered its Legislative
Halls; their gilded walls and gorgeous furni
ture did not contrast more strongly with the
rude scenes of martial lire than did tha glisten
ing putrescence and thin lacquer of Congress
ional virtue contrast with the sterling loyalty
and noble self-s&cridca of our country s de
fenders, i listened to debates full of bitterness
and strife.

I saw in the camp a heartfelt homage to our
national flag a stern dedance of those who
dared to touch its sacred fold with hostile
hands. I heard in the Capitol threats of mu
tilation of its emblazonry by striking down
the life of States. He who would rend our
National standard by dividing our Union is a
Tra.tor. He who would put out one glittering
star from its azure field, is a Traitor too.

THE PRESENT CONDITION OF OUR COUNTRY.

Let us now confront the facts of our condi
tion, and they shall be stated in the language
of those who brought this administration into
powor, and who now are politically opposed to
the members of this Convention. Afier the ex
penditure of nearly one thousand millions of
dollars, and the sacrifice of more than one
hundred thousand Northern lives in the lan
guage of the Evening Pott:

What has been the result ? Our armies of the We*!,
ihe noDle victors of K"rl Uuiielson anil Suiloh, are scat-
t- red *o that no man kno*s their whereabout, while the
foe the were sent to disperse is a hundred miles in Uieir
reur, threatening the citiei of Tennessee and Kentucky,
ai d even advancing toward one of the principal com
mercial cities ol ihe Free Stales. There is no leader
ship, no amiy of com ~and, apparently no plan or con
cert, of action in the enure region we nave undertaken
to holt, and defend Al the same time, our army of tlie
Eai, numbering *25(i,(MH) thousand troops, fuliy armed
and equipped and admirably disciplined, after investing
the Capital of tiie enemy, lias been driven back to it*
ong mil position on ihe Hoiomac, decimated in numbers
and unprepared to maice a single vigorous movement in
id aiice.

And if adds:

Now it is useless to shut our eyes to the fnct that this
is a failure, disgraceful, humiliating and awful.

Tho Evening Journal, the accredited organ
of f,he Secretary of State, now admits the truths
ut ervd in this Hall when we assembled her in
February, 1851 ; truths thon derided and de
nounced as absurd aud treasonable. It says:

The War lias been a stern schoolmaster to the People
of ihe Loyi Slates. We have learned the folly of un-
df-Traiiiig our enemies We have learned that they are
ly brave, equally hardy, equally quickwitted,
equally end v&lt;ed witn martial qualities wnh ourselves.
v\ -, have learned they are teiribly in earnest in their
efforts to achieve Uieir ends.

* The New York Tribune dec 1 ares that

"Tne Country is in peril. Viev.nl fr in ihe -
point of the pnlil c e-iimaie of fhe siiuaiion. ii is 111
tremep-ril. The Re eis seem to t&gt;e pushing ii&gt;&lt; \.
iheir fo ces all along the b irdrr hue from rue Alia
10 the Missouri Th&gt;!y are threatening .lie Poi-jin
the Ohio. They are sinking at Washington, Cm-- itn i i
aivl Louisville. This simultaneous movemen i* Win
alarming and encouraging. It is alarming t&gt;e&lt;-ftu&lt;e,
: hr -ugh the timidity, despon eney, or f &gt;liy of the r-Vii-
eral Government, it may liecorrie temporarily j,ucfe ;
giving to the foe a lodgment in some portion of the r ree
States which may require weeks 10 break up "

Bat it is admitted by those who were oppose!
to us, that debt and defeat are not the ht a-
calamities which weigh us down. A virti
people and a pure government can bear up.
against any amount of outward pressure or
physical calamity, but when lotteuoess and
corruption pervade the legislative nail or ex
ecutive department the heart of the patriot
faints and his arm withers. The organ of the
Secretary of State admits:

"There have been mistakes. There have been specu
lation. Weak men h &lt;ve disgraced, and oad men have
betrayed the Goveimnent Conira tors have fa:te&gt;i
ed on fat jobs. Adveniur rs have found the war a source
of private gam. Alo-al desporadoes have flocked about
the Na ional Capnal and lain in wait for prry. The
scum of the land lias gathered about ihe soun e* of pow
er a:id deli.ed them by its reek nd oliensive odor
There has bt-en mi- manage meju in the depart mems IIH*-
ni.tii igement wherever great labor has been pe&lt; fornie.1
and great &gt; epon*ii&gt;ilmes devolving Men even Presi
dents anil Cai)inet officers and mmfiii Ji ig Ge e ai&lt;
have erred because they could not ra p the full pigiuli-
caiice of Hie drama, and because they were compelled to
strike out on untrodden pains." Eve. Journal.

Hear the voice of a leading Republican ora
tor :

" I declare it upon my respon?ibili*y as a Senator of
the United 8latf s," said John P II a e, " tin. the liberties
of th s country are in greater d n^t-r &gt;o-day from tue cor
ruption* and from the^proHigacy practiced in the va KIU^
departments of the Government than they are from the
open enemy in Ihe field."

The New York World exclaims in an agony
of remoree:

It is with dismay and unsneakable shame ihat we, who
have supported ihj administration frmn Uie oesjmiiuj^,
observe is aou-;e of us power of arrest. There w no
such tiling as either justifying or extenuating its &lt;:&lt; n-
duct in this p rucular. Kvcry prmeip e of Amei (run
jlieriy eV -ry regard for me loyal c&gt;tiise every scnii-
meiil of justice, every impulse of manhood, c n-^ mil
Hgainst it. Tue mnn who thinks at nil is abvilu ^-,&gt;
staggered ih-t these things can be. Tney seein hue
&gt;ome hideous dream. One can alntosi fai.jy iinl
Mephis opniies himself had got access nau lac coancus
of the governmeni, and by so ne device. Irssn iiomu-e
pn, liaU diverted iis ener^ ie* from liie ropre^sioii ol ic-
Uelliou to the suppression of iibrrty.

The New York Times demon s a ch i "--re ia
the Administration, and in the cuuUnci of
atfairs.

I have thus carefully set forth t.L* f 1 1 -
clarations and named the witnesses to this
awful indictment, against our rulerM, f &lt;r we
mean to procesid with all the care an4 c^r rtor,
and all the solemnity of a Ju iicia! Tribuoat.

It is with a sorrowful heart. I poiut, to these
&lt;lark pictures, not drawn by jouiTiala of the
Democratic party. God knows that as a mem
ber of that patriotic org:iriiz* icn. :*s ca A*o^ri-
can citizen, I w^uid gladly ell ice tJ^em if I
could. But, alas; they are ground! u.;^n
trntbe that cantmfi be galriaid. Oaoe more,

then, our Republican fellow-citizens, in this
day of our common humiliation and disgrace,
we implore you as respectfully as in the hour
of your political triumph listen to our sugges
tions We do not come wiih reproaches, but
with entreaties. Follow the pathways marked
out by the Constitution and we shall be extri
cated from our perilous position. On the other
hand, if you will still be governed by those who
brought us iuto oar present condition, you will
learn too late that there are yet deeper depths
of degradation before us, and greater miseries
to be borne than those which now oppress us.
Kay more, the President of the United States
appeals to us all, in his communication with
the loyal men of the Border States, when he
says he is pressed to violate his duty, his oath
of office, and the Constitution of the land
pressed by cowardly and heartless men, living
far away from the scenes of war. fattening
upon the wealth coined Irom the blood and
misery of the land, and living in those locaiitiea
woere official investigations snow that this peo
ple and Government ha"e been robbed by fraud
ulent contracts. Such men demand that those
who have suffered most in this contest, viho
have shown the highest and purest patriotism
under the terrible trials of divided families, of
desolated homes, of ruined fortunes and of blood
stained fields-, should have a new and further
evil inflicted upon them by the hands of a Gov
ernment they are straggling to uphold. By the
help of God and the people we will relieve the
President from that pressure.

NECESSITY FOR PARTY ORGANIZATIONS.

An attempt is made to close the ears of our
Republican friends to our appeals, because we
act as a political organization. Can we do oth
erwise ? Would not the dispersion of this an
cient party, identified as it is with the growth,
greatness and glory of our land, be looked upon
aa a calamity, even by our opponents? Did not
a shadow fall upon our country when it was torn
apart at Charleston; and do not men of all par
ties point to its disruption as one of the causes
of this unnatural war? Is it not just we should
have a representation in the State and National
government proportioned to our contributions
to our armies and the treaur&gt; ? If we elect all
of our ticket at this time, we fhall have no more
than our proportional share of oolitical* power
It may be said we should meet without regard
to political organize ions, and nominate officers .
This destroys the object of such organizations.
They would ci^ase. to be protections against,
abuses of power or the inroads of corruption.
Lot the two great parties be honost and honor
able euough to meet in fair and opnn discussion
with well defined principles and policies. Then
each will serve our country as \vH out of power
as in power The vigilance kept alive by party
contest guards against corruption or oppression
This watchfulness is most needed when unusual
expenditures of money present unusual temp
tations to the corrupt and seUi.sh.

F-r another reason we caaaot disband our
organization. The Union men of itn Border
and m&gt;re Southern States, without distinction
of p^rty, hcploio us not to do BO. They tell

as a triumph of our party now would be worth
more than victories upon the battle tieid It
would re assure their frieuds. it would weaken
their opponents. Every advantage ga;aod over
abolitionism puts down the rebellion. While
they and we know there are manv just and pa
triotic men in the Republican party, ir, is still
true that its success gives power and influence
to the violent and fanatical, and that their par
ty action always goes beyond their party plat
form.

Every fair man admits there is no way of
correcting abuses but by a change of political
leaders. The Republ-caa party demanded this
when they charged abases upon Democratic
administration. They should concede the
principle now.

Experience shows that frauds practiced by
political frieuds are not punished by men in
power. It is conceded that gross frauds have
been committed in different departments of gov
ernment; that they have brought distress upon
our soldiers, defeat upon our arms and disgrace
upon our people. But not one man has been pun
ished, or made to feel the power of ihat, preroga
tive which is claimed to be an incident of war.
Corruption that has done mora to destroy the
National power than armed rebellion, has gone
unscathed. The Sentinel who slept upon
h : s post, has been sentenced to death the
official who closed his eyes to frauds, which
destroyed armies, is quietly removed, by and
with the advice of the St n te and represents
the Nation s character at the Capital of a friend
ly power! Citizens in loyal States who became
the objects of suspicion or of malignant as
saults, have been seized at their homes, drag
ged to distant prisons without trial and with
out redress, while each convicted plunderer
walks freely and boldly among the people he
has robbed and wronged Maladmimstratioa
demands change of administration.

At this time issues should ba fairly and bold
ly made. It i.s no 1 dishonor to be mistaken,
bur is disgraceful not to be outspoken. Let
this war at least settle questions of principle.
A few months will decide who is right and who
is wrong now, as the past two years have shown
who were right and who were wroug heretofore.
We are in favor of the rights of the Slate, aa
well as of the General Government ; we are in
favor of local self-government, as well asot the
National jurisdiction within its proper sphere.

While we thus meet as a political organiza
tion it is not for partisan purposes. We caa
beat serve our country in this relationship.
The President of the United States will bear
witness that he has not been pressed or em
barrassed by us. We have loyally responded to
every call made on us by constituted authority.
We have obeyed all orders to reinforce our
armies. When we were in power we denounced
the higher lawdoct-rine the principle that men
might set up their wills against the statutes of
the land as treasonable. We denounced it
when uttered by Northern men; we are com
batting it now when it is asserted by the rebel
lious South. We repudiate it by submitting to
demand of our Government made wit-hia-

the limits of rightful jurisdiction. Thi* obedi
ence has not been constrained, but cheerfully ren
dered, even in support of a party and policy to
which we are opposed. We have struggled to
sustain not only the letter but the spirit of our
laws. We feel that we have set an example of
loyalty that will not be lost upon upon those
opposed to us. Having done our duiy, we
DOW demand our rights, and we shall at this
time set in calm and fearless judgment upon
the conduct of our rulers. Ours shall not be
the language of discord and violence. We de
plore the passionate and vindictive assaults of
leading Republican journals upon those hold
ing civil or military stations. Above all we
protest in behalf of our country s honor and
dignity, against their insubordinate and disre
spectful language towards the President of
these United States. Such language wrecks
the authority of Government and tends to
anarchy and public. disorder.

For another reason, we cannot disband our
organization, No other party can save this
country. It alone has clearly defined purposes
and well settled principles. It has been well said
in our Congressional Address, that under its
guidance,

From five millions, the population increased to thirty
millions. Tlie Revolut onary debt was extinguished.
Two foreign wars were successfully prosecuted, with a
moderate outlay a&gt;id smail army and navy, and without
the suspension of the habeas corpu; without one infrac
tion of the Constitution; Without one usurpation of powe*-;
without suppressing a single newspaper; without impris-
onin a sins le editor; wiliioul limit to the freedom 01 the
press; o- of speech in or out of Congress, but in the midst
of the grossest auuse of both ; and without the arrest of
a single traitor," though the Hartford Convention sat
oui ing one of Hie wars, t^nd in the other Senators invited
the fciiwiny to u Greet our Volunteers with bloody hands
and welcome them to Hospitable Graves"!

During ail thu tin;e wealth increased, business of all
kinds multiplied, prosperity smiled on every side, taxes
were low, wages were high, the North and the South
furnished a market for each other s prouucls at good
prices, publ.c liberty was secure, private rights undis
turbed; every man s house was his castle; the Courts
were open to all ; no passports for travel, no secret po
lice, no sp es, no informers, no bastiles; the right to as
semble peaceably, the right to petition; freedom of reli
gion, freedom of speech, a fret ballot, and a free press;
and all this time ihe Constitution maintained and the
Union of the States preserved.

WHY THE REPUBLICAN PARTY CANNOT SAVE THE
COUNTRY.

On the other hand, the vary character of the
Republican organizations, makes it incapable of
conducting the affairs of the Government. For
a series of years, it has practiced a system of
coalitions, with men differing in principle, until
it can have no distinctive policy. In such
chaotic masses, the violent have most control.
They have been educating their followers for
years, through the press, not to obey laws
which did not accord with their views. How can
they demand submission from whole communi
ties, while they contend that individuals may op
pose laws opposed to their consciences? They
are higher law men. They insist that the contest.,
in which we are engaged, is an irrepressible one
and that therefore the South could not avoid it,
unless they were willing at the outset to sur
render all that abolitionists demanded. To
declare .that this contest is irrepressible, de-

clares that our Fathers formed a government,
J which could not stand. Are such men, the
proper guardians of this government ? Have
not their speeches and acts given strengtn to
the rebellion, and have they not also enabled
its leaders to prove to their deluded followers,
that the contest was an irrepressible one ?

But their leaders have not only asserted that
this contest was irrepressible, unless the South
would give up what extreme Republican de
mand, (their local institutions,) but those in
power have done much to justify this rebellion
in the eyes of the world. The guilt of rebellion
is determined by the character of the govern
ment against which it is arrayed. The right of
revolution, in the language of President Lin
coln, is a sacred right when exerted against a
bad government.

We charge that this rebellion is most wicked
because it is against the best Government that
ever existed. It is the excellence of our Gov
ernment that makes resistance a crime. Re
bellion is not necessarily wrong. It may be an
act of the highest virtue it may be one of the
deepest depravity. The rebellion of our Fa
thers is our proudest boast the rebellion of
our Er&thers is the humiliation of our Nation is
our National disgrace. To resist a bad Gov
ernment is patriotism to resist a good one is
the greatest guilt. The first is patriotism, the
last is treason. Legal tribunals can only regard
resistance of laws, as a crime but in the forum
of public sentiment the character of the Gov
ernment will decide if the act is treason or
patriotism.

Our Government and its administration are
different things; but in the eyes of the civilized
world, abuses, weakness or folly in the con
duct of affairs go far to justify resistance.
I have read to you the testimony of Messrs.
Greely, Weed, Bryant, Raymond and Marble,
charging fraud, corruption, outrage and in-
competency upon those in power. Those who
stand up to testify to the incompetency of these
representatives of a disoordant party to conduct
the affairs of our Government are politically
opposed to us. Bear in mind that the embarrass
ments of President Lincoln grows out of the con
flicting views of his political friends, and their
iiabits and principles of insubordination. His
hands would be strengthened by a Democratic
victory, and if his private prayers are answered
we will relieve him from the pressure of phi-
antrophists who thirst for blood, and who call
for the extermination of the men, women and
children of the South. The brutal a.nd bloody
language of partisan editors and political
preachers have lost us the sympathy of the
civilized world in a contest where all mankind
should be upon one side.

Turning to the Legislative Departments of
our government, what do we see? In the his
tory of the decline and fall of Nations, there are
no more striking displays of madness and folly.
The assemblage of Congress throws gloom over
the Na ion; its continuance in session is more
disastrous than defeat upon the battle field. It
excites alike alarm and disgust.

The public are disappointed in the results of

the war. This is owing to the differing objects
of the people on the one band, and of the faoat-
ical agitators io and oat of Coogress on the ether.
In the army, the Union men of the North and
South battle side by side, under one flag, to put
down rebellion and uphold the Union and Con
stitution, lu Congress a fanatical majority make
war on the Union men of the Souih and strength
en the hands of Secessionists by words and acts
winch enable them to keep alive the flames of
civil war. What is done on the battle field by
the blood and treasure of the people, is undone
by Senators. Half of the time is spent in fac
tious measures designed to destroy all confi
dence in the government at the South, and the
rest in annoyiug our army, in meddling with its
operations, embarrassing our generals and in
publishing undigested and unfounded scandal.
One party is seeking to bring about peace, the
other to keep alive hatred and bitterness by in
terferences. They prove the wisdom of Solo
mon, when he said: " It is an honor to a man
to cease from strife, but every fool will be med
dling

This war cannot be brought to a successful
conc4usion or onr country restored to an honor
able peace under the Republican leaders for
another reason. Our disasters are mainly due
to the fact that they have not dared to tell the
truth to the community. A system of misre
presentation had been practiced so long and so
euccessfully that when the war burst upon us
they feared to let the people know its full pro
portions, and they persisted in assuring their
friends it was but a passing excitement. They
still asserted that the South was unable to
maintain and carry on a war. They denounced
as a traitor every man who tried to tell the
truth and to warn our people of the magnitude
of the contest.

Now, my Republican friends, you kaow that
the misapprehensions of the North with regard
to the South has drenched the land with blood.
Was this ignorance accidental* I appeal to
you Republicans, if for years past, through the
press and in publications which have been urged
upon your attention by the leaders of your par
ty, you have not been taught to despise the
power and resources of the South? I appeal
to you to say if this teaching has not been a
part of the machinery by which power has been
gained? I appeal to you to answer if those
who tried to teach truths now admittted have
not been denounced? I appeal to you if a
book, boyond all others, false, bloody
aad treasonable, was not sent out with
the endorsement of all your managers; and is
it not true that now, when men blush to own
they believed its statements , that its
author is honored by an official station? It is
now freely confessed by you all, that you have
been deceived with respect to the South Who
deceived you? Who, by false teachings, in
stilled contempt and hate into the minds of our
people? Who stained our land with blood?
Who caused ruin and distress? All these
things are within your own knowledge.
Are their authors the leaders to rescue us from
our calamities? They shrink back appalled from

the mischief they have wrought, and tell you
it is an irrepressible contest. That reason is as
good for Jfetferson Davis as for them. They
attempt to drown reflections by new excite
ments and new appeals to our passions. Hav
ing already, in legislation, gone far beyond the
limits at which, by their resolutions, they were
pledged to stop, they now ask to adopt mea
sures which they have heretofore denounced as
unjust and unconstitutional. For this leason
they cannot save our country.

As our national calamities thicken upon us
an attempt is made by their authors to avoid
their responsibilities by insisting that our
failures are due to the fact that their measures
are not carried out, although Government has
already gone far beyond its pledges. The de-
rnauds of these man will never cease, simply
because they hope to save themselves from con
demnation by having unsatisfied demands At
the last Session Congress not only abolished
slavery in the District of Columbia, but, to
quiet clamorous men, an act of* Confiscation
and Emancipation was passed, which, in the
opinion of leading Republicans, was unconsti
tutional and unjust. By this act the rebels
have no property not even their o wn lives and
they own no slaves. Bat to the astonishment
and disgust of those who believe in the policy
of statutes and proclamations, the.e rebels still
live and fight and hold their si ves. These
measures seem to have reanimated them. They
have a careless and reckless way of appropr^-
ating their lives and property, which by act of
Congress belong to us, iu support of their
cause.

But these fanatical men have learned that it
is necessary to win a victory before they di
vide the spoil and what do they now propose?
As they cannot take the property of rebels
beyond their reach they will take the property
of the loyal men of the Border States. The
violent men of this party as you know from ex
perience, my conservative Republican friend, in
the end have their way. They now demand
that the President shall issue a Proclamation
of immediate and universal emancipation ?
Against whom is this to be directed ? Not
against those in rebellion for they came within
the scope of the act of Congress. It can
only be applied to those who have been true to
our Uuiou and our Flag. They are to be pun
ished for their loyalty. When we consider
their sufferings and their cruel wrongs at the
hands of the secessionists, their reliance upon
our faith, is not this proposal black with ingrati
tude? ,

The scheme for an immediate emancipation
and general arming of the slaves throughout
the South is a proposal for the butchery of
women and children, for scenes of lust and
rapine; of arsan and murder unparalelled in the
history of the world. The horrors of the French
Revolution would become tame in comparison.
Its effect would not be confined to the walls
of cities, but there would be a wide sprea\d
scene of horror over the vast, expanse of
great States, involving alike the loyal and
seditious. Such malignity and cowardice would

invoke the interferfnce of civilized Europe.
History tells of the fires kindled in the name of
religion, of atrocities committed under pr-. texts
of order or liberty; but it is now urged that
scenes bloodier than the world has yet seen
shall be enacted in the name of philanthrophy!

A proclamation of general and armed eman
cipation at this time, would be a cruel wrong to
the African. It is now officially declared in
Presidential addresses, which are fortified by
Cougressi &gt;nal action, that the negro cannot live
in the enjoyment of the full privileges of life
among the white race. It is now admitted,
after our loss of infinite blood and treasure,
that the great problem we have to settle is not
the slavery, but the negro question. A terrible
question, not springing from statutes or usages,
but growing out of the unchang&ble distinction
of race. It is discovered at this late day, in
Republican Illinois, that it is right to drive him
from its soil. It is disco\ered by a Republican
C &gt;cgress, after convu sing our country with de
clarations in favor of his equal rights, and as
serting that he was merely the victim of unjust
laws, that he should be sent away from our
land. The issue is now changed. The South
holds that the African is fit to live here as a
slave. Our Republican Government denies that
he is fit to live here at all.

The Republican party cannot save the coun
try, because through its powerful Press it
teaches contempt for the Laws, Constitution
aud constituted authorities. They are not only
destroying tha Union, but they are shaking and
weakeuiug the whole structures of State as well
as of the National Government, by denuncia
tions of every law and of all authority that
stand in the way of their passions or their pur
poses. They have not only carried discord into
our churches and legislative halls, but into our
armies. Every General who agrees with them
upon the sutyect of Slavery is upheld in every
act of insubordination and sustained against
the clearest proofs of incompetence, if not of
corruption. On the other hand, every Com
mander who differs from thbir views upon the
single poiot of Slavery, is denounced, not only
for incompetency, but constantly depreciated
in every act. No man is allowed to be a Chris
tian; no man is regarded as a Statesman; no
man is suliered unmolested to do his duty as a
Soldier unless he supports measures which no
oue dared to urge eighteen months since. They
iusist that martial law is superior to constitu-
tiuna Uw, th it the wiils of Generals in the field
a e ab &gt;ve nil rrstr&iuts; buc they detnauci fur
themselves the right to direct and control these
Geuera s. They ciaim an influence higher than
tnoy will allow to the laws of the land. Are
these displays of insuborbiaation and violence
safe al this time?

The weight of annual taxation will test se
verely the loyalty of the people of the North.
Repudiation of our financial obligations would
cause disorder and endless moral evils. Pecu
niary rights will never be held more sacred than
personal rights Repudiation of the Constitu
tion involves- repudiation of National debts, of
its guaranties of rights of property, of person,

and of conscience* The moment we show the
world that we do not hold the Constitution to
be a sacred compact, we not only destroy all
sense of security, but we turn away from our
shores the vast tide of foreign immigration.
It comes here now not because there are not
other skies as bright and other lands as pro
ductive as ours. It seeks here security for
freedom for rights of conscience for immu
nity from tyranical interferences, and from,
meddling impertinence. The home and fireside
rights heretofore enjoyed by the American,
people enjoyed under protection of written
Constitution, have made us great and prosper
ous. I entreat you again, touch them not with
sacrilegeous hands! We are threatened with
the breaking np of our social system, with the
overthrow of State and National Governments,
If we begin a war upon the compromises of the
Constitution we must go through with it. It
contains many restraints upon our natural
rights. It may be asked by what right do the
six small New England States, with a population
less than that of New York, have six times its
power in the Senato, which has become the con-
troling branch of government? By what natu
ral right do these States with their small uni
ted populations and limited territories balance
the power of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Illinois, Indiana and Michigan? The vast debt
growing out of this war will give rise to new
and angry discussions. It will be held almost
exclusively in a few Atlantic States. Look upon
the map of the Union aud see how small is the
territory in which it will be owned. We are
to be divided into creditor and debtor States,
and the last will have a vast preponderance
of power and strength . Unfortunately there
is no taxation upon this national debt and its
share is thrown off upon other property. It is
held where many of the government contracts
have been executed, and where in some in
stances, gross frauds, have been practiced. It
is held largely where the Constitution gives a
dispropoitional share of political power. With
all these elements of discord, is it wise to assail
constitutional law, or bring authority into con
tempt. Is it safe to encourage the formation of
irresponsible commit ees, made up of imperti
nent men, who thrust themselves into the con
duct of public affairs and try to dictate to legal
rulers? or will you tolerate the enrollment of
armies which are not constituted or organized
by proper authorities ? Are such things just
towards those who have placed their fortunes
iu the hands of the government, at this crisis?

We implore you do not be deceived again
with tb;s Syren song of no danger. There is
danger, great and imminent,, of the destruction
of all government, of safety for life and property.
unless the duty of obedience r o law and respect
for authorities aud the honest support of those
in the public service both military and civil,
ara taught and enforced, by all means within
our control.

With us there is no excuse for revolutionary
action. Our system of government give peace
ful remedies for all evils in legislation.

WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PART? PROPOSE TO DO.

Mr. President : It will be asked what do
we propose to do We mean, with all our
powers of mind and person to support the Con
stitution and uphold the Union; to maintain
tho laws, to preserve the public faith. We
iasist upon obedience to laws and respect for
Constitutional authority; we will defend the
rights of citizens; we mean that rulers and sub
jects shall respect the laws; we will put down
all revolutionary committees; we will resist all
unauthorized organizations of armed men; we
will spurn officious meddlers who are impudently
pushing themselves into the councils of our
Government Politically opposed to those in
authority, we demand they shall be treated with
the respect due to their positions as the repre
sentatives of the dignity and honor of the
American people. We do not try to save our
country by abandoning its government. In
these times of trial and danger we cling more
closely to the great principles of civil and reli
gious liberty and of personal right; we will man
the defences and barriers which the Constitu
tion throws around them; we will revive the
courage and strengthen the arms of loyal men by
showing them they have a living government
about which to rally; we will proclaim amidst
the confusion and uproar of civil war, with
louder tones and firmer voices the great max
ims and principles of civil liberfy, order and
obedience What has perpetuated the great
ness of that nation from which we derive so
many of our maxims? Not its victories upon
land nor its triumphs upon the seas, but its
firm adherence to its traditional policy. The
words of Coke, of Camden and Mansfield, have
for long periods of time given strength and vital
ity and hoior to its social system, while battles
have lost their significance When England
was agitated by the throes of violence
when the person of the King was insulted;
when Parliament was besieged by mobs mad
dened by bigotry; when the life of Lord Mans
field was sought by infuriated fanatics, and his
bouse was burned by incendiary tires then he
mttered those words which checked at once
unlawful power and lawless violence. He de
clared that every citizen was entitled to his
rights according to the known procedures of
the land. He showed to the world the calm
and awi ul majesty of the law, unshaken amidst
convulsions. Self reliant in its strength and
purity, it was driven to DO acts which destroy
the spirit of law. Violence was rebuked, the
heart of the nation was reassured, a sense of
security grew up. and the storm was stilled
Listen to his word:

Miserable is the condition of individual?; dangerous is
the condition of the State where there is no certain law,
or what is the same thing, no certain administration of
law by which individuals mav be orotected aud the State
made secuxe.

Thus, too, will we stand calmly up admidst
present disasters. We have warned the public
that every act of disobedience weakened their
claims to protection. We have admonished
our rulers that every violation of right de
stroyed sentiments of loyalty and duty. That
obedience and protection were reciprocal ob
ligations. He who withholds his earnest
and cheerful support to any legal demand of
bis Government, invites oppression and usur
pation on the part of those in authority. The
public servant who oversteps his jurisdiction or
tramples upon the rights, person, property or
procedure of the governed, instigates resistance
and revolt.

Under abuse and detraction we have faith
fully acted upon these precepts. If our pur
poses were factious, the elements of disorder
are everywhere within our reach. If we were
as disobedient to this Government and as de
nunciatory of its officials as those who placed
them in power, we could make them tremble in
their seats of power. We have been obedient,
loyal and patient. We shall continue to be so
under all circumstances. But let no man mis
take this devotion to our country and its Con
stitution for unworthy fear. We have no
greater stake in good order than other men.
Our arms are as strong, our endurance as great,
our fortitude as unwavering as that of our
political opponents. But we seek the blessings
of peace, of law, of order. We ask the public
to mark our policy and our position. Opposed
to the election of Mr. Lincoln, we have loyally
sustained him. Differing from the Administra
tion as to the course and the conduct of the
war, we have cheerfully responded to every
demand made upon us. To-day we are putting
forth oar utmost efforts to reinforce our armies
in the field. Without conditions or threats we
are exerting our energies to strengthen the
hands of government and to replace it in the
commanding position it held in the eyes of the
world before recent disasters. Wo are pouring
out our blood, our treasures, and our men, to
rescue it from a position in which it cau neither
propose peace nor conduct successful war. And
this support is freely and generously accorded.
We wish to see our Union saved, our laws vin
dicated, and peace once more restored to our
land. We do not claim more virtue or intelli-
gance than we award to our opponents, but we
now have the sad and bloody , proof that v/e act
upon sounder principles of government. Anni-
mated by the motto we have placed upon our
banner The Union, the Constitution and the
Laws" we go into the political contest con
fident of the support of a People who cannot
be deaf or blind to the teachings of the latt two
vears.

THE NEW-YORK WEEKLY ARGUS

To Restore the Union and Maintain the Constitution.

For years the Democratic and Conservative sentiment of the Nation has been keenly alive to th
necessity of being faithfully and ably represented by a rirst class Newspaper, published in the Citj
of New York, sustaining the same relation to it as does the New York Tribune to Abolitionism anc
all kinds of .Radicalism.

The undersigned, from their connexion with the Albany ATLAS & ARGUS one of the oldest anc
best known Democratic papers in the Union had been constantly urged to respond to this demand,
and finally yielded to the wishes of their political friends, and transierred the publication of theii
Weekly to the city of New York, and issued it under the name of

MEW YORK WEEKLY AUGUS.

The experiment has met with complete success, We are grateful to the friends of sound politica:
principles , who have enabled us in a few months, to establish on a paying basis, a first class Ntu
York Weekly Ptiper. We have every where met with cordial co-operation, and Clubs of subscribers,
from all parts of the country, .are being rapidly added to our list.

The friends of the NEW YORK WEEKLY ARGUS may boldly challenge comparison of it with any
other New York Weekly both as to typographical appearance and the contents of its pages, lliey
already insist, and we intend to make good their claim, that it is the

No labor or expense will be spared to make a paper of which Democrats and Conservative men
will be proud. The responsible Editors are

CALVERT COMSTOCK, WILLIAM CASSIDY & EL01ST COMSTOCK,

With ample additional and special assistance in the several departments of the paper.

To sustain such a paper and enable.it to influence the political sentiment of the Nation, an ample
subscription list is necessary. Ours has already, in nine njpaths, re/id-ie^" Thirty Thousand,
and we appeal to those, whose opinions the paper represents, to give it

One Hundred Thousand Subscribers,

During the present year. This can be easily done by a general effort as the paper is afforded to
Clubs at the low price of One Dollar a Year. Shall it be done? We leave the answer to
those who wish the success of such a paper.

T IE2 H. SMC JSs

Single Subscriptions per annum ... $3 oo

Three Copies one year - - - - - 5 OO

Eight do do - - - - - 1O OO

Additional Copies $1.2O each.
Twenty Copies, to one address, ... - 2O OO

With an extra copy to the person sending the Club of twenty.

To any person sending a Club of 100 we will send the Albany DAILY ATLAS & AEGUS one year gratis.

Payable always^ in advance.

Letters, whether containing remittances or otherwise, flibxild be addressed to the undersigned,
C011NEE, OS BltOADWAY AND PAKK PLACE, (opposite City Hall Paik,) NEW YOEK.

COMSTOCK & CASSIDY,

Proprietors.