Speech of Hon. John Letcher, of Virginia, on government expenditures : delivered in the House of Representatives, June 12, 1858

SPEECH

OP

HON. JOHN LETCHER, OF VIRGINIA,

ON

GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURES;

DELIVERED

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 12, 1858.

WASHINGTON:

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

1858.

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i

SPEECH

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the
state of the Union —

Mr. LETCHER said:

Mr. CiiAmMAN: In the discussion which took
place some days since between the gentleman from
Ohio [Mr. Sherman] and myself, I then stated
to the committee that I would seek some suitable
occasion between that time and the close of this
session of Congress to present my views fully on
the interesting subject of Government expendi-
tures. His speech exhibited all the evidences of
careful preparation, and is interspersed with ta-
bles of figures that must have cost him immense
labor in their construction. Without a moment's
preparation, and without even the advantage of
hearing the entire speech, I was called upon by
several of my political friends to reply. Under,
these circumstances, I entered into the debate, and
amid constant interruptions from the gentleman
himself, and several others, replied briefly to some
of the leading positions which he had assumed.
The speech, which was doubtless intended for
general circulation, as a campaign document, pre-
paratory to the elections that will take place this
fall, demands, from its ability and ingenuity, a
more elaborate reply than it was in my power
then to make.

This speech, and others made in the latter part
of this session, gives reason to believe that the
questions which diVided parties in other days are
again to be revived. Since the adjustment of the
Kansas controversy, and its removal from the
congressional Halls, gentlemen in this and the
other end of the Capitol have directed their atten-
tion to subjects of more practical importance and
of more immediate interest to the people. In

the past two months our discussions have been
mainly confined to questions within the range of
legitimate congressional action. Questions of a
financial character and bearing; the tariff and its
revision; the disposition of the public lands and
their proceeds; the comprehensive subject of in-
ternal improvements; the best modeof raising rev-
enue to defray the expenses of tlie Government,,
and the purposes and objects to which it should
be applied; and last, but by no means least in im-
portance, our relations "with foreign Governments
— these now furnish the topics for speeches and
claim from us that consideration which has been
toolong withheld from them, and too oftendirected
to exciting sectional questions, mischievous in
their tendency and I'uinous to the peace ,. pros-
perity, and fraternity of the people who constitute
the States and organized Territories of this great
nation. These things indicate a return to the-
policy of the earlier and better days of the Eepub^
lie — those days in which Repres©nt£btives af the
people legislated practically within the limits of
the Constitution ;>exhibiting that naaely patriotism
which embraced the whole Union and its interests,,
and repudiated all attempts to interfere with th«-
rights and institutions of the States^ They re-
cognized and acted upon the doctrine — -the Unioai
of the States is secure so long as the rights of the-
States are jespected. I trust most sincerely that
these indications are not deceptive, and that they
presage a calm and Kappy future,, when sectionat
controversy and strife shall be banished from the
national councils^

The bill now under consideration proposes a.
loan of |15>000,000, which is absolutely necessary
to ejFsgibte the Government to meet its obUgatioi^s

The gentleman from Ohio admits the necessity of
the measure; admits that the Government must
have the amount provided for in this bill, or the
obligations incurred cannot be met as they ma-
ture. Yet, strange to say, he avows his opposi-
tion to the only feasible measure that has been or
that can be presented to furnish the means required
to sustain the credit of the Government ! After
voting with a vast majority of his party friends to
create this necessity — after a formal complaint
that we would not increase the expenditures by
voting 11,500,000 to the improvement of rivers
and harbors in the Northwest — he now comes for-
ward to resist the passage of a bill to furnish the
means required to meet the appropriations made
by the two Houses of Congress. The policy of that
side of the House seems to be to vote expenditures,
and then refuse the means to meet them — to impose
burdens on the Government, and then repudiate
all the measures proposed for its relief. I antici-
pated such a result, and hence it was that I have
on several occasions during the session proposed
to ingraft upon the bills a section providing for a
loan sufficient to cover the expenditures provided
for in each. It is my deliberate opinion now that
such a section should have been ingrafted upon
all the appropriation bills, and then those who
voted the expenditure would have been compelled
to take the responsibility of providing the means
to pay the sums appropriated. The flouse, how-
ever, did not concur in this opinion, and hence it
is that many of the most liberal voters for expend- 1
itures of money will now refuse to give their
support to this bill. If it shall fail, these appro-
priations must remain unsatisfied, until it shall
please Congress to provide the necessary means.
Neither the President nor the Secretary of the
Treasury has authority or power to furnish the
money for that purpose beyond the provision
made by the Treasury note bill, and the accruing
revenue from customs and lands.

The gentleman charges that on the 1st day of
July last there was a surplus of |17,710,114 in the
Treasury, and that Congress has already granted
$20,000,000 of Treasury notes, making an ag-
gregate sum of means of |37,710,114 in a single
year, which, together with the current revenue,
has all been expended by this profligate Adminis-
tration. These facts, in his opinion, make out a
clear and undeniable case of extravagance against
the party in power. Accompany me in the inves-
tigation of these facts, and we will ascertain the
precise weight to be given to the charge.

The Secretary of the Treasury informs us in
his annual report that the public debt amounted
on the 1st of July lastrfo the sum p9,060,386 90,
and since that time the sum of |3,895,232 39
of the debt has been redeemed. This sum,
then, is to be deducted from the surplus in the
Treasury at the date fixed by the gentleman from
Ohio. Making this deduction, we have the sum
of $13,814,881 61, instead of the sum with tirhich
we are charged in the account as stated by him;
or, in other words, an error within a fraction of
$4,000,000. Now add the $20,000,000 of Treasury
notes authorized by the act of this session, and
we have the gross sum of $33,814,881 61, instead
of $37,710,114. Deduct the amount contained in
the deficiency bills, stated by the gentleman to be
$11,201,708, and we shall then have a balance of
$22,613,173 61.

Now, Mr. Chairman, I ask whether the pres-
ent Administration can, with even a show of rea-
son or justice, be held responsible, by its bitterest
enemy, for the expenditure this year of a dollar
beyond the amount of the deficiency bills, which
we have passed? The remaining $22,613,173 61
is the unavoidable result of paying for the legisla-
tion of the last Congress, of which the gentleman
from Ohio was a leading member. The Speaker
of the House in that Congress belonged to the
Opposition. An Opposition majority controlled
and directed the legislation. A Committee of
Ways and Means, Opposition by two to one,
reported the appropriation bills, and that Opposi-
tion are responsible to the country for the expend-
itures of the present fiscal year, expiring on the
30th day of this month.

The gentleman then proceeds to give us the
items that are embraced in the deficiency bills
passed at the present session , and charges that the
extravagance of the Administration has rendered
the passage of those deficiency bills necessary.
He presents the following table of items, to which
I invite the attention of the committee:

Sound dues by treaty with Denmark $333,011

Printing deficiency already passed 341,188

Balance of printing deficiency for this year (esti-
mated) 600,000

Miscellaneous 373,318

Army deficiency 7,925,000

Post Office deficiency 1,469,173

$11,041,690

The first item charged against the present Ad-
ministration, in the gentleman's table, is $333,011,

for the Sound dues, by treaty v/ith Denmark.
This treaty was negotiated by the last Admin-
istration, and, as no appropriation was made to
meet its stipulations, the duty was devolved upon
the present Congress of furnishing the money
required to fulfill its provisions. Can it be pre-
tended that this item furnishes evidence to prove
the extravagance of the present Administration?
Was it not our duty to execute that treaty fully,
fairly, and justly, to the letter.? There cannot be
two opinions on that point. The next item is the
printing deficiency of p41,188. The legislation
of the last Congress imposed upon the country
the debt for printing, and the duty of paying this
debt has been devolved upon us. Will the gen-
tleman pretend that the Administration is in any
sense, or to any extent, responsible for this ex-
penditure? They had no agency in contracting
the debt; but it came down to them as a burden
imposed upon them by the Republican House,
over which N. P. Banks* presided as Speaker.
The next item is an " estimated" printing deficien-
cy for this year of ^600,000, which, if it is to be
provided for, is needed to pay the debts entailed
upon us mainly by the last House. Why was
the printing ordered by the Opposition ? Did they
not know when it was ordered that it would have
to be paid for, and as it was ordered by the Op-
position— the gentleman's friends in the House —
with what propriety can they now arraign us for
providing the means to pay for it, if we shall be
compelled to do so? Neither the Administration
or its friends in this House can be held responsible
for it. But will such a sum have to be paid ? I
apprehend not, as our action shows that we have
only appropriated in the sundry civil bill the sum
of ^316,000 for this purpose. Here, then, is an-
other error of the neat little sum of ^284,000—
no great amount, to be sure, yet still worthy of a
passing notice. Then we have an item, styled
miscellaneous, of ^373,318, which is intended to
pay off obligations imposed upon us by the legis-
lation of the last Congress. It is under this head
that we find the appropriations for custom-houses,
marine hospitals, and other public buildings,
which cover the ^' jobs and contracts" to which he
refers. I cannot suppose that the gentleman de-
signs to impute dishonesty to the officers of the
Government in connection with the contracts for
these buildings ordered by Congress. The con-
tracts which have been made, were made by the
Fillmore and Pierce administrations, and not by
the present Administration . But for the Opposition

these buildings vv^ould not have been ordered by
Congress, and I would really like to know what
the gentleman from Galena [Mr. Washburne] .
and from Detroit [Mr. Howard] and from Louis-
ville [Mr. Marshall] and from Cleveland [Mr.
Wade] think of this assault, coming from so dis-
tinguished an Opposition leader. Let the gentle-
man and his friends shoulder the responsibility
which legitimately attaches to them for the neces-
sity which demanded this appropriation. The
Administration is in no just sense chargeable with
it, and the country will so decide. Then we have
the Army deficiency of $7,925,000, paraded as
another evidence of extravagance and profligacy.
Was this expenditure necessary? I maintain that
it was; that the public sentiment of the people,
without distinction of party, demanded that the
laws should be enforced in Utah. The President
has executed this order of the people, and has
brought the Mormons into subjection to the law-
ful authority of the Governm.ent. A prudent fore-
cast, a wise statesmanship, have controlled and
directed the entire policy of the President towards
these misguided people; and peace, quiet, order,
and "obedience to the laws have been secured with-
out firing a gun or shedding a drop of human
blood. Everywhere this result is hailed with sat-
isfaction, and the sound, conservative men of the
nation applauded the prudence , wisdom , firmness ,
and practical judgment which have been exhib-
ited by the Administration in the happy adjust-
ment of this difficult and dangerous question.
Let the gentleman from Ohio and his party friends
make the issue that the President has done wrong;
that the measures which he has adopted have
been unwise and injudicious; let them, if they see
fit, charge that he has wasted the public money,
and they will find us ready to meet them and try
the issue before the people. The respect and af-
fection of the people for law and order, their set-
tled and determined hostility to everything that
wears the appearance of open resistance to the
authority of a Government to which we owe obe-
dience, leaves no room for doubt as to their verdict
whenever such issues shall be presented to them
for their decision. We challenge the Opposition
to these issues. Will they, dare they, meet us upon
them ? If they think we have spent more money
than is necessary, we call upon them to specify
the items of expenditure that are, in their judg-
ment, extravagant. Withhold in future your
wholesale charges, and give us the details. In
the name of the tax-paying milHons, 1 demand

6

this of you. This sum, however, has been ap-
propriated to support the army in Utah, for the
next year, and is therefore an advance — not a
deficiency. The last item enumerated is, the defi-
ciency for the Post Office Department, amounting
to P, 469, 173. Was not this expenditure required
to carry out the legislation of the last Congress ?
New post routes were established, and mails could
not be placed upon them without entailing expense
upon the Treasury. To meet this expense we
were compelled to provide the means in the defi-
ciency bill, passed at the opening of the session.
I imagine the gentleman, and nine tenths of his
friends in both Houses, voted for the post-route
bill; the execution of which made this expendi-
ture unavoidable.

On this branch of the subject I prove that the
gentleman from Ohio has committed several very
extraordinary errors — unintentional I doubt not,
but yet such errors as clearly demonstrate that
implicit reliance should not be placed upon his
calculations. The first error consists in charging
the Administration with the surplus in the Treas-
ury on the 1st of July last, and withholding from
it credit for the amount of the public debt, which
it has paid out of it since that date. The second
error consists in fixing the Sound dues, by treaty
with Denmark, at ^333,011, when the true sum is
$408,731 44. The third error consists in estimat-
ing the balance of the printing deficiency for the
year ending the 30th of this month at $600,000,
while the civil appropriation bill -shows that it
is only $316,000. The fourth error consists in
fixing the amount of the deficiency bills passed
at this session at $11,041,690, when it should have
been |9,704,209 89 for the first, and $341,189 58
for the printing bill, and $408,731 44 for the trea-
ty with Denmark, making, in the aggregate,
$10,454,130 91. R.ather serious errors in a speech
which was designed to be used as a text-book by
the Opposition in their war upon the Administra-
tion !

I now come to his estimate of the expenditures
for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859. He
makes a most startling exhibit, and works out
an aggregate of expenditures for the next year of
$92,143,202. And how is this monstrous result
ascertained ? In the first place, he informs us that
the Secretary of the Treasury estimates the ex-
penditures for the year named at $74,064,755,
and then he adds the following items, amounting
to $18,089,547:
Three new regiments ^'4,289,547

Probable Post Office deficiencies over amount

appropriated 2,500,06D

Public buildings 1,700,000

Private bills, (estimated) 1,000,000

Printing deficiency 600,000

Army deficiency, (estimated to be the same as

last year) 8,000,000

Not one cent has been appropriated for the
three new regiments — the President having ascer-
tained that they would not be needed for the ser-
vice in Utah. In the regular Post Office appro-
priation bill we have appropriated for the Post
Office Department, for the year 1859, the sum of
$3,500,000, which exceeds the regular appropria-
tion for the present year, by the sum of $1 ,000,000-
The Post Office Department drew from the Treas-
ury, for the year ending June 30, 1858, $3,969,173.
Suppose the Department should require the same
amount for the year 1859, as we have provided
in the regular appropriation bill for $3,500,000,,
we would only be called upon for the additional
sum of $469,173. This, then, is an error of up-
wards of $2,000,000 in his estimate in regard to
this single item. The regular appropriation bill
contains all the sums necessary for public build-
ings, amounting to $3,104,600; and this, there fore J
is likewise an erroneous estimate. We have been
charged once by the gentleman with the printing
deficiency of $600,000 in the expenditures of 1858;
but, for some reason that he has not chosen to
assign, he again charges us with it in the expend-
itures of the year 1859. And, finally, he esti-
mates that the Army deficiency for the year 1859
will amount to the round sum of $8,000,000. All
these are conjectures, and, so far as their accura-
cy can be tested by existing facts, they are shown
to be of the most unreliable character. That the
gentleman himself is not satisfied with them
is clearly manifest from his declaration that they
"way be over-estimated. '^ I submit it to him to
say, whether, from the facts now before him, he
is not entirely satisfied that they are greatly
" over-estimated.'"

The gentleman then proceeds thus:

" Now, this sum of ^92,000,000 does not include any of
the following items of expenditure, and I wish gentlemen
to add those, upon their own estimate, to this aggregate :
For protecting works commenced on our numerous rivers
and harbors, the lowest estimate of which is $1,500,000;
and then there is your Calendar of one thousand private
bills demanding your attention. There is the pension bill
for the old soldiers of the war of 1812, proposed by the gen-
tleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Savage,] requiring. $8,000,000
per annum. There are the ten new war steamers, proposed
by my friend from Virginia, [Mr. Bocock,] f 2,500,000. The

French spoliation bilJ, urged so forcibly by the gentleman
from Massachusetts, [Mr. Davis,] which, if passed, will
require $5,000,000. The duties to be refunded on goods
destroyed by fire— I do not know how much. Commutation
to the heirs of revolutionary soldiers— T do not know how
much. Claims growing out of Indian wars in Oregon and
Washington, urged by the Delegate from Oregon, and certi-
fied by an executive officer, $5,000,000. Then we have the
Pacific railroad, a foretaste of the cost of which we have
had in $1,000,000 expended already in the publication of the
report of the surveys."

But two of the measures enumerated in this
formidable list by the gentleman from Ohio have
received the sanction of Congress — the addition of
seven steamers for the Navy, and for that purpose
an appropriation of ^1,200,000 has been embraced
in the regular naval bill; and the amount neces-
sary to pay the private claims allowed by Con-
gress. What sum will be required for this latter
purpose cannot now be determined, but I imagine
it will exceed his estimate of $1,000,000. The
bill to refund duties on goods destroyed by fire
was defeated in the House before the gentleman's
speech was delivered. Bear in mind the fact, that
none of these measures have been recommended
by the Departments or the President.

Having thus noticed the gentleman's estimate,
1 now desire to inquire whether he is not in favor
of all the measures he has refejfed to, and wheth-
er he is not ready to give each and all his cordial
and hearty approval ? Are .not his political asso-
ciates, or, at any rate, an overwhelming majority
of them, in favor of all these measures, and are
they not ready, to cast their votes in aid of their
passage ? Whatever may be the gentleman's in-
dividual position, I apprehend there can be little,
if any, doubt as to the position of the larger por-
tion of his political friends.

I now come to the estimates of the Secretary of
the Treasury, and to the recommendations of the
Committee of Ways and Means, made to Con-
gress at the present session:
The Secretary estimates that of the appropriations for 1858,

there will be expended during 1859 $16,586,588 35

Permanent and indefinite ap-
propriations $7,165,224 49

Add for collection of revenue

from customs 1,150,000 00

8,315,224 49

Recommendations for the year

1859, as reported by the Com-
mittee of Ways and Means. .52,295,048 22
All other appropriations (esti-
mated) at the present ses-
sion. 3,000,000 00

Of this sum there will be ex-
pended during the year 1860.15,000,000 00

40,295,048 22

$65,196,861 OfJ

When the gentleman from Ohio made his esti-
mate of $92,000,000 as the expenditures for the
year 1859, he was sadly mistaken in his calcula-
tions. Against his conjectural estimates I now
oppose conjectural estimates of the Secretary of
the Treasury; and it is palpable that the gentle-
man has been mistaken to the extent of only about
$27,000,000. Is it to be wondered at that, with
such errors as I have pointed out, the shrewd ed-
itor of the New York Tribune, in his issue of
the 3d of this month, in noticing the gentle-
man's speech, should have said: "We should
have liked it much better if it had worn no party
aspeclf and had been undeniably nonpartisan in its
scope and bearings.''"

I propose to examine into the estimates of the
Secretary of the Treasury a little further, to show
that he has exhibited sound judgment and practi-
cal knowledge of the duties of his office:
The annual estimates of appropriations sub-
mitted are.; $50,312,943 13

Other estimates referred to the Committee
of Ways and Means at various times
during the session 3,909,917 91

$54,222,861 04

55,295,048 22

So much for the estimates of the Secretary.
Now, I present the regular appropriations for
the service of the year 1859, amounting to the sum
of $53,458,233 22:

Pension $769,500 00

Indian, regular 1,338,104 49

" supplemental 959,957 86

" deficiency 339,595 00

Consular and diplomatic 912,120 00

Military Academy 182,804 00

Naval 14,508,354 23

Sundry civil 5,557,148 07

Legislative, executive, and judicial 6,134,093 61

Army 17,145,806 46

Mail steamer 960,750 00

Post Office 3,500,000 Oft

Collecting revenues from imports j^enncneni,
addition al 1 ,150,000 00

To which add :

Treasury notes 1858 . . . $20,000 00

Manufacture of arms.. " ... 360,000 00
Expenses investigating

committees " ... 35,000 00

$53,458,233

8

Treaty with Denmark, " ... 408,731 00

Deficiency in printing,

&c « ... 341,189 58

Deficiency for the year « ... 9,704,209 89

Deaf, dufnb, and blind,
District of Columbia, » ... 3,000 00

Expenses investigating
committees " ... 12,000 00

Clerks in Oregon to re-
gister and receiver... " ... 7,000 00

Ilunning Texas bound-
ary line 1859... 80,000 00

Incident to the loan of
$20,000,000 5,000 00

10,976,130 91

$64,434,364 13
Estimate :
Other appropriations, bills not printed and
indefinite, including all private bills 3,565,635 87

$68,000,000 00

Thus we find that the expenditures for the
year ending June 30, 1859, amount to the sum of
$68,000,000, instead of $92,000,000, as estimated
by the gentleman from Ohio. If the wishes of the
President and Cabinet, and a large majority of the
Democratic members of Congress, could have pre-
vailed, the expenditures would have fallen below
this sum. The result, however, demonstrates
most conclusively that the conjectural estimates
of the gentleman from Ohio were not within mil-
lions of the true amount, and should cause the
people to distrust all theoretical and imaginative
calculations on subjects of so much importance
to their welfare.

And, in this connecton, permit me to express
my cordial approval of the sentiments embodied
by the President in his annual message, in which
he declares that —

"An overflowing Treasury has led to habits of prodigal-
ity and extravagance in our legislation. It has induced
Congress to make large appropriations to objects for which
they never would have provided had it been necessary to
raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by
increased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to
pause in our career, and to scrutnizie our expenditure with
the utmost vigilance ; and in performing this duty, I pledge
my cooperation to the extent of my constitutional compe-
tency.

" It ought to be observed at the same time that true pub-
lic economy does not consist in withholding the means ne-
cessary to accomplish important national objects imrusted
to us by the Constitution, and especially such as may be
necessary for the common defense. In the present crisis
of the country it is our duty to confine our appropriations
TO objects of this character, unless in cases where justice
to individuals may demand a different course. In all cases
care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress
phall be faithfully and economically applied.

" Under the Federal Constitution, ' every bill which shall
have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate,
shall, before it becomes a law,' be approved and signed by
the President; and, if not approved, 'he shall return it with
his objections to that House in which it originated.' In order
to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time
must be allowed the President to read and examine every
bill presented to him for approval. Unless this be afforded,
the Constitution becomes a dead letter in this particular ;
and even worse, it becomes a means of deception. Our
constituents, seeing the President's approval and signature
attached to each act of Congress, are induced to believe that
he has actually performed this duty, Avhen, in truth, noth-
ing is, in many cases, more unfounded.

*' From the practice of Congress, such an examination of
each bill as the Constitution requires has been rendered im-
possible. The most important business of each session is
generally crowded into its last hours, and the alternative
presented to the President is either to violate the constitu-
tional duty which he owes to the people, and approve bills
which, for want of time, it is impossible he should have ex-
amined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the country and
individuals to great loss and inconvenience.

" Besides, a practice has grown up of late years to legis-
late in appropriation bills at the last hour of the session on
new and important subjects. This practice constrains the
President either to suffer measures to become laws which he
does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels
of the Government by vetoing an appropriation bill. Form-
erly, such bills were confined to specific appropriations for
carrying into effect existing laws and the well-established
policy of the country, and little time was then required by
the President for th^jr examination."

Conservative men of all parties have expressed
their approbation of these sentiments, and it
should be cause of gratulation with all that the
President has adhered to them with so much firm-
ness and courage. His course at this session has
saved millions of dollars that would have been
uselessly expended. It has given to the country
cleaner appropriation bills than we have hereto-
fore had during ntiy service in Congress. He has
in this respect inaugurated a policy that will in-
sure results important to sound legislation, and
of lasting benefit to the people. It is a practical
measure, well calculated to bring about a much-
needed economy in public expenditures. For it
he deserves the thanks of the people, and they will
be gratefully accorded.

So true a friend to economy has the President
shown himself, and so anxious is he to secure it
in his administration of the Government, that he
has again, this day, in a special message, endeav-
ored to impress upon Congress his views on this
interesting subject. Who can fail to indorse these
sentirnents in his special message.? Who can
hesitate to accord to them his entire approval.?
" Adversitv teaches useful lessons to nations as well as

individuals. The habit of extravagant expenditures, fos-
tered by a large surplus in the Treasury, must now be cor-
rected, or the country will be involved in serious financial
difficulties.

" Under any foriti of government extravagance in ex-
penditure must be the natural consequence when those who
authorize the expenditure feel noresponsibiltyin providing
the means of payment. Such had been for a number of
years our condition previously to the late monetary revul-
sion in the country. Fortunately, at least for the cause of
public economy, the case is now reversed; and to the ex-
tent of the appropriations, whatever these may be, in-
grafted on the different appropriation bills, as well as those
made by private bills, oVer and above the estimates of the
different Departments, it will be necessary for Congress to
provide the means of payment before their adjournment.
Without this, the Treasury will be exhausted before the
]stof January, and the public credit will be seriously im-
paired. This disgrace must not fall upon the country."

The gentleman, then, charges that the expend-
itures now are extravagant beyond all precedent,
and that they are wholly inexcusable upon any
fair ground. Before proceeding to reply to the
views which he presents in this part of his argu-
ment, I desire to call attention to some historical
facts that are important in this connection, and
which are indispensabfe to a correct judgment
upon the issues he has tendered.

And first, as to the number of States and or-
ganized Territories, and their area, in 1815; and
the number of States and Terrilories, and their
area, in 1858. At the former period we had eigh-
teen States, covering an area of 504,412 square
miles, and five organized Territories, (exclusive
of the District of Columbia,) covering an area of
of 254,452 square miles. In 1858 we have thirty-
two States, covering an area of 1,602,000 square
miles, six organized Territories, (exclusive of
the District of Columbia,) covering an area of
1,401,000 square miles. Besides this, we have the
Mesilla valley, embracing 78,000 square miles,
and Indian Territory, embracing 187,000 square
miles. In 1815, therefore, the States and Territo-
ries covered 759,864 square miles, while in 1858
they cover 3,268,000 square miles, an area four
times and one third larger now than in 1815.

In 1815 the strength of our Army was 10,000
men, while in 1858 its strength is 17,984 men.

In 1815 the Navy comprised 968 officers, of all
grades, (including marines.) In 1858 the officers
had increased to 1,336. In 1815 the number of
men cannot be ascertained, but from the best evi-
dence that can be obtained, the number was about
5,370. Now the number is 8,500. In 1816 we
had 52 vessels, carrying 1,119 guns; 25 vessels
with no armament; 4 bombs, and 11 gun-boats —

making 92. In 1858 we have 10 ships-of-the-line,
carrying 872 guns; 10 frigates carrying 500 guns;
21 sloopg-of-war, carrying 426 guns; 3 brigs, car-
rying 16 guns; 1 schooner, carrying 3 guns; 8
screw steamers of the first class, carrying 268
guns; 6 of the second class, carrying 89 guns; 2
of the third class, carrying 11 guns; 3 side-wheel
steamers of the firstclass, carrying 24 guns; 1 of
the second class, carrying 6 guns; 2 of the third
class, carrying 6 guns— making a total of 2,221
guns. Besides these there are two tenders for the
screw-steamers, and one tender for the side-wheel
steamers, and five permanent store and receiving
ships.

Captain Wright, of the engineer department,
to whom I applied for information on the subject
of fortifications, says:

" I am not aware of any records in this office giving the
number of fortifications in the United States in 1815, and
believe it would be a work of much labor and time to ascer-
tain with certainty what the number was. Many of the
works bearing the name of forts were merely improvised
field works or batteries; while others, like those on Statin
Island, for the defense of the entrance to theharbor of New
York, were State works."

As to the number of fortifications in 1858, Cap-
tain Wright says:

" There are at the present time, under the charge of the
engineer department, fifty-six distinct permanent works of
fortifications on the Ariantic, Gulf, and Pacific coasts, and
on the northern lake frontier, which are either completed
or in course of construction. In addition to these, appro-
priations were made at the last regular session of Congress
for ten additional works, on which little or nothing has been
done toward the commencement."

The number of light-houses and light vessels
prior to 1815 was 49. In 1858 lights of all kinds,
including beacon lights and light-vessels, existing
and authorized to be built, number 602. About
33 have not been finished, but are in the course of
construction.

In 1815 we had99 collectors of the revenue, and
77 surveyors, and in 1821 we had 631 inferior of-
ficers in the revenue service. In 1858 the number
of collectors is 116, and the number of surveyors
110— making 226. The number of inferior officers
employed in the collection of the revenue is
3,088.

The number of land offices in 1815 was 19. The
number in 1858 is 86.

The expenditure for the Indian service in 1815
amounted to pil,750. The same service now
requires an expenditure of ^4,158,430 39.

in 1815 the number of pensioners was estimated
at 1,400, and the amount paid to them was

10

|98,000. At this time the number has increased
to 13,186, and |1 ,365,717 54 is now required for
their payment.

These facts, thus presented, clearly show the
condition and extent of our territory, the larger j
portion of which has been acquired since 1815,
the period at which the gentleman sums up the
annual expenditures on the third page of his |
speech. Since that time we have acquired the i

Floridas, Texas, New Mexico, and California,'

' ' ' I

and the Gadsden purchase. Under these circum- j
stances, no fair or just comparison in regard to the |
expenditures can be instituted between the years ^
1815 and 1858. It would be about as fair and wise
to institute a comparison lietween the expendi- ■
tures of a child and those of the full-grown man. I

The gentleman is a recognized leader of his
party, and to this position he is fairly entitled by j
his intelligence and character. He was a mem-
ber of the last Congress, and I desire, as he is
now preaching economy, to call his attention to
some of the legislation of that Congress, in which
he participated, and for which he and his party,
so far as the House is concerrfedjare responsible,
to a great extent at least. 1

The submarine telegraph bill appropriated
l|70,000 per annum to that scheme until the inter- !
est on the investment should reach six per cent., !
and then f50,000 for twenty -five years. The com-
pany had the use of two of our best vessels and
their crews. But six Democrats voted for the bill.

On the proposition to pay $186,765 85 for i
books for members of Congress, only eleven Dem- j
ocrats voted for it.

The appropriation of $100,000 for the Capitol
dome was voted for by both parties, and there-
fore each party is responsible to the extent of the
support given to it.

The bill creating a Lieutenant General, and
increasing the pay of the officers and men in the
Army, was passed by the last Congress, and was
most cordially supported by the Opposition party
in this House.

During the Thirty-Fourth Congress, $16,022
was appropriated to pay per diem and mileage
to Archer, Fouke, Turney, Reeder, Milliken, and
Bennett, for contesting the seats of members re-
turned to that Congress; and in all those cases the
contests were decided against them. The yeas
and nays show that the Opposition are responsi-
ble for this expenditure.

During the same Congress river and harbor
bills, footing up the sum of $745,000, were passed

by the Opposition and vetoed by President Pierce,
greatly to the annoyance of the gentleman and his
party. At the first session of the same Congress
appropriations amounting to $3,189,739 were
passed for forty-one custom-houses, court-houses,
post officers, and marine hospitals. Of this num-
ber, only eleven were recommended by the Ad-
ministration. At the third session of the same
Congress, appropriations for the same purpose
were made to thirty-one buildings of a like kind,
amounting to $2,084,000, only four of which had
the recommendation of the Administration.

During the same Congress appropriations
amounting to the sum of $2,270,000 were made
for the extension of the Capitol, the dome, and
works of art. It was out of this appropriation
for theCapitolextension,if lam rightly informed,
that desks were purchased at ninety dollars each,
and chairs at seventy dollars each, for the new
hall of the House of Representatives.

The appropriations for the several items of the
contingent fund for the House of Representa-
tives for the Thirty-Third Congress amounted to
$903,100 56. The appropriations for the same
objects for the Thirty-Fourth Congress ran up,
under the action of the Opposition in this House,
who had the majority, to the sum of $1,087,770.
showing an incVease in this branch of expenditure
of $184,669 44.

At the last session of the Thirty-Fourth Con-
gress the Senate returned to this House the sun-
dry civil bill with one hundred and three amend-
ments, covering appropriations to the amount of
$3,771,816 45. It came to this House on the last
night of the session, when we had no opportunity
even to read the amendments in the House. On
the recommendation of the Committee of Ways
and Means, the House rejected all the amend-
ments, and the bill and amendments thus rejected
went to a committee of conference, who reported
the next morning that the Senate should recede
from amendments covering $713,256 01, and that
the House should recede from its disagreement as
to the residue. When the reading of the amend-
ments was called for, Speaker Banks decided that
they could not be read, and the House was
brought to a vote on the adoption of the conference
report — and thus, without any knowledge of what
they were doing, the members voted away
$3,058,560 44 of the public money, by 87 yeas to
67 nays. Of the eighty-seven yeas, fifty-eight
belonged to the Opposition.

If I had the time, I would refer to some of the

11

votes on the Senate's amendments to the sundry-
civil bill at the present session. For the custom-
house and marine hospital amendments; for the
amendment directing the payment to the State of
Maine of usurious interest on money borrowed
to carry on the Aroostook virar; for the amend-
ment appropriating to Gales & Seaton, |340,000
for the publication of the American State Papers;
and other amendments that might be enumerated,
a decided majority of the yeas came from the Op-
position side of the House.

The gentleman complains that our foreign in-
tercourse expenses have run up to an enormous
figure. The gentleman evidently does not under-
stand the subject. It will be recollected that
awards paid under treaties and other payments of
a like character are embraced in this expenditure.
By way of illustration, I take the year ending June
30, 1849, when the appropriation for this object
was $6,908,996 72, made under a Democratic Ad-
ministration, and the year ending June 30, 1853,
made under sin Opposition Administration, when
the appropriation was $950,871 30. In the for-
mer year $6,565,354 79, was used to fulfill treaty
stipulations with the Mexican Republic, the King
of the Two Sicilies, and the Republic of Peru,
leaving a balance of $343,641 93. In the latter
year only $297,155 57 was required to pay awards,
leaving a balance of $653,715 73 for foreign inter-
course proper — almost double the amount used
for this purpose, in 1849. How will the gentle-
man explain this increase under Opposition rule?

Sweeping charges of extravagance, such as the
gentleman has indulged in, do not strike my mind
as the most satisfactory mode of discussing this
question. If the charges are well founded, it is
an exceedingly easy matter for gentlemen to de-
signate the items in the annual appropriations that
are not justified by a proper regard for economy.
If you are for reform, present your measures, let
them be examined, and, if they are wise and just,
you can rely upon our support to aid in their pas-
sage. If you are in earnest, you will do this; but,
until it shall be done, you cannot cor^vince the
people of your sincerity. Cease your denuncia-
tions, give us the details, bring forward your
measures of retrenchment and reform, and thus
furnish practical evidence of your disposition to
remedy what you consider existing evils in the
Administration of the Government and in our sys-
tem of legislation.

Another question which has attracted a large
share of public attention is the proper disposition

to be made of the public lands. It is undeniably
true that the Opposition in the North and North-
west, as a party, are committed to the policy of
railroad grants. In the Thirty-Fourth Congress,
when the Opposition had undisputed control in
this House, the House Committee on Public
Lands reported seven bills, makinggrants of alter-
nate sections of land, six sections in width on each
side of the respective roads, to the States of Iowa,
Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Wisconsin, Mich-
igan, and Mississippi, covering thirteen million
six hundred and eighty-six thousand three hun-
dred and four acres. A like grant was also made
to the Territory of Minnesota, which passed
the Senate by ayes 32, noes 10. Of the ayes,
twenty-one were Democrats, nine Republicans,
and two Fillmore-Americans. The ten who voted
in the negative were all Democrats. When this
bill came to the House, it was amended by a
grant for Alabama, and as amended was passed
by yeas 87, nays 60. Of the yeas sixty were
Republicans, eighteen Democrats, and nine Fill-
more-Americans; of the nays, twenty-two were
Republicans, twenty-eight Democrats, and ten
Fillmore-Americans. If I had time I would
refer to the votes on such bills on other occa-
sions to show that the Opposition cannot be relied
upon to husband the public lands, and so to man-
age them that they may be a source of revenue
to the Government. In my view, such disposi-
tions of the public lands are wrong in principle,
unjust to the old States, and of mischievous pol-
icy. "Such grants build up monopolies, and mo-
nopolies are always prejudicial to individual in-
terests and the equal rights of all.

In 1848, the Opposition raised the cry of extrav-
agance against the Democratic party, and in the
then existing condition of the public mind, suc-
ceeded in obtaining possession of the Govern-
ment. Taylor and Fillmore were elected to the
Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United
States, and entered upon the discharge of their
duties on the 4th of March, 1849. They came
into pov/er avowing their purpose to retrench ex-
penditures and reform abuses which were alleged
to exist under the Administration of their prede-
cessors; and the people were induced to believe
that these great results would be attained. Du-
ring the administration of Mr. Polk, the duty of
carrying on the war with Mexico devolved upon
him, and, as a necessary consequence, the annual
expenditures were much larger than, under other
circumstances, they would have been. In the

12

four years his expenditures amounting (exclusive
of the public debt) to ^165,381,026 58— being an
annual average expenditure of $41,345,256 59.
In the four years of Taylor and Fillmore the ex-
penditures (exclusive of the public debt) amoun-
ted to p65,683,650 48 — being an annual average
expenditure of $41,420,912 62. The Whig ad-
ministration, therefore, of Taylor and Fillmore,
cost the people $75,656 04 a year more, in a time
of profound peace, than the Democratic adminis-
tration of Folk, cost them in a time of war. If
such was the result in that instance, may we not
reasonably anticipate a like result if the Opposi-
tion shall succeed in the next presidential strug-
gle.^ The same men who elected Taylor and Fill-
more now constitute the body of the Opposition
arrayed against the present eminently patriotic
Administration.

It is known to this committee that during my
entire service in this body I have labored zealously
to reduce expenditures. So decided has been
my public action on this subject that it has sub-
jected me to the fierce denunciations of agents and
all others interested in large expenditures of the
public money. Indeed, many of my political as-
sociates in the House, whose views upon this
subjected are more liberal than my own, not un-
frequently complain of the course which a sense
of duty to those I represent constrains me to pur-
sue. While I have resisted all appropriations for
custom-house, marine hospital, court-house, post
office, territorial and District buildings which are
now dotted over this District, the States, and Ter-
ritories, and in the construction of which millions
of dollars have been most profligately dissipated,
the Opposition in this House at the last session
of the last Congress succeeded in appropriating
for these objects no less a sum than $5,445,651 48.
The appropriations for these objects alone, during
the Thirty-Fourth Congress, amounted to the
monstrous sum of $8,633,390 48 ! ! The country
will be astonished to learn that for the Capitol
extension, the dome, and a few works of art,
$4,970,000 have been appropriated since 1852. An
enormous amount has also been appropriated to
the aqueduct, that can only be told in millions. I
have resisted all these things to the extent of my
feeble ability, but who of the Opposition has come
to my aid ? Now and then, some one of them has
raised his voice in opposition, but it is undeniable
that an overwhelming majority of that party has
voted for them. The nineteenth amendment of the
Senate to the civil bill at this session made appro-

priations for eleven custom-houses, in different
parts of the country, and on agreeing to that
amendment the vote was — yeas 50, (Democrats,
18; Opposition, 32;) nays 73, (Democrats, 51;
Opposition, 22.) I have resisted the increase of
salaries, and the multiplication of officers and Gov-
ernment employes; and have, in all fair and hon-
orable modes, endeavored to reduce the expendi-
tures to the lowest practicable amount consistent
with a proper regard to the public interest and an
effective administration of the Government.

Such has been my course as a Representative of
the people, and I now tender to the gentleman my
cordial cooperation in all wise, just, and proper
measures which he or his friends may propose
for the reformation of abuses or the reduction of
expenditures. I think the expenditures may be
curtailed without detriment to the public service;
that the number of officers may be diminished and
many salaries reduced without prejudice or em-
barrassment to the prompt, intelligent, and faith-
ful disposition of the public business. The gen-
tleman will find this side of the House ready to
second all efforts he may make to this end, and
all he has to do is to introduce his measures at
the earliest practicable moment. He has been
rather dilatory heretofoi-e, considering the magni-
tude and importance of the work before him, but
still there is ample time during the next session
to accomplish all that may be needed to inaugu-
rate his reign of economy.

There is still another point — the " endless jobs
I and contracts," to which the gentleman has re-
! ferred. What those "jobs and contracts" are I
! have no means of knowing, and the gentleman has
not informed me. For all "jobs and contracts"
that were to let, I imagine at least one bidder could
have been found among the Republicans in the
last Congress. The results of the investigation
at the close of the last session showed very con-
clusively that some of the Republicans kept an eye
open to " the main chance," and that they were
the recipients of such plunder as was to be appro-
priated and enjoyed. Suspicion attached to no
member of the Pemocratic party in that House.

I heard this remark, in regard to "jobs and
contracts," with no small degree of surprise, from
the gentleman from Ohio; and I am sure, from my
knowledge of him, that, in his moments of calm
reflection, he will see the injustice be has done to
the officers of the Government.

In this connection, permit me to say that the
Democratic party passed the tariff bill of 1857 —

13

A measure of vast interest and innportance to all
sections of the country. At the present session
an investigation into the mode of its passage was
ordered, and it is a source of pride and pleasure
to find that not a member of the Democratic party
of either the House or the Senate could be found
who was even suspected of being influenced in his
action upon this measure by pecuniary or other
improper considerations.

I have heard it said often and again in the House ,
during the present session, vote for expenditures,
and thus create the necessity for a revival of the
doctrine of protection for " protection's sake."
The Opposition, aided by a fraction of the Dem-
ocratic party, have acted upon this principle, and
have accordingly voted for numerous items of ex-
penditure not recommended, either by the Presi-
dent or the heads of the Departments. Complaint
has succeeded complaint that a high protective
policy has not been recommended by the Admin-
istration. If it had been recommended and suc-
cessfully carried out by legislation, what practical
end could it have accomplished? Our exports
have fallen off more than twenty per cent, and
our imports have fallen off more than fifty per
cent, as compared with last year, as the following
facts demonstrate most conclusively.

Exports from the port of New York, from Janu-
ay to May inclusive, in the year 1857, amounted
to 146,460,641; for 1858, $36,516,465.

Importations of foreign goods, including specie,
from January to May inclusive, at the port of New
York, for the year 1857, amounted to f 105,590,501 ;
for 1858, $51,668,192.

Our revenue is mainly derived from imports;
and if the importations fall off the receipts of the
Government must be reduced in a corresponding
ratio. Under the recent revulsion, which pros-
trated commerce, trade, and business, the impor-
tations were necessarily reduced to so great an
extent that the revenue from that source fell great-
ly short of the sum which, under ordinary cir-
cumstances, would have flown into the Treasury;
and hence the necessity of borrowing an amount
of money sufficient to supply the deficiency until
the finan^ial^torm" should blow over, and com-
merce, trade, and business of all kinds should
again resume their wonted activity. That time
is coming, and by the month of August or Sep-
tember we shall in all probability have a pretty
lively trade, and it will continue to improve to the
first of the next year.

But says the gentleman from Ohio and his friend

from Rhode Island, [Mr. Durfee,] something
must be done for the manufacturers. The tariff
of last year must be overthrown and substituted
by a measure more highly protective — a measure
something like that of 1842. The manufacturers
of cottons, woolens, and the iron and coal inter-
ests of the nation imperatively require a change
that will give them greater protection. From the
complaints made by the gentleman from Rhode
Island we would be naturally brought to the con-
clusion that the manufacturing interest was the
only one that had been affected by the financial
storm that has swept over the country. But it is
not so. All other interests have suffered and are
as greatly depressed. In the South, the East, and
the West, all business is seriously depressed, and
they could with as much propriety demand from
the Federal Government relief from their pecu-
niary embarrassments. If the tariff of 1857 pros-
trated the iron and coal interests and the cotton
and woolen interests in the North, what has caused
the embarrassment and depression in these and
all other branches of industry and trade in the
other sections of the Union ? I do not propose to
enter into a general discussion of this subject at
the present time. I will content myself with a
few facts in regard to the production of iron in
our own country, to show that, whatever embar-
rassment may now attend this interest, it is not
justly attributable to our tariff legislation in the
last Congress.

In 1809, the production of iron of all kinds in
our country was about 50,000 tons. In 1820,
owing' to the war, it ran down to about 10,000^
tons. Between the years 1820 and 1826 it rose
steadily until it reached 100,000 tons. In 1828, it
rose to 110,000 tons; in 1830, to 190,000 tons; in
1833, to 210,000 tons. In this year the compro-
mise tariff measure was adopted, under the oper-
ations of which the duties were regularly reduced
each year. Between the years 1833 and 1840 the
production steadily increased, until in the latter
year it reached 310,000 tons. In 1842 it dropped
down to 240,000 tons. Between the years 1842
and 1846, after the railroad fever had broken out
in our country, it rose to 775,000 tons. The pro-
duction continued to increase until, in 1848, it
reached 800,000 tons. In 1849, it sunk to 640,000
tons; in 1850, to 560,000 tons; and continued to
fall until, in 1852, it had reached 500,000 tons.
In 1853 it rose rapidly to 650,000 tons; in 1854,
to 800,000 tons; and continued to rise until, in
1855, it reached 1,000,000 .tons. If the theory

14

of gentlemen now contended for be true, I call
upon them to explain how it was that, under the
operation of the tarifFof 1846, the production sunk
from 800,000 tons in 1848 (two years after the bill
was passed) to 500,000 tons in 1852; and, again,
I call upon them to explain how (under the oper-
ation of the same tariff) the production rose, in
the short space of three years, from 500,000 tons
in 1852 to 1,000,000 tons in 1855? These facts
are important, and eminently deserve considera-
tion. In my view, they demonstate conclusively
the fallacy of the Opposition theory , which charges
depression of the iron interest to the tariff legisla-
tion of the last Congress. The revulsion through
which we are now passing is justly chargeable to
individual imprudence, and not to Governmental
action. We live in an age of the world charac-
terized most strongly by individual and social ex-
travagance. Extravagance has its punishmentin
poverty; and our commercial, mechanical, agri-
cultural, and manufacturing interests, as well as
all other interests in the country, are suffering that
punishment which imprudence in expenditure has
broughtupon them. Economy, energy, industry,
and a determined spirit will relieve us from our
pecuniary trials, and restore to us that prosperity
which has been so suddenly lost, and the loss of
which has been acccompanied by so much physi-
cal suffering and anguish of mind.

The Democratic party and the country demand
a stable policy on this subject. The Government
must raise its revenue mainly by duties on im-
ports, and those duties should be fairly imposed
with reference to the amount of revenue which
may be needed to carry on its operations, due re-
gard being had to economy in expenditure. All

the interests of the nation and all sections should
be considered in adjusting the details of the meas-
ure, to the end that equal and exact justice may
be done. This is all the South asks, and surely
it is entitled to it. ^

The " ultra protectionists'' dememd more. They
demand legislation for specified branches of indus-
try, and would burden all other interests to secure
it. This species of legislation we are inflexibly
opposed to, because we see and feel its injustice,
and know that it must end in the creation of sec-
tional jealousies, prejudicial to that harmony and
cordiality which is so greatly to be cherished, and
so important to our progress as a nation. The
excessively and oppressively protective tariff of
1828 produced results that shook the nation to its
center, and at one time seriously imperiled the
existence of the Union. Patriotism, however,
triumphed, and the measure of 1833 was passed,
which gave peace to our distracted country. A
high degree of prosperity followed, but the pro-
tectionists were not satisfied, and, to carry out
their ultra views, passed the tariff of 1842. So
much dissatisfaction resulted from it, that it was
found necessary to repeal it in 1846. The latter
measure remained in full force and effect until, in
1857, it was ascertained that it raised more reve-
nue than was needed for an economical adminis-
tration of the Government. We thus see that^
high tariffs, adopted with more reference to pro-
tection than revenue, have been short-lived, and
eminently mischievous to the public peace in theij
operations and results.

Give us, then, something fair, just, and equal
and our prosperity and progress as a nation wi[
be secured.

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