The speech of William H. Brodnax, (of Dinwiddie) in the House of Delegates of Virginia, on the policy of the state with respect to its colored population. : Delivered January 19, 1832

OF

W*illiam II. JBrodnax,

(OF DINWIDDIE)

IN THE

HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA,

ON THE

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WITH RESPECT TO ITS

CCHiQRMD POPULATION*

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RICHMOND:

Thomas W. White, Pun^r.

OCp'The following speech is published at the request of a number
of the friends of General Brodnax, who approve of the peculiar views
which he preseuted on a subject of general interest, and especially for
the information of his immediate constituents, among whom some
incorrect impressions are believed to exist as to the character of his
opinions.

HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF V1RGINI A.

WEDNESDAY, January 11, 1S32.

Mr. Goode of Mecklenburg, rose to move the following resolution.

Resolved, That the select committee raised on the subject of slaves, free negroes, and the
melancholy occurrenc.es, growing out of the tragical massacre in Southampton, be discharged
from the consideration of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, Avhich have for their <fc-
ject, the manumission of persons held in servitude under the existing laws of this common-
wealth, and that it is not expedient to legislate on the subject.

Mr. Randolph moved the following substitute, to be inserted after the word "Southamp-
ton :"

"be instructed to inquire into the expediency of submitting to the vote of the

qualified voters in the several towns, cities, boroughs, and counties of this commonwealth,
the propriety of providing by law, that the children of all female slaves, who may be born
in this state, on or after, the 4th day of July, 1840, shall become the property of the com-
monwealth, the males at the age of twenty one years, and females at the age of eighteen, if
detained by their owners within the limits of Virginia, until they shall respectively arrive at
the ages aforesaid, to be hired out until the nett sum ai-ising therefrom, shall be sufficient to
defray the expense of their removal, beyond the limits of the United States, and that said
committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise."

THURSDAY, January 19, 1832.

On motion of Mr. Brodnax of Dinwiddie, the resolution moved by Mr. Goode, and the
substitute therefor proposed by Mr. Randolph, on the subject of the colored population of
the commonwealth, were taken up ; when

Mr. BRODNAX rose and addressed the house. He commenced by
remarking that the peculiar position which he occupied, in relation to
the important subject which had engaged their consideration for some
days past, rendered an explanation of the course he had pursued, and
of his views and opinions, necessary. This position, said he, as is
known to the house, has in a great degree, arisen out of circumstances
over which I could not, with delicacy or propriety, have exerted any
efficient control: and some explanation becomes the more necessary,
from the numerous successive phases which the subject has assumed at
different periods of its discussion. Without the slightest change having
taken place in any principle, or opinion, which I originally entertained,
the question itself is now presented in an attitude and manner so altered
by supervenient occurrences, as to render it proper for me to pursue
the object, which I have from the first kept steadily in view, by the
adoption of a course entirely different, from that which, under other
circumstances, I had prescribed to myself. My opinions, as an humble
individual member of this house, however unimportant to the commu-
nity at large, are important to myself, and to those generous constitu-
ents w?ho have confided to me the high trust of representing their inte-
rests in this most important session of the legislature which has occured
since the foundation of our government. Yes, sir, the agitation of
this very question has imparted an interest to our proceedings greater
(whatever may have been said or thought of any session which has
preceded it in our history, or even of that which was thp \ntm*A}at*

predecessor of the present), far greater interest than has attached to
any previous measure of a Virginia legislature since the revolution.
A subject, sir, of deep and lasting importance to the prosperity, per-
haps to the very existence of the commonwealth, has suddenly sprung
up since we were invested with our trust, and demands investigation
and decision.

When my friend from Mecklenburg, introduced the original reso-
lution now before us, I regarded it as an unfortunate one. I sincerely
regretted the movement, while I was convinced of the purity and
patriotism of motive which had dictated the course "of its worthy and
intelligent author. So far from saving labor to the committee, or
operating an economy of time in the house; so far from subduing
that excitement which was diffusing itself over this assembly, and over
all Virginia, or correcting any of those erroneous and alarming im-
pressions as to the character of the measures we were likely to adopt,
which were said to have been circulated in newspapers, and to have
gone forth to the world, I believe that its tendency and effects would
be of a precisely opposite character; and that while it might do much
mischief] it could produce no good. I regarded the movement as itself,
eminently calculated to aggravate the evils, and increase the embar-
rassments it was intended to repress. Had those petitions from Hanover,
which have since obtained so inflated a celebrity, been permitted, on
their presentation, to take the ordinary course, without opposition,
and without comment, the whole matter would have glided on smoothly,
without creating that morbid excitement of which they have since been
the fruitful source. And afterwards, had the committee been unin-
terrupted in its progress, in due time it would have reported the result
of its deliberations, which, I have no doubt, would have been adverse
to any legislative action at present on the subject of the abolition of
slavery ; and then the house would regularly have entertained the sub-
ject, in the ordinary mode, unaccompanied by any of those factitious
and collateral circumstances of excitement which now obviously sur-
round it.** I consider the subsequent motion to discharge that com-

*On the 16th of January, 1832, Mr. Bitodnax, from the committee on the colored popu-
lation, presented the following report :

" The select committee, to whom was referred certain memorials, praying the passage of
some law providing for the gradual abolition of slavery in the commonwealth, have, accord-
ing to order, had the same under consideration, and have come to the following resolution
thereupon :

Resolved as the opinion of this committee, That it is inexpedient for the present legislature
to make any enactment for the abolition of slavery."

This report, in which Mr. B. concurred, illustrates the correctness of the impression above
expressed, both as to the character of the report, and the time at which it might be expected
from the committee. /And on the question of the reference of the Hanover petitions, which
prayed the abolition of slavery, Mr. B. although in favor of their reference, in common with
a vast majority of members, had expressed his individual opinion to be unfavorable to any
legislative enactment for the abolition of slavery, without the consent of the owners, and
compensation for the property. The reason why the above report was not made from the
committee at an earlier day, was simply that a majority of the committee decided that it
was expedient to act on, and dispose of, so much of the subject referred to them, as related
to the free negroes, previously to their taking up that which related to the slaves- — believing,
as they did, that the former was preliminary in its character, and that ulterior measures on
the latter and more important branch of the subject, were naturally and essentially depen-
dent on what might be determined on, with regard to the former. This is the simple solution
of that, to which some affected mystery and importance are attached in the recent numbers
of "Appomattox;" and as the committee consisted of a decisive majority of those who hold
'\o author of those essays, it isnot a little remarkable that he should

mittee from the consideration of a subject which had been referred to
them by a very large majority, and in effect to reverse that decision,
when it was known, that in some shape or other, and at some time
during this very session, the great question involved, would have to
be met and discussed, and decided ; and this too, after permitting
weeks to elapse, while the Committee was assiduously engaged on
other branches of its duty preliminary to this — during which, "ru-
mour with her hundred tongues," was allowed an unrestrained influ-
ence far and wide; and when, at length, after a tempestuous voyage,
we were in sight of land, with every probability of a report from the
committee within very few days, and probably before this discussion
itself could terminate — as irregular and injudicious. And, sir, I en-
tertained a decided opinion that this great question itself, would have
been more effectually put at rest; that the community would have
acquiesced with greater satisfaction in any determination we might
have come to; and that a more abiding and permanent effect would
have rested on our labors, had the investigation been approached,
conducted, and disposed of, in the usual parliamentary mode, which
the experience of ages has indicated as the most favorable to calm
deliberation and correct decision. With these views, I should have
been gratified had the resolution never been presented; or had it im-
mediately been laid on the table, or indefinitely postponed. Such
was the disposition of it which I should then have voted for. It has
now become a matter of not the slightest importance whether it be
adopted or not; for, Mr. Speaker, the aspect of this question has now
become materially varied. The time has passed by when it would
be discreet, if practicable, to arrest the course of this debate. It is
now useless to survey the ground we have gone over, as it is too late
to retrace it. We have " passed the Rubicon." The ball has been
set in motion, and who can retard its onward course ? This debate
has now progressed for several days; and we have, like Macbeth of
old, in scenes of blood —

" Slept in so far, that though we wade no more,
Returning were as tedious as go o'er."

The house would eventually, have to act on any report from the
committee; and as the subject had already occupied so much time,
and could again be resumed, I consider it most expedient for the
house to act in anticipation of the report, definitively on the subject
at once, while it has it before it. From this consideration, I shall now
vote against the further action of the committee, and as on a final set-
tlement of the question; and I hope that other gentlemen who agree
with me on the principles involved, will pursue the same course.

I have thought this preliminary explanation of the reasons of my
course in connexion with these resolutions, but due to myself, to ob-

have imagined that the report was withheld from any design hostile to his views— not more
remarkable, however, than that for the purpose of proving an inconsistency in different po-
sitions maintained by Mr. B. he should first, have cited a portion of his speech, and then, as in
conflict with it, a series of remarks, which happened not to have been in another part of Mr.
B.'s speech, as alleged, but in that of a different gentleman; and to whom, indeed, Mr. B.
was replying ! The mistake was, no doubt, unintentional— but should, surely, in common
justice, before this time have been corrected.

viate the supposition of any change in my opinions, or any departure
from my consistency.

In coming to the great question itself, which is before us, I assure
you, Mr. Speaker, in solemn sincerity, that in the whole course of my
life, personal, professional, or political, I have never approached the dis-
cussion of any subject, whatever may have been its character, or on
whatever afena it may have occurred, whether judicial, legislative, or
popular, with any comparable degree of the feeling of responsibility
which nowT weighs upon me. I have never before felt in all its force
and impression, the absorbing interest, the tremendous responsibility
of making laws for a great community. It is a feeling, I presume,
sir, common to us all. Yes, sir, the humblest member in this hall may
now well feel that, like another Atlas, the weight of the world, to some
extent, rests on his shoulders. And who, sir, will regard this expres-
sion as an unmeasured hyperbole, when he reflects that any error we
may now commit, must, from its nature, be irretrievable; that when
we take up the line of march which is proposed to us, there can be
no halting or returning ; and that any false step we may now
take, can never be retraced, or its direction obliterated. Will it be
deemed an idea too bold, or language too strong or extravagant, that
I do not circumscribe the limits of these effects to the commonwealth
of Virginia, but view them as passing her borders, and by degrees
extending over the world6? Who, sir, lias surveyed this subject in all
its dimensions, its bearings and tendencies, proximate and ulterior,
without perceiving that it involves not only the vital interests of Vir-
ginia, the interests not only of the thousands who now people her
regions, and of the millions yet unborn, who are to spring up after
us, but that, from its nature, it is to exert an influence which, to some
extent, will operate " for weal or for wo;" on all the sister states of this
great confederacy — on the free citizens of all America — on the sable
tribes which inhabit the continent of Africa, — on the globe! And may
I not add, sir, without impropriety or irreverence, on earth and heaven ~t
Already had many other states shaped their systems of policy on con-
jectural anticipations of the course Virginia might adopt, even before
this legislature assembled; and who can pretend to limit the bounda-
ries of this influence ?

This subject, sir, has long been one, with me, of anxious and pain-
ful reflection; and it is my misfortune to be unable, entirely, to con-
cur with either of the extreme parties in this house; either with those
who hold that the existence of slavery is not an evil, or that nothing
can or ought to be done to abate the evil or lessen its effects : and still
less with those who propose, as a remedy, a plan fraught, in my judg-
ment, with incalculable mischiefs; which would tear up by the roots,
all the ligaments which bind society together, subvert principles which
have been consecrated by the wisdom of ages, and break down every
barrier with which our constitution and laws have fenced the security
of private property; for such is the light in which I am compelled to
regard the monstrous project of the gentleman from Albemarle, (Mr.
Randolph.)

Mr. Speaker, I feel deeply, the delicate embarrassment of the situ-
t om n*]]p(] f0 occupy. In times of high political excitement,

when counter-currents sit strongly in opposite directions, the position
of the moderate man, who may not conscientiously sail on either —
who is equally averse to either extreme, and believes that there is pru-
dence, and wisdom, and safety, in the maxim, llin medio tutissimus
ibis" — is of all others the least enviable. It is said, sometimes to be
assumed from considerations of policy ; but really, the individual who
would commit so gross a blunder, whether he looked to the support
and approbation of the friends with whom he was associated in service,
or exclusively to his own political preferment, must be egregiously
ignorant of the strongest impulses of human nature. Yes, sir, nothing
but conscientious judgment, or folly, can ever recommend such a course.
The public man, who refuses to rush headlong to the "ultima thule"
of party, becomes obnoxious to the suspicions of the ultra, on both
sides, and is apt to lose the confidence of all, and be regarded as a
neutral by both, and an ally by neither. Or, stationed on the middle
ground, he is exposed to the shots of both parties in the conflict, and
can expect no quarters from either. The moderate man has also to
encounter other disadvantages. He does not possess equal facilities
with others, in recommending his views and opinions. For, the states-
man who is disposed to listen to "the still small voice" of reason and
moderation — who is willing to examine frankly and fairly, the argu-
ments and principles of others, without regard to what party they may
belong, or from what region they may have come, without considering
reason and intelligence, as bounded by mountains or rivers — who is
anxious to call from both, all that he finds valuable in either, while he
rejects all that is erroneous, pursues a course, of a tenor too even to
excite the approbation, or command the deliberate examination of those
who are heated in the conflict. His course is that of the gentle rivulet,
which winds its peaceful way, unseen, and unheard, through the forests
and the fields, attracting little attention ; while the bold and ardent
partisan resembles, in debate, the noble and majestic river, on whose
margin we are now deliberating, which dashes its impetuous torrent,
impatient of restraint, over the rocks and cliffs which would obstruct
it, and rushes in foaming fury to the ocean. The middle ground pre-
sents no field for the exhibition of that impassioned feeling — those bold
and striking figures — those brilliant confiscations of a vivid imagina-
tion, which never fail to attract and engage us, and of which we have
witnessed so many instances in this debate. The calm observer, unaf-
fected himself by the enthusiasm around him, is regarded as tame and
uninteresting — and deliberate judgment is little valued, when opposed
to "thoughts that breathe, and words that burn." But, sir, these con-
siderations have little effect on me. It is true, I regret, — yes, sir,
deeply regret— that I am unable to concur, not only as to our ultimate
objects, which mainly are the same, but on the mode of action which
expedience might indicate, with those friends in this house, to whom I
am affiliated, by contiguity of residence, and identity of interest — by
long established coincidence of opinion on all subjects of general policy,
and by strong ties of personal regard. But, regardless of the effects
which may result to myself, personally, I have but one rule of action —
that is, to pursue the path of duty which my best judgment may point
Out. I may mistake its traces; no doubt I often do :

I have discovered it, I will endeavor to follow it steadily, wherever it
may conduct me ; and support those measures, and those alone, which
I may deem most beneficial to my constituents, and most auspicious to

my country. .r

Sir, I confidently believe that a plan can be devised to mitigate, it
not subdue, the evil which presses so sorely upon us, entirely consist-
ent with the principles which have been so ably and so gallantly main-
tained by gentlemen from my own region of country, where those prin-
ciples have ever been regarded as sacred and inviolable; and yet com-
prehending all that our brethren from other divisions of the state, and
holding other opinions, ought to desire. But, sir, unfortunately I
think, both parties, in the heat of debate, have run into extremes, which
mav endanger the result. Mr. Speaker, never before have I felt so
intensely the destitution of that intellectual vigor, that commanding
influence and persuasiveness, which would enable me to imbue others
with my own impressions, and carry conviction to their minds, of the
truths which appear so clear and irresistible to rny own. Sir, would
that I possessed some portion of that "resistless eloquence," which

" Wielded at will the fierce democracy,
"Shook the arsenal, and fulmined o'er Rome."

I would exert hall on this occasion. There have indeed been already
Mfulminations enough;" but I would exert all my power in imploring
gentlemen on. both sides, to mutual conciliation and forbearance. 1
would exert myself to induce those who differ most widely in their
views, to compromise some portion of their exactions,— not to expect-
not to desire what either believes ruinous; but to unite in deliberating
on some plan, from which results beneficial to both might be devised.
I would beg of them by every consideration I could urge, not to
"tread on the deceitful cinders" beneath us— not to peril every thing
by attempting too much, or refusing to do any thing. Let us not
refuse to do any thing, because we cannot obtain all we desire. Kea-
son and prudence, in the common affairs of life, and in the most
weighty concerns of states and empires, certainly point out a different
course. Let us, in this conciliating spirit, examine the subject ; and
if the substitute of the gentleman from Albemarle shall be adjudged
impracticable and unjust, as I trust it will be regarded by the. house,
let us see if some other plan cannot be devised, which will meet the
occasion, and promote the interests of all, without violating the rights
of any. I do in my soul believe that this will be found attainable, if
dispassionately attempted. My own views of the features of such a
plan, will in due time be presented to the house.

Previously to entering on them minutely, I will take occasion to
state, that, in whatever I may sav during this debate, I have no dispo-
sition or intention to wound the feelings of a single human being on
earth. It is a delicate subject, I know— on which excitement is avoi-
ded not without difficulty; but my object *hall be, to pour oil on the
troubled waves, and not to lash them into fury. And if I know any
thing of my own heart, I would far rather bind up an hundred wounds,
tl m inflict a single new one, or cause an old one to bleed afresh.—
abstraction might be put upon any hasty remarks.

which may fall from me in the impetuosity of debate, I wish them to
be considered as affected by this general declaration of my feelings
and dispositions.

It has now become perfectly immaterial what disposition is made of
the resolution of the gentleman from Mecklenburg. The great ques-
tion involved, can now be decided as well in the house while it has it
before it, as by leaving it in the hands of the committee. But if the
object in introducing if, was to avoid a full and free discussion of the
subject, in all its bearings, it is one which I cannot approve. It is
said, that any action on the subject at present, might be regarded as
the result of apprehension and fear, produced by recent occurrences.
Sir, for one, I am anxious to demonstrate to the world, that it is a
subject which we are not afraid to discuss — that we are prepared, and
willing to examine it, without any affectation of mystery or conceal-
ment. I do not regard it as a characteristic, of true courage and manly
firmness, more than of ordinary prudence, to shut our eyes and rush
blindfold against danger without having examined it — but on the con-
trary, to survey it carefully and deliberately in all its parts, so as to
calculate correctly its extent, and its capacity of injury — neither to
exaggerate its importance, nor to underrate it — and to make prepara-
tions commensurate with the necessity, so as to meet it in the mauner
best calculated to avert or subdue it. So far as fear is involved, I
hope we shall never be afraid to examine into our real situation. Indi-
viduals, and nations, are often ruined from the fear of looking their true
condition in the face, in time. They avert their eyes as long as pos-
sible, from the contemplation of impending difficulties The man in
debt, is afraid to look into his accounts and ascertain the extent of his
embarrassments, until they become insurmountable. By surrendering
a part of his property at once, he might save the rest, and fill up the
breach which imprudence had made, and by altered habits prevent its
recurrence. But he avoids the reflection--continues to hold on all,
until at last the storm breaks heavily upon him, and ruin awaits him.
This, sir, is not the policy of the prudent individual, or of the judicious
statesman. Such bravery as this, I neither profess nor adaiire.

But, sir, could we, by any course we could have pursued, have
occluded the thorough investigation of this delicate subject? Are there
not many different modes by which its discussion might be brought
before us? And have not members declared their intention of doing
so ? Sir, the time has passed by in the history of the world, when there
can be any " sealed subject" in this country. The spirit of the age
will not tolerate suppression. The march of intellect on the earth —
the increased spirit of inquiry and reflection — the demand in other
regions for more liberal institutions — the flood of light from modern
accessions to political and philosophical science, which has poured in
upon us, have imparted a tone of inquisitiveness to the public mind,
and rendered it impatient of any subject being enveloped in the mantle
of mystery. Already had public attention been drawn to this subject
before we assembled. It was a subject of general conversation, in all
parts of our country, and by people of every description. It is dis-
cussed at the fire-side, at the public taverns, in the streets, and in the
newspapers. The people all over the world are thinking about it.

speaking about it, and writing about it. And can we arrest it, and
place a seal on the subject ? We might as well attempt to put out the
light of the sun, by placing an extinguisher on it, or to confine its
rays " under a bushel." We live already in a new age, when the spirit
of inquiry, and a thirst for the acquisition of information, is wonder-
fully extended ; and it would be useless for us to attempt to linger on
the skirts of the age that is departing. The action of existing causes
and principles is steady and progressing. It cannot be retarded, un-
less we could " blow1 out all the moral lights around us ;" and if we
refuse to keep up with it, we shall be towed in the wake, whether
willing or not. The idea of suppressing discussion, or controlling
thought on any forbidden subject, is now impossible. I know that it
has been assumed, that the general interest which now pervades the
country on this subject, was superinduced by the agitation of it in this
house. Sir, this is a great mistake. Jt had been induced by previous
events — by causes over which we had no control— and before this body
convened. The spark was indeed communicated to the tinder, by the
tragical events which occurred in Southampton; but the elements for
ignition, had been much longer in existence. And who would desire
to suppress this discussion — or control the freedom of opinion — or the
liberty of the press ? Much complaint has been made of the course
taken by the newspapers; and no doubt the licentiousness of the press
is often an evil, but the beneficial effects of that great engine, are in-
comparably superior to its evils. For myself, I do not regret that the
seal has been taken off of this subject. A regular investigation of it
will render any determination we arrive at, more satisfactory and quiet-
ing to the community; and 1 am glad that Virginians have now an
opportunity of declaring to the world, that they do not hold their
slaves merely by sufferance — and of exhibiting the grounds on which
their claim to them, as property, is founded. I do not admire the po-
sition often assumed on this subject — that it is a right which needs no
explanation, and which shall not be examined. Sir, were some bold
pretender to claim of me the very land on which my family resides, I
would scarcely content myself with assertions of my title, and that he
should not question it ; but I would rather prefer to exhibit my parch-
ments and title papers, and defy his scrutiny. I regard the right to
our slaves, as perfect and inviolable as that to any other property we
possess, and that it may safely be submitted to the most rigid exami-
nation.

That slavery in Virginia is an evil, and a transcendant evil, it would
be idle, and more than idle, for any human being to doubt or deny.
It is a mildew which has' blighted in its course every region it has
touched, from the creation of the world. Illustrations from the history
of other countries, and other times, might be instructive and profitable,
had we the time to review them; but we have evidences tending to
the same conviction nearer at hand, and accessible to daily observa-
tion, in the short histories of the different states in this great confede-
racy, which are impressive in their admonitions and conclusive in their
character. That Virginia, — originally the first-rated state in the union
— the one which, in better days, led the councils and dictated the
""-cleral government, had been gradually razeed to the

condition of a third-rate state, and was destined soon to yield prece-
dency to another, among the youngest of her daughters ; that many of
the finest portions originally, of her territory, now (as was so glowingly
depicted the other day,) exhibited scenes of wide-spread desolation
and decay, that many of her most valuable citizens are removing to
other parts of the world, have certainly been attributed to a variety of
causes; but who can doubt that it is principally slavery that is at the
bottom of all — that this is the incubus which paralyzes her energies
and retards her every effort at advancement? I presume that every
body is prepared to admit and regret the existence of this evil, and
that something should be done to alleviate or exterminate it, if any
thing can be done, by means less injurious or dangerous than the evil
itself. But, sir, it is on this point on which so much diversity of
opinion exists among us. All would remove it, if they could. Some
seem to think this immediately and directly attainable, while others
conclude that it is a misfortune (not a crime, for we are not responsi-
ble for its introduction among us,) which no effort can remove or
reduce, and that we must content ourselves to submit to it forever, and
avert our eyes from the consequences which are hereafter to follow.
While they admit that every hour we delay lessens the possibility of
effecting any thing, they say that it is already too late to make any
attempt which will not aggravate the evil. They would treat us like
patients affected by chronic diseases believed to be incurable, by en-
deavoring to divert our minds from the contemplation of our real situa-
tion. Believing, however, that there is an entire coincidence of public
opinion on the preliminary question involved, I deem it useless to enter
into a long abstract discussion of the origin of slavery, or the evil
effects which result from it. All will admit its extinction desirable, if
attainable — and I cannot, therefore, like my friend from Brunswick,
undertake to follow the gentleman from Rockbridge, (Mr. Moore,) in
the discursive flights he has indulged in, in a general disquisition upon
slavery. He translated us occasionally with electrical rapidity, first to
China, and then to the Rocky mountains. He amused us for awhile
on earth, and then mounted up to Heaven, Prometheus-like, to take
fire from thence, with which he attempted to blind and confound our
Sauls of Tarsus, as he regarded us, as we were journeying to Damascus.
The people, sir, have long deeply felt the embarrassment and impor-
tance of the subject — and, stimulated by recent occurrences, they have
lately, with a simultaneous movement and united voice, demanded our
interposition, and required that " something" should be done. Yes,
sir, your table almost literally groans with petitions, from all quarters
of the state, looking to us for some remedy, and crying out in language
so strong, and so loud, as not to be disregarded, for something to be
done — and, sir, something must be done. But they have not petitioned
you to decree the abolition of slavery — or the confiscation of their
property. They have not applied to you to avert an evil portentous,
it is true, in its appearance, by bringing sudden and obvious ruin on
them. They have not called on you to tear all their property away
from them, or manumit their slaves without indemnity or compensa-
tion. No, sir, far from it. With a very few exceptions, this is a vision
which had not crossed their imaginations. They have prescribed no

system, and indicated no plan. This they have submitted to the judg-
ment and intelligence of their delegates in this assembly. They
expected, and wished us to do something. What is that something to
he? That is the question. Sir, let us not prescribe a remedy, like
that which comes to us from Albemarle, nauseous to the palate, and
far more pernicious in its effects, than the disease which it would
remove.

Any scheme for the gradual diminution, or ultimate extermination
of the black population of Virginia, should be based, as a substratum,
on certain great cardinal principles of justice, morality, and political
expediency, about which I had hoped but little diversity of opinion
would be found to exist. They are such as lie at the foundation of
all civilized society, and on which all free governments must rest.
Any action on this subject, without due regard to those polar princi-
ples, would not only fail of its intended effects, but would be subver-
sive of the rights of the citizen — and ruinous in its consequences.
Among these, I have always regarded the following as axioms, which
should never be disregarded, and from which, for one, I will never
consent to depart :

1st. That no emancipation of slaves should ever be tolerated, unac-
companied by their immediate removal from among us.

2d, That no system should be introduced, which is calculated to
interfere with, or weaken the security of private property, or affect its
value. — And

3d. That not a single slave, or any other property he possesses,
should be taken from its owner, without his own consent, or an ample
compensation for its value.

Unless some plan can be struck out, in our united councils, entirely
consistent with these essential principles, dreadful as would be the al-
ternative, I will sit down in silent despair, and fold my arms with the
desperate resolution, of letting the evil roll on to its horrid consum-
mation. It may not attain it in my time, but it may in that of my
children; and the advice I would leave with those whom it has been
my fortune to bring into the world, and to all who are held dear to
me, if nothing can be done, would be like that given to the Jews of
old, before the sacking of their celebrated city : " flee to the mountains
for your lives;" or like that to the Cew favored inhabitants of Sodom
and Gomorrah, when about to be consumed by fire from heaven, —
" stay not in all the plain." But such, sir, is not at present my des-
ponding view of the subject. I have come to no such painful conclu-
sion. Much may be done if not to remove this evil, at least to abate its
extent — to limit its effects — and to take from it, its most dangerous and
most fearful tendencies. I do believe that a ray of light has dawned
- — however insufficient to illuminate the pathway of such as expect to
accomplish the full measure of their wishes at once — which if steadily
pursued, will, like the pillar of fire which was followed by the wise
men of old, lead us to safety, and rescue us from the destruction with
which we are threatened. I do believe that measures of incalculable
benefit may be adopted, entirely consistent with those great principles
which I have assumed ; and as I have never approved the course of
•demn the plans of every body else, without offering any

of their own, 1 shall certainly submit to you, before I conclude, my
own views in minute detail.

As the resolutions before you, Mr. Speaker, now stand, the first
question presented in the order of discussion, is, that which arises from
an examination of the plan proposed b}' the gentleman from Albe-
marle, (Mr. Randolph) for the manumission, or rather confiscation to
the state, of all the post nati of our slaves, after a given period, and
the reference of that project, to the qualified voters of the state. Sir,
I cannot hesitate to pronounce the whole of this plan monstrous in its
features, and in its principles tending to a disruption of all the ties
which bind society together. It infringes those rights of property
which, from our birth, we have been taught to consider inviolable. It
abates from one hundred millions of dollars worth of property, half
its value; and substantially converts all that was a fee simple, into a
life estate. Let us examine it for a moment.

I would ask, Mr. Speaker, if such a measure as this can receive
the sanction of the legislature, what will have become of all our con-
stitutions, and most respected laws? What, sir, are constitutions, and
charters, and bills of rights, ever made for ? Are they not devised to
protect the rights of the few, against the aggressions of the many ?
They are necessary to secure to minorities their privileges and their
property — to stay the lawless hand of public violence. Majorities need
no protection ; they can protect themselves. And, if among these
rights, there be any one held more sacred than the rest, next to the
right of personal security, is that of private property. This, indeed,
is in some degree, the foundation and security of all other rights under
government; for, no others can exist without it.

The house need not be alarmed — I do not intend to engage in an
elaborate, dry discussion, of the grave constitutional impediments which
oppose the adoption of this startling proposition. It is true, that the
constitutions of both our federal and state governments, have erected
barriers for the protection of private property, which must be prostrated,
before such a measure as this could be carried out into effect. But
what are charters — or constitutions— or bills of rights, on a question
like this? I would not give a rush for them ; charters and compacts
can be broken or evaded. The charter by which we hold our slaves,
is antecedent to either ; it is founded on the immutable principles of
justice, which existed before the formation of political societies ; it has
received the approbation of man, and the sanction of his great Creator,
and is written on our hearts. Under our constitutions and laws, it has
acquired exactly the same guarantee, whether fortunately or not, as
any other property, and it can now be regarded in no other light,
legally or morally. Mr. Speaker, moral justice and political justice
are always the same. And the government, in all its delegated autho-
rity, can take from not one of the humblest of its citizens, the smallest
particle of his private property, in a case in which an individual could
not morally or legally exercise the same right. There is to this rule,
but a single exception, and that is founded in absolute necessity. —
]\ecessitas non habet legem, is a hard rule, but an inevitable one. When
the public safety and prosperity, obviously require the deprivation of
private property, the sacrifice must be submitted to. In such a case.

the state possesses an acknowledged right to appropriate the private
property of the citizen, to the general good. But upon what con-
dition? The answer, sir, is to be found, not only in our federal con-
stitution, but in the various bills of rights, and constitutions of all the
states in our union — on making "just compensation."— So that whether
the public necessities require the surrender of our property or not, it
comes to the same conclusion. It cannot be taken against our con-
sent, but on paying to us its value.

But, sir, we are told that this famous plan is not intended to tear
from its holders any property they possess. No, sir, it is only to re-
lieve them of the future increase of their slaves, after the designated
period. My friend from Campbell, (Mr. Rives) seems entitled to the
credit of originating the idea of drawing this distinction. In his dis-
cussion of this subject, on yesterday, several ideas fell from him which
demand animadversion. That gentleman is so amiable in his dis-
positions, and so gentle and conciliatory in his deportment and feel-
ings, that it is impossible to doubt that every idea he advances, com-
ports with his deliberate conviction of what is just and proper. Yet
I must regard the ideas themselves, as dangerous and revolutionar}'.
His argument went substantially to show, that however unquestionable,
to the owners, was the right of property in their present slaves, the
product — the future increase of those slaves— was not their property ;
but a subject in which they had no other interest, than that held by the
rest of the community. There is certainly some plausibility in the
idea, that we cannot claim property in that which is not in esse, — not
yet in existence. But this plausibility is dissipated by the slightest
reflection on the subject. The maxim, "partus sequitur ventrem" is
not more emphatically a rule of the common law, than it is a dictate
of common reason, and of common sense. Sir, is not the probability
of increase, an essential constituent in the value of a female slave? —
Does not this prospect enter into the calculation of value, whenever
one is purchased, or sold? Who has to bear the expense of support
to the mother, while her services are withdrawn; or of nurture and
maintenance to her increase, until they become valuable themselves?
They are, by this plan, to be supported by the owner, until they have
attained to maturity and could become useful, and are then to be with-
drawn. Who would consent to raise them on these terms? Sir, this
idea that the owners are entitled to the parents as property, but not to
their offspring, is one on which argument is unnecessary. When the
heat generated by this debate shall have subsided, the sober sense
of the whole community will cry out against it. Again, sir, I will ask,
whether, in that very charter which was appealed to yesterday — the
federal constitution—it is not expressly provided that no expost facto
law shall be passed? Is not this a fundamental principle of our state
constitution also, and a dictate of reason and common sense, and a
principle of common justice? It might be no violation of this ob-
vious rule of propriety — of this constitutional guarantee — (though it
would certainly be very absurd) — to apply this principle to any future
acquisition of this propert}'. You might provide, that all individuals
who hereafter purchase slaves should be restricted in their rights, to
r of the services of the existing generation, and that the

chasers of such property, would then act with their eyes open ; and
however unwise the policy might be, they would have nothing to com-
plain of, and it would involve no infraction of that constitution which
all of us have sworn to support. But what right have you to ex-
tend such a principle, to the property of individuals already acquired,
and vested in them, under the faith of existing laws?

Sir, the plan proposed by the gentleman from Albemarle, is not
only inefficient in its consequences to attain the objects which he pro-
fesses to have in view, but would be mischievous, in the extreme, in
its application and influence. Its operation would be one of a degrading
character to the state. It holds out the strongest temptation to every
gentleman in the state, to convert himself into a negro-trader. This plan,
which pretends to hold out freedom in view to this unhappy race, yet
allows the owner to sell and pocket the value, of every one of these
post nati, up to the very hour in which they are to be entitled to their
freedom. And I will ask you one question, Mr. Speaker, to which
I invite your deliberate reflection. Do you really believe, that,
under the operation of this fanciful system, one single negro ever
would be liberated in the state? I ask you to pause and inquire be-
fore you decide. Do you not believe that the owners of these young
slaves, would hold them to the last minute in which it would be safe
to do so, and then, just before their title to freedom accrued, would
sell them, if there was a single market open for them in the world?
Sir, the mass of mankind are always governed by their interests. —
Some there are, no doubt, who would liberate their slaves, for purposes
of deportation, whether such a law as this existed or not ; but these
would do so without the law, and surely the law itself, would never
induce them to do it, or effect the freedom of a single human being.

Sir, this very feature also involves an immoral tendency. It is
calculated, though certainly not so designed, to corrupt both master
and slave. The master is presented with every inducement to hold
these after-born in servitude as long as he can ; and then, to evade the
total loss of their value, which would otherwise result from keeping
them in the state, by selling them in a foreign market. And what is
the influence to be exerted on these slaves themselves, who are in this
uncertain, unhappy predicament? Would not the enactment of such
a law as this, hold out to them false and delusive hopes ? Such as
would keep them perpetually in a restless, unquiet, uncertain state
of mind? With the prospect of freedom constantly in view, would
be coupled the hourly apprehension, that their master, by selling them,
could defeat its attainment, and dash from their lips the cup so long
presented. The pains of Tantalus would be given a real existence.
And would they tamely submit to such a disposition? When arrived
nearly to the point of time, at which they hoped for liberation, and
discovered that all their fond conceptions were to be defeated, by sale
to a new master, and a less desirable situation, would they not have
the strongest temptations to rebel?

Mr. Speaker, the injustice and inequality of such a system, on the
African race themselves, -constitutes one of its most powerful objec-
tions. A child is born to-day— another to-morrow, but after the pe-
riod prescribed to entitle it prospectively to freedom>. They grow up

together : hundreds and thousands in the state, in the same families,
of nearly the same ages, will occupy this legal relation — some with
the promise of freedom ahead of them — the others with none, knowing
that some were destined to a life of servitude, while the rest were to
be free. Will this inequality of condition, do. you suppose, excite no
restlessness and dissatisfaction among them? Will they not feel that
the same principle which gives freedom to one, entitles the others to
it? Will they quietly submit to such unmerited distinctions? Will
this not also lead to lawless efforts and insurrections? Rather than
be sold in distant climes, to unknown masters, many, I have no doubt,
would greatly prefer to indenture themselves for life, to their recent
owners, and near their accustomed associations.

Mr. Speaker, I have another objection to this scheme. It is not to
commence its operation within about thirty years. It is to produce
no practical effect, within half a century. If it is intended to obviate
impending dangers, what is to become of us all, if our safety be the
object,1 in the mean time? But, what is of greater import, will it not
be subject to legislative intervention during the whole time? And
before a single one of these fortunate post nati could attain to freedom,
could not any subsequent legislature repeal the statutes which we might
enact, conferring on them this inchoate right? Have gentlemen re-
flected on the character of the discussions which would certainly be
kept up here, winter after winter, on this subject, until the day of
jubilee should arrive? Have they thought of the dangerous excite-
ment which would inevitably be engendered, both among the whites
and the blacks, during this dark and uncertain period? and of the
thousands which would be expended in protracted sessions of the
legislature — enough, perhaps, to remove all the negroes in the state?
Arguments have been derived from the legislation of other states — of
New York, Pennsylvania, and the New England states, in favor of
the plan which I am now considering. I am not one of those, sir,
who are too proud to borrow principles or institutions from other
states, which are found to be good, or to profit by their experience.
But we should not, upon trust, adopt a policy inapplicable to our situ-
ation. They have taught us, indeed, a valuable lessorr; one which, N
I hope, we have learned — that something can be done. But, does it
follow because they succeeded in removing slavery under peculiar
circumstances, by a particular process, that we should attempt the
same mode? What might have been attainable there, may be ruinous
here, under different circumstances. I have no census before me of the
former population of these states, at the time that those abolition laws
were respectively enacted ; but I hazard little in saying that there were
not, in a single one of them, as many slaves at the time, as there are now
free negroes even in Virginia. When the evil among them was small, it
was no doubt easily crushed ; and if the rights of the holders were
crushed at the same time, it is because they were not sufficiently nu-
merous to protect themselves — and it is the fate of minorities to be
trampled on. And the name and authority of the venerable and illus-
trious ancestor of the gentleman who moves this proposition — the im-
mortal Jefferson — are invoked to aid and sustain it. But with what pro-
priety sir p No man ever felt the evils of slavery more acutely than Mr.

Jefferson — no statesman was ever more anxious to remove them. The
plan which he proposed in his writings, (but which, from the intrinsic
difficulties which he no doubt felt would attend its execution, even at
that day, was never specifically proposed to the government during
his long and brilliant career in public life,) contained features essen-
tially different from this. I do not understand him to recommend that the
offspring of the slaves should be torn from their owners without com-
pensation. His last letter published on the subject, according to my
constructioa of it, is of opposite import — and he, certainly, does not
recommend a submission of so important a measure to the people, in
a mode which gives to different regions of the state a relative political
weight in its decision, to which they are not constitutionally entitled.
Again, Mr. Speaker: a plan which the powerful intellect of Mr.
Jefferson might have thought possibly attainable at the time, and under
the circumstances when he suggested it, might be greatly inapplicable
to the altered condition of things at present. And, sir, were Mr.
Jefferson now alive, I cannot for a moment believe, that he would ap-
prove, at this time, such a proposition as this. Sir, at that time, there
were in all Virginia, less than 300,000 slaves, and only about 12,000
free persons of color — while now, we have, east of the Alleghany
mountains alone, about 455,000 slaves, and nearly 46,000 free ne-
groes— a state of things certainly greatly altered.

Mr. Speaker, — I understood the gentleman from Albemarle in his
first address, after introducing this substitute, distinctly to say, that
he himself was not now prepared to vote for any specific plan for the
abolition of slavery, but wished the question submitted to the constitu-
ent body. I cannot, I think, well be mistaken, — for it struck me at
the moment, as a remarkable declaration, and it left a deep impression
on my mind. So it turns out that the gentleman has ushered into this
house a measure involving the most momentous consequences that
could well be conceived of, on the interests of this whole common-
wealth ; while he himself is not prepared at this time to vote either for
that or any other plan, having the same object in view, if presented
in the shape of a bill to this assembly for its final action. [Mr. Ran-
dolph here explained. I understood him to say that he had not de-
clared that he would not vote for his resolution, but would not vote
for an act on the subject until submitted to the people.]

Mr. Brodnax resumed. Mr. Speaker, I understood the gentleman
perfectly at first. He said then, as he says now, that he was not wil-
ling to vote for a law effecting this object at this session. Then, why,
Sir, I would ask, introduce any such measures before us? If we are
not prepared, or sufficiently informed of the wishes of our constituents,
to legislate definitively now, why agitate the state on so delicate a sub-
ject by a profitless discussion of a hypothetical scheme? The plan is
not to operate now, if adopted, unless mischievously. But it is only
to submit the question to the people, we are told ! Why call on the
people on this subject— it is they who have called on us. Do our
constituents expect or require such a measure as this at our hands?
Have they petitioned for this? It is true that there has been great
excitement among the people throughout our state, on the subject of
3

our colored population, and that nearly all agree that something should
be done. It is true that they have preferred numerous petitions to us.
But. do any of them ask that we should submit any plan to them ! No,
Sir, they pray this assembly to do something. They do not indicate
what, with any precision, it is true; but, by a remarkable and fortu-
itous coincidence, very many of them have adopted the same expres-
sion— they ask us to adopt "whatever measure the wisdom of the Legis-
lature may devise as the best." They are not prepared to act, and
they call on us to act for them. It is to " our wisdom" that the ap-
peal is made — not that we should submit it back again to their wis-
dom.

Mr. Speaker, the plan of framing a law, and submitting it to the
people, is certainly a plausible one. When first presented to my mind,
I was somewhat taken with it ; but very little reflection entirely con-
vinced me that it was wrong in principle, and would be dangerous in
practice — the precedent might be inconvenient: it would be an ingeni-
ous expedient to elude the responsibility which properly rests on our
shoulders, by throwing it back on those of the people. I know it is
easy to ask if we are afraid to trust the people. It is for the very
protection of my people, that I will not consent to submit the validity
of their rights to the decision of other people. Sir, the very idea of sub-
mitting a law to the qualified voters of the stase, is subversive of the
government itself. It would be a palpable violation of the spirit of that
compact, which, after so much toil and trouble, was adopted as a com-
promise, by the late convention. Yes, sir, a compromise, by which we
of the east, lost much and gained little. But, is it not obvious that it
would be surrendering all at discretion to permit the qualified voters to
decide great questions of interest in the state? In the graduation of poli-
tical power, it is known that the numerical weight given to the people of
the east, in consideration of their slave property, (and, by the-by, for
the protection principally of that very property,) was greater than that
given to an equal number in the west. So that the delegates here do not
represent an average of equal numbers of voters. But this scheme of
submission would, in effect, exactly bring upon us the principles of that
celebrated white basis, against which we struggled so earnestly in the
late convention.

But, Mr. Speaker, has not another objection to this plan occurred
to you, of still more delicate and insuperable character? Suppose it
submitted; — to whom will you submit it ? Will you submit it to those
who own the property,* or to those who do not? Is it to be decided by
those who are prominently — nay, almost exclusively, interested in the
subject, or by those who have little or no interest in it? These, sir,
are grave and important questions, and will awaken some obvious re-
flections. There are but two modes in which the state can acquire
title to these post nati, or possess itself of the property of the private
citizen. One is, by the consent of the owners — and the other, which
is that so frequently resorted to by absolute governments — is force.
If a measure of mere force is to be resorted to, to take away a part of
our property without our consent, like banditti, or Carbonari, why
then it is useless to consult us, or institute the solemn mockery of sub-
the project of the law to the approbation of the people. But,

if our voluntary relinquishment is looked to, who is to yield the assent ? —
those who now own the property, or those who do not? Sir, if I wished
to get your watch from you, but understood that consent must be ob-
tained, would it not appear supremely absurd, that this consent should
be left to a third person? Sir, the approbation of any such scheme
by the qualified voters at the polls, could convey no assent of the real
holders of the property. Sir, is it to be submitted to the people of
western Virginia inclusively, whether the east shall surrender her slaves?
My brethren of the west, for whom I feel the proper fraternal regard,
as members of the common family, will not, I am sure, regard the idea
1 am urging as disrespectful to them : it certainly is not so designed ;
and they, so far from regarding the suggestion of their having com-
paratively no slave property among them as an unkind imputation,
will, of course, appreciate it as a compliment; for it is one of the ad-
vantages on which they pride themselves— and they possess sympathy and
commiseration for those who are so unfortunate as to possess them they
say. What then, sir, is the relative condition of the several great divisions
of our state? Where is the slave property found ? In whose hands?
Were it diffused over all the state in any degree approximating to
equality, there would be but little practical injustice in referring the
question of its confiscation to the whole state. But, sir, in truth, the
western part of the state has no pecuniary interest in this matter.
The single county of Halifax alone,has as many slaves, within a frac-
tion, as the whole trans- Alleghany country together! And we have
many other counties above the falls of our great water courses, which,
singly, contain nearly as many of the colored population, as that
quarter of our state collectively. It contains 15,000 slaves out of
about 470,000; not one out of thirty. And about 1,600 free negroes
out of 47,000 ; bearing about the same proportion. And, sir, the fine
and fertile Valley district, does not compare much better, with the two
eastern divisions. And are the qualified voters who people these
regions to be constituted arbiters to decide whether we shall surren-
der a portion of our property or not? And when they obviously have
no interest in the subject; or if they do have, (and they contend that
they are greatly to be benefitted by the liberation of our slaves,) it is
an interest diametrically opposed to ours !

And yet, sir, the gentleman from Campbell, (Mr. Rives) has inform-
ed us, that in his opinion, these are the very people who are best qua-
lified to decide! According to his idea, those who own no slaves are
the very people to decide impartially, whether those who hold them
should give them up or not! And what is still stranger, he puts it on
the ground that they are perfectly disinterested. Yes, sir ;" I want
your watch, and I leave it to myself, and three other men who own
no watches, to say whether you shall not give up your watch to us.
Sir, without feeling, much less intending to express any unkind feeling,
or want of respect for those who hold these doctrines, I must pro-
nounce the doctrines themselves unsound, dangerous, and revolution-
ary. Were we once to admit such a principle as this, every incentive
to industry and enterprise would cease to exist, and there would
remain no security whatever for property. Sir, though it may not be
carried out in extent so far — in principle it is the same that, imnpliprl -»

particular portion of the people of ancient Rome, on every new dis-
turbance in the state, to cry out for an Agrarian law. It is the same
spirit which impelled the mob through the dark and bloody scenes of
the French revolution, (I of course do not allude to the recent one,)
to seize on all the property they could find, and make partition of the
spoil. The wildest views of the disciples of Hunt, and the ultra re-
formers of England, do not proceed to such extremities as this.

Mr. Speaker, while on this subject, I will call your attention, and
that especially of the western delegation on this floor, to the promises
and assurances held out to us of the east, soon after the commence-
ment of the session, on more than one occasion, and by more than one
member from the western section of our state, that the subject of our
colored population was peculiarly an eastern one — that they would not
interpose, but give us a carte blanche to prepare what measures we
pleased — and the}7 who have no immediate interest in the question,
would then come forward and assist us in effecting it. They told us
to go on and work out a plan for our own relief, which would suit
ourselves. It was not from one quarter alone that these declarations
emanated — but from different gentlemen, whose respectability forbade
that their sincerity and good faith should be distrusted. The sounds
fell upon my ear like soft, sweet music in the stillness of night. They
came as the harbingers of good feeling from a whole region of coun-
try, and bespoke kindness and sympathy for us : and I trust they will
fulfil this pledge in the letter and the spirit. They cannot, surely,
look upon this as an eastern measure, because proposed by a member
who comes from a divided county east of the Ridge, and supported by
some five or six eastern gentlemen, out of the whole of its numerous
delegation. If they really desire to subserve the views of the east,
they will go with the great body of the east, and not the fragments
which have flown off* of it. And if the west really deems it courteous
or just, not to interpose in this concern, will they unite in a vote to
submit the question to themselves ? Sir, I hope that no such submis-
sion will obtain the favorable consideration of a Virginia assembly : its
effects might be disastrous. If there were no other, the country would
be kept in a "state of feverish excitement, and distracted uncertainty,
until the result of the submission could be ascertained. In the mean
time, the discussion of the question at the cross roads and at the hus-
tings, publicly and privately, would soon give publicity to the existence
of such a question among the negroes themselves, and the conse-
quences could not, in the nature of things, be other than deleterious.
And at last, when the result of the submission comes, and that, or any
measure growing out of it, shall go the length of depriving the people
who own this property, of any portion of it, without their own con-
sent, they will not submit to it. Sir, I assure you, coolly and dispas-
sionately, as my sincere conviction, that the people who own this
property will not submit to such a law — and that they ought not. They
would hurl from their stations their unfaithful representatives who had
contributed to bring such injustice upon them — and if their successors
could effect no repeal of the obnoxious provisions, the people would
burst into atoms the bond which unites our state as one political com-
mimitv— or even proceed to the ultima ratio, if nothing else would

succeed— a result which I pray heaven in its mercy, to avert from our
land. If the people were to surrender to one invasion of a plain right,
other exactions might soon follow. To give up a little, would only
hold out an invitation to demand the remainder.

Mr. Speaker, in the course of this discussion many things haveheen
said on both sides, the expression of which I sincerely regretted. Not
because they had their origin in unkind or improper feelings, but be-
cause, if they go forth literally to the world, they may exert an unfor-
tunate influence, and lead to misconceptions abroad, of the dispositions
and motives of those who uttered them,- I beg leave to advert to a few
of those, before I proceed to exhibit the statement 1 have alluded to,
of the measures 1 consider called for by existing emergencies. My
warm-hearted and worthy friend from Rockbridge, (Mr. Moore,) in
the ardor of debate, allowed himself to allude to the late glorious
struggle of the Poles for the freedom of their country,- — and the course
of the Parisians in their celebrated three days revolution, in glowing
terms of approbation, and compared the cause in which they were en-
gaged with that which incited to scenes of blood and horror the actors
in the late Southampton massacre. I know, sir, that the gentleman
from Rockbridge is one of the last who would willingly stand as an
ally by the side of such incendiaries as Garrison and Walker- — and yet
he has used the very idea, and nearly in the very words, which is so
conspicuously emblazoned to our slaves by those execrable pamphle-
teers. Surely these are not the illmninati, to whom the gentleman
would look for that " light" which, he says, " has come into the world,"
on this delicate subject. My friend from Brunswick, (Mr. Gholson,)
yesterday acted on an idea, which, I feared, might lead to a misap-
prehension of the grounds on which we (including himself,) rest the
defence of the rights we assert. In an eloquent dissertation on the
importance of securing the right of private property, he exclaimed —

" Who takes that from me on which life subsists,
"Takes life itself!"

A sentiment which he ascribed to " the great Poet of Nature." But
my friend overlooked the fact, that Shakspeare has put this expression
in the mouth of the griping, cold-hearted, seared-feeling, sordid Shy-
lock. I was gratified to observe, that the gentleman subsequently
essayed a warmer and more generous strain, and assumed a ground
which I regard as much more important. Sir, it is not so much the
value of the property you would tear from us, weighty as is that con-
sideration, as the principle involved, which we regard. Our people
are not sordid in their feelings, or calculating in their habits, when
they do not apprehend wrong. It has often occurred, in the revolu-
tions of the commercial world, and the fluctuations in price, to which
our staple agricultural productions are exposed, that a sudden reduc-
tion in the value of the proceeds of the labor of these very slaves —
and those proceeds constitute the value of the slaves themselves — has
deprived their owners of half their usual income. But who has heard
a complaint from them on that account? Generous and disinterested,
they had rather give you half they possess, than that the smallest por-
tion should be wrested from them by lawless violence, or reckless le-

gislation. " Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute," was a
noble sentiment — one which did honor to the patriot who uttered it,
and to the country which claimed him. It is no otherwise appropriate
to this subject, than as a striking expression of the paramount supe-
riority of importance, of principle, -over mere money.

I heard also, Mr. Speaker, with regret, unfavorable opinions of our
brethren of other states, expressed perhaps with too much force, and
denunciations indulged in entirely too general, against the " yankees;"
for instance, in consequence of the shameless conduct of some {ew
miscreants among them, who have endeavored, by incendiary publica-
tions, to excite our slaves to insurrection. Shall we talk of war with
our sister states, because a Garrison or a Walker may disgrace their
soil? I am sure gentlemen intended to confine their sweeping denun-
ciations to the infamous individuals alone who are guilty, and who
cannot be viewed without indignation and horror. And I have only
adverted to them, lest they might give rise to misapprehensions abroad.
Great injustice might be done in visiting censure on whole communi-
ties, for the acts of a few misguided fanatics, or vicious incendiaries
who may happen to be among them, and over whose conduct neither
government nor laws can exert any control. We have here in old
Virginia, many, whom all of us would regret to see erected into stan-
dards by which Virginia character abroad was to be graduated and
determined, — many, for whose conduct it would be unjust in the ex-
treme to hold our people collectively responsible. Every community
will have in its bosom some unworthy and disreputable members.
Evenjn that little band of disciples, which our Savour himself, while
on earth, selected to follow him, a Judas Iscariot was found. I have
been gratified to learn that the intelligent and the virtuous in the
northern states, as cordially deprecate and condemn the excesses of
these unprincipled incendiaries — these moral Carbonari among them,
as we can do, — and it would be as ungenerous as unjust to breathe
out an indiscriminate anathema against all. For several years, I have
remarked with interest and attention, on the state of feeling existing
between different sections of our common country. Strong and un-
founded prejudices certainly have existed on both sides, between our
northern brethren and us. But I am happy to have perceived that
they are gradually subsiding, as we acquire a more intimate know-
ledge of each other; and it is certainly the duty of the virtuous and
the wise, on both sides, to endeavour to repress those which remain,
rather than to foment and inflame them. We may indulge in that
"national vanity" of which my friend spoke — we may be as patriotic
as we please, and ardent in our admiration of our own state, its (insti-
tutions, its manners, and its people. But while we love ourselves
more, we need not appreciate our more remote brethren less. True
charity has been beautifully assimilated to the appearances which pre-,
sent themselves when a stone has fallen into the bosom of some smooth
and tranquil lake. Of those numerous concentric circles which im-
mediately rise into waves, those nearest the centre are certainly the
highest and strongest; but these are followed by ripple after ripple, in
more extended and successive undulations, until the impression is dif-
fused over the whole expanse of the waters. For myself, I delight to

see these favorable dispositions cultivated. Our northern brethren no
longer, as was the case some years ago, look on every Virginia slave-
holder, as identified with a negro driver in the Mauritius, who forces
them to labor night and day, with scarcely an intermission, and keeps
them up with a cart whip : that they are fed on cotton-seed, or for the
slightest offence cruelly bastinandoed, while confined naked on their
backs, with their eyes exposed to a scorching sun, as the Romans for-
merly punished their desperate culprits. They have found out, that all
these are mistakes; and that public sentiment in Virginia, will not tolerate
the cruel or improper treatment of slaves : that in point of fact, their
condition is superior to that of the peasantry of any other country, in
possessing the ordinary comforts of life. I regard them myself, as
exempt from many of the evils incident to laboring classes in other
countries — They are well fed and well clothed — Famine, which reaches
others, is never allowed, even from policy, to affect them. They have
no care on their minds to provide a subsistence, and are, when they
have good masters, 1 believe in a happy condition. And in this light
is the subject now generally regarded by strangers of intelligence, who
never condescend to take their opinions from the miserable effusions
of such editors as have been alluded to. A great many of our preju-
dices against them, on the other hand, have been discovered to be un-
founded. We have learnt that it is not fair to judge of a whole people
from the specimens exhibited of travelling pedlars, or needy adventu-
rers. And I am happy in expressing it as my opinion, that a better
state of feeling between us is growing up continually, and that it ought
to be cherished.

Mr. Speaker, in reviewing what has fallen from those who have pre-
ceded me in this debate, I cannot omit to notice an idea of the gentle-
man from Campbell, (Mr. Rives ;) for, I cannot help regarding its
tendency as unfortunate. In taking a prophetic vision of the future
destinies of Old Virginia, he permitted his imagination to be warmed,
until it became disturbed by a phantom of most horrible import — when
he looked forward to the day when this hall should be occupied by a
negro legislature ! Sir, did the gentleman aliow his heated fancy to
roam so wildly into the regions of romance, as really to suppose, that
such an event was within the range — not of probabilities — but even of
possibilities? I felt, sir, when I heard the suggestion, an involuntary
shudder; and even now, I can with difficulty divest myself of the dreadful
impression it made on my mind at the moment. Mr. Speaker, I looked
at you when this heart-chilling prophecy was pronounced, — I then
looked on this assembly of "reverend, grave, and potent segniors,"
as they were yesterday termed, in that round of compliments which
they received. — I looked at the unusual concourse of respectable and
intelligent visiters who crowded your gallery and lobby ; — And last,
but not least, sir, I looked on that fair portion of our auditory, whose
presence here attests their deep interest in these proceedings — on those
fair ones, who are ever nearest to our feelings, and dearest to our
hearts, when scenes- of danger are talked of. Sir, with what feelings
did you reflect on the spectacle, when you imagined to yourself a knot-
ty-pated, sable African, usurping the chair, which you now occupy
and presiding over the deliberations of a negro assembly ; Sir I for

bear to carry out the sombre picture. Better would it have been-—
far less grating to our feelings, or dreadful to our imaginations — for
the gentleman, while wrapt in the seraphic spiric, to have looked still
further through the vista of future time, until in the language in which
one of the ancient prophets describes a desolated city — "the grass shall
be seen growing in the streets, and the foxes peeping from the holes."
Better, sir, that he should have looked even still farther— to the time
when the very existence of the city of Richmond, shall have become
matter of history, with that of Balbec, Persepolis, and Palmyra. —
When travellers shall visit the remaining ruins on these romantic hills,
and another Volney shall be seated on some broken fragment of one
of those beautiful pillars, which now adorn and support this splendid
structure, amidst the decaying rubbish of this capitol, indulging inge-
nious speculations as to whether the temple of some heathen God — or
the state house of some civilized race, had once occupied the spot —
or, if history had not yet become quite so dim — -inditing in his jour-
nal, that he was in a land where there existed some fabled accounts —
some obscure traditions of one Washington, who was said once to have
lived in this then desolated wilderness, to have been " first in peace,
first in war, and first in the hearts" of this ancient people— to have
"filled the measure of his country's glory," and to have "read his
history in a nation's eyes." Perhaps, sir, in the portrait, you could
see some curious Antiquary, who had traversed the Atlantic to hunt
up amidst those ruins, some small piece of the marble which now forms
a part of that noble statue in your vestibule, raised to the memory of
Virginia's proudest son, and preserving it as a precious relic with all
the consecrated solicitude and devotions of catholic superstition. Sir,
I had rather, in fine, that the gentleman had extended his wrapt vision
even to that remotest of all times — .when

" This great globe itself,
"Yea, all which it inherit shall dissolve.
" And like the baseless fabric of a vision,
"Leave not a wreck behind."

Sir, it was with unqualified astonishment, that I heard any supposi-
tion advanced of die possibility of a successful insurrection by our co-
lored population. It is true, there has been great excitement, and
much unpleasant apprehension of danger. I am happy to have learned
that all this is to a considerable extent subsiding. It demonstrates
certainly, however, the propriety, the necessity of our adopting some
measure to re-assure public confidence; and prevent as far as practi-
cable the recurrence of scenes similar to those so often alluded to. I
certainly am not without my fears. But not the craven fear I trust;
but that which dictates the expediency of looking guardedly at every
thing before us, so as to be best prepared to meet, or to ward off, ap-
proaching danger. I do believe, and such must be the deliberate
judgment of every reflecting man, that unless something is done in
time to obviate it, the day must arrive when scenes of inconceivable
horror must inevitably occur, and one of these two races of human
beings, will have their throats cut by the other. It is impossible that
gs can always continue to flow on in their present current, without
■Tnnorp in nnr nolicv towards the African caste. This

consequence must result, unless something can be done to remove or
mitigate the tremendous evil.

But when allusions have heretofore been made to this horrible ca-
tastrophe, did it enter into the imagination of any body, that the whites
were to be the ultimate victims? — that any successful general conspi-
racy ever could, occur ? No, sir; I beg you to understand, that how-
ever dreadful either alternative would be, however anxious, however
painfully solicitous we may be, to provide some efficient measure of
prevention, it is not founded on the supposition, by a human being in
the region more immediately concerned, that our negroes are ever to
exchange conditions with us, or make laws for a subjugated province.
The real extent of the danger — and God knows that is bad enough ! —
is, that in insulated neighborhoods, a few misguided fanatics, like Nat
Turner — or reckless infatuated desperadoes, like his followers, in total
ignorance of the extent of such an enterprise, or of the means neces-
sary to accomplish it, may, in moments of sudden excitement, make
desperate attempts, and commence partial excesses of pillage and mas-
sacre. Much mischief — (yes, sir, as important to the wretched indivi-
duals assailed, as if all the world was involved,) — much injury might be
inflicted, before the insurgents could be met with and arrested. But, so
far from their overwhelming the whites, conquering the country, over-
turning our political dynasty,, and usurping the seats of legislation,
the very act of their imbodying, would be the immediate signal for their
annihilation. Sir, I assure you, that whatever little of military infor-
mation I may possess, confirms and corroborates this obvious view of
the subject. The only difficulty consists in finding them — The danger
to be apprehended is entirely of a temporary character, and while they
advance unseen and unopposed. The idea of a military force invad-
ing and conquering any country, without uniting in a mass, or by
avoiding the opposing force of the invaded, would be ridiculous. In
truth, there was never a single moment, from the commencement, to
the termination, of this celebrated Southampton insurrection, in which
ten resolute, well armed men, could not easily have put the whole
down. With the relative moral, intellectual and scientific advantages
which we possess, the numerical superiority of our slaves would have
to become at least twenty to one, before any probable prospect could
exist, of a successful general rebellion. Should the disproportion ever
become very great, the God of Heaven who governs the universe, only
knows what might happen. The only serious apprehension is, that
now and then — perhaps after intervals of many years— partial attempts
at local insurrection may be made, much mischief may be done in small
districts, until, I repeat it, one or the other party will be exterminated.
Another attempt soon after the recent one, would, in my judgment,
lead the way to an indiscriminate slaughter of all the blacks, whether
concerned in it or not. I assure you, sir, that at the close of that
which has passed, and when the public mind was excited almost to
frenzy, by seeing the mangled corpses of helpless females and unof-
fending infants devoured by dogs and vultures before interment couH
be effected, it was with the greatest difficulty, and at the hazard 01
personal popularity and esteem, that the coolest and most judicious
among us could exert an influence sufficient to restrain an indi&crinv.-

nate slaughter of the black's who were suspected. Sir, a few more
such efforts — and the whole race will be swept from among us. Who
would willingly behold such a spectacle? But, sir, does the belief that
it will be the blacks themselves, and not the whites who must eventually
fall in such a struggle, constitute any reason for our remitting all our
exertions to avert it? — Surely not.

Sir, while I cannot concur in the bold experiment of the gentleman
from Albemarle, and am not willing to take by lawless force, or by
unconstitutional legislation, the property of a single citizen, I do most
heartily agree with him in the conviction, that prudence and policy—
that every consideration held dear and valuable to man, require that
something should be done to stay this onward evil in its course. I aul
seusible, sir, that the house must already be fatigued, notwithstanding
its courteous and gratifying attention to me ; and I will immediately
proceed to a consideration of the facts and statistics, from which /infer
not only the necessity of doing something, but the practicability of
doing it, and that without the violation of a single principle, which at
the outset, I assumed as axiomatic.

Mr. Speaker: I have to invite the attention of the house to some
statistical views of this subject, which 1 deem very important. I am
not insensible to the difficulty of rendering any tabular statements —
heavy statistical documents — interesting to an auditory. And I do not
intend to weary you by reading over, in unmeaning succession, census
returns, or other collections of similar materials, whiclr are accessible
to all of us, and which all of us have often examined. We may have
perused repeatedly, however, in a general manner, such documents as
those from which I derive the information I wish to exhibit, without
having our attentions directed to particular results, bearing on given
questions, not pre-supposed. My object in recurring to these tables,
is to point out to you some practical views, bearing immediately on
this question, to which, in previous examinations, your attentions may
not have been drawn. The time, sir, consumed in looking over them,
may not be altogether unprofitably employed ; for the results which they
will be found to exhibit, are really astounding and appalling — and
such as will startle and dismay every true patriot. They will shew
what consequences are likely to occur, if we neglect to acjopt, in time,
some efficient measure to stay the alarming progressive increase of our
colored population. The statistics I design to present you, will, I
think, shew not only that something must be done, but, sir, I assure
you with delight, that they do more — they demonstrate that something
can be done, and they shew you how you may do it. They indicate,
if I am not over sanguine, the practicability of a plan of preventing
the future accumulation of this population; while the whites shall be
doubling their numbers, on principles beneficial to the owners of the
property, and happy for the country. Let us first ascertain the neces-
sity of doing any thing, before we look around for the means.

The state of Virginia contains by the last census, less than one-fif-
teenth part of the whole white population of the United States ;

It contains more than one-seventh of the free negroes;

And it possesses between a fourth and a fifth, of all the slaves in

Virginia 1ms a greater number of slaves than any other state in the
union — and more, than Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Ten-
nessee, all put together; and more than four times as many as cither
of them. South Carolina and Louisiana are the only states in which
the slaves are more numerous than the white population ; and Virgi-
nia has more slaves, without estimating her great and unfortunate dis-
proportion of free persons of color, than both these states put together.
Nay, sir, one half of the state — that which lies on the east of the Blue
Ridge of mountains, itself contains nearly as many. The whole of
Virginia taken collectively, it is true, contains a numerical preponde-
rance—one, however, becoming less and less everyday — of white over
black population ; but when we regard the great divisions of the state,
how will it stand then ?

Virginia contains 694,439 whites, 469,724 slaves, and 47,103 free
persons of color.

But how are these aggregates distributed? In the eastern half of
Virginia — that which lies between the Blue Ridge and the Atlantic
Ocean, there are 375,935 whites — 416,350 slaves, and 40,763 free
negroes.

And while the western half of the state contains 318,504 white inha-
bitants, the trans-Alleghany section of the state contains only about
15,000 slaves and 1,600 free negroes — and the Vallej' district, between
the Alleghany and the Blue Ridge, but 38,44S slaves and 4,685 free
negroes. So that an enormous numerical disproportion of the black
population of the state, rests on eastern Virginia. In truth, as I had
occasion before to intimate, for a different purpose, many of ©ur coun-
ties in the east contain nearly as many slaves and free negroes, as the
entire extreme western division of the state. Now, sir, for all prac-
tical purposes, it is proper to confine our estimates exclusively to that
portion of Virginia which lies below her range of mountains. Whe-
ther protection to us, or injury to themselves be regarded,the western
region, though a portion of the same state, can have no more connec-
tion with this aspect of the question, than if it did not constitute a
part of the state. And it would be just as discreet to look to Mary-
land, North Carolina, or to Ohio itself, where there are no slaves, and
derive an aggregate proportion of the different populations from all
these collectively, as to enumerate in the estimate, that portion of our own
state, which is equally removed from the reach of danger from our
slaves, or the possibility of aiding us, if necessity should ever require it.

The annual increase of the white population of Virginia, taken from
a long series of preceding years, is about one and a half per cent.,
while that of the free negr6es has been, in the same period, two and
three-fourths per cent. The actual increase of our slaves has only
been one per cent. This, however, has obviously resulted from the
regular removal of a large number of the latter, by sales to the south-
ern states — a drain which, from present indications, is about to be
greatly diminished, or entirely cut off from us by legislative interdic-
tions on their part. The disproportion of increase, too, it will be re-
marked, (for these averages of increase are taken from the whole state
together,) is much greater in eastern Virginia than in its western divi-
sion. The average of increase, of all classes of i

United States generally, exceeds three per cent. Let us take a retro-
spect now, sir, of our condition some years ago ; and then extend our
view to what it must inevitably become, should no measures in the
mean time be adopted to obviate it, within a few years hence.

Forty years ago, there were, in eastern Virginia, above 25,000
more white people than slaves and free persons of color together. —
Now, there are above 81,000 more blacks than whites — exhibiting
within that short period, notwithstanding, too, the constant drain of
our slaves during the whole time, an actual gain of the African race
upon us, in this half of the state, of upwards of 106,000 ! !

And what, sir, on the same principles of calculation, is to be our
relative condition forty yeass hence, should no successful effort be made
to arrest the present course of things?

The ratio of increase of whites, it will be seen from the regular cen-
sus during the last forty years, has been fifty-one per cent., while that
of the blacks, bond and free together, has been one hundred and eighty-
six per cent ! ! A comparison of the returns from the year 1790 to this
time, will indicate this result, with mathematical precision and cer-
tainty, and it is a striking fact. Now, add to the present excess of
black population, 81,078, only the same increase for the next forty
year?, which has occurred during the preceding forty years, to wit,
106,176, and you have 187,254. And, discarding from considera-
tion, that this progressive increase will be in a geometrical, and not
an arithmetical ratio, but making only a slight allowance for the effect
to be produced by the occlusion of the western markets, and you ar-
rive at the result, that in the eastern section of Virginia alone, there
will, within the next forty years, be in round numbers, 200,000 more
black inhabitants than white ones. The commonwealth of Virginia
has at this time, within a small fraction, four times as many free ne-
groes, as she had forty years ago — and nearly twice as many slaves —
while she has only about fifty per cent., on her then white population.
Forty years ago, there were in the whole United States, but 697,697
slaves ; while now there are in Virginia alone, 469,724, besides her
free negroes.

Sir, these results are astounding. They are not the vagaries of a
heated imagination — but conclusions inferable from plain arithmetical
calculations, founded on established data, and in which, unfortunately,
there can be no mistake. If the disproportions 1 have pointed out,
continue to advance, as all former experience shows they must do, un-
less the current is arrested — what, I repeat it, will be the condition of
our state forty years hence ? Mr. Speaker, the gloomy forebodings to
which these reflections point, are not likely to be realized in your day
or mine. We shall, no doubt, have been swept from the scene of ac-
tion. But, sir, it is the duty ofgood parents to look to the welfare of
their children. The state ought to legislate, not for ourselves alone,
but for posterity. Any course of events tending to evil, should, if
possible, be arrested in lime. If all that is desirable cannot be accom-
plished at once, let us at least do what we can. It is the duty — the
imperative duty — of every wise and good man in the state, however
humble, to exert his invention to the utmost, and contribute his mite,
ho* i) it may be. towards the consummation of some expedi-

cut, to avert the fearful consequences which are impending over us.
" Rome," sir, " was not built in a day." And let us not undertake it,
with the short-lived fervor of enthusiasts, who would expect to see it
rise at our bidding, with magic celerity, and who would abandon the
effort on encountering the first difficulty. Let us rather advance
guardedly with our means ; and, like children beginning to walk, ven-
ture short steps at first, until our strength increases. Laborious and
patient perseverance is all-essential to success.

Let us look again at our statistics, and see if they will admit of no
expedient, calculated to counteract the fearful conclusion to which they
seem otherwise unerringly to point.

The annual increase of the slaves in Virginia, may be assumed at an
average of 4,500

And that of our free colored population at 1,100

Making an annual aggregate increase of both, of 5,600

There are no fair principles of calculation which can be applied to
our previous history, or to the actual returns of our census, whether in-
cluding short or more extending periods of time, which will not, I
think, indicate a ratio of increase, of the whole African race in Vir-
ginia, of less than 6,000 a year. By a removal then of 6,000 annu-
ally from the territory of Virginia, the capital stock would at the least
be kept stationary, if not reduced — while our white population would
be increasing at an accelerated pace. The whole population of the
United States, it has been long ascertained, duplicates in every period
of 25 years. These periods of duplication, I know, occasionally vary,
and will become successively longer and longer protracted. The his-
tory, in this respect, of all newly-settled countries in the world, has
been the same. The tide of increasing population, rushes in more
rapidly at first, and as the opened space becomes gradually filled, it
flows in more smoothly and slowly. There has as yet, however, been
scarcely a perceptible abatement in the increase of the population of
America. But say that the white population of Virginia would not
double itself until the expiration of 30 years, or 35 years, or even 40
years, sir, if you please. What, then, would be the situation of Vir-
ginia at the end of these forty years, in comparison with what I have
shewn it will be, if nothing to prevent it is accomplished ? a white
population more than double that of the blacks, having attained an
advance, which, by the augmentation of the capital stock, would for-
ever put any increase of the blacks below their reach, and dissipate
our danger, dispel our" apprehensions, and greatly diminish most of
the embarrassments and evils attendant on slavery. This, sir, would
be the result, even if the process of amotion was then stopped forever.
But why should it be ? Let us look at this calculation in another light.
By the annual deportation of 6,000 a year from our shores, — com-
mencing, of course, with our free persons of color — a policy which
every consideration of prudence, humanity, and interest would unite
in recommending — within ten years there would not be left one single
free negro in Virginia. Sir, in making this computation, I have in-
cluded in the calculation, the greatest rate of increase of those whc
would remain among us, while this gradual reduction

on ; and I have entirely excluded from consideration, the great ad-
vantages in hastening the time when all would he transported, which
would result from adopting the policy — as any law for that object
would certainly provide — of selecting, in the first instance, particular
ages and descriptions of these people, who would be more likely to
increase than those who were suffered to remain among us. Those,
for instance, of both sexes, who are just attaining maturity, could be
deported, before families had commenced springing up around them.
And those who had passed a particular age, need not be removed at
all, except as a favor in particular instances where they desired it, in
order to follow relatives or connexions, and had not the means of re-
moving themselves. Nor have I, sir, made any allowance whatever,
for the great numbers who, no doubt, in the mean time, and especially
if a law for their compulsory deportation shall be enacted, will volun-
tarily, and on their own means, go off to other parts of the world. —
Sir, that select committee to whom this whole subject has been re-
ferred, are especially charged with the duty of revising all our laws
on the subject of our colored population. Regulations of police,
much more rigorous than any heretofore existing towards our free
negroes, and which will materially abridge their present privileges,
are imperiously called for by existing circumstances, and will, no
•doubt, be adopted. Recent events, without any change in the laws,
have already rendered their abode among us much less comfortable
and desirable to them, than formerly. These causes will, no doubt,
greatly add to the number, of voluntary removals. Nor have I, in
estimating the advances of white population, adverted to the obvious
consideration, that the vacuum produced by the wiihdrawal of portions
of our colored population, would soon be filled again by emigrants of
our own color, from other quarters of the world, In ten years then,
under the most disadvantageous alternatives of calculation, at 6,000
a year, all the free negroes in Virginia would be removed ; and in
doing that, the effect would also be produced of keeping down to a
stationary point, if not reducing it, the aggregate number of both
classes of our black population. Before I proceed to inquire into
what ulterior measures it may be wise for us to adopt, after this re-
moval of the free persons of color shall have been effected, it will be
well for us to examine into the waj^s and means at our command, to
remove this 6,000 a year. However desirable, it would be useless to
attempt it, if we have not the means to effect it. We should not pro-
ceed like the foolish man in the scriptures, who undertook to build a
house without counting the cost. This is the first consideration: —
What sum, then, will it take to transport this number annually, to the
western coast of Africa, which I shall assume, for the present, as the
point of deportation? I recollect to have seen a speech, delivered by
Mr. Clay, in 1826, before the American Colonization Society, in which
he stated, that from numerous' actual experiments previously made, it
had been ascertained, that emigrants from the United States could be
transported to Liberia, for $20 a head. Since then, I ha^e seen differ-
ent annual reports from that society; and, in the last which I have
read, I think the cost of transportation is stated at $23 each. It is
•■„ the Colonization Society tyas had to encounter every

disadvantage calculated to increase its expenditures. The enterprise
has been in a slate of infancy — "unmatured in its action — and with very
limited resources, ft Has had to charter vessels ; these would remain,
sometimes, in port a long time on expenses, before a full cargo of emi-
grants could be collected. Sometimes a cargo incomplete in numbers,
had to be shipped; and the freight per head, of course, would be
higher. Were the state to undertake the transportation of a class of
its inhabitants, on a moreextended scale, the expenses would, no doubt,
be diminished, by many increased facilities. Such is, certainly, the
ordinary effect of enlarging operations. I have heard the idea sug-
gested, of the state purchasing ships, and keeping them regularly em-
ployed in effecting this transportation. This, and other judicious regu-
lations, would, no doubt, greatly diminish the cost on each individual
removal. And should the plan be extended, by authorizing return
cargoes of the various productions of that coast, (most of which are
valuable in our markets) by the vessels so employed, a still greater
reduction in the cost of transportation, might probably be effected.
But let the calculation assume its most disadvantageous form, and say
that $23 33 cents per head, is to be considered the necessary expense
of removing these people to Africa. I take it for granted, that no person
has conceived the idea; that those among them who possess no property
— who have neither the means of transporting themselves, nor of provid-
ing the necessary support immediately on their arrival, are to be shipped
off by the state, and cast on the shores of a distant region of the earth,
to be devoured by wild beasts — or what would be infinitely worse, to
perish by famine. No, sir: I presume that some temporary supply
to emigrants of this description, to support them immediately on their
arrival, and until they could be able to make a support for themselves,
is what would be required by humanity, approved by every wise legis-
lator, and is expected by the country. What additional expenditure
would this temporary provision involve? By recurring to the same
source of information, I find tiiat the Colonization Society has estimated
the additional expense for this purpose, at $10 per head. Indeed, I
think that offers have been made for $33 33 cents each, to take any
number of emigrants, transport them to Liberia, and assume the re-
sponsibility of all their subsequent necessary support. I have no
doubt the sum of $10 would be ample. This would be no first at-
tempt to settle a wild and unknown country, where the adventurers
would have to wander in the forest, and subsist on acorns until they
could fell and reclaim it. That society, to which I have so often al-
luded, has paved the way for us. The country is an extremely fertile
one — abounding in natural resources — and with a climate which, while
it is adapted to the African constitution, needs no recurrence of par-
ticular seasons for raising crops. No, sir: the spring, the summer,
the autumn, and the winter, are all, I understand, for agricultural
purposes, the same. Y/henever the ground is sufficiently moistened
by rain, you may plant. Iu a few weeks the crops begin to ripen.
One man may be seeding and another reaping "his crop at the same
time, in co-terminous fields. The means of subsistence are, conse-
quently, easily and speedily obtained : and I repeat, then, that $10
would be an ample provision for temporary support. The aggregate

sum per head — $33 33 cents, multiplied by 6,000, the number pro-
posed to be annually deported, gives yon the sum of $200,000, as
that which will be required to effect this object.

As for the shipping required to transport that number, I will only
remark, that allowing two persons to every five tons— the usual com-
putation— and which, I believe, is the proportion limited by the }aws
of congress, and estimating an average of two voyages a year to each
vessel, the tonnage required would be 7,500, which is less, sir, than
the hundred and seventieth part of the mercantile marine of the United
States — excluding from view, the whole of our navy. Let us not hear,
then, any more about the impossibility of removing such a number.
Sir, you know that most of the civilized powers of Europe, have long
combined to suppress the slave trade. Expensive armaments are
constantly cruising, to intercept and prevent it. Those engaged in
it, are denounced as pirates. And yet, sir, notwithstanding all these
precautions, there are annually brought from the coast of Africa, and
sold into slavery, an average of 100,000 natives. There were brought,
as I learn from unquestionable authority, not long since, 25,000 into
the island of Cuba alone, in one year, notwithstanding her coast is
habitually begirt with the cruising vessels of different nations. And
if all this can be effected against so many risks and hazards, and in
violation of the laws of God and man, shall it be said that the whole
state of Virginia cannot transport 6,000 to Africa in a year?

And will the expense involved — $200,000 — be considered as pre-
senting an insuperable obstacle? I hope no person will be found dis-
posed so to regard it. Suppose the state shall have to rely in attain-
ing this great and important object, on her own resources exclusi/vely
■ — that she is to derive no aid whatever from the general government,
and that she is not to resort to the alternative of throwing on pos-
terity, by a system of loans, part of the charge of removing what
would be a horrible burden on them — that she may have to raise the
amount in the most oppressive shape — by direct taxation to the whole
amount, what is the sum required, to the object to be attained by it ?
$200,000 on the great state of Virginia, is less than 30 cents a head
on her white inhabitants. And who would refuse to pay that? Ab-
stinence from two or three glasses of toddy at the court house, would
pay it in one day. What addition would it make to our present bur-
dens? The revenue paid to the state, at present, is nearly half a
million of dollars. The county levies — the poor rates— and other
occasional public dues, amount to about the same sum. So that the
people of the state now, have to raise a million of dollars for public
purposes annually, besides the income of the Literary Fund, and that
for internal improvement. The proposed amount, would only increase
the burden 20 per cent. But I do not apprehend that there would be
the least necessity for deriving the whole amount immediately from tax-
ation, as fast as it is wanting. If there ever was an object for which
it would be good policy for one generation to anticipate the resources
of the next, and bequeath to it part of the cost along with the benefit,
this is certainly the object. But I shall not urge that matter at present,
because it is not necessary.

I bai -ed it not only probable, but approaching certainty,

that we might obtain considerable resources from the federal govern-
ment, to which we are entitled, on every consideration of equal jus-
tice, and which we might consistently receive, without the slightest
violation of those strict state right principles which distinguish our
Virginia political school, and of which 1 profess myself a disciple. Of
the public lands held by the general government, a large portion, it
will be recollected, was ceded by Virginia — a portion too, which was
exceedingly valuable. We have never received any valuable return
from them. The sales of the public lands usually produce an aver-
age avail of $3,000,000. 1 think the last prospective estimate of the
secretary of the treasury, rated it at that amount. The proportion of
this, to which Virginia would be entitled, according to the rateable
principles which have been recognized, would be about $275,000 a
year. Then there is our fair proportion of the surplus, which remains
in the federal treasury, of the ordinary revenue. This would be a far
greater sum. I would not consent that the present tariff should be
continued on us, even if we could derive this benefit from it — but if
we are to be burdened, shall we bear all the evil, and get no part of
the good in return? This last accession to our resources, could not,
according to my construction of the powers of the general govern-
ment, be appropriated to the desired object, without an amendment of
the constitution. No amendment would, I apprehend, be necessary
to authorise the disposition I have alluded to, of the proceeds .of the
public lands. The power of congress over these lands and their
avails, from provisions in the acts of cession, and otherwise, have
been supposed, by some of our most correct statesmen, to stand on
entirely different ground from the revenue derived from imposts. —
Congress has frequently acted, it would seem, on that understanding.
But it is unnecessary to discuss that question. An amendment of the
constitution could as well be solicited to embrace that source of reve-
nue as the other; and from recent information, on which I place im-
plicit reliance, I think congress at this time has every disposition to
aid us on this subject, or accede to any necessary amendment of the
constitution for the purpose, that we could desire. Indeed, sir, I have
seen letters from several distinguished members of that body lately,
which express the confident belief that such an application would rea-
dily prevail. I should not, of course, consent that any funds from the
general government should be appropriated within our state to the
purpose of removing Our free persons of color, or purchasing and de-
porting any portion of our slaves, except on the condition, that the
object was to be effected exclusively under the control of the state au-
thorities— under regulations ofits enactment— and by agents of its
appointment. With these safeguards, I can perceive no objection.
Mr. King, of New York, introduced, it will be recollected, a few years
ago, in the Senate of the United States, resolutions for appropriating
the proceeds of the public lands to these purposes. The^ movement
was denounced through all the southern states as an alarming indica-
tion of the disposition of northern politicians to interfere with the rela-
tion between master and slave, and the resolution and its mover held
up to vindictive reprobation. But the event has passed by, long
enough for us to examine his project more coolly, and it bears in

sic evidence of disinterestedness and patriotism. It did not propose
the compulsory abolition of slavery in a single instance — but its gra-
dual reduction, by applying these particular funds to the purchase and
removal of such slaves only, as their owners might wish to sell. I
confess 1 have ever believed that had the same proposition proceeded
from a southern statesman, it would have been hailed with applause
through all the slave-holding states. It was calculated surely to have
increased the value of our slaves, by throwing into the market an ad-
ditional fund for their purchase, and the benefit of the operation would
obviously have been, primarily and almost exclusively on us; while
the only benefit which could have resulted to the north, from the sur-
render of a fund in which they possessed a common interest, would
have been the gratification of seeing the gradual extinction of an evil,
which, though it did not immediately affect them, they had contribu-
ted originally to introduce — and the higher gratification of witnessing
an amelioration in the condition of the United States as an whole.
Whatever political heresies Rufus King may have committed, I, for
one, regard this as a redeeming act in his life. Should no other mem-
ber do so, it is my intention at a proper time to offer resolutions in-
structing our senators, and requesting our representatives in congress
to propose the amendment to the constitution which may be necessary
to authorise this disbursement of the federal funds.

For the transportation of our free negroes alone, I have endeavored
to shew our state resources are amply sufficient. Let us, then, com-
mence in effecting that, about which most of us are agreed — and which
is all that could, for the present, be effected, whatever may be the ul-
terior object of any— the removal of the free persons of color. When
this shall have been completed — -if in its process it shall have demon-
strated the practicability of this plan of gradual deportation — and if
the means shall by that time be within our control with which to effect
it, as I hope I have shewn was at least probable, what is to prevent
our going on with the system, by the removal, annually, of as many
as 6,000 of those who now are slaves? We shall have the means, I
trust, of purchasing this number at fair prices. But, it is my decided
belief, that this will not become necessary — or, at any rate, beyond a
limited extent. There are numbers of slave-holders at this very time
in Virginia — I do not speak from vague conjecture, but from what I
know from the best information — and this number would continue to
increase — who would voluntarily surrender their slaves, if the state
would provide the means of colonizing them elsewhere. And there
would be again another class — I have already heard of many — who,
while they could not afford to sacrifice the entire value of their slaves,
would cheerfully compromise with the state for half their value. And
if, in these various modes, the state could acquire — instead of 6,000 a
year — 10,000 a year, and it should then be deemed desirable to ac-
complish such an end, it will be seen by a simple calculation, allow-
ing for all the intervening increase, that in less than 80 years there
would not be left one single slave or free negro in all Virginia.

But, Mr. Speaker, many, at first sight, are appalled at what they
consider the magnitude of such an undertaking. There are some per-
sons of sanguine temperament— and, perhaps, I may be one — who re-

gard few tilings as impracticable or unattainable, which are sought
with determined, but cool and patient perseverance; while there are
others who either despair without an effort, or are put down by the
first obstacle they encounter. The}7 can see difficulties and objections
to every thing that requires exertion. The people, sir, have called
upon us — and they expect us to do something. Shall we ibid our arms
and say to them, " the effort is too great, we have not the means nor
the power, and we can do nothing. Something might have been done
perhaps some years ago, but it is now too late, and there is nothing
left to us but to sit down in despair?" "For a nation to he free, it
is sufficient that she wills it," was the memorable remark of one of
those patriots whose writings eminently contributed to our glorious
revolution. And the same success is equally sure to follow the deter-
mined efforts of individuals, societies, or nations. In the biography
of distinguished individuals, many of whom have risen from the hum-
blest and most unpromising condition, what have we not seen effected
by a high degree of moral firmness, and energy, and decision of cha-
racter? A young man, especially in our happy country, where so
auspicious a field for the prosperous efforts of all is presented, may
become almost any thing which he determines to become. Let him
but proportion his exertions to the end to be attained, and he will at-
tain it. When he has reached one object of ambition which he had
pointed out to himself, let him but make another mark on the wall, still
higher up, and in due time, with patient perseverance, he will rise to
that also. It is not so much inequalities in genius or imagination
which have distinguished men, as it is difference in energy of charac-
ter— firm decision of purpose — and stability of judgment to point out
what objects are desirable, and to be pursued " with an eye that never
winks, and a wing that never tir,es." All this is more emphatically
true of states and nations. To attempt to show how little mere phy-
sical strength has to do with the elevation or depression of nations —
with their power, prosperity or influence — by what means states, com-
paratively small in number, or wealth, have at different periods wield-
ed the destinies of the world — would be a disquisition better adapted
to a college society, than a Virginia legislature. Here I may assume,
what would there have to be demonstrated. And my maxim is, that
there is no desirable political object, which was ever yet attained, but
which the people of this country can attain — if they determine they
will attain it. Resolute determination, and unwavering perseverance,
are all that are essential. With these — the road before us — which our
imaginations had depicted as filled with impassable obstructions, will
be found smooth and easy as we advance. The mountains in our
way, will diminish in size as we approach, and ultimalely disappear.
I will never believe then, that Virginia is really unable to relieve her-
self of her difficulties.

But it would be exceedingly indiscreet to attempt too much at first;
it might defeat every thing. Our exertions, I repeat it, should be
limited at present to the removal of free negroes. The importance of
effecting this, must be obvious to the slightest reflection. It would be
beneficial to themselves — beneficial to us — and beneficial to Africa.
Their situation here is unhappy and -degraged. They afc

\

free, but not so substantially. They have none of the rights or privi-
leges, or attributes of free men. They must ever exist, if they remain
here, a distinct and degraded cast — immoral themselves, and demorali-
zing to others. Their influence on our slaves is a most injurious one.
Lazy and dishonest in their habits, (with some exceptions to be sure.)
they live on the white people, and corrupt the slaves to steal from their
masters, and they become the receivers. Their presence and exam-
ple, also exerts a much more pernicious influence, in rendering the
slaves restless and dissatisfied with their condition. Whether or not
the free negroes themselves, have ever been to any extent actually en-
gaged in fomenting conspiracies and insurrections, nothing is more
certain, than that they have an indirect influence in exciting them.
They are themselves often unjustly suspected and cruelly treated, and
no person can question, that they would be greatly better off if re-
moved from our country.

But where is the domain? we were asked by the gentleman from
Mecklenburg. Where have you gotten any territory to remove them
to? Liberia, we are informed, is incapable of receiving but a limited
number. Sir, I approach this branch of the subject with pleasure,
and with the confident hope, that I shall be able to remove all difficul-
ty from it. — We have heard various parts of 'the world spoken of as
proper for the purpose. Our own possessions west of the Rocky
mountains — Hayti — other West India islands — and even the acquisi-
tion of Texas, if practicable, has been alluded to as desirable, on which
to place an intervening sable. nation, between the states of this union
and Mexico. To all these, ther£ are, in my opinion, insuperable ob-
jections. If residence on our own continent were not itself objection-
able, the climate of our territory on the Columbia river, or elsewhere
on that coast, is too cold to permit the existence of i\frican descend-
ants. To send them there, would be but legalized butchery. Texas
is out of the question. It can probably not be acquired by our gov-
ernment for any purposes, and if we owned it already, it would be as
impolitic in itself as unjust to our adjoining southwestern states, where
slavery exists, to attempt to locate such a population so near to them.
They would never consent to it. Hayti might receive a few, but is
inadequate in its capacities to the demand. As for the English West
India islands, they, Mr. Speaker, are, I think 1 can foresee, to be free
in a few years. Yes, sir; if the reform bill should pass in the Brit-
ish Parliament, one of the first measures of the Reformed Government
will be, the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. If it does not
pass, there will be a revolution in the government — and, in either
event, freedom will be established in the West Indies. That some of
our colored population may find a resting place there, is indeed pro-
bable; but whether it would be desirable to place a very large por-
tion of them there, if we could, is a question for reflection, which 1 do
not deem it necessary to discuss. But, sir, whatever additional facili-
ties may present themselves, Africa — yes, sir, persecuted and injured
Jlfrica — is, of all regions on the, globe, the appropriate place for the
deportation of our African descendants. Let us translate them to
those realms from which, in evil times, under inauspicious influences,
their fathers were unfortunately abducted — unfortunately for both par-

t;cs— unfortunately for them and their descendants — but much more
unfortunately for those among whom an angry providence permitted
them to be placed. Mr. Speaker, the idea of restoring these people
to the region in which nature had planted them, and to whose climate
she had fitted their constitutions— the idea of benefitting not only our
condition and their condition by the removal, but making them the
means of carrying back to a great continent, lost in the profoundest
depths of savage barbarity,'and unconscious of the existence even of
the God who created them — not only the arts, and comforts, and mul-
tiplied advantages of civilized life, but what is of more value than all —
a knowledge of true religion — intelligence of a Redeemer — is one of
the grandest and noblest, one of the most expansive and glorious ideas
which ever entered into the imagination of man. The conception —
whether to the philosopher, the statesman, the philanthropist or the
christian — of rearing up a colony, which is to be the nucleus around
which future emigration will concentre, and open all Africa to civi-
lization and commerce, and science and arts, and religion — when
" Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands," indeed, is one, which warms
the heart with delight.

Does Africa, then, afford the facilities and capacities for receiving
them ? Sir, the little colony of Liberia alone, founded by a private
association, with limited means, having to encounter the prejudices of
thousands in our own country, who would never examine its real objects
or principles of action—and which had to subdue numerous disad-
vantages, within and without, incident to the infant exertion, has pros-
pered already beyond all calculation. Mt contains at present a popu-
lation of about 2,400— l>as established wholesome institutions and
laws — established commercial relations with the surrounding tribes—
and already exerts a most happy influence over large portions of Af-
rica.. It is said by men who kfiow its' condition, and are not enthusi-
asts, to be in a more prosperous condition than, any other colony
which has been founded in centuries. Its disadvantages were dis-
heartening— but not so great as our own ancestors had to encounter,
when they landed at Jamestown. You are aware, sir, that the pos-
sessions of the colony now, extend from the Gallinas river, on the
north, to the territory of Kroo Settra, on the coast which is south of
it— a distance of 280 miles in length— and that the country already
under its actual jurisdiction, extends 150 rnilps along the coast, from
Grand Cape Mount; near the mouth of the Pissou river, to Trade-
town. The possessions already acquired by this private company,
are capable of containing thousands of inhabitants — but why should
we confine our observation to them ? Regions of interminable extent,
and possessing great advantages, can be acquired in Africa almost
for a song. In one treaty, we could obtain territory enough to hold
every negro in the United States — much more those in Virginia. —
It is true we are very imperfectly acquainted with the geography ol
the interior of Africa; but recent explorations have reflected much ad-
ditional light on the information which we formerly possessed. We
know that there are at some distance in the interior, very extensive
regions, peopled by sparse and wandering tribes, which are extremel)
fertile— and as healthy, from all appearances, as any other tropical cli-

mate. A letter was not long since received from Dr. Mecklin, the
resident colonial agent, who had proceeded up the Mesurado river to
its source. He there found that the head waters of the Junk river
were in the same neighborhood. He returned* down that, and pur-
sued its whole course for a great distance, to its mouth, less than forty
miles from Monrovia; and to his great surprise, found it a wide and
noble stream, capable of any inland navigation, and bordered by ex-
tensive plains of rich and valuable land — exhibiting appearances sim-
ilar to the lands seen in tracing James river, from City Point to the
ocean. In providing other tracts of territory, through the agency of
the federal government, for the reception of any future increased num-
ber of emigrants, selections could be made, so judiciously, as with lit-
tle expense, to give us the entire control of the whole southwest coast
of Africa — enable us forever to put down the slave trade— and place
the native tribes of the interior in dependence on the settlers from
America. The present colony owns most of the valuable harbors now,
if any of them can be called so, on an extended line of coast. By
acquiring the island of Bulama, for instance, [a policy which I recol-
lect to have seen somewhere recommended,] in the mouth of the Rio
Grande, and within a short run from the Cape de Verds, and the
point at which vessels from thence usually touch, on the north of the
English settlement of Sierra Leone, [which, from causes well under-
stood, has never flourished — and can never possess an extended in-
fluence,] and also obtaining Cape Palmas, on the southern extremity
of the southwest coast — we should have a frontier which would include
the mouths of the Rio Grande— the Gambia — Nunes, and Pongos,
Sierra Leone, Cape Mount, and the Kroo nation, which constitutes
the only native seamen in Africa. We should hold the commercial
key of the whole south and west coasts, and as far east as the Bight
of Biafra, and control as we pleased, the trade of the Gambia, the
Senegal, and even of the Niger— the Ivory coast and the Gold Coast.
So, sir, of all other objections, let us not be distressed by the difficulty,
that we cannot find a place to carry our black population to.

Mr. Speaker — one objection has been urged to any legislative ac-
tion on this subject — that it is calculated to impair the value of the
slave property. To this idea, I have not devoted, heretofore, any
particular attention. If the plan which I recommend involves any
such consequence, Lmust, on my own principles, abandon it. But,
sir, its operation, if introduced, will be precisely the reverse, if it shall
exert any influence at all on their value. The abduction of the free
negroes may increase the value of labor, and cannot impair, if it did
not improve, the value of slaves. But the objection, I presume, is
intended to rest principally on that feature in the plan, which propo-
ses hereafter the purchase of slaves, or their removal, if surrendered
without compensation, by the public funds. The price of slaves, pro-
bably, will decline in Virginia, whether we introduce any system like
this or not — certainly, if the southwestern states shall prohibit their
introduction there. And this reduction in value may give rise to a
mistake as to its cause. Sir, it is not the domestic demand for slave
labor, which has ever graduated their price here, but the foreign
demand. Their labor is infinitely more productive, on the sugar,

and rice, and cotton plantations of the south and west, than it can
ever be rendered in Virginia — and consequently the value here,
must very much depend on the demand there. No man could, from
mere pecuniary considerations, afford to give $500 for a slave to be
worked on an ordinary Virginia plantation, though many own slaves
which they would not sell at any price. So that, if the number here-
after sent to those other states, be materially diminished, the value of
them here must decline. But if such should be the result, it will not
be the consequence of any system like that which I recommend. On
the contrary, it is an acknowledged principle of political economy,
that as the supply of any article is diminished, the demand is increased
and the value improved. If, for instance, by any operation, a fourth
or a half of all the slaves in Virginia were removed, would not those
who remain be more valuable? And will not the effect of throwing an
augmented capital into the market, as before intimated, have the same
tendency ?

But what if the gradual abduction of part of our black population,
were to cause some pecuniary loss ? Are the people prepared to make
no sacrifice to attain an object so desirable as this holds out? I know,
sir, that it is one of the weakest points of our nature — all history proves
it to be t'-ue of individuals and nations — to cling with pertinacity to
all we possess — and thus to peril all, rather than by giving up a por-
tion, to secure the residue. The lessons of experience are exhibited
to us in vain. " No man profits by the experience of others — he must
pay for it himself." And he often does it dearly. At this very mo-
ment we see the aristocracy of England, rather than submit to a mo-
derate reform in the government, and consequent abatement of a por-
tion of their exclusive privileges, are jeoparding the whole — and no-
thing prevents an immediate explosion — a dreadful revolution in Eng-
land, but the fact, that the king is On the side of the people, and they
hope thus eventually to attain their object, without a recurrence to the
ultima ratio. Such was the fate of the ancient monarchy of France —
and the principle is more or less illustrated, in the history of almost
every nation, and the biography of almost every individual. So, here,
the minds of some, seem to revolt at the idea' of losing .part of their
slaves, even on just compensation. Sir, we shall have to surrender a
part, on some terms, or eventually to lose the whole. Not soon, sir,
but by their ultimate extirpation, and in the manner I have depicted.
If the people of Virginia — many of those at least who are in the habit
of reflecting most intensely and deciding most accurately — see that no
effort is to be made to avert the probable consequences of the present
course of things, but learn that it is settled that the Old Dominion is,
to the end of time, to remain as she is— her bright and towering pros-
pects will become overclouded — they will desert the land of their na-
tivity, and remove to fairer fields, where no such difficulties impend.
But if they could see only the incipient efforts made — some plan pro-
posed— no matter how far in advance its inceptive action should be
placed — no matter how gradually or slowly the process was to operate
— some rational hope presented that the existing order of things was
not to continue forever, but that there was to be a diminution, if not
extinction, of the evils of an overflowing black population, they would

rest satisfied. The young would abandon the thoughts of removal,,
and the old would cry out in the language of ancient Simeon, "Nunc
Dorhine, dimiitas"

Mr. Speaker, I am aware, that by the frank and unreserved expres-
sion that I have given to my sentiments on this vitally interesting sub-
ject, I may have called down on my head, denunciations from those
who view it in a different aspect, and who go farther than I am willing
to go, or who fall short of me. I feel that I have little of public stand-
ing, or capacity for public usefulness to lose — but had I as much moral
and political weight of character as ever rested on mortal man, I would
peril it all in such a cause as this. The prosperity of the country is
*/afr stake, and I will speak freely what 1 honestly think. "It is my
I own — my native land," and what I can dp, I will do, to save her. As
soon would I think of deserting a mother in distress, as of leaving her
in her present situation. We have listened to many lugubrious des-
criptions of her worn fields, and desolated condition — and of the sor-
rowing breeze, sighing through the tops of her pines. But she is my
country; and for one, I will stand by her, through evil report as well
as good. All that I have — whatever interest I possess on earth — is
embarked on board the old vessel, and I will remain with her, — let
her sink or swim.

Mr. Speaker, I cannot resume my seat, without an unaffected and
grateful expression of my thanks to you, and to the house, for the
very patient and polite attention, with which you have regarded the
remarks I have submitted, and which have been greatly more discur-
sive and lengthy than I had intended when I commenced them.-

tttnroaxt

As much misapprehension has existed, as to the provisions of the bill for thTJ removal of
free persons of color from the commonwealth, as originally reported from the committee, of
which Mr. Brodnax was chairman, and especially as to the character of that compulsory fea-
ture in it, by which all were eventually to be deported, but none contrary to their consent, so
long as any are found willing to go — and even then, under the most humane regulations-
involving the severance of no domestic ties, or connexions — and excepting from its operation
all such as the county courts might allow, from their age or exemplary conduct— as this fea-
ture has not only been misconceived as to its effects, but branded as a measure of inhumanity
and cruelty, it is deemed proper to append here, the remarks of Mr. Brodnax on that par-
ticular section of the bill, to exhibit the real character of the proposed measure, and the
reasons on winch his opinions were formed*

MONDAY, February 6, 1832.

On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on
the " bill to provide for the removal of free persons of color from this commonwealth."

The first section of the bill having been read, Mr. Brodnax remarked, that it was well
understood by the gentlemen who bad-examined the bill, that one of its fundamental princi-
ples was that compulsory feature in the system, by which force was eventually to be recurred
to, in relation to such free persons of color as might be unwilling to remove from the state—
thatmany of the subsequent details were consequential to this, and would become inappli-
cable, should this substratum be removed. If' the principle were retained, the bill would,
probably, require but little amendment elsewhere; if it be rejected, its numerous provisions
would have to be moulded into accommodation with the adverse principle established ; and
on that latter contingency, all the time of going through the entire bill in committee of the
whole woidd be lost. It was known that a great diversity of opinion existed on the expedi-
ency of introducing that feature into any legislation at present. He presumed, from -what
he had elsewhere heard, that a majority would be found opposed to it; — in that state 'of
tilings he had risen to recommend it to some gentleman who stodd thus opposed to this im-
portant principle, to move the amendment of the first section, which could readily be done,
so as to present the question directly to our consideration, and if the amendment be sus-
tained, the most judicious course, would be for the committee of the whole immediately to
rise, report the bill, and for the house to recommit it to the select committee, with instruc-
tions to amend it conformably with the principle established.

Mr. Campbell of Brooke said that, as one of the minority of the committee which reported
the bill, and opposed to the principle contained in its first section, he moved to amend it by
the insertion after the word shall in the third line, of the words " with their own consent."
He apprehended that it was unnecessary for him now to go at length into the many reasons
for his opposition to the compulsory feature of the bill. If, however, any member desired
an explanation of his views he was prepared to make it.

Mr. Brodnax said, that if he supposed a full, elaborated discussion of the question now
presented, could be necessary, or was even desired by the house, he should very much regret
his inability, from a severe cold, to take an active participation in it. But he concurred with
the gentleman from Brooke, that this could not then be necessary. The subject had long
been under consideration in some aspect or other, and not a member, probably was present,
who had not formed some definitive opinion. He could not, however, withhold the expres-
sion of a few views on a subject which he regarded as essentially connected with the best in-
terests of the state, and one which he frankly confessed he had very much at heart. The
question now involved, is simply, whether or not any compulsory measures are to be resorted
to, to compel the removal of the free negroes from among us, after all who consent shall' have
been transported? Looking entirely to the result, (without regard to the mode by which it is
to be effected,) it will be found that this is not a question of the importance which is ascribed
to it. Pass the law in either aspect, and this unhappy race loill be removed. It is idle to talk
about not resorting to force. Every body must look to the introduction offeree of some kind
or other— and it is in truth a question of expediency ; of moral justice ; of political good faith
—whether we shall fairly delineate our whole system on the face of the bill, or leave the ac-
6 „

quisition of extorted consent to oilier processes. The real question— the only question of
magnitude to be settled, is the great preliminary question — Do -you intend to send rthe free
persons of color out of Virginia, or not? — This question should be met boldly, and decided
frankly. On that question he had supposed a greater unanimity existed among our consti-
tuents, and among their delegates here, than on any measure of general interest which could
engage their deliberations — and, believing so, he certainly should not undertake to discuss
the general question. I confess, said Mr.'B., that were it not for the high opinion I entertain
of the ingenuous character of the opponents of this coercive feature, I should doubt their sin-
cerity, when they tell me, that they are Clear for sending away the free negroes out of the
United States ; but are opposed to using any compulsion about it. And even now, I cannot
look at these two propositions; placed in juxtaposition, without perceiving that they involve
a contradiction and- an absurdity, unless you associate with them a third proposition, which
no gentleman, who forms a component part of this committee, it seems to me, can believe —
that is, that the free negroes of Virginia are, in truth, willing to be removed from the United
States. Sir, does any gentleman believe this ? If they are sincere in their intention to remove
the free blacks, they must come to the results provided in that bill — or they must look to
some more exceptionable mode of compulsion — or they must believe these people will con-
sent to be transported. Can they believe the latter? The gentleman from Brooke expresses
the belief that a considerable proportion of our free persons of color will voluntarily consent
to go. Sir, I am not surprised at that gentleman's entertaining such an opinion, for he comes
from a part of our state where there are comparatively none of this class. But will any.
member say so, who represents a county where the number is great, and who has had oppor-
tunities of judging correctly of their prejudices and opinions? Sir, this has been to me a sub-
ject of long and painful reflection. It is one of great delicacy and embarrassment — nothing
but the highest considerations — nothing short of the most conscientious conviction that their
own good, as well as our happiness would be promoted by it — or the most imperative and
clearly defined necessity, would induce me to think of removing a whole class of our popula-
tion from the land ; — as it is, I regard the measure, in the language of this preamble, " not
only one of sound policy, but one indicated by considerations of enlightened philanthropy."
But the question is not now before us, whether it is right or fast to remove them ? that will
occur in a different mode hereafter — At present, the affirmative is assumed, and the question
is, if they are to be removed, shall compulsion he excluded? If the free negroes are willing to
go, they will go — if not willing, they must be compelled to go. Some gentlemen think it
politic, not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to re-
sort to it when it becomes necessary : they think that for a year or two a sufficient number
will consent to go, and then the rest can be compelled. For my part, I deem it better to ap-
proach the question and settle it at once, and' avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the
free negroes know very well what is going on. Will they not see your debates? Will they
not see that coercion is ultimately to be resorted to ? They will perceive that the edict has
gone forth ; and that it must fall, if not now, jn a short time upon them. If capable of any
reflection, they will know, that go they must, and possibly consent may at once be affected
by some. It is useless to discuss the question whether we should compel those to remove
who are already willing to do so ; but it is upon those who are unwilling, that the coercion
is to operate. Who has not observed the proceedings of the great meeting of free negroes
last summer at Baltimore, and that they are not only utterly opposed to emigration them-
selves, but are making exertions to dissuade all others of the same class, throughout our
country? They have, no doubt, emissaries at work every where, prejudicing these ignorant
people against the Colonization Society, and all removal. The numbers willing to go, are
fewer and fewer every day; and out of about 50,000 free negroes in Virginia, I have no idea,
from the most extensive inquiries, that 1,000 could be found really willing to go in five years.
I inquired of a gentleman of this city, of intelligence and excellent opportunities of judging,
how many from all that numerous population in Richmond would, he supposed, be xoilling
now to remove, if every facility were tendered — He replied, not one. But suppose one-third, >
or one half would consent to be deported from their native shores — and you are then to stop.
Will you undertake this system on such terms ? Will you burden your constituents with
taxes for so imperfect a remedy to the existing evils? The object in view, would not be com-
mensurate in importance Avith the means we are exerting. But, if after those are removed, we %
intend in truth to carry out the system on the residue, I ask if it would not be more just, and
frank, and magnanimous, to come out at once, and declare to all these people, what it fs you
really intend in the first instance, and what are your ultimate objects. Tell them, as this bill
does, we will not remove a single one against his consent, while one is found willing to go —
we will lighten the hardship of the system as much as possible, by the most humane regula-
tions— wc will sever no domestic ties — separate no families — permit the county courts and
local tribunals to direct the exclusion or inclusion of any particular families or individuals for
merit, or crime, or other considerations ; but, ultimately, allmust go, except such as are ex-
cused from their age, or exemplary conduct. Do this, and the people, and the objects to be
operated on themselves, would know the full extent of the proposed measure, and what they
had to depend upon. It would be unfair, and most injurious to them, to conceal the compul-
sory feature now, with a mental reservation, that it is to be adopted hereafter. Let them
but know it in time, and they could be preparing for it. They could sell their little property,
and settle their affairs : strike out this feature, and you tantalize them with false losses, and

when the compulsory measure shall be resorted to, it will fall on them more heavily, Because 1
more unexpectedly.

Rut., sir, there is another consequence of inevitable occurrence, if this feature be expunged,
which 1 cannot contemplate without horror. You arc to pass a law ibr the removal of such

only as are willing tog". I have already expressed it as my opinioivthat few, very feu, will
voluntarily consent^© emigrate, ii no compulsory measure t»e adopted. With it — many, in
anticipation o and certain arrival, will, in the mean time, go away — they will be

sensible that the time would come when they would be forced to leave the state. "Without
it — you will still, no doubt, have applicants ibr r< moval equal to your means. Yes, sir, peo-
ple who will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But what sort of coment-^-a.
consent extorted by a series of oppressions calculated to render their situation among us in-
supportable. Many of those who have already been ,scllt °^> went with their avowed consent,
but under the influence of a more decided compulsion than any which this bill holds out. 1
will not express, in its full extent the idea I entertain of what has been done, or what enor-
mities will be perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the state. Who does not
know that when a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a
neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one night, take him from his bed and
family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce him tx> con-
sent to go away. In a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the
language of the physicians, quantum stiff, has been administered to produce the desired ope-
ration ; and the fellow then becomes perfectly willing to move away. I have certainly heard,
if incorrectly, the gentleman from Southampton will put me right, that of the large cargo of
emigrants lately transported from that county to Liberia, all of whom professed to he wilting in
go, most of them were rendered so, by some such severe ministrations as those I have described.*
A Lynch club — a committee of vigilance — could easily exercise a kind of inquisitorial surveil-
lance over any neighborhood ; and convert any desired number, I have no doubt, at any time,
into a willingness to be removed. But who really prefers such means as these to the course"*
proposed in this bill ? And one or the other is inevitable. For no matter how you change
this bill — sooner or later the free negroes will Decreed to leave the state Indeed, sir, all of
us look to force of some kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or illegal.
Many who are opposed, they say, to any compulsory feature in the bill, desire to introduce
such severe regulations into onr police laws — such restrictions of their existing privileges —
such inability to hold property— -obtain employment — rent residences, &c, as to make it im-
possible for them to remain among us. Is not this force ?

I am one of those who think legal force less exceptionable than private or indirect compul-
sion— because, it will be more general and uniform in its application — because it will be more
just and impartial in its operation — because it will be known beforehand, and can be pro-
vided for — because it is more consistent with open dealing and public faith — because the
other will be harsh, arbitrary, capricious, unequal, unexpected, unjust, and cruel. Under
this bill their consent would be won by mild means — none to he compelled in the first in-
stance— and even, ultimately, every precaution which humanity can dictate, is interposed
for their comfort.

-I have not been sanguine for some days, that any efficient measure would be adopted on
this subject, though all of us profess anxiety to effect something. Some of us are opposed to
any measure, if compulsion is to be resorted to. Some tell you they foresee that it is to be
stricken out, and that they cannot then support it. Some are opposed to force, because they
are, in truth, enemies to any bill on the subject, and think that thus the measure will be ren-
dered inefficient. Some are opposed to it, because they are not willing to adopt such a
measure at this session — they wish to put off the unpleasant cup one year. Some are oppos-
ed to force, because they honestly believe, that subjects for transportation can be found in
sufficient numbers without it. And some, because they prefer private influences to legally
authorised comr ulsion. Among these discrepant views, I fear that the just expectations of
our constituents, are not to be realized.

Some are of opinion, that if force be introduced, we are depriving ourselves of the aid, of
the Colonization Society. But why so ? The society will be willing to aid us in the trans-
portation of all who consent to go — and it will only become necessary for us to resort to
other means after all have beenVemoved that this society, from its established principles,
coxdd remove. So that we lose nothing in that way. It is said, too, that we are dependent
exclusively on Liberia to receive them — thai its capacities for reception are so limited, that
it is unnecessary at present to provide for the removal of all the colored population. Sir, the
bill looks to the acquisition of additional territory, which can readily be acquired, by means
proposed on your table, to an extent, capable of sustaining ten times the amount of this
population.

*Mr. B. understanding, after he had closed his remarks, that these observations were con-
strued by some, as implying a censure on the Colonization Society, and to convey -the idea
that its agents had removed persons of color whose consent had been forced, with the know-
ledge or approbation of the society, rose again and disclaimed it promptly and earnestly —
stating that he himself had long been an humble member of that society and scarcely could
have designed an impeachment of the purity of its motives, or the correctness of its pro-
ceedings. That the free negroes to whom he alluded had had their consent extorted, if at all,
long before they had applied to this society for transportation, and that he had no idea that

tVio aiTontc r\P tlio cr\i->i<-itTr wpvn amqw nf it— miir-ll 1 ■-■<-'.-■ - /-■< iv.n in it-

I have heard of one objection to this measure, at which I was certainly surprised. It was
a constitutional impediment to this compulsory principle. ReallyflVlr. Speaker, I have al-
ways supposed that I was, according to the straitest sect, a Pharisee in my political opinions
—that it there was, what is usually denominated on the south side, a strict state's right many
in the world, that I was one. But of late, I so often read and hear of the constitution being
introduced in opposition to every sort of thing, that I fear that manJj|M«rhich lias hitherto,
protected us from so many evils, will become threadbare, or ton :es, from absolute^

ridicule and contempt. I wish gentlemen would point out what part Qf the constitution it is
— what clause — what section, that this principle violates. In truth, free negroes have many
legal rights and privileges in Virginia, but no constitutional ones — they are not citizens, or
members of the body politic ; but suppose they were, it will surely not be contended, that
the constitution denies or withholds such a power ? We are not discussing the policy, the
humanity, or the justice of deporting these people by force — that belongs to a different branch
of the subject; — but simply the constitutional power which the state government possesses to
effect such an object. Sir, the state not only has this power, but it has been repeatedly ex-
ercised, and has been acquiesced in by every department of the government. A statute some
years ago commuted the previous punishment of free negroes for certain offences, and pro-
vided that, on conviction, they should forfeit their freedom, be sold as slaves, and sent out of
the state. The Legislature enacted it — the Judiciary, in a full general court, decided, — on
that point being expressly made for adjudication, — that the law was not unconstitutional ;
and the Executive department executed the decision. It dors not affect this questitofi--that
this punishment was for crime — and the deportation here to he enforced, does not presup-
pose offence. That may be an argument against the expediency of the measure, but does not
touch the constitutional question — whether the government possesses the power of enacting
such a provision? — And if it possesses the power, it is to judge of the circumstances under
which it may be judicious to exercise it ? Indeed, it seems to me rather a morbid exhibition
of sensibility, to talk about its being unconstitutional to send a free negro out of the state,
when we have, every now and then, to send, not only free negroes, but white men also — not
only out of the state, but out of the world. We may imprison, banish, or hang white or
black, but not compel a free negro to remove, to where his condition will be infinitely better
than it ever can be here ! I do not think that there can be any just, conststutional scruples in-
volved; and on the score of humanity, I really think that all the humanity and mercy con-
nected with this question, are on my side of it — that those will be much more happily con-
sulted, by retaining this compulsory feature ia the bill, than by expunging it* -