Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
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The Estate of the late
PROFESSOR A. S. P. WOODHOUSE
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Department of English
University College
1944-1964
From the Romney portrait
BURKE'S
SPEECH ON CONCILIATION
WITH AMERICA
EDITED
WITH NOTES AND AN INTRODUCTION
BY
HAMMOND LAMONT
FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF RHETORIC IN
BROWN UNIVERSITY
GINN AND COMPANY
BOSTON • NEW YORK • CHICAGO • LONDON
ATLANTA • DALLAS • COLUMBUS • SAN FRANCISCO
COPYRIGHT, 1897
BY HAMMOND LAMONT
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
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€
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PRIETORS • BOSTON • U.S.A.
TO MY FATHER
THOMAS LAMONT
PREFACE.
THE object of this volume is to present in compact form
all the material needed by teacher or student for a complete
understanding of Burke's greatest speech, that on Conciliation
with America.
The text, except for modernized capitalization, spelling and
punctuation, and the correction of a few typographical errors,
follows a copy of the First Edition, London, 1775.
The Introduction contains no newly discovered facts, but
simply attempts to show how those already known in regard
to the condition of Great Britain, the relations between the
mother country and her colonies, Burke's career, his principles
and his style, bear upon the subject-matter and the form of
this speech. It also supplies references to the proper authori-
ties on matters concerning which the student may desire fuller
details.
The Notes indicate some of the sources from which Burke
drew elements in his style, mark the similarity in ideas and
expression between this speech and his other writings, and
explain, not only obscurities, but the many allusions which
appealed to his hearers but which are partly or wholly lost on
modern readers. The notes referring to Greek and Latin
jv PREFACE.
authors, to the Bible and to English poets for passages which
have been quoted by Burke, or which seem to have affected
his thought or style, were mostly collected by C. A. Goodrich,
in his Select British Eloquence, and by E. J. Payne, Burke's
Select Works, Clarendon Press, 1892, vol. I ; they have
appeared in several subsequent editions, and the substance of
the more important is here reprinted without further acknowl-
edgment. The definitions of obsolete or peculiar words and
the explanations of parliamentary usages have been handed
down from Goodrich, with more or less addition at each trans-
mission ; but they have been treated with special fulness by
F. G. Selby, Burke's Speeches, Macmillan, New York, 1895.
Some of the parallel passages from Burke himself have also
been pointed out by Payne, Selby or Professor A. S. Cook,
Speech on Conciliation, Longmans, New York, 1896 ; but the
great majority of them are new in this edition. The most
important notes are those which throw light on Burke's infer-
ences from the events which had already estranged England and
her colonies ; on his manner of summing up everything said on
all sides during ten years of discussion of American affairs ; on
the political or personal bearing of many remarks which we
might deem insignificant ; on his dexterity in turning against
his opponents their own phrases, convicting them out of their
own mouths ; in short, on the force of this speech as an argu-
ment. Notes of this kind, in so far as they are needed to
elucidate matters which Burke directly mentions, are given in
most editions. Some of the allusions, however, are difficult to
trace, owing to the fragmentary state even of the completest
reports of parliamentary proceedings, and but few actually were
PREFACE. V
traced until Professor Cook gathered from such valuable but
obvious sources as the Parliamentary History, the Annual
Register and the histories of Bancroft and Lecky a considerable
body of material relating to the debates on America. Of such
notes some in this volume are specially credited to him ; some
are substantially identical with his, because the present editor,
before seeing Professor Cook's edition, made a systematic
study of the same sources ; and many are now published for
the first time.
For helpful suggestions the thanks of the editor are due
Professor John Matthews Manly of Brown University.
H. L.
PROVIDENCE, R. L,
May 13, 1897.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION : PACK
ACQUAINTANCE WITH BURKE ix
SOCIAL CONDITIONS ix
POLITICAL CONDITIONS xii
EDMUND BURKE xix
BURKE AS A STATESMAN xli
BURKE AS AN ORATOR xlvi
BURKE AS A WRITER xlix
STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECH ON CONCILIATION . . Iv
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE Ixi
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE . . . . . . . Ixvi
SPEECH ON CONCILIATION i
NOTES 79
INDEX ' • « • • • - • 129
INTRODUCTION.
I.
ACQUAINTANCE WITH BURKE.
" I MUST be in a wretched state indeed when your company
would not be a delight to me."1 These words, which the dying
Dr. Johnson addressed to Edmund Burke, can be sincerely
repeated even now by any one who really gets acquainted with
him. Without some acquaintance, however, with Burke him-
self and with his environment, one may fail to realize that, far
from being a mere eloquent declaimer about matters settled a
hundred years before we were born, he is rather the greatest
of statesmen, discussing the very problems which vex us to-
day. To understand him wholly, even in the Speech on Con"
dilation with America, one must have a considerable knowl-
edge of the social conditions in his time, of the political
situation, of his character, his principles of statecraft and his
style.
II.
SOCIAL CONDITIONS.
The social conditions of England in Burke's day are most
fully laid before us in the clear-cut pictures of BoswelPs Life oj
Johnson, Horace Walpole's Letters, Madame D'Arblay's Diary
1 BoswelFs Life of Johnson, edited by G. Birkbeck Hill, Oxford, 1887,
IV, 407.
x INTRODUCTION.
and Letters and Jesse's George Selwyn and His Contemporaries!
In these works such small details as tie-wigs and swords,
journeys from country to town by coach and four, pleasure
parties at Vauxhall Gardens, dinners of the Literary Club at
the Turk's Head, gossip about the shameless old Marquis of
Queen sberry and tears over the woes of Clarissa Harlowe
often show the real temper of the age more distinctly than do
the generalizations of formal history. Halfway between gossip
and history come Thackeray's entertaining lectures on George
the Second and George the Third in the Four Georges, and on
Hogarth, Smollett, Fielding, Sterne and Goldsmith in the
English Humorists. Leslie Stephen's History of English
Thought in the Eighteenth Century treats more particularly the
intellectual side of life.2 Of the regular histories, Lecky's Eng-
land in the Eighteenth Century* goes over the whole ground
minutely, and Green's History of the English People 4 f ocusses
the same wide view into small space. All these books exhibit
the first stage of the transformation from the slow, insular,
unorganized country seen in the writings of Dryden and Pope,
Addison, Steele and Swift, to the quickly moving, cosmopolitan,
highly organized modern England.
One important element in the development was the broader
diffusion of intelligence. It is true that the wits still gathered
in the London coffee-houses, and, as Dr. Johnson and David
Garrick had done, men still came to town to make fortunes in
business and attain eminence in all professions ; but life out-
side London was becoming a bit less dull. Owing in part to
the popularity which the Tatler and the Spectator had given to
periodical literature, newspapers were springing up in all the
cities and leading towns, and were carrying into every village
the discussion of such topics as the social theories of Rousseau,
Dr. Smollett's new novel Humphrey Clinker, and the last letter
1 London, 1843. 8 New York, 1878-90, VI, 138-300.
2 See chapter xii. * New York, 1880, IV, 206-210, 272-283.
INTRODUCTION. XI
of Junius in the Public Advertiser. More or less complete
reports of the proceedings of Parliament bore the voices of
Fox, Pitt and Burke * to an audience consisting of the whole
nation.
Another element on which both Green and Lecky * lay much
stress was the so-called Methodist movement. Though the
followers of Wesley and Whitfield were ridiculed 8 as fanatics
or snivelling hypocrites, nevertheless before the middle of the
century their zeal had gone beyond the narrow limits of the sect,
and was deepening the moral earnestness of all England. This
fresh impulse toward cleaner thinking and living was shaming
the coarseness and profligacy of the age of Anne, as revealed
in the brutal pages of Swift, and was driving out the cynical
corruption of Sir Robert Walpole's day, when every man had
his price and even a clergyman would buy a bishopric from a
king's mistress.4 Above all, it was steadily strengthening that
interest in philanthropy now so widespread. It stirred not
only individual leaders like John Howard, but Parliament* and
various local governing boards as well, to discuss plans for
ameliorating the condition of the poor, the sick, the imprisoned
and the enslaved. Indeed it had already gained for the anti-
slavery movement such parliamentary support6 that Burke's
references to the " inhuman traffic " 7 must have quickened his
hearers' attention, just as any mention of aid for the unem-
ployed quickens ours.
The most noteworthy change of all, however, was the expan-
sion of commerce. Burke tells how foreign trade had shot
up ; 8 no less remarkable had been the increase in domestic.
1 The Speech on Conciliation was issued in pamphlet soon after delivery.
« II, 568-699.
8 See Anstey's New Bath Guide, published in 1766.
4 Thackeray's George the Second, London, 1869, 46.
5 See Parliamentary History, London, 1806-20, XVII, 639-643, 843-848
6 Lecky, VI, 279-281.
* See 32 22. 8 Pages 11-13.
xii INTRODUCTION.
Mines of coal, iron and tin were opening, factories and fur-
naces were multiplying, and canals were building which made
possible a volume of internal traffic never before dreamed of.
This development of business at home and abroad had affected
every class in the community, but had thrust the mercantile
class into special prominence ; it had bestowed on the newly
rich an influence l hitherto reserved as a sort of prerogative of
the aristocracy. It had enabled merchants, or those anxious
to guard mercantile interests, to play a more important part
in Parliament2 than ever before, and in debates over taxes,
treaties, war and peace, to demand decisions favorable to Eng-
lish industries. This it was that gave to Burke's arguments 3
for the commercial advantages of conciliation the greatest
weight both with Parliament and the nation at large.
III.
POLITICAL CONDITIONS.
The course of events leading up to this speech is related in
all English or American histories that deal with the period.4
1 See Burke's Speech on the Nabob of Arcofs Debts, Works, Boston,
1894, III, 24, 25.
2 See Parliamentary History, XVI, 133-135; XVIII, 168, 184,219,461.
8 See pages 11-13, 3°> 31* 39> 4O, 66, 67, 69-72.
* Detailed accounts may be found in Lecky and in Bancroft, History of
the United States, New York, 1888, from II, 319, to IV, 120 ; more con-
densed narratives in Green, Andrews's History of the United States, New
York, 1894, period iii, chs. i-iv, Goldwin Smith's United States, New York,
1893, cn- "> and Fiske's American Revolution, Boston, 1891, chs. i, ii, and
the first part of iii; and yet briefer summaries in the introductions to
Selby's edition of Burke's Speeches, New York, 1895, and Morley's edition
in the Universal Library, London, 1892. Bancroft's relation of proceed-
ings in Parliament must be taken with some allowance ; for even when his
authority seems to have been the Parliamentary History, he now and then
omits qualifying clauses from speeches, and thus makes men appear
hostile to America than they actually were.
INTRODUCTION.
According to all authorities,1 though England and her colonies
had not been actually hostile during the first half of the eigh-
teenth century, nevertheless several causes were producing
irritation on both sides. In the first place, the mother country,
by a short-sighted effort to keep a monopoly of commerce and
manufactures, had from time to time laid restrictions upon
them.2 Such were the laws that the colonists must export and
import only in English or American vessels ; that they must
trade only with England and her colonies ; that they must not
erect mills for rolling and slitting iron ; and that they must not
export hats. To these vexations, which in view of the growth
in colonial population and industries were by no means incon-
siderable, she had, through the sheer tactlessness of her agents,
added many annoyances in methods of administration. Her
executive officers, from governors down, were inclined to exert
their powers to the extreme and even beyond legal limits.
They occasionally suspended the writ of habeas corpus, inter-
fered with the freedom of the press, and attempted to deprive
towns of representation in the legislature.3 The people, on
their part, proud of their English blood and their English
liberties, protested in town-meetings and legislative assemblies,
and often treated the king's officers with scant respect, some-
times with violence. Then while the colonists waxed more and
more indignant, England was inevitably led by the reports of
her agents into harsher severities ; for she fully believed the
Americans to be a discontented, hot-tempered, lawless crowd,4
sorely in need of strong government.
1 The succeeding outline is drawn from all the authorities mentioned in
the preceding note, and from the Parliamentary History, Dodsley's Annual
Register, Journals of the American Congress, Letters of Junius, and
Adolphus's History of England from the Accession to the Decease of Georgt
the Third, London, 1840-45, but Fiske is followed most closely.
2 See 39 10, note.
8 Fiske, I, 3.
* 33 11, note ; also Adolphus, II, 102, 103.
XIV
INTROD UCTION.
The ill feeling was further inflamed by the attitude of the king
himself. When George the Third came to the throne in 1760, he
found his authority scarcely more than nominal ; for upon the ex-
pulsion of James the Second in 1688, the Tories had sullenly left
the government to the Whigs, and the latter so distrusted royal
power that they had reduced it to the narrowest limits. George,
however, was determined not to be a puppet in the hands of his
ministers. Dull, industrious, stubborn, he was resolved that on
both sides of the Atlantic he would rule in fact as well as in name.
Unhappily for England, he met with ineffectual resistance,
because his supporters were united and his enemies divided.
He was firmly backed by the Tories, who had begun to emerge
from retirement, and who found in him a sovereign exactly to
their, tastes, a believer in the divine right of kings. He was
unsteadily opposed by the disunited Whigs. Of the several
factions he had less to fear from the Conservatives, or Old
Whigs ; for they were not only split, but they were so content
with the state of things under which England and their party
had thriven that they were averse to radical reforms. On the
other hand, the king dreaded and hated the New Whigs under
the lead of the elder Pitt ; for they were fighting with consider-
able unanimity and zeal for the enlargement of popular influ-
ence through more complete representation. They complained
that Parliament no longer reflected public opinion, because
cities like Birmingham and Leeds, which had recently become
important, were without representation, while ancient boroughs
which had dwindled into insignificance had seats which were
openly bought and sold, or else were under the control of a few
Old Whig families. With the help of the Tories headed by
Lord North, George played one faction against the other. He
strove to break the power of the Old Whigs by getting their
" rotten boroughs " into his own hands, and he weakened the
New Whigs by the use of political patronage. Thus he kept
each too feeble to block him.
rNTRODUCTION. XV
With England and America both irritated, with the king bent
on stretching his authority, and with opposition to him shattered
by faction, events moved swiftly to a crisis. In 1763 George
Grenville became Prime Minister, and Charles Townshend First
Lord of Trade, that is, head of the committee of the Privy
Council in charge of colonial affairs. Both were royal hench-
men. Townshend believed in holding the colonies with a firm
hand, in depriving them of the right of self-government, and in
maintaining authority by a standing army supported by taxes
assessed on the Americans by Parliament. To such lengths
Grenville was unwilling to go, but he was ready to. lay a tax in
order to defray the expenses of the French and Indian War
which had closed in 1756, - -to lay a tax in spite of the fact,
fully acknowledged by Parliament,1 that the colonists had already
borne more than their share of the burden. For carrying out his
purpose he introduced into the Commons in 1764 a resolution2
asserting the propriety of raising an American revenue by
requiring stamps on all legal documents. He soon heard
protests,3 however, from the assemblies of Massachusetts,
Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and South
Carolina. These bodies held that Parliament had no right to
tax the colonies without their consent, but declared that in
response to a request from the king the colonies would con-
tribute, according to their means, to the needs of the British
Empire. Notwithstanding these remonstrances, Grenville got
his Stamp Act passed in 1765. America was furious. In
October a congress of delegates from Massachusetts, Rhode
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland and South Carolina met at New York
and framed formal protests; merchants agreed to import no
more goods from England ; in some colonies the people threw
1 See page 55.
2 Parliamentary History, XV, 1427.
8 Fiske, I, 1 6, 17.
xvi INTRODUCTION.
the boxes of stamps into the sea ; in most they compelled the
stamp officers to resign ; and in Massachusetts a mob sacked
the house of Chief Justice Hutchinson.
At this juncture Lord Rockingham, leader of that faction of
the Old Whigs with which Burke usually acted, became Prime
Minister, and proposed the repeal of the Stamp Act on the
ground of policy. During the hot debates over this motion
and over all subsequent proceedings in regard to America, the
"king's friends " l were firm against the colonies, because defeat
for the royal plan for America might mean defeat for it in
England. They argued that the colonists were actuated by
nothing but the rankest ingratitude and a sordid wish to get
the protection of England without paying for it,2 and that -
as Burke phrases the idea — the "right of taxation is neces-
sarily involved in the general principle of legislation."8 To
this view Pitt and his adherents were violently opposed, for
they understood that the cause of America was exactly the
same as that for which they were fighting in England.4 They
maintained that representation is a natural right.5 Between
these two extremes the Rockingham Whigs steered a middle
course. They held that even if Parliament had a right to
tax the colonies, the exercise of it was the height of folly.6
Finally, in 1766, the Rockingham ministry, with the help of
New Whigs, carried the repeal, and at the same time, with the
help of Tories, a Declaratory Act, asserting the power to make
1 See 17 8, note.
2 See speech of George Grenville, Jan. 14, 1766, Parliamentary History,
XVI, 101, 102.
See 37 11, 12 ; also the speech of Grenville, above.
* See speech of Colonel Barre, Jan. 26, 1775, Parliamentary History,
XVIII, 191.
' See 37 6-10; the speech of Pitt, Jan. 14, 1766, Parliamentary History,
XVI, 97-101 ; his speech May 27, 1774, XVII, 1353-1356 ; and the speech
of Governor Johnstone, Feb. 6, 1775, XVIII, 253-262. '
6 See 37 23-38 3, and 57 16-18.
INTRODUCTION. xvii
laws for the colonies " in all cases whatsoever." A The repeal
so pleased the people of London that in the streets they
cheered Pitt and hissed Grenville. It so pleased the Ameri-
cans that they kindled bonfires, and, regarding the Declaratory
Act as a mere empty form, voted addresses of thanks and
loyalty.
No sooner was England out of this scrape than she blundered
into another. In a few months the Rockingham ministry was
succeeded by the Grafton ministry, in which Townshend was
the leading spirit. In accordance with his own views and
those of the king, he brought in a bill to lay duties on wine,
oil and fruits carried directly to America from Spain and
Portugal, and on glass, paper, lead, painters' colors and tea.2
The resulting revenue he proposed to use for the salaries of
royal governors, justices appointed at the king's pleasure, and
civil officers responsible only to the crown,3 — a blow at the
principle of self-government, as regards both taxation and the
control of officers. The purpose of George the Third was even
more nakedly set forth when Parliament suspended the assem-
bly of New York for refusal to provide certain supplies for the
army.4 It is true that in 1769 Parliament repealed all the
duties except that on tea, but England had let the time slip by
for conciliating America by a partial surrender.
During the next six years the efforts of England to compel
submission made the resistance of the colonies only the more
stubborn. When revenue officers enforced the laws with rigor
and intolerable insolence, merchants renewed their agreements
not to import English goods, and women pledged themselves
to wear homespun clothes and abstain from tea. When in
Rhode Island the captain of the revenue schooner " Gaspee "
1 Parliamentary History, XVI, 177.
2 See 36 4, note.
8 Parliamentary History, XVI, 375, 376.
331-341.
INTRODUCTION.
made illegal seizures and stole hogs and sheep from the
farmers, they retaliated by burning his vessel. When John
Hancock's sloop " Liberty " was seized in Boston, a riot broke
out. When England sent troops to overawe the inhabitants,
the latter refused to provide quarters. WThen the soldiers
irritated the populace, another riot resulted. In 1772 the king
attempted to control the judiciary by ordering that all Massa-
chusetts judges holding office during his pleasure should be
paid by the crown : the colonists, unable to obtain redress
through the regular government, organized committees of cor-
respondence which bound the whole country together in
common action.1 The next year, in the hope of driving the
Americans to buy tea, England despatched shiploads of it to
Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Charleston : the commit-
tees of correspondence decided that the cargoes must go back.
The governor of Massachusetts would not issue clearance
papers for a return : the people of Boston threw the tea into
the harbor. Thereupon Parliament, spurred on by the king,
proceeded to measures yet more vigorous. It closed the port
of Boston;2 practically annulled the charter of Massachusetts ;3
ordered that soldiers or revenue officers indicted for murder
in Massachusetts should be tried in Great Britain;4 provided
for the quartering of troops ; 6 and extended the boundaries of
Canada to the Ohio River6 in defiance of the claims which
Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York and Virginia laid to
the territory. By this last law, known as the Quebec Act,
England managed also to offend deeply both the religious and
the political prejudices of the colonists ; 7 for the act sanctioned
Roman Catholicism throughout Canada, and established a
1 Fiske, I, 78-80. 8 See 27 18, note.
2 See 36 4, note. * See 36 4, note.
5 Parliamentary History, XVII, 1353-1356.
5 Ibid., 1357-1400, 1402-1406.
7 Journals of Congress, I, 22, 23, 30, 37, 40-45, 47.
INTRODUCTION, xix
government recognizing neither trial by jury nor habeas corpus
nor popular meetings. To enforce the first three of these laws
the government stationed General Gage at Boston with more
troops. Although England had aimed most of this hostile
legislation especially at Massachusetts, she had struck all the
colonies so hard that they instantly forgot local jealousies, and
made the cause of the sufferer their own. When the royal
governors dissolved the provincial assemblies for expressing
sympathy,1 the colonies united in the Congress at Philadelphia
in the autumn of 1774. This body heartily supported Massa-
chusetts ; 2 it asserted the freedom of the provincial legislatures
" in all cases of taxation and internal polity";8 it demanded
the repeal of the obnoxious acts of Parliament ; 4 it formed
an agreement to stop trade with Great Britain, Ireland and
the British West Indies ; 5 and it issued addresses to the
people of Great Britain,6 to the colonists,7 to the inhabitants of
Quebec,8 and to the king.9 When in reply Parliament declared
a rebellion 10 and proposed further restraints upon the New Eng-
land commerce and fisheries,11 America hastened her prepara-
tions for war.
IV.
EDMUND BURKE.
In this long struggle between the king and his subjects,
Burke, though by temperament a conservative, was on the side
1 See letter of General Gage from Salem, June 26, 1774, Parliamentary
History, XVIII, 85, 86 ; letter of Governor Wentworth of New Hampshire,
June 8, 1774, ibid., 109; and letter of Governor Dunmore of Virginia, May
29, 1774, ibid., 136.
2 Journals of Congress, I, 14, 17. 7 Ibid., 31-38.
8 Ibid., 20, 21. 8 Ibid., 40-54.
4 Ibid., 21, 22. 9 Ibid., 46-49.
5 Ibid., 23, 24. 10 See 35 93, note.
6 Ibid., 26-31- u See 3 8, note.
XX
INTRODUCTION,
of the people. This sympathy may be due in part to the fact
that he was a native of a country which had suffered long under
oppression. He was born in Ireland in 1729,* the son of a
solicitor in good practice. Though Burke's mother was a
Roman Catholic and brought up his sister in the same faith,
yet he and his two brothers adopted the religion of their
Protestant father. Throughout his life, however, he was always
so tolerant of Catholics that he was sometimes charged with
being a Jesuit.
At the age of about twelve he went to school to a Quaker,
Abraham Shackleton, for whose character he had the highest
regard,2 and to whom he always professed to owe the best part
of his education. After two years with Mr. Shackleton, of
whose son Richard he made a lasting friend, Burke entered
Trinity College, Dublin, where he took his bachelor's degree in
1748. In the half-dozen letters which he wrote from college
to Shackleton, he stands before us full of attraction, - - a young
man brimming with life, serious in thought, and eager for
knowledge. In some pages he gives vivacious accounts of
his walks in the country,3 and in others he considers such
matters as the still unsettled question of the salvation of the
heathen : " I am of your opinion that those poor souls who
never had the happiness of hearing that saving name shall in
no wise be damned. But, as you know, . . . there are several
degrees of felicity : a lower one, which the mercy of God will
suffer them to enjoy, but not anything to be compared to that
of those who have lived and died in Christ." 4 A bishop could
1 Of the several biographies of Burke the best are James Prior's, 2
vols., London, 1854; John Morley's small volume in the English Men of
Letters, and the twenty pages in the Dictionary of National Biography. In
connection with any of them the Correspondence, London, 1844, is very
interesting. Accounts of Burke's life, in some respects prejudiced, but
showing contemporary opinion, appeared in the Annual Register for
1797 and 1798. The present narrative is based upon Morley's.
2 Correspondence, I, 254.
INTRODUCTION. xxi
not be more cocksure. In his pursuit of knowledge Burke
seems to have been rather unsystematic. Of his fits of " mad-
ness " over various studies he wrote : " First I was greatly taken
with natural philosophy, which, while I should have given my
mind to logic, employed me incessantly. This I call my furor
mathematicus . But this worked off as soon as I began to read
it in the college, as men by repletion cast off their stomachs
all they have eaten. Then I turned back to logic and meta-
physics. Here I remained a good while, and with much
pleasure ; and this was my furor logicus, a disease very com-
mon in the days of ignorance and very uncommon in these
enlightened times. Next succeeded the. furor historicus, which
also had its day, but is now no more, being entirely absorbed
in fat furor poeticus"1 By the furor poeticus he was inspired
to some hundred and fifty lines which have been printed in the
Correspondence, - - and no one knows how much more, — of
such verse as might be expected of the average sophomore
when Pope's fame was at its height. Unsystematic though
Burke may have been, he nevertheless kept at work : " I
spend three hours almost every day in the public library," he
says.2 " I have read some history. I am endeavoring to get a
little into the accounts of this our own poor country."3
The seventeen years between graduation and 1765, when
Burke's career was finally determined by his election to Par-
liament, he spent in various employments. He went to Lon-
don with the intention of taking up law, but succumbed to
the attractions of literature and philosophy. Prevented by ill
health from steady application, he traveled considerably in
England and on the Continent ; 4 he frequented debating clubs
and theatres, and he did more or less hack work for the book-
sellers. He published nothing, however, with which his name
is connected till the two books of 1756 : A Vindication of
1 Correspondence, I, 22. 8 Ibid., 20.
2 Ibid., 19. * Ibid., 32.
INTRODUCTION.
Natural Society and A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin
of our Ideas on the Sublime and Beautiful. In the first he
attempted to refute Bolingbroke's arguments against revealed
religion by showing that they might be urged with equal force
against the thing which in his eyes was scarcely less sacred,
the social organization by which the rights of the individual
are maintained. In the second book he took up a subject
much discussed at the time ; and, though his speculations
have been superseded, he has the credit of stimulating Les-
sing to the production of Laocoon, which is regarded as the
most valuable contribution of that age to aesthetic thought.1
Burke also wrote, or helped to write, an Account of the Euro-
pean Settlements in America and an Abridgment of the History oj
England. Then in 1759 he began to edit for Dodsley that
summary of important events, the Annual Register, with which
he was connected for thirty years. In 1761 he went to Ireland,
attached in some indefinite way, perhaps as a sort of secretary,
to William Gerard Hamilton, — " Single-speech " Hamilton, -
who was secretary to the lord-lieutenant. Here Burke studied
on the spot those evil effects of oppression on which he dwells
in this speech ;2 for the punishment of Irish rebellion by
restricting commerce and manufactures, by taking many of the
ordinary rights of citizens from the Catholics, who were in an
enormous majority, and by confiscating land and outlawing
owners,8 had impoverished the country and rendered the people
ferocious. After two years in Dublin, Burke, finding that,
contrary to agreement, he must give all his time and energy to
Hamilton and resign his literary ambitions, indignantly broke
with his patron4 and returned to England. There he joined
1 Morley's Burke, 18.
8 See pages 43-46.
8 Green, IV, 54 ; Burke's Tract on the Popery Laws, Works, VI, 299.
See Correspondence, I, 46-51, 55-78, 83,84; and Augustine Birrell's
Obiter Dicta, Second Series, New York, 1887, 165-170.
INTRODUCTION, xxiii
the famous Literary Club with which are associated the names
of Johnson, Goldsmith, Sir Joshua Reynolds and Garrick.
In this brilliant circle Burke stood among the first. " That
fellow," said Johnson, "calls forth all my powers."1 In recog-
nition of his general abilities and of the knowledge of politics
which he had shown in the Annual Register, he was offered the
post of private secretary to Lord Rockingham when the latter
became Prime Minister in 1765. This place Burke accepted,
and just at the close of the year he was elected a member of
Parliament from Wendover. Within a week or two after taking
his seat, at the beginning of 1766, he had spoken twice for the
repeal of the Stamp Act. That he produced a strong impres-
sion is evident from one of Dr. Johnson's letters : " He has
gained more reputation than perhaps any man at his [first]
appearance ever gained before. He made two speeches in the
House for repealing the Stamp Act which were publicly com
mended by Mr. Pitt, and have filled the town with wonder." 2
Upon* the fall of the Rockingham ministry, Burke, who might
have had a place under the new administration, remained with his
friends. Turning to their account his literary powers, he began
his series of great political tracts which have outlived so much
other writing of the kind, because he treats of passing events
in the light of enduring wisdom. First in 1769 he put forth
the Observations on the Present State of the Nation, a reply to a
pamphlet by George Grenville, who had accused his successors
of ruining the country. In this controversy Burke showed
himself a master of the intricate details of revenue and finance.
At this point in his career he took part in some transactions
which gave his enemies a handle against him. Though he had
been living almost from hand to mouth till he entered Parlia-
ment, he bought in 1768 an estate worth upwards of one hun-
dred thousand dollars in our money, and correspondingly
expensive to maintain. The matter has been much discussed
1 Boswell's Life of Johnson, II, 450. 2 Ibid., 16.
XXIV
INTROD UCTION.
by biographers and critics, but has never been settled with com-
plete satisfaction. This much, however, is clear : Burke lived
on terms of close intimacy with his brother Richard and a
distant kinsman, William Burke. Richard and William, together
with Lord Verney, a political patron of Edmund, speculated
wildly in stock of the East India Company, and later Richard
was engaged in some questionable dealings in West Indian
lands. That these ventures were shared by Burke has been
charged but never proved. In vindication of his conduct it
can be shown that most of the money for the purchase of his
estate, Beaconsfield, he raised on a mortgage and on his bond
to Lord Rockingham. After getting the place, he was so strait-
ened for means to keep it up that he borrowed right and left
from his friends. For example, he was in debt thirty thousand
pounds to Lord Rockingham at the death of the latter in 1782,
and Rockingham directed that the debt should be cancelled in
view of Burke's faithful services. From these facts and others
it appears that Burke's faults were neither dishonesty in specu-
lation nor venality in Parliament, but rather a desire to live as
he thought became a man in high position, a free-handed care-
lessness and improvidence which led him to lend or give even
more readily than he borrowed or accepted, and an adherence
to eighteenth-century standards of propriety, which in such
things were lower than ours.
Whatever may have been his shortcomings in these private
affairs, his public services outweigh them a thousand times.
For one thing, he was on the right side in the long contest over
Wilkes. This man, a radical writer who had been outlawed for
libel, was in 1768 elected to Parliament from the county of
Middlesex. Parliament, subservient to the king, expelled him.
Then he was returned three times in quick succession, and
each time the House pronounced his election void.1 Having
1 Green, IV, 243-247. Parliamentary History, XVI, 532-596. The case
forms the basis of many of the attacks of Junius upon the government.
INTRODUCTION. xxv
by this action wrought the people up to the pitch of rioting, the
government, in order to quell disturbances, called out a military
force which killed some twenty people. When the question of
excluding Wilkes was pending, Burke in several speeches
defended the right of a constituency to elect whom it pleases.
The dispute, he said, was not " between the House and the
freeholders of Middlesex, but between the House and all the
voters in England, who would easily perceive their franchises
invaded." l The matter of the riot Burke also brought before
the House in a motion for a committee of inquiry. In the
debate he declared: "When this House shall be found . . .
ready to punish the excesses of the people, and slow to listen
to their grievances ; . . . ready to entertain notions of the
military power as incorporated with the Constitution,2 . . .
then the House of Commons will change that character which
it receives from the people only." 3
Since these sentiments were, in general, those of the Letters
of Junius, and since Burke was known to be one of the most
powerful writers of the day, he was by many suspected of being
Junius. This accusation, however, he denied,4 and when he
published his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents
in 1770, he presented convincing evidence to all doubters. For
aside from differences of opinion between the Letters and the
Thoughts, Burke did not use as his weapon the railing and invec-
tive of Junius, but argument. In this pamphlet Burke reviewed
the whole policy which led to the outbreak. He showed
how the king and his small knot of secret advisers were build-
ing up authority for themselves.6 He argued that the powers
1 Parliamentary History, XVI, 587. Speech on the Middlesex Election,
Works, VII, 59-67. See also 35 4 and the note on this line, and 17 8,
note.
2 Compare 31 34, note.
8 Morley's Burke, 45.
* Correspondence, I, 265-269, 272-275.
6 See 19 24, note ; 17 8, note ; Works, I, 496.
xxvi INTRODUCTION.
of the government are held in trust for the people,1 and, there-
fore, popular impatience must be indulged. True to his con-
servative instincts, he rejected the commonly proposed reforms,
— universal suffrage, the disfranchisement of "rotten boroughs,"
representation for the new trading towns, triennial Parliaments,
and the exclusion from the House of men holding offices under
the crown. These plans he regarded as too radical. " Our
Constitution," he urged,. "stands on a nice equipoise, with steep
precipices and deep waters upon all sides of it. In removing
it from a dangerous leaning towards one side, there may be a
risk of oversetting it on the other."2 He therefore contented
himself with suggesting that the people be stimulated to scru-
tinize more closely the conduct of their representatives, and
that lists of votes in Parliament be published. But above all
he emphasized the truth upon which he dwells so often in the
Speech on Conciliation, — the necessity of adapting the govern-
ment to the circumstances and temper of the people.3 A gov-
ernment not so adapted he held to be merely " a scheme upon
paper, and not a living, active, effective constitution." 4
During the years immediately following 1770, Burke devoted
his energies to keeping the Rockingham Whigs united against
the efforts of the king to win them over. Without Burke, says
Morley, " the Rockingham connection would undoubtedly have
fallen to ruin, and with it the most upright, consistent and dis-
interested body of men then in public life." 5 For the sake of
this party Burke refused a flattering offer to go to India as one
of three commissioners to overhaul the affairs of the East India
Company;6 for the sake of this party he drummed up his
1 See 4 8 and the note on this line.
8 Works, I, 520. Compare also 51 27, note.
8 See 9 31 and the note ; 19 8 and the note.
* Works, I, 470.
6 Burke, 62.
6 Correspondence, I, 339.
INTRODUCTION. xxvii
associates by letter and personal appeal. In carrying out this
task he reproached the Duke of Richmond for being " some-
what languid . . . and unsystematic " ; l and the latter made
the admission : " Indeed, Burke, you have more credit than any
man in keeping us together." 2 Even in this employment as a
political whip Burke did not advance the usual cheap arguments
for temporary partisan success, but, with that conservatism
which deepened with his advancing years, he dwelt rather on
the considerations of permanent policy. " Persons in your
station of life," he wrote to the Duke of Richmond, " ought to
have long views. You people of great families and hereditary
trusts and fortunes, ... if you are what you ought to be, are
in my eye the great oaks that shade a country, and perpetuate
your benefits from generation to generation. The immediate
power of a Duke of Richmond or a Marquis of Rockingham is
not so much of moment ; but, if their conduct and example
hand down their principles to their successors, then their
houses become the public repositories and offices of record for
the Constitution ; not like the tower or Rolls-chapel, where it
is searched for and sometimes in vain, in rotten parchments
under dripping and perishing walls, but in full vigor, and act-
ing with vital energy and power, in the character of the leading
men and natural interests of the country." 8
From this political activity Burke withdrew for a little while
in 1773 for a trip to France. There he saw those royal splen-
dors against which the populace had even then begun to
mutter, and he observed in the brilliant society into which he
was cordially received two things which he strongly dreaded,
atheism and an eager questioning of the " allowed opinions
which contribute so much to the public tranquillity."4 This
atheism and this speculation, he perceived, — and he was one
of the few who were so clear-sighted, — were working toward
1 Correspondence, I, 375. 8 Ibid., 381, 382.
2 Ibid., 371. * See 28 2.
xxviii INTRODUCTION.
revolution. His fear of these tendencies he passionately
expressed in Parliament1 not long after his return. When a
bill was pending to abolish the penalties inflicted on religious
teachers and schoolmasters who dissented from the doctrines
of the Church of England, Burke favored such toleration on the
ground that the men from whom the country stood in danger
were not the dissenters, but the atheists. " These," he cried,
" are the people against whom you ought to aim the shaft of the
law ; these are the men to whom, arrayed in all the terrors of
government I would say, 'You shall not degrade us into
brutes ! ' . . . The infidels are outlaws of the constitution,
not of this country, but of the human race. They are never,
never to be supported, never to be tolerated. Under the sys-
tematic attacks of these people, I see some of the props of
good government already begin to fail."2
By this time Burke had won a substantial reputation through-
out the United Kingdom. Indeed, as early as the autumn of
1766 several Irish municipalities had voted him the freedom of
the city, whereupon his gratified mother had written, " I assure
you that it's no honor that is done him that makes me vain of
him, but the goodness of his heart, which I believe no man
living has a better." 3 During the succeeding years a number
of English mercantile organizations also passed resolutions com-
mending his labors in behalf of commerce.4 Finally, in 1774,
when the troubles with America were thickening, Bristol, the
trading centre of the west of England, the city which had every-
thing to lose and nothing to gain from a war with the colonies,
honored him by electing him as its representative in Parliament.
This election from Bristol furnished Burke with an opportu-
nity to prove that in character as well as in abilities he was
removed from the ordinary politician by a whole world of dif-
1 Mar. 17, 1773.
2 Speech on the Relief of the Protestant Dissenters, Works, VII, 35-37.
8 Correspondence, I, 112. * Ibid., 455, 456.
INTRODUCTION. xxix
ference. At the conclusion of the poll his colleague had
promised obedience to the instructions of his constituents.
Burke, however, with unexampled boldness, declared his inde-
pendence : " His [the representative's] unbiased opinion, his
mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to
sacrifice to you, to any man or to any set of men living. . . .
Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his
judgment ; and he betrays you instead of serving you, if he
sacrifices it to your opinion. . . . Government and legislation
are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination ;
and what sort of reason is that in which the determination
precedes the discussion, in which one set of men deliberate and
another decide, and where those who form the conclusion are
perhaps three hundred miles distant from those who hear the
arguments ? " l These principles he heartily followed in practice.
For example, in 1778 a bill was proposed for relaxing some of
the restrictions upon Irish commerce. At once the English
merchants, those of Bristol among the rest, with short-sighted
jealousy raised a cry of protest. But Burke was unmoved. He
boldly spoke and voted for the right side ; and when his con-
stituents besought him to advocate their ideas, he gave such
an answer as few representatives in England or any other
country have ever dared to give : " Is Ireland united to the
crown of Great Britain for no other purpose than that we should
counteract the bounty of Providence in her favor ? . . . Indeed,
Sir, England and Ireland may flourish together. The world is
large enough for us both. Let it be our care not to make our-
selves too little for it.2 . . . You obligingly lament that you are
not to have me for your advocate ; but if I had been capable of
acting as an advocate in opposition to a plan so perfectly con-
sonant to my known principles and to the opinions I had pub-
licly declared on an hundred occasions, I should only disgrace
1 Speech at the Conchision of the Poll, Works, II, 95, 96.
2 Two Letters to Gentlemen in Bristol, Works, II, 252, 253.
INTRODUCTION.
myself without supporting with the smallest degree of credit or
effect the cause you wished me to undertake. I should have
lost the only thing which can make such abilities as mine of any
use to the world now or hereafter : I mean that authority which
is derived from an opinion that a member speaks the language
of truth and sincerity, and that he is not ready to take up or
lay down a great political system for the convenience of an
hour, that he is in Parliament to support his opinion of the public
good, and does not form his opinion in order to get into Parlia-
ment, or to continue in it." l These eloquent words fell on deaf
ears. Burke was never forgiven for his liberality, and in the
election of 1780 he was forced to seek a new constituency.
It was during his six years as member for Bristol that, in the
contest over America, Burke rose to his full height as a states-
man. Through all the confusion and tangle of the govern-
ment's temporary shifts and expedients, he steadily urged the
necessity of a consistent policy based on the character of the
Americans and the permanent relations which should exist
between England and her colonies.2 He was almost alone
among the speech-makers of that decade of debate in always
going below the superficial considerations of the moment, — a
desire for more revenue, irritation at the obstinacy of the colo-
nists, greed of power, - - to the fundamental fact that in the
long run restraint and violence defeat themselves. Though
most members of Parliament seemed incurably ignorant of
America and incapable of understanding her point of view,
Burke was always well-informed and sympathetic. Indeed, his
sympathy, which had led the province of New York to employ
him as its London agent,3 drew upon him many attacks. " I
Two Letters to Gentlemen in Bristol, Works, II, 257.
2 See 4 18, note.
; This incident is fully discussed by Calvin Stebbins in a paper read
before the American Antiquarian Society, Oct. 21, 1893, and published in
the Proceedings of that body.
INTRODUCTION. xxxi
am charged with being an American," he wrote to the sheriffs
of Bristol. " If warm affection toward those over whom I claim
any share of authority be a crime, I am guilty of this charge." 1
Certainly he could plead guilty of doing more than any other
Englishman to enlighten his countrymen about America. In
addition to many minor speeches scattered through the Parlia-
mentary History, he made three great contributions to the sub-
ject: the Speech on American Taxation, April 19, 1774; the
Speech on Conciliation, March 22, 1775 ; and the Letter to the
Sheriffs of Bristol, April 3, 1777. In the first he argued that
the Tea Duty was of no use to England for revenue ; that it
only served to irritate the Americans ; and that by winning the
loyalty of the colonists England could get more than she could
ever take by force. In the second speech Burke maintained
that affairs had come to such a pass that England must con-
ciliate, and that the only way was by yielding. In the Letter he
reviewed the struggle, and in the light of results justified his
own position. Of the three pieces that on Conciliation is the
best. Not even when dealing with India does Burke excel this
in grasp of details, in lucid presentation of a large mass of
facts and opinions, and in ripened political wisdom. He
virtually summed up everything said on America since he had
entered Parliament ; he refuted every opposing argument worth
serious consideration ; and he put every favorable argument in
its most convincing form. Then, too, he saw what so many
failed to see, that the real cause of the contest lay deeper than
the casual orders of a governor or the retaliation of a mob, and
that America, in resisting the encroachments of royal pre-
rogative, was fighting a battle for the liberties of Englishmen
at home. Thus, with the utmost breadth of view, with an
elevation of style which he never surpassed, and with a temper-
ance of expression which he perhaps never again attained, he
enunciated principles which are as true for America to-day as
1 Works, II, 222.
xxxii rNTRODUCTION.
they were for England in 1775 : that since laws do not work
in -a vacuum, they should not be based upon abstract theory,
but upon experience and policy ; 1 that the first duty of a states-
man is, therefore, to study the character and circumstances of
the people whom he governs ;2 that it is impossible to treat a
nation as a criminal, — I do not know the method of drawing up
an indictment against a whole people? — and that the surest con-
quests are those of peace.
Though Burke could not win over Parliament to his views
on America, yet in 1780 he had better fortune in securing
economies in government expenditure. He saw the people
staggering under the debt from the American war, and agitating
for a general reform of Parliament and curtailment of the royal
prerogative. Such changes, however, he regarded as too
radical. The fault, he argued, was not with the constituencies,
but with the representatives, whom the king had bribed with
sinecure offices. He proposed, therefore, to abolish some
offices, to consolidate others, and to readjust salaries. In this
plan he gave further evidence of his grasp of details, for he
comprehended in his scheme of reorganization the vast machine
of the whole civil service and a part of the military. Burke's
triumph in this undertaking was the more striking, because so
many members of Parliament were directly or indirectly inter-
ested in retaining the old abuses. Doubtless he would never
have succeeded had he not in every step been consistently
conservative, reluctant to touch so much as the semblance of
a vested right. "I would never suffer any man, ..." he said,
"to suffer from errors that naturally have grown out of the
abusive constitution of those offices which I propose to regulate.
If I cannot reform with equity, I will not reform at all." 4
1 See 37 23-37, and 7 14 and the note on that line.
2 See 9 27-34.
8 See 33 22, 23.
* Speech on the Plan for Economical Reform, Works, II, 322.
INTRODUCTION. xxxiii
One of the offices which Burke had reformed, that of Pay-
master of the Forces, he himself occupied in 1782. At that time
the North ministry yielded to the Whigs, who were temporarily
united under Lord Rockingham, Charles James Fox and Lord
Shelburne. Burke, to whom, as we have seen, the party was
so deeply indebted, did not get a cabinet place, but only the
third-rate position mentioned above. At this exclusion he
seems to have been bitterly mortified, for thirteen years later
he wrote : " There were few indeed that did not at that time
acknowledge . . . that no man in the kingdom better deserved
an honorable provision should be made for him." l But in
spite of his deserts he never received any official post except
this, which he held for only a little while. This neglect was
due to several causes : he came of an obscure family ; he was
needy and improvident ; he was suspected of complicity in the
dubious transactions of Richard and of William Burke ; he had
many enemies in public life ; he was too proud to push his
claims ; and, as he grew old, he so far lost control of his
temper that he became a troublesome colleague. For these
reasons the leading statesman of the day was compelled to stand
aside while his inferiors snatched the prizes won by his toil.
The Whigs were scarcely in their seats, when Lord Rocking-
ham died and Lord Shelburne became head of the administra-
tion. At once Fox and Burke refused to work with him, and
by joining their old enemy, Lord North, in what is known as
the Coalition, they broke up the Whig party. In this proceed-
ing Burke is accused of deserting his principles for purely per-
sonal motives. Certainly his behavior is hard to defend, for he
attacked Shelburne with unparalleled asperity; and, when the
Coalition overthrew Shelburne, Burke resumed for a few
months the office of Paymaster.
However much his motives or his discretion in regard to most
measures of the Coalition may be questioned, yet surely he
1 Letter to a Noble Lord, Works, V, 184.
xxxiv INTRODUCTION.
merits the highest praise for his strenuous advocacy of reform
in the government of India. That unhappy country was then
in the hands of the East India Company, whose system was
corrupt and cruel beyond description, — as Burke puts the
case, unequalled by " all the acts and monuments of pecula-
tion, the consolidated corruption of ages, the patterns of
exemplary plunder in the heroic times of Roman iniquity." *
Burke knew what he was talking about, knew better than
any man in England, for he had been a member of select com-
mittees upon Indian affairs, and he had drawn two of the most
important reports. He is also supposed to have framed the
East India bill commonly known as Fox's. At any rate he
defended it 2 in a speech which, as a whole, ranks but little
below his best, and which, in spite of some extravagance and
some outbursts of temper, perhaps pardonable, contains several
passages in his finest style. It is interesting to compare this
plea for India with his plea for America. In both he displays
the same conservatism, the same distrust of mere theories, and
the same intense hatred of all schemes of government which
rest upon brute force and rob the people of their happiness
and freedom. In beginning his discussion of India he said :
" I feel an insuperable reluctance to giving my hand to destroy
any established institution of government, upon a theory, how-
ever plausible it may be." 8 He then proved that his charges
against the East India Company were in no sense theoretical.
With brilliant description and an overwhelming abundance of
evidence he set forth the results of a tyranny which, as he
said, disgraced England and destroyed a large part of the
human species.4 He could not, however, contend against the
potent influence of the plunder wrung from India ; and thus,
notwithstanding his passionate appeals, the bill was defeated,
and the Coalition, which supported it, was driven from office.
1 Speech on the Nabob of Arcofs Debts, Works, III, 49.
2 Dec. !, 1783. a Works, II, 442. * Ibid., 536.
INTRODUCTION. v xxxv
•
The loss of the bill is not to be regretted ; for in many
respects the measure was unwise, and the reforms at which it
aimed Burke finally secured in another way. Early in 1785 he
renewed his attack in the Speech on the Nabob of Arcot's Debts.
Dealing with many complicated financial accounts, with sys-
tems of taxation, and with a mass of minute technicalities, -
topics which are usually the dryest of the dry, — Burke never-
theless rose almost to the height attained in his Conciliation
with America. His description of the ravages of Hyder AH
perhaps surpasses anything of the kind in English oratory, but
the total effect of the speech is somewhat marred by vitupera-
tion. This speech was but preliminary to the famous proceed-
ings against Warren Hastings. When the latter returned to
England laden with the spoils of India, Burke felt that the
time had come for a telling blow. Accordingly he drew up
articles charging Hastings with high crimes and misdemeanors,
and in 1786 had the case presented to the House. The story
of the trial need not be repeated here, for it has been told by
Macaulay in a passage familiar to every one.1 On this occasion
Burke fairly outdid himself as an orator. As he described
some of the scenes of havoc in India, every listener, even the
prisoner, it is said, was breathless with horror. The trial
dragged on till 1795 ; and, though the verdict at last was for
acquittal, Burke had none the less succeeded in reforming the
government of India, for he had trumpeted the wrongs of that
" emptied and emboweled " 2 land until public sentiment would
no longer tolerate them. He was justified in writing, near the
close of his life : " If I were to call for a reward, ... it should
be for [the services] in which for fourteen years without inter-
mission I showed the most industry and had the least success :
I mean the affairs of India. They are those on which I value
myself the most : most for the importance, most for the labor,
1 Essay on Warren Hastings.
2 Speech on the Nabob ofArcot's Debts, Works, III, 65.
xxxvi INTRODUCTION.
tt
most for the judgment, most for the constancy and perseverance
in the pursuit."1-
Before the trial of Hastings had closed, the French Revolu-
tion had broken out. Burke, who looked upon this, not as the
emancipation of oppressed masses, but as an effort of atheists 2
and political theorists 3 to uproot the settled order of society
and all hereditary rights in church and state, was horrified.
Since his views were hostile to those of the more radical of the
Whigs, who on general principles were delighted with a popular
uprising, he soon began to draw apart from the men with whom
he had been allied against the encroachments of the crown in
England and in America. In 1790 he widened the breach still
further by an aggressive proclamation of his opinions in Reflec-
tions on the Revolution in France, his first publication on the
subject. The book had, for that day, an enormous sale, and
created a profound sensation throughout England, and indeed
all Europe. It divided Great Britain into two parties : one
composed of Burke and an uncongenial company of Tories and
supporters of royal despotism ; the other composed of Liberals,
many of whom had been Burke's life-long associates. On both
sides the feeling ran high ; and Burke, already irritated by the
disapproval of men whom he held in esteem, was not in a frame
of mind to endure assaults calmly. When he was jeered in the
House by his former friends, lampooned in the newspapers,
and branded as a renegade and traitor, he violently quarreled
with Fox, with whom he had been intimate for years, replied to
taunts with pamphlets of increasing acrimony, but never flinched
from his course. Notwithstanding the censure heaped upon
him, his attitude is not surprising to any one who carefully
studies his writings and speeches in their chronological order,
for he had been steadily growing more conservative. The
1 Letter to a Noble Lord, Works, V, 192.
8 Reflections on the Re-volution in France, Works, III, 378.
8 Ibid., 399, 418.
INTRODUCTION. xxxvii
seeming contradiction between his early adherence to the cause of
the people and his later adherence to the cause of the sovereign
was due in part to this natural change and in part to his desire
to preserve the balance between king and subject : in England
the crown had been the transgressor ; in France, he thought, the
people.1 Moreover, he had always insisted that liberty is " in-
separable from order"; 2 and in the French Revolution he saw
nothing but disorder.3 He had always insisted that no institu-
tion should be overturned unless corrupt beyond reform ; * and
he believed that the institutions of France could be reformed.5
In the Reflections, in spite of bitterness against the National
Assembly and the Englishmen who commended it, Burke dis-
played much real wisdom. He saw from the beginning the
advancing shadow of the Reign of Terror ; 6 he predicted the
rise of a military dictator,7 and he pointed out the fatal defect
of the several theoretical devices of the constitution of France,
such as the geometrical division of representative districts.8
But the Reflections contains almost the last of his sober think-
ing on the matter ; for, as the Revolution progressed, he became
more and more wrought up, so that in each of his succeeding
utterances, — Letter to a Member of the National Assembly,
Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Thoughts on French
Affairs, Remarks on the Policy of the Allies, Observations on the
Conduct of the Minority and Letters on a Regicide Peace, — the
reasoning grew feebler, the scolding shriller. At last he was
nearly frantic with rage at the slaughters during the Reign of
Terror, and frantic with fear of a revolution in England. So
1 Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Works, IV, 92-94.
2 Letter to a Noble Lord, Works, V, 183.
8 Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Works, IV, 97.
4 Pages xxxii, xxxiv ; Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Workst
IV, 80 ; Reflections on the Revolution in France, Works, III, 562.
6 Letter to a Member of the National Assembly, Works, IV, 42-52.
6 Works, III, 339. 8 Ibid., 461-476.
7 Ibid., 524, 525.
xxxvni INTRODUCTION.
irrational is public excitement, however, that, while his opinions
were losing real value, his influence was strengthening. As
the events which he had predicted came to pass one by one,
the laughter of his enemies turned to alarm ; and finally, when
Louis the Sixteenth was executed in 1793, England, though in
no serious danger, was filled with consternation and looked to
Burke as her most far-sighted statesman. Yet to his credit be
it said that, even with the nation applauding his frenzy, he now
and then fell back into his early habit of examining a question
in all lights. In such a moment of clear vision, when he per-
ceived that the movement in France might be one of actual
progress, when he caught a glimpse of himself as posterity
views him, he penned the solemn close of his Thoughts on
French Affairs : " I have done with this subject, I believe, for-
ever. It has given me many anxious moments for the two last
years. If a great change is to be made in human affairs, the
minds of men will be fitted to it, the general opinions and
feelings will draw that way. Every fear, every hope, will for-
ward it ; and then they who persist in opposing this mighty
current in human affairs will appear rather to resist the decrees
of Providence itself than the mere designs of men. They will
not be resolute and firm, but perverse and obstinate." 1
Burke's mistakes in regard to the French Revolution are by
some critics ascribed in part to his imperfect acquaintance
with the subject.2 However that may be, it is certain that
during the same period, when he was dealing with a subject
on which he was thoroughly informed, Ireland, he showed his
old qualities of statesmanship. He had always been a cham-
pion of his down-trodden native land, just as he had been a
champion of America and India. In his boyhood, as we have
seen, he endeavored to master the history of his " poor coun-
try" ; and later he tried to secure justice for it, though at the
1 Works, IV, 377.
2 Morley's Burke, 160.
INTRODUCTION. xxxix
expense of offending his Bristol constituents. Then, when
Ireland caught the contagion of the French Revolution, and
when the war between England and France rendered the situ-
ation still more threatening, Burke urged for Ireland the same
policy which he had urged for America seventeen years before,
-conciliation. In letter and pamphlet he unceasingly advo-
cated relieving the Catholics of their disabilities. " It passes
my comprehension," he wrote, " in what manner it is that men
can be reconciled to the practical merits of a constitution . . .
by being practically excluded from any of its advantages." 1
This is surely a return to the high level of the dictum, " I do
not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a
whole people."
The incidents connected with the close of the trial of Warren
Hastings, with the excitement over the French Revolution, and
with the agitation for toleration in Ireland mark the end of
Burke's public career. In 1794, with his fame restored, he
retired from Parliament. He was to have received a peerage
with the title Lord Beaconsfield; but, since the death of his son
left him without a direct heir to whom to transmit the honor,
he accepted instead a pension granted in recognition of his
services to the country. This pension was the occasion of
a fresh attack upon him by his enemies. He replied in the
Letter to a Noble Lord, which from a rhetorical point of view
is one of his best pieces of work. He survived but three
years, during which he wrote the Letters on a Regicide Peace.
He died on the ninth of July, 1797.
The personality of Burke, which in his public life seems a
little vague and distant, appears with more distinctness in his
private life. As described by Madame D'Arblay he was tall,
his figure noble, his air commanding, his address graceful, his
voice clear, penetrating, sonorous and powerful, his language
1 Second Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe on the Catholic Question, Works*
VI, 382.
xl INTRODUCTION.
copious, various and eloquent, his manners attractive, his con-
versation delightful. " Since we lost Garrick," she wrote, " I
have seen nobody so enchanting."1 The range of Burke's
conversation was an indication of the variety of his interests,
— politics, economics, social problems, history, philosophy,
poetry, drama, painting, sculpture, science, agriculture, manu-
factures. Whatever subject he took up, he pursued with the
same furor that possessed him in studying at college and in
mastering the details of finance and the affairs of America and
India. When he turned from the cares of state to his farm at
Beaconsfield, he was eager over carrots and pigs, just as he
had been eager over the Stamp Act. 2
Furthermore, his zeal in behalf of the wretched and the
oppressed was not a mere vague sentiment which expended
itself in words : it was a ruling motive in his daily conduct.
When the poet Crabbe was obscure and penniless, Burke took
him into the family at Beaconsfield, found a printer for his
verses, and finally obtained for him a living in the church.
Burke sent the painter Barry abroad and for five years fur-
nished him with money for study and travel.3 During the
Revolution he kept open house for the French refugees, gave
from his own slender purse to acquaintances whose estates had
been confiscated,4 and established near Beaconsfield a school
for French orphans and children of Emigres who had suffered
losses.* Such open-handed liberality could not but win him
troops of staunch friends. Richard Shackleton was devoted
to him from boyhood to old age ; Sir Joshua Reynolds ap-
pointed him an executor and left him a large legacy ; Dr.
Johnson, the stout Tory who declared that " the first Whig was
1 Diary and Letters, June, 1782.
* Correspondence, I, 245-251, 257-265.
8 Ibid., 86-92, 116-129.
*/#</., IV, 246-251. '
*Ibid., 331-341.
INTRODUCTION. xli
the devil,"1 admired and loved him. Burke's faults were clearly
those of an ardent temperament,- -at times unreasoning zeal
for persons, parties or causes, and an impatience of contradic-
tion and delay which betrayed him into fiery outbursts of
passion. His virtues were also those of an ardent tempera-
ment, - - unquenchable energy, exhaustless generosity.
In his family relations he was very happy. In the winter of
1756-1757 he had married Jane Nugent, the daughter of a
physician. She was a woman of gentle manners, even temper,
and a capacity for management which lifted many burdens from
her husband's shoulders. Though Burke's only son, Richard,
was not generally liked, he was idolized by his father, who
with characteristic eagerness had indulged in the most extrav-
agant hopes of a brilliant future for him. The death of
Richard in 1794 was a blow from which Burke never recovered :
it filled his last days with gloom, and hastened his end. " I
am alone," he wrote. "I have none to meet my enemies in
the gate." *
»
V.
BURKE AS A STATESMAN.*
Burke's principles of statesmanship, when briefly set down,
seem almost too bald and simple to be worth much attention.
One should remember, however, that theories of government
1 Boswell's Life of Johnson, III, 326.
2 Letter to a Noble Lord, Works, V, 208.
8 Able discussions of Burke's statesmanship are to be found in section 9 of
chapter xii of Leslie Stephen's History of English Thought in the Eigh-
teenth Century, New York, 1876; and in John Morley's Edmund Burke:
a Historical Study, London, 1867. The latter book should not be con-
founded with Morley's life of Burke in the English Men of Letters, to
which reference has already been made. Stephen dwells on a matter for
which there is no space in this introduction, the sources from which Burke
drew his ideas in statesmanship
xlii INTRODUCTION.
had not in Burke's day been discussed and developed as they
have been since, so that what is trite now may have been novel
then: moreover, statesmanship does not consist in a mere
knowledge of maxims, — in which a modern schoolboy might
equal Burke, — but in understanding when and how to apply
them.
The basis of Burke's system is explained in a sentence from
one of his letters : " The principles of true politics are those of
morality enlarged ; and I neither now do, nor ever will, admit
of any other." l But had he never written this sentence, his
works are full of proofs that his aim was the triumph of the
good : among the orators of his time he is notable for his fre-
quent appeals to the love of right rather than to the love of
might. It is better, he held, to try to make a government wise
and honest than to try to make it strong.2 His hatred of the
French Revolutionists was due partly to his conviction that
they were enemies to sound morals : they were overturning the
church, a bulwark of morality ; they were dishonestly repudiat-
ing debts ^ they were unjustly confiscating property. Of their
action he wrote : "As no one of us men can dispense with pub-
lic or private faith, or with any other tie of moral obligation,
so neither can any number of us. The number engaged in
crimes, instead of turning them into laudable acts, only aug-
ments the quantity and intensity of the guilt." 8
The first of the moral principles on which Burke rested great
weight was justice. Where duller men would have been
stolidly indifferent, his powerful imagination enabled him to
feel keenly the burdens of the oppressed. Thus it was for
justice to the clergy and the nobility of France, to the disfran-
chised Catholics, and to the swarming millions of India, that he
made his most fervent pleas. Such pleas were not " splendid
1 Letter to the Bishop of Chester, 1771, Correspondence, I, 332.
2 Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, Works, II, 220.
8 Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Works, IV, 163.
INTRODUCTION. xliii
commonplaces ' at that time ; for the idea that a nation was
bound by the same code of justice as an individual was far less
generally accepted than now. Every European power regarded
the acquisition of territory as ample excuse for unprovoked
rapine and slaughter, — as is proved by the very crimes of
Hastings which Burke labored to punish, by the general sympa-
thy for the great criminal, by the defence that he had extended
the bounds of the British Empire, and by his final acquittal.
Such pleas as Burke's are not " splendid commonplaces" to-
day ; for although the civilized world ought long since to have
discovered the " ill-husbandry of injustice," l scarcely a year
passes without some outrage committed against a weaker nation
by a stronger.
A second principle to which Burke often appealed is, — as
might be expected from his character, — generosity. When
leading statesmen held the belief, still common among ignorant
people, that the surest method of enlarging national commerce
is to restrict and retaliate, Burke advocated liberality. His
narrow-minded constituents remonstrated, but he replied with
a truth which is not yet well understood : " It is but too natu-
ral for us to see our own certain ruin in the possible prosperity
of other people. It is hard to persuade us that everything
which is got by another is not taken from ourselves. But it is
fit that we should get the better of these suggestions, which
come from what is not the best and soundest part of our
nature." 2 When Burke's colleagues maintained that they
were dealing justly with America, he answered that they should
not be content with mere grudging justice, but should follow
the higher policy of generosity. This idea underlies all his
utterances on America, and the special emphasis which he
lays on it in the Speech on Conciliation is perhaps the one thing
which makes that the noblest of his productions. "Magna-
1 See 45 21.
2 Two Letters to Gentlemen in Bristol, Works, II, 260.
xliv INTRODUCTION.
nimityin politics," he said in closing, "is not seldom the truest
wisdom ; and a great empire and little minds go ill together.
. . . Our ancestors have made the most extensive, and the
only honorable conquests, not by destroying but by promoting
the wealth, the number, the happiness of the human race."1
This same ideal, which seems almost as far from realization
to-day as it was in 1797, he presented again in almost his last
piece of writing : " Not ... a sort of England detached from
the rest of the world, and amusing herself with the puppet-
show of a naval power, . . . but . . . that sort of England
who, sympathetic with the adversity or the happiness of man-
kind, felt that nothing in human affairs was foreign to her."
Many men have been as zealous as Burke for justice and
generosity, but comparatively few have added to their zeal the
saving knowledge that perfect justice can never be attained in
this world ; that human institutions are at best " compromises,
sometimes between good and evil and sometimes between evil
and evil."3 By this knowledge he was kept from being a
stickler for abstract principles, a theorist. He never advo-
cated, except in the case of the French Revolution, mere
technical rights, which may be " the most odious of all wrongs
and the most vexatious of all injustice."4 The thing for
which he looked was the utilitarian effect, " the happiness of
the whole,"5 or, to use Bentham's phrase, "the greatest happi-
ness of the greatest number." In theory the British Constitu-
tion, for example, might be as illogical as possible : if as a matter
of fact it protected person and property, Burke was well content
to let it stand unchanged. "A man of warm speculative
benevolence," he wrote, " may wish his society otherwise con-
1 Pages 73, 74.
2 First Letter on a Regicide Peace, Works, V, 244, 245.
8 Reflections on the Revolution in France, Works, III, 313.
4 See 35 8-10 ; 7 14, note.
6 Speech on the Petition of the Unitarians, Works, VII, 450
INTRODUCTION. xlv
.
stituted than he finds it ; but a good patriot, and a true politi-
cian, always considers how he shall make the most of the
existing materials of his country." l
Burke's antipathy to mere theories also saved him from the
fallacy of supposing that the machinery of government may
be constructed as if men were uniform, passive units. This
error, which was rife among his predecessors and contempora-
ries, 2 persists to this day in the minds of those who attempt to
suppress evil or reorganize society on the assumption that the
enactment of a law will make men wise, temperate, industrious,
frugal or unselfish. Burke, however, seized every opportunity
to sneer at such " speculative projects " 3 and " paper govern-
ment."4 He invariably tried, as in the Speech on Conciliation, b
to take into account temper and environment. " I never," he
protested, "was wild enough to conceive that one method
would serve for the whole, that the natives of Hindostan and
those of Virginia could be ordered in the same manner." 6
These several phases of Burke's bent for the practical rather
than the theoretical point of view are, in the last analysis, a
trust in experience, — a theme on which he was never tired of
dwelling. Men might offer any number of a priori arguments :
he simply replied that conjectures were interesting, but not
convincing. " Fortunately I am not obliged to tax my own
unproductive invention. ... I only wish you to return to that
mode which a uniform experience has marked out to you as
best."7
A man who clings so tenaciously to experience is likely to be
an uncompromising conservative ; and Burke was no exception
. •
1 Reflections on the Revolution in France, Works, III, 440.
2 Stephen's History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century,
II, 211. 4See 6 15.
* See 6 15, note. 5 See pages 9-25.
6 Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, Works, II, 227.
7 See 49 15-27.
xlvi INTRODUCTION.
to the rule. Changes, he thought, should always be grad-
ual, and should be made only when imperatively necessary.
Indeed, so strong was his reverence for the wisdom of the
ages that he was willing to tolerate abuses till they actually
struck "at the root of order."1 Then he was moved to act,
for few things were dearer to his heart than a quiet, well-regu-
lated state. Whatever interfered with this, whether rebellion,
riot, usurpation, radical reforms, agitation, or the questioning
of traditional beliefs in religion or politics, he was prompt to
withstand. Such a man, with his face set toward the past, is
not well fitted to deal with new social and political conditions,
which demand experiments ; and yet without the restraining
influence of such men a whole nation might by a rash leap lose
the fruit of much.toil and pain. Each age, then, must have its
conservatives as well as its progressives ; and Burke, with his
passion for good government, whether in England, America,
Ireland, India or France, was for his generation — as indeed
he has been for all generations since — "the great pleader for
conservatism."
VI.
BURKE AS AN ORATOR.*
Though it is customary to speak of Burke as a great orator,
the fact is that he frequently produced no immediate effect.
These failures were due to several causes, one of which was
his unprepossessing appearance. However much Miss Burney 3
may have been charmed when she first met him, yet as he rose
in Parliament he was not attractive with his heavy, Quaker-like
1 Tract on the Popery Laws, Works, VI, 340.
2 Burke's oratory and his style are discussed at some length in Morley's
Burke, in Goodrich's Select British Eloquence, and the introductions to
Payne's edition of fas Select Works and to Professor Bliss Perry's Selections
from Burke, Henry Holt Company, New York, 1896.
8 Afterwards Madame D'Arblay.
INTRODUCTION. xlvii
figure, scratch wig, round spectacles and a cumbrous roll of
paper loading his pocket. l To these disadvantages he added
clumsy gestures, a voice somewhat harsh when he spoke in
public, a strong Irish brogue, and at times a hurried articula-
tion. Moreover in later years he now and then spoiled a
speech by losing his temper. But above all, he was deficient
in tact : often he either overestimated the capacity of his
hearers or else he refused to condescend to it. They wanted a
concise presentation of leading points : he insisted upon view-
ing the matter from every side and in every light. They were
too slow-witted to comprehend anything except the obvious : he
insisted upon applying profound principles. They were looking
for personal or partisan advantage : he offered them maxims of
statesmanship. He was, as Goldsmith drew him, a speaker
Who, too deep for his hearers, still went on refining,
And thought of convincing while they thought of dining.2
Indeed, by some of the younger wits he was called " the
dinner-bell." So widely did he miss the mark that the Speech
on the Nabob of Arco? s Debts did not impress Pitt and Grenville
as worth a reply, and the Speech on Conciliation emptied the
benches.
In spite of these mistakes in casting pearls of philosophy and
statesmanship before the House, Burke was at times unsur-
passed. His first speeches, as has been said, " filled the town
with wonder " ; and during his earlier career many of his con-
tributions to the debates were so compact, pointed, and telling 3
that he was everywhere recognized as one of the ablest speakers
in Parliament. Finally, at the trial of Hastings he swept his
audience up to a pitch of uncontrollable emotion. These
1 Green's History of the English People, IV, 234.
2 Retaliation.
3 Few of these speeches have been printed in his collected Works, but
some of them appear in brief reports in the Parliamentary History.
xlviii INTRODUCTION.
triumphs, which establish beyond peradventure his fame as an
orator, were due in part to his natural ardor, which in his
happiest moments kindled all who came within range of his
voice. He owed yet more of his success to his amazing knowl-
edge of his subjects. He had never visited India, for example :
nevertheless he had read and studied huge masses of facts
about that country, and had animated them by his imagination
until, as Macaulay puts it, " India and its inhabitants were not
to him, as to most Englishmen, mere names and abstractions,
but a real country and a real people. The burning sun, the
strange vegetation of the palm and the cocoa-tree, the ricefield,
the tank, the huge trees older than the Mogul Empire, under
which the village crowds assemble, the thatched roof of the
peasant's hut, the rich tracery of the mosque where the imaum
prays with his face to Mecca, the drums and banners and gaudy
idols, the devotee swinging in the air, the graceful maiden with
the pitcher on her head, descending the steps to the river-side,
the black faces, the long beards, the yellow streaks of sect, the
turbans and the flowing robes, the spears and the silver maces,
the elephants with their canopies of state, the gorgeous palan-
quin of the prince, and the close litter of the noble lady, — all
these things were to him as the objects amidst which his own
life had been passed, as the objects which lay on the road
between Beaconsfield and St. James's Street." l With all India
thus present to his eye, Burke drew pictures of such startling
reality, he showed such thorough and easy mastery of every
detail, that his listeners could not but value his opinion as that
of a man who knew everything to be known about the matter ;
they could not help feeling with him that " oppression in Ben-
gal was the same thing as oppression in the streets of London." 2
1 Essay on Warren Hastings. Goodrich has already quoted this pas-
sage to illustrate the same point.
2Macaulay's Essay on Warren Hastings. The phrase was evidently
suggested by a sentence from Burke's Speech in Opening the Impeachment
INTRODUCTION. xlix
Other important elements in Burke's oratory are the brilliancy
of expression and the logical development of ideas, — elements
which have helped to give lasting influence to some of the
speeches which at the moment were failures. An instance in
point is the Speech on the Nabob of Arcots Debts, which Erskine
is said to have slept through, but which he afterwards thumbed
to pieces in the printed copy. These qualities, however, may
be discussed more properly in relation to Burke's style.
VII.
BURKE AS A WRITER.
One of the first things to strike the reader of Burke is the
vigor which he displays in nearly every kind of prose : in
never-to-be-forgotten descriptions of the soft beauty of Marie
Antoinette or of the horrors of war in India ; in blood-curdling
tales of the cruelty of Debi Sing at Rungpore ; in clear-cut
expositions of the effect of poetry upon the emotions, or the
effect of Popery laws in Ireland ; in arguments for toleration
or conciliation which carry one along with the rush of rapid
narrative ; in the pathos of his laments for the death of his
son; in the irony of the Vindication of Natural Society ; in the
terrific invective of the Letters on a Regicide Peace ; in the
splendor of the appeal at the close of the Speech on Conciliation ;
in the unadorned gravity of the Address to the King. Through
all this range, from which humor alone is excluded, Burke
moves with a sure and imperious stride.
Since there is no notable piece of description in the Speech
on Conciliation, the student of Burke's style should read such a
of Warren Hastings, Second Day, Works, IX, 448 : " The laws of morality
are the same everywhere, and . . . there is no action which would pass for
an act of extortion, of peculation, of bribery and of oppression in England,
that is not an act of extortion, of peculation, of bribery and oppression in
Europe, Asia, Africa and all the world over."
1 INTRODUCTION.
passage as that which tells of the tortures at Rungpore 1 or of
the devastation of the Carnatic by Hyder Ali.2 Two fragments
from the latter are worth quoting here to show in what large
measure Burke had the poet's power of realizing by the imagi-
nation a scene on which his eyes had never rested : " All the
horrors of war before known or heard of were mercy to that
new havoc. A storm of universal fire blasted every field, con-
sumed every house, destroyed every temple. The miserable
inhabitants, flying from their flaming villages, in part were
slaughtered ; others, without regard to sex, to age, to the
respect of rank or sacredness of function, fathers torn from
children, husbands from wives, enveloped in a whirlwind of
cavalry, and amidst the goading spears of drivers and the
trampling of pursuing horses, were swept into captivity in an
unknown and hostile land. Those who were able to evade
this tempest fled to the walled cities ; but escaping from fire,
sword and exile, they fell into the jaws of famine. . . . For
eighteen months without intermission this destruction raged
from the gates of Madras to the gates of Tanjore ; and so com-
pletely did these masters in their art, Hyder Ali and his more
ferocious son, absolve themselves of their impious vow, that,
when the British armies traversed, as they did, the Carnatic
for hundreds of miles in all directions, through the whole line
of their march they did not see one man, not one woman, not
one child, not one four-footed beast of any description whatever.
One dead, uniform silence reigned over the whole region." 8
In exposition Burke has done nothing better in small com-
pass than his explanation of the causes of the American love
of freedom in this Speech on Conciliation. 4 As regards choice
1 Speech in Opening the Impeachment of Warren Hastings, Third Day,
Works, X, 83-90.
2 This bit is in Professor Perry's Selections from Burke, a book which,
though it contains nothing from the Speech on Conciliation, is useful for
the study of Burke's style in general.
8 Works, III, 63-65. * Pages 19-25.
INTRO D UCTION,
li
of words as well as arrangement of ideas the English language
hardly furnishes a better model of expository method. Here,
as in Burke's descriptions and narrations, definite words bite
the meaning into the mind, and concrete examples vivify the
general statements. The effect of such specific terms is well
brought out by Payne,1 who compares a quotation from this
passage with one from Lord Brougham which is made up of
general, or abstract, words :
In large bodies the circulation of
power must be less vigorous at the
extremities. Nature has said it.
The Turk cannot govern Egypt
and Arabia and Kurdistan as he
governs Thrace ; nor has he the
same dominion in Crimea and Al-
giers which he has at Brusa and
Smyrna. Despotism itself is obliged
to truck and huckster. The Sultan
gets such obedience as he can. —
Pages 24, 25.
In all the despotisms of the East
it has been observed that the fur-
ther any part of the empire is re-
moved from the capital the more
do its inhabitants enjoy some sort
of rights and privileges; the more
inefficacious is the power of the
monarch ; and the more feeble and
easily decayed is the organization
of the government. — Inquiry into
the Colonial Policy of the European
Powers.
These two bits show clearly enough Burke's superiority and
one of the sources of it.
Another excellent example- -this time argumentative --is the
paragraph beginning "Ireland before the English conquest."2
Here figurative touches are not infrequent, but the figures are
simple, even colloquial : " The roots of our primitive constitu-
tion were early transplanted into that soil, and grew and flour-
ished there";3 "Your ancestors did not churlishly sit down
alone to the feast of Magna Charta " ; 4 " Your standard could
never be advanced an inch before your privileges." 5 The whole
speech, in fact, is strewn with such turns, which perhaps do
more than anything else to impart vitality to a style : " The
1 Burke's Select Works, I, xxxix.
a 42 17. 3 42 26-28.
4 42 31, 32.
6 43 2, 3.
jji INTRODUCTION.
public would not have patience to see us play the game out " ; J
" They are not squeezed into this happy form by the constraints
of watchful and suspicious government " ; 2 " They will cling 2^^.
grapple to you " ;3 "I put my foot in the tracks of our forefathers,
where I can neither wander nor stumble"
But Burke's exuberant imagination would not allow him to
stop at such simple tropes. His mind was teeming with sug-
gestions of subtle likenesses and relations, — suggestions which,
when translated into words, became similes or metaphors, many
of which surpass in poetic force most of the verse of his cen-
tury. Oddly enough, as Macaulay notes, his imagination grew
more active, his style more florid, with his advancing years. In
his youth, in the Inquiry into the Origin of our Ideas on the
Sublime and Beautiful, " he wrote on the emotions produced by
mountains and cascades, by the masterpieces of painting and
sculpture, by the faces and necks of beautiful women, in the
style of a parliamentary report. In his old age he discussed
treaties and tariffs in the most fervid and brilliant language of
romance." 6 It is interesting to notice the gradual change.
The Inquiry contains only one or two bits which can be called
flowery, such as "In the morning of our days, when the senses
are unworn and tender." 6 There is one bold metaphor, " In
this description the terrible and sublime blaze out together." 7
At the period of the Speech on Conciliation Burke was at his
best, splendid and yet restrained. The page 8 containing the
sentence, "If ... that angel should have drawn up the cur-
tain and unfolded the rising glories of his country," and the
impassioned peroration with the imagery of " the sanctuary of
liberty, the sacred temple consecrated to our common faith," 9
- these passages, though in a manner to be attempted by a
genius only, and even then too ornate for modern taste, were
1 5 24, 25. 451 27, 28.
2 17 13, 14. 5 Essay on Lord Bacon. 8 14.
8 72 2. 6 Works, I, 97. 9 72 10, 11.
INTRODUCTION. liii
for the time and place proper and effective. But ten years
later in the Speech on the Nabob of Arcofs Debts Burke passed
the bounds set by an age when the florid was more admired
than now, the repulsive more readily tolerated. Of all the
"purple patches," however, the most gorgeous is in the Reflec-
tions on the Revolution, the description of Marie Antoinette,
which begins, " Surely never lighted on this orb, which she
hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision. I saw her
just above the horizon, decorating and cheering the elevated
sphere she just began to move in,- -glittering like the morning
star, full of life and splendor and joy." 1
Such opulence of style was in no sense an affectation. But
though it was his natural mode of expression, he has left two
noteworthy exceptions, the austerely phrased Report on the
Lords' Journal, 1794, and the sober Address to the King, 1777.
The latter contains a passage deemed by some the noblest
Burke ever wrote. It begins, " What, gracious sovereign, is
the empire of America to us, or the empire of the world, if we
lose our own liberties ? " 2
This sentence, which is modeled upon the well-known verse
from St. Matthew, "What is a man profited if he shall gain
the whole world and lose his own soul ? " 8 is one of
many in which Burke, though an independent writer, has
enriched his style either by direct quotation or by adaptation
from the Bible. In this very Speech on Conciliation there are
upwards of twenty of these passages, 4 such as, " When the day-
star of the English Constitution had arisen in their hearts." 6
In like manner Burke drew upon the Roman and the English
poets, especially Virgil, Horace and Juvenal, Shakspere, Milton
1 Works, III, 331. 2 Ibid., VI, 177. » xvi, 26.
4 The parallels are pointed out in the notes to the following lines : 4 16,
13 32, 14 31, 24 29, 30 4, 30 6, 31 16, 31 27, 37 1, 38 5, 46 6, 49 8, 50 33, 51 22,
51 30, 51 31, 63 16, 72 12, 72 20, 73 25, 73 34.
6 46 6, 7.
JNTR OD UCTION.
and Pope. l Indeed it is said that whenever he wrote, he kept
a " ragged Delphin Virgil " near his elbow. He was thoroughly
acquainted, not only with the writers just mentioned, but with
others of the best, including Plutarch, Plautus, Terence, Cicero,
Lucretius, Bacon and Dry den. In spite of his knowledge of
literature and in spite of the current fashion of quoting, partic-
ularly from the Greek and Latin classics, Burke seldom erred by
quoting too frequently or by patching an incongruous element
into the context. Having reached the right pitch of thought or
expression, then, by the poetic force of a borrowed turn, by the
familiarity and power of suggestion or by the aptness, he added
the finishing touch.
Brilliant as Burke's phrasing is, he did not rely upon mere
brilliancy : he was generally careful to arrange his thoughts so
that each fell into its proper place and contributed its due
share towards the total effect. His skill in planning need not
be discussed here, for at a glance it is evident in the analysis
of the Speech on Conciliation a few pages farther on.
Moreover, Burke took every precaution to make the logical
relations of his ideas unmistakable. For this purpose he used
many connective words or phrases. For example, the first line
of each paragraph on pages 35 and 36 contains a phrase which
serves as a connective with what precedes : " There is, Sir,
also a circumstance which convinces me that th is mode of crim-
inal proceeding" ;z "In this situation, let us seriously and
coolly ponder " ; 8 " If then the removal of the causes of this
spirit of American liberty";* "If we adopt this mode."6
Another of Burke's methods was to construct the paragraph so
as to throw as much emphasis as possible upon the main idea
in it. By a word or phrase at the beginning he would indicate
1 See 14 10, 17 4, 18 6, 19 31, 22 31, 24 8, 24 25, 25 18, 26 2, 30 4, 31 9, 32 33,
37 19, 46 9, 49 2, 49 21, 51 16, 51 20, 63 2, 69 27, 70 29, 70 33, 71 34, 72 2, 73 i.
73 n.
2 35 19, 20. * 36 1. •« 36 12, 13. & 36 19.
INTRODUCTION,, lv
the topic ; he would next present the various details ; and he
would close with a summarizing phrase or sentence. A good
instance is the paragraph beginning " The proposition is
peace." 1 This sentence names the topic, peace. Then come
several explanations, and at the end the gist of the whole
matter, " To reconcile them to each other in the same act
and by the bond of the same interest which reconciles them to
the British government." The next two paragraphs are con-
structed in much the same way. The artifices just mentioned
are but two out of many, for Burke was expert in most of the
devices used in writing good prose.
Every criticism of Burke's style, however, is wholly inade-
quate. To say that he is vigorous, brilliantly imaginative, at
times severely simple, at times florid, to say that he quotes aptly,
arranges his ideas logically and is dexterous in constructing
sentences and paragraphs, — all this is much like saying that a
human being is made up of water, iron, lime, carbon and
sodium. The most important element still eludes the analysis
of the chemist and the critic. The only way, then, to under-
stand Burke and his style is to study him and see for oneself
how " a generous nature took her own way to perfection."
VIII.
STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECH ON CONCILIATION.
The Speech on Conciliation is one of the best examples of
Burke's skill in organizing material so that each idea falls into
its proper place and contributes its due share to the total
effect. This perfection of structure is most easily seen in a
skeleton, or outline, in which the divisions stand out clearly.
Such an outline may be drawn in several forms, but the one
here chosen is the argumentative brief, which is treated
1710.
Ivi INTRODUCTION.
minutely in the third chapter of Professor G. P. Baker's Prin-
ciples of Argumentation.^ According to this scheme the main
body of the argument is included in the brief pi-op er. In this
part the lettering and numbering of heads does not indicate
the relative importance of 'arguments, but merely their relation
to the chief proposition. Thus arguments marked with capital
Roman numerals directly support the proposition ; those marked
with capital letters support the arguments marked with capital
Roman numerals, and so on. The arguments in support of a
statement are always arranged under it — the reverse of the
order of the syllogism. In cases where Burke has presented
his material in the form of the syllogism, arguments first and
then conclusion, his order has been changed for a few sen-
tences. The numbers in parentheses in the following partial brief
refer to pages and lines of the text. It is suggested that the pupil
substitute a sentence for each dash, but that he be given a good
deal of help in the case of references without dashes.
INTRODUCTION.
I. The return of the "grand penal bill" gives a fresh opportunity
to choose a plan for dealing with America. (3 1-25)
II. The subject is a most serious one. (4 i)
A. Since it was the most important matter before Parliament
when Burke took his seat, he was at more than common pains
to instruct himself in regard to it. (4 2-19)
B. (4 20-27)
C. (4 28-31)
D. - (4 32-5 8)
III. It is evident that those who are opposing the action of the govern-
ment must present a definite policy. (5 9-32)
A. (5 33-6 13)
B' (6 14-25)
C. (6 26-7 9)
1 Boston, 1895. See also revised edition by Baker and Huntington,
1905.
INTRODUCTION. Ivii
IV. Burke's proposition is to secure peace by removing the grounds
of difference. (7 10-25)
V. This simple plan, though it has none of the splendor of Lord
North's project, and does not propose an auction of finance,
derives advantage from the proposition and registry of Lord
North's project (7 26-8 is) ; for
A. (8 16-20)
B. (821-32)
C. (833-94)
VI. The proposal for peace ought to come from England (9 8, 9); for
A. (9 6, 7)
B. (9 lo-is)
VII. There are two leading questions to consider: (9 19)
A. (920)
B. (9 21)
VIII. The determination of both these questions depends, not upon
abstract ideas and general theories, but upon the nature and
circumstances of America. (9 22-10 4)
BRIEF PROPER.
England should secure peace by conciliation, because
I. The condition of America requires this method; for
A. • - (10 5-11 7)
B. -(lie-is); for
(11 13-15 19)
C. - - (16 1-13)
D. (16 14-17 21)
Refutation.
II. The argument that we should use force because America is
worth fighting for is untenable (17 22-18 3) ; for
A. Force is temporary. (18 4-7)
B. It is uncertain. (18 8-14)
C. It impairs the object. (18 15-27)
D. We have no experience in favor of force. (18 28-34)
iVlii INTRODUCTION.
Direct Proof.
III. The temper and character of the Americans make it necessary for
us to conciliate them (19 1-9) ; for
A. The spirit of liberty is stronger among them than among any
other people on earth (19 10-25 12)
IV. Coercion (25 24-26 23) ; for
(26 24-28 12)
V. Of the three possible methods of dealing with America, , ,
and , the last is the only one possible (28 13-30) ; for
A. - —(2831-292); for
1. - -(293-319)
2. • —(31 10-11); for
(31 12-33 3)
B. -(33 4-n); for
(33 12-36 n)
C. — - (36 12-is) ; for
1. (36 19-si)
"" Refutation.
2. (3632-3725); for
(37 26-38 is)
3- -(39i-2o); for
(40 3-41 n)
4- (41 12-19) ; for
(41 20-27)
Direct Proof.
5- — - (41 28-42 13) ; for
(42 H-48 3)
6. -(484-7); for
(48 8-31)
7- - - (48 32-49 14) ; for
a- -(4915-522); for
[Here are inserted from time to time the resolutions which express in
formal terms the ideas already presented.]
Refutation.
i. — - (52 3-53 4)
ii- (5320-547)
INTRODUCTION, lix
Direct Proof.
iii. (548-14); for
?• — - (54 15-56 2)
Refutation,
z. — = — (563-ia); for
(56 13-28)
Direct Proof.
iv. (5629-5728)
b. (5729-5827); for
(58 28-59 34)
c. (60 1-15) ; for
(60 16-33)
Refutation.
d. (61 9-n) ; for
(61 18-63 34)
e. (64 1-9) ; for
(64 10-22)
/• (64 23-34) ; for
(65 1-68 27)
g- - (69 17, is) ; for
(69 19-71 6)
h. (71 7-28)
Direct Proof.
8. -(71 29-72 19); for
(72 20-74 10)
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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
There is so much material of interest in the study of the Speech on Con'
dilation and of Burke's writings and speeches in general that a complete
bibliography is out of the question in this volume. The books named
below are, however, the more important. Most of them are specifically
referred to in the Introduction or the Notes.
The most accessible American edition of Burke's Works is that in twelve
volumes, Little, Brown & Company, Boston, 1894. The Account of the
European Settlements in America is not in this edition, though it was in an
earlier edition published by the same firm, and now rather hard to get.
The European Settlements may now and then be bought in one of the two-
volume editions published in London in the last century. There are
several English editions of Burke, of which that by Bohn, 1893, in eight
volumes, is on the whole the best. No edition contains Burke's contribu-
tions to the Annual Register ; which are often difficult to identify. No
edition contains more than a fraction of the many fragmentary reports
of his speeches scattered through the Parliamentary History and other
collections. Indeed, he himself prepared for press but very few speeches
and left notes on but few more. His Correspondence was published at
London in four volumes in 1844.
The Speech on Conciliation is printed with annotations in the following
editions : C. A. Goodrich, Select British Eloquence, Harpers, New York ;
E. J. Payne, Burke's Select Works, Clarendon Press, 1892, vol. I ; F.
G. Selby, Burke's Speeches, Macmillan, New York, 1895 ; A. S. Cook,
Speech on Conciliation, Longmans, New York, 1896; Henry Morley, Uni-
versal Library, London, 1892. The volume of Perry's Selections from
Burke, though it does not contain the Speech on Conciliation, presents well-
chosen specimens of the whole range of Burke's writing and oratory.
The above-mentioned annotated editions, except that of the Universal
Library, devote more or less space to an account of Burke's life and a
criticism of his style. The best life, however, is that by John Morley in
the English Men of Letters. Morley has also considered Burke's states-
manship in an earlier work, Edmund Btirke : a Historical Study, London,
BIBLIO GRAPHY.
Ixvii
1869. A more detailed biography is that of James Prior, two volumes,
London, 1854. A later and better work is Thomas MacKriight's History
of the Life and Times of Edmund Burke, three volumes, London, 1858.
The life in the Dictionary of National Biography furnishes many references
and a bibliography. Several other short accounts of Burke are also valu-
able: those in the Annual Register for 1797 and 1798; J. R. Green's in
chapter X of the History of the English People ; H. T. Buckle's in volume
I of his History of Civilization in Europe ; Sir Joseph Napier's lecture on
Burke before the Young Men's Christian Association of Dublin, in 1862 ;
Lord Brougham's sketch in his Statesmen of the Time of George the Third ;
Augustine Birrell's in Obiter Dicta, Second Series, New York, 1887; F. D.
Maurice's lecture on Burke in Friendship of Books, 1874; and Woodrow
Wilson's essay, 7"he Interpreter of English Liberty, in the volume Mere
Literature, 1896. In the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society
for October, 1893, Calvin Stebbins discusses Burke's agency for the prov-
ince of New York.
Vivid pictures of the time, and often of Burke himself, are presented in
Boswell's Life of Johnson, Horace Walpole's Letters and Memoirs, Madame
D'Arblay's Diary and Letters, Jesse's George Selwyn and His Contempora-
ries and Memoirs of George the Third, Wraxall's Historical and Posthu-
mous Memoirs, the Rockingham Memoirs, the Grenville Papers, Lord
Chesterfield's Letters, Thackeray's Four Georges and English Humorists,
and Macaulay's essays on Warren Hastings and Chatham. There is also
an interesting passage on Burke in Macaulay's Essay on Bacon.
Of the English historians who deal with the period of the Speech on Con-
ciliation, Adolphus, in the History of England from the Accession to the
Decease of George the Third, is prejudiced against the Americans ; W. E. H.
Lecky, in the History of England in the Eighteenth Century, is not an
ardent admirer of republican institutions, but he is fair in his statements ;
J. R. Green, in History of the English People, and H. T. Buckle, in History
of Civilization in Europe, are more decidedly pro-American in tone ; Leslie
Stephen, in the History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century,
treats more especially the development of political ideas. Goldwin Smith's
residence in Canada has given him a more intimate knowledge of America
than most Englishmen possess, and accordingly in his United States he has
given perhaps the best succinct account written by an Englishman. Of
the Americans Bancroft is decidedly unfair to England ; E. B. Andrews, in
his History of the United States, and John Fiske, in the American Revolu-
tion, are both brief and impartial.
Many details which are omitted from the regular histories but which
form the basis for the generalizations of history may be found in the Par-
Ixviii BIBLIOGRAPHY.
liamentary History, the Journals of the American Congress, the Statutes at
Large, and the Annual Register. Low and Polling's Dictionary of English
History and J. F. Jameson's Dictionary of United States History, 1492-
1894, Boston, 1894, are very convenient for reference.
The attitude of Burke's contemporaries may be studied in the speeches
of Chatham and of Fox, in the Letters of Junius, in the writings of Frank-
lin, and in the innumerable political tracts of the time, such as Dr. Johnson's
Taxation No Tyranny, Dean Tucker's Four Tracts on Political and Com-
mercial Subjects, Thomas Paine's Common Sense, and Richard Price's Civil
Liberty,
THE
SPEECH
OF
EDMUND BURKE, Efq;
ON
MOVING HIS RESOLUTIONS
FOR
CONCILIATION with the COLONIES,
MARCH 22, 1775.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. DODSLEY0
MDCCLXXV.
SPEECH ON
CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
-*o»-
I HOPE, Sir, that notwithstanding the austerity of the
Chair, your good nature will incline you to some degree of
indulgence towards human frailty. You will not think it
unnatural that those who have an object depending which
strongly engages their hopes and fears should be somewhat 5
inclined to superstition. As I came into the House, full of
anxiety about the event of my motion, I found, to my infi-
nite surprise, that the grand penal bill by which we had
passed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America is
to be returned to us from the other House. I do confess, 10
I could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen.
I look upon it as a sort of providential favor by which we
are put once more in possession of our deliberative capacity,
upon a business so very questionable in its nature, so very
uncertain in its issue. By the return of this bill, which 15
seemed to have taken its flight forever, we are at this very
instant nearly as free to choose a plan for our American
government as we were on the first day of the session. If,
Sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at all
embarrassed (unless we please to make ourselves so) by any 20
incongruous mixture of coercion and restraint. We are
therefore called upon, as it were by a superior warning
voice, again to attend to America ; to attend to the whole
of it together ; and to review the subject with an unusual
degree of care and calmness. 25
4 SPEECH ON- CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
Surely it is an awful subject, or there is none so on this
side of the grave. When I first had the honor of a seat in
this House, the affairs of that continent pressed themselves
upon us as the most important and most delicate object of
5 parliamentary attention. My little share in this great delib-
eration oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very
high trust ; and having no sort of reason to rely on the
strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of
that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains
10 to instruct myself in everything which relates to our colo-
nies. I was not less under the necessity of forming some
fixed ideas concerning the general policy of the British
Empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispen-
sable, in order, amidst so vast a fluctuation of passions
15 and opinions, to concentre my thoughts, to ballast my
conduct, to preserve me from being blown about by every
wind of fashionable doctrine. I really did not think it safe
or manly to have fresh principles to seek upon every fresh
mail which should arrive from America.
20 At that period I had the fortune to find myself in perfect
concurrence with a large majority in this House. Bowing
under that high authority, and penetrated with the sharp-
ness and strength of that early impression, I have continued
ever since, without the least deviation, in my original senti-
25 ments. Whether this be owing to an obstinate persever-
ance in error, or to a religious adherence to what appears
to me truth and reason, it is in your equity to judge.
Sir, Parliament having an enlarged view of objects,
made, during this interval, more frequent changes in their
3° sentiments and their conduct than could be justified in
a particular person upon the contracted scale of private
information. But though I do not hazard anything ap-
proaching to a censure on the motives of former Parlia-
ments to all those alterations, one fact is undoubted, — that
HISTORY OF THE DISCUSSION. 5
under them the state of America has been kept in continual ^
agitation. Everything administered as remedy to the public
complaint, if it did not produce, was at least followed by,
an heightening of the distemper; until by a variety of
experiments that important country has been brought into 5
her present situation — a situation which I will not miscall,
which I dare not name, which I scarcely know how to com-
prehend in the terms of any description,
In this posture, Sir, things stood at the beginning 'of the
session. About that time a worthy member, of great par- 10
liamentary experience, who in the year 1766 filled the Chair
of the American Committee with much ability, took me
aside and, lamenting the present aspect of our politics,
told me things were come to such a pass that our former
methods of proceeding in the House would be no longer 15
tolerated ; that the public tribunal (never too indulgent to
a long and unsuccessful opposition) would now scrutinize
our conduct with unusual severity ; that the very vicissi-
tudes and shiftings of ministerial measures, instead of con-
victing their authors of inconstancy and want of system, 20
would be taken as an occasion of charging us with a prede-
termined discontent which nothing could satisfy, whilst we
accused every measure of vigor as cruel, and every proposal
of lenity as weak and irresolute. The public, he said,
would not have patience to see us play the game out with 25
our adversaries ; we must produce our hand : it would be
expected that those who for many years had been active in
such affairs should show that they had formed some clear
and decided idea of the principles of colony government ;
and were capable of drawing out something like a platform 30
of the ground which might be laid for future and permanent
tranquillity.
I felt the truth of what my honorable friend represented ;
but I felt my situation too. His application might have
6 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
been made with far greater propriety to many other gentle-
men. No man was indeed ever better disposed, or worse
qualified, for such an undertaking than myself. Though I
gave so far into his opinion that I immediately threw my
5 thoughts into a sort of parliamentary form, I was by no
means equally ready to produce them. It generally argues
some degree of natural impotence of mind, or some want of
knowledge of the world, to hazard plans of government,
except from a seat of authority. Propositions are made,
10 not only ineffectually, but somewhat disreputably, when the
minds of men are not properly disposed for their reception ;
and for my part, I am not ambitious of ridicule, not abso-
lutely a candidate for disgrace.
Besides, Sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in general
15 no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper government,
nor of any politics in which the plan is to be wholly sepa-
rated from the execution. But when I saw that anger and
violence prevailed every day more and more, and that things
were hastening towards an incurable alienation of our colo-
20 nies, I confess my caution gave way. I felt this as one of
those few moments in which decorum yields to an higher
duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveller ; and there are
occasions when any, even the slightest, chance of doing
good must be laid hold on, even by the most inconsiderable
25 person.
To restore order and repose to an empire so great and so
distracted as ours, is, merely in the attempt, an undertaking
that would ennoble the flights of the highest genius and
obtain pardon for the efforts of the meanest understanding.
30 Struggling a good while with these thoughts, by degrees I
felt myself more firm. I derived, at length, some confidence
from what in other circumstances usually produces timidity.
I grew less anxious, even from the idea of my own insignifi-
cance. » For judging of what you are by what you ought to
THE PROPOSITION IS PEACE. 7
be, I persuaded myself that you would not reject a reason-
able proposition, because it had nothing but its reason to
recommend it. On the other hand, being totally destitute
of all shadow of influence, natural or adventitious, I was
very sure that if my proposition were futile or dangerous, 5
if it were weakly conceived or improperly timed, there was
nothing exterior to it, of power to awe, dazzle or delude
you. You will see it just as it is, and you will treat it just
as it deserves.
The proposition is peace. Not peace through the medium 10
of war ; not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of
intricate and endless negotiations ; not peace to arise out
of universal discord fomented from principle in all parts
of the empire ; not peace to depend on the juridical deter-
mination of perplexing questions, or the precise marking 15
the shadowy boundaries of a complex government. It is
simple peace, sought in its natural course and its ordinary
haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace, and
laid in principles purely pacific. I propose, by removing
the ground of the difference, and by restoring the former 20
unsuspecting confidence of the colonies in the mother country, to
give permanent satisfaction to your people ; and (far from a
scheme of ruling by discord) to reconcile them to each other
in the same act and by the bond of the very same interest
which reconciles them to British government. 25
My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has been
the parent of confusion ; and ever will be so, as long as the
world endures. Plain good intention, which is as easily
discovered at the first view as fraud is surely detected at
last, is, let me say, of no mean force in the government of 30
mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is an healing and
cementing principle. My plan, therefore, being formed
upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint
some people when they hear it. It has nothing to recom-
8 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
mend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing
at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the
splendor of the project which has been lately laid upon your
table by the noble lord in the blue ribbon. It does not
5 propose to fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents,
who will require the interposition of your mace at every
instant to keep the peace amongst them. It does not in-
stitute a magnificent auction of finance, where captivated
provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each
10 other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a
proportion of payments beyond all the powers of algebra to
equalize and settle.
The plan which I shall presume to suggest derives, how-
ever, one great advantage from the proposition and registry
15 of that noble lord's project. The idea of conciliation is
admissible. First, the House, in accepting the resolution
moved by the noble lord, has admitted, notwithstanding the
menacing front of our address, notwithstanding our heavy
bill of pains and penalties, that we do not think ourselves
20 precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty.
. The House has gone farther : it has declared conciliation
admissible, previous to any submission on the part of Amer-
ica. It has even shot a good deal beyond that mark, and
has admitted that the complaints of our former mode of
25 exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded.
That right thus exerted is allowed to have had something rep-
rehensible in it, something unwise or something grievous ;
since, in the midst of our heat and resentment, we of our-
selves have proposed a capital alteration; and, in order to
30 get rid of what seemed so very exceptionable, have instituted
a mode that is altogether new, - - one that is, indeed, wholly
alien from all the ancient methods and forms of Parliament.
The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my
purpose. The means proposed by the noble lord for carry-
THE TWO CAPITAL QUESTIONS. 9
ing his ideas into execution, I think, indeed, are very indif-
ferently suited to the end ; and this I shall endeavor to
show you before I sit down. But, for the present, I take
my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give peace.
Peace implies reconciliation ; and where there has been a $
material dispute, reconciliation does in a manner always
imply concession on the one part or on the other. In this
state of things I make no difficulty in affirming that the
proposal ought to originate from us. Great and acknowl-
edged force is not impaired, either in effect or in opinion, 10
by an unwillingness to exert itself. The superior power
may offer peace with honor and with safety. Such an offer
from such a power will be attributed to magnanimity. But
the concessions of the weak are the concessions of fear.
When such a one is disarmed, he is wholly at the mercy of 15
his superior ; and he loses forever that time and those
chances which, as they happen to all men, are the strength
and resources of all inferior power.
The capital leading questions on which you must this
day decide are these two : first, whether you ought to con- 20
cede ; and secondly, what your concession ought to be.
On the first of these questions we have gained (as I have
just taken the liberty of observing to you) some ground.
But I am sensible that a good deal more is still to be done.
Indeed, Sir, to enable us to determine both on the one and 25
the other of these great questions with a firm and precise
judgment, I think it may be necessary to consider distinctly
the true nature and the peculiar circumstances of the object
which we have before us : because after all our struggle,
whether we will or not, we must govern America according 30
to that nature and to those circumstances, and not according
to our own imaginations, not according to abstract ideas of
right ; by no means according to mere general theories of
government, the resort to which appears to me in our pres-
10 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
ent situation no better than arrant trifling. I shall there-
fore endeavor, with your leave, to lay before you some of the
most material of these circumstances in as full and as clear
a manner as I am able to state them.
5 The first thing that we have to consider with regard to
the nature of the object is the number of people in the
colonies. I have taken for some years a good deal of pains
on that point. I can by no calculation justify myself in
placing the number below two millions of inhabitants of our
10 own European blood and color ; besides at least 500,000
others, who form no inconsiderable part of the strength and
opulence of the whole. This, Sir, is, I believe, about the
true number. There is no occasion to exaggerate where
plain truth is of so much weight and importance. But
15 whether I put the present numbers too high or too low is a
matter of little moment. Such is the strength with which
population shoots in that part of the world, that, state the
numbers as high as we will, whilst the dispute continues,
the exaggeration ends. Whilst we are discussing any given
20 magnitude, they are grown to it. Whilst we spend our time
in deliberating on the mode of governing two millions, we
shall find we have millions more to manage. Your children
do not grow faster from infancy to manhood than they
spread from families to communities, and from villages to
25 nations.
I put this consideration of the present and the growing
numbers in the front of our deliberation ; because, Sir, this
consideration will make it evident to a blunter discernment
than yours, that no partial, narrow, contracted, pinched,
30 occasional system will be at all suitable to such an object.
It will show you that it is not to be considered as one of
those minima which are out of the eye and consideration of
the law ; not a paltry excrescence of the »tate ;• not a mean
dependent, who may be neglected with little damage and
COMMERCE OF THE COLONIES. 11
provoked with little danger. It will prove that some degree
of care and caution is required in the handling such an
object ; it will show that you ought not, in reason, to trifle
with so large a mass of the interests and feelings of the
human race. You could at no time do so without guilt ; 5
and be assured you will not be able to do it long with
impunity.
But the population of this country, the great and growing
population, though a very important consideration, will lose
much of its weight, if not combined with other circum- 10
stances. The commerce of your colonies is out of all pro-
portion beyond the numbers of the people. This ground of
their commerce, indeed, has been trod some days ago, and
with great ability, by a distinguished person at your bar.
This gentleman, after thirty-five years, — it is so long since 15
he first appeared at the same place to plead for the com-
merce of Great Britain, — has come again before you to
plead the same cause, without any other effect of time
than that to the fire of imagination and extent of erudition,
which even then marked him as one of the first literary 20
characters of his age, he has added a consummate knowl-
edge in the commercial interest of his country, formed by a
long course of enlightened and discriminating experience.
Sir, I should be inexcusable in coming after such a person
with any detail, if a great part of the members who now fill 25
the House had not the misfortune to be absent when he
appeared at your bar. Besides, Sir, I propose to take the
matter at periods of time somewhat different from his.
There is, if I mistake not, a point of view from whence, if
you will look at this subject, it is impossible that it should 3°
not make an impression upon you.
I have in my hand two accounts : one a comparative state
of the export trade of England to its colonies, as it stood in
the year 1704, and as it stood in the year 1772 ; the other
12 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
a state of the export trade of this country to its colonies
alone, as it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of
England to all parts of the world (the colonies included) in
the year 1704. They are from good vouchers : the latter
5 period from the accounts on your table ; the earlier from an
original manuscript of Davenant, who first established the
Inspector-General's office, which has been even since his
time so abundant a source of parliamentary information.
The export trade to the colonies consists of three great
10 branches : the African, which, terminating almost wholly
in the colonies, must be put to the account of their com-
merce ; the West Indian ; and the North American. All
these are so interwoven that the attempt to separate them
would tear to pieces the contexture of the whole; and if not
15 entirely destroy, would very much depreciate, the value of
all the parts. I therefore consider these three denomina-
tions to be, what in effect they are, one trade.
The trade to the colonies, taken on the export side, at
the beginning of this century, that is, in the year 1704, stood
20 thus : —
Exports to North America and the West Indies, ,£483,265 *
To Africa 86,665
^569.930
In the year 1772, which I take as a middle year between
25 the highest and lowest of those lately laid on your table,
the account was as follows : —
To North America and the West Indies . . .£4,791,734
To Africa 866,398
To which if you add the export trade from
30 Scotland, which had in 1704 no existence 364,000
£6,022,132
From five hundred and odd thousand it has grown to six
millions. It has increased no less than twelvefold. This is
TRADE WITH THE COLONIES. 13
the state of the colony trade, as compared with itself at
these two periods within this century; and this is matter
for meditation. But this is not all. Examine my second
account. See how the export trade to the colonies alone in
1772 stood in the other point of view, that is, as compared to 5
the whole trade of England in 1704 : —
The whole export trade of England, including
that to the colonies, in 1704 .... ^6,509,000
Export to the colonies alone in 1772 . . .- 6,024,000
Difference .... ,£485,000 10
The trade with America alone is now within less than
£5 oo, ooo of being equal to what this great commercial
nation, England, carried on at the beginning of this century
with the whole world ! If I had taken the largest year of
those on your table, it would rather have exceeded. But, it 15
will be said, is not this American trade an unnatural protu-
berance that has drawn the juices from the rest of the body ?
The reverse. It is the very food that has nourished every
other part into its present magnitude. Our general trade
has been greatly augmented, and augmented more or less in 20
almost every part to which it ever extended, but with this
material difference : that of the six millions which in the
beginning of the century constituted the whole mass of our
export commerce, the colony trade was but one-twelfth part ;
it is now (as a part of sixteen millions) considerably more 25
than a third of the whole. This is the relative proportion
of the importance of the colonies at these two periods : and
all reasoning concerning our mode of treating them must
have this proportion as its basis ; or it is a reasoning weak,
rotten and sophistical. 30
Mr. Speaker, I cannot prevail on myself to hurry over
this great consideration. It is good for us to be here. We
stand where we have an immense view of what is, and what
14 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
is past. Clouds, indeed, and darkness rest upon the future.
Let us, however, before we descend from this noble emi-
nence, reflect that this growth of our national prosperity has
happened within the short period of the life of man. It has
5 happened within sixty-eight years. There are those alive
whose memory might touch the two extremities. For
instance, my Lord Bathurst might remember all the stages
of the progress. He was in 1704 of an age at least to be
made to comprehend such things. He was then old enough
10 acta parentum jam legere, et quae sit poterit cognoscere virtus.
Suppose, Sir, that the angel of this auspicious youth, fore-
seeing the many virtues which made him one of the most
amiable, as he is one of the most fortunate, men of his age,
had opened to him in vision, that when in the fourth gener-
15 ation the third prince of the House of Brunswick had sat
twelve years on the throne of that nation which (by the
happy issue of moderate and healing counsels) was to be
made Great Britain, he should see his son, Lord Chancellor
of England, turn back the current of hereditary dignity to its
20 fountain, and raise him to an higher rank of peerage, whilst
he enriched the family with a new one ; - - if, amidst these
bright and happy scenes of domestic honor and prosperity,
that angel should have drawn up the curtain and unfolded
the rising glories of his country, and, whilst he was gazing
25 with admiration on the then commercial grandeur of England,
the genius should point out to him a little speck, scarcely
visible in the mass of the national interest, a small seminal
principle rather than a formed body, and should tell him, -
"Young man, there is America, which at this day serves
3° for little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men
and uncouth manners ; yet shall, before you taste of death,
show itself >equal to the whole of that commerce which now
attracts the envy of the world. Whatever England has been
growing to by a progressive increase of improvement
TRADE WITH PENNSYLVANIA. 15
brought in by varieties of people, by succession of civilizing
conquests and civilizing settlements in a series of seventeen
hundred years, you shall see as much added to her by
America in the course of a single life ! ' If this state of his
country had been foretold to him, would it not require all 5
the sanguine credulity of youth and all the fervid glow of
enthusiasm to make him believe it ? Fortunate man, he has
lived to see it ! Fortunate indeed, if he lives to see nothing
that shall vary the prospect and cloud the setting of his day 1
Excuse me, Sir, if, turning from such thoughts, I resume 10
this comparative view once more. You have seen it on a
large scale ; look at it on a small one. I will point out to
your attention a particular instance of it in the single prov-
ince of Pennsylvania. In the year 1704 that province called
for ;£ii,459 m value of your commodities, native and for- 15
eign. This was the whole. What did it demand in 1772 ?
Why, nearly fifty times as much ; for in that year the export
to Pennsylvania was £507,909, nearly equal to the export to
all the colonies together in the first period.
I choose, Sir, to enter into these minute and particular 20
details ; because generalities, which in all other cases are
apt to heighten and raise the subject, have here a tendency
to sink it. When we speak of the commerce with our
colonies, fiction lags after truth, invention is unfruitful, and
imagination cold and barren. 25
So far, Sir, as to the importance of the object in the view
of its commerce, as concerned in the exports from England.
If I were to detail the imports, I could show how many en-
joyments they procure which deceive the burden of life,
how many materials which invigorate the springs of national 3°
industry, and extend and animate every part of our foreign
and domestic commerce. This would be a curious subject
indeed, — but I must prescribe bounds to myself in a matter
so vast and various.
16 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
I pass, therefore, to the colonies in another point of view,
! — their agriculture. This they have prosecuted with such
a spirit that, besides feeding plentifully their own growing
multitude, their annual export of grain, comprehending rice,
5 has some years ago exceeded a million in value. Of their
last harvest, I am persuaded, they will export much more.
At the beginning of the century some of these colonies
imported corn from the mother country. For some time past
the Old World has been fed from the New. The scarcity
10 which you have felt would have been a desolating famine, if
this child of your old age, with a true filial piety, with a
Roman charity, had not put the full breast of its youthful
exuberance to the mouth of its exhausted parent.
As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn from the
15 sea by their fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened
at your bar. You surely thought those acquisitions of value,
for they seemed even to excite your envy ; and yet the spirit
by which that enterprising employment has been exercised
ought rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and
20 admiration. And pray, Sir, what in the world is equal to
it? Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in
which the people of New England have of late carried on
the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the tum-
bling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into
25 the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson Bay and Davis
Strait, whilst we are looking for them beneath the Arctic
Circle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite
region of polar cold, that they are at the antipodes and
engaged under the frozen Serpent of the south. Falkland
3° Island, which seemed too remote and romantic an object
for the grasp of national ambition, is but a stage and resting-
place in the progress of their victorious industry. Nor is
the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them than the
accumulated winter of both the poles. We know that whilst
AMERICAN FISHERIES. 17
some of them draw the line and strike the harpoon on the
coast of Africa, others run the longitude and pursue their
gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what
is vexed by their fisheries. No climate that is not witness
to their toils. Neither the perseverance of Holland nor the 5
activity of France nor the dexterous and firm sagacity of
English enterprise ever carried this most perilous mode of
hardy industry to the extent to which it has been pushed by
this recent people - - a people who are still, as it were, but •
in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone of man- 10
hood. When I contemplate these things ; when I know that
the colonies in general owe little or nothing to any care of
ours, and that they are not squeezed into this happy form
by the constraints of watchful and suspicious government,
but that through a wise and salutary neglect a generous 15
nature has been suffered to take her own way to perfec-
tion ; — when I reflect upon these effects, when I see how
profitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power
sink, and all presumption in the wisdom of human contriv-
ances melt and die away within me. My rigor relents. I 20
pardon something to the spirit of liberty.
I am sensible, Sir, that all which I have asserted in my
detail is admitted in the gross, but that quite a different
conclusion is drawn from it. America, gentlemen say, is a
noble object ; it is an object well worth fighting for. Cer- 25
tainly it is, if fighting a people be the best way of gaining
them. Gentlemen in this respect will be led to their choice
of means by their complexions and their habits. Those
who understand the military art will of course have some
predilection for it. Those who wield the thunder of the 30
state may have more confidence in the efficacy of arms. But
I confess, possibly for want of this knowledge, my opinion is
much more in favor of prudent management than of force, —
considering force not as an odious, but a feeble, instrument
18 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
for preserving a people so numerous, so active, so growing,
so spirited as this, in a profitable and subordinate connec-
tion with us.
First, Sir, permit me to observe that the use of force
5 alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a moment, but
it does not remove the necessity of subduing again : and a
nation is not governed which is perpetually to be conquered.
My next objection is its uncertainty. Terror is not always
the effect of force ; and an armament is not a victory. If
10 you do not succeed, you are without resource : for concilia-
tion failing, force remains ; but force failing, no further hope
of reconciliation is left. Power and authority are sometimes
bought by kindness ; but they can never be begged as alms
by an impoverished and defeated violence.
15 A further objection to force is that you impair the object
by your very endeavors to preserve it. The thing you
fought for is not the thing which you recover; but depre-
ciated, sunk, wasted and consumed in the contest. Noth-
ing less will content me than whole America. I do not
20 choose to consume its strength along with our own ; because
in all parts it is the British strength that I consume. I do
not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy at the end of
this exhausting conflict ; and still less in the midst of it. I
may escape ; but I can make no insurance against such an
25 event. Let me add that I do not choose wholly to break
the American spirit ; because it is the spirit that has made
the country.
Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favor of force as
an instrument in the rule of our colonies. Their growth
30 and their utility has been owing to methods altogether
different. Our ancient indulgence has been said to be pur-
sued to a fault. It may be so ; but we know, if feeling is
evidence, that our fault was more tolerable than our attempt
to mend it, and our sin far more salutary than our penitence.
AMERICAN LOVE OF FREEDOM. 19
These, Sir, are my reasons for not entertaining that high
opinion of untried force, by which many gentlemen, for
whose sentiments in other particulars I have great respect,
seem to be so greatly captivated. But there is still behind
a third consideration concerning this object, which serves to 5
determine my opinion on the sort of policy which ought to
be pursued in the management of America, even more than
its population and its commerce : I mean its temper and
character.
In this character of the Americans a love of freedom is 10
the predominating feature which marks and distinguishes
the whole : and as an ardent is always a jealous affection,
your colonies become suspicious, restive and untractable,
whenever they see the least attempt to wrest from them by
force or shuffle from them by chicane what they think the 15
only advantage worth living for. This fierce spirit of liberty
is stronger in the English colonies probably than in any
other people of the earth ; and this from a great variety of
powerful causes, which, to understand the true temper of
their minds and the direction which this spirit takes, it will 20
not be amiss to lay open somewhat more largely.
First, the people of the colonies are descendants of
Englishmen. England, Sir, is a nation which still, I hope,
respects, and formerly adored, her freedom. The colonists
emigrated from you when this part of your character was 25
most predominant ; and they took this bias and direction
the moment they parted from your hands. They are there-
fore not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to
English ideas and on English principles. Abstract liberty,
like other mere abstractions, is not to be found. Liberty 30
inheres in some sensible object ; and every nation has
formed to itself some favorite point, which by way of emi-
nence becomes the criterion of their happiness. It hap-
pened, you know, Sir, that the great contests for freedom in
20 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
this country were from the earliest times chiefly upon the
question of taxing. Most of the contests in the ancient
commonwealths turned primarily on the right of election of
magistrates or on the balance among the several orders of
5 the state. The question of money was not with them so
immediate. But in England it was otherwise. On this
point of taxes the ablest pens and most eloquent tongues
have been exercised, the greatest spirits have acted and
suffered. In order to give the fullest satisfaction concern-
10 ing the importance of this point, it was not only necessary
for those who in argument defended the excellence of the
English Constitution to insist on this privilege of granting
money as a dry point of fact, and to prove that the right
had been acknowledged in ancient parchments and blind
15 usages to reside in a certain body called a House of Com-
mons. They went much further : they attempted to prove,
and they succeeded, that in theory it ought to be so, from
the particular nature of the House of Commons as an imme-
diate representative of the people, whether the old records
20 had delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite pains
to inculcate as a fundamental principle, that in all mon-
archies the people must in effect themselves, mediately or
immediately, possess the power of granting their own money,
or no shadow of liberty could subsist. The colonies draw
25 from you, as with their life-blood, these ideas and principles.
Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on this
specific point of taxing. Liberty might be safe or might be
endangered in twenty other particulars without their being
much pleased or alarmed. Here they felt its pulse ; and as
30 they found that beat, they thought themselves sick or sound.
I do not say whether they were right or wrong in applying
your general arguments to their own case. It is not easy,
indeed, to make a monopoly of theorems and corollaries.
The fact is that they did thus apply those general argu-
PROTESTANTISM OF THE AMERICANS. 21
ments ; and your mode of governing them, whether through
lenity or indolence, through wisdom or mistake, confirmed
them in the imagination that they, as well as you, had an
interest in these common principles.
They were further confirmed in this pleasing error by the 5
form of their provincial legislative assemblies. Their gov-
ernments are popular in an high degree : some are merely
popular; in all the popular representative is the most
weighty; and this share of the people in their ordinary
government never fails to inspire them with lofty senti- 10
ments and with a strong aversion from whatever tends to
deprive them of their chief importance.
If anything were wanting to this necessary operation of
the form of government, religion would have given it a com-
plete effect. Religion, always a principle of energy, in this 15
new people is no way worn out or impaired ; and their mode
of professing it is also one main cause of this free spirit.
The people are Protestants, and of that kind which is the
most adverse to all implicit submission of mind and opinion.
This is a persuasion not only favorable to liberty, but built 20
upon it. I do not think, Sir, that the reason of this averse-
ness in the dissenting churches from all that looks like
absolute government is so much to be sought in their
religious tenets as in their history. Every one knows that
the Roman Catholic religion is at least coeval with most of 25
the governments where it prevails ; that it has generally
gone hand in hand with them, and received great favor and
every kind of support from authority. The Church of Eng-
land too was formed from her cradle under the nursing care
of regular government. But the dissenting interests have 30
sprung up in direct opposition to all the ordinary powers of
the world, and could justify that opposition only on a
strong claim to natural liberty. Their very existence de-
pended on the powerful and unremitted assertion of that
22 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
claim. All Protestantism, even the most cold and passive,
is a sort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in our
northern colonies is a refinement on the principle of resist-
ance : it is the dissidence of dissent and the Protestantism
5 of the Protestant religion. This religion, under a variety of
denominations agreeing in nothing but in the communion of
the spirit of liberty, is predominant in most of the northern
provinces, where the Church of England, notwithstanding
its legal rights, is in reality no more than a sort of private
10 sect, not composing most probably the tenth of the people.
The colonists left England when this spirit was high, and in
the emigrants was the highest of all ; and even that stream
of foreigners which has been constantly flowing into these
colonies has, for the greatest part, been composed of dis-
15 senters from the establishments of their several countries,
and have brought with them a temper and character far
from alien to that of the people with whom they mixed.
Sir, I can perceive by their manner that some gentlemen
object to the latitude of this description, because in the
20 southern colonies the Church of England forms a large
body and has a regular establishment. It is certainly true.
There is, however, a circumstance attending these colonies,
which, in my opinion, fully counterbalances this difference
and makes the spirit of liberty still mqre high and haughty
25 than in those to the northward. It is, that in Virginia and
the Carolinas they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where
this is the case in any part of the world, those who are free
are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom.
Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of
30 rank and privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in
countries where it is a common blessing and as broad and
general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with
great misery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks,
amongst them, like something that is more noble and liberal.
LEGAL STUDIES IN AMERICA. 23
I do not mean, Sir, to commend the superior morality of
this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue
in it ; but I cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is
so ; and these people of the southern colonies are much
more strongly and with a higher and more stubborn spirit 5
attached to liberty than those to the northward. Such
were all the ancient commonwealths ; such were our Gothic
ancestors ; such in our days were the Poles ; and such will
be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In
such a people the haughtiness of domination combines with 10
the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible.
Permit me, Sir, to add another circumstance in our colo-
nies, which contributes no mean part towards the growth
and effect of this untractable spirit: I mean their education.
In no country perhaps in the world is the law so general a 15
study. The profession itself is numerous and powerful, and
in most provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of
the deputies sent to the Congress were lawyers. But all
who read (and most do read) endeavor to obtain some smat-
tering in that scierce. I have been told by an eminent 20
bookseller that in no branch of his business, after tracts of
popular devotion, were so many books as those on the law
exported to the plantations. The colonists have now fallen
into the way of printing them for their own use. I hear
that they have sold nearly as many of Blackstone's Commen- 25
taries in America as in England. General Gage marks out
this disposition very particularly in a letter on your table.
He states that all the people in his government are lawyers
or smatterers in law ; and that in Boston they have been
enabled by successful chicane wholly to evade many parts 3°
of one of your capital penal constitutions. The smartness
of debate will say that this knowledge ought to teach them
more clearly the rights of legislature, their obligations to
obedience and the penalties of rebellion. All this is mighty
24 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
/
well. But my honorable and learned friend on the floor,
who condescends to mark what I say for animadversion,
will disdain that ground. He has heard, as well as I, that
when great honors and great emoluments do not win over
5 this knowledge to the service of the state, it is a formidable
adversary to government. If the spirit be not tamed and
broken by these happy methods, it is stubborn and litigious.
Abeunt studio, in mores. This study renders men acute,
inquisitive, dexterous, prompt in attack, ready in defence,
10 full of resources. In other countries the people, more sim-
ple and of a less mercurial cast, judge of an ill principle in
government only by an actual grievance ; here they antici-
pate the evil and judge of the pressure of the grievance by
the badness of the principle. They augur misgovernment
15 at a distance and snuff the approach of tyranny in every
tainted breeze.
The last cause of this disobedient spirit in the colonies is
hardly less powerful than the rest, as it is not merely moral,
but laid deep in the natural constitution of things. Three
20 thousand miles of ocean lie between you and them. No
contrivance can prevent the effect of this distance in weak-
ening government. Seas roll and months pass between
the order and the execution ; and the want of a speedy
explanation of a single point is enough to defeat a whole
25 system. You have, indeed, winged ministers of vengeance,
who carry your bolts in their pounces to the remotest verge
of the sea. But there a power steps in that limits the
arrogance of raging passions and furious elements, and
says, " So far shalt thou go, and no farther." Who are you,
30 that should fret and rage, and bite the chains of Nature ?
Nothing worse happens to you than does to all nations who
have extensive empire ; and it happens in all the forms into
which empire can be thrown. In large bodies the circu-
lation of power must be less vigorous at the extremities.
DISTANCE FROM CENTRE OF AUTHORITY. 25
Nature has s^id it. The Turk cannot govern Egypt and
Arabia and Kurdistan as he governs Thrace ; nor has he
the same dominion in Crimea and Algiers which he has at
Brusa and Smyrna. Despotism itself is obliged to truck
and huckster. The sultan gets such obedience as he can. 5
He governs with a loose rein, that he may govern at all ;
and the whole of the force and vigor of his authority in his
centre is derived from a prudent relaxation in all his bor-
ders. Spain, in her provinces, is perhaps not so well obeyed
as you are in yours. She complies too ; she submits ; she 10
watches times. This is the immutable condition, the eternal
law, of extensive and detached empire.
Then, Sir, from these six capital sources : of descent, of
form of government, of religion in the northern provinces, of
manners in the southern, of education, of the remoteness 15
of situation from the first mover of government, — from all
these causes a fierce spirit of liberty has grown up. It has
grown with the growth of the people in your colonies, and
increased with the increase of their wealth : a spirit, that
unhappily meeting with an exercise of power in England, 20
which, however lawful, is not reconcilable to any ideas of
liberty, much less with theirs, has kindled this flame that is
ready to consume us.
I do not mean to commend either the spirit in this excess
or the moral causes which produce it. Perhaps a more 25
smooth and accommodating spirit of freedom in them would
be more acceptable to us. Perhaps ideas of liberty might
be desired more reconcilable with an arbitrary and bound-
less authority. Perhaps we might wish the colonists to be
persuaded that their liberty is more secure when held in 30
trust for them by us, as their guardians during a perpetual
minority, than with any part of it in their own hands. The
question is not whether their spirit deserves praise or blame,
but what, in the name of God, shall we do with it ? You
26 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
have before you the object, such as it is, with all its glories,
with all its imperfections on its head. You see the magni-
tude, the importance, the temper, the habits, the disorders.
By all these considerations we are strongly urged to deter-
5 mine something concerning it. We are called upon to fix
some rule and line for our future conduct, which may give a
little stability to our politics and prevent the return of such
unhappy deliberations as the present. Every such return
will bring the matter before us in a still more untractable
10 form. For what astonishing and incredible things have we
not seen already ! What monsters have not been generated
from this unnatural contention ! Whilst every principle of
authority and resistance has been pushed, upon both sides,
as far as it would go, there is nothing so solid and certain,
15 either in reasoning or in practice, that has not been shaken.
Until very lately all authority in America seemed to be
nothing but an emanation from yours. Even the popular
part of the colony constitution derived all its activity, and
its first vital movement, from the pleasure of the, crown.
20 We thought, Sir, that the utmost which the discontented
colonists could do was to disturb authority ; we never dreamt
they could of themselves supply it, knowing in general what
an operose business it is to establish a government abso-
lutely new. But having for our purposes in this conten-
25 tion resolved that none but an obedient assembly should
sit, the humors of the people there, finding all passage
through the legal channel stopped, with great violence broke
out another way. Some provinces have tried their experi-
ment, as we have tried ours ; and theirs has succeeded.
30 They have formed a government sufficient for its purposes,
without the bustle of a revolution or the troublesome
formality of an election. Evident necessity and tacit con-
sent have done the business in an instant. So well they
have done it, that Lord Dunmore (the account is among the
SELF-GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA. 27
fragments on your table) tells you that the new institution
is infinitely better obeyed than the ancient government ever
was in its most fortunate periods. Obedience is what makes-
government, and not the names by which it is called : not
the name of governor, as formerly ; or committee, as at 5
present. This new government has originated directly from
the people, and was not transmitted through any of the ordi-
nary artificial media of a positive constitution. It was not a
manufacture ready formed, and transmitted to them in that
condition from England. The evil arising from hence is ic
this : that the colonists having once found the possibility of
enjoying the advantages of order in the midst of a struggle
for liberty, such struggles will not henceforward seem so
terrible to the settled and sober part of mankind, as they
had appeared before the trial. 15
Pursuing the same plan of punishing by the denial of the
exercise of government to still greater lengths, we wholly
abrogated the ancient government of Massachusetts. We
were confident that the first feeling, if not the very prospect
of anarchy, would instantly enforce a complete submission. 20
The experiment was tried. A new, strange, unexpected
face of things appeared. Anarchy is found tolerable. A
vast province has now subsisted, and subsisted in a consider-
able degree of health and vigor, for near a twelvemonth,
without governor, without public council, without judges, 25
without executive magistrates. How long it will continue
in this state, or what may arise out of this unheard-of situa-
tion, how can the wisest of us conjecture ? Our late experi-
ence has taught us that many of those fundamental principles
formerly believed infallible are either not of the importance 30
they were imagined to be, or that we have not at all adverted
to some other far more important and far more powerful
principles, which entirely overrule those we had considered
as omnipotent. I am much against any further experiments
28 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA,
which tend to put to the proof any more of these allowed
opinions which contribute so much to the public tranquillity.
•In effect, we suffer as much at home by this loosening of all
ties and this concussion of all established opinions, as we do
5 abroad. For, in order to prove that the Americans have no
right to their liberties, we are every day endeavoring to sub-
l/vert the maxims which preserve the whole spirit of our own.
To prove that Americans ought not to be free, we are obliged
to depreciate the value of freedom itself ; and we never seem
10 to gain a paltry advantage over them in debate, without
attacking some of those principles, or deriding some of those
feelings, for which our ancestors have shed their blood.
But, Sir, in wishing to put an end to pernicious experi-
ments, I do not mean to preclude the fullest inquiry. Far
15 from it. Far from deciding on a sudden or partial view, I
would patiently go round and round the subject, and survey
it minutely in every possible aspect. Sir, if I were capable
of engaging you to an equal attention, I would state that, as
far as I am capable of discerning, there are but three ways
20 of proceeding relative to this stubborn spirit which prevails
in your colonies and disturbs your government. These are :
to change that spirit as inconvenient, by removing the causes ;
to prosecute it as criminal ; or to comply with it as neces-
sary. I would not be guilty of an imperfect enumeration ;
25 I can think of but these three. Another has indeed been
started, that of giving up the colonies ; but it met so slight a
reception that I do not think myself obliged to dwell a
great while upon it. It is nothing but a little sally of anger,
like the frowardness of peevish children, who, when they
30 cannot get all they would have, are resolved to take nothing.
The first of these plans, to change the spirit as inconven-
ient, by removing the causes, I think is the most like a sys-
tematic proceeding. It is radical in its principle ; but it is
attended with great difficulties, some of them little short, as
POPULATION CANNOT BE CHECKED. 29
I conceive, of impossibilities. This will appear by examin-
ing into the plans which have been proposed.
As the growing population in the colonies is evidently one
cause of their resistance, it was last session mentioned in
both Houses by men of weight, and received not without 5
applause, that in order to check this evil, it would be proper
for the crown to make no further grants of land. But to
this scheme there are two objections. The first, that there
is already so much unsettled land in private hands as to
afford room for an immense future population, although the 10
crown not only withheld its grants, but annihilated its soil.
If this be the case, then the only effect of this avarice of
desolation, this hoarding of a royal wilderness, would be to
raise the value of the possessions in the hands of the great
private monopolists, without any adequate check to the 15
growing and alarming mischief of population.
But if you stopped your grants, what would be the conse-
quence ? The people would occupy without grants. They
have already so occupied in many places. You cannot sta-
tion garrisons in every part of these deserts. If you drive 20
the people from one place, they will carry on their annual
tillage and remove with their flocks and herds to another.
Many of the people in the back settlements are already little
attached to particular situations. Already they have topped
the Appalachian Mountains. From thence they behold 25
before them an immense plain, one vast, rich, level meadow ;
a square of five hundred miles. Over this they would
wander without a possibility of restraint ; they would change
their manners with the habits of their life ; would soon
forget a government by which they were disowned ; would 30
become hordes of English Tartars, and pouring down upon
your unfortified frontiers a fierce and irresistible cavalry,
become masters of your governors and your counsellors,
your collectors and comptrollers, and of all the slaves that
30 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
adhered to them. Such would, and in no long time must,
be the effect of attempting to forbid as a crime, and to sup-
press as an evil, the command and blessing of Providence,
" Increase and multiply." Such would be the happy result
5 of an endeavor to keep as a lair of wild beasts that earth
which God, by an express charter, has given to the children
of men. Far different and surely much wiser has been our
policy hitherto. Hitherto we have invited our people, by
every kind of bounty, to fixed establishments. We have
10 invited the husbandman to look to authority for his title.
We have taught him piously to believe in the mysterious
virtue of wax and parchment. We have thrown each tract
of land, as it was peopled, into districts, that the ruling
power should never be wholly out of sight. We have settled
15 all we could; and we have carefully attended every settle-
ment with government.
Adhering, Sir, as I do, to this policy, as well as for the
reasons I have just given, I think this new project of hedg-
ing-in population to be neither prudent nor practicable.
20 To impoverish the colonies in general, and in particular
to arrest the noble course of their marine enterprises, would
be a more easy task. I freely confess it. We have shown
a disposition to a system of this kind, — a disposition even
to continue the restraint after the offence, looking on our-
25 selves as rivals to our colonies, and persuaded that of
course we must gain all that they shall lose. Much mis-
chief we may certainly do. The power inadequate to all
other things is often more than sufficient for this. I do not
look on the direct and immediate power of the colonies to
30 resist our violence as very formidable. In this, however, I
may be mistaken. But when I consider that we have colo-
nies for no purpose but to be serviceable to us, it seems
to my poor understanding a little preposterous to make
them unserviceable in order to keep them obedient. It is,
UNALTERABLE CHARACTER OF AMERICANS. 31
in truth, nothing more than the old and, as I thought,
exploded problem of tyranny, which proposes to beggar its
subjects into submission. But remember, when you have
completed your system of impoverishment, that Nature still
proceeds in her ordinary course ; that discontent will in- 5
crease with misery ; and that there are critical moments in
the fortune of all states, when they who are too weak to
contribute to your prosperity may be strong enough to com-
plete your ruin. Spoliatis arma supersunt.
The temper and character which prevail in our colonies 10
are, I am afraid, unalterable by any human art. We can-
not, I fear, falsify the pedigree of this fierce people and
persuade them that they are not sprung from a nation in
whose veins the blood of freedom circulates. The language
in which they would hear you tell them this tale would de- 15
tect the imposition ; your speech would betray you. An
Englishman is the unfittest person on earth to argue another
Englishman into slavery.
I think it is nearly as little in our power to change their
republican religion as their free descent, or to substitute the 20
Roman Catholic as a penalty, or the Church of England as
an improvement. The mode of inquisition and dragooning
is going out of fashion in the Old World ; and I should not
confide much to their efficacy in the New. The education
of the Americans is also on the same unalterable bottom with 25
their religion. You cannot persuade them to burn their books
of curious science ; to banish their lawyers from their courts
of laws ; or to quench the lights of their assemblies by refus-
ing to choose those persons who are best read in their privi-
leges. It would be no less impracticable to think of wholly 30
annihilating the popular assemblies in which these lawyers sit.
The army, by which we must govern in their place, would
be far more chargeable to us ; not quite so effectual ; and
perhaps in the end full as difficult to be kept in obedience.
32 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
With regard to the high aristocratic spirit of Virginia and
the southern colonies, it has been proposed, I know, to re-
duce it by declaring a general enfranchisement of their
slaves. This project has had its advocates and panegyrists ;
5 yet I never could argue myself into any opinion of it. Slaves
are often much attached to their masters. A general wild
offer of liberty would not always be accepted. History fur-
nishes few instances of it. It is sometimes as hard to per-
suade slaves to be free as it is to compel freemen to be
10 slaves ; and in this auspicious scheme we should have both
these pleasing tasks on our hands at once. But when we
talk of enfranchisement, do we not perceive that the Ameri-
can master may enfranchise too, and arm servile hands in
defence of freedom ? — a measure to which other people
15 have had recourse more than once, and not without success,
in a desperate situation of their affairs.
Slaves as these unfortunate black people are, and dull as
all men are from slavery, must they not a little suspect the
offer of freedom from that very nation which has sold them
20 to their present masters ? from that nation, one of whose
causes of quarrel with those masters is their refusal to deal
any more in that inhuman traffic? An offer of freedom
from England would come rather oddly, shipped to them in
an African vessel, which is refused an entry into the ports
25 of Virginia or Carolina, with a cargo of three hundred An-
gola negroes. It would be curious to see the Guinea captain
attempting at the same instant to publish his proclamation
of liberty and to advertise his sale of slaves.
But let us suppose all these moral difficulties got over.
30 The ocean remains. You cannot pump this dry; and as
long as it continues in its present bed, so long all the causes
which weaken authority by distance will continue.
Ye gods, annihilate but space and time,
And make two lovers happy !
INDICTING A WHOLE PEOPLE. 33
was a pious and passionate prayer, but just as reasonable
as many of the serious wishes of very grave and solemn
politicians.
If then, Sir, it seems almost desperate to think of any
alterative course for changing the moral causes (and not 5
quite easy to remove the natural) which produce prejudices
irreconcilable to the late exercise of our authority, but that
the spirit infallibly will continue ; and continuing, will pro-
duce such effects as now embarrass us, — the second mode
under consideration is to prosecute that spirit in its overt 10
acts as criminal.
At this proposition I must pause a moment. The thing
seems a great deal too big for my ideas of jurisprudence.
It should seem to my way of conceiving such matters, that
there is a very wide difference in reason and policy between 15
the mode of proceeding on the irregular conduct of scattered
individuals, or even of bands of men, who disturb order
within the state, and the civil dissensions which may, from
time to time, on great questions, agitate the several commu-
nities which compose a great empire. It looks to me to be 20
narrow and pedantic to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal
justice to this great public contest. I do not know the
method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.
I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of my
fellow-creatures, as Sir Edward Coke insulted one excellent 25
individual (Sir Walter Ralegh) at the bar. I am not ripe
to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies, entrusted
with magistracies of great authority and dignity, and charged
with the safety of their fellow-citizens, upon the very same
title that I am. I really think that for wise men this is not 30
judicious ; for sober men, not decent ; for minds tinctured
with humanity, not mild and merciful.
Perhaps, Sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an empire as
distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But my idea
34 SPEECH ON CONCILIA TION WITH AMERICA.
of it is this : that an empire is the aggregate of many states
under one common head, whether this head be a monarch
or a presiding republic. It does in such constitutions fre-
quently happen (and nothing but the dismal, cold, dead uni-
5 formity of servitude can prevent its happening) that the sub-
ordinate parts have many local privileges and immunities.
Between these privileges and the supreme common authority
the line may be extremely nice. Of course disputes — often,
too, very bitter disputes — and much ill blood will arise. But
10 though every privilege is an exemption (in the case) from
the ordinary exercise of the supreme authority, it is no denial
of it. The claim of a privilege seems rather, ex vi termini,
to imply a superior power ; for to talk of the privileges of a
state, or of a person who has no superior, is hardly any
15 better than speaking nonsense. Now in such unfortunate
quarrels among the component parts of a great political
union of communities, I can scarcely conceive anything
more completely imprudent than for the head of the empire
to insist that, if any privilege is pleaded against his will or
20 his acts, [that] his whole authority is denied ; instantly to pro-
claim rebellion, to beat to arms, and to put the offending prov-
inces under the ban. Will not this, Sir, very soon teach the
provinces to make no distinctions on their part ? Will it
not teach them that the government against which a claim
25 of liberty is tantamount to high treason is a government to
which submission is equivalent to slavery? It may not
always be quite convenient to impress dependent communi-
ties with such an idea.
We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colonies, by the
30 necessity of things, the judge. It is true, Sir. But I confess
that the character of judge in my own cause is a thing that
frightens me. Instead of filling me with pride, I am exceed-
ingly humbled by it. I cannot proceed with a stern, assured,
judicial confidence, until I find myself in something more
CRIMINAL PROSECUTION INEXPEDIENT. 35
like a judicial character. I must have these hesitations as
long as I am compelled to recollect that, in my little read-
ing upon such contests as these, the sense of mankind has
at least as often decided against the superior as the subor-
dinate power. 3ir, let me add, too, that the opinion of my 5
having some abstract right in my favor would not put me
much at my ease in passing sentence, unless I could be sure
that there were no rights which, in their exercise under cer-
tain circumstances, were not the most odious of all wrongs
and the most vexatious of all injustice. Sir, these considera- 10
tions have great weight with me, when I find things so cir-
cumstanced, that I see the same party at once a civil litigant
against me in point of right and a culprit before me, while
I sit as a criminal judge on acts of his, whose moral quality
is to be decided upon the merits of that very litigation. 15
Men are every now and then put, by the complexity of
human affairs, into strange situations ; but justice is the
same, let the judge be in what situation he will.
There is, Sir, also a circumstance which convinces me
that this mode of criminal proceeding is not (at least in the 20
present stage of our contest) altogether expedient, which is
nothing less than the conduct of those very persons who
have seemed to adopt that mode, by lately declaring a rebel-
lion in Massachusetts Bay, as they had formerly addressed
to have traitors brought hither, under an act of Henry the 25
Eighth, for trial. For though rebellion is declared, it is not
proceeded against as such ; nor have any steps been taken
towards the apprehension or conviction of any individual
offender, either on our late or our former address ; but modes
of public coercion have been adopted, and such as have much 3°
more resemblance to a sort of qualified hostility towards an
independent power than the punishment of rebellious subjects.
All this seems rather inconsistent ; but it shows how difficult
it is to apply these juridical ideas to our present case.
36 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
In this situation, let us seriously and coolly ponder. What
is it we have got by all our menaces, which have been many
and ferocious ? What advantage have we derived from the
penal laws we have passed, and which, for the time, have
5 been severe and numerous ? What advances have we made
towards our object, by the sending of a force which, by land
and sea, is* no contemptible strength ? Has the disorder
abated ? Nothing less. When I see things in this situa-
tion, after such confident hopes, bold promises and active
10 exertions, I cannot for my life avoid a suspicion that the
plan itself is not correctly right.
If, then, the removal of the causes of this spirit of Ameri-
can liberty be for the greater part, or rather entirely, imprac-
ticable ; if the ideas of criminal process be inapplicable, or,
15 if applicable, are in the highest degree inexpedient; what
way yet remains ? No way is open but the third and last, -
to comply with the American spirit as necessary ; or, if you
please, to submit to it as a necessary evil.
If we adopt this mode, if we mean to conciliate and con-
20 cede, let us see of what nature the concession ought to be.
To ascertain the nature of our concession, we must look at
their complaint. The colonies complain that they have not
the characteristic mark and seal of British freedom. They
complain that they are taxed in a Parliament in which they
25 are not represented. If you mean to satisfy them at all,
you must satisfy them w^ith regard to this complaint. If
you mean to please any people, you must give them the
boon which they ask, — not what you may think better for
them, but of a kind totally different. Such an act may be
3° a wise regulation, but it is no concession ; whereas our pres-
ent theme is the mode of giving satisfaction.
Sir, I think you must perceive that I am resolved this
day to have nothing at all to do with the question of the
right of taxation. Some gentlemen startle, - - but it is true ;
NOT A QUESTION OF ABSTRACT RIGHT. 37
I put it totally out of the question. It is less than nothing
in my consideration. I do not indeed wonder, nor will you,
Sir, that gentlemen of profound learning are fond of display-
ing it on this profound subject. But my consideration is
narrow, confined, and wholly limited to the policy of the 5
question. I do not examine whether the giving away a
man's money be a power excepted and reserved out of the
general trust of government ; and how far all mankind, in
all forms of polity, are entitled to an exercise of that right
by the charter of Nature ; or whether, on the contrary, a 10
right of taxation is necessarily involved in the general princi-
ple of legislation and inseparable from the ordinary supreme
power. These are deep questions, where great names mili-
tate against each other; where reason is perplexed; and an
appeal to authorities only thickens the confusion : for high 15
and reverend authorities lift up their heads on both sides ;
and there is no sure footing in the middle. This point is
the great
Serbonian bog,
Betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old, 20
Where armies whole have sunk.
I do not intend to be overwhelmed in that bog, though in
such respectable company.^ The question with me is not
whether you have a right to render your people miserable,
but whether it is not your interest to make them happy. It 25
is not what a lawyer tells me I may do, but what humanity,
reason and justice tell me I ought to do. Is a politic act
the worse for being a generous one ? Is no concession
proper but that which is made from your want of right to
keep what you grant ? Or does it lessen the grace or dig- 30
nity of relaxing in the exercise of an odious claim, because
you have your evidence-room full of titles and your magazines
stuffed with arms to enforce them ? What signify all those
titles and all those arms? Of what avail are they, when
38 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
t.
the reason of the thing tells me that the assertion of my
title is the loss of my suit ; and that I could do nothing but
wound myself by the use of my own weapons ?
Such is steadfastly my opinion of the absolute necessity
5 of keeping up the concord of this empire by a unity of
spirit, though in a diversity of operations, that if I were
sure the colonists had at their leaving this country sealed a
regular compact of servitude, that they had solemnly abjured
all the rights of citizens, that they had made a vow to re-
10 nounce all ideas of liberty for them and their posterity to
all generations; yet I should hold myself obliged to conform
to the temper I found universally prevalent in my own day,
and to govern two million of men, impatient of servitude,
on the principles of freedom. I am not determining a point
15 of law; I am restoring tranquillity: and the general char-
acter and situation of a people must determine what sort of
government is fitted for them. That point nothing else can
or ought to determine.
My idea, therefore, without considering whether we yield
20 as matter of right or grant as matter of favor, is to admit the
people of our colonies into an interest in the Constitution ; and
by recording that admission in the journals of Parliament,
to give them as strong an assurance as the nature of the
thing will admit, that we mean forever to adhere to that
25 solemn declaration of systematic indulgence.
Some years ago, the repeal of a revenue act, upon its
understood principle, might have served to show that we
intended an unconditional abatement of the exercise of a
taxing power. Such a measure was then sufficient to re-
30 move all suspicion and to give perfect content. But unfor-
tunate events since that time may make something further
necessary ; and not more necessary for the satisfaction of
the colonies than for the dignity and consistency of our own
future proceedings.
TAX A TION IS USELESS. 39
I have taken a very incorrect measure of the disposition
of the House, if this proposal in itself would be received
with dislike. I think, Sir, we have few American financiers.
But our misfortune is, we are too acute ; we are too exquisite
in our conjectures of the future, for men oppressed with 5
such great and present evils. The more moderate among
the opposers of parliamentary concession freely confess that
they hope no good from taxation ; but they apprehend the
colonists have further views, and if this point were con-
ceded, they would instantly attack the trade laws. These 10
gentlemen are convinced that this was the intention from
the beginning, and the quarrel of the Americans with taxa-
tion was no more than a cloak and cover to this design.
Such has been the language, even of a gentleman of real
moderation and of a natural temper well adjusted to fair 15
and equal government. I am, however, Sir, not a little sur-
prised at this kind of discourse whenever I hear it ; and I
am the more surprised on account of the arguments which
I constantly find in company with it, and which are often
urged from the same mouths and on the same day. 20
For instance, when we allege that it is against reason to
tax a people under so many restraints in trade as the Ameri-
cans, the noble lord in the blue ribbon shall tell you that
the restraints on trade are futile and useless, of no advan-
tage to us, and of no burden to those on whom they are 25
imposed ; that the trade to America is not secured by the
Acts of Navigation, but by the natural and irresistible
advantage of a commercial preference.
Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posture of the
debate. But when strong internal circumstances are urged 30
against the taxes ; when the scheme is dissected ; when ex-
perience and the nature of things are brought to prove, and
do prove, the utter impossibility of obtaining an effective
revenue from the colonies ; - - when these things are pressed,
40 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
or rather press themselves, so as to drive the advocates of
colony taxes to a clear admission of the futility of the scheme-,
then, Sir, the sleeping trade laws revive from their trance,
and this useless taxation is to be kept sacred, not for its own
5 sake, but as a counterguard and security of the laws of
trade.
Then, Sir, you keep up revenue laws which are mischiev-
ous, in order to preserve trade laws that are useless. Such
is the wisdom of our plan in both its members. They are
10 separately given up as of no value; and yet one is always to
be defended for the sake of the other. But I cannot agree
with the noble lord nor with the pamphlet from whence he
seems to have borrowed these ideas concerning the inutility
of the trade laws; for without idolizing them, I am sure they
15 are still in many ways of great use to us, and in former
times they have been of the greatest. They do confine, and
they do greatly narrow, the market for the Americans. But
my perfect Conviction of this does not help me in the least
to discern how the revenue laws form any security what-
20 soever to the commercial regulations ; or that these commer-
cial regulations are the true ground of the quarrel; or that
the giving way in any one instance of authority is to lose all
that may remain unconceded.
One fact is clear and indisputable: the public and avowed
25 origin of this quarrel was on taxation. This quarrel has
indeed brought on new disputes on new questions; but
certainly the least bitter and the fewest of all on the trade
laws. To judge which of the two be the real, radical cause
of quarrel, we have to see whether the commercial dispute
3° did, in order of time, precede the dispute on taxation ?
There is not a shadow of evidence for it. Next, to enable
us to judge whether at this moment a dislike to the trade
laws be the real cause of quarrel, it is absolutely necessary
to put the taxes out of the question by a repeal. See how
DEFIANCE OF FACT AND EXPERIENCE. 41
the Americans act in this position, and then you will be able
to discern correctly what is the true object of the contro-
versy, or whether any controversy at all will remain. Unless
you consent to remove this cause of difference, it is impos-
sible with decency to assert that the dispute is not upon what 5
it is avowed to be. And I would, Sir, recommend to your
serious consideration, whether it be prudent to form a rule
for punishing people, not on their own acts, but on your
conjectures. Surely it is preposterous at the very best. It
is not justifying your anger by their misconduct, but it is 10
converting your ill-will into their delinquency.
But the colonies will go further. Alas ! alas ! when will
this speculating against fact and reason end ? What will
quiet these panic fears which we entertain of the hostile
effect of a conciliatory conduct ? Is it true that no case can 15
exist in which it is proper for the sovereign to accede to the
desires of his discontented subjects? Is there anything
peculiar in this case to make a rule for itself? Is all
authority of course lost, when it is not pushed to the
extreme ? Is it a certain maxim that the fewer causes of 20
dissatisfaction are left by government, the more the subject
will be inclined to resist and rebel ?
All these objections being in fact no more than suspicions,
conjectures, divinations, formed in defiance of fact and ex-
perience, they did not, Sir, discourage me from entertaining 25
the idea of a conciliatory concession, founded on the prin-
1 ciples which I have just stated.
In forming a plan for this purpose, I endeavored to put
myself in that frame of mind which was the most natural
and the most reasonable, and which was certainly the most 30
probable means of securing me from all error. I set out
with a perfect distrust of my own abilities, a total renuncia-
tion of every speculation of my own; and with a profound
reverence for the wisdom of our ancestors, who have left us
42 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
the inheritance of so happy a constitution and so flourishing
an empire, and, what is a thousand times more valuable, the
treasury of the maxims and principles which formed the one
and obtained the other.
5 During the reigns of the kings of Spain of the Austrian
family, whenever they were at a loss in the Spanish councils,
it was common for their statesmen to say that they ought to
consult the genius of Philip the Second. The genius of
Philip the Second might mislead them; and the issue of
10 their affairs showed that they had not chosen the most
perfect standard. But, Sir, I am sure that I shall not be
misled, when in a case of constitutional difficulty I consult
the genius of the English Constitution. Consulting at that
oracle (it was with all due humility and piety), I found four
15 capital examples in a similar case before me: those of
Ireland, Wales, Chester and Durham.
Ireland before the English conquest, though never
governed by a despotic power, had no Parliament. How
far the English Parliament itself was at that time modelled
20 according to the present form is disputed among antiquarians.
But we have all the reason in the world to be assured that
a form of Parliament such as England then enjoyed she
instantly communicated to Ireland; and we are equally sure
that almost every successive improvement in constitutional
25 liberty, as fast as it was made here, was transmitted thither.
The feudal baronage and the feudal knighthood, the roots of
our primitive constitution, were early transplanted into that
soil, and grew and flourished there. Magna Charta, if it
did not give us originally the House of Commons, gave us
30 at least an House of Commons of weight and consequence.
But your ancestors did not churlishly sit down alone to the
feast of Magna Charta. Ireland was made immediately a
partaker. This benefit of English laws and liberties, I con-
fess, was not at first extended to all Ireland. Mark the
THE CASE OF IRELAND. 43
consequence. English authority and English liberties had
exactly the same boundaries. Your standard could never
be advanced an inch before your privileges. Sir John Davies
shows beyond a doubt that the refusal of a general commu-
nication of these rights was the true cause why Ireland was 5
five hundred years in subduing; and after the vain projects
of a military government, attempted in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, it was soon discovered that nothing could make
that country English in civility and allegiance, but your laws
and your forms of legislature. It was not English arms, but 10
the English Constitution, that conquered Ireland. From
that time Ireland has ever had a general Parliament, as she
had before a partial Parliament. You changed the people,
you altered the religion, but you never touched the form or
the vital substance of free government in that kingdom. 15
You deposed kings; you restored them; you altered the
succession to theirs as well as to your own crown ; but you
never altered their constitution, the principle of which was
respected by usurpation, restored with the restoration of
monarchy, and established, I trust, forever by the glorious 20
Revolution. This has made Ireland the great and flourish-
ing kingdom that it is; and from a disgrace and a burden
intolerable to this nation, has rendered her a principal part
of our strength and ornament. This country cannot be said
to have ever formally taxed her. The irregular things done 25
in the confusion of mighty troubles and on the hinge of great
revolutions, even if all were done that is said to have been
done, form no example. If they have any effect in argu-
ment, they make an exception to prove the rule. None of
your own liberties could stand a moment, if the casual 30
deviations from them at such times were suffered to be
used as proofs of their nullity. By the lucrative amount of
such casual breaches in the Constitution, judge what the
stated and fixed rule of supply has been in that kingdom.
44 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
Your Irish pensioners would starve, if they had no other
fund to live on than taxes granted by English authority.
Turn your eyes to those popular grants from whence all your
great supplies are come, and learn to respect that only
5 source of public wealth in the British Empire.
My next example is Wales. This country was said to be
reduced by Henry the Third. It was said more truly to be
so by Edward the First. But though then conquered, it was
not looked upon as any part of the realm of England. Its
10 old constitution, whatever that might have been, was
destroyed, and no good one was substituted in its place.
The care of that tract was put into the hands of Lords
Marchers, — a form of government of a very singular kind,
a strange, heterogeneous monster, something between hos-
15 tility and government; perhaps it has a sort of resemblance,
according to the modes of those times, to that of commander-
in-chief at present, to whom all civil power is granted as
secondary. The manners of the Welsh nation followed the
genius of the government : the people were ferocious, restive,
20 savage and uncultivated, sometimes composed, never paci-
fied. Wales, within itself, was in perpetual disorder; and
it kept the frontier of England in perpetual alarm. Benefits
from it to the state there were none. Wales was only known
to England by incursion and invasion.
25 Sir, during that state of things Parliament was not idle.
They attempted to subdue the fierce spirit of the Welsh by
all sorts of rigorous laws. They prohibited by statute the
sending all sorts of arms into Wales, as you prohibit by
proclamation (with something more of doubt on the legality)
30 the sending arms to America. They disarmed the Welsh
by statute, as you attempted (but still with more question
on the legality) to disarm New England by an instruction.
They made an act to drag offenders from Wales into Eng-
land for trial, as you have done (but with more hardship)
THE CASE OF WALES. 45
with regard to America. By another act, where one of the
parties was an Englishman, they ordained that his trial
should be always by English. They made acts to restrain
trade, as you do ; and they prevented the Welsh from the
use of fairs and markets, as you do the Americans from 5
fisheries and foreign ports. In short, when the statute-book
was not quite so much swelled as it is now, you find no
less than fifteen acts of penal regulation on the subject of
Wales.
Here we rub our hands — A fine body of precedents for 10
the authority of Parliament and the use of it ! — I admit it
fully; and pray add likewise to these precedents, that all
the while Wales rid this kingdom like an incubus ; that it
was an unprofitable and oppressive burden ; and that an
Englishman travelling in that country could not go six yards 15
from the highroad without being murdered.
The march of the human mind is slow. Sir, it was not
until after two hundred years discovered that by an eternal
law Providence had decreed vexation to violence, and pov-
erty to rapine. Your ancestors did, however, at length open 20
their eyes to the ill-husbandry of injustice. They found
that the tyranny of a free people could of all tyrannies the
least be endured ; and that laws made against an whole nation
were not the most effectual methods for securing its obedi-
ence. Accordingly, in the twenty-seventh year of Henry the 25
Eighth, the course was entirely altered. With a preamble
stating the entire and perfect rights of the crown of Eng-
land, it gave to the Welsh all the rights and privileges of
English subjects. A political order was established ; the
military power gave way to the civil ; the marches were 30
turned into counties. But that a nation should have a right
to English liberties, and yet no share at all in the funda-
mental security of these liberties, — the grant of their own
property, — seemed a thing so incongruous that eight years
46 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
after, — that is, in the thirty-fifth of that reign, - - a com-
plete and not ill-proportioned representation by counties
and boroughs was bestowed upon Wales by act of Parlia-
ment. From that moment, as by a charm, the tumults sub-
5 sided ; obedience was restored ; peace, order and civilization
followed in the train of liberty. When the day-star of the
English Constitution had arisen in their hearts, all was
harmony within and without : —
, — Simul alba nautis
10 Stella refulsit,
Defluit saxis agitatus humor ;
Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes,
Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto
Unda recumbit.
15 The very same year the County Palatine of Chester re-
ceived the same relief from its oppressions and the same
remedy to its disorders. Before this time Chester was little
less distempered than Wales. The inhabitants, without
rights themselves, were the fittest to destroy the rights of
20 others ; and from thence Richard the Second drew the
standing army of archers with which for a time he op-
pressed England. The people of Chester applied to Par-
liament in a petition penned as I shall read to you : —
To the King our Sovereign Lord, in most humble wise shewen
25 unto your most excellent Majesty the inhabitants of your Grace's
County Palatine of Chester : (i) That where the said County Pala-
tine of Chester is and hath been always hitherto exempt, excluded
and separated out and from your high court of Parliament, to
have any knights and burgesses within the said court ; by reason
30 whereof the said inhabitants have hitherto sustained manifold
disherisons, losses and damages, as well in their lands, goods
and bodies, as in the good, civil and politic governance and
maintenance of the commonwealth of their said country. (2)
And forasmuch as the said inhabitants have always hitherto been
THE CASE OF CHESTER. 47
bound by the acts and statutes made and ordained by your said
Highness and your most noble progenitors, by authority of the
said court, as far forth as other counties, cities and boroughs
have been, that have had their knights and burgesses within your
said court of Parliament, and yet have had neither knight ne 5
burgess there for the said County Palatine ; the said inhabitants,
for lack thereof, have been oftentimes touched and grieved with
acts and statutes made within the said court, as well derogatory
unto the most ancient jurisdictions, liberties and privileges of
your said County Palatine, as prejudicial unto the commonwealth, 10
quietness, rest and peace of your Grace's most bounden subjects
inhabiting within the same.
What did Parliament with this audacious address ? Re-
ject it as a libel ? Treat it as an affront to government ?
Spurn it as a derogation from the rights of legislature ? 15
Did they toss it over the table ? Did they burn it by the
hands of the common hangman ? They took the petition
of grievance, all rugged as it was, without softening or
temperament, unpurged of the original bitterness and in-
dignation of complaint ; they made it the very preamble to 20
their act of redress, and consecrated its principle to all
ages in the sanctuary of legislation.
Here is my third example. It was attended with the
success of the two former. Chester, civilized as well as
Wales, has demonstrated that freedom, and not servitude, 25
is the cure for anarchy; as religion, and not atheism, is the
true remedy for superstition. Sir, this pattern of Chester
was followed in the reign of Charles the Second with regard
to the County Palatine of Durham, which is my fourth
example. This county had long lain out of the pale of 30
free legislation. So scrupulously was the example of Ches-
ter followed, that the style of the preamble is nearly the
same with that of the Chester act ; and without affecting
the abstract extent of the authority of Parliament, it recog-
48 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
nizes the equity of not suffering any considerable district
in which the British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed
without their own voice in the grant.
Now if the doctrines of policy contained in these pre-
5 ambles and the force of these examples in the acts of
Parliaments avail anything, what can be said against apply-
ing them with regard to America ? Are not the people of
America as much Englishmen as the Welsh ? The preamble
of the act of Henry the Eighth says the Welsh speak a
10 language no way resembling that of his Majesty's English
subjects. Are the Americans not as numerous ? If we
may trust the learned and accurate Judge Barrington's
account of North Wales, and take that as a standard to
measure the rest, there is no comparison. The people
15 cannot amount to above 200,000, — not a tenth part of the
number in the colonies. Is America in rebellion ? Wales
was hardly ever free from it. Have you attempted to gov-
ern America by penal statutes ? You made fifteen for
Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with re-
20 gard to America. Was it less perfect in Wales, Chester,
and Durham ? But America is virtually represented.
What ! does the electric force of virtual representation
more easily pass over the Atlantic than pervade Wales,
which lies in your neighborhood ? or than Chester and
25 Durham, surrounded by abundance of representation that
is actual and palpable ? But, Sir, your ancestors thought
this sort of virtual representation, however ample, to be
totally insufficient for the freedom of the inhabitants of
territories that are so near and comparatively so inconsid-
3° erable. How then can I think it sufficient for those which
are infinitely greater and infinitely more remote ?
You will now, Sir, perhaps imagine that I am on the
point of proposing to you a scheme for a representation of
the colonies in Parliament. Perhaps I might be inclined to
REPRESENTA TION IMPOSSIBLE. 49
entertain some such thought ; but a great flood stops me in
my course. Opposuit natura - - 1 cannot remove the eternal
barriers of the creation. The thing, in that mode, I do not
know to be possible. As I meddle with no theory, I do
not absolutely assert the impracticability of such a represen- 5
tatio.n : but I do not see my way to it ; and those who have
been more confident have not been more successful. How-
ever, the arm of public benevolence is not shortened, and
there are often several means to the same end. What
Nature has disjoined in one way Wisdom may unite in 10
another. When we cannot give the benefit as we would
wish, let us not refuse it altogether. If we cannot give the
principal, let us find a substitute. But how ? Where ? What
substitute ?
Fortunately I am not obliged for the ways and means of 15
this substitute to tax my own unproductive invention. I am
not even obliged to go to the rich treasury of the fertile
framers of imaginary commonwealths, not to the Republic
of Plato, not to the Utopia of More, not to the Oceana of
Harrington. It is before me ,• it is at my feet, - 20
And the rude swain
Treads daily on it with his clouted shoon.
I only wish you to recognize, for the theory, the ancient
constitutional policy of this kingdom with regard to repre-
sentation, as that policy has been declared in acts of Parlia- 25
ment ; and as to the practice, to return to that mode which
an uniform experience has marked out to you as best, and
in which you walked with security, advantage and honor,
until the year 1763.
My resolutions therefore mean to establish the equity and 30
justice of a taxation of America by grant, and not by impo-
sition; to mark the legal competency of the colony assemblies
for the support of their government in peace and for public
50 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
aids in time of war ; to acknowledge that this legal com-
petency has had a dutiful and beneficial exercise ; and that
1 experience has shown the benefit of their grants and the
futility of parliamentary taxation as a method of supply.
5 These solid truths compose six fundamental propositions.
There are three more resolutions corollary to these. If you
admit the first set, you can hardly reject the others. But
if you admit the first, I shall be far from solicitous whether
you accept or refuse the last. I think these six massive
10 pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the temple
of British concord. I have no more doubt than I entertain
of my existence that, if you admitted these, you would com-
mand an immediate peace and, with but tolerable future
management, a lasting obedience in America. I am not
15 arrogant in this confident assurance. The propositions are
all mere matters of fact ; and if they are such facts as draw
irresistible conclusions even in the stating, this is the power
of truth, and not any management of mine.
Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you together, with
20 such observations on the motions as may tend to illus-
trate them where they may want explanation. The first is
a resolution, —
That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North
America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and con-
25 taining two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not
had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights
and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of
Parliament.
This is a plain matter of fact, necessary to be laid down,
30 and (excepting the description) it is laid down in the lan-
guage of the constitution ; it is taken nearly verbatim from
acts of Parliament.
The second is like unto the first, —
THE SECOND RESOLUTION. 51
That the said colonies and plantations have been liable to,
and bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates and taxes,
given and granted by Parliament, though the said colonies and
plantations have not their knights and burgesses in the said high
court of Parliament, of their own election, to represent the condi- 5
tion of their country ; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes
touched and grieved by subsidies given, granted and assented to,
in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth,
quietness, rest and peace of the subjects inhabiting within the
same. I0
Is this description too hot or too cold, too strong or too
weak? Does it arrogate too much to the supreme legis-
lature ? Does it lean too much to the claims of the people ?
If it runs into any of these errors, the fault is not mine. It
is the language of your own ancient acts of Parliament : — 15
Non meus hie sermo, sed quae praecepit Ofellus,
Rusticus, abnormis sapiens.
It is the genuine produce of the ancient, rustic, manly, home-
bred sense of this country, — I did not dare to rub off a
particle of the venerable rust that rather adorns and pre- 20
serves, than destroys, the metal. It would be a profanation
to touch with a tool the stones which construct the sacred
altar of peace. I would not violate with modern polish the
ingenuous and noble roughness of these truly constitutional
materials. Above all things, I was resolved not to be guilty 25
of tampering, — the odious vice of restless and unstable
minds. I put my foot in the tracks of our forefathers,
where I can neither wander nor stumble. Determining to
fix articles of peace, I was resolved not to be wise beyond
what was written ; I was resolved to use nothing else than 30
the form of sound words, to let others abound in their own
sense, and carefully to abstain from all expressions of my
own. What the law has said, I say. In all things else I
52 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
am silent. I have no organ but for her words. This, if it
be not ingenious, I am sure is safe.
There are indeed words expressive of grievance in this
second resolution, which those who are resolved always to,
5 be in the right will deny to contain matter of fact, as ap-
plied to the present case, although Parliament thought them
true with regard to the counties of Chester and Durham.
They will deny that the Americans were ever " touched and
grieved " with the taxes. If they consider nothing in taxes
10 but their weight as pecuniary impositions, there might be
some pretence for this denial. But men may be sorely
touched and deeply grieved in their privileges as well as in
their purses. Men may lose little in property by the act
which takes away all their freedom. When a man is robbed
15 of a trifle on the highway, it is not the twopence lost that
constitutes the capital outrage. This is not confined to
privileges. Even ancient indulgences withdrawn, without
offence on the part of those who enjoyed such favors,
operate as grievances. But were the Americans then not
20 touched and grieved by the taxes, in some measure, merely
as taxes ? If so, why were they almost all either wholly
repealed or exceedingly reduced ? Were they not touched
and grieved even by the regulating duties of the sixth of
George the Second ? Else why were the duties first reduced
25 to one- third in 1764, and afterwards to a third of that third
in the year 1766 ? Were they not touched and grieved by
the Stamp Act? I shall say they were, until that tax is
revived. Were they not touched and grieved by the duties
of 1767, which were likewise repealed, and which Lord
3° Hillsborough tells you (for the ministry) were laid contrary
to the true principle of commerce ? Is not the assurance
given by that noble person to the colonies of a resolution
to lay no more taxes on them, an admission that taxes would
touch and grieve them ? Is not the resolution of the noble
COMPETENCE OF COLONIAL ASSEMBLIES. 53
lord in the blue ribbon, now standing on your journals, the
strongest of all proofs that parliamentary subsidies really
touched and grieved them? Else, why all these changes,
modifications, repeals, assurances and resolutions ?
The next proposition is, — 5
That, from the distance of the said colonies and from other
circumstances, no method hath hitherto been devised for procuring
a representation in Parliament for the said colonies.
This is an assertion of a fact. I go no further on the
paper ; though in my private judgment a useful representa- 10
tion is impossible. I am sure it is not desired by them; nor
ought it, perhaps, by us: but I abstain from opinions.
The fourth resolution is, —
That each of the said colonies hath within itself a body, chosen
in part or in the whole by the freemen, freeholders or other free 15
inhabitants thereof, commonly called the general assembly, or
general court ; with powers legally to raise, levy and assess, ac-
cording to the several usage of such colonies, duties and taxes
towards defraying all sorts of public services.
This competence in the colony assemblies is certain. It 20
is proved by the whole tenor of their acts of supply in all the
assemblies, in which the constant style of granting is, "An
aid to his Majesty " ; and acts granting to the crown have
regularly for near a century passed the public offices without
dispute. Those who have been pleased paradoxically to 25
deny this right, holding that none but the British Parliament
can grant to the crown, are wished to look to what is done,
not only in the colonies, but in Ireland, in one uniform, un-
broken tenor every session. Sir, I am surprised that this
doctrine should come from some of the law servants of the 3c
crown. I say that if the crown could be responsible, his
Majesty - - but certainly the ministers, and even these law
officers themselves through whose hands the acts pass,
54 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
biennially in Ireland or annually in the colonies, are in an
habitual course of committing impeachable offences. What
habitual offenders have been all presidents of the council, all
secretaries of state, all first lords of trade, all attorneys and
5 all solicitbrs-general ! However, they are safe, as no one
impeaches them ; and there is no ground of charge against
them, except in their own unfounded theories.
The fifth resolution is also a resolution of fact, —
That the said general assemblies, general courts, or other
10 bodies legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry times freely
granted several large subsidies and public aids for his Majesty's
service, according to their abilities, when required thereto by letter
from one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state: and that
their right to grant the same and their cheerfulness and sufficiency
15 in the said grants have been at sundry times acknowledged by
Parliament.
To say nothing of their great expenses in the Indian wars,
and not to take their exertion in foreign ones so high as the
supplies in the year 1695, not to go back to 'their public
*D contributions in the year 1710, I shall begin to travel only
where the journals give me light, — resolving to deal in
nothing but fact authenticated by parliamentary record, and
to build myself wholly on that solid basis.
On the 4th of April, 1748, a committee of this House came
25 to the following resolution: —
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee that it is just
and reasonable that the several provinces and colonies of Massa-
chusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode Island,
be reimbursed the expenses they have been at in taking and
30 securing to the crown of Great Britain the island of Cape Breton
and its dependencies.
These expenses were immense for such colonies. They
were above ,£200,000 sterling: money first raised and ad-
vanced on their public credit.
LIBERALITY OF THE COLONIES. 55
On the 28th of January, 1756, a message from the king
came to us to this effect : —
His Majesty, being sensible of the zeal and vigor with which
his faithful subjects of certain colonies in North America have
exerted themselves in defence of his Majesty's just rights and 5
possessions, recommends it to this House to take the same into
their consideration, and to enable his Majesty to give them such
assistance as may be a proper reward and encouragement.
On the 3d of February, 1756, the House came to a suit-
able resolution, expressed in words nearly the same as those 10
of the message; but with the further addition that the
money then voted was as an encouragement to the colonies to
exert themselves with vigor. It will not be necessary to go
through all the testimonies which your own records have
given to the truth of my resolutions. I will only refer you 15
to the places in the journals: —
Vol. XXVI I.- -i 6th and I9th May, 1757.
Vol. XXVIII. — June 1st, 1758; April 26th and 3oth, 1759;
March 26th and 3 1 st, and April 28th, 1 760 ; Jan. Qth and 2oth, 1 761 .
Vol. XXIX. — Jan. 22nd and 26th, 1762; March I4th and 20
1 7th, 1763.
Sir, here is the repeated acknowledgment of Parliament
that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety. This
nation has formaLy acknowledged two things : first, that the
colonies had gone beyond their abilities, Parliament having 25
thought it necessary to reimburse them ; secondly, that they
had acted legally and laudably in their grants of money
and their maintenance of troops, since the compensation
is expressly given as reward and encouragement. Reward
is not bestowed for acts that are unlawful ; and encourage- 30
ment is not held out to things that deserve reprehension.
My resolution therefore does nothing more than collect into
one proposition what is scattered through your journals. I ,
56 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
give you nothing but your own ; and you cannot refuse in
the gross what you have so often acknowledged in detail.
The admission of this, which will be so honorable to them
and to you, will indeed be mortal to all the miserable stories
5 by which the passions of the misguided people have been
engaged in an unhappy system. The people heard, indeed,
from the beginning of these disputes, one thing continually
dinned in their ears, — that reason and justice demanded
that the Americans, who paid no taxes, should be compelled
10 to contribute. How did that fact of their paying nothing
stand when the taxing system began ? When Mr. Gren-
ville began to form his system of American revenue, he
stated in this House that the colonies were then in debt two
millions six hundred thousand pounds sterling money, and
15 was of opinion they would discharge that debt in four years.
On this state, those untaxed people were actually subject to
the payment of taxes to the amount of six hundred and fifty
thousand a year. In fact, however, Mr. Grenville was mis-
taken. The funds given for sinking the debt did not prove
20 quite so ample as both the colonies and he expected. The
calculation was too sanguine : the reduction was not com-
pleted till some years after, and at different times in different
colonies. However, th'e taxes after the war continued too
great to bear any addition with prudence or propriety ; and
25 when the burdens imposed in consequence of former requisi-
tions were discharged, our tone became too high to resort
again to requisition. No colony since that time ever has had
any requisition whatsoever made to it.
We see the sense of the crown and the sense of Parliament
30 on the productive nature of a revenue by grant. Now search
the same journals for the produce of the revenue by imposi-
tion. Where is it ? Let us know the volume and the page.
What is the gross, what is the net produce ? To what ser-
vice is it applied ? How have you appropriated its surplus ?
THEORY VS. EXPERIENCE. 57
What, can none of the many skilful index-makers that we
are now employing find any trace of it? Well, let them
and that rest together. But are the journals, which say
nothing of the revenue, as silent on the discontent? Oh,
no ! a child may find it. It is the melancholy burden and $
blot of every page.
I think, then, I am, from those journals, justified in the
sixth and last resolution, which is, —
That it hath been found by experience that the manner of
granting the said supplies and aids by the said general assemblies ic
hath been more agreeable to the said colonies, and more beneficial
and conducive to the public service, than the mode of giving and
granting aids in Parliament, to be raised and paid in the said
colonies.
This makes the whole of the fundamental part of the plan. 15
The conclusion is irresistible. You cannot say that you
were driven by any necessity to an exercise of the utmost
rights of legislature. You cannot assert that you took on
yourselves the task of imposing colony taxes, from the want
of another legal body that is competent to the purpose of 20
supplying the exigencies of the state without wounding the
prejudices of the people. Neither is it true that the body so
qualified and having that competence had neglected the duty.
The question now, on all this accumulated matter, is, —
whether you will choose to abide by a profitable experience 25
or a mischievous theory ; whether you choose to build on
imagination or fact ; whether you prefer enjoyment or hope ;
satisfaction in your subjects or discontent ?
If these propositions are accepted,, everything which has
been made to enforce a contrary system must, I take it for 30
granted, fall along with it. On that ground I have drawn
the following resolution, which, when it comes to be moved,
will naturally be divided in a proper manner : —
58 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the seventh
year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act for
granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in
America ; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs upon
5 the exportation from this kingdom, of coffee and cocoanuts of the
produce of the said colonies or plantations ; for discontinuing the
drawbacks payable on China earthenware exported to America ;
and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of
goods in the said colonies and plantations." — And that it may be
10 proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth year of the reign
of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act to discontinue, in such
manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing
and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, wares and merchan-
dise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston, in the province
15 of Massachusetts Bay, in North America." — And that it may be
proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth year of the reign
of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act for the impartial admin-
istration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts
done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression
2Q of riots and tumults, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New
England." — And that it may be proper to repeal an act made in
the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled,
" An act for the better regulating the government of the province
of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England." — And also, that it
25 may be proper to explain and amend an act made in the thirty-
fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, entitled, " An
act for the trial of treasons committed out of the king's dominions."
I wish, Sir, to repeal the Boston Port Bill, because (inde-
pendently of the dangerous precedent of suspending the
3° rights of the subject during the king's pleasure) it was
passed, as I apprehend, with less regularity and on more
partial principles than it ought. The corporation of Boston
was not heard before it was condemned. Other towns, full
as guilty as she was, have not had their ports blocked up.
35 Even the Restraining Bill of the present session does not go
REASONS FOR REPEAL. 59
to the length of the Boston Port Act. The same ideas of
prudence which induced you not to extend equal punishment
to equal guilt, even when you were punishing, induced me,
who mean not to chastise but to reconcile, to be satisfied
with the punishment already partially inflicted. 5
Ideas of prudence and accommodation to circumstances
prevent you from taking away the charters of Connecticut
and Rhode Island, as you have taken away that of Massa-
chusetts Colony, though the crown has far less power in the
two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter, and 10
though the abuses have been full as great and as flagrant in
the exempted as in the punished. The same reasons of
prudence and accommodation have weight with me in restor-
ing the charter of Massachusetts Bay. Besides, Sir, the act
which changes the charter of Massachusetts is in many par- 15
ticulars so exceptionable that, if I did not wish absolutely to
repeal, I would by all means desire to alter it, as several of
its provisions tend to the subversion of all public and private
justice. Such, among others, is the power in the governor
to change the sheriff fit his pleasure, and to make a new 20
returning officer for every special cause. It is shameful to
behold such a regulation standing among English laws.
The act for bringing persons accused of committing
murder under the orders of government to England for trial
is but temporary. That act has calculated the probable 25
duration of our quarrel with the colonies, and is accomo-
dated to that supposed duration. I would hasten the happy
moment of reconciliation; and therefore must, on my princi-
ple, get rid of that most justly obnoxious act.
The act of Henry the Eighth for the trial of treasons I do 3°
not mean to take away, but to confine it to its proper
bounds and original intention; to make it expressly for trial
of treasons (and the greatest treasons may be committed) in
places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not extend.
60 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
Having guarded the privileges of local legislature, I would
next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiased judicature ;
for which purpose, Sir, I propose the following resolution :-
That, from the time when the general assembly, or general
5 court, of any colony or plantation in North America shall have
appointed by act of assembly duly confirmed, a settled salary to
the offices of the chief justice and other judges of the superior
court, it may be proper that the said chief justice and other judges
of the superior courts of such colony shall hold his and their office
10 and offices during their good behavior, and shall not be removed
therefrom but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his
Majesty in council, upon a hearing on complaint from the general
assembly, or on a complaint from the governor or council or the
house of representatives, severally, of the colony in which the said
1 5 chief justice and other judges have exercised the said offices.
The next resolution relates to the courts of admiralty. It
is this : —
That it may be proper to regulate the courts of admiralty or
vice-admiralty authorized by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of
20 George the Third, in such a manner as to make the same more
commodious to those who sue or are sued in the said courts ; and
to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges in
the same.
These courts I do not wish to take away : they are in
25 themselves proper establishments. This court is one of the
capital securities of the Act of Navigation. The extent of
its jurisdiction, indeed, has been increased ; but this is alto-
gether as proper, and is indeed on many accounts more
eligible, where new powers were wanted, than a court abso-
30 lutely new. But courts incommodiously situated in effect
deny justice ; and a court partaking in the fruits of its own
condemnation is a robber. The Congress complain, and
complain justly, of this grievance.
PARLIAMENTARY PRECEDENTS. 61
These are the three consequential propositions. I have
thought of two or three more ; but they come rather too near
detail and to the province of executive government, which I
wish Parliament always to superintend, never to assume. If
the first six are granted, congruity will carry the latter three. 5
If not, the things that remain unrepealed will be, I hope,
rather unseemly incumbrances on the building than very
materially detrimental to its strength and stability.
Here, Sir, I should close ; but I plainly perceive some
objections remain, which I ought, if possible, to remove. 10
The first will be that, in resorting to the doctrine of our
ancestors as contained in the preamble to the Chester Act,
I prove too much ; that the grievance from a want of repre-
sentation, stated in that preamble, goes to the whole of legis-
lation as well as to taxation ; and that the colonies, ground- 1 5
ing themselves upon that doctrine, will apply it to all parts
of legislative authority.
To this objection, with all possible deference and humility,
and wishing as little as any man living to impair the smallest
particle of our supreme authority, I answer that the words are 20
the words of Parliament, and not mine ; and that all false and
inconclusive inferences drawn from them are not mine, for I
heartily disclaim any such inference. I have chosen the
words of an act of Parliament which Mr. Grenville, surely a
tolerably zealous and very judicious advocate for the sov- 25
ereignty of Parliament, formerly moved to have read at your
table in confirmation of his tenets. It is true that Lord
Chatham considered these preambles as declaring strongly
in favor of his opinions. He was a no less powerful advo-
cate for the privileges of the Americans. Ought I not from 30
hence to presume that these preambles are as favorable as
possible to both, when properly understood, --favorable both
to the rights of Parliament and to the privilege of the de-
pendencies of this crown? But, Sir, the object of grievance
62 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
in my resolution I have not taken from the Chester, but
from the Durham Act, which confines the hardship of want
of representation to the case of subsidies, and which there-
fore falls in exactly with the case of the colonies. But
5 whether the unrepresented counties were de jure or de facto
bound, the preambles do not accurately distinguish ; nor
indeed was it necessary ; for whether de jure or defacto, the
legislature thought the exercise of the power of taxing, as of
right or as of fact without right, equally a grievance and
10 equally oppressive.
I do not know that the colonies have, in any general way
or in any cool hour, gone much beyond the demand of
immunity in relation to taxes. It is not fair to judge of the
temper or disposition of any man or any set of men, when
15 they are composed and at rest, from their conduct or their
expressions in a state of disturbance and irritation. It is,
besides, a very great mistake to imagine that mankind
follow up practically any speculative principle, either of
government or of freedom, as far as it will go in argument
20 and logical illation. We Englishmen stop very short of the
principles upon which we support any given part of our
Constitution, or even the whole of it together. I could
easily, if I had not already tired you, give you very striking
and convincing instances of it. This is nothing but what is
25 natural and proper. All government, indeed every human
benefit and enjoyment, every virtue, and every prudent act,
is founded on compromise and barter. We balance incon-
veniencies ; we give and take ; we remit some rights that we
may enjoy others ; and we choose rather to be happy
30 citizens than subtle disputants. As we must give away
some natural liberty to enjoy civil advantages, so we must
sacrifice some civil liberties for the advantages to be derived
from the communion and fellowship of a great empire. But
in all fair dealings the thing bought must bear some proper-
UNION OF INTERESTS DESIRABLE. 63
tion to the purchase paid. None will barter away the imme-
diate jewel of his soul. Though a great house is apt to
make slaves haughty, yet it is purchasing a part of the arti-
ficial importance of a great empire too dear to pay for it all
essential rights and all the intrinsic dignity of human nature. 5
None of us who would not risk his life rather than fall under
a government purely arbitrary. But although there are
some amongst us who think our Constitution wants many
improvements to make it a complete system of liberty, per-
haps none who are of that opinion would think it right to 10
aim at such improvement by disturbing his country and risk-
ing everything that is dear to him. In every arduous enter-
prise we consider what we are to lose as well as what we
are to gain : and the more and better stake of liberty every
people possess, the less 'they will hazard in a vain attempt 15
to make it more. These are the cords of man. Man acts
from adequate motives relative to his interest, and not on
metaphysical speculations. Aristotle, the great master of
reasoning, cautions us, and with great weight and propriety,
against this species of delusive geometrical accuracy in 20
moral arguments, as the most fallacious of all sophistry.
The Americans will have no interest contrary to the
grandeur and glory of England, when they are not oppressed
by the weight of it ; and they will rather be inclined to re-
spect the acts of a superintending legislature, when they see 25
them the acts of that power which is itself the security, not
the rival, of their secondary importance. In this assurance
my mind most perfectly acquiesces ; and I confess I feel not
the least alarm from the discontents which are to arise from
putting people at their ease ; nor do I apprehend the destruc- 30
tion of this empire from giving, by an act of free grace and
indulgence, to two millions of my fellow-citizens, some share
of those rights upon which I have always been taught to
value myself.
64 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
It is said, indeed, that this power of granting, vested in
American assemblies, would dissolve the unity of the empire,
which was preserved entire, although Wales and Chester and
Durham were added to it. Truly, Mr. Speaker, I do not
5 know what this unity means ; nor has it ever been heard of,
that I know, in the constitutional policy of this country.
The very idea of subordination of parts excludes this notion
of simple and undivided unity. England is the head, but
she is not the head and the members too. Ireland has ever
10 had from the beginning a separate, but not an independent,
legislature, which, far from distracting, promoted the union
of the whole. Everything was sweetly and harmoniously
disposed through both islands for the conservation of Eng-
lish dominion and the communication of English liberties.
15 I do not see that the same principles might not be carried
into twenty islands, and with the same good effect. This is
my model with regard to America, as far as the internal cir-
cumstances of the two countries are the same. I know no
other unity of this empire than I can draw from its example
20 during these periods when it seemed to my poor understand-
ing more united than it is now, or than it is likely to be by
the present methods.
But since I speak of these methods, I recollect, Mr.
Speaker, almost too late, that I promised, before I finished,
25 to say something of the proposition of the noble lord on the
floor, which has been so lately received, and stands on your
journals. I must be deeply concerned whenever it is my
misfortune to continue a difference with the majority of
this House. But as the reasons for that difference are
30 my apology for thus troubling you, suffer me to state them
in a very few words. I shall compress them into as
small a body as I possibly can, having already debated
that matter at large when the question was before the
committee.
RANSOM BY AUCTION A MERE PROJECT. 65
First, then, I cannot admit that proposition of a ransom
by auction, because it is a mere project. It is a thing new,
unheard of, supported by no experience, justified by no
analogy, without example of our ancestors or root in the
Constitution. It is neither regular parliamentary taxation 5
nor colony grant. Experimentum in corpore vili is a good
rule, which will ever make me adverse to any trial of experi-
ments on what is certainly the most valuable of all subjects,
-the peace of this empire.
Secondly, it is an experiment which must be fatal in the 10
end to our Constitution. For what is it but a scheme for
taxing the colonies in the antechamber of the noble lord and
his successors ? To settle the quotas and proportions in
this House is clearly impossible. You, Sir, may flatter your-
self you shall sit a state auctioneer with your hammer in 15
your hand, and knock down to each colony as it bids. But
to settle (on the plan laid down by the noble lord) the true
proportional payment for four or five and twenty governments,
according to the absolute and the relative wealth of each,
and according to the British, proportion of wealth and 20
burden, is a wild and chimerical notion. This new taxation
must therefore come in by the back door of the Constitution.
Each quota must be brought to this House ready formed.
You can neither add nor alter. You must register it. You
can do nothing further. For on what grounds can you 25
deliberate either before or after the proposition ? You can-
not hear the counsel for all these provinces, quarrelling each
on its own quantity of payment and its proportion to others.
If you should attempt it, the committee of provincial ways
and means, or by whatever other name it will delight to be 3°
called, must swallow up all the time of Parliament.
Thirdly, it does not give satisfaction to the complaint of
the colonies. They complain that they are taxed without
their consent : you answer that you will fix the sum at which
66 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
they shall be taxed. That is, you give them the very griev
ance for the remedy. You tell them, indeed, that you will
leave the mode to themselves. I really beg pardon ; it
gives me pain to mention it ; but you must be sensible that
5 you will not perform this part of the compact. For suppose
the colonies were to lay the duties which furnished their
contingent upon the importation of your manufactures, you
know you would never suffer such a tax to be laid. You
know, too, that you would not suffer many other modes of
10 taxation. So that when you come to explain yourself, it
will be found that you will neither leave to themselves the
quantum nor the mode ; nor indeed anything. The whole
is delusion from one end to the other.
Fourthly, this method of ransom by auction, unless it be
15 universally accepted, will plunge you into great and inex-
tricable difficulties. In what year of our Lord are the pro-
portions of payments to be settled? To say nothing of the
impossibility that colony agents should have general powers
of taxing the colonies at their discretion, consider, I implore
20 you, that the communication by special messages and orders
between these agents and their constituents on each variation
of the case, when the parties come to contend together and
to dispute on their relative proportions, will be a matter of
delay, perplexity and confusion that never can have an
25 end.
If all the colonies do not appear at the outcry, what is the
condition of those assemblies who offer, by themselves or
their agents, to tax themselves up to your ideas of their
proportion ? The refractory colonies who refuse all com-
3° position will remain taxed only to your old impositions,
which, however grievous in principle, are trifling as to pro-
duction. The obedient colonies in this scheme are heavily
taxed ; the refractory remain unburdened. What will you
do ? Will you lay new and heavier taxes by Parliament on
A LABYRINTH OF DETAIL. 67
the disobedient ? Pray consider in what way you can do it.
You are perfectly convinced that in the way of taxing you
can do nothing but at the ports. Now suppose it is Virginia
that refuses to appear at your auction, while Maryland and
North Carolina bid handsomely for their ransom, and are 5
taxed to your quota, how will you put these colonies on a
par ? Will you tax the tobacco of Virginia ? If you do,
you give its death-wound to your English revenue at home
and to one of the very greatest articles of your own foreign
trade. If you tax the import of that rebellious colony, what 10
do you tax but your own manufactures or the goods of some
other obedient and already well-taxed colony ? Who has
said one word on this labyrinth of detail which bewilders
you more and more as you enter into it ? Who has pre-
sented, who can present you with a clue to lead you out of 15
it ? I think, Sir, it is impossible that you should not recol-
lect that the colony bounds are so implicated in one another
(you know it by your other experiments in the bill for prohib-
iting the New England fishery) that you can lay no possible
restraints on almost any of them which may not be presently 20
eluded, if you do not confound the innocent with the guilty,
and burden those whom, upon every principle, you ought to
exonerate. He must be grossly ignorant of America who
thinks that, without falling into this confusion of all rules of
equity and policy, you can restrain any single colony, espe- 25
daily Virginia and Maryland, the central and most important
of them all.
Let it also be considered that, either in the present con-
fusion you settle a permanent contingent, which will and
must be trifling, and then you have no effectual revenue ; 3°
or you change the quota at every exigency, and then on
every new repartition you will have a new quarrel.
Reflect besides, that when you have fixed a quota for
every colony, you have not provided for prompt and punctual
68 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
payment. Suppose one, two, five, ten years' arrears. You
cannot issue a treasury extent against the failing colony.
You must make new Boston Port Bills, new restraining laws,
new acts for dragging men to England for trial. You must
5 send out new fleets, new armies. All is to begin again.
From this day forward the empire is never to know an
hour's tranquillity. An intestine fire will be kept alive in
the bowels of the colonies, which one time or other must
consume this whole empire. I allow indeed that the empire
10 of Germany raises her revenue and her troops by quotas
and contingents ; but the revenue of the empire and the
army of the empire is the worst revenue and the worst army
in the world.
Instead of a standing revenue, you will therefore have a
15 perpetual quarrel. Indeed, the noble lord who proposed
this project of a ransom by auction seemed himself to be of
that opinion. His project was rather designed for breaking
the union of the colonies than for establishing a revenue.
He confessed he apprehended that his proposal would not
20 be to their taste. I say this scheme of disunion seems to be
at the bottom of the project ; for I will not suspect that the
noble lord meant nothing but merely to delude the nation
by an airy phantom which he never intended to realize.
But whatever his views may be, as I propose the peace and
25 union of the colonies as the very foundation of my plan,
it cannot accord with one whose foundation is perpetual
discord.
Compare the two. This I offer to give you is plain and
simple : the other full of perplexed and intricate mazes.
30 This is mild : that harsh. This is found by experience
effectual for its purposes: the other is a new project. This
is universal : the other calculated for certain colonies only.
This is immediate in its conciliatory operation : the other
remote, contingent, full of hazard. Mine is what becomes
THE POWER OF REFUSAL. 69
the dignity of a ruling people, — gratuitous, unconditional,
and not held out as a matter of bargain and sale. I have
done my duty in proposing it to you. I have indeed tired
you by a long discourse ; but this is the misfortune of those
to whose influence nothing will be conceded, and wht> must 5
win every inch of their ground by argument. You have
heard me with goodness. May you decide with wisdom !
For my part, I feel my mind greatly disburdened by what I
have done to-day. I have been the less fearful of trying
your patience, because on this subject I mean to spare it 10
altogether in future. I have this comfort, that in every
stage of the American affairs I have steadily opposed the
measures that have produced the confusion, and may bring
on the destruction, of this empire. I now go so far as to
risk a proposal of my own. If I cannot give peace to my 15
country, I give it to my conscience.
" But what," says the financier, " is peace to us without
money ? Your plan gives us no revenue." No ! But it
does ; for it secures to the subject the power of REFUSAL,
the first of all revenues. Experience is a cheat and fact a 20
liar, if this power in the subject of proportioning his grant,
or of not granting at all, has not been found the richest mine
of revenue ever discovered by the skill or by the fortune of
man. It does not indeed vote you ^152,750 us. 2^ths, nor
any other paltry limited sum ; but it gives the strong-box 25
itself, the fund, the bank, from whence only revenues can
arise amongst a people sensible of freedom : Posita luditur
area. Cannot you in England, cannot you at this time of
day, cannot you, an House of Commons, trust to the principle
which has raised so mighty a revenue and accumulated a 30
debt of near 1 40 millions in this country ? Is this principle
to be true in England and false everywhere else ? Is it not
true in Ireland ? Has it not hitherto been true in the colo-
nies ? Why should you presume that in any country a body
70 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
duly constituted for any function will neglect to perform its
duty and abdicate its trust ? Such a presumption would go
against all governments in all modes. But in truth this
dread of penury of supply from a free assembly has no
5 foundation in nature. For first observe, that besides the
desire which all men have naturally of supporting the honor
of their own government, that sense of dignity and that
security to property which ever attends freedom has a
tendency to increase the stock of the free community.
10 Most may be taken where most is accumulated. And what
is the soil or climate where experience has not uniformly
proved that the voluntary flow of heaped-up plenty, bursting
from the weight of its own rich luxuriance, has ever run
with a more copious stream of revenue than could be
15 squeezed from the dry husks of oppressed indigence by
the straining of all the politic machinery in the world?
Next, we know that parties must ever exist in a free
country. We know, too, that the emulations of such parties,
their contradictions, their reciprocal necessities, their, hopes
20 and their fears, must send them all in their turns to him
that holds the balance of the state. The parties are the
gamesters ; but government keeps the table, and is sure to
be the winner in the end. When this game is played, I
really think it is more to be feared that the people will
25 be exhausted than that government will not be supplied.
Whereas, whatever is got by acts of absolute power, ill
obeyed because odious, or by contracts ill kept because con-
strained, will be narrow, feeble, uncertain and precarious.
Ease would retract
30 Vows made in pain, as violent and void.
I, for one, protest against compounding our demands : I
declare against compounding for a poor limited sum the
immense, ever-growing, eternal debt which is due to gen-
REVENUE FROM AMERICA IMPOSSIBLE. 71
erous government from protected freedom. And so may I
speed in the great object I propose to you, as I think it
would not only be an act of injustice, but would be the worst
economy in the world, to compel the colonies to a sum cer-
tain, either in the way of ransom or in the way of compulsory 5
compact.
But to clear up my ideas on this subject, — a revenue
from America transmitted hither, — do not delude your-
selves: you never can receive it, — no, not a shilling. We
have experience that from remote countries it is not to be 10
expected. If, when you attempted to extract revenue from
Bengal, you were obliged to return in loan what you had
taken in imposition, what can you expect from North
America ? For certainly, if ever there was a country quali-
fied to produce wealth, it is India ; or an institution fit for 15
the transmission, it is the East India Company. America has
none of these aptitudes. If America gives you taxable ob-
jects on which you lay your duties here, and gives you at
the same time a surplus by a foreign sale of her commodi-
ties to pay the duties on these objects which you tax at 20
home, she has performed her part to the British revenue.
But with regard to her own internal establishments, she may,
— I doubt not she will, — contribute in moderation. I say
in moderation ; for she ought not to be permitted to exhaust
herself. She ought to be reserved to a war, the weight of 25
which, with the enemies that we are most likely to have,
must be considerable in her quarter of the globe. There
she may serve you, and serve you essentially.
For that service, for all service, whether of revenue, trade
or empire, my trust is in her interest in the British Constitu- 30
tion. My hold of the colonies is in the close affection which
grows from common names, from kindred blood, from simi-
lar privileges and equal protection. These are ties which,
though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the
72 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated
with your government, — they will cling and grapple to you,
and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them
from their allegiance. But let it be once understood that
5 your government may be one thing and their privileges
another ; that these two things may exist without any
mutual relation, the cement is gone, the cohesion is loosened
and everything hastens to decay and dissolution. As long
as you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign authority of
10 this country as the sanctuary of liberty, the sacred temple
consecrated to our common faith, wherever the chosen race
and sons of England worship freedom, they will turn their
faces towards you. The more they multiply, the more
friends you will have ; the more ardently they love liberty,
15 the more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can
have anywhere. It is a weed that grows in every soil. They
may have it from Spain ; they may have it from Prussia.
But until you become lost to all feeling of your true interest
and your natural dignity, freedom they can have from none
20 but you. This is the commodity of price, of which you have
the monopoly. This is the true Act of Navigation which
binds to you the commerce of the colonies, and through
them secures to you the wealth of the world. Deny them
this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond
25 which originally made and must still preserve the unity ot
the empire. Do not entertain so weak an imagination as
that your registers and your bonds, your affidavits and your
sufferances, your cockets and your clearances, are what form
the great securities of your commerce. Do not dream that
30 your letters of office and your instructions and your suspend-
ing clauses are the things that hold together the great con-
texture of the mysterious whole. These things do not make
your government. Dead instruments, passive tools as they
are, it is the spirit of the English communion that gives all
MAGNANIMITY THE TRUEST WISDOM. 73
their life and efficacy to them. It is the spirit of the English
Constitution, which, infused through the mighty mass, per-
vades, feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies every part of the
empire, even down to the minutest member.
Is it not the same virtue which does everything for us here 5
in England ? Do you imagine, then, that it is the Land Tax
Act which raises your revenue ? that it is the annual vote in
the Committee of Supply which gives you your army ? or
that it is the Mutiny Bill which inspires it with bravery and
discipline ? No ! surely no ! It is the love of the people : 10
it is their attachment to their government, from the sense
of the deep stake they have in such a glorious institution,
which gives you your army and your navy, and infuses into
both that liberal obedience without which your army would
be a base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber. 15
All this, I know well enough, will sound wild and chimer-
ical to the profane herd of those vulgar and mechanical
politicians who have no place among us, - - a sort of people
who think that nothing exists but what is gross and material ;
and who, therefore, far from being qualified to be directors 20
of the great movement of empire, are not fit to turn a wheel
in the machine. But to men truly initiated and rightly
taught, these ruling and master principles, which in the
opinion of such men as I have mentioned have no substan-
tial existence, are in truth everything and all in all. Mag- 25
nanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom ; and a
great empire and little minds go ill together. If we are con-
scious of our situation and glow with zeal to fill our places
as becomes our station and ourselves, we ought to auspicate
all our public proceedings on America with the old warning 30
of the church, Sursum corda! We ought to elevate our
minds to the greatness of that trust to which the order of
Providence has called us. By adverting to the dignity of
this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage wilder-
74 SPEECH ON CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
ness into a glorious empire ; and have made the most ex-
tensive, and the only honorable conquests, not by destroying,
but by promoting the wealth, the number, the happiness of
the human race. Let us get an American revenue as we
5 have got an American empire. English privileges have
made it all that it is ; English privileges alone will make it
all it can be.
In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now (quod
felix faustumque sit /) lay the first stone of the Temple of
10 Peace ; and I move you, —
That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North
America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and con-
taining two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had
the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and
15 burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of
Parliament.
Upon this resolution the previous question was put and
carried: for the previous question, 270; against it, 78.
As the propositions were opened separately in the body
ao of the speech, the reader perhaps may wish to see the whole
of them together in the form in which they were moved for.
The first four motions and the last had the previous question
put on them. The others were negatived. The words in
italics were, by an amendment that was carried, left out of
25 the motion.
Moved,
That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North
America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and con-
taining two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had
30 the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights
and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of
Parliament.
THE RESOLUTIONS. 75
That the said colonies and plantations have been made liable to,
and bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates and taxes, given
and granted by Parliament, though the said colonies and planta-
tions have not their knights and burgesses in the said high court
of Parliament, of their own election, to represent the condition of 5
their country ; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched
and grieved by subsidies givex, granted and assented to, in the
said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quiet-
ness, rest and peace of the subjects inhabiting within the same.
That, from the distance of the said colonies and from other 10
circumstances, no method hath hitherto been devised for procuring
a representation in Parliament for the said colonies.
That each of the said colonies hath within itself a body, chosen
in part or in the whole by the freemen, freeholders or other free
inhabitants thereof, commonly called the general assembly, or 15
general court ; with powers legally to raise, levy and assess,
according to the several usage of such colonies, duties and taxes
towards defraying all sorts of public services.
That the said general assemblies, general courts, or other bodies
legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry times freely granted 20
several large subsidies and public aids for his Majesty's service,
according to their abilities, when required thereto by letter from
one of his 'Majesty's principal secretaries of state ; and that their
right to grant the same and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in
the said grants have been at sundry times acknowledged by 25
Parliament.
That it hath been found by experience that the manner of
granting the said supplies and aids by the said general assemblies
hath been more agreeable to the inhabitants of the said colonies,
and more beneficial and conducive to the public service, than the 30
mode of giving and granting aids in Parliament, to be raised and
paid in the said colonies.
That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the seventh
year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, "An act for
granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in 35
76 SPEECH ON- CONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
America ; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs upon
the exportation from this kingdom, of coffee and cocoanuts of the
produce of the said colonies or plantations ; for discontinuing the
drawbacks payable on China earthenware exported to America ;
5 and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of
goods in the said colonies and plantations."
That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth
year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act to dis-
continue, in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned,
10 the landing and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, wares
and merchandise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston, in
the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America."
That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth
year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act for the
15 impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons ques-
tioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law, or
for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, in New England."
That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth
20 year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, "An act for
the better regulating the government of the province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in New England."
i
That it may be proper to explain and amend an act made in
the thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth,
25 entitled, " An act for the trial of treasons committed out of the
king's dominions."
That from the time when the general assembly, or general
court, of any colony or plantation in North America shall have
appointed by act of assembly duly confirmed, a settled salary to
30 the offices of the chief justice and other judges of the superior
court, it may be proper that the said chief justice and other judges
of the superior courts of such colony shall hold his and their office
and offices during their good behavior, and shall not be removed
therefrom but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his
35 Majesty in council, upon a hearing on complaint from the general
THE RESOLUTIONS. 77
assembly, or on a complaint from the governor or council or the
house of representatives, severally, of the colony in which the
said chief justice and other judges have exercised the said offices.
That it may be proper to regulate the courts of admiralty or
vice-admiralty authorized by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of
George the Third, in such a manner as to make the same more
commodious to those who sue or are sued in the said courts ; and
to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges of the
same.
NOTES.
References to passages in Burke's other writings are to the twelve-volume edition
of the Works (abbreviation W.), Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1894 ; and to
the four volumes of the Correspondence (C), Rivington, London, 1844. Both sets of
books, especially the first, are desirable for the reference library of any school where
Burke is studied. References to Dodsley's Annual Register are marked A. R. ; those
to the Parliamentary History, London, 1806-1820, P.H., and unless otherwise noted
are to volume XVIII ; those to the Dictionary of National Biography, D. N. B.
References to Bancroft are to the History of the United States, six volumes, Apple-
ton, New York, 1888; to Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, eight volumes,
Appleton, New York, 1878-1890 ; to Green, History of the English People, four vol
umes, Harper, New York, 1880 ; to Journals of the American Congress, the edition
published at Washington, 1823. References to volumes are in capital Roman numer-
als ; to chapters or similar subdivisions, in small Roman.
3 i. Sir, that notwithstanding the austerity of the Chair. In the
House of Commons and similar bodies- speeches are nominally addressed,
nojt to the members, but to the presiding officer, called the Speaker, the
Chairman, or often the Chair. Instances of this form of address are
found in the following passages : 10 27-29 and 28 17. The Speaker at this
time was Sir Fletcher Norton, who held the office from 1770 to 1780.
Any one interested in his career may study it in the Dictionary of National
Biography. He is bitterly attacked in letter xxxix of Junius. The phrase
austerity of the Chair refers to the fact that in impartially preserving order
the Speaker is necessarily austere and sometimes even severe.
3 7. event. Result, my motion. The motion made at the end of
the speech.
3 8. grand penal bill. A bill to prevent the New England colonies
from trading with any countries except Great Britain, Ireland, and the
British Islands in the West Indies ; and to prohibit the colonies from
the Newfoundland fisheries except under certain conditions. When Lord
North brought in this bill, February 10, 1775 (?- &••> 299)> ne defended it
on the ground that, because the Americans refused to trade with England,
England should not suffer them to trade with any other nation. Burke
80 NOTES.
•
replied (ibid., 304) that the bill by destroying the source of the colonists*
income would make it impossible for them to pay their large debts to
English merchants and manufacturers. The bill came up again February
24 and 28 and March 6. On the last of these days Burke attacked it
again (ibid., 389), declaring that it attempted to preserve authority by
destroying dominion; and that it passed sentence of beggary, if not
famine, on four great provinces. In another debate on May 8, when the
bill was passed, Burke said (ibid., 396) that it " did not mean to shed blood;
but, to suit some gentleman's humanity, it only meant to starve five hun-
dred thousand people." For an account of the bill and the debates on it,
see P. H., 298-305, 379-400, 421-461. For another good account, perhaps
written by Burke himself, see A. JR., 1775, chapter vi. Since chapters i to
viii all deal with American affairs, they contain much matter of interest in
connection with this speech.
3 10. returned to us from the other House. The House of Lords
thought the provisions of the bill might well be extended to New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, and therefore re-
turned it to the Commons for amendment. See P. H., 455-458.
3 13. once more in possession of our deliberative capacity. On the
return of the bill the Commons could again discuss it.
3 is. first day. November 29, 1774. P. H., i.
3 21. mixture of coercion and restraint. The coercion was the at-
tempt to crush the resistance of New England to the tea duty; the
restraint, the restrictions upon trade. Such a " mixture " is not " incon-
gruous " in itself, but is " incongruous " with " conciliation."
4 2. first. In 1765 Burke was elected to Parliament as member for
the borough of Wendover, but he did not take his seat till early in 1766.
4 4. delicate. Requiring careful treatment. Compare, " These deli-
cate points ought to be wholly left to the crown." Letter to the Sheriff's of
Bristol, W., II, 222.
4 8. trust. The idea that powers of government are held in trust for
the people comes out again and again in Burke's writings. Compare the
following passages: "They [Parliament and the crown] all are trustees
for the people." Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents, W., I,
492. " I had . . . very earnest wishes to keep the whole body of this
authority perfect . . . principally for the sake of those on whose account
all just authority exists: I mean the people to be governed." Letter to the
Sheriffs of Bristol, W., II, 223, 224.
4 9. more than common pains. Burke had in 1757 written, or helped
to write, an Account of the European Settlements in America, and since that
date his work in Parliament and on the Annual Register had kept him
NOTES. 81
thoroughly informed on American affairs. As a result, he probably knew
more about the subject than any one in England. In his Letter to the
Sheriffs of Bristol, W., II, 209, he says : " I think I know America. — If I
do not, my ignorance is incurable, for I have spared no pains to under-
stand it."
4 16. blown about by every wind of fashionable doctrine. Compare,
" Henceforth be no more children, tossed to and fro, and carried about
with every wind of doctrine." Ephesians, iv, 14.
4 18. fresh principles. Burke is constantly urging the necessity of
more fixed principles in public policy. For example, in a letter to Charles
James Fox, October 8, 1777, he says : " I have ever wished a settled plan
of our own, founded in the very essence of the American business, wholly
unconnected with the events of the war." W., VI, 137. See also 26 7.
4 20. that period. In 1766 Parliament was inclined to conciliate the
colonies, and so repealed the Stamp Act by a vote of 275 to 161. See
P. H., XVI, 161-206 ; and A, R., 1766, chapter viii.
4 29. more frequent changes. See Introduction, xv-xviii.
5 3. complaint. Disease.
5 10. a worthy member. Mr. Rose Fuller, member for Rye. It was
during a debate on April 19, 1774, on a motion by Mr. Fuller to repeal the
American tea duty, that Burke made what is known as the Speech on
American Taxation. See W., II, 5; and P. If., XVII, 1210-1273.
5 11. filled the Chair of the American Committee. Presided when the
whole House sat as a committee on American affairs.
5 14. our former methods. Both Burke and Fuller belonged to the
minority which had been criticising the action of the majority in regard to
America.
5 26. produce our hand. Show the cards in our hand ; that is, set
forth our own policy. The prevalence of gambling in Burke's day made
allusions to it more natural than they would be now. See 69 27, 70 22, 23 ;
also George Selwyn and His Contemporaries, London, 1843, I» J8> 27> 28.
5 30. platform. Outline, ground plan.
6 4. gave so far into his opinion. Compare, " This [the natural
slavery of barbarians] was so general a notion, that Aristotle himself, with
all his penetration, gave into it very seriously." European Settlements in
America, London, 1757, I, 31. (Payne.)
6 10. disreputably. To the damage of the reputation of those who
make them.
6 15. paper government. Burke's contempt for a plan based on theory
rather than experience is often strongly expressed, not only in this speech,
but throughout his writings. Compare 9 30-34, 18 28, 41 24, 49 16-18, 65 3 j
82 NOTES.
also the following passages : " It is proposed merely as a project of specu-
lative improvement." Present State of the Nation, W., I, 372. " I reprobate
no form of government merely upon abstract principles." Reflections on
the Revolution in France, III, 396. " But the practice and knowledge of
the world will not suffer us to be ignorant that the Constitution on paper
is one thing, and in fact and experience is another." Speech on the Dura-
tion of Parliaments, VII, 77.
6 24. most inconsiderable person. Compare, "When the affairs of
the nation are distracted, private people are . . . justified in stepping a little
out of their ordinary sphere." Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discon-
tents, W., I, 435.
7 4. natural. Arising from natural, or inborn, abilities, adventitious.
Due to external causes, such as rank or wealth.
7 13. discord fomented from principle. On February 20, 1775, Lord
North brought in a resolution (P. H., 319) that when any colony made
proper provision for contributing its proportion for the common defence
and for maintaining civil government, Parliament should no longer levy
taxes on it, except for the regulation of commerce. In the course of the
debate Colonel Barre said (ibid., 333) : " Though the noble lord's new
motion will cause no new divisions amongst us here, yet it is founded on
that wretched, low, shameful, abominable maxim which has predominated
in every measure of our late minister, divide et impera. This is to divide
the Americans ; this is to break those associations, to dissolve that gener-
ous union in which the Americans, as one man, stand in defence of their
rights and liberties." Lord North answered (334) : " The gentleman has
charged me with mean, low and foolish policy in grounding my measures
on that maxim, divide et impera. Is it foolish, is it mean, when a people,
heated and misled by evil councils, are running into unlawful combina-
tions, to hold out those terms which will sift the reasonable from the
unreasonable ? that will distinguish those who act upon principle from
those who only wish to profit of the general confusion ? If propositions
that the conscientious and the prudent will accept will at the same time
recover them from the influence and fascination of the wicked, I avow the
using that principle which will thus divide the good from the bad, and give
support to the friends of peace and good government." Later in the
debate Mr. Temple Luttrell asked (349) : " What is the aim and scope of
the resolution ? To lure some of the less refractory provinces of America
to dissociate from and betray their fellow-suff erers ; to join in raising a
contribution throughout one half of the colonies to support your armaments
and outrages against the other half, with a view to annihilate trade, cut off
every natural channel of livelihood and subsistence, and butcher the dis-
NOTES. 83
obedient ; and how are these seceders to be recompensed for such signal
perfidy ? " For a full account of this debate, to which Burke evidently
alludes, see P. H., 319-358, and, A. JR., 1775, chapter vii. See also 68
17-21.
7 14. juridical determination. Juridical is sometimes used as if exactly
synonymous -w\\h judicial. The latter, according to the Century Dictionary,
means pertaining to a judge, proper to the character of a judge, pertaining
to the administration of justice : juridical, however, means founded upon,
or in accordance with the strict forms of law, or abstract legal conceptions,
rather than with general principles of justice. A juridical determination is
one which might be reached on purely legal grounds, according to the
technical forms of law. The idea that an act of government should be
based not so much on strict legal forms as on a broad policy of reason
and justice, is a favorite one with Burke, and is frequently urged in this
and other speeches. Compare 37 26, 38 14 ; also, " Men of sense, when
new projects come before them, always think a discourse proving the mere
right or mere power of acting in the manner proposed, to be no more than a
very unpleasant way of misspending time." Present State of the Nation, W.,
I, 367. "Those reasonings which infer from the many restraints under
which we have already laid America to our right to lay it under still more,
and indeed under all manner of restraints, are conclusive ; conclusive as to
right ; but the very reverse as to policy and practice." Ibid., 396. " Whether
all this can be reconciled in legal speculation is a matter of no consequence.
It is reconciled in policy : and politics ought to be adjusted, not to human
reasonings, but to human nature." 398.
7 16. boundaries. Not geographical boundaries, but limits of power, —
especially in regard to taxing, the question in dispute. Compare, " I am
not here going into distinctions of rights nor attempting to mark their
boundaries." Speech on American Taxation, W., II, 73.
7 21. unsuspecting confidence. These words refer to a passage in a
declaration by the Continental Congress, which met at Philadelphia, Sep-
tember 5, 1774. On October 21 this Congress issued two addresses, one
to Great Britain and one to the colonies. In the latter occurs the follow-
ing paragraph : " After the repeal of the Stamp Act, having again resigned
ourselves to our ancient unsuspicious affections for the parent state, and
anxious to avoid any controversy with her, in hopes of a favorable altera-
tion in sentiments and measures towards us, we did not press our objec-
tions against the above-mentioned statutes made subsequent to that
repeal." Journals of Congress, I, 33. In the Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol,
1777, Burke, in speaking of the Stamp Act, again brings up this declaration:
" After the repeal of the Stamp Act, ' the colonies fell,' says this assembly,
84
NOTES.
1 into their ancient state of unsuspecting confidence in the mother country.
This unsuspecting confidence is the true centre of gravity amongst man*
kind, about which all the parts are at rest. It is this unsuspecting confi-
dence that removes all difficulties and reconciles all the contradictions
which occur in the complexity of all ancient puzzled political establish*
ments. Happy are the rulers which have the secret of preserving it I "
W., II, 234.
7 26. Refined. Fine-spun, elaborate. Compare, " This fine-spun scheme
had the usual fate of all exquisite policy." American Taxation, W., II, 68.
8 1. pruriency.. The primary meaning is itching; the secondary, de-
sire, or appetite. The word is always used in a bad sense.
8 3. project. See 7 13, note. This resolution moved by Lord North
was finally passed, February 27.
8 4. noble lord. Lord North: born 1732; Prime Minister from 1770
to 1782; died 1792. He steadily opposed all concessions to the Ameri-
cans, though it is said that in this mistaken policy he often followed the
king's judgment rather than his own. He has been so bitterly attacked by
all partisans of America, that few of us are aware that he was able and
fluent in debate ; that he had a remarkably quick wit and a temper which
scarcely anything could ruffle ; and that in all private intercourse he was
scrupulously honorable. An interesting sketch of his character may be
found in Brougham's Statesmen of the Time of George the Third, First
Series. For the best short account of his life, see D. N. B. The presence
of a so-called lord in the House of Commons is due to the custom of giving
a title by courtesy to the eldest son of a peer while the father is yet living.
blue ribbon. The badge of a Knight of the Garter, to which order Lord
North had belonged since 1772. Though the order was instituted in 1344,
the honor of membership has been bestowed on only three other com-
moners, Sir Robert Walpole, Lord Castlereagh, and Lord Palmerston.
8 5. colony agents. The colonies had agents in England to look after
their interests. At one time Franklin, for example, was agent for Pennsyl-
vania, Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia.
8 6. mace. The sergeant-at-arms, the executive officer of the House,
bears a mace as the sign of his authority.
8s. auction of finance. See 65 15. When Lord North introduced his
resolution, February 20, 1775, Burke is reported as saying during the
debate : " They [the colonists] are to be held prisoners of war, unless they
consent to a ransom by bidding at an auction against each other and
against themselves, until the king and Parliament shall strike down the
hammer and say, ' Enough.' This species of auction, to be terminated,
not at the discretion of the bidder, but at the will of the sovereign power,
NOTES. 85
is a kind of absurd tyranny which I challenge the ministers to produce any
example of in the practice of this or of any other nation." P. If., 336.
In the report of the debate in A. R., *ioo, this sentence occurs; "The
House is to be converted into an auction room, the Speaker to hold the
hammer."
8 18. address. February 9, 1775, the houses of Parliament had pre-
sented to the king a joint address on the disturbances in America, declar-
ing that no part of the sovereign authority over the colonies should be
relinquished, and closing with this sentence : " We consider it as our
indispensable duty humbly to beseech your Majesty that you will take the
most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority
of the supreme legislature ; and we beg leave in the most solemn manner
to assure your Majesty that it is our fixed resolution, at the hazard of our
lives and properties, to stand by your Majesty against all rebellious
attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of your Majesty and the
two houses of Parliament." P. H., 297, 298.
8 19. bill. See 3 8. In the debate in the House of Lords, March 16,
Lord Shelburne said that "he entirely coincided in sentiments with the
noble lord [Camden] who called this a bill of pains, penalties, and coer-
cion." P. H., 448.
8 20. grace and bounty. Lord North's resolutions were entitled
Propositions for Conciliating the Differences with America. P. H.t 319. In
the course of the debate Lord North referred to " the idea of the indul-
gence which the address held out," and said the same idea appeared in his
propositions. 334. In the report in A. R., *95, he is made to say that
Parliament meant to show its " tenderness and conciliatory disposition."
8 22. previous to any submission. On February 6, during a debate
on the address to the king touching the disturbances in North America,
Mr. Hans Stanley " said he wanted nothing but the Americans to submit ;
would then hang out the olive branch, propose an amnesty, an act of grace
and oblivion." P. ff., 248. On February 27, Mr. Ackland expressed the
same view. 340.
8 29. capital. Important or fundamental. Compare 9 19, 23 31.
9 31. that nature and those circumstances. Compare, "A statesman,
never losing sight of principles, is to be guided by circumstances ; and
judging contrary to the exigencies of the moment, he may ruin his country
forever." Speech on the Petition of the Unitarians, W., VII, 41. "The happi-
ness or misery of mankind, estimated by their feelings and sentiments and
not by any theories of their rights, is, and ought to be, the standard for
the conduct of legislators towards the people." Ibid., 45.
9 33. mere general theories. Compare 6 15, note.
86 NOTES.
10 9. two millions. Bancroft (II, 390) puts the number in 1770 as
1,850,000 whites and 462,000 blacks, total, 2,312,000; in 1780, as 2,383,000
whites, 562,000 blacks, total, 2,945,000. Lecky says the number of whites
slightly exceeded two millions at the time of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. Ill, 290. Burke's estimate for 1775 seems, therefore, to be
pretty accurate.
10 30. occasional. Designed merely for the occasion. See 4 18, note ;
18 5. Compare, " Sir, it is not a pleasant consideration, but nothing in
the world can read so awful and so instructive a lesson as the conduct of
ministry in this business, upon the mischief of not having large and liberal
ideas in the management of great affairs. Never have the servants of the
state looked at the whole of your complicated interests in one connected
view. They have taken things by bits and scraps, some at one time and
one pretence, and some at another, just as they pressed, without any sort
of regard to their relations or dependencies. They never had any kind of
system, right or wrong; but only invented occasionally some miserable
tale for the day in order meanly to sneak out of difficulties into which they
had proudly strutted." Speech on American Taxation, W., II, 14.
10 32. minima. A reference to the maxim, De minimis non curat lex,
the law takes no account of trifles.
11 4. so large a mass. Compare, " This consideration of the magni-
tude of the object ought to attend us through the whole inquiry : if it
does not always affect the reason, it is always decisive on the importance
of the question." Tract on the Popery Laws, W., VI, 319.
11 13. some days ago. March 16. The American Congress, which
met in Philadelphia in the autumn of 1774, passed a resolution October 20,
declaring that to obtain redress of grievances a non-importation agree-
ment was necessary, under the terms of which the colonies should not
import any goods from Great Britain or Ireland, and should not import
" molasses, syrups, paneles, coffee, or pimento " from the West Indies.
Journals of Congress, I, 23. Alarmed at this threat, the West India
planters presented to Parliament, February 2, 1775, a petition "praying
the House to take into their most serious consideration that great political
system of the colonies heretofore so very beneficial to the mother country
and her dependencies, and adopt such measures as to them shall seem
meet to prevent the evils with which the petitioners are threatened, and to
preserve the intercourse between the West India Islands and the northern
colonies, to the general harmony and lasting benefit of the whole British
Empire." P. H., 219-221. On March 16 Mr. Richard Glover appeared for
the petitioners and discussed in detail the trade of the colonies. Ibid.,
461-478.
NOTES. 87
11 14. distinguished person. Mr. Glover, who was born in 1712, pub-
lished in 1737 Leonidas, an epic in nine books, which gave him great repu-
tation at the time, and which was often reprinted during the eighteenth
century. In 1787, two years after his death, another epic of his, the
Athenaid, was published. One of his popular ballads, Admiral Hosier's
Ghost, is in book vi of Percy's Reliques. In 1761 he was elected to Parlia-
ment. Nineteen years before, however, he had appeared before the House
in behalf of the merchants of London, who had petitioned for the protec-
tion of their commerce from the Spanish privateers. The petition was
presented January 20, 1742, and January 27 Mr. Glover summed up the
evidence in the matter. Since 1742 is the date in D. N. B., XXII, 6,
and in the History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, Chandler,
London, 1743, XXII, 109, it is to be inferred, as Cook notes, that Burke,
speaking in 1775, should have said thirty-three instead of thirty-five years.
bar. A rod across the entrance to the chamber of Parliament. Members
and officers only are admitted within.
11 32. state. Statement. Compare, " They who are inclined to think
favorably of that event [the French Revolution] will undoubtedly object,
to every state of facts which comes only from the authority of a royalist."
Preface to Brissofs Address, W., V, 67.
12 5. on your table. Officially presented to the House.
12 6. Davenant. Charles Davenant: born, 1656; appointed inspector-
general of exports and imports, 1705; died, 1714. He was a writer on
economics, author of Discourses on Re-venue and Trade. See D. N. B.
12 10. terminating almost wholly in the colonies. English wares
were carried to Africa and exchanged for slaves who were sold in the
colonies.
13 33. It is good for us to be here. Compare Matthew, xvii, 1-4 :
" And after six days Jesus taketh Peter, James, and John his brother, and
bringeth them up into a high mountain apart, and was transfigured before
them : and his face did shine as the sun, and his raiment was white as the
light. And behold, there appeared unto them Moses and Elias talking
with him. Then answered Peter, and said unto Jesus, ' Lord, it is good
for us to be here.' "
14 7. Lord Bathurst. Allen Bathurst: born, 1684; made Baron
Bathurst, 1712. After his son Henry was in 1771 made Lord Chancellor,
the highest judicial officer of the crown, the father was in 1772 raised to
the rank of earl. He was a friend of Pope, Swift, Prior, and the other
wits of the reign of Queen Anne. He died in September, 1775, six months
after this speech. See D. N. B.
14 10. acta parentum. He was able to study the deeds of his fore-
88 NOTES.
fathers and to learn what virtue is. Altered from Virgil's Eclogues, iv,
26, 27 :
Facta parentis
Jam legere et quae sit poteris cognoscere virtus.
14 11. auspicious. Favored.
14 14. fourth generation the third prince. George the Second was
succeeded by his grandson George the Third, who thus belonged to the*
fourth generation.
14 16. twelve years. George the Third came to the throne in 1760.
14 17. was to be made. It was not until 1707 that the Act of Union
made England and Scotland one nation.
14 20. fountain. The sovereign, who bestows titles of nobility, is
represented as the fountain of hereditary dignities.
14 31. taste of death. Compare Matthew, xvi, 28 : " There be some
standing here, which shall not taste of death till they see the Son of man
coming in his kingdom." John, viii, 52 : " If a man keep my saying, he
shall never taste of death." Shakspere's Julius Caesar, act ii, scene 2, 33 :
"The valiant never taste of death but once."
15 29. Deceive. A Latinism: the Latin fallere — deceive — sometimes
means to cause anything not to be observed or felt, to lighten anything
difficult. Compare Horace, Satires, ii, 7, 114: "Jam somno fallere
curam," by sleep to lighten care. Ovid, Tristia, iii, 2, 16 : " Fallebat
curas aegraque corda labor," work was lightening our cares and our heavy
hearts.
15 30. materials. England received, and still receives, from America
many of the raw materials for her manufactures.
15 32. curious. Interesting.
16 12. Roman charity. A reference to a story told by Hyginus in his
Fabularum Liber. Cymon, condemned to death by starvation in prison,
was visited by his daughter Xanthippe, who kept him alive with the milk
from her breast.
16 15. fully opened. See 3 8, note. In the course of the debate on restrict-
ing the colonies from the Newfoundland fisheries, the general question
of the fisheries was pretty fully discussed, and most of the facts mentioned
in this paragraph were brought out. Testimony was offered at the bar of
the lords by merchants, fishermen, and others. See P. H., 381-385,
387-390, 423-430, 433, 437, 438, 459. See also A. R., 1775, chapter vi.
16 17. excite your envy. A reference to some of the remarks during
the discussion of the fisheries. On February 28 a petition was presented
from the inhabitants of Pool, an English fishing town, who said the
NOTES. 89
restrictions " will not by any means be injurious to commerce, . . . because
the foreign markets can be ampl]j,supplied by extending the Newfoundland
fishery of subjects resident in England." P. H., 382. On March 15 Mr
Brooke Watson, a merchant, testified that " the greatest part of the profits,
arising from the American fishery centres in America " (427) ; and " that if
New England was restrained forever from this fishery, it would be a benefit
to Great Britain." 428. Mr. George Davis, a merchant, added " that if
this act should pass, he should reap benefit from it ; that he has already
enlarged his capital, and shall enlarge it more, if the act passes." 429.
Molyneux Shuldham, governor of Newfoundland, declared "that if this
temporary restraint on the New England fishery was made perpetual, it
would be a benefit to Great Britain." 430. Sir Hugh Palliser, formerly a
governor of Newfoundland, testified " that whether the restraining of the
New England fishery is temporary or perpetual, it will be an advantage to
Great Britain." 430.
16 29. Serpent. The Hydras, or Water Serpent, a small constellation
within the Antarctic Circle. Falkland Island. The Falkland Islands,
southeast of South America, were discovered in 1 592, but were not regarded
as worth occupying till in 1763 the French built Port Louis on East Falk-
land. Then the Spanish laid claim to the islands ; and finally in 1770
and 1771 Spain and England disputed possession. Although many Eng-
lishmen thought the islands not worth fighting for, — a fact to which
Burke may refer in line 31, — both nations were preparing for war, when
in 1771 the Spanish yielded to the English. Later the islands became a
place where whalers obtained provisions and water. The Annual Register,
1771, chapters i-v, contains a long account of the islands and the trouble
with Spain. Cook notes that just a week before Burke's speech, Seth
Jenkins, a sailor, testified before the House of Lords that the "limits of
the whale fishery extend to Falkland's Island and the coast of Africa."
P. H., 423.
17 2. run the longitude. Run the course of the meridian, go north or
south. While some New Englanders go to Africa, others sail south to Brazil.
17 4. vexed. A Latinism founded on similar uses of the Latin vexare.
Compare, " From the still-vex'd Bermoothes." Tempest, act i, scene 2, 229.
" As mad as the vex'd sea." King Lear, iv, 4, 2.
When with fierce winds Orion arm'd
Hath vex'd the Red Sea coast.
Paradise Lost, i, 305, 306.
No climate. Compare, " Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ? "
What region of the earth is not full of our toils ? Virgil's Aeneid, i, 460.
90 NOTES.
17 8. hardy. Bold, adventurous. Compare, " In the last session the
corps called the king's friends made a hardy attempt, all at once, to alter
the right of election itself." Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discon-
tents, W.y I, 496.
17 15. generous. High-spirited : originally high-born ; then having the
qualities which should accompany high birth.
17 25. well worth fighting for. This argument had been more than
once advanced in Parliament. For example, on January 26 Mr. Hans
Stanley had said that " to support the sovereignty was to support the trade
of Great Britain ; and if in attempting this arduous task, our commerce
should be suspended, our funds should sustain a shock, and the landed
property of individuals should experience a diminution, yet all these were
evils gentlemen should patiently endure with firmness and magnanimity ;
the merchants should forego their own interests for the sake of those per-
manent advantages which they would undoubtedly reap when the Americans
were subdued." P. H., 186.
17 28. complexions. Used in the old sense of temperaments or
characters.
17 29. military art. Several members of the House who were, or had
been, in the army were urging force. On February 2 Colonel Grant had
declared that force would overawe the Americans, for " they would never
dare to face an English army." P. H., 226. Four days later Captain
Harvey had demanded the most firm and vigorous measures. 243. Then
on February 27 General Burgoyne had made a fiery speech in favor of
force. He said : " It must not be forgot we are contending in the crisis
and for the fate of the British Empire. ... Is there a man in England
(I am confident there is not an officer or soldier in the king's service) who
does not think the parliamentary rights of Great Britain a cause to fight
for, to bleed and die for ? . . . If this [unwillingness to use force] be our
wretched state, I agree that the sooner a formal surrender is made, the
better; let Great Britain revert to her primitive insignificancy in the map
of the world, and the Congress of Philadelphia be the legislature to dis-
pense the blessings of empire. Let us spare the blood of our subjects, let
us spare the treasures of the state ; but let us at the same time confess we
are no longer a people." 355-357.
17 30. wield the thunder. An allusion to Jove and his thunderbolts.
Lord North, it will be remembered, advocated force.
18 5. temporary. See 10 30, note.
18 6. subduing again. Compare Milton, Paradise Lost, i, 648, 649 :
Who overcomes
By force, hath overcome but half his foe.
NOTES. 91
18 10. without resource. It had been argued in Parliament that since
the Americans now refused to obey, England, even after a war, could be
no worse off than at present. Lord North is reported to have said : " If
we fail in our attempt of forcing America, we shall still be in the same
situation we are in at present." P. H., 262.
18 13. never be begged. Compare, " Power and eminence and con-
sideration are things not to be begged ; they must be commanded : and
they who supplicate for mercy from others can never hope for justice
through themselves. What justice they are to obtain, as the alms of an
enemy, depends upon his character." First Letter on a Regicide Peace, W.,
V, 242.
18 15. impair the object. See 3 8, note; 30 34 ; 38 1.
18 21. British strength. A little later, 26 12, Burke calls this contest
of Englishmen with English an " unnatural contention."
18 22. foreign enemy. Throughout the debates on American affairs
the fact was constantly urged that France or Spain might take advantage
of England, when she was weakened by war with her colonies. For exam-
ple, on February 2 Captain Luttrell had used this argument (P. If., 231);
and February 6 Lord Irnham had brought it up again. 251.
18 26. break the American spirit. Members of both houses had
argued that it was desirable to break the rebellious spirit of the colonies.
On January 20 in the Lords the Earl of Suffolk " insisted strongly that
the mother country should never relax till America confessed her suprem-
acy." P. H., 161. On February 6 in the Commons Mr. Hans Stanley
urged forcing the colonists to submission. 248. On February 27 Lord
North wanted them reduced to "unconditional obedience" (352); and
on March 6 Mr. Henry Dundas wished to give them the alternative of
starvation or submission. 388.
18 28. experience. See 6 15, note.
18 31. indulgence. On April 19, 1774, during the debate on the motion
to repeal the American Tea Duty Bill, General Burgoyne said : " 1 look
upon America to be our child, which I think we have already spoiled by
too much indulgence." P. H., XVII, 1271. Similar expressions may be
found in the remarks of Mr. Harris (ibid., 1282) and Mr. Stanley. 1304.
19 8. temper. Compare, " The temper of the people amongst whom
he presides ought therefore to be the first study of a statesman." Thoughts
on the Cause of the Present Discontents, W., I, 436.
19 13. restive. Disposed to rest, or stay, unwilling to move forward,
balky, obstinate, impatient under restraint.
19 22. descendants of Englishmen. In a proposed address to the
king, drawn up two years later, Burke says: " Your English subjects in
92 NOTES.
the colonies, still impressed with the ancient feelings of the people from
whom they are derived, cannot live under a government which does not
establish freedom as its basis." W., VI, 164.
19 24. formerly adored. Burke, in his Thoughts on the Cause of the
Present Discontents, published in 1770, argued that Englishmen were losing
their zeal for liberty and allowing the crown to encroach on their rights.
19 25. emigrated from you. During the struggles against the Stuarts
in the first half of the seventeenth century.
19 29. abstract liberty. Compare, " There are people who have split
and anatomized the doctrine of free government, as if it were an abstract
question concerning metaphysical liberty and necessity, and not a matter
of moral prudence and natural feeling. . . . Civil freedom, Gentlemen, is
not, as many have endeavored to persuade you, a thing that lies hid in the
depth of abstruse science. It is a blessing and a benefit, not an abstract
speculation." Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, W., II, 228, 229. (Cook.)
19 31. sensible. The primary meaning, capable of being perceived by
the senses. There is a similar passage in Burke's speech upon his arrival at
Bristol the preceding October: " It [liberty] inheres in good and steady
government, as in its substance and vital principle." W., II, 87. every
nation. Compare Goldsmith's Traveller, 93-96 :
Hence every state to one lov'd blessing prone,
Conforms and models life to that alone.
Each to the favorite happiness attends,
And spurns the plan that aims at other ends.
19 34. great contests. For example, the contest for Magna Charta.
20 2. ancient commonwealths. Rome and the states of Greece.
20 4. several orders. For example, the patricians and the plebeians.
20 7. ablest pens. Pym, Hampden, Selden, St. John. (Payne.)
20 14. blind usages. Usages for which no clear reason can be given.
21 1. mode of governing. " The colonies were from the beginning
subject to the legislature of Great Britain on principles which they never
examined ; and we permitted to them many local privileges, without ask-
ing how they agreed with that legislative authority." Letter to the Sheriffs
of Bristol, W., II, 231.
21 6. provincial legislative assemblies. "The colonies . . . had formed
within themselves, either by royal instruction or royal charter, assemblies
so exceedingly resembling a Parliament in all their forms, functions, and
powers, that it was impossible they should not imbibe some opinion of a
similar authority. At ... first . . . these assemblies . . . were probably not
intended for anything more than the municipal corporations within this
island. . . . But nothing in its progression can rest on its original plan. . . .
NOTES. 93
Therefore, as the colonies prospered, ... it was natural that they should
attribute to assemblies so respectable . . . some part of the dignity of the
great nations which they represented. No longer tied to by-laws, these
assemblies made acts of all sorts and in all cases whatsoever." Letter to
the Sheriffs of Bristol, W., II, 232.
21 7. popular. Used in the primary sense of belonging directly to the
people. See Bryce's American Commonwealth, New York, 1888, I, 562 :
" Each [early New England settlement] was a religious as well as a civil
body politic, gathered round the church as its centre ; and the equality
which prevailed in the congregation prevailed also in civil affairs, the
whole community meeting under a president or moderator to discuss
affairs of common interest. Each such settlement was called a town, or
township, and was in fact a miniature commonwealth, exercising a practical
sovereignty over the property and persons of its members, — for there was
as yet no state, and the distant home government scarcely cared to interfere,
— but exercising it on thoroughly democratic principles." merely. Wholly.
Compare, "The one sort we may for distinction call mixedly, and the other
merely human." Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, i, 10. (Payne.)
21 11. aversion from. Aversion to is now more common.
21 18. • that kind. Dissenters from the Church of England.
22 3. refinement on the principle of resistance. Burke has a fondness
for this mode of phrasing. See the next two lines. Compare also the fol-
lowing passages : " The first fruits of that insurrection grafted on insurrec-
tion and of that rebellion improving upon rebellion." Preface to Brissofs
Address to- his Constituents, W., ¥,85,86. "They have apostatized from
their apostasy." Fourth Letter on a Regicide Peace, W., VI, 86.
22 6. communion. Union in doctrine and discipline.
22 11. this spirit was high. See 19 25, note.
22 15. establishments. Churches supported by the state.
22 21. has a regular establishment. Is the formally established state
church.
22 26. vast multitude. See 10 9, note.
22 31. as broad and general as the air. Compare Macbeth, ni, 4, 23:
" As broad and general as the casing air."
23 7. Gothic. A word which Burke and other eighteenth-century
writers often use in the general sense of Germanic or Teutonic. Compare,
" The whole of the polity and economy of every country in Europe has
been derived from the same sources. It was drawn from the old Germanic,
or Gothic, custumary." First Letter on a Regicide Peace, W., V, 319. The
English are not descended from the Goths, properly so called.
23 8. Poles. Till the partition of Poland in 1772, the peasants were
94 NOTES.
serfs attached to the soil. See A. R.^ 1763, 45: "Each noble Pole ... is
absolute master of life and death on his own estate, all his tenants being in
the strictest sense his slaves."
23 15. law. Among the papers presented to Parliament in 1766, relat-
ing to the disturbances over the Stamp Act, is one written from New York,
December 13, 1765, containing the following passages : " The gentlemen of
the law, both the judges and the principal practitioners at the bar, are
either owners or strongly connected in family interest with the proprietors
in general. The gentlemen of the law some years since entered into an
association, with intention among other things to assume the direction of
government upon them by the influence they had in the assembly, gained
by their family connection and by the profession of the law, whereby they
are unavoidably in the secrets of many families. Many court their friend-
ship, and all dread their hatred ; by these means, though few of them are
members, they rule the house of the assembly in all matters of importance.
... By this association, united in interest and family connections with the
proprietors of the great tracts, a domination of lawyers was formed in this
province, which for some years past has been too strong for the executive
powers of government." P. H., XVI, 125. Lecky, in chapter xii, discusses
the influence, not only of the study of law, but of general education in the
colonies. Ill, 315-317.
23 25. Blackstone's Commentaries. Sir William Blackstone was born
in 1723 and died in 1780. His Commentaries on the Laws of England was
published in 1765-1769, and is still the great authority on the subject.
23 26. General Gage. Thomas Gage was born in 1721 and died in
1787. His part in the Revolutionary War is pretty well known to every
schoolboy. In 1760 he became governor of Montreal. Three years later
he was appointed commander-in-chief of the English forces in America.
Then in 1774 he was made governor-in-chief and captain-general of Massa-
chusetts. See D. N. B.
23 27. letter on your table. During the previous session, Parliament,
acting on the idea that town-meetings were likely to stir up sedition, passed
an act forbidding them in Massachusetts, except by permission of the gov-
ernor. This act Governor Gage was called upon to enforce. A letter
which he wrote from Salem, August 27, 1774, and which Lord North laid
before the House January 19, 1775, tells of the result of his attempts : " My
former letters have acquainted your lordship that the acts in question had
been published here, and people have had leisure to consider means to
elude them, in doing which they are very expert. At a town-meeting held
in Boston in July, in order to avoid the calling a meeting afterwards, they
adjourned themselves to the ninth of August, and adjourned again on that
NOTES. 95
day to some time in October. I assembled the selectmen in Boston, had
the clause read respecting town-meetings, told them I expected their obe-
dience to it, that I should put the act in force, and that they would be
answerable for any bad consequences. They replied they had called no
meeting, that a former meeting had only adjourned themselves. I laid the
affair of adjournments before the new council, and found some of opinion
that the clause was thereby clearly evaded, and nearly the whole unwilling
to debate upon it, terming it a point of law which ought to be referred to
the crown lawyers, whose opinion is to be taken upon it, and by which I
must govern myself." P. H., 90, 91. In a letter of September 2, General
Gage writes : " With regard to the clause in the new acts relative to town-
meetings, so many elusions are discovered under various pretensions of
adjournments, electing to vacant offices, people assembling peaceably with-
out notification, upon their own affairs, and withal no penalty, that no
persons I have advised with can tell what to do with it ; at a distance they
go on as usual, but worse transactions make that matter of little conse
quence in the present moment." P. H., 95. See 21 7, note.
24 1. friend. Lord Edward Thurlow, who was appointed attorney-
general in 1771, and who was a warm supporter of Lord North. He was
the first speaker to reply to Burke, floor. The benches of the House of
Commons are arranged in tiers. The lowest, that on the floor, to the right
of the Speaker, is occupied by cabinet members, in which number the
attorney-general is included.
24 8. Abeunt studia in mores. One's studies (or pursuits) become a
part of one's character. Ovid, Heroides, xv, 83. Compare Bacon's essay
Of Studies : " Histories make men wise ; poets, witty ; the mathematics,
subtle ; natural philosophy, deep ; moral, grave ; logic and rhetoric, able
to contend. Abeunt studia in mores"
24 25. winged ministers. Ships, which are compared to the eagle that
carried Jupiter's thunderbolts in its pounces, or talons. The image may
have been suggested to Burke by Lord Chatham, who in a speech, January
22, 1770, said of the army: "They [the ministers] have disarmed the
imperial bird, the 'ministrum fulminis alitem.' [Horace, Odes, iv, 4, i.]
The army is the thunder of the crown. The ministry have tied up the hand
which should direct the bolt." P. //., XVI, 750. (Goodrich.)
24 29. " So far shalt thou go." Compare Job, xxxviii, n: " Hitherto
shalt thou come, but no further ; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed."
Payne and Selby think there is a reference to the story of Canute, popular-
ized by Hume about a dozen years before. In order to teach his flatterers
a lesson, the king ordered his chair to be set on the seashore while the tide
was rising, and then commanded the waves to retire- " But when the sea
96 NOTES.
still advanced towards him, and began to wash him with its billows, he
turned to his courtiers and remarked to them that every creature in the uni-
verse was feeble and impotent, and that power resided with one being alone,
in whose hands were all the elements of nature ; who could say to the
ocean, Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther ; and who could level with
his nod the most towering piles of human ambition." History of England,
chapter iii.
24 so. fret and rage. This phrase occurs in one of the earliest known
bits of Burke's writing, — a familiar letter sent to a schoolmate, Richard
Shackleton, in 1745, when Burke was sixteen years old. "Shall I rage,
fret, and accuse Providence of injustice?" C., I, 13.
25 l. Egypt. Practically under English control since 1883.
25 3. Crimea. Under Russian rule since 1783. Algiers. In control
of the French since 1830.
25 4. truck. Barter.
25 5. huckster. A verb from the noun huckster, a peddler of small
wares. Huckster is in turn from the old verb huck, to haggle in trading.
25 16. first mover. Burke must have had in mind the primum mobile
of the Ptolemaic astronomy. According to this system the heavenly bodies
were set in a series of spheres revolving about the earth as a common cen-
tre. The outermost sphere, called the primum mobile, or " first moved,"
communicated its motion to the inner spheres.
25 18. grown with the growth. Compare Pope's Essay on Man, ii,
136: " Grows with his growth and strengthens with his strength."
26 2. with all its imperfections. Compare Hamlet, i, 5, 78, 79 :
But sent to my account
With all my imperfections on my head.
26 7. a little stability. See 4 18, note.
26 12. unnatural contention. See 18 21.
26 15. not been. The Second Edition reads " been not," which later
editors have agreed in changing.
26 17. popular part. The reference is to the representative assemblies
which were convoked by the governors, who were in turn nominated by
the crown.
26 25. none but an obedient assembly. The Virginia Assembly was
dissolved by Governor Dunmore in May, 1774, because on receiving news
of the closing of the port of Boston, this body had passed resolutions
denying the authority of Parliament. The result, to which Burke refers a
few lines below, is told by Governor Dunmore in a letter sent from Williams-
burg, December 24, 1774, and laid before the House February 15, 1775.
NOTES. 97
" As to the power of government which your lordship . . . directs should be
exerted to counteract the dangerous measures pursuing here, I can assure
your lordship that it is entirely disregarded, if not wholly overturned. There
is not a justice of peace in Virginia that acts, except as a committee man
[under direction of the local committees organized to carry out the non-
importation and non-exportation agreements of the Continental Congress].
The abolishing the courts of justice was the first step taken, in which
the men of fortune joined equally with the lowest and meanest. The gen-
eral court of judicature of the colony is much in the same predicament ;
for though there are at least a majority of his Majesty's council who,
with myself, are the judges of that court, that would steadily perform
their duty, yet the lawyers have absolutely refused to attend, nor indeed
would the people allow them to attend, or evidences to appear. . . .
Independent companies, etc., so universally supported, who have set
themselves up superior to all other authority, under the auspices of their
Congress, the laws of which they talk of in a style of respect, and treat
with marks of reverence which they never bestowed on their legal govern-
ment or the laws proceeding from it, — I can assure your lordship that I
have discovered no instance where the interposition of government, in the
feeble state to which it is reduced, could serve any other purpose than to
suffer the disgrace of a disappointment, and thereby afford matter of great
exultation to its enemies, and increase their influence over the minds of
the people." P. H.y 314, 315.
26 26. humors. An allusion to the old theory that the body contained
various humors, or fluids, which might become diseased, and, finding no
vent in natural channels, break out in boils or other eruptions.
26 34. Lord Dunmore. John Murray, fourth Earl of Dunmore : born,
1732 ; died, 1809. In 1770 he was appointed governor of New York, and
later of Virginia. In 1775 the feeling against him ran so high that he had
to flee for refuge to a man-of-war. For a time he carried on hostilities
against the colony, burning the important town of Norfolk. See D. N. B.
27 3. Obedience. See 4 8, note. Compare also, " Whether the imme-
diate and instrumental cause of the law be a single person or many, the
remote and efficient cause is the consent of the people, either actual or
implied ; and such consent is absolutely essential to its validity." Tract on
the Popery Laws, W., VI, 320. This suggests a sentence in the Declaration
of Independence, "To secure these rights, governments 'are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."
27 18. abrogated. The reference is to an act passed May n, 1774,
entitled " An Act for the better regulating the government of the province
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England." See 58 23. By this act,
98
NOTES.
which changed the charter of the province, the council, or upper chamber
of the legislature, hitherto elected by the assembly, or lower chamber
directly representative of the people, was appointed by the crown ; the
judges and magistrates of all kinds, including sheriffs, were appointed by
the royal governor, who could remove at pleasure ; jurymen, instead of
being chosen by popular election, were summoned by the sheriffs ; and no
town-meetings could be held without permission of the governor. See
Lecky, III, 431; P. H., XVII, 1192-1199, 1277-1289, 1297-1316, 1321-
1325; A. R., 1774, 69-72.
27 19. confident. In the parliamentary debates over the changes in
the charter of Massachusetts the opinion was more than once expressed
that this act would settle the troubles. On March 28, 1774, Lord North
said he thought the bill would " effectually purge " the constitution of
Massachusetts of its crudities, and give strength and spirit to the civil
magistracy and the executive. P. H., XVII, 1193. On the same day Lord
George Germain declared : " I make no doubt but by a manly and steady
perseverance things may be restored from a state of anarchy and confusion
to peace, quietude, and a due obedience to the laws of this country." Ibid.,
1196. On April 19 Mr. Cornwall said: "If you persist in the measures
you have begun with, I think there is not a doubt of your succeeding, and
of becoming, if I may use the word, victorious." Ibid., 1215. On the same
day Lord North again said : " Let us conduct ourselves with firmness and
resolution throughout the whole of these measures, and there is not the
least doubt but peace and quietude will soon be restored." Ibid., 1273.
27 22. Anarchy is found tolerable. General Gage, in a letter from
Boston, November 2, 1774, said that the province was "without courts of
justice or legislature " ; and also that the edicts of the provincial Congress
were " implicitly obeyed throughout the country." P. H., 105. The account
in the Annual Register for 1775, 17, is as follows : "The old constitution
being taken away by act of Parliament, and the new one being rejected by
the people, an end was put to all forms of law and government in the
province of Massachusetts Bay, and the people were reduced to that state
of anarchy in which mankind are supposed to have existed in the earliest
ages. The degree of order, however, which by the general concurrence of
the people was preserved in this state of anarchy will forever excite the
astonishment of mankind, and continue among the strongest proofs of the
efficacy of long-established habits and of a constant submission to laws.
Excepting the general opposition to the new government, and excesses
arising from it, in the outrages offered to particular persons who were upon
that account obnoxious to the people, no other very considerable marks
appeared of the cessation of law or of government."
NOTES. 99
28 5. in order to prove. Compare 19 22, note ; 31 17 ; also, " The feel-
ings of the colonies were formerly the feelings of Great Britain. Theirs
were formerly the feelings of Mr. Hampden, when called upon for the
payment of twenty shillings. Would twenty shillings have ruined Mr.
Hampden's fortune ? No ! but the payment of half twenty shillings on
the principle it was demanded would have made him a slave." Speech on
American Taxation, W., II, 17. "As it will be impossible long to resist
the powerful and equitable arguments in favor of the freedom of these
unhappy people that are to be drawn from the principle of our own liberty,
attempts will be made, attempts have been made, to ridicule and to argue
away this principle, and to inculcate into the minds of your people other
maxims of government and other grounds of obedience than those which
have prevailed at and since the glorious Revolution." Address to the King,
W., VI, 177, 178.
28 19. but three ways. Later in the speech Burke touches on a
fourth plan, that of giving the colonies representation. See 53 6-12. This
method he discusses at some length in the Present State of the Nation, W.,
I> 372-376.
28 26. giving up the colonies. This plan, as Cook notes, was proposed
in 1774 by Dr. Josiah Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, in a publication, Four
Tracts on Political and Commercial Subjects. In the last paper in the vol-
ume, entitled The True Interest of Great Britain set forth in regard to the
Colonies, and the only Means of living in Peace and Harmony with them,
he urged that the colonies be allowed to separate from England. They were,
he argued, of no advantage to the mother country, except for trade. If Eng-
land offered America the best markets, England would get the trade, even
were America independent. If England failed to offer the best markets,
she would inevitably lose the trade, and she might at the same time be at
a heavy loss in trying to retain the colonies. These tracts and others by
Dean Tucker — including a reply to this very speech by Burke — were
often reprinted in England and America. See Lecky, III, 421-424.
29 25. Appalachian Mountains. See Bancroft, III, 467 : " An intrepid
population, heedless of proclamations, was pouring westward through all
the gates of the Alleghanies ; seating themselves on the New River and
the Greenbrier, on the branches of the Monongahela, or even making their
way to the Mississippi." (Cook.)
29 34. comptrollers. The common spelling or controller, an officer
who keeps a counter roll, or duplicate account, by which to control, or
supervise, the accounts of another officer, usually a treasurer.
30 4. " Increase and multiply." Compare Genesis, i, 28 : "God said
unto them, ' Be fruitful and multiply.' ' Paradise Lost, x, 729, 730 :
100 NOTES.
O voice once heard
Delightfully, " Increase and multiply."
30 6. given to the children of men. Compare Psalms, cxv, 16 : " The
earth hath he given .to the children of men." Also, " God has given the
earth to the children of men." Two Letters to Gentlemen in Bristol, W.,
II, 260.
30 21. marine enterprises. See 3 8, note ; 16 17, note.
30 26. we must gain. Compare, " It is hard to persuade us that every-
thing which is got by another is not taken from ourselves. But it is fit
that we should get the better of these suggestions, which come from what
is not the best and soundest part of our nature." Two Letters to Gentlemen
in Bristol, W., II, 260.
30 34. unserviceable. See 3 8, note ; 38 i.
31 2. exploded. From ex and plaudere, to clap the hands. The word
was sometimes applied to a play which was hooted off the stage, arid it is
here used in a similar sense. Compare, " If the affections and opinions of
mankind be not exploded as principles of connection, I conceive it would
be happy for us if they [the Americans] were taught to believe that there
was even a formed American party in England." Letter to the Sheriffs of
Bristol, W., II, 215.
31 9. Spoliatis arma supersunt. Freely translated, The plundered yet
have a resource in arms. From Juvenal, Satires, viii, 124.
31 12. this fierce people. See Introduction, xiii.
31 16. your speech. Compare -Mztf/fow, xxvi, 73: "Thy speech be wray-
eth thee."
31 17. unfittest person. See 19 22, note ; 28 5, note.
31 27. books of curious science. Law books. Compare Acts, xix, 19:
" Many of them also which used curious arts brought their books together
and burned them."
31 33. chargeable. Costly.
31 34. obedience. Compare, " Fierce licentiousness begets violent
restraints. The military arm is the sole reliance ; and then, call your
constitution what you please, it is the sword that governs. The civil
power, like every other that calls in the aid of an ally stronger than itself,
perishes by the assistance it receives." Thoughts on the Cause of the Pres-
ent Discontents, W., I, 484. " That the establishment of such a [military]
power in America will utterly ruin our finances — though its certain effect
- is the smallest part of our concern. It will become an apt, powerful,
and certain engine for the destruction of our freedom here. Great bodies
of armed men, trained to a contempt of popular assemblies representative
of an English people, — kept up for the purpose of exacting impositions
NOTES. 101
without their consent, and maintained by that exaction, — instruments in
subverting, without any process of law, great ancient establishments and
respected forms of governments, — set free from, and therefore above, the
ordinary English tribunals of the country where they serve, — these men
cannot so transform themselves merely by crossing the sea, as to behold
with love and reverence, and submit with profound obedience to, the very
same things in Great Britain which in America they had been taught to
despise, and had been accustomed to awe and humble." Address to the
King, W., VI, 176, 177.
32 4. advocates and panegyrists. For example, Dr. Johnson, in his
Taxation No Tyranny, published not long before this speech was delivered,
had said : " It has been proposed that the slaves should be set free, an
act which surely the lovers of liberty cannot but commend. If they are
furnished with firearms for defence and utensils for husbandry, and settled
in some simple form of government within the country, they may be more
grateful and honest than their masters." Johnson's Works, London, 1820,
VIII, 201, 202. (Cook.)
32 7. would not always be accepted. In November, 1775, Governor
Dunmore of Virginia proclaimed an emancipation of the slaves and sum-
moned them to his standard. Comparatively few, however, joined him.
The account may be found in most American histories ; for example, Ban-
croft, IV, 318.
32 14. other people. " See Aristophanes, Ranae, 27, from which it
appears that the slaves who had distinguished themselves at the battle of
Arginusae were presented with their freedom. Plutarch says that Cleo-
menes armed two thousand Helots to oppose the Macedonian Leucaspedae,
in his war with that people and the Achaeans. According to Pausanias
the Helots were present at the battle of Marathon. Among the Romans,
as Virgil (Aeneid, ix, 547) tells us, it was highly criminal for slaves to enter
the army of their masters ; but in the Hannibalian war, after the battle of
Cannae, eight thousand of them were armed, and by their valor in subse-
quent actions earned their liberty. See Livy, Book xxiv." (Payne.)
32 21. their refusal. During the years preceding the Revolution, sev-
eral of the colonies attempted to restrict the slave trade, but the English
government interfered, and this interference was one cause of grievance to
the Americans. In 1761 Virginia proposed to abandon the trade (Ban-
croft, II, 549), but in behalf of English merchants, the home government
refused to allow restrictions. In the same year South Carolina made a
similar proposal (ibid., 550), which met with similar opposition. In 1772
Virginia again protested (III, 411); and one of Lord Dunmore's last acts
was to veto a bill to check the trade by a heavy duty on slaves. IV, 202.
102 NOTES.
When he issued his proclamation of freedom, " the Virginians," says Ban
croft (IV, 318), "could plead and did plead that 'their assemblies had
repeatedly attempted to prevent the horrid traffic in slaves, and had been
frustrated by the cruelty and covetousness of English merchants, who had
prevailed on the king to repeal their merciful acts.' '
32 26. Guinea captain. English captain of a ship engaged in the
Guinea trade.
32 33. " Ye gods." From Martinus Scriblerus, of the Art of Sinking
in Poetry, written by Pope, Swift, and Arbuthnot, — chiefly the last men-
tioned; published in 1741. The two lines are in the first part of chapter
xi, as an example of hyperbole. Pope's Works, 1776, IV, 169.
33 7. late. Recent.
33 11. criminal. The idea of punishing the colonists as criminals was
repeatedly urged by the adherents of the ministry. On March 23, 1774,
during the debate on the Boston Port Bill, Mr. Rose Fuller said : " We all
agree that the Bostonians ought to be punished." P. H., XVII, 1176. On
the same day Mr. Van said he agreed to the flagitiousness of the offence
of the Americans, and therefore was of opinion that the town of Boston
ought to be knocked about their ears and destroyed. " Delenda est Car-
thago''' said he, " I am of opinion you will never meet with proper obedience
to the laws of this country until you have destroyed that nest of locusts."
Ibid,, 1178. On April 15 of the same year Mr. Van advocated burning
the forests and leaving the country open, so that the Americans might be
deprived of protection. Ibid., 1210. On March 6, 1775, Mr. Henry
Dundas declared the " grand penal bill " just, because it was " provoked by
the most criminal disobedience : it was merciful, because that disobedience
would have justified the severest military execution." P. H., XVIII, 387.
On March 16, during a debate in the Lords on the same bill, the Duke of
Grafton said the measure was " founded on the principle of retaliation
and punishment." Ibid., 451.
33 23. indictment against a whole people. Compare, " I am not for
a total indemnity, nor a general punishment. And first, the body and
mass of the people never ought to be treated as criminal. They may
become an object of more or less constant watchfulness and suspicion, as
their preservation may best require, but they can never become an object
of punishment. This is one of the few fundamental and unalterable prin-
ciples of politics." On the Policy of the Allies, 1793, W., IV, 462.
33 25. Sir Edward Coke. An eminent lawyer: born, 1552 ; died, 1634.
In 1603, while serving as attorney-general, he conducted the trial of Sir
Walter Ralegh for treason. On this occasion, according to the D. N. B.,
XI, 230, 231, "he exhibited a spirit of rancor, descending even to brutality,
NOTES. 103
for which no one has attempted a defence, his biographers one and all
agreeing that his conduct toward Ralegh was simply infamous. ' Thy
Machiavelian and devilish policy,' ' thou hast a Spanish heart, and thyself
art a spider of hell,' ' I will now make it appear to the world that there
never lived a viler viper upon the face of the earth than thou,' — these are
some of the flowers of his speech. ' The extreme weakness of the evi-
dence,' says Sir James Stephen, ' was made up for by the rancorous ferocity
of Coke, who reviled and insulted Ralegh in a manner never imitated, so
far as I know, before or since in any English court of justice, except per-
haps in those in which Jeffreys presided.' "
33 26. Sir Walter Ralegh. Explorer, author, statesman: born, 1552;
executed, 1618. He was accused of complicity in the plots against James
the First.
33 29. very same title. Members of the colonial assemblies, like mem-
bers of Parliament, were chosen by popular vote.
34 2. one common head. Compare, " The Parliament of Great Britain
sits at the head of her extensive empire in two capacities : one as the local
legislature of this island, providing for all things at home, immediately and
by no other instrument than the executive power ; the other, and I think
her nobler capacity, is what I call her imperial character, in which, as from
the throne of heaven, she superintends all the several inferior legislatures,
and guides and controls them all without annihilating any." Speech on
American Taxation, W., II, 75.
34 8. nice. "Apprehending slight differences or delicate distinc-
tions."
34 12. ex vi termini. From the force of the term, or meaning of the
word. The Roman privilegium was a law giving an individual some
special privilege, or laying him under some special restriction.
34 20. [that]. This word, though in the Second Edition, is clearly
unnecessary, and is therefore bracketed. (Cook.)
34 31. judge in my own cause. Compare, " One of the first motives
to civil society, and which becomes one of its fundamental rules, is that no
man should be judge in his own cause. By this each person has at once
divested himself of the first fundamental right of uncovenanted man, that
is, to judge for himself and to assert his own cause." Reflections on the Rev-
olution in France, W., Ill, 309, 310. On February 6, 1775, during a debate
in the Commons over an address to the king concerning the disturbances
in America, Governor Johnstone said : " Judge Robert says, ' If an act of
Parliament was made constituting a man a judge in his own cause, it would
be void by the law of nature.' Yet such is the precise situation in which
we contend we ought to be placed respecting the Americans, and for the
104
NOTES.
denial of which we are ready to condemn our fellow subjects to all the
tortures enacted by the laws of treason." P. H., 254.
35 4. against the superior. Compare, " In all disputes between them
[the people] and their rulers, the presumption is at least upon a par in
favor of the people. Experience may perhaps justify me in going further.
When popular discontents have been very prevalent, it may well be affirmed
and supported that there has been generally something found amiss in the
constitution or in the conduct of government." Thoughts on the Cause of the
Present Discontents, W., I, 440. " We are convinced that the disorders of
the people in the present time and in the present place are owing to the
usual and natural cause of such disorders at all times and in all places
where such have prevailed, — the misconduct of government." Address to
the King, W., VI, 163.
35 6. abstract right. See 7 14, note.
35 10. injustice. An allusion to the maxim, Summum jus, summa
injuria, The extreme of the law is the extreme of injustice, Cicero, De OJfi-
ciis, i, 10. Compare, " When confidence is once restored, the odious and
suspicious summum jus will perish of course." Speech on American Taxa-
tion, W., II, 71.
35 12. civil litigant. A litigant in a suit in which legal rights but not
crimes are involved. The first question was whether England had a right
to tax the colonies ; the second, whether America was criminal in resisting.
35 22. those very persons. The majority in Parliament.
35 23. declaring a rebellion. On February 9, 1775, both Houses joined
in an address to the king containing the following passage : " We find that
a part of your Majesty's subjects in the province of the Massachusetts Bay
have proceeded so far to resist the authority of the supreme legislature
that a rebellion at this time actually exists within the said province." P. H.,
297. Against this address the minority of the Lords offered a protest
which seems to express Burke 's view : " No legal grounds were laid in
argument or in fact to show that a rebellion, properly so called, did exist in
Massachusetts Bay when the papers of the latest date, and from whence
alone we derive our information, were written. The overt acts to which
the species of treason affirmed in the address ought to be applied were not
established, nor were any offenders marked out. But a general mass of
the acts of turbulence, said to be done at various times and places, were all
thrown together to make out one general constructive treason. Neither
was there any sort of proof of the continuance of any unlawful force from
whence we could infer that a rebellion does now exist. And we are the
more cautious of pronouncing any part of his Majesty's dominion to be
in rebellion, because the cases of constructive treason under that branch of
NOTES. 105
the twenty-fifth of Edward the Third which describes the crime of rebellion
have been already so far extended by the judges, and the distinctions there-
upon so nice and subtle, that no prudent man ought to declare any single
person in that situation without the clearest evidence of uncontrovertible
overt acts to warrant such a declaration. Much less ought so high an
authority as both Houses of Parliament to denounce so severe a judgment
against a considerable part of his Majesty's subjects, by which his forces
may think themselves justified in commencing a war without any further
order or commission." P. H., 294, 295.
35 24. formerly addressed. On February 13, 1769, a joint address
was presented to the king, pledging support in any measures needful to
maintain authority in Massachusetts. The address continues : " As . . .
nothing can be more immediately necessary . . . than to proceed in the
most speedy and effectual manner for bringing to condign punishment the
chief authors and instigators of the late disorders, we most humbly beseech
your Majesty ... to direct your Majesty's governor of Massachusetts Bay
to take the most effectual methods for procuring the fullest information
that can be obtained touching all treasons, or misprision of treason, com-
mitted within this government since the 3Oth day of December last, . . .
together with the names of the persons who were most active in the com-
mission of such offences, ... in order that your Majesty may issue a special
commission for inquiring of, hearing and determining the said offences
within this realm, pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the thirty-
fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth." P. ff., XVI, 479, 480.
In the Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, 1777, W., II, 192, Burke explains
the practical operation of the act referred to in the address : " It is neces-
sary, Gentlemen, to apprise you that there is an act, made so long ago
as in the reign of Henry the Eighth, before the existence or thought of any
English colonies in America, for the trial in this kingdom of treasons com-
mitted out of the realm. In the year 1769 Parliament thought proper to
acquaint the crown with their construction of that act in a formal address,
wherein they entreated his Majesty to cause persons charged with high
treason in America to be brought into this kingdom for trial. By this act
of Henry the Eighth, so construed and so applied, almost all that is sub-
stantial and beneficial in a trial by jury is taken away from the subject in
the colonies. This is, however, saying too little ; for to try a man under
that act is, in effect, to condemn him unheard. A person is brought hither
in the dungeon of a ship's hold ; thence he is vomited into a dungeon on
land, loaded with irons, unfurnished with money, unsupported by friends,
three thousand miles from all means of calling upon or confronting evi-
dence, where no one local circumstance that tends to detect perjury can
106 NOTES.
possibly be judged of ; — such a person may be executed according to form,
but he can never be tried according to justice." See 59 30-34. The act in
question was passed during the session of 1543-1544.
35 34. juridical. See 7 14, note.
36 2. menaces. During the previous decade Parliament in addresses
to the king had made many direct and indirect threats against the colonies.
On January 14, 1766, at the time of the agitations over the Stamp Act, the
Lords addressed the king, saying : " We will exert our utmost endeavors
to assert and support your Majesty's dignity and honor and the legislative
authority of this kingdom over its colonies." P. H., XVI, 94. On Novem-
ber 8, 1768, at the opening of Parliament the Lords, in an address echoed
by the Commons, declared : " We most unfeignedly give your Majesty the
strongest assurances that we shall ever zealously concur in support of such
just and necessary measures as may best enable your Majesty to repress
that daring spirit of disobedience, and to enforce a due submission to the
laws; always considering that it is one of our most essential duties to
maintain inviolate the supreme authority of the legislature of Great Britain
over every part of the dominions of your Majesty's crown." Ibid., 471.
For the next menace, that of February 13, 1769, see 35 24, note. On
January 9, 1770, the Lords and Commons, in addresses practically the
same in sentiment, said : " We shall be ready to give every assistance in our
power . . . for discountenancing those unwarrantable measures practiced in
some of your Majesty's colonies, which appear calculated to destroy the
commercial connection between them and the mother country." Ibid., 667.
On November 13 or the same year both Houses declared : " We will neglect
no means of ... providing for the protection of your Majesty's good sub-
jects there [in the colonies] from every degree of violence and oppression."
Ibid., 1080. On November 30, 1774, the Lords expressed their detestation
of the disobedience to the laws in Massachusetts, and promised cheerful
cooperation in all efforts to suppress it (XVIII, 39); and on December 5
the Commons made the king even stronger assurances of support. Ibid.,
46. For the last threat, that of February 9, 1775, see 8 18, note.
36 4. penal laws. For a list of laws which Burke regarded as penal
and wished to suspend, see 58 1-24. The first, " An act for granting cer-
tain duties," passed in 1767, provided for a duty on glass, paper, red and
white lead, painters' colors, and tea. P. H., XVI, 375, 376 ; also Statutes at
Large, chapter 46 of 7 George the Third. All the duties except those
on tea were repealed in 1769, and thus the act is often known as the Tea
Duty Bill. The second, "An act to discontinue," passed March, 1774,
provided for the closing of the port of Boston, and is known as the Boston
Port Bill. P. If., XVII, 1164; also Statutes at Large, chapter 19 of 14
NOTES. 107
George the Third. The third, "An act for the impartial administration of
justice," passed May, 1774, provided that if any person in Massachusetts
were indicted for murder or any other capital offence, and if it should
appear to the governor that the incriminated act was committed in aiding
the magistrates to suppress tumult and riot, and also that a fair trial could
not be had in the provinces, the prisoner should be sent for trial to any
other colony or to Great Britain. P. H., XVII, 1200 ; also Statutes at Large,
chapter 39 of 14 George the Third. The fourth, "An act for the better
regulating the government," is explained in 27 18, note. To this last may
be added two or three other acts, some of them merely temporary in effect.
In 1765 a bill had been passed, commonly called the American Mutiny
Act, requiring the colonists to supply the English troops with some of the
necessaries of life. On the refusal of New York to comply, a bill was
passed temporarily suspending the Assembly. P. H., XVI, 331 ; also Stat-
utes at Large, chapter 59 of 7 George the Third. See Introduction, xv-xix.
36 6. a force. During a debate on the navy estimate in the Commons
on December 12, 1774, it was stated that nineteen vessels containing 2835
seamen were on duty along the American coast. P. H., 54. On February
15, 1775, in answer to a message from the king, the Commons took up a
bill to increase the army, so that there might be about ten thousand men
In Boston. P. H., 316.
36 9. confident hopes. See 27 19, note.
36 11. correctly. Precisely.
36 22. colonies complain. See the resolution passed by the American
Congress, October 14, 1774: " Resolved, That the foundation of English
liberty and all free government is a right of the people to participate in
their legislative council : and as the English colonists are not represented,
and from their local and other circumstances cannot properly be represented,
in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power
of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of
representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal
polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign in such manner
as has been heretofore used and accustomed." Journals of Congress,
I, 20.
36 34. startle. Now used transitively. Compare Addison's Cato,
iii, 2, 80, 8 1 :
My frightened thoughts run back,
And startle into madness at the sound.
37 l. less than nothing. Compare Isaiah, xl, 17 : " All nations before
him are as nothing ; and they are counted to him less than nothing, and
vanity." Also, " In matters of state a constitutional competence to act is
108 NOTES.
in many cases the smallest part of the question." First Letter on a Regicide
Peace, W., V, 283.
37 4. profound subject. For a decade the question of the legal right
of Parliament to tax the colonies had been debated. Whenever American
affairs had been discussed in Parliament, and whenever it was possible to
interject remarks on America into the discussion of other subjects, this
question had appeared in one form or another. The pages of the Parlia-
mentary History and of various contemporary accounts of the proceedings
are filled with arguments on the subject ; the periodicals on both sides of
the water gave much space to it, and both England pnd America were
flooded with pamphlets on it. Of these last, Dr. Johnson's Taxation No
Tyranny is a sample. One of the best summaries of the whole discussion
is to be found in the Annttal Register for 1766, reprinted in P. H., XVI,
193-206. This summary shows that the two questions which Burke men-
tions, lines 6-13, were the ones most often urged. On the one side it was
argued that by natural and inalienable right no man could " be taxed but
by himself or by his representative." XVI, 195. This argument was
presented at considerable length by Mr. Wilkes, February 6, 1775. XVIII,
234-240. On the other hand, it was urged that the very existence of
government and the supremacy of Parliament implied the right to tax.
XVIII, 241. Each side tried to support its contention (see lines 13-16)
by the authority of great lawyers or students of government. " As to the
right of taxation, the gentlemen who opposed it produced many learned
authorities from Locke, Selden, Harrington, and Puffendorf." P. H., XVI,
194. Burke himself seems to have been of opinion that Parliament had a
technical right which it was foolish to exercise. " Mr. Burke observed . . .
that we had an undoubted right to tax them [the Americans] , but that the
expediency of putting that right in execution should be very evident before
anything of that sort passed." Debate of March 14, 1769, P. H., XVI,
605. See Introduction, xvi.
37 19. Serbonian bog. From Paradise Losf, ii, 592-594. The refer-
ence is to Lake Serbonis, near the mouth of the Nile.
37 26. a lawyer tells rne. See 7 14, note.
38 9. loss of my suit. Compare 3 8, note ; 18 15 ; also, " It would
have been a poor compensation that we had triumphed in a dispute, whilst
we lost an empire." Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, W., II, 227.
38 5. unity of spirit. Compare I Corinthians, xii, 4 : " Now there are
diversities of gifts, but the same spirit." Ephesians, iv, 3 : " Endeavoring
to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace."
38 9. abjured all the rights of citizens. Dr. Johnson says in Taxa-
tion No Tyranny : " The Americans have voluntarily resigned the power
NOTES. 109
of voting, to live in distant and separate governments ; and what they
have voluntarily quitted, they have no right to claim." Works, VIII, 183.
38 21. interest in the Constitution. Compare, " It passes my compre-
hension in what manner it is that men can be reconciled to the practical
merits of a constitution ... by being practically excluded from any of its
advantages." Second Letter on the Catholic Question, W., VI, 382.
38 27. understood principle. As an act for raising revenue, not con-
trolling trade.
39 3. American financiers. Men who expect much actual revenue from
America.
39 4. exquisite. Curious, careful, as in "Over-exquisite to cast the
fashion of uncertain evils." Comus, 359.
39 9. further views. This argument was common from the beginning
of the discussion ten years before. Burke clearly alludes to several of the
more recent expressions of it. On April 19, 1774, during a debate on a
motion to repeal the Tea Duty Act, Mr. Rice said : " Whenever we have
made the least concession, they have always required more; they will
think that we acknowledge that we have no right, if we should repeal this
law. ... I am greatly afraid that if you give up this, you will be required
to give up much more." P. H., XVII, 1211, 1212. On the same day Mr.
Solicitor-General Wedderburn argued : " If you give up this tax, it is not
here that you must stop ; you will be required to give up much more, nay,
to give up all." Ibid., 1270. In a debate in the Lords, January 20, 1775,
on Lord Chatham's motion to withdraw the troops from Boston, Lord
Lyttelton declared that if Great Britain should give way from mistaken
motives of present advantages in trade, such a concession would inevitably
defeat its own object ; for it was plain that the Navigation Act and all
other regulatory acts, which formed the great basis on which those advan-
tages rested, and the true interests of both countries depended, would fall
a victim to the interested and ambitious views of America. Every concession
would produce a new demand, and in the end bring about that state of
traitorous independency at which America was aiming. XVIII, 163. On
January 23, while the Commons were considering some petitions for con-
ciliation from merchants of London and Bristol, Lord Stanley insisted that
if England gave way, the Americans would desire a repeal of the Naviga-
tion Act and every other act on the statute book that in the least degree
affected them. Ibid., 177. On March 6, during the argument on Lord
North's " grand penal bill," Mr. Rice again said the Americans were aiming
at independence, and intended to throw off the commercial restrictions as
well as the taxes. On this latter point he was as much inclined to relax
as any other member, if he could be sure that such relaxation would not
110 NOTES.
be introductory to a further and worse opposition on their part, 389. To
this last speech Burke directly refers in lines 14, 15. See 41 12, note.
39 10. trade laws. There had been many laws, some of them called
Navigation Acts, passed for restricting the trade of the provinces. By the
terms of one act, all colonial exports to England were to be shipped only
in American or English vessels ; by a second, colonial exports were to go
only to England or English colonies ; by a third, the colonies could not
export hats ; and by a fourth, they were forbidden to erect mills for rolling
iron or furnaces for making steel. These are but a few of the many har-
assing regulations laid on the colonies.
39 14. gentleman. Mr. Rice. See 39 9, note.
39 23. noble lord. See 8 4, note.
39 24. futile and useless. The speech in which Lord North made
the remarks here attributed to him does not appear in the reports of the
debates of 1774 or 1775. On March 5, 1770, during a discussion of the
Tea Duty Bill, North argued that American agreements not to buy British
goods must speedily be broken, because the colonists could buy more
cheaply in England than anywhere else. P. H., XVI, 855.
40 12. the pamphlet. By Dr. Tucker. See 28 26, note.
40 14. idolizing. Compare, " Among regulations that which stood first
in reputation was his [George Grenville's] idol : I mean the Act of Navi-
gation. He has often professed it to be so." Speech on American Taxa-
tion, W., II, 38.
40 31. not a shadow of evidence. An assertion which Burke could
hardly have supported. For a century the Americans had been complain-
ing of the trade laws, as any colonial history will show. For example,
when in 1733 Parliament had proposed that after the northern colonies had
sold their fish, lumber, and provisions in the West Indies, a return cargo
of molasses, sugar, or rum from any but the British West India islands
should be subject to a duty, Rhode Island strongly remonstrated, and the
New York merchants declared : " The bill is divesting them [the merchants]
of their rights as the king's natural-born subjects and Englishmen, in levy-
ing subsidies on them against their consent, when they are annexed to no
county in Britain, have no representation in Parliament, nor are any part
of the legislature of this kingdom. It will be drawn into a precedent here-
after." Bancroft, II, 244.
41 12. colonies will go further. See 39 9, note. Compare also, " But
still it sticks in our throats, if we go so far, the Americans will go farther.
We do not know that. We ought from experience rather to presume the
contrary. Do we not know for certain that the Americans are going on as
fast as possible, whilst we refuse to gratify them ? Can they do more, or can
NOTES. Ill
they do worse, if we yield this point ? I think this concession will rather
fix a turnpike to prevent their further progress." Speech on American Taxa-
tion, W., II, 29. (Cook.)
42 5. Austrian family. Emperor Charles the Fifth of Austria inherited
the throne of Spain from his mother. This dynasty continued till 1700.
42 8. Philip the Second. A son of Charles the Filth : born in 1 527 ;
married Queen Mary of England in 1554; came to the throne of Spain in
1556 ; fitted out the Spanish Armada in 1588; and died in 1598. He was
far from a " perfect standard," for he was a dull, bigoted man. issue of
their affairs. In 1775 Spain, though relatively stronger than to-day, had
already lost much of her ancient power.
42 13. English Constitution. This is not, like the Constitution of the
United States, a definite document ; the phrase refers to the body of tra-
ditions, customs, precedents, laws, and institutions, and to the general
spirit of the English government.
42 16. Ireland, Wales, Chester and Durham. These cases had often been
cited in the parliamentary debates. See P. U., XVI, 195-198; XVIII, 235.
42 17. English conquest. By Henry the Second, in 1172. For an
account of the conquest, see Green, I, 175—178.
42 18. no Parliament. Before the conquest Ireland was governed by a
number of independent chiefs, each at the head of a sept, corresponding to
a Scottish clan.
42 22. such as England then enjoyed. " The great councils of barons
and prelates which he [Henry the Second] summoned year by year." Green,
I, 167.
42 28. Magna Charta. The Great Charter of rights which the barons
forced King John to sign in 1215. It provides among other things that
" No scutage or aid . . . shall be imposed in our realm save by the com-
mon council of the realm." Green, I, 246.
42 34. all Ireland. English laws and liberties were enjoyed by Eng-
lish settlers only who lived within a certain district called the " Pale." It
was not until the time of James the First that the privileges of the Pale
were extended to the whole country. See Green, I, 514-517.
43 3. Sir John Davies. Born, 1569 ; speaker of the first Irish House
of Commons ; died in 1626. He published a number of poems, and in
1612 a book called Discovery of the true Causes why Ireland was never
entirely Subdued nor brought under Obedience of the Crown of England
until the Beginning of his Majesty's happy Reign.
43 7. military government. A reference to the attempts of the Earl
of Essex and Lord Mountjoy to put down rebellions at the close of the six-
teenth century. Green, II, 496, 497.
112 NOTES.
43 9. civility. Civilization.
43 13. changed the people. A considerable part of the country was
settled by the English and Scotch at the Plantation of Ulster, in 1610.
Green, III, 154.
43 14. altered the religion. From the Church of Rome to the Church
of England.
43 16. deposed kings. Charles the First hi 1649 an<^ James the Second
in 1688. restored them. Charles the Second was restored in 1660.
altered the succession. In 1714, from the House of Stuart to the House
of Hanover.
43 19. usurpation. The protectorate of Cromwell, 1649-1660.
43 20. glorious Revolution. Burke calls the Revolution of 1 688 glori-
ous because it was a triumph of the Whig principles, in which he believed.
His views are very fully set forth in his Appeal from the New to the Old
Whigs. See 28 5, note.
43 22. disgrace and a burden. For centuries the government of
Ireland was one of the most serious questions with which England had
to deal.
43 24. strength and ornament. Though at this time Ireland was caus-
ing comparatively little trouble, Burke certainly exaggerates.
43 26. mighty troubles. The rebellions put down by Cromwell and
William the Third.
43 32. lucrative. Used ironically.
43 34. supply. Revenue. Compare 50 4.
44 1. Irish pensioners. Government pensioners paid out of the Irish
revenues.
44 7. Henry the Third. Fought with Wales, 1265-1267. See Green,
I, 280-312.
44 8. Edward the First. Invaded Wales, 1277 and 1282. "The
Statute of Wales which Edward promulgated at Ruddlan in 1 284 proposed
to introduce English law and the English administration of justice and
government into Wales. But little came of the attempt ; and it was not
till the time of Henry the Eighth that the country was actually incorporated
with England and represented in the English Parliament." Green, I, 334.
See also ibid., 324, 325.
44 12. Lords Marchers. Lords of the borders. From march, a boundary,
or border. The English kings before Edward the First had granted to
the lords such lands as they could win from the Welsh, and each lord
executed the law in his territory. After the conquest, these lords retained
their jurisdiction, though no new ones were created.
44 29. proclamation. " While providing for reinforcement to its army
NOTES. 113
England enjoined the strictest watchfulness on its consuls and agents in
every part of Europe to intercept all munitions of war destined for the
colonies." Bancroft, IV, 129.
44 32. disarm New England. General Gage, acting under instructions
from the home government, had made the attempt in the autumn of 1774.
" He seized upon the ammunition and stores which were lodged in the
provincial arsenal at Cambridge, and had them brought to Boston. He
also at the same time seized upon the powder which was lodged in the
magazines at Charlestown and some other places, being partly private
property and partly provincial." A. >?., 1775, 18. General Gage's own
account of the affair appears in a letter dated November 2, and laid before
the House January 19, 1/75. P. ff-, 104.
44 34. more hardship. See 35 24, note.
45 6. fisheries. See 3 8, note, foreign ports. See 39 10, note.
45 8. penal regulation. In addition to the restrictions Burke mentions,
no Welshman could buy land in a town or, with a few exceptions, hold a
castle or fortress.
45 23. laws made against a whole people. Compare 33 23, note.
4525. twenty-seventh year. 1535.
45 27. rights of the crown. " Wherefore the king's most royal majesty
of mere droit and very right is very head, king, lord, and ruler." Statutes of
the Realm, 1817, III, 563. Chapter 26 of 27 Henry the Eighth.
45 33. fundamental security. Compare 20 21-24.
46 6. day-star. Compare // Peter, i, 19: "Until the day dawn and
the day-star arise in your hearts."
46 9. Simul alba. Horace, Odes, i, 12, 27-32: "When once their fair
star has shone upon the mariner, the troubled water flows down from the
rocks, the winds fall, the clouds flee away, and, since they [Castor and
Pollux] have so willed, the threatening wave reposes on the deep."
46 15. County Palatine. A county in which the owner possessed royal
rights, the same as those of the king in his palace. Palatine is from the
Latin palatium, a palace. At the time referred to, Chester had its own
courts, judges, and other such officers, and also a Parliament.
46 20. Richard the Second. Deposed for tyranny, 1399.
46 21. archers. About 2000 in number.
46 23. petition. The text, modernized in spelling, has been altered
slightly from that of Dodsley in order to correspond to that of the
Statutes of the Realm, 1817, III, 911. It forms part of chapter 13 of 34
and 35 Henry the Eighth. (Cook.)
46 24. shewen. An obsolete form.
46 26. where. Whereas.
114
NOTES.
46 29. knights. Members of Parliament representing a county, bur-
gesses. Members from boroughs.
46 31. disherisons. Deprivations.
46 33. commonwealth. Common welfare.
47 5. ne. Old form for nor.
47 14. libel. About the middle of June, 1774, the council of Massa-
chusetts sent to Governor Gage, then recently appointed, an address
reflecting severely on the policy of his two predecessors. Of this incident
he says in a letter to the home government dated June 26 : " The council
sent me the enclosed libel on my predecessors in this government, in an
address ; on which account I refused to receive it." P. ff., 86. According
to the account in the Annual Register, 1775, 7 : •" The address was rejected
by the governor, who would not suffer the chairman of the committee to
proceed any further, when he had read the part which reflected on his pre-
decessors. He afterwards returned an answer to the council in writing, in
which he informed them that he could not receive an address which con-
tained indecent reflections on his predecessors, who had been tried and
honorably acquitted by the Privy Council, and their conduct approved by
the king ; that he considered the address as an insult upon his Majesty
and the lords of his Privy Council, and an affront to himself."
47 15. derogation. The argument that a petition questioning or deny-
ing the power of Parliament in any point should not be received, because
it was a derogation from the rights of Parliament, was urged against the
petitions from America. For instance, on March 14, 1769, the general
assembly of New York offered a representation denying the right of Parlia-
ment to tax the colony. " Lord North opposed its being brought up, see-
ing they denied the right of the Parliament to tax them ; if they petitioned
to remove any grievance, it was another thing; but Parliament having
passed a law declaratory of its right to tax America, nothing should be
received arraigning that right." P. H., XVI, 604.
47 19. temperament. Tempering, or modification.
48 10. no way resembling. " And also by cause that the people of the
same dominion have and do daily use a speech nothing like ne consonant
to the natural mother tongue used within this realm." Statutes of the
Realm, 1817, III, 563, chapter 26 of 27 Henry the Eighth.
48 12. Judge Barrington. Daines Barrington : born, 1727; appointed
justice of the counties of Merioneth, Carnarvon, and Anglesey, all in
Wales, 1757; died, 1800.
48 ifi. rebellion. See 35 23, note.
48 19. legislative authority is perfect. This argument had been urged
again and again. For example, on February 6, during a discussion of the
NOTES. 115
affairs in America, Solicitor-General Wedderburn said that " the clearest
rights " of the legislative power were invaded and denied. P. H., 233.
48 21. virtually represented. Another common argument. The fol-
lowing is a passage from the summary of the debates on the Stamp Act in
1766: "There can be no doubt but that the inhabitants of the colonies
are as much represented in Parliament as the greatest part of the people
of England are, among nine millions of whom there are eight who have no
votes in electing members of Parliament. Every objection, therefore, to
the dependency of the colonies upon Parliament, which arises to it upon
the ground of representation, goes to the whole present Constitution of
Great Britain. A member of Parliament chosen for any borough repre-
sents, not only the constituents and inhabitants of that particular place,
but he represents the inhabitants of every other borough in Great Britain ;
he represents the city of London and all the other commons of the land,
and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great Britain,
and is in duty and conscience bound to take care of their interests." P. ff.t
XVI, 201, 202. Cook notes that Dr. Johnson also, in Taxation No
Tyranny, had written : " It must always be remembered that they [the
Americans] are represented by the same virtual representation as the
greater part of Englishmen ; and that if by change of place they have less
share in the legislature than is proportionate to their opulence, they by
their removal gained that opulence, and had originally, and have now,
their choice of a vote at home or riches at a distance." Works ; VIII, 183.
49 2. Opposuit natura. Nature opposed. Juvenal, Satires, x, 152.
49 4. meddle with no theory. See 6 15, note.
49 6. those who have been more confident. In this number Franklin
may be reckoned. In a letter to Governor Shirley February 22, 1754, he
expressed approval of the plan. See Sparks's edition of Franklin, Boston,
1840, III, 64. But during his examination before the House of Commons
January 28, 1766, he said that before the Stamp Act Pennsylvania, at least,
had no desire for representation. P. ff., XVI, 158. Writing in 1769 he
seems to have lost faith in the desirability of the plan. " It is in my
opinion by no means impracticable to bring representatives conveniently
from America to Great Britain ; but I think the present mode of letting
them govern themselves by their own assemblies much preferable." Obser-
vations on Passages in "An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the
Disputes between the British Colonies in America and their Mother Co^^n•
try." Sparks's Franklin, IV, 283. (Cook.)
49 8. arm ... is not shortened. Compare/raw/^, lix, i : "The Lord's1
hand is not shortened, that it cannot save."
49 18. Republic. A sketch of an ideal commonwealth.
116
NOTES.
49 19. Utopia. A similar plan published in 1516 by Sir Thomas More,
who lived 1478-1535. Oceana. Published in 1656 by James Harrington,
who lived 1611-1677.
49 21. rude swain. Misquoted from Milton's Comus, 634, 635 : '•'•dull
swain."
49 22. clouted shoon. Furnished with clout-nails. See the New Eng-
lish Dictionary.
49 29. 1763. The beginning of the Grenville administration, which
passed the Stamp Act.
49 31. grant. A voluntary contribution. See 57 9-14. imposition.
A tax imposed.
49 33. legal competency. See 53 20-33, 54 1-7.
50 4. supply. See 43 34, note.
50 11. temple of British concord. An allusion to the Roman Temple
of Concord. Compare 72 10-11.
50 24. fourteen. The government of Quebec and the thirteen colonies
which formed the Union.
50 30. description. The parties named; that is, the colonies and
plantations.
50 33. The second is like unto. Compare Matthew, xxii, 39: " And
the second [commandment] is like unto it, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself."
51 16. Non meus. Horace, Satires, ii, 2, 2, 3 : " This is not my own
doctrine, but that taught by Ofellus, a rustic, wise without rules."
51 20. rust that rather adorns. Compare Juvenal, Satires, xiii, 147-
149:
Confer et hos, veteris qui tollunt grandia templi
Pocula adorandae robiginis et populorum
Dona vel antique positas a rege coronas.
" Compare also those who despoil some old temple of its massive chalices
with their venerable rust, and the gifts of nations, or crowns dedicated by
some ancient monarch." (Cook.) Burke had used the phrase "venerable
rust" before. On November 27, 1770, in a debate on the power of the
attorney-general, he said : " They have set before our eyes in every engag-
ing light the respect and reverence which it [the power of the attorney-
general] has derived from the savory mouldiness and the venerable rust of
ages." P. H., XVI, 1 151. In another report of the speech Burke is made
to say : " Several gentlemen have expressed a kind of superstitious rever-
ence for the power of the attorney-general to file official informations, upon
account of its supposed antiquity, as the father of Scriblerus venerated the
rust and canker which exalted a brazen pot-lid into the shield of a hero.
NOTES. 117
I hope to scour off the false marks of antiquity which have made this
power venerable, as effectually as the honest housewife scoured off the
false honors of the pot-lid." Ibid., 1190. The passage here referred to is
from the Memoirs of Martinus Scriblerus, chapter iii : " Behold the shield.
Behold this rust, or rather let me call it this precious aerugo, — behold this
beautiful varnish of time, this venerable verdure of so many ages." Pope's
Works, London, 1776, IV, 79. Possibly this passage rather than that from
Juvenal suggested to Burke the phrase "venerable rust"; for, as the quo-
tation at 32 33, 34 indicates, he seems to have been familiar with the Scrib-
lerus papers.
51 22. touch with a tool. Compare Exodus, xx, 25 : "And if thou
wilt make me an altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stone ; for
if thou lift up thy tool upon it, thou hast polluted it."
51 27. tracks of our forefathers. The conservatism which appears so
often in this speech runs throughout his work. Compare, " The old build-
ing stands well enough, though part Gothic, part Grecian, and part Chinese,
until an attempt is made to square it into uniformity. Then it may come
down upon our heads altogether, in much uniformity of ruin." Present
State of the Nation, W., I, 368. " Has he well considered what an immense
operation any change in our Constitution is ? how many discussions,
parties, and passions it will necessarily excite ? and when you open it to
inquiry in one part, where the inquiry will stop ? " Ibid., 371. " The most
dangerous of all principles, that of mending what is well." Ibid., 421. " The
dislike I feel to revolutions, the signals for which have so often been given
from pulpits ; the spirit of change that is gone abroad; the total contempt
which prevails with you, and may come to prevail with us, of all ancient
institutions, when set in opposition to a present sense of convenience or to
the bent of present inclination ; — all these considerations make it not
unadvisable in my opinion to call back our attention to the true principles
of our own domestic laws." Reflections on the Revolution in France, III,
264.
51 30. wise beyond what was written. Compare / Corinthians, iv,
6 : "TO fi$i birlp o ytypairrai <ppovetv." Authorized version : " That ye might
learn in us not to think of men above that which is written." Revised ver-
sion : " Ye might learn not to go beyond the things which are written." See
also, " He is resolved not ' to be wise beyond what is written ' in the legis-
lative record and practice." Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, W.,
IV, 134-
51 31. form of sound words. Compare II Timothy,\, 13 : " Holdfast
the form of sound words."
52 13. little in property. Compare 28 5, note.
118 NOTES.
52 22. repealed. See 36 4, note. Compare, " About two years after
this act [of 1767] passed, the ministry, I mean the present ministry, thought
it expedient to repeal five of the duties and to leave . . . only the sixth
standing." Speech on American Taxation, W., II, 10.
52 23. regulating duties. A reference to what is called the Molasses
Act, passed in 1733. For the provisions and the remonstrance, see 40 31,
note. " The title of this act of George the Second . . . considers it merely
as a regulation of trade : An act for the better securing the trade of his
Majesty's sugar colonies in America." Speech on American Taxation, W.t
II, 31.
52 28. duties of 1767. See 36 4, note ; 52 22, note.
52 30. Lord Hillsborough. Born, 1718; secretary of state for the
colonies, 1768-1772 ; died, 1793. Though in general opposed to concessions
to America, yet on May 13, 1769, he sent to the colonies a public circular
letter from which Burke quotes the following passage in the Speech on
American Taxation, W., II, 20 : "I can take upon me to assure you, not-
withstanding insinuations to the contrary from men with factious and sedi-
tious views, that his Majesty's present administration have at no time
entertained a design to propose to Parliament to lay any further taxes upon
America for the purpose of raising a revenue ; and that it is at present their
intention to propose the next session of Parliament to take off the duties
upon glass, paper, and colors, upon consideration of such duties having
been laid contrary to the true principles of commerce."
52 34. resolution of the noble lord. See 7 13, note ; 8 30, note.
53 8. representation in Parliament. See 28 19, note ; 49 6.
53 15. freemen. Those who have full rights of citizenship, free-
holders. Those who possess absolutely or for life a piece of property.
53 24. passed the public offices. Approved by the proper authorities.
In regard to the possible royal veto, see 36 22, note.
53 25. Those who have been pleased. An allusion to Grenville. " He
was of opinion, which he has declared in this House an hundred times, that
the colonies could not legally grant any revenue to the crown, and that
infinite mischiefs would be the result of such a power." Speech on Ameri-
can Taxation, W., II, 43.
53 30. some of the law servants. OH February 10, 1766, during a
debate in the Lords on the disturbances in America, Lord Chief Justice
Mansfield argued that no money could be raised without the consent of
Parliament ; for the agreement of any number of people to raise money for
the king would be unconstitutional. By the Declaration of Right, pronoun-
cing it illegal to levy money except by act of Parliament, all levies, said
Mansfield, by " loan, gift, or benevolence " are void. P. H., XVI, 174.
NOTES. 119
53 31. if the crown could be responsible. Whatever the English sov-
ereign does officially is done by the advice of his ministers, who are held
responsible.
54 3. council. A body of specially selected and sworn advisers of the
king.
54 4. first lords of trade. A reference to a committee of the privy
council having supervision of commerce and industry. See Introduction,
xv. attorney-general. One of the chief legal advisers of the crown,
solicitor-general. An officer associated with the attorney-general in the
legal business of the crown.
54 17. great expenses. On January 28, 1766, Dr. Franklin testified to
the House : " The colonies raised, paid, and clothed near 25,000 men during
the last war [the French and Indian], a number equal to those sent from
Britain, and far beyond their proportion. They went deeply into debt in
doing this, and all their taxes and estates are mortgaged for many years
to come for discharging that debt. . . . The sums reimbursed to them
were by no means adequate to the expense they incurred beyond their
proportion." P. ff., XVI, 153.
54 18. so high. So far back.
54 19. 1695. During the long struggle between the French and the
English colonists.
54 20. 1710. The year of the successful expedition against Acadia, in
which a number of New England troops took part.
54 24. 1748. The year of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the end of what
is known as Kir.g George's War. England then restored to France Cape
Breton, which had been colonized by the French but captured by the English.
55 ]. 1756. The time of the French and Indian War.
55 17-21. Vol. XXVII. The passages referred to are similar in phras-
ing to those quoted above.
56 4. miserable stories. In Franklin's testimony the following sentence
occurs : " America has been greatly misrepresented and abused here in
papers and pamphlets and speeches, as ungrateful and unreasonable and
unjust, in having put this nation to immense expense for their defence and
refusing to bear any part of that expense." P. H., XVI, 152, 153.
56 5. misguided people. The English.
56 9. paid no taxes. An argument which appeared in nearly every
debate on America. See, for example, the speech of the Duke of Grafton,
February 10, 1766, when the repeal of the Stamp Act was proposed. P. H.,
XVI, 165.
56 11. Mr. Grenville. George Grenville: born, 1712; prime minister,
1763-1765: died, 1770.
120 NOTES.
56 25. requisition. Note the distinction which Burke makes between
money asked for and taxes imposed. See 54 12.
57 17. utmost rights. See 37 4, note.
58 2. An act for granting. See 36 4, note.
58 4. drawback. Rebate. Duties collected upon the goods mentioned
were partly or wholly repaid if the goods were again exported.
58 8. clandestine running. Smuggling.
58 11. An act to discontinue. See 36 4, note.
58 17. An act for the impartial administration. See 36 4, note.
58 23. An act for the better regulating. See 27 18, note.
58 27. An act for the trial. See 35 24, note.
58 so. during the king's pleasure. According to a clause of the bill,
the decision as to reopening the port was to rest with the crown. P. H.t
XVII, 1165.
58 33. was not heard. On March 14, 1774, during the debate on the
bill, Mr. Dowdeswell asked if the House would not hear what Boston had
to say in defence ; if the House would condemn without evidence in the
absence of the parties. P. H., XVII, 1168. other towns. On March 25,
Mr. Dowdeswell inquired : " What is the reason that you single out Boston
for your particular resentment? Have there been no other towns in
America which have disobeyed your orders ? Has not Philadelphia, New
York, and several other provinces sent back their tea? " Ibid., 1180.
58 35. Restraining Bill. See 3 8, note.
59 9. less power. In all the colonies, except Maryland, Connecticut,
and Rhode Island, the crown had power of veto. See Lecky, III, 324.
59 11. as great and as flagrant. " A similar language was everywhere
held ; or if there was any difference in the language, the measures that
were adopted were everywhere directed to the same object." A. />., 1775,
13. See 26 25, note. The argument used against Boston was that it had
been the ringleader in the disturbances. " Boston has been the ringleader
in all riots," said Lord North, when on March 14, 1774, he introduced the
Boston Port Bill. P. H., XVII, 1165.
59 21. returning officer. The officer who summoned the jury. This
duty was now put into the hands of the sheriff, who was appointed by the
crown. The object, of course, was to obtain juries favorable to the govern-
ment. See 27 18, note.
59 25. temporary. The act was to continue in force three years after
June i, 1774.
60 10. during good behavior. Bancroft thus relates an incident of the
autumn of 1761 : " On the death of the chief justice of New York,
his successor . . . was appointed at the king's pleasure, and not during
NOTES. 121
good behavior, as had been done before. . . . The assembly held the new
tenure of judicial power to be inconsistent with American liberty. . . .
But in November the board of trade reported to the king against the tenure
of good behavior as ' a pernicious proposition,' ' subversive of all true
policy,' ' and tending to lessen the just dependence of the colonies upon . . .
the mother country.' The representation found favor with the king ; and
as the first fruits of the new system, on the ninth of December, 1761, the
instruction went forth through Egremont to all colonial governors to grant
no judicial commissions but during pleasure. . . . The assembly of New
York rose up against the encroachment, deeming it a deliberate step
toward despotic authority ; the standing instruction, they resolved, should
be changed, or they would grant no salary whatever to the judges."
II, 551, 552. (Cook.) " Hardy, governor of New Jersey, having violated
his instructions by issuing a commission to the judges during good behav-
ior, was promptly dismissed." Ibid., 557.
60 18. courts of admiralty. " The jurisdiction of the courts of admi-
ralty, which tried smuggling cases without a jury, was strengthened and
enlarged, and all the officers of ships of war stationed on the coasts of
America were made to take the custom house oaths and act as revenue
officers." Lecky, III, 336. " The custom house and revenue officers,
unlike other officials in America, were not paid by the local legislatures.
They were appointed directly by the crown or by the governors." Ibid.,
328.
60 22. more decent maintenance. Since the judges were paid by fines
imposed on goods that were condemned, there was a temptation to make large
seizures. See Bancroft, II, 553. The original edition of the speech con-
tains the following note : " The solicitor-general informed Mr. B. when the
resolutions were separately moved, that the grievance of the judges partak-
ing of the profits of the seizure had been redressed by office ; accordingly
the resolution was amended." See 77 8.
60 32. Congress complain. In an address to the people of Great
Britain issued by the Congress at Philadelphia, October 21, 1774, occurs
this passage : " It was ordained that whenever offences should be com-
mitted in the colonies against particular acts imposing various duties and
restrictions upon trade, the prosecutor might bring his action for the
penalties in the courts of admiralty ; by which means the subject lost the
advantage of being tried by an honest, uninfluenced jury of the vicinage,
and was subjected to the sad necessity of being judged by a single man, a
creature of the crown, and according to the course of law which exempts
the prosecutor from the trouble of proving his accusation, and obliges the
defendant either to evince his innocence or to suffer. To give this new
122 NOTES.
judicatory the greater importance, and as if with design to protect false
accusers, it is further provided that the judge's certificate of their having
been probable causes of seizure and prosecution shall protect the prose-
cutor from actions at common law for recovery of damages." Journals of
Congress, I, 28.
61 13. prove too much. When the Stamp Act was repealed in 1766,
thirty-four of the lords signed a protest, urging that if America pleaded lack
of representation as a reason for disobeying the Stamp Act, the same rea-
soning extended " to all other laws of what nature soever, which that Par-
liament has enacted, or shall enact, to bind them in times to come, and
must (if admitted) set them absolutely free from any obedience to the
power of the British legislature." P. If., XVI, 185.
61 25. advocate for the sovereignty of Parliament. During a speech
of January 14, 1766, Mr. Grenville had said: "That this kingdom has the
sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America, is granted. It
cannot be denied ; and taxation is a part of that sovereign power. It is
one branch of the legislation. It is, it has been exercised, over those who
are not, who were never represented. It is exercised over the India Com-
pany, the merchants of London, the proprietors of the stocks, and over
many great manufacturing towns. It was exercised over the palatinate of
Chester and the bishopric of Durham, before they sent any representatives
to Parliament. I appeal for proof to the preambles of the acts which gave
them representatives : the one in the reign of Henry the Eighth, the other
in that of Charles the Second." Mr. Grenville then quoted the acts and
desired that they might be read. P. If., XVI, 101.
61 28. Lord Chatham. The leading champion of America in Parlia-
ment. Born, 1708; though not nominally the prime minister, he was in
fact head of the government, 1757-1761 ; died, 1778.
61 29. in favor of his opinions. Part of the speech of Lord Chatham,
— then Mr. Pitt, — in reply to Mr. Grenville was as follows : " I come not
here armed at all points with law cases and acts of Parliament, with the
statute book doubled down in dog's-ears, to defend the cause of liberty ; if
I had, I myself would have cited the two cases of Chester and Durham. I
would have cited them to have shown that even under any arbitrary reigns
Parliaments were ashamed of taxing people without their consent, and
allowed them representatives. Why did the gentleman confine himself to
Chester and Durham ? He might have taken a higher example in Wales,
— Wales that never was taxed by Parliament till it was incorporated."
P. If., XVI, 104.
62 5. de jure. Legally, de facto. In fact.
62 27. compromise and barter. Burke is fond of applying this princl
NOTES. 123
pie in his arguments. Compare, " Of one thing I am perfectly clear : that
it is not by deciding the suit but by compromising the difference that peace
can be restored or kept." Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol ', W., II, 231.
" Men cannot enjoy the rights of an uncivil and of a civil state together.
That he may obtain justice, he gives up his right of determining what it is
i» points the most essential to him. That he may secure some liberty, he
makes a surrender in trust of the whole of it." Reflections on the Revolu-
tion in France, W., Ill, 310. "The rights of men in goverments are their
advantages ; and these are often in balances between differences of good,
— in compromises sometimes between good and evil, and sometimes
between evil and evil." Ibid., 313.
62 33. communion and fellowship. From the Book of Common Prayer
of the Church of England ; the beginning of the collect for All Saints'
Day : " O Almighty God, who hast knit together thine elect in one com-
munion and fellowship."
63 2. immediate jewel of his soul. Compare Othello, iii, 3, 155, 156:
Good name in man and woman, dear my lord,
Is the immediate jewel of their souls.
" Our ruin will be disguised in profit, and the sale of a few wretched
baubles will bribe a degenerate people to barter away the most precious
jewel of their souls." Fourth Letter on a Regicide Peace, W., VI, 98. a
great house is apt. Compare Juvenal, Satires, v, 66 : " Maxima quaeque
domus servis est plena superbis," Every great house is full of haughty
slaves.
63 11. improvement by disturbing. See 51 27, note.
63 16. cords of man. Compare Hosea, xi, 4 : " I drew them with cords
of a man, with bands of love."
63 19. cautions us. Aristotle, Ethics, i, 3 : " It will be our endeavor
to attain that accuracy which the nature of the subject admits ; for perfec-
tion is not required in all the labors of the mind any more than in all the
works of the hand. Political justice or virtue seems liable to this uncer-
tainty. . . . In matters so little stable we must be contented, therefore,
with catching the general features of truth ; and our conclusions will
deserve to be approved, if in most cases they are found to be useful and
applicable ; for it is the part of wisdom to be satisfied in each subject with
that kind of evidence which the nature of the subject allows ; it not being
less absurd to require demonstrations from an orator than to be contented
with probabilities from a mathematician." Gillies's Translation, London,
1813, I, 242.
63 25. superintending legislature. See 34 2. note.
124 NOTES.
64 2. unity of the empire. On January 20, during the debate on
Lord Chatham's motion to withdraw the troops from Boston, the Earl of
Rochford held that the " unity of the empire should supersede every inferior
consideration, because on that its prosperity, stability, and external grandeur
immediately depended " ; and he felt that any yielding would destroy this
unity. P. H., 166. In another debate of February 7, Lord Lyttelton
" contended for the universality and unity of the British Empire." Ibid.,
276.
64 10. separate. The separate Parliament for Ireland was abolished
in 1800. See Green, IV, 338.
64 24. promised. See 9 2-3.
64 25. proposition. See 7 13, note.
64 32. having already debated. See 8 8, note.
64 33. before the committee. When the whole house sat as a com-
mittee on the bill, February 20. P. ff.t 319-338.
65 2. mere project. See 6 15, note.
65 6. Experimentum in corpore vili. Commonly, Fiat experimentum
in corpore vili, Let us make the experiment on something worthless.
65 12. antechamber of the noble lord. In the cabinet or a committee
of it.
65 15. state auctioneer. See 8 8, note.
65 27. quarrelling. See 8 5.
65 33. complain. See 36 22, note.
66 29. composition. Adjustment or agreement.
67 8. English revenue. England derived revenue from an import duty
on tobacco, and also dealt largely in this commodity with foreign countries.
67 21. confound the innocent. When the Restraining Bill was pro-
posed (see 3 8, note) the objection was at once raised by Mr. Dunning
that New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut ought not to be
included in the punishment of Massachusetts. P. H., 300. On February
28 a petition was presented from the Quakers, saying that on Nantucket
about 4500 members of that sect, "entirely innocent in respect to the pres-
ent disturbances in America," " would be exposed to all the hardships of
famine." Ibid.y 383. On the same day a number of witnesses were exam-
ined, and Mr. David Barclay, agent for the committee of North American
merchants, summed up the evidence as showing that " a great number of
innocent subjects [would] undergo a punishment which they do not de-
serve, as by their occupation the majority of them are the most part of the
year at sea, and consequently must have been absent from disturbances at
home." Ibid., 384. On March 6 " Mr. T. Townshend urged the cruelty
and injustice of an act which made no discrimination between innocence
NOTES. 125
|
and guilt." Ibid., 387. On March 15 the same evidence and on March
1 6 and 21 much the same arguments were offered in the Lords. Ibid.,
421-461.
68 2. treasury extent. A writ for valuing lands to satisfy a debt to
the crown.
68 10. quotas and contingents. Apportioned to the several states.
68 17. breaking the union. See 7 13, note.
68 20. their taste. On the very day that Lord North introduced his
so-called proposition for conciliating America, February 20, he said : " I
agree, Sir, that it is very probable the propositions contained in this resolu-
tion may not be acceptable to the Americans in general." P. H., 334.
68 32. certain colonies only. See 7 13, note.
69 4. long discourse. Three hours.
69 10. mean to spare it. Before the year 1775 closed, Burke must
have spoken at least a dozen times more on America; and on November
1 6 he offered another bill for conciliating the colonies. P. H., 963.
69 12. steadily opposed. In nearly every debate on American affairs
Burke had spoken more or less at length in behalf of the colonies.
69 27. Posita luditur area. The chest (that is, the whole fortune) is
put up as a stake. Juvenal, Satires, i, 90. See 5 26, note.
69 31. debt. An evidence of the strength of the credit of the
government.
70 29. Ease would retract. Paradise Lost, iv, 96, 97. Burke has sub-
stituted retract for the original recant.
70 33. immense, ever-growing, eternal debt. Compare Paradise Lost,
iv, 52, "The debt immense of endless gratitude."
71 12. return in loan. " The Bengal famine of 1770 was followed by
Lord North's Regulating Act, by which, in exchange for the loan of a
million which the company required and the remission of the annual pay-
ment to the government of ^400,000 a year, a new council was appointed
by Parliament; a supreme court, of which the judges were appointed by
the crown, was established ; and the governor of Bengal was made gov-
ernor-general of India." Low and Pulling's Dictionary of English History,
London, 1884, 398, 399. The reference was well calculated to appeal to
Burke's listeners, because for the last five years Parliament had spent a
great deal of time over the affairs of India and the East India Com-
pany. This powerful corporation was organized in 1600 and did not
finally go out of existence till 1873.
71 17. taxable objects. See 67 8, note.
71 26. enemies. See 18 22, note.
71 34. light as air. Compare Othello, iii, 3, 322-324 :
126 NOTES. .
Trifles light as air
Are to the jealous confirmations strong
As proofs of holy writ. •
links of iron. Compare Julius Caesar, i, 3, 94, 95 :
Nor airless dungeon nor strong links of iron
Can be retentive to the strength of spirit.
72 2. grapple to you. Compare Hamlet, i, 3, 63 : " Grapple them to
thy soul with hooks of steel."
72 10. sacred temple. See 50 10.
72 12. turn their faces. An allusion to a practice which the Jews,
the " chosen race," observed of turning their faces toward Jerusalem to
worship. See / Kings, viii, 44, 45 : " If thy people go out to battle against
their enemy, whithersoever thou shalt send them, and shall pray unto the
Lord toward the city which thou hast chosen and toward the house that I
have built for thy name, then hear thou in heaven their prayer and their
supplication, and maintain their cause."
72 20. of price. Compare Matthew, xiii, 46 : " Who, when he had
found one pearl of great price, went and sold all that he had and bought it."
72 28. sufferances. Permits, cockets. Sealed certificates that the
duties have been paid on goods.
73 1. spirit. Compare Aeneid, vi, 726, 727:
Spiritus intus alit ; totamque infusa per artus,
Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet.
One common soul
Inspires and feeds and animates the whole.
This active mind infus'd through all the space
Unites and mingles with the mighty mass.
Dryden's Translation, 982-985.
73 6. Land Tax Act. An act annually passed for raising revenue.
73 9. Mutiny Bill. In order to keep the army under control of Parlia-
ment, two bills were passed annually : one for military supply, and the
Mutiny Bill, providing for the trial of soldiers by military law.
73 17. profane herd. Compare Horace, Odes, iii, i, i : "Odi profanum
vulgus et arceo," I hate the profane herd and drive it from me.
73 25. all in all. Compare / Corinthians, xv, 28 : " That God may be
all in all."
73 29. auspicate. To give a favorable turn to in commencing, — a
sense derived from the Roman practice of taking the auspicium, or inspec-
tion of birds, before entering upon any important business.
NOTES. 127
73 31. Sursum corda. In the mass of the Church of Rome this phrase,
or in the communion service of the Church of England the equivalent,
" Lift up your hearts," is used just before the priest turns to the altar to
consecrate the elements.
73 34. high calling. Compare Philippians, iii, 14 : "I press toward
the mark for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus."
74 9. quod felix. May it be happy and prosperous.
74 17. previous question. The motion for closing debate.
INDEX
Abeunt studia in mores, 24, 95.
abjured all the rights of citizens,
1 08.
ablest pens, 92.
Abridgment of the History of Eng-
land, xxii, Ixvi.
abrogation of Charter of Massa-
chusetts, see Massachusetts.
abstract liberty, 92.
abstract theories, Burke's oppo-
sition to, see theories.
Acadia, 119.
Account of the European Settle-
ments in America, xxii, Ixvi,
Ixx, 80, 81.
Achaeans, 101.
Ackland, Mr., 85.
Act of Union, 88.
acta parentum, etc., 14, 87.
Acts, 100.
Acts of Navigation, see Naviga-
tion Acts.
Adams, John, president, Ixix.
adaptation of government to tem-
per and circumstances, see tem-
per and circumstances.
Addison, Joseph, x.
Address to the King, xlix, liii, Ixviii,
91, 99, 101, 104.
addresses to the king, 8, 85, 106.
Admiral Hosier's Ghost, Glover,
87.
admiralty, courts of, Ixiii, 60, 121.
Adolphus, History of England
from the Accession to the Decease
of George the Third, xiii, Ixxi.
adventitious, 82.
advocate for the sovereignty of
Parliament, 122.
advocates and panegyrists, 101.
j&neid, 89, 101, 126.
Africa.- xlix, 17, 32, 89.
African trade, 12, 87.
against the superior, 104.
Age of Reason, Paine, Ixix.
agents for the colonies, see colony
agents,
agitation over the Stamp Act, see
Stamp Act.
agriculture of the colonies, Iviii, 16.
Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 119.
Algiers, li, 25, 96.
Ali, Hyder, ravages of, xxxv, 1.
all in all, 126.
all Ireland, in.
Alleghanies, 99.
altered the religion, 112.
altered the succession, IC2.
America, English opinion of, xiii.
American Antiquarian Society,
xxx, Ixxi.
American Committee, see Chair.
American Commonwealth, James
Bryce, see Bryce.
130
INDEX.
American Congress, see Congress;
Journals of, See Journals of the
American Congress.
American financiers, 39, 109.
American imports, duties on, see
imports.
American love of freedom, 1, Iviii,
19-25.
American Mutiny Act, 107.
American revenue impossible, see
revenue.
American Revolution, John Fiske,
see Fiske.
American Taxation, Speech on,
see Speech, etc.
Americans, descendants of Eng-
lishmen, 19-21.
Analogy, Butler, see Butler.
Anarchy is found tolerable, 98.
ancient commonwealths, 92.
And the rude swain, etc., see rude
swain.
Andrews, E. B., History of the
United States, xii, Ixxi.
Anglesey, 114.
Angola, 32.
Anne, Queen, xi, 87.
Annual Register, v, xiii, xx, Ixxii,
79, 80, 81, 83, 85, 88, 89, 94, 98,
1 08, 113, 114, 120; Burke's con-
nection with, xxii, Ixvi, Ixx, Ixxi.
Anstey, Christopher, New Bath
Guide, xi.
antechamber of the noble lord,
124.
Anti-Jacobin, Ixix.
Antiquarian Society, American,
see American, etc.
anti-slavery movement, xi.
Antoinette, Marie, Burke's de-
scription of, xlix, lfii.
Appalachian Mountains, 29, 99.
Appeal from the New to the Old
Whigs, xxxvii, xlii, Ixix, 112,
117.
Arabia, li, 25.
Arbuthnot, Dr., 102.
archers, 113.
Arcot, Speech on the Nabob oj
Ar cot's Debts, see Speech, etc.
Arginusae, battle of, 101.
Argumentation, Principles of, see
Baker.
Aristophanes, 101.
Aristotle, 63, 81, 123.
arm is not shortened, 115.
Armada, in.
as broad and general as the air,
93-
as great and as flagrant, 120.
Asia, xlix.
assemblies, colonial, dissolved, xix,
26, 107; form of, 21, 92, 93;
their competency, Ixii, 53.
atheism, Burke's dread of, xxvii,
xxviii.
Athenaid, Glover, 87.
attack upon judiciary, see judi-
ciary.
attorney-general, 119.
auction of finance, Ivii, 8, 65, 84,
see also ransom by auction.
auspicate, 126.
auspicious, 88.
austerity of the Chair, 79.
Austrian family, in.
aversion from, 93.
Bacon, Francis, liv, 95 ; Essay
Macaulay, see Macaulay.
Baker, G. P., Principles of Argu
mentation, Ivi.
INDEX.
131
Bancroft, George, History of the
United States, v, xii, Ixxi, 79,
86,99, 101, 102, IIO, 113, 120,
121.
bar, 87.
Barclay, David, 124.
Barre, Colonel, xvi.
Barrington, Daines, 48, 114.
Barry, James, befriended by
Burke, xl.
barter and compromise, see com-
promise.
Bath Guide, New, Christopher
Anstey, see Anstey.
Bathurst, Lord, 14, 87.
Beaconsfield, xlviii ; Burke's pur-
chase of, xxiv, Ixvii ; Lord, title
to have been given to Burke,
xxxix.
Bee, Goldsmith, Ixvi.
before the committee, 124.
beggar subjects into submission,
31-
Bengal, xlviii, 71 ; famine, 125.
Bentham, Jeremy, xliv.
Bible, 81, 87, 88, 95, 99, 100, 107,
108, 113, 115, 116, 117, 123, 126,
127 ; Burke's quotations from,
liii.
Birmingham, xiv.
Birrell, Augustine, Obiter Dicta,
Second Series, xxii, Ixxi.
Black Hole of Calcutta, Ixvi.
Blackstone, Sir William, Commen-
taries, Ixvii, 23, 94
Blake, William, Ixvi, Ixviii.
blind usages, 92.
blown about by every wind of
fashionable doctrine, see wind.
blue ribbon, 84.
Bolingbroke, Lord, Ixv, Ixvi.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, Italian cam-
paign, Ixix ; puts down rising of
1 3th Vendemiaire, Ixix.
Book of Common Prayer, see Com-
mon Prayer.
books of curious science, 31, 100.
Boston, xviii, 94, 98 ; Massacre,
xviii, Ixvii ; motion to withdraw
troops from, see Chatham ; Port
Bill, xviii, Ixii, Ixvii, 58, 59, 68,
1 02, 1 06, 120; Tea Party, see
Tea Party.
BoswelPs Life of Johnson, ix, xxiii,
xli, Ixix, Ixxi.
boundaries, 83.
Brazil, 17.
break the American spirit, 91.
Breton, Cape, see Cape.
Brissofs Address, Preface to, see
Preface, etc.
Bristol chooses Burke as repre-
sentative, xxviii, Ixvii; refuses
to reelect Burke, xxx, Ixviii.
British Eloquence, Select, C. A.
Goodrich, see Goodrich.
British strength, 91.
broad and general as the air, see
as broad.
Brougham, Lord, Inquiry into the
Colonial Policy of the European
Powers, li; Statesmen of the
Time of George the Third, Ixxi,
84.
Brusa, li, 25.
Bryce, James, American Common'
wealth, 93.
Buckle, H. T., History of Civiliza-
tion in Europe, Ixxi.
Bunker Hill, battle of, Ixvii.
burgesses, 46, 50, 51, 114.
Burgoyne, General, 90, 91.
132
INDEX.
Burke, Edmund, a troublesome
colleague, xxxiii; accused of
dishonesty, xxiii, xxiv, xxxiii ;
acquaintance with literature, liii,
liv ; acquaintance with the clas-
sics, liv ; advocates economical
reform, xxxii ; advocates reform
in India, xxxiii-xxxv, xxxviii,
xlii ; agent for New York, xxx,
Ixvii, Ixxi: aim at utilitarian
effect, xliv, xlv ; appeals to love
of right, xlii ; arrival in London,
Ixv ; attitude in the Wilkes con-
test, xxiv, xxv ; attitude toward
America, xxx-xxxii, xxxviii ;
attitude toward Ireland, xxix,
xxxviii, xxxix, xlii; attitude
toward parliamentary reform,
xxvi, xxxii; attitude toward
the French Revolution, xxxvi,
xxxvii, xxxviii; birth, xx, Ixv;
college life, xx, xxi, Ixv; com-
mended by Chatham, xxiii;
conservatism, xxvi, xxvii, xxxii,
xxxiv, xxxvii, xlv, xlvi, 51, 117 ;
Correspondence, xx, xxi, xxii,
xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xl, xlii,
Ixx, 79, 96; dies, xxxix, Ixix;
dread of atheism, xxvii, xxviii;
efforts to keep the Rocking-
ham Whigs united, xxvi, xxvii ;
elected member for Bristol,
xxviii, Ixvii; elected to Parlia-
ment, xxiii, Ixvii, 80 ; enthusiasm
for study, xxi ; establishes school
for children of French Emigres,
xl; excluded from cabinet, xxxiii;
failure to control temper, xxxiii;
faults, xli; friendship with Dr.
Johnson, ix, xl, xli; gradua-
tion from college, Ixv; grief
over death of son, xli ; improvi-
dence, xxiv; in Ireland, xxii,
Ixvi ; in London, xxi, xxii, xxxiii;
in the Literary Club, x, xxiii,
Ixvii; indebted to Rockingham,
xxiv; independent of constitu-
ents, xxix, xxx; liberality, xliii,
xliv; life of, xix-xli; loses seat
at Bristol, xxx, Ixviii; love of
justice, xlii; marriage, xli, Ixvi;
member for Wendover, xxiii,
Ixvii, 80; method of construct-
ing paragraphs, liv, Iv; method of
quoting, liv ; offered Indian com-
missionership, xxvi ; opposed to
commercial restriction, xxix ; op-
posed to theories, xxxii, xxxiv,
xliv, xlv, Ivii, 9, 57 ; opposed to
use of force, xxv, xxx, xxxiv,
Iviii, 17, 18, 31, 32, 100, 101;
oratory, xlvi-xlix ; Paymaster of
the Forces, xxxiii, Ixviii ; person-
ality, xxxix, xl; philanthropy,
xl ; political tracts, xxiii ; power
of his imagination, xlii, xlviii,
1, lii; prosecution of Hastings,
xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix, xliii, xlvii,
Ixviii, Ixix; purchase of Bea-
consfield, xxiv, Ixvii; quarrels
with Fox, xxxvi, Ixix; quarrels
with Hamilton, xxii; quarrels
with Sheridan, Ixix ; receives a
pension, xxxix; relations with
Richard and William Burke,
xxiv, xxxiii; reliance on expe-
rience, xlv, Iviii, Ixi, 18, 41, 57,
65 ; religion, xx ; retires from
Parliament, xxxix, Ixix; school
days, xx ; secretary to Lord
Rockingham, xxiii, Ixvii ; Select
Works, edited by E. J. Payne,
INDEX.
133
vi, xlvi, li, Ixx, 81, 92, 93, 95,
101; speaks against the Stamp
Act, xxiii; Speeches, edited by
F. G. Selby, iv, xii, Ixx, 95 ;
statesmanship, xli-xlvi ; study
of Irish history, xxi; study of
law, xxi; style, xlix-lv; sub-
stantial reputation, xxviii ; suc-
cess on entering Parliament,
xxiii; supported by mercantile
organizations, xxviii; suspected
of being Junius, xxv ; travels,
xxi; use of connectives, liv;
visit to France, xxvii, xxviii,
Ixvii ; work on Annual Register,
xxii, Ixvi, Ixx, Ixxi.
Burke, Morley, xx, xxii, xxv, xxvi,
xxxviii, xli, xlvi, Ixx.
Burke, Richard, brother of Ed-
mund, xxiv, xxxiii.
Burke, Richard, son of Edmund,
dies, xxxix, xli, Ixvi, Ixix ; unpop-
ularity, xli.
Burke, William, xxiv, xxxiii.
Burns, Robert, Ixvi, Ixviii.
but three ways, 99.
Bute ministry. Ixvi.
Butler's Analogy, Ixv.
Byron, Lord, born, Ixviii.
Calcutta, Black Hole of, see Black
Hole.
Cambridge arsenal, 113,
Camden, Lord, 85.
Canada, xviii.
Candide, Voltaire, Ixvi.
Cannae, 101.
Canute, 95.
Cape Breton, 54, 119.
capital, 85.
Carlyle, Thomas, birth, Ixix.
Carnarvon, 114.
Carnatic, 1.
Carolinas, effects of slavery there,
22, 32.
Casius, Mount, 37.
Castle of Otranto, Walpole, Ixvii.
Castlereagh, Lord, 84.
Castor, 113.
Catholic Question, Letters on, see
First Letter, Second Letter, etc.
Catholics, disabilities of, xxxix,
xlii.
Cato, Addison, 107.
Cause of the Present Discontents,
Thoughts on, see Thoughts, etc.
cautions us, 123.
Century Dictionary, 83.
Chair, 79.
Chair of the American Committee,
81.
changed the people, 112.
character and circumstances of
people, see temper and cir-
cumstances.
chargeable, 100.
charity, Roman, see Roman charity.
Charles the Fifth, in.
Charles the First, 112.
Charles the Second, 112, 122.
Charleston, xviii.
Charlestown, 113.
Charter of Massachusetts abro-
gated, see Massachusetts.
Chatham, Earl of, xi, xvi, xvii,
Ixviii, Ixxii, 95, 122; advocates
American cause, 61 ; commends
Burke's speeches, xxiii ; leader
of the New Whigs, see New
Whigs; motion to withdraw
troops from Boston, 109, 124;
Essay on, Macaulay, Ixxi.
134
INDEX.
Chatham ministry, Ixvii.
checking of population, see popu-
lation.
Chester an example for deaiing
with America, Ixi, 46, 47, 48, 52,
61, 62, 64, in, 113, 122.
Chesterfield's Letters, Ixxi.
children of men, see given to,
etc.
china earthenware, 58.
Chinese, 117.
Church of England, 93, 112, 123,
127; in the colonies, 21, 22, 31.
Church of Rome, see Roman
Catholic.
Cicero, liv, 104.
circumstances and temper of
people, see temper and circum-
stances.
Civil Liberty, R. Price, Ixxii.
civil litigant, 104.
civility, 112.
Civilization in Europe, History of,
H. T. Buckle, Ixxi.
clandestine running, 1 20.
Clarissa Harlowe, Richardson, x,
Ixv.
classics., Burke's knowledge of, liv.
Cleomenes, 101.
cling and grapple, lii, 72.
closing of Boston Port, see Boston
Port Bill.
clouted shoon, 116.
Club, The, see Literary Club.
Coalition ministry, xxxiii, xxxiv,
Ixviii.
cockets, 126.
coercion and restraint, 80.
Coke, Sir Edward, rancor toward
Ralegh, 33, 102, 103.
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, Ixvii.
colonial agriculture, see agricul
ture.
colonial assemblies, see assem-
blies.
colonial commerce, see commerce.
colonial fisheries, see fisheries.
Colonial Policy of the European
Powers, Inquiry into, see
Brougham.
colonies complain, 107 ; irritated
at England, xiii; protest, xv, 107 ;
will go further, no.
colony agents, 84.
Commentaries, Blackstone, see
Blackstone.
commerce, expansion of, xi, xii,
11-15; n°t secured by Naviga-
tion Acts, see Navigation; of
colonies, Ivii, Iviii, i i-i 5.
commercial advantages of concili-
ation, xii, 11-15.
commercial policy of England,
xiii.
commercial restriction, Burke
opposed to, xxix.
commercial restrictions, see com*
mercial policy.
committees of correspondence,
xviii, 97.
common head, see one common
head.
Common Prayer, Book of, 123.
Common Sense, Paine, Ixviii, Ixxii.
commonwealth, 114.
communion, 93.
communion and fellowship, 123.
competence of colonial assemblies,
see assemblies.
complaint, 81.
complaints of the colonies, see
colonies complain.
INDEX.
135
complexions, 90.
composition, 124.
compromise and barter, 62, 122,
123.
comptrollers, 99.
Comus, 109, 1 1 6.
Conciliation, Speech on, see Speech,
etc.
Conclusion of the Poll, Speech at,
see Speech, etc.
confidence of the colonies in the
mother country, see unsuspect-
ing confidence.
confident, 98.
confound the innocent, 124.
Congress, xix, Ixvii, 83, 86; com-
plaint of, 60, 107, 121 ; Journals
of, see Journals of the American
Congress ; largely composed of
lawyers, 23, 94 ; respected by the
colonists, 97.
Connecticut, xviii, 54, 59, 120, 124;
protests against Stamp Act, xv.
connectives, Burke's use of, liv.
conservatism of Burke, xxvi, xxvii,
xxxii, xxxiv, xxxvii, xlv, xlvi,
51, 117.
Constitution of the United States,
in; framed, Ixviii.
Constitution of the year III, Ixix.
Continental Congress, see Con-
gress.
Contrat Social, Ixvi.
converting ill-will into delinquency,
41.
Cook, A. S., editor, Speech on Con-
ciliation, iv, v, Ixx, 87, 89, 92,
99, 101, 103, in, 113, 115, 116,
121.
cords of man, 123.
Corinthians, I, 1 08, 117, 126.
Cornwall, Mr., 98.
Cornwallis surrenders, Ixviii.
correctly, 107.
Correspondence, Burke's, xx, xxi,
xxii, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xl,
xlii, Ixx, 79, 96.
correspondence, committees of,
see committees.
County Palatine, see Palatine.
courts of admiralty, see admiralty.
Cowper, William, Ixviii.
Crabbe, George, befriended by
Burke, xl.
Crimea, li, 25, 96.
criminal prosecution of the colo-
nies, Ix, 33-36, 102.
Cromwell's protectorate, 112.
crown could be responsible, see ii
the crown, etc.
curious, 88.
Cymon, 88.
Damiata, 37.
D'Arblay, Madame, Ixviii ; descrip-
tion of Burke, xxxix, xl, xlvi;
Diary and Letters, ix, x, xl, Ixxi.
Davenant, Charles, 12, 87.
Davies, Sir John, 43, in.
Davis, George, 89.
Davis Strait, 16.
day-star of the English Constitu-
tion, liii, 46, 113.
de facto, 122.
de jure, 122.
De minimis non curat lex, 86.
De Officiis, Cicero, 104.
Debi Sings, see Sing.
debt, 125.
debts of the colonies, 56.
deceive the burden of life, 14,
88.
136
INDEX.
Declaration of Independence, Ixviii,
86, 97.
Declaration of Right, 118.
Declaratory Act, xvi, xvii.
declaring a rebellion, see Massa-
chusetts.
Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, Gibbon, Ixviii.
Delaware, xv.
delicate, 80.
deposed kings, 112.
derogation, fi 1 4.
descendants of Englishmen, Iviii,
91.
description, 116.
Deserted Village, Goldsmith, Ixvii.
Diary and Letters of Madame
D'Arblay, see D'Arblay.
Dictionary, Johnson, Ixvi.
Dictionary of English History,
Low and Pulling, see Low and
Pulling.
Dictionary of National Biography,
xx, Ixxi, 79, 84, 87, 94, 97, 102.
Dictionary of United States His-
tory, J. F. Jameson, Ixxii.
dinner-bell, epithet applied to
Burke, xlvii.
disarm New England, 113.
discord fomented from principle,
82.
Discourses on Revenue and Trade,
Davenant, 87.
Discovery of the True Causes,
Davies, in.
disgrace and a burden, 112.
disherisons, 114.
disreputably, 81.
dissidence of dissent, 22.
dissolution of provincial assem-
blies, see assemblies.
divide et impera, 82.
Dodsley's Annual Register, see
Annual Register.
Dowdeswell, Mr., 120.
drawback, 120.
drawing up an indictment against
a whole people, see indictment.
Dryden, John, x, liv, 126.
Dundas, Henry, advocates sever-
ity towards colonies, 91, 102.
Dunmore, Governor, xix.
Dunmore, Governor, emancipates
slaves, 101.
Dunmore, Governor, suspends
Virginia assembly, lix, 26, 27,
96, 97.
Dunning, Mr., 124.
Duration of Parliaments, Speech
on, see Speech, etc.
Durham an example for dealing
with America, Ixi, 47, 48, 52,
62, 64, in, 122.
during good behavior, 1 20.
during the king's pleasure, 120.
duties on imports, see import
duties.
Ease would retract, etc., 70, 125.
East India Bill, Fox's, see Fox ;
Speech on, see Speech, etc.
East India Company, xxiv, xxvi,
71, 122, 125; cruel system,
xxxiv.
Ecclesiastical Polity, Hooker, see
Hooker.
Eclogues, Virgil, 88.
economical reforms, xxxii.
Economical Reform, Speech on the
Plan, see Speech, etc.
Edmund Burke: a Historical
Study, John Morley, xli, Ixx.
INDEX.
137
education of the colonists, Iviii,
23, 24.
Edward the First in Wales, 44,
112.
Edward the Third, act of, defining
rebellion, 105.
Egypt, li, 25, 96.
Elegy, Gray, Ixvi.
Elizabeth, Queen, attempts to
subdue Ireland, 43.
England, France declares war
against, Ixix.
England from the Accession to the
Decease of George the Third,
History of, Adolphus, see
Adolphus.
England in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury, History of, W. E. H. Lecky,
see Lecky.
England, social condition, ix-xii.
English conquest of Ireland, 1 1 1 .
English Constitution, in.
English Humorists, Thackeray,
see Thackeray.
English Men of Letters, see Mor-
ley, John.
English opinion of America, xiii.
English People, History of, J. R.
Green, see Green.
English revenue, 124.
English Tartars, 29.
English Thought in the Eighteenth
Century, History of, Leslie Ste-
phen, see Stephen.
Ephesians, 81, 108.
Erskine, Lord, xlix.
Esprit des Lois, Montesquieu, Ixv.
Essay on Bacon, Macaulay, see
Macaulay.
Essay on Chatham, Macaulay,
Ixxi.
Essay on Man, Pope, Ixv, 96.
Essay on Warren Hastings, Ma-
caulay, see Macaulay.
Essex, Earl of, in.
establishments, 93.
eternal debt, see immense.
Ethics, Aristotle, 123.
Europe, xlix.
European Settlements in America,
see Account of.
evangelical movement, see Metho-
dist movement.
Evelina, Madame D'Arblay, Ixviii.
event, 79.
ever-growing, eternal debt, see
immense.
ex vi termini, 34, 103.
excite your envy, 88.
Exodus, 117.
experience, Burke's reliance on,
xlv, Iviii, Ixi, 18, 41, 57, 65.
Experimentum in corpore vili, 65,
124.
exploded, 100.
export trade of England, 11-15.
exquisite, 109.
Falkland Island, 16, 89.
Fielding, Henry, x, Ixv, Ixvi.
filled the Chair of the American
Committee, see Chair, etc.
First Letter on a Regicide Peace,
xliv, 91, 93, 1 08.
first lords of trade, see lord, etc.
first mover, 96.
fisheries of the colonies, Iviii, 16,
i?» 67, 79, 88, 89.
Fiske, John, American Revolution,
xii, xiii, xv, xviii, Ixxi
floor, 95.
force, Burke's opposition to, xxv,
138
INDEX.
xxx, xxxiv, Iviii, 17, 18, 31, 32,
100, 101.
foreign enemy, 91.
form of sound words, 117.
formerly addressed, 105.
formerly adored, 92.
fountain of hereditary dignities, 88.
Pour Georges, Thackeray, see
Thackeray.
Four Tracts on Political and Com-
mercial Subjects, Josiah Tucker,
see Tucker.
fourteen separate governments,
1 1 6.
Fourth Letter on a Regicide Peace,
93» I23-
Fox, Charles James, xi, xxxiii,
Ixxii, 8 1 ; Burke's quarrel with,
xxxvi, Ixix; East India Bill,
xxxiv; East India Bill, Speech
on, see Speech, etc.
France declares war against Eng-
land, Holland and Spain, Ixix.
Franklin, Benjamin, Ixxii; agent
for the colonies, 84; letter to
Governor Shirley, 115; testi-
mony before Parliament, 119.
freedom, American love of, see
American.
freemen, 118.
freeholders, 118.
French and Indian War, xv, Ixvi,
119.
French tmigrh befriended by
Burke, xl.
French National Assembly, xxxvii.
French Revolution begins, Ixviii ;
Burke's attitude, xxxvi, xxxvii,
xxxviii, xlii; Reflections on, see
Reflections, etc.
fresh principles, 4, 81.
fret and rage, 96.
friend, 95.
Friendship of Books, F. D. Mau-
rice, Ixxi.
frozen Serpent, see Serpent.
Fuller, Rose, 81, 102.
further views, 109.
futile and useless, no.
Gage, General, 23, 94 ; at Boston,
xix, 94, 95, 98, 113, 114.
Garrick, David, x, xxiii, xl.
Garter, Knight of, 84.
" Gaspee," burning of, xvii, xviii.
gave so far into his opinion, 81.
generosity of the colonies, Ixii, 54-
56, 119.
generous, 90.
Genesis, 99.
George Seltuyn and His Contempo-
raries, Jesse, x, Ixxi, 81.
George the First, Ixvi.
George the Second, x, 52, 88.
George the Second, Thackeray, xi.
George the Third, x, 14, 88 ; ac-
cession, xiv, 88; Memoirs of,
Jesse, Ixxi ; policy of, xiv, xvi,
xvii, xxv.
Georgia, Franklin agent for, 84.
Germain, Lord George, 98.
Germany, 68.
Gibbon, Edward, Ixviii ; born, Ixv.
given to the children of men.
100.
giving up the colonies, 99.
glorious Revolution, see Revolu-
tion.
Glover, Richard, Ivii, n, 86, 87.
Goethe, Ixv.
Goldsmith, Oliver, x, xxiii, xlvii,
Ixvi, Ixvii, Q2.
INDEX.
139
good for us to be here, see it is,
etc.
Goodrich, C. A., Select British Elo-
quence^ iv, xlvi, xlviii, Ixx, 95.
Gordon riots, Ixviii.
Gothic, 117 ; ancestors, 23, 93.
government a trust for the people,
see trust.
government keeps the table, 70.
grace and bounty, 85.
Grafton, Duke of, 102, 119.
Grafton ministry, xvii, Ixvii.
grand penal bill, Ivi, 3, 79, 109.
grant, Ixii, 49, 50, 56, 57, 116.
Grant, Colonel, 90.
grapple to you, 126.
Gray, Thomas, Ixvi, Ixvii.
great contests, 92.
great expenses of the colonies,
119.
great house is apt, 123.
Grecian, 117.
Greece, 92.
Green, J. R., History of the Eng-
lish People, x, xi, xii, xxii, xxiv,
xlvii, Ixxi, 79, in, 112.
Greenbrier River, 99.
Grenville, George, xvi, xvii, xxiii,
no, 116, 118, 119; on the sover-
eignty of Parliament, 61, 122.
proposes Stamp Act, xv, 56.
Grenville ministry, Ixvii.
Grenville Papers, Ixxi.
grown with the growth, 96.
Guinea captain, 32, 102.
habeas corpus not recognized in
Quebec Act, xix; suspended,
• • •
Xlll.
Hamilton, William Gerard, xxii,
Ixvi.
Hamlet, 96, 126.
Hampden, John, 92, 99.
Hancock, John, seizure of his
sloop " Liberty," xviii.
Hannibalian war, 101.
Hanover, House of, 112.
hardy, 90.
Hardy, Governor, 121.
Harrington, Sir James, 49, 108,
116.
Harris, Mr., 91.
Harvey, Captain, 90.
has a regular establishment, see
regular establishment.
Hastings, Warren, Essay on, Ma-
caulay, see Macaulay ; Speech in
Opening the Impeachment of, see
Speech, etc ; trial of, xxxv, xxxvi,
xxxix, xliii, xlvii, Ixviii, Ixix.
Helots, 101.
Henry the Eighth, Ixi, 45, 48, 112,
122; act of, for the trial of
treasons, Ixii, 35, 58, 59, 105.
Henry the Second, in.
Henry the Third in Wales, 44,
112.
Heroides, Ovid, 95.
high calling, 127.
Hill, G. Birkbeck, edition of Bos-
well's Life of Johnson, see Bos-
well.
Hillsborough, Lord, 52, 118.
Hindostan, xlv.
Historical and Posthumous Me-
moirs, Wraxall, Ixxi.
History and Proceedings of the
House of Commons, 87.
History of Civilization in Europe,
H. T. Buckle, Ixxi.
History of England, Burke, xxii,
Ixvi.
140
INDEX.
History of England, Hume, Ixvi, 95.
History of England from the Ac-
cession to the Decease of George
the Third, Adolphus, xiii, Ixxi.
History of England in the Eighteenth
Century, W. E. H. Lecky, v, x,
xi, xii, Ixxi, 79, 86, 94, 98, 99,
I2O, 121.
History of English Thought in
the Eighteenth Century, Leslie
Stephen, x, xli, xlv, Ixxi.
History of the English People, J. R.
Green, x, xi, xii, xxii, xxiv, xlvii,
Ixxi, 79, in, 112.
History of the Life and Times of
Edmund Burke, Thomas Mac-
Knight, Ixxi.
History of the United States, E. B.
Andrews, xii, Ixxi.
History of the United States, George
Bancroft, v, xii, Ixxi, 79, 86, 99,
101, 102, no, 113, 120, 121.
Hobert, Judge, 103.
Hogarth, William, x.
Holland, 17 ; France declares war
against, Ixix.
Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, 93.
Horace, 88, 95, 113, 116, 126;
Burke's quotations from, liii.
Hosea, 123.
House of Hanover, 112.
House of Stuart, 112.
Howard, John, xi.
huckster, 96.
Hudson Bay, 16.
Hume,ffistory of England, Ixvi, 95.
humors, 97.
Humphrey Clinker, Smollett, x,
Ixvii.
Hutchinson, Chief Justice, the
sacking of his house, xvi.
Hyder All, see AIL
Hydrus, see Serpent.
Hyginus, 88.
Idea of a Patriot King, Boling-
broke, Ixv.
Idler, Johnson, Ixvi.
idolizing, no.
if the crown could be responsible,
119.
ill-husbandry of injustice, 45.
imagination, Burke's, see Burke,
immediate jewel of his soul, 123.
immense, ever-growing, eternal
debt, 125.
impair the object, 91.
impeachment of Warren Hastings,
see Hastings ; Speech in Opening,
see Speech, etc.
imperial character of Great Britain.
103.
import duties, xvii.
imposition, Ixii, 49, 50, 56, 57, 116.
improvement by disturbing, 1 23.
in favor of his opinions, 122.
increase and multiply, 99.
indebtedness of the colonies, see
debts.
Independence, Declaration of,
Ixviii, 86, 97.
independence of Burke, xxix, xxx.
India, xlix ; Burke's championship
of, xxxiii-xxxv, xxxviii, xlii;
Burke's knowledge of, xlviii;
revenue from, Ixiv, 71.
indictment against a whole people,
xxxii, xxxix, Ix, 33, 102.
indulgence toward the colonies, 91.
infidelity, Burke's dread of, see
atheism,
injustice, 104.
INDEX.
141
Inquiry into the Colonial Policy of
the European Powers, Brougham,
li.
Inquiry into the Origin of our Ideas
on the Sublime and Beautiful,
xxii, lii, Ixvi.
inquisition and dragooning, 31.
inspector-general's office, 12, 87.
interest in the Constitution, 109.
Interpreter of English Liberty,
Woodrow Wilson, Ixxi.
Ireland, 112; an example for deal-
ing with America, Ixi, Ixiii, 42-
44, 64, 69, in; before the con-
quest, li, 1 1 1 ; Burke's liberality
toward, xxix, xxxviii, xxxix, xlii;
catches contagion of French
Revolution, xxxix; effect of
Popery laws, xlix ; Parliament
of, 124.
Irish pensioners, 112.
Irnham, Lord, 91.
Irving, Washington, born, Ixviii.
Isaiah, 107, 115.
issue of their affairs, 1 1 1 .
It is good for us to be here, 87.
Italian campaign of Napoleon
Bonaparte, Ixix.
Jacobite Rebellion, Ixv.
James the First and Ralegh, 103.
James the Second deposed, xiv,
112.
Jameson, J. F., Dictionary of
United States History, 1492-1894,
Ixxii.
Jeffreys, Judge, 103.
Jenkins, Seth, 89.
Jerusalem, 126.
Jesse, George Selwyn and His
Contemporaries, see George Sel-
wyn, etc ; Memoirs of George the
Third, Ixxi.
jewel of his soul, see immediate
jewel, etc.
Jews praying toward Jerusalem,
126.
Job, 95.
John, 88.
John, King, in.
Johnson, Dr., x, Ixv, Ixvi, Ixvii,
Ixviii, Ixxii ; account of Burke's
success in Parliament, xxiii;
death, Ixviii; dislike of the
Whigs, xl, xli ; Life of, Bos well,
see Boswell ; regard for Burke,
ix, xl, xli ; Taxation no Tyranny,
see Taxation, etc.
Johnstone, Governor, xvi, 103.
Joseph Andrews, Fielding, Ixv.
Journals of the American Congress,
xiii, xviii, xix, Ixxii, 79, 83, 86,
107, 122.
judge in my own cause, 34, 103.
judiciary, attack upon, 120, 121.
Julius Caesar, 88, 126.
Junius, xi, xiii, xxiv, Ixvii, Ixxii, 79 ;
supposed to be Burke, xxv.
juridical determination, 83.
justice, Burke's love of, xlii.
Juvenal, 100, 115, 116, 117, 123,
125; Burke's quotations from,
liii.
Keats, John, birth, Ixix.
King George's War, 119.
King Lear, 89.
Kings, I, 126.
"king's friends," xvi, 90.
Knight of the Garter, see Garter.
knights, 46, 50, 51, 114.
Kurdistan, li, 25.
142
INDEX.
Lake Serbonis, see Serbonis.
Lamb, Charles, born, Ixviii.
Land Tax Act, 73, 126.
Laocoon, Lessing, see Lessing.
late, 102.
law servants, 118.
law, study of, in the colonies, 23, 94.
laws made against a whole people,
US-
lawyers in Congress, see Congress.
Lecky, W. E. H., England in the
Eighteenth Century, v, x, xi,
xii, Ixxi, 79, 86, 94, 98, 99, 120,
121.
Leeds, xiv.
legislative authority is perfect, 114.
Leonidas, Glover, 87.
less power, 120.
less than nothing, 107.
Lessing, xxii, Ixv, Ixvii.
letter on your table, 94.
Letter to a Member of the National
Assembly, xxxvii, Ixix.
Letter to a Noble Lord, xxxiii, xxxvi,
xxxvii, xxxix, xli, Ixix.
Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol,
xxxi, xlii, xlv, Ixviii, 80, 81, 83,
92, 93, 100, 105, 108, 123.
Letters, Lord Chesterfield, Ixxi.
Letters, Junius, xi, xiii, xxiv, Ixvii,
Ixxii, 79.
Letters, Walpole, ix, Ixxi.
Letters on a Regicide Peace, xxxvii,
xxxix, xlix, Ixix, see also First
Letter, Second Letter, etc.
Letters on the Catholic Question, see
First Letter, Second Letter, etc.
Letters to Gentlemen in Bristol,
xxix, xxx, xliii, 100.
Leucaspedae, see Macedonian.
Lexington, battle of, Ixvii.
libel, 114.
liberality of Burke, xliii, xliv.
liberty, American love of, see
American.
" Liberty," John Hancock's sloop,
see Hancock.
Life and Times of Edmund Burke,
History of, Thomas MacKnight,
Ixxi.
Life of Johnson, Boswell, ix, xxiii,
xli, Ixix, Ixxi.
light as air, 125.
links of iron, 126.
Literary Club, x, xxiii, Ixvii.
literature, Burke's acquaintance
with, liii, liv.
Lives of the Poets, Johnson, Ixviii.
Livy, 101.
Locke, John, 108.
long discourse, 125.
Lord of Trade, xv, 119.
Lord North, see North.
Lord Rockingham, see Rocking-
ham.
lords marchers, 44, 112.
loss of my suit, 108.
Louis the Sixteenth executed,
xxxviii, Ixix ; suspension of, Ixix.
love of freedom, American, see
American.
Low and Pulling's Dictionary of
English History, Ixxii, 125.
lucrative, 112.
Lucretius, liv.
Luttrell, Temple, 82, 91.
Lyttelton, Lord, 109, 124.
Macaulay, Essay on Bacon, Hi,
Ixxi; Essay on Chatham, Ixxi;
Essay on Warren Hastings, xxxv,
xlviii, Ixxi.
INDEX.
143
Macbeth, 93.
mace, 84.
Macedonian Leucaspedae, 101.
MacKnight, Thomas, History of
the Life and Times of Edmund
Burke, Ixxi.
Macpherson, James, Ixvi.
Madras, 1.
Magna Charta, li, 42, 92, in.
magnanimity in politics, Ixiv, 73.
Malton, Burke member for, Ixviii.
Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice, 1 18.
Marathon, 101. .
march, 112.
Marie Antoinette, see Antoinette,
mark and seal of British freedom,
36.
marriage of Burke, see Burke.
MartinusScriblerus, Pope, 102, 117.
Mary, Queen, in.
Maryland, 67, 80, 120; Franklin
agent for, 84 ; protests against
Stamp Act, xv.
Massachusetts, xvi, xviii, 54, 114,
1 24 ; abrogation of charter, xviii,
xix, lix, Ixii, Ixvii, 27, 58, 59, 97,
98, 107 ; declared in rebellion,
xix, Ix, 35, 104; Franklin agent
for, 84 ; protests against Stamp
Act, xv ; threatened, 106.
Matthew, liii, 87, 88, 100, 116, 126.
Maurice, F. D., lecture on Burke,
Ixxi.
mean to spare it, 125.
Mecca, xlviii.
Memoirs of George the Third,
Jesse, Ixxi.
Memoirs, Historical and Post-
humous, Wraxall, Ixxi.
Memoirs, Horace Walpole, Ixxi.
Memoirs, Rockingham, Ixxi.
menaces to the colonies, 106.
mere general theories, 85.
Mere Literature, Woodrow Wil-
son, Ixxi.
merely, 93.
Merioneth, 114.
Methodist movement, xi, Ixv.
Middlesex Election, Speech on, see
Speech, etc.
mighty troubles, 112.
military art, 90.
military force, Burke's dread of,
xxv, xxx, xxxiv, Iviii, 17, 18, 31,
32, 100, 101.
military government, in.
Milton, John, 89, 90, 99, 108, 109,
1 1 6, 125; Burke's quotations
from, liii.
minima, 86.
ministers of vengeance, see winged
ministers.
miserable stories, 119.
misguided people, 119.
Mississippi, 99.
mode of governing, 92.
Mogul Empire, xlviii.
Molasses Act, 118.
Monongahela, 99.
monopoly of theorems and corolv
laries, 20.
Montesquieu, Ixv.
more decent maintenance, 121.
More, Sir Thomas, 49, 116.
Morley, Henry, Universal Library,
xii, Ixx.
Morley, John, Burke, in English
Men of Letters, xx, xxii, xxv,
xxvi, xxxviii, xli, xlvi, Ixx; Ed-
mund Burke: a Historical
Study, xli, Ixx.
most inconsiderable person, 82.
144
INDEX.
motion to withdraw troops from
Boston, Chatham's, see Chatham.
Mount Casius, see Casius.
Mount joy, Lord, in.
Murray, John, see Dunmore.
Mutiny Act, American, 107 ; Mu-
tiny Bill, 73, 126.
Nabob of Arcot 's Debts, Speech on,
see Speech, etc.
Nantucket, 124.
Napier, Sir Joseph, lecture on
Burke, Ixxi.
National Biography, Dictionary
of, see Dictionary.
natural, 82.
Natural Society, Vindication of,
see Vindication.
nature and circumstances, see
temper and circumstances.
Navigation Acts, 60, 72, 109, no;
not a security to trade, 39.
ne, 114.
never be begged, 91.
New Bath Guide, Christopher
Anstey, see Anstey.
New English Dictionary, 1 1 6.
New Hampshire, 54, 124.
New Jersey, 80, 121 ; protests
against Stamp Act, xv.
New River, 99.
New Whigs, xiv.
New York, xv, xviii, 97, 120;
assembly suspended, xvii, 107 ;
attack upon judiciary of, 120,
121 ; denies Parliament's right
to tax, 114; protests against
Stamp Act, xviii ; secures Burke
as agent, xxx, Ixvii, Ixxi.
Newfoundland fisheries, 89 ; colo-
nists restricted from, 79, 88.
nice, 103.
Night Thoughts, Young, Ixv.
Nile, 1 08.
no climate, 89.
no Parliament, in.
no way resembling, 114.
noble lord, 84.
Noble Lord, Letter to, see Letter, etc.
Non meus hie sermo, etc., 51, 116.
non-exportation agreement, 97.
non-importation agreement, xv,
xvii, xix, 86, 97.
none but an obedient assembly, 96.
Norfolk burned, 97.
North Carolina, 67.
North, Lord, xxxiii, 84, 94, 95,
114, 120; advocates force, 90,
91, 98; character of, 84; grand
penal bill, 79, 109; leader of
the Tories, xiv; propositions for
conciliation, Ivii, Ixiii, 8, 53, 64,
82, 84, 85, 125; regards trade
restraints as useless, Ix, 39, 40,
no.
North ministry, Ixvii.
Norton, Sir Fletcher, 79.
not a shadow of evidence, see
shadow.
Nugent, Jane, xli, Ixvi.
obedience, 100.
obedience is what makes govern-
ment, 27, 97.
Obiter Dicta, Augustine Birrell,
see Birrell.
Observations on the Conduct of the
Minority, xxxvii, Ixix.
Observations on the Present State
of the Nation, xxiii, Ixvii, 82, 83,
99, 117.
occasional, 86.
INDEX.
145
Oceana, Harrington, 49, 116.
Odes, Horace, 95, 113, 126.
of price, 126.
Ofellus, 51, 1 1 6.
Old Whigs, xiv, xvi.
On the Policy of the Allies, see
Remarks.
on your table, 87; see also letter
on your table,
one common head, 103.
Opposuit natura, 49, 115.
Origin of our Ideas on the Sublime
and Beautiful, see Philosophical
Inquiry.
Ossian, Macpherson, IxvL
Othello, 123, 125.
other people, 101.
other towns, 120.
Ovid, 88, 95.
paid no taxes, 119.
Paine, Thomas, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxii.
Palatine, County, 46, 47, 113.
"Pale," the, in.
Palliser, Sir Hugh, testimony on
fisheries, 89.
Palmerston, Lord, a Knight of the
Garter, 84.
Pamela, Richardson, Ixv.
paper government, xxvi, xlv, 6, 81,
82.
Paradise Lost, 89, 90, 99, 108,
125.
paragraphs, Burke's method of
constructing, liv, Iv.
Parliamentary History, v, xi, xii,
xiii, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xxiv,
xxv, xxxi, xlvii, Ixx, Ixxii, 79, 80,
81,82,83,85,86, 88,89,90,91,
94> 95» 97» 98> I02> I03> I04> 105,
106, 107, 108, 109, no, 111,113,
114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 122,
124, 125.
parliamentary reform, attitude of
Burke toward, xxvi, xxxii ; atti-
tude of Whigs toward, xiv.
passed the public offices, 118.
Patriot King, Idea of, see Idea.
Pausanias, 101.
Payne, E. J., editor, Burke's Select
Works, iv, xlvi, li, Ixx, 81, 92, 93,
95, 101.
Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, see Aix-
la-Chapelle.
penal bill, see grand penal bill.
penal laws, 106, 107.
penal regulation, 113.
Pennsylvania, Iviii, 80, 1 1 5 ; Frank-
lin agent for, 84 ; protests against
Stamp Act, xv; trade of, 15.
people generally in the right, 35,
104.
Percy, Reliques, Ixvii, 87.
Perry, Bliss, Selections from Burke,
xlvi, 1, Ixx.
personality of Burke, see Burke.
Peter, II, 113.
petition of Chester, 46, 47, 113.
Petition of the Unitarians, Speech
on, see Speech, etc.
Philadelphia, xviii, 120.
philanthropy in England, xi.
Philip the Second, 42, in.
Philippians, 127.
Philosophical Inquiry into the
Origin of our Ideas on the
Sublime and Beautiful, xxii, Hi,
Ixvi.
Pitt, William, the Elder, see Chat-
ham; William, the Younger,
xlvii.
Pitt ministry, IxviiL
146
INDEX.
Plan for Economical Reform,
Speech on, see Speech, etc.
Plantation of Ulster, see Ulster,
platform, 81.
Plato, Republic, 49, 115.
Plautus, liv.
Plutarch, liv, 101.
Poems Chiefly in the Scottish Dia-
lect, Burns, Ixviii.
Poles, 23, 93.
Policy of the Allies, Remarks on,
see Remarks.
political condition of England, xii-
xix.
Pollux, 113.
Fool, 88.
Pope, Alexander, x, xxi, Ixv, 87,
96, 102, 117; Burke's quotations
from, liv.
Popery laws, effect of, xlix ; Tract
on, xxii, xlvi, 86, 97.
popular, 93.
popular part, 96.
population of the colonies, Ivii, 10,
n, cannot be checked, lix, 29.
Port Bill, Boston, see Boston.
Port Louis, 89.
Portugal, American imports from,
xvii.
Posita luditur area, 69, 125.
pounces, 24, 95.
poverty to rapine, 45.
powers of government in trust for
the people, see trust.
Preface to Brissofs Address, 87,
93-
Present Discontents, Thoughts on
the Cause of, see Thoughts, etc.
Present State of the Nation, Ob-
servations on, see Observations,
etc.
previous question, 127.
previous to any submission, 85.
Price, Richard, Civil Liberty, IxxiL
primum mobile, 96.
Principles of Argumentation,
Baker, see Baker.
Prior, James, Life of Burke, xx,
hod.
Prior, Matthew, 87.
privilegium, 103.
Privy Council, xv, 114, 119.
proclamation, 112. •
produce our hand, 81.
profane herd, 126.
profound subject, 108.
prosecution, criminal, see criminal.
Protestant Dissenters, Speech on
the Relief of , see Speech, etc.
Protestantism of the Protestant
religion, 22.
protests of the colonies, xv.
prove too much, 122.
provincial assemblies, see assem-
blies.
Provincial Congress, see Congress.
Prussia, 72.
pruriency, 84.
Psalms, 100.
Ptolemaic system, 96.
Public Advertiser, xi, Ixvii.
Puffendorf, 108.
purple patches, liii.
Pym, 92.
Quakers, 124.
Quebec, 116; Act, xviii; capture,
Ixvi.
Queensberry, Marquis of, x.
quod felix faustumque sit, 74, 127
quotas and contingents, 125.
quotations, Burke's use of, liv.
INDEX.
147
Ralegh, Sir Walter, trial for
treason, 33, 102, 103.
Rambler, Johnson, Ixv.
Ranae, Aristophanes, 101.
ransom by auction, 68.
Rasselas, Johnson, Ixvi.
ravages of Hyder Ali, see Ali.
rebellion declared in Massachu-
setts, see Massachusetts ; defined
by act of Edward the Third,
105 ; Jacobite, see Jacobite.
refined, 84.
refinement on the principle of re-
sistance, 22, 93.
Reflections on the Revolution in
France, xxxvi, xxxvii, xliv, xlv,
liii, Ixix, 82, 103, 117, 123.
reform of Parliament, see parlia-
mentary reform.
reform in India, see India.
Regicide Peace, Letters on, see
First Letter, Second Letter, etc.
Register, Annual, see Annual
Register.
regular establishment, 93.
regulating duties, 1 18.
Reign of Terror, xxxvii, Ixix.
reliance on experience, see experi-
ence.
Relief of the Protestant Dissenters,
Speech on, see Speech, etc.
religion of the colonists, Iviii, 21,
22.
Reliques, Percy, see Percy.
Remarks on the Policy of the Allies,
xxxvii, Ixix, 1 02.
repeal of Stamp Act, see Stamp
Act.
repealed, 118.
Report on the Lords1 Journal, liii.
representation in Parliament im-
possible for America, Ixi, 49, 53,
107, 115.
Republic, Plato, see Plato,
requisition, 120.
responsibility of the crown, see if
the crown,
restive, 91.
restored them, 112.
Restraining Bill, 58, 1 24.
restriction of commerce, see com-
mercial policy.
Retaliation, Goldsmith, xlvii.
return in loan, 125.
returning officer, 120.
revenue by grant, see grant; by
imposition, see imposition; from
America impossible, 7 1 ; from
India, see India.
Revolution, American, John Fiske,
xii, xiii, xv, xviii, Ixxi.
Revolution, glorious, 43, 112.
Revolution in France, Reflections
on, xxxvi, xxxvii, xliv, xlv, liii,
Ixix, 82, 103, 117, 123.
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, xxiii; legacy
to Burke, xl.
Rhode Island, 54, 59, 120, 124;
burning of the " Gaspee," see
" Gaspee " ; protests against
Molasses Act, no; protests
against Stamp Act, xv.
Rice, Mr., 109, no.
Richard the Second, 46, 113.
Richardson, Samuel, Ixv.
Richmond, Duke of, xxvii.
Rights of Man, Paine, Ixix.
rights of the crown, 113.
rising of i3th Vendemiaire put
down by Bonaparte, Ixix.
Robespierre, fall of, Ixix.
Rochford, Earl of,
148
INDEX.
Rockingham, Lord, death of,
xxxiii, Ixviii ; first ministry, xvi.
xxiii; first ministry ends, xvii,
xxiii; generosity to Burke, xxiv;
prime minister, xvi, xxiii, xxvii,
Ixvii; second ministry, xxxiii,
Ixviii.
Rockingham Memoirs, Ixxi.
Rockingham Whigs, xvi; Burke's
efforts to keep them united,
xxvi, xxvii.
Roderick Random, Smollett, Ixv.
Rolls-chapel, xxvii.
Roman Catholic Church, 127 ;
religion, 21, 31.
Roman charity, 16, 88.
Roman Temple of Concord, see
Temple, etc.
Rome, 92.
" rotten boroughs," xiv, xxvi.
Rousseau, J. J., x, Ixvi.
Ruddlan, 112.
rude swain, 116.
run the longitude, 89.
Rungpore, xlix, 1.
rust that rather adorns, 51, 1 16, 1 17.
St. James's Street, xlviii.
St. John, 98.
Salem, 94.
Satires, Horace, 88, 166; Juvenal,
100, 115,116, 123, 125.
Schiller, Ixvi.
Scott, Sir Walter, Ixvii.
second is like unto, 116.
Second Letter on the Catholic
Question, xxxix, 109.
seizure of sloop " Liberty," see
Hancock.
Selby, F. G., Burke's Speeches, iv,
xii, Ixx, 95.
Selden, 92, 108.
Select British Eloquence, C. A.
Goodrich, see Goodrich.
Select Works of Burke, edited by
E. J. Payne, see Payne.
Selections from Burke, Perry, see
Perry.
Selwyn, George, and His Contem-
poraries, Jesse, see George Sel-
wyn, etc.
seminal principle, 14.
sensible, 92.
separate Parliament of Ireland,
124.
sept, in.
Serbonian bog, 37, 108.
Serbonis, Lake, 108. ,
Serpent, frozen, 16, 89.
several orders, 92.
Shackleton, Abraham, xx.
Shackleton, Richard, xx, xl, 96.
shadow of evidence, no.
Shakspere, 88, 89, 93, 96, 123,
125, 126; Burke's quotations
from, liii.
Shelburne, Lord, xxxiii, 85.
Shelburne ministry, Ixviii.
Shelley, P. B., birth, Ixix.
Sheridan, R. B., Ixvi; Burke's
quarrel with, Ixix.
Sheriff's of Bristol, Letter to, see
Letter, etc.
shewen, 113.
Shirley, Governor, Franklin's
letter to, see Franklin.
Shuldham, Molyneux, 89.
Simul alba nautis, etc., 46,
US-
Sing, Debi, cruelties of, xlix.
"Single-Speech" Hamilton ree
Hamilton.
INDEX.
149
slavery in the colonies, Iviii, 22, 23 ;
objection of colonies to, 32, 101.
slaves, enfranchisment of, lix, Ix,
32, 101.
Smith, Adam, Ixviii.
Smith, Goldwin, United States, xii,
Ixxi.
Smollett, Tobias George, x, Ixv,
Ixvii.
Smyrna, li, 25.
So far shalt thou go, 95.
so high, 119.
so large a mass, 86.
social conditions of England, ix-xii.
solicitor-general, 1 19.
some of the law servants, see law
servants.
Songs of Innocence, Blake, Ixviii.
South Carolina, 80; protests
against slave trade, 101 ; pro-
tests against Stamp Act, xv.
Spain, 25,42, 72, ill; American
imports from, xvii; France de-
clares war against, Ixix.
Spanish Armada, see Armada.
Speaker, 79.
Spectator, x.
speculative projects, xlv.
Speech at the Conclusion of the Poll,
xxix.
Speech in Opening the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings, xlviii, 1.
Speech on American Taxation, xxxi,
Ixvii, 8 1, 83, 84, 86, 99, 103, 104,
no, in, 118.
Speech on Conciliation, ix, xi, xxvi,
xxxi, XXXY, xliii, xlv, xlvii, xlix, 1,
Hi, liii, liv, Iv, Ixvii, Ixx ; edited by
A. S. Cook, iv, v, Ixx, 87, 89, 92,
99, 101, 103, in, 113, 115, 116,
121 ; structure of, Iv-lxiv.
Speech on Fox's East India Bill,
xxxiv, Ixviii.
Speech on the Duration of Parlia-
ments, 82.
Speech on the Middlesex Election,
XXV.
Speech on the Nabob of Arcofs
Debts, xii, xxxiv, xxxv, xlvii, xlix,
liii, Ixviii.
Speech on the Petition of the Uni-
tarians, xliv, 85.
Speech on the Plan for Economical
Reform, xxxii, Ixviii.
Speech on the Relief of the Protestant
Dissenters, xxviii.
Speech would betray you, 100.
Speeches, Burke's, edited by F. G.
Selby, see Selby.
spirit, 126.
Spoliatis arma super sunt, 31, 100.
Stamp Act, xl, 115; agitation
over, 94, 106; Burke speaks
against, xxiii ; grieved the Amer-
icans, 52; passed, xv, Ixvii;
proposed, xv; repeal of, xvi,
xvii, Ixvii, 83, 119, 122.
Stanley, Hans, 85, 90, 91.
Stanley, Lord, 109.
startle, 107.
state, 87.
State of the Nation, Observations on
the Present, see Observations,
etc.
Statesmen of the Time of George the
Third, Brougham, see Brougham.
Statutes at Large, Ixxii, 106, 107.
Statutes of the Realm, 113, 114.
steadily opposed, 125.
Stebbins, Calvin, paper on Burke
as agent of New York, xxx, Ixxi.
Steele, Richard, x.
150
INDEX.
Stephen, Leslie, History of English
Thought in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury, x, xli, xlv, Ixxi.
Stephen, Sir James, on Coke's
rancor, 103.
Sterne, Laurence, x, Ixvi.
strength and ornament, 112.
Stuart, House of, 112.
study of law in the colonies, see
law.
style of Burke, xlix-lv.
subduing again, 90.
Sublime and Beautiful, see Philo-
sophical Inquiry.
s*uch as England then enjoyed,
in.
sufferances, 126.
Suffolk, Earl of, 91.
Summum jus, etc., 104.
superintending legislature, 1 23.
supply, 112.
Sursum cor da, 73, 127.
suspension of habeas corpus, see
habeas corpus.
Swift, Jonathan, x, xi, Ixv, 87,
102.
table, see letter.
Tanjore, 1.
Tartars, English, see English.
Task, Cowper, Ixviii.
taste of death, 14, 88.
Tatler, x.
Taxation no Tyranny, Dr. John-
son, Ixvii, Ixxii, 101, 108, 115.
Taxation, right of, xvi, 37, 108.
taxes on American imports, see
import duties.
Tea Duty Bill, xvii, xxxi, 91, no;
repeal of, xvii, 109.
Party," Boston, xviii, Ixvii.
temper and circumstances of
people, adaptation of govern-
ment to, xxvi, xxxii, xlv, Iviii,
9, 19, 85, 91.
temperament, 114.
Tempest, 89.
temple of British concord, 50, 116:
of Concord, Roman, 116; of
Peace, 74.
temporary, 120.
Terence, liv.
terminating almost wholly in the
colonies, 87.
Thackeray, W. M., English Hu-
morists, x, Ixxi ; Four Georges,
x, xi, Ixxi.
" The Club," see Literary Club.
The second is like unto, see
second.
their taste, 125.
theories, Burke's opposition to,
xxxii, xxxiv, xliv, xlv, Ivii, 9, 57.
those who have been more confi-
dent, 115.
Those who have been pleased,
118.
Thoughts and Details on Scarcity,
Ixix.
Thoiights on French Affairs, xxxvii,
xxxviii, Ixix.
Thoughts on the Cause of the Pres-
ent Discontents, xxv, Ixvii, 80,
82, 90, 91, 92, 100, 104.
Thrace, li, 25.
threats against the colonies, see
menaces.
three ways, 99.
Thurlow, Lord Edward, 95.
Timothy, II, 117.
tobacco, tax on, 67.
Tom Jones, Ixv.
INDEX.
151
i ories, attitude toward the French
Revolution, xxxvi; their sup-
port of George ihe Third, xiv,
xvi.
touch with a tool, 117.
Townshend, Charles, xv.
Townshend, T., 124.
tracks of our forefathers, 117.
Tract on the Popery Laws, xxii,
xlvi, 86, 97.
Tracts on Political and Commer-
cial Subjects, Josiah Tucker, see
Tucker.
trade, see commerce.
trade laws, see Navigation Acts.
trade, lord of, xv, 119.
Traveller, Goldsmith, 92.
treasons under act of Henry the
Eighth, see Henry the Eighth.
treasury extent, 125.
trial of Warren Hastings, see
Hastings.
Trinity College, Burke at, xx, Ixv.
Tristia, Ovid, 88.
Tristram Shandy, Sterne, Ixvi.
truck, 96.
True Interest of Great Britain,
Josiah Tucker, see Tucker.
trust, government a trust for the
people, xxv, xxvi, 4. 37, 80.
Tucker, Josiah, Four Tracts on
Political and Commercial Sub-
jects, Ixxii, 99, no.
Turk, his government, li, 25.
Turk's Head, x.
turn their faces, 126.
two leading questions, Ivii, 9.
Two Letters to Gentlemen in Bris-
tol, xxix, xxx, xliii, 100.
Ulster, Plantation of, 112.
understood principle, 109.
Union, Act of, see Act, etc.
United States, Goldwin Smith, xii,
Ixxi.
United States History, Dictionary
of, J. F. Jameson, Ixxii.
unity of spirit, 108.
unity of the empire, Ixiii, 1 24.
Universal Library, Henry Morley,
see Morley.
unnatural contention, 96.
unsuspecting confidence of the
colonies, 7, 83.
usurpation, 112.
Utopia, More, see More.
Van, Mr., advocates severity
toward the colonies, 102.
Vauxhall Gardens, x.
Vendemiaire, i3th, rising of, put
down by Bonaparte, Ixix.
venerable rust, see rust.
Verney, Lord, political patron of
Burke, xxiv.
very same title, 103.
vexation to violence, 45.
Vicar of Wakefield, Goldsmith,
Ixvii.
Vindication of Natural Society,
xxi, xxii, xlix, Ixvi.
Virgil, 88, 89, 101, 126; Burke's
quotations from, liii ; Delphin,
liv.
Virginia, xviii, xlv, 67, 80 ; assenv
bly, see Dunmore ; effects of
slavery there, 22, 32 ; protests
against slave trade, 101, 102;
protests against Stamp Act,
xv.
virtual representation, 48, 115.
Voltaire, Ixvi.
152
INDEX.
Wales, 112, 114; an example for
dealing with America, Ixi, 44-
46, 48, 64, in, 122 ; Statute of,
112.
Walpole, Horace, Ixvii; Letters,
ix, Ixxi.
Walpole, Sir Robert, xi, 84.
was not heard, 120.
Washington, George, first presi-
dent, Ixix.
Watson, Brooke, 89.
we must gain, 100.
Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith,
Ixviii.
Webster, Daniel, born, Ixviii.
Wedderburn, Solicitor-General,
109, 115.
well worth fighting for, see worth.
Wendover, xxiii, Ixvii, 80.
Wentworth, Governor, xix.
Wesley, John, xi.
where, 113.
Whigs, attitude toward French
Revolution, xxxvi ; condition of
the party, xiv; New, see New
Whigs; Old, see Old Whigs.
Whitfield, George, xi.
wield the thunder, 90.
Wilkes, John, argument on taxa-
tion, 1 08 ; contest over his elec-
tion, xxiv, xxv, Ixvii.
Williamsburg, 96.
William the Third, 112.
Wilson, Woodrow, Ixxi.
wind of fashionable doctrine, 4,
81.
winged ministers of vengeance, 24,
95-
wise beyond what was written,
117.
with all its imperfections, 96.
withdrawal of troops from Boston,
see Chatham.
without resource, 91.
Wordsworth, William, Ixvii.
worth fighting for, 90.
Wraxall's Historical and Posthu-
mous Memoirs, Ixxi.
Xanthippe, 88.
Ye gods, annihilate but space and
time, 32, 1 02.
Young, Edward, Ixv.
your speech would betray you,
100.
E
211
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