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Full text of "State Department employee loyalty investigation : hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-first Congress, second session pursuant to S. Res. 231, a resolution to investigate whether there are employees in the State Department disloyal to the United States. March 8, 9, 13, 14, 20, 21, 27, 28, April 5, 6, 20, 25, 27, 28, May 1, 2, 3, 4, 26, 31, June 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 21, 23, 26, 28, 1950"

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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 




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HEARINGS ffTor 

BEFORE A 

SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIRST CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 
PURSUANT TO 



S. Res. 231 



A RESOLUTION TO INVESTIGATE WHETHER THERE ARE 

EMPLOYEES IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT 

DISLOYAL TO THE UNITED STATES 



PART 2 
APPENDIX 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations 





STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE A 

SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIKST CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSIOS 
PURSUANT TO 

S. Res. 231 

A RESOLUTION TO INVESTIGATE WHETHER THERE ARE 

EMPLOYEES IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT 

DISLOYAL TO THE UNITED STATES 



PART 2 
APPENDIX 



Printed for the use' of the Committee on Foreign Relations 



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UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
68970 WASHINGTON : 1950 




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U. S. SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS 

<-uu 251950 



COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

• 

TOM CONNALLY, Texas, Chairman 

WALTER F. GEORGE. Georgia ARTHUR II. YANDENBERG, Michigan 

ELBERT D. THOMAS, Utah ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

MILLARD E. TYDINGS, Maryland H. ALEXANDER SMITH, New Jersey 

CLAUDE PEPPER, Florida BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER, Iowa 
THEODORE FRANCIS GREEN. Rhode Island HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR., Massachusetts 
I'.RIEN McMAHON, Connecticut 
.!. \V. FULBRIGHT, Arkansas 

Fbancis O. Wilcox, Chief of Staff 
C. C. O'Day, Clerk 



Subcommittee on Senate Resolution 231 

MILLARD E. TYDINGS, Maryland, Chairman 

THEODORE FRANCIS GREEN. Rhode Island BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER, Iowa 
BRIEN McMAHON, Connecticut HENRY CABOT LODGE, Jr., Massachusetts 

Edward P. Morgan, Chief Counsel 

Robert L. Heuld, Assistant Counsel Liox L. Tyler, Jr., Assistant Counsel 
William .1. Kli.ma, Assistant Counsel Robert Morris, Assistant Counsel 

Margaret B. Buchholz, Subcommittee Clerk 
II 



APPENDIX 



Exhibit No. 1 

[Daily Worker, February 21, 1940] 

Signers of Protest 

The following outstanding Americans, writers, poets, playwrights, educators, 
judges, critics, and public officials signed the letter to President Roosevelt and 
Attorney General Jackson protesting the attacks upon the Veterans of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade and condemning the war hysteria now being whipped 
up by the Roosevelt administration : 



Elliot Paul 
Ernest Hemingway 
Jay Allen , 
Vincent Sheenan 
Paul Robeson 
John T. Bernard 
Louis B. Boudin 
Z. Chaffee, Jr. 
Muriel Draper 
Quenten Reynolds 
George Marshall 
Elizabeth Dublin Marshall 
Gardner Jackson 
Alfred Kreymborg 
Charles H. Houston 
Dashiel Hammett 
Prof. Horace M. Kallen 
Ralph Roeder 
Evelyn Adler 
George Seldes 
B. W. Huebsch 
Hon. Vito Marcantonio 
Bernard Denzer 
J. A. MacCalluni 
James L. Brewer 
Hon. Dorothy Kenyon 
Rev. Donald G. Lothrop 
Arthur La Sueur 
Bernard J. Stern 
Aaron Copland 
Hon. Stanley Isaacs 
Prof. Harold C. Urey 
James Thurber 
Dr. Walter Briehl 
Robert W. Dunn 
Alexander Lehrman 
Malcolm Cowley 
Marc Blitzstein 
Walter E. Hager 
Albert Maltz 
Margaret Lamont 
Dr. Ernest P. Boas 
Prof. Goodwin Watson 



S. L. M. Barlow 
Marguerite Zorach 
William Zorach 
Prof. II. P. Fairchild 
Kyle Crichton 
Anna Louise Strong 
S. John Block 
Anita Block 
Dr. E. M. Bluestone 
Arthur Kober 
George H. Stover 
Dr. Charles C. Webber 
Frances B. Grant 
Hortense M. Fagley 
Alfred W. Bingham 
Carl H. Levy 
Mary Heaton Vorse 
Louis Weisner 
Edward L. Israel 
Lillian Hellman 
Louis F. McCabe 
Arthur Emptage 
C. D. Stevens 
Bonnie Bird 
Melvin Rader 
Ralph Gundlach 
William H. Morris 
T. Addis 
Helen Keller 
Ada B. Taft 
Jean Starr Untermeyer 

E. A. Ross 

F. O. Matthiessen 
Dr. George Barsky 
Belle Zeller 

Van Wyck Brooks 
Herman Shumlin 
Prof. Robert S. Lynd 
Mervyn Rathborne 
Kirtley F. Mather 
Lawrence S. Kubie 
James Waterman Wise 
Irwin Shaw 



Dr. W. B. Cannon 
Reuben Ottenberg 
C. Fayette Taylor 
Countee Cullen 
Harvey O'Connor 
Hon. Paul J. Kern 
Nora Benjamin 
Bennett Cerf 
Dorothy Brewster 
Fiorina Lasker 
Stuart Davis 
Clifford McAvoy 
Charles Belous 
Max Cleeber 
William Gropper 
Arnold Donawa 
Brand Blanshard 
Dr. Max Yergan 
Prof. Vida D. Scudder 
Isabel Walker Soule 
Thomas E. Benner 
Ephraim Cross 
John F. Shepard 
Langston Hughes 
Morris Watson 
Bertha C. Reynolds 
Louis Untermeyer 
Esther A. Untermeyer 
C. S. Bacon 
Howard Y. Williams 
Lester Cohen 
Edward Lamb 
Tom Mooney 
Rev. William Lloyd Imes 
L. Eloesser 
Dr. Harry Ward 
Prof. Walter Rauten- 

strauch 
Hon. James H. Wolfe 
Eda Lou Walton 
Prof. Newton Arvin 



1485 



1486 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Exhibit No. 2 

National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc., 

New York, N. Y., November 16, 191,8. 

Dear Friend : On Monday evening, December 13, the Very Reverend Hewlett 
Johnson, Dean of Canterbury, and foremost leader in the democratic movement 
for world peace, speaks at Madison Square Garden. This eminent churchman, 
who will climax a month's tour of the United States with this rally, will present 
his impressions of the American peace movement as it relates to the peace forces 
of England and the continent. He will also report on his recent observations 
of conditions in eastern Europe and his personal conversations with the leaders 
of the new democracies. 

We feel it is a rare privilege, indeed, for us to be able to present the Dean in 
the first significant rally to follow the elections. We know you will appreciate 
the importance of forcefully demonstrating, particularly before the new con- 
gressional session, the people's will for peace through cooperation and friend- 
ship with the Soviet Union. 

The Ambassador from the Soviet Union, His Excellency Mr. Alexander S. 
Panyushkin, will address the meeting. The meeting will also feature Paul Robe- 
son, other well-known speakers and a program of entertainment. 

As you may recollect, thousands were turned away from the Garden on the 
occasion of the Dean's last visit here in 1945. Thus, to insure you proper ac- 
commodations, we are enclosing an advance ticket order blank. 

Won't you plan now to attend this rally for peace and reserve seats for your- 
self and your friends? 
Cordially yours, 

Richard Morford, Executive Director. 

RM ; rs 
uopwa 16-39 
enc. 

Sponsors of the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc. 



Louis Adamic 

George F. Addes 

Maxwell Anderson 

John Taylor Arms 

Max Bedacht 

Mrs. Alice S. Belester 

Dr. Henry Lambert Bibby 

Mrs. Louis Bloch 

Mrs. Anita Block 

Simon Braines 

Prof. E. W. Burgess 

Hon. Arthur Capper 

Charles Chaplin 

Hon. John M. Coffee 

Dr. Henry S. Coffin 

Aaron Copland 

Norman Corwin 

Jo Davidson 

Hon. Joseph E. Davies 

Dr. Herbert John Davis 

Hon. Hugh DeLacy 

Dr. Stephen Duggan 

Prof. Albert Einstein 

Max Epstein 

Dr. Mildred Fairchild 

Dr. Robert D. Feild 

Lion Feuchtwanger 

Rev. Joseph F. Fletcher 

Homer Folks 

Dr. W. Horsley Gantt 

Dr. Caleb F. Gates, Jr. 

Dean Christian Gauss 

Ben Gold 

Dr. Mortimer Graves 



Dr. Harry Grundfest 
Dr. Alice Hamilton 
Lillian Hellman 
Mrs. Thomas N. Hepburn 
Dr. Leslie Pinckney Hill 
Prof. William Ernest 

Hocking 
Dr. Walter M. Horton 
Lanffston Hughes 
Dr. Walter Hullihen 
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs 
Dr. Millard H. Jencks 
Prof. Howard Mumford 

Jones 
Helen Keller 
Rockwell Kent 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Dr. Serge Koussevitzky 
Mrs. Thomas W. Lament 
William W. Lancaster 
1 >r. Emil Lengel 
John F. Lewis, Jr. 
Pn.f. Robert S. Lynd 
Clifford T. McAvoy 
Judge Lois Mary McBride 
Maurice Maeterlinck 
Fi'itz Mahler 
Dr. Thomas Mann 
Frank X. Martel 
Dr. Kirtley F. Mather 
Lewis Merrill 
Dr. George R. Minot 
Mis. Lucy Sprague 

Mitchell 



Dr. Wesley C. Mitchell 
Charles Michael Mitzell 
Pierre Monteux 
Mine. Pierre Monteux 
Bishop Arthur W. 

Moulton 
Hon. James E. Murray 
Dr. Philip C. Nash 
Dr. Robert Hastings 

Nichols 
Eugene O'Neill 
Dr. Marion Edwards 

Park 
Dr. Frederick Douglas 

Patterson 
Bishop Malcom E. 

Peabody 
Hon. Claude Pepper 
Prof. Ralph Barton Perry 
Dr. E. C. Peters 
Dr. John P. Peters 
Henry W. Pope 
Michael Quill 
Carl Randau 
Anton Refregier 
Elmer Rice 
Wallingford Riegger 
Paul Kobeson 
Col. Raymond Robins 
Karl Robinson 
Reid Robinson 
Harold J. Rome 
Joseph A. Rosen 
Joseph A. Salerno 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1487 



Sponsors of the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc. — Con. 



Miles M. Sherover 
Raymond P. Sloan 
Dr. P. A. Sorokin 
Maxwell S. Stewart 
Leopold Stokowski 
Raymond Swing 
Genevieve Tabouis 
Hon. Elbert D. Thomas 
R. J. Thomas 



Dr. Max Thorek 

S. A. Trone 

Phiilp II. Van Gelder 

R. E. Van Horn 

Prof. George Vernadsky 

Bishop W.J. Wells 

Dr. Harry F.Ward 

Leroy Waterman 

Max Weber 



Dr. Henry N. Wieman 
Dr. C. C. Williams 
Hon. James H. Wolfe 
1 >r. Max Yergan 
Dean Mary Yost 
Dr. J. J. Zmrhal 
Leane Zugsinith 



Exhibit No. 3 



This ex'.iibir was not received by the reporter and was described by Senator 
McCarthy as "a cordial invitation to attend a dinner and presentation of the first 
annual award of the American-Russian Institute to President Franklin Roosevelt 
for •Furthering American-Soviet Relations' " (transcript, p. 26). 



Exhii;it No. 4 

Executive Secretary. Prof. Donald McConnell 

Secretary on Latin America, Dr. David Efron 



Louis Adaniic 

Dr. Wallace W. Atwood 

Eleanor Copenhaver 

Anderson 
Prof. Hugo Fernandez 

Artucio 
Eunice Fuller Barnard 
Alfred M. Bingham 
Algernon Black 
Bruce Bliven 
Dr. Franz Boas 
Heywood Broun 
Erskine Caldwell 
Charlotte Carr 
Bennett A. Cerf 
Evans Clark 
Gifford A. Cochran 
Dr. Gilberto Conception de 

Gracia 
Prof. George Counts 
Malcolm Cowley 
Prof. Horace Davis 
Prof. Jerome Davis 
R. E. Diffendorfer 
Bailey W. Dime 



Sponsors 

Dr. William E. Dodd 

Prof. Paul M. Douglas 

Dr. Henry Grattan Doyle 

John L. Elliott 

Prof. Henry Pratt Fairchild 

Prof. Irving Fisher 

Prof. Eugene Forsey 

Margaret Forsythe 

Frances R. Grant 

Alberto Grieve 

Sidney Hillman 

Prof. Arthur N. Holcombe 

John Haynes Holmes 

Quincy Howe 

Langston Hughes 

Rev. William Lloyd Imes 

Stanley M. Isaacs 

Gardiner Jackson 

Prof. Chester L. Jones 

Rockwell Kent 

Dorothy Kenyon 

Max Lerner 

Marina Lopes 

Jean Lyons 

George Marshall 



Lewis Merrill 

Dr. Clyde R. Miller 

Prof Gardner Murphy 

William Pickens 

A. Philip Randolph 

Marvyn Rathborne 

David Saposs 

Prof. Margaret Schlauch 

Adelaide Schulkiud 

Guy Emery Shipler 

James T. Shotwell 

Upton Sinclair 

George Soule 

Isobel Walker Soule 

Maxwell Stewart 

Isidore F. Stone 

Prof. D. J. Struik 

William Wachs 

Prof. Goodwin Watson 

Roy Wilkins 

Dr. Max Winkler 

Dr. Stephen S. Wise . 

Max Yergan 



Conference on Pan American Democracy 

Executive Offices : 156 Fifth Avenue, New York 

Telephone : WAtkins 9-0420 

december 10-11, 19.'is, hotel washington, washington, d. c. 

November 16, 1938. 

Dear Friends : Enclosed you will find a Call to the Conference on Pan-American 
Democracy to be held in Washington on December tenth and eleventh. 

On behalf of the Committee of Sponsors may I urge that your organization 
make every effort to participate? The problem is a pressing one and the need 
for some solution immediate. 

We understand your organization has a very real concern with the inroads 
that fascism is making in this hemisphere, and we believe you can make a valu- 



1488 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

able contribution to our conference. If you can send representatives, please 
inform us at once. 
We are looking forward to meeting tbem in Washington. 
Sincerely yours, 

Donald McConnell. 

Delegates : Bernard Stern, Harry Lamberton, William Phillips. 

DM: EAL. 
UOPWA. 



Exhibit No. 5 



Trustees 

Roger Baldwin 
Joseph Brodsky 
Heywood Broun 
Edwin B. Burgum 
Malcolm Cowley 
Paul P. Crosbie 
Benjamin J. Davis, Jr. 
Robert W. Dunn 
Osmond K. Fraenkel 
Rabbi Israel Goldstein 
Alfred Hirsch 
Charles Krumbein 
Corliss Lamont 
Leroy Peterson 
Abraham Unger 
James Waterman Wise 
Le Roy Bowman 



Sponsors 



James Gifford 
Berenice Abbott 
Peggy Bacon 
Maxwell Bodenheim 
Kenneth Burke 
Addison T. Cutler 
Edward Dahlberg 
Clifton Fadiman 
James T. Farrell 
Waldo Frank 
Charles Fuller 
Hugo Gellert 
Mordecai Gorelik 
Granville Hicks 
Horace M. Kallen 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Carol Weiss King 



Alfred Kreymborg 
Emil Lengyel 
Lewis Mumford 
Gardner Rea 
Adelade Schulkind 
John Sloan 
Harrison Smith 
Otto Soglow 
Raphael Soyer 
Ralph Steiner 
Katbryn Terrill 
Mary Van Kleek 
Edna Lou Walton 
Harry L. Lurie 



Chairman: Paul P. Crosbie Secretary: James Lechat 

Political Prisoners Bail Fund Committee 

new york city 

154 Nassau Street, Room 1200 

BEekman 3-8576 

January 18, 1935. 

Dear Friend : After reading the enclosed manifesto, we believe that you will 
be with us and one of us. We therefore urge you to act. Of primary importance 
to the large success of the Bail Fund is your attendance at the committee's first 
invited guest meeting (ticket enclosed). 

This meeting will be held on Thursday, January 31st, at 8.30, in the Orozco 
Room of the New School for Social Research. Here the Bail Fund will be fully 
explained. There will be a talk by John Spivak and short talks by Roger Bald- 
win, Corliss Lamont and Heywood Broun. Also some words by Angelo Herndou 
and two other outstanding victims of the present deplorable bail situation. 

Again we say, if you are with us in our purpose, do not fail to come to this 
meeting. Should this be impossible, however, will you avail yourself of the 
enclosed form in order to make closer contact with us. 
Sincerely, 

The Political Prisoners Bail Fund Committee. 

A common bail fund fur those arrested in the struagle of the working class, for the rights 
of op/tressed minorities, in the fight against war and fascism 



Exhibit No. 6 
An Open Letter to Governor Thomas E. Dewey 
[New York Times, October 9, 1944] 

It has been well said, "By their deeds you shall know them." 

There is a deed crying to be done in the State of New York today. A deed of 
simple justice, humanity, and fair play. 

It is in your power and yours alone to do this act. 

We ask you to grant a pardon to Morris I'. Schappes. 

We ask you to do this because the continued imprisonment of this teacher and 
scholar can only be interpreted by many thoughtful Americans as political 
persecution. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1489 



Morris l". Schappes has passed 11 months of an 18- to 24-month sentence arising 
from the 1940 Rapp-Couderl investigation of subversive activity in the New 
York City schools. Morris Schappes told the committee he had heen a Com- 
munist. They demanded the names of all the Communists at City College. 
Morris Schappes named three others, who, with himself, were known as Com- 
munists. Ho said he knew no others. The committee said there were over 40, 
not 1. as Morris Schappes testified. They called Morris Schappes a perjuror. 
He was convicted. 

This was the crime ! 

Even the most exacting will concede that Morris Schappes, whom even his 
enemies never accused of harming or even desiring to harm a single human being, 
has suffered enough. 

We are engaged in a war against the barbarian who would impose the 
philosophy that an individual life is cheap. We are affirming in terrible battle 
that a single life is precious. We say further, Mr. Governor, that 2 years of a 
good man's life are precious and not to be taken away lightly. 

The last years of agony have taught us that the conscience must never sleep. 
"What is done to tbe least of us is the concern of all. That is why we cannot in 
good conscience fail to raise our voice against this injustice in our midst. 

That is why we appeal to you, Mr. Governor. 

To you and you alone American justice provides power above and beyond the 
Courts — the power of the chief executive to pardon. 

We ask you to use this power to pardon Morris U. Schappes. 

The deed would find favor in the eyes of the people, who love justice. 



Prof. Thomas Addis, Stanford Univ. 
Rabbi David Aronson ( Del. Am. Jewish 

Congress), Minneapolis, Minn. 
Rabbi Aaron Ashinsky (Del. Am. Jew- 
ish Congress), Pittsburgh, Pa. 
State Senator W. P. Atkinson, Seattle, 

Wash. 
Prof. Frank Baker, Pres. State Teach- 
ers College, Milwaukee, Wis. 
Rev. Lee H. Ball. Lake Mahopac, N. Y. 
Prof. Francis M. Barbour, S. Illinois 

State Teachers College, Carbondale, 

111. 
Prof. Fred A. Barnes, Cornell Univ., 

Ithaca, N. Y. 
Prof. Marion Bauer. New York Univ. 
Rev. Robert Baxter, Coeur d'Alene, 

Idaho. 
Prof. Jos. W. Beach, Dept. of English, 

University of Minnesota. 
Win. Rose Benet, writer. 
Rabbi Solomon Bersel, Philadelphia, 

Pa. 
Prof. Dorothy Bethurum, Connecticut 

College, New London, Conn. 
Rev. Lyndon S. Beardslee, Westboro, 

Mass. 
Rev. Archie B. Bedford, Svracuse. N. 

Y. 
Bishop W. Y. Bell. Halsey Institute. 
Dr. W. A. J. Bellrock, Pres. N. A. A. 

C. P., Chickasha, Oklahoma. 
Father Benedict, Church of the Cruci- 
fix, New York City. 
Milly Brandt, Legislative Chairman, 

Women's Div. ; Am. Jewish Congress. 
Prof. Ray O. Billington, Smith College, 

Northampton, Mass. 
Prof. Raymond T. Birge, Chairman, 

Dept. of Physics, Univ. of Calif., 

Berkeley, Calif. 



Brooklyn Col- 
Ithaca, 



Rev. Dr. Kalil A. Bishars, Syrian 
Protestant Church of Greater N. Y. 

Slielton Hale, Bishop, Rector, St. Phil- 
lips Episcopal Church, New York. 

Rev. Dr. Clarence Bleakney, Newark, 
N. J. 

Rabbi Maurice J. Bloom, Temple Beth 
Jacob, Newburn, N. Y. 

Prof. Bart Bok, Harvard Univ., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Rev. Lester L. Boobar, Bangor, Maine. 

Rev. W. Russell Bowie, Instructor, 
Union Theological Seminary, New 
York. 

Prof. Edw. S. Boyer, Religion & So- 
ciology, Millikin Univ., 111. 

Millan Brand, writer. 

Prof. Joseph Bressler, 
lege, B'klyn, N. Y. 

Prof. J. P. Brets, Cornell Univ. 
N. Y. 

James L. Brewer, Attorney, Rochester, 
N. Y. 

Prof. Dorothy Brewster, Columbia 
Univ. 

Rev. Edward H. Brewster, Nannet, 
New Hampshire. 

Prof. Edgar S. Brightman, Theological 
School. Boston, Mass. 

Louis Bromfield, writer. 

Rev. Oliver Hart Bronson, D. D., Sum- 
merland, Calif. 

Prof. Chas. F. Brooks, Blue Hill Ob- 
servatory, Harvard University, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Dr. Charlotte Hawkins Brown, Pres. 
Palmer Memorial Institute, Sedalia, 
N. C. 

Van Wyck Brooks, writer. 

Rev. Robert Evans Browning, Vicar 
Chapel of the Redeemer, Maryland. 



1490 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Henrietta Buekinaster, writer. 

Edwin T. Buchrer, Editor, Journal of 
Liberal Religion. 

Prof. Henry M. Burbage, Univ. of North 
Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C. 

E. A. Burdick, Dean of Students, Conn. 
< iollege, New London, Conn. 

Prof. Charles T. Barnet, Bowdoin Col- 
lege, Brunswick, Maine. 

Rev. Bates G. Burt, Rector, Pontiac, 
Mich. 

Prof. John L. Buys, St. Lawrence Univ., 
Canton, N. Y. 

Witter, Bynner, poet. 

Rev. Fred L. Cairns, Needham, Mass. 

Rev. Raymond Calkins, Minister Emeri- 
tus, Cambridge, Mass. 

Prof. Alexander E. Canes, Mass. State 
College, Amherst, Mass. 

Prof. Nathaniel Canter, Univ. of Buf- 
falo. 

Rev. Francis C. Capossi, Wind Gap, Pa. 

Edith F. Claflin, Columbia University. 

E. N. Comfort, Dean of Oklahoma 
School of Religion. 

Rev. Kieth Conninr, Detroit, Mich. 

Rabbi Jonah E. Caplan, Cong. Beth El, 
Long Island. 

Rev. J. Russell Carpenter, Lyons, N. Y. 

Rev. Ruthven S. Chalmers, Boonville, 
N. Y. 

Alvin B. Christina n, State Director, 
Penn. Farmers Union, Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Rev. Merrill F. Clarks, New Canaan, 
Conn. 

Rabbi Henry Cohen, Galveston, Texas. 

Chas. H. Collins, Exec. Secy., Negro 
Labor Victory Com. 

Aaron Copland, composer. 

Prof. Fred A. Courts. Univ. of Missouri. 

Pascal Coviei. publisher. 

Prof. Philip W. L. Cox, N. Y. Univ. 

Rev. Chas. E. Crak Jr., Pastor. Em- 
manuel Episcopal Church, Louisville, 
Ky. 

Rev. Frank P.. Crandall, Salem, Mass. 

Abraham Cronbach, Hebrew Union Col- 
lege, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Prof. Ephraim Cross, College of City of 
N. Y. 

Margarel Cross. Director, Georgetown 
House, Washington, D. C. 

( lountee Cullen, poet. 

Joseph Curran, Pres. Nat'] Maritime 
Union, C. I. < >., N. y. Greater Indus- 
trial Union Council. 

W. C. Dabney, Editor, Cincinnati Union, 
( 5inn., ( )hio. 

Prof. George Dahl, Prof, of Old Testa- 
ment, Yale Divinity School, New 
I taven. 

Thelma M. Dale, Pres. Nat'l Negro Con- 
gress. 

Henry W. Longfellow Dana, writer. 

Prof. Margarel Darkow, Hunter College. 



Benjamin J. Davis Jr., Councilman, 
N. Y. C. 

John W. Davis, Dean of Wesleyan Univ. 

Rev. John Warren Day, Dean of Grace 
Cathedral, Topeka, Kansas. 

Rev. John De Benedetto, Baltimore, Md. 

Albert Deutsch, columnist. 

Rev. Albert C. Dieffenbach, Boston, 
Mass. 

Senator Chas. C. Digges, Detroit, Mich. 

Rev. Truman Douglass, St. Louis, Mo. 

Theodore Dreiser, writer. 

Rev. Arthur Dumper, Dean of Trinity 
Cathedral (retired), Newark, N. J. 

Roscoe Dungee, Publisher, Black Dis- 
patch. 

Will Durant, writer. 

Dr. Sherwood Eddy. 

Rev. J. Earl Edwards, Queens Village, 
New York. 

Prof. Ruth Emerson, Dept. Medical So- 
cial Work, Director Social Service 
Dept.. Univ. of Chicago. 

O. E. Enlield, County Attorney, Ellen 
Co., Arnett, Okla. 

Henrv Epstein (former), Solicitor- 
GenT. New York State. 

Katherine Ets. Asst. Librarian, Nat'l 
City Bank, N. Y. C. 

Jane Evans, Nat'l Fed. of Templehood 
Sisters, Dir Nat'l Peace Conference. 

Rev. John W. Findley, Univ. Presby- 
terian Church, Purdue University, 
Ind. 

Rev. Judson E. Fiebiger, Utica, N. Y. 

Rev. Arthur W. Farnum, St. Mary's 
Parish, Asheville, N. C. 

Prof. Henry P. Fairchild, New York 
University. 

Dorothy Canfield Fisher, writer. 

Mrs. Mitchell Follansbee. League of 
Women Voters, Fvanston, 111. 

Prof. Frances A. Foster, Vasser College, 
I'oughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Waldo Frank, writer. 

Elizabeth P. Frasier. Religious Educa- 
tor, Protestant Episcopal Church, 
Phila., Pa. 

Rev. Stephen V. Fritchman, Boston, 
Mass. 

Rev. J. Shubert Frye. Syracuse, N. Y. 

Prof. Wendell Furry, Harvard Univ. 

Rev. I.ee Alvin Gates, Pastor, South 
Presbyterian Church, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Eustace (Jay, Editor. "Philadelphia 
Tribune." 

Rev. Palfrey Perkins. Kings Chapel, 
Boston, Mass. 

Wm. I. Gibson, Managing Editor, Afro- 
American Newspapers. 

Rev. Carlyle Glams, Editor. The Presby- 
terian Tribune, Utica, N. Y. 

Leonard E. Golditch, Attorney, Chair- 
man. Xat'l Council to Combat Anti- 
Semitism. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1491 



Sol Goldman 1 1 >el. to Amer. Jewish Con- 
gress), Progressive Order of the West. 

Rabbi Solomon Goldman, Zionist Org. of 
America, Chicago, 111. 

Prof. Erwin B. Goodenough, Dept. His- 
tory & Region, Vale University. 

Prof. Everett W. Goodhue, Dartmouth 
College, Hanover, N. H. 

Rabi Robt. Gordis, Rockaway Pk., L. I. 

Julian Goodman (Del, to Am. Jewish 
Congress), Troy, N. Y. 

Dr. David Graubart, North Park Con- 
gregation, Shaare Tikvoh, Chicago, 
111. 

Rev. Chas. S. Gray. Stamford, Conn. 

Prof. Rowland Gray Smith, Prof, of 
Philosophy, Emerson College, Mass. 

Rabbi Louis Greenberg, New Haven, 
Conn. 

Rabbi Simon Greenberg, Phila., Pa. 

Rev. Stanley Gutellus, Rochester, N. Y. 

Rabbi Sidney S. Guthman, Chelsea, 
Mass. 

Rev. Herman J. Hahn, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Rabbi J. Louis Hahn, Cong. Mt. Sivari, 
A. E. Pres. Rabbinical Council, Upper 
Wash. Hts. & Inwood, N. Y. 

Prof. S. Ralph Harlow, Chairman Dept. 
of Religion, Smith College, Northamp- 
ton, Mass. 

Rabbi Harry Halpern, B'klyn, N. Y. 

Roswell, G. Han, President, Mt. Hol- 
yoke College, Mt. Holyoke, Mass. 

Wm. P. Hapgood, President, Columbia 
Conserve Co., Inc., Indianapolis, Ind. 

Lucius C. Harper, Exec. Editor, The 
Chicago Defender. 

Mrs. Anton S. Harrington, Farmers 
Union, Schoharie Co. Com., N. Y. 

M. Lafayette Harris. Pres., Philander 
Smith College, Little Rock, Ark. 

Wm. Harrison, Assoc. Editor, Boston 
Chronicle". 

Rev. Edler G. Hawkins, N. Y. C. 

Prof. A. Gordon Hayes. Dept. of Eco- 
nomics, Ohio State Univ. 

Ben Hecht, writer. 

Rev. Clifford W. Hilliker, Middletown, 
N. Y. 

Mary E. Holland, Exec. Secy. Children's 
Aid, Denver, Colo. 

Dr. Eugene C. Holms, Howard Univ. 

Rev. Kenneth E. Hoover, Hobart, N. Y. 

Prof. Harold Hotelling, Columbia Univ., 
N. Y. C. 

Charles H. Houston, Attorney, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Daniel Howard, Supt. of Schools, Emeri- 
tus, Windsor, Conn. 

Rev. Lee A. Howe, Jr., Oneida, N. Y. 

Rev. Duncan Howlett, New Bedford, 
Mass. 

Langston Hughes, writer, poet. 

Mattie Hunter, Natl Council of Negro 
Women. 

Joseph Hyman, Jewish Federation, Indi- 
anapolis, Ind. 



Hulan E. Jack, New York State As- 
semblyman. 

Sam Jaffee, actor. 

David D. Jones, Pres. Binnell College, 
Greensboro, N. C. 

Matthew Josephson, writer. 

Rabbi Mordecai M. Kaplan, Society for 
the Advancement of Judaism. 

Prof. Raymond Kennedy, Dept. of So- 
ciology, Yale University. 

Rockwell, Kent, artist. 

Judge Dorothy Kenyon, New York. 

Freda Kirchway, Editor, "The Nation". 

Rev. Stephen L. Kiser, Richmond Hill, 
N. Y. 

Harold V. Knight, Editor, North Da- 
kota Union Farmer. 

Rev. Carl Knudson, Plymouth, Mass. 

Rev. C. Franklin Koch, New York City. 

Prof. Michael Kraus, College of City of 
N. Y. 

Rev. Alfred M. Lambert, St. Monica's 
Church, Hartford, Conn. 

Rev. John Howland Lathrop, Church of 
Our Savior, New York City. 

Prof. Walter Landauer, Univ. of Conn. 

Paula Laurence, actress. 

John Howard Lawson, screen writer, 
Hollywood. 

Canada Lee, actor. 

Prof. Paul Lehman, Bibical History, 
Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. 

Ray Lev, pianist. 

Prof. Norman Levinson, Mass. Inst, of 
Technology. 

Rabbi Israel Herbert Levinthal, D. D. ; 
D. H. L., B'klyn Jewish Center. 

Rabbi Benj. A. Lichter, Cong. B'nai 
Israel, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Louis Lipsky, Amer. Jewish Conference 
& Del. to Amer. Jewish Congress. 

Rabbi Emmanuel Lederman, Denver, 
Colorado. 

Frank Marshall Louis, Assoc. Negro 
Press. 

Rev. Moses B. Lovell, B'klyn, N. Y. 

Rev. Sidney Lovell, Chaplain, Yale Univ. 

Harry L. Lurie, Former Dir. Council 
Jewish Fed. & Welfare Funds. New 
York City. 

Florence H. Lascomb, Civil Liberties 
Union, Cambridge, Mass. 

Rev. Dr. John A. McCallum, Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

Bishop Francis J. McConnell, Lucasville, 
Ohio. 

James H. McGill, McGill Mfg. Co., Val- 
paraiso, Ind. 

Rev. Chas. F. MacLennan, Cleveland, 
Ohio. 

John T. McManus, Movie Critic, New 

York City. 
Rev. Walter Henry MacPherson, S. T. A., 
Past Pres. of the Universalist Church 
of America. 

Prof. W. H. Mainwaring, Emeritus, 
Stanford Univ., Calif. 



1492 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Rabbi Jerome Malino, Danbury, Conn. 

Albert Malt/., writer, Hollywood. 

Rep. Vito Marcantonio, Congressman, 
N. Y. C. 

George Marshall, Nat'l. Fed. of Consti- 
tutional Liberties, N. ft". C. 

George Matis, Farmers Union, St. Johns- 
ville. N. Y. 

Prof. F. O. Matthieson, Harvard Univ. 

Rev. Win. H. Melish, Church of the Holy 
Trinity, N. Y. C. 

Rev. Harry C. Mesine, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Rabbi Israel Miller, Bronx, N. Y. 

Erin O'Brien-Moore, actress. 

Julian Morgenstern, President, Hebrew 
Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Prof. Margaret S. Morris, Pembroke 
College in Brown Univ., Providence, 
R. I. 

Prof. H. Nethercot, Northwestern Univ. 

Prof. Robt. H. Nichols, Union Theologi- 
cal Seminary. 

Rev. Chas. C. Noble, Syracuse, N. Y. 

Mrs. Josephine Nordstrand, Exec. Secy. 
Wisconsin State Conf. on Soc. Leg. 

Senator Stanley Nowak, Michigan, 21st 
District. 

Rev. Delos O'Brien, Wilmington, Dela- 
ware. 

Judge Patric H. O'Brien, Detroit, Mich. 

Sono Osato, dancer. 

H. A. Overstreet, Prof. Emeritus, C. C. 
N. Y. 

Ruth H. Page, Stowe College Alumni, St. 
Louis, Mo. 

Rev. George L. Paine, Cambridge, Mass. 

State Rep. Wm. J. Pennock, Pres. Wash- 
ington Pension Union, Seattle, Wash. 

Angeline E. Phillips, Recording Secy. 
Community Church, Berks Co., Pa. 

Harriet Ida Pickens, Nat'l. Bus & Prof. 
Council, Y'. W. C. A., N. Y. C. 

Martin Popper, Nat'l. Lawyers Guild, 
N. Y. C. 

Elizabeth L. Porter, Case Supervisor, 
Family Service Soc, New Orleans, La. 

Pmf. Kenneth W. Porter, Vassar Col- 
lege. 

Rev. Edwin McNeill Poteal, Rochester, 
N. Y. 

Dr. Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., Editor 
"Peoples Voice," Congressional Nomi- 
nee'. 

Rev. Irving E. Putnam, Association of 
Wesley .Methodist Churches, Minneap- 
olis, Minn. 

Michael J. Quill, N. Y. C. Councilman, 
Pres. Transport Workers Union. 

Senator Thomas C. Robbins, 35th Dis- 
trict, Seattle, Wash. 

Prof. Walter Kautenst ranch, Columbia 
University. 

Rev. Daniel Lyman Didont, Phila., Pa. 

Mary W. Rittenbouse, Ii'klvn Bureau of 
Charities, N. Y. C. 

Paul Robeson, actor, singer. 



Dr. Henry B. Robins, Colgate-Rochester 
Divinity School, Rochester, N. Y. 

Earl Robinson, composer, Hollywood. 

Sol S. Rodin. Secy., Brith Achim Assoc, 

Edwin A. Rurit, Sage School of Philoso- 
phy, Cornell Univ., Ithica, N. Y. 

Prof. George Sarton, Harvard Univ. 

Col. Wm. Jay Schieffelin. 

Prof. Margaret Schlauch, N. (Y. U. 

Helen S. Sellers. Member of Conn. 
House of Rep. (1941-42). 

Rabbi Max Shapiro, Miama. Fla. 

Rev. Arthur Shenefelt, Norwood, Ohio. 

Prof. John F. Shepard, Pres. Civil 
Rights Fed., Detroit, Mich. 

Dr. Guy Emery Shipler, Editor, The 
( 'hurchman. 

Prof. George H. Shull, Princeton, Univ., 
Princeton, N. J. 

Eva Smill, Exec. Secy., Family Service 
Soc, New Orleans. La. 

Mason Smith, Editor, "The Interracial 
Review". 

Rev. F. Hastings Smyth, Superior, The 
Society of the Catholic Common- 
wealth, Cambridge, Mass. 

Mrs. Samuel Spiegel, Nat'l Women's 
League of United Synagogues. 

Prof. Bertha K. Stavrianos, Smith Col- 
lege, Northampton, Mass. 

J. Stanley Stevens, Chaplain, U. S. N. 
R. 

Donald Ogden Stewart, writer, Holly- 
wood. 

Prof. Dirk J. Struik, Mass. Inst, of 
Technology. 

Rev. Harold C. Swezy, Church of Holy 
Apostle, N. Y. C. 

Prof. Jessie M. Tatlock, Mt. Holyoke, 
College. 

Prof. Alva Taylor. Secy., Southern Conf. 
for Human Welfare, Nashville, Tenn. 

Janet Thornton, Director, Social Serv- 
ice, Presbyterian Hospital, N. Y. C. 

Rev. Joseph H. Titus, Jamaica, N. Y. 

Rep. Nicholas Tomassetti, Rep. from 
New Britain to Conn. General Assem- 
bly. 

Judge Edward V. Totten. 

Rabbia Joshua Trachtenberg. 

Jim Tully. writer. 

Mark Van Doren,. writer. 

John Van Druten, playwright. 

Pierre Van Paassen, writer, journalist. 

Oswald Garrison Villard. writer. 

Prof. Eda Lou Walton, x. Y. University. 

Rabbi Juda Washer, New Kensington, 
Pa. 

Prof. Harry F. Ward. Union Theolo- 
logical Seminary. 

M. Moran Weston, Chairman, N. Y. 
State Civil Liberties, Dept. N. Y. 
State Elks Assoc. 

Prof. F. W. Weymouth, Stanford Univ. 

Prof. Philip E. Wheelwright, Dart- 
mouth College. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1493 

Prof George F. Whicher, Amherst Col- Dr. Abraham Wolfson, Pres., Jewish 

le „. e Social Service Bureau, Newark, N. J. 

Rev. John C. White, Bishop of Spring- Prof. Theresa Wolfson, B'klyn College. 

field Illinois Prof. Thomas Woody, Prof, of Educa- 

Doxv Wilkerson, Exec. Editor "Peoples tion Univ. of Pa., Phila Pa- - 

U. „ Mary E. Woolley, President Emerita, 

Robt. Wilkerson, Exec. Secy Negro p ^ iS^.^^man, Prof, of Phi- 
Welfare Assn., Anderson, Ind. losophy of Religion, Univ. of Chicago. 

Rev. C. Lawson Williard Jr., Trimly Prof Paul Thomas Young, Univ. of II- 

Episcopal Church. New Haven, Conn. linois. 

Rev. David Rhys Williams, Rochester, Rabbi S. M. Zampowsky, Cleveland, 

N. Y. Ohio. 

Rabbi Samuel Wohl, Cincinnati, Ohio. Wm. Zorach, sculptor. 

Organizations listed for identification purposes. 500 names unlisted for reasons 
of space. 



Exhibit No. 7 

[Daily Worker, February 10, 1938] 

Leading Citizens Laud Isaacs' Stand on Gerson 

Condemning the "witch-hunting campaign" organized against Borough Presi- 
dent Stanley M. Isaacs for his appointment of S. W. Gerson, former Daily Worker 
reporter as an assistant on his staff, 47 prominent citizens last night signed 
a letter to the Borough President supporting him in his determination to appoint 
competent persons to office. 

The letter, released for publication by Tom Cassidy, vice president of the 
American Newspaper Guild and Daily News staff writer, carries the names of 
outstanding liberals, trade-unionists, educators, and clergymen. 

The text of the letter and names of the signers follow : 

Dear Mr. Isaacs : 

We, the undersigned, citizens of different shades of opinion, emphatically con- 
demn the witch-hunting campaign organized against you for the appointment 
of Simon W. Gerson to your staff. 

AVe look upon the current inspired agitation against you — which bears the 
earmarks of some of the propaganda so discredited and overwhelmingly repudi- 
ated in the last election — as a threat to the whole merit system in public service. 
It is the first step which leads to the institution of political qualifications within 
the entire city service. If the present agitation is successful, the next logical 
step is the institution of a system of political discrimination within the Civil 
Service system. How far is that from the malodorous method of choosing public 
servants from political clubhouse backrooms? 



1494 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

We urge you to stand firm against this attempt to attack appointments on the 
merit basis. We support you — as do thousands of liberal though inarticulate 
citizens — in your determination to maintain your right to appoint competent 
persons to office, irrespective of political outlook, a right won by the citizens of 
New York only after years of struggle against corrupt political influence. 
Sincerely yours, 

Daniel Allen. Regional Director. State. County, and Municipal Em- 
ployes Assn. ; Recorder John K. Ackley, City College of New 
York: Dr. Helen Adams. Hunter College; William Albertson, Sec- 
cretary. Local 16, Waiters and Waitresses Union; Prof. Edwin B. 
Burgum. Washington Square College, N. Y. U. : Prof. Theodore 
Brameld, Adelphi College : Samuel Berland, Mgr.. Laundry Work- 
ers Union ; Michael J. Quill. City Councilman : Dr. Harry F. Ward, 
Union Theological Seminary ; Rev. Bradford Young: Rev. William 
B. Spofford; Rev. Lawson Willard. Jr.. Past County Chaplain, 
American Legion. Queens County: Rev. A. Clayton Powell. Jr.; 
Miss Helen Murray, Associate Secretary. Methodist Federation of 
Social Service; Samuel A. Robbins, Chairman. Council of U. S. 
Veterans and American Legionnaire : Dorothy Kenyon. Consumers 
Union: Vito Marcantonio. former Congressman: Tom Cassidy, 
Vice-President Newspaper Guild: Carl Randau, President. News- 
paper Guild; Austin Hogan, President, N. Y. Local Transport 
Workers Union ; Alexander Hoffman, Manager. Cleaners and 
Dyers Union ; George Wishnack, Coordinator, International 
Ladies Garment Workers Union: Ashley Patten, Executive Secre- 
tary, Pullman Porters; Louis Weinstock, Secretary-Treasurer, 
District Council 9. Painters and Decorators; David Freed. Sec- 
retary. Local 802, American Federation of Musicians: Eugene P. 
Connolly. Organizer, Transport Workers Union: Jonathan Eddy, 
Executive Vice-President Newspaper Guild: Victor Pasche, Secre- 
tary-Treasurer. Newspaper Guild: Mervyn Rathborne, President, 
American Communications Association: Harry Gewirtzman, Man- 
ager. Pocket-Book Workers Union : Samuel Kramberg, Local 302, 
Hotel and Restaurant Workers Alliance: Irving Potash. Manager, 
Joint Council Furriers Union; Ben Golden. Labor Arbitrator; 
Vera Montgomery) Editor and Publisher, Yorkville Advance ; Prof. 
John L. Childs. Teachers College: Prof. Robert K. Speer. Washing- 
ton Square College: Dr. John McAlpin Miller. Long Island Uni- 
versity; Dr. John T. Thirwall. City College of New York; Prof. 
Margaret Schlauch, New York University: Prof. Lyman R. 
Bradley. New York University ; Prof. Beryl Parker. New York 
University; Prof. V. J. McGill, Hunter College: Prof. Howard 
Selam, Brooklyn College: Malcolm Cowley, Editor, New Re- 
public: Eda Lou Walton, poet and critic: Dr. Charles A. Hendley, 
President. Teachers Union : Julia Church Kolar, Executive Board 
Member, Descendants of the American Revolution. 



Exhibit No. 8 

League of Women Shoppers, 

> 

NEW YORK 

(Photostat not legible — retained in subcommittee files.) 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1495 



Exnirm No. 9 
Chairman: William E. Dodd, Jr. Treasurer: S. D. Douglas 

Executive Secretary: Leonard S. Beller 
Advisers on Anti-Nazi Literature : Prince Hubertus zu Loewenstein 

(German Catholic Leader) 
Dr. Kurt Rosenfeld (Former Minister of Justice in Prussia) 



Carleton Beals 

T. A. Bisson 

Harriet stauton Blatch 

Anita Block 

S. John Block 

Prof. Franz Unas 

Dr. Barrett H. Clark 

Prof. Thomas C. Cochran 

Malcolm Cowley 

Kar.' Crane-Gartz 

Dr. Walter Danirosch 

Prof. John Dewey 



Sponsors 

Dr. John Lovejov Elliott 
Dr. H. C. Engelbrecht 

.Martha Graham 

Prof. Albert Guerard 

Prof. Alice Hamilton 

Moss Hart 

I. A. Hirsohmaiin 

Rockwell Kent 

Dorothv Kenvon 

Prof. Wm. H. Kilpatrick 

Freda Kirchwey 

Justice Anna M. Kross 



Judge S. D. Levy 

Prof. Eduard C. Landsman 

Prof. R. M. Maclver 

Annie Nathan Meyer 

Lewis Mumford 

Dr. Henry Neumann 

Prof. Fredrick L. Schuman 

R S- 



Dr. 



-Philip Silver 



Van Doren 



Lillian D. Wald 



American Committee for Anti-Nazi Literature 
Suite 302—20 Vesey Street 

NEW YORK CITY 

REctor 2-5867 
Cable Address : LITCOM 

March 24, 1939. 
American Civil Liberties Union, 

Neic York City 

Gentlemen: May we have your opinion on the enclosed bill. We would ap- 
preciate a prompt reply. 

Thanking you for your cooperation, we are 
Sincerely yours, 

Leonard S. Beller, Executive Secretary. 
LB: EL. 



Exhibit No. 10 

American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom, 

New York City, January 11, 1940. 
Hon. Martin Dies, 

House Office Building, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. Congressman : On the basis of a careful analysis of the proceedings 
and releases of the Dies Committee, copy of which I am enclosing, the American 
Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom has come to the conclusion 
that the further existence of the Dies Committee would constitute a serious threat 
to intellectual freedom and civil rights in the United States. In our analysis we 
present thorough documentation to substantiate this contention. 

We have also submitted to the Speaker of the House petitions urging the dis- 
continuance of the Dies Committee, signed by 5,672 American citizens, largely 
from the academic and related fields. Further signatures will be transmitted 
this week. Among the signers of this petition are twelve college presidents, six 
college deans, and many other leaders of American culture and professional life. 
I am enclosing a copy of the petition blank and a list of the outstanding signa- 
tories for your consideration. 
Respect fully yours, 

Franz Boss, National Chairman. 

Among the Signatories to the Fetition Sponsored by American Committee 
for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies 
Committee 

Frank E. Baker, President, Milwaukee State Teachers College 
Rufus E. Clement, President, Atlanta University 
Clarence M. Dykstra, President, University of Wisconsin 



1496 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Among the Signatories to the Petition Sponsored by American Committee 
fob Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies 
Com m ittee — Continued 

William Allied Eddy, President, Hobart and William Smith Colleges 

Guy Stanton Ford, President, University of Minnesota 

George Willard Frasier, President, Colorado State College of Education 

Ralph K. Hickok, President, Western College 

Raymond A. Kent, President, University of Louisville 

Frank Kingdon, President, University of Newark 

William A. Neilson, Former President, Smith College 

Walter Dill Scott, Former President, Northwestern University 

Mary E. Woolley, Former President, Mt. Holyoke College 

Harold C. Urey, Nobel laureate in chemistry, Columbia 

John Dewey, Professor emeritus of Philosophy 

Charles A. Beard, Former President, American Historical Association 

J. McKeen Cattell, Editor, "Science" 

Francis .1. McConnell, Bishop, Methodist Church 

Paul U. Kellogg. Editor, "Survey Graphic'' 

Olin Downes, Music Critic, "The New York Times" 

Jonathan Daniels, Editor, "Raleigh News & Observer" 

Paul Robeson, Singer and actor 

Zachariah Chafee, Jr., Professor, Harvard University 

Paul J. Kern, President, Municipal Civil Service Commission of N. Y. C. 

Charlotte Carr, Head, Hull House, Chicago 

Edith Abbott, Dean, University of Chicago School of Social Service 

Ned II. Dearborn, Dean, New York University 

Christian Gauss, Dean, Princeton University 

Malcolm S. McLean, Dean, University of Minnesota 

Frank L. Mott, Dean, University of Iowa 

Carl Wittke, Dean, Oberlin College 

Mary Antin, Author 

Joseph Warren Peach, Author 

Van Wyck Brooks, Author 

Lilliam Hellman, Author 

Inez Haynes Irwin, Author 

Emil Lengyel, Author 

Elmer Rice, Author 

Ralph Boeder, Author 

William Carlos Williams, Author 

Henry Pratt Fairchild, Professor, New York University 

Randolph B. Smith, Director, Cooperative School for Teachers 

Sophronisba P. Breckenridge, Former President, American Association of Schools 

of Social Work 
Comfort A. Adams, Former President, American Institute of Electrical Engineers 
Oswald Veblem. Former President, American Mathematical Society 
John P. Peters, Secretary, Committee of Physicians for Improvement of Medical 

Care 
A. M. Schlesinger, Vice-President, American Historical Association 
W. II. Malison", Editor, "Philosophy of Science" 
Ellsworth Huntington, Professor, Yale University 
Edward C. Tolman„ Professor, University of California 
George I'. Adams, Professor, University of California 
Ralph Linton, Editor, "The American Anthropologist" 
W. A. Oldfather, Former President, American Philological Association 
Walter R. Hager, Secretary, Teachers College, Columbia University 
John F. Fulton, Yale Medical School 

Ralph Barton Perry, Author. Pulitzer Prize biography of William James 
Clyde Eagleton, Professor, New York University 
Karl Menninger, Director, Psychiatric Clinic, Topeka, Kansas 
Robert s. Lynd, Professor, Columbia University 
Fred L. Redefer, Secretary, Progressive Education Association 
[Ialford E. Luccock, Professor, Yale Divinity School 
Alice Hamilton, Professor emeritus. Harvard Medical School 
Vida I >. Scudder, Professor, Wellesley College 
Eugene W. Lyman, Professor, Union Theological Seminary 
D. W. Prall, Professor, Harvard University 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1497 

Among the Signatories to the Petition Sponsored by American Committee 
for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies 
Committee — Continued 

A. J. Carlson, Former President, American Physiological Society 

Paul F. Gemmill, Professor, University of Pennsylvania 

Edgar Dale, Professor. Ohio Slate University 

Lester Dix. Principal, Lincoln School 

V. T. Thayer, Educational Director. Ethical Culture Schools 

Hairy J. Carman, Pro lessor, Columbia University. 

Gortwin Watson. Professor, Columbia University. 

L. G. Earth. Professor, Columbia University. 

Dorothy Douglas, Professor, Smith College. 

Frank H. Hankins, Professor, Smith College. 

Hadley Contril, Professor, Princeton University. 

Roy Dickinson Welch, Professor, Princeton University. 

Hirtley F. Mather, Director, Harvard University, Summer School. 

Morris R. Cohen, Professor, College of the City of New York. 

Harry A. Overstreet, Professor, College of the City of New York. 

Jerome Davis, Former President. American Federation of Teachers. 

Robert Iglehart, Vice President, American Federation of Teachers. 

Alonzo F. Myers. President. New York College Teachers Union. 

Max Lerner, Professor. Williams College. 

Jesse H. Holmes, Professor, Swarthmore College. 

George Soule, Editor. "The New Republic". 

Malcolm Cowley, Editor, "The New Republic". 

Freda Kirchwey, Editor, "The Nation". 

Maxwell S. Stewart, Editor, "The Nation". 

Victor Weybright, Editor, "Survey Graphic". 

Frank C. Bancroft, Editor, "Social Work Today". 

Dashiel Hammett, Author. 

Leone Zugsmith, Author. 

Arthur Koher, Author. 

Countee Cullen, Poet. 

Matthew Josephson, Author. 

Joan Starr Untermeyer, Poet. 

Alfred Kreymborg, Author. 

Donald Ogden Stewart, President, League of American Writers. 

Lewis Mumford, Author. 

Herman Shumlin, Producer. 

AV. W. Norton, Publisher. 

Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Past President, Explorers Club. 

Mario Romaet-Rosenoff, Musician. 

Aaron Copland, Composer. 

Lehman Engel, Musician. 

Rockwell Kent, Artist. 

Morris Carnovsky, Actor. 

Oliver D. Fargo, Author 

Philip Loeb, Actor 

Max Yergan, Secretary, International Institute for African Affairs 

Charles Bolous, Former Councilman, New York City 

Dorothy Kenyon, Former Justice, New York City 

Hugh DeLacy, Councilman, Seattle 

Justine- Miso Polier, Justice, New York City 

Nicholas Tomassetti, Representative, Connecticut 

William Lloyd Imes, Reverend, New York City 

John Howard Lathrop, Reverend, Brooklyn, New York 

Mary Van Kloock, Russell Sage Foundation 

Mrs. Rachel Davis-Dubois, Service Bureau for Intercultural Education 

Dr. Bernard Glucek, Psychiatrist 

John B. Andrews, Secretary, American Association for Labor Legislation 

J. F. Dashiell, Professor, University of North Carolina 

Edward A. Ross, Professor emeritus. University of Wisconsin 

W. H. Manwaring, Professor emeritus, Columbia University 

Willystine Goodsell, Professor emeritus, Teachers College, Columbia University 

Mitchell Franklin, Professor, Tulane Uniro—'ty 



1498 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

\M<».\(; THE SlGNVTORIES TO THE PETITION SPONSORED BY AMERICAN COMMITTEE 

for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies 
Committee — Continued 

Harry Elmer Barnes, Historian and Journalist 

Edwin G. Boring, Professor, Harvard University 

Rev. Alfred W. Swan, Madison, Wisconsin 

Sera Bard Field, Poet 

Charles Erskine Scott Wood, Writer 

S. Stephenson Smith, Professor, University of Oregon 

James B. Carey, Secretary, C. I. O. 

Charles William Taussig, Chairman, National Advisory Committee 

Martha Dodd, Writer 

William E. Dodd, Former Embassador to Germany 

George Seldes, Author 

C. E. Ficken, Dean, Macalester College 



Exhibit No. 11 

James Waterman Wise, Chairman Isobel Walker Soule, Executive Secretary 

Sarah Jackson Smith, Secretary-Treasurer 



Advisory Committee 
Stella Adler 
Helen Alfred 
Leroy Bowman 
Rebecca Grecht 
J. B. S. Hardman 
Mary W. Hillyer 
Lawrence Hosie 
Grace Hutchins 



John Paul Jones 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Freda Kirchwey 
Harry W. Laidler 
Margaret I. Lamont 
Grace Lumpkin 
Vito Marcantonio 
Reinhold Niebuhr 
Clifford Odets 



Evelyn Preston 
Margaret Schlauch 
Sarah Jackson Smith 
Isobel Walker Soule 
Robert Speer 
Eda Lou Walton 
Bertha Pool Weyl 
James Waterman Wise 
Theresa Wolfson 



Citizens Committee to Aid Striking Seamen 
227 West 22nd Street 

NEW YORK CITY 
CHelsea 2-9786 

January 28, 1937. 

Dear Friend : The East Coast Seamen have called off the strike. They have 
won some concessions. This decision will help the West Coast Seamen bring 
their strike to a more successful end. This action has been commended by the 
N. L. R. B. Hearings are being continued by them. 

Now, the seamen are trying to get their jobs back. Many are already on the 
high seas, while others here are carrying on the fight against discrimination, 
lockout, blacklist and the Copeland Bill. These men are still without shelter, 
food and clothing. In addition to the East Coast men. about 1,000 Pacific Coast 
strikers who struck when their vessels reached Eastern shores, are without 
resources. 

These men are entirely dependent on our Soup Kitchen at 338 W. 25th St. for 
food. Debts tor pas. electricity, and oilier essentials threaten its existence. 

You have shown your warm-hearted interest in the men by your contributions 
dining the strike. We appeal to you now — to help these men who conducted an 
heroic, epoch-making battle for 84 long, cold winter days. Many of these men 
are ill due to exposure and undernourishment. 

All we ask you to, do is send a small contribution of. say. one, two or five 
dollars, to tide over a difficult back-to-work period. 

Won't you give your answer today? Please do take out your pen and write 
your check- as soon as you read this letter. 
Very sincerely yours, 



Secretary, Citizens' Committee to M<l Striking Seamen. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1499 



Executive Committee : 

Dr. Worthy M. Tippy, 
Honorary Presidenl 

Prof. Henry Pratt Fair- 
child. President 

Gardner Jackson, Vice 
President 

Robert K. Speer, Treas- 
urer 

Samuel J. Rodman, Sec- 
retary 

Edward K. Kern, Direc- 
tor of Activities 

Algernon Black 

Hadley Cantril 

Ned II. Dearborn 

Dr. Sidney E. Goldstein 

Helen Hall 

Rita Hochheimer 

A. J. Isserman 

Spurgeon Keeny 

Clyde Miller 

Dudley Nichols 

Louise Pearson 

Etta Schneider 

Mark Starr 

Katherine Terrill 

Mrs. Joseph L. White 



Ex hi in r No. 12 

Advisory Board 
Sherwood Anderson 
James W. Angel] 
Louis Adamic 
Thurman Arnold 
Vicki Baum 
William R. Benet 
Franz Boas 
Louis Bromfield 
.lames L. Brewer 
Dr. A. A. Brill 
Heywood Broun 
Senator Arthur Capper 
.Mate Connelly 
Humphrey Cobb 
Olin Downes 
William E. Dodd 
Theodore Dreiser 
Walter Pric hard Eaton 
Dorothy Canfleld Fisher 
Abraham Flexner 
( (smoiid K. Fraenkel 
Edwin Franko Goldman 
Rev. Ernest G. Guthrie 
Dashiell Hammett 
Lillian Hellman 
Jesse H. Holmes 
Mrs. Sheppard Homans 
William K. Howard 



Mrs. Harold L. Ickes 
Rex Ingram 
Stanley M. Isaacs 
Horace M. Kallen 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Paul J. Kern 
Freda Kirchwey 
Fritz Lang 
Robert D. Leigh 
Irene Lewisohn 
Robert Morss Lovett 
Thomas Mann 
Fredric March 
Philip Merivale 
Dudley Murphy 
W. W. Norton 
Lee Pressman 
Will Rogers, Jr. 
Alex Rose 
John Rothschild 
Wm. J. Schieffelin 
Viola Brothers Shore 
Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver 
Rexford G. Tugwell 
Lillian D. Wald 
Walter White 
Mary E. Woolley 



Film Audiences for Democracy 
342 Madison Ave. 

NEW YORK CITY 

Phone VAnderbilt 6-3660 

October 20, 1939. 
Mr. Victor Riesel, 

Managing Editor, The Neiv Leader Publishing Association, 

New York City. 
Dear Mr. Riesel : Mr. Kern requests me to say that he is speaking more or less 
extemporaneously from a handful of notes at the Rand School, Monday. 

If you wish to have your stenographer cover that it is agreeable to Mr. Kern. 
Yours truly, 

Fleet Munson. 

To Encourage films that uphold American democracy, civil liberties, and peace; that pro- 
mote better understanding and improve neighborly relations between racial and re- 
ligious groups ; that present an accurate, undistorted as well as a socially useful por- 
trayal of the contemporary scene. To Oppose all totalitarian trends, attacks on labor, 
and films contrary to the principles of the Bill of Rights 



Vol. 1, No. 2 



Exhibit No. 13 



Films for Democracy 



April 1939 



NEW YORK CITV 

A nonprofit membership organization dedicated to 
and distribution of truthful, fearless films which 
American Democracy. 



President : 

Dr. Henry Pratt Fair- 
child 
Vice President : 

Gardner Jackson 
Treasurer : 

Dr. Robert K. Speer 
Secretary : 

Samuel J. Rodman 



Executive committee : 
Hadley Cantril 
Ned H. Dearborn 
Helen Hall 
A. J. Isserman 
Clyde Miller 
Dudley Nichols 
Louise Pearson 
Mark Stan- 
Mrs. Joseph L. White 



encouraging the production 
safeguard and strengthen 

Advisory Board : 

Sherwood Anderson 
James W. Angell 
Louis Adamic 
Thurman Arnold 
Vicki Baum 
William B. Benet 
Franz Boas 
Louis Bromfield 



68970 — 50 — pt. •_»- 



1500 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Advisory board — Con. 
James L. Brewer 
A. A. Brill 
Heywood Broun 
Senator Arthur Cap- 
per 
Marc Connelly 
Humphrey Cobb 
Olin Downes 
William E. Dodd 
Theodore Dreiser 
Walter Prichard Ea- 
ton 
Dorothy Canfield 

Fisher 
Abraham Flexner 
Osmond K. Fraenkel 
Edwin Franko Gold- 
man 



Advisory board — Con. 

Rev. Ernest G. Guth- 
rie 
Dashiell Hammett 
Lillian Hellman 
Jesse H. Holmes 
Mrs. SLeppard Ho- 

mans 
William K. Howard 
Mrs. Harold L. Ickes 
Rex Ingram 
Stanley M. Isaacs 
Horace M. Kallen 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Freda Kirchwey 
Fritz Lang 
Robert D. Leigh 
Irene Lewisohn 
Robert Morss Lovett 



Advisory board — Con. 

Fredric March 
Thomas Mann 
Philip Merivale 
Dudley Murphy 
W. W. Norton 
Lee Pressman 
John Rothschild 
Will Rogers, Jr. 
Win. J. Schieffelin 
Viola Brothers Shore 
Rabbi Abba Hillel 

Silver 
Rexford G. Tugwell 
Lillian D. Wald 
Walter F. Wagner 
Walter White 
Mary E. Woolley 



Exhibit No. 14 

PROGRAM OF THE GREATER NEW YORK EMERGENCY CONFERENCE 

ON INALIENABLE RIGHTS 

Monday, February 12, 1940, at Two West Sixty-fourth Street, New York City, 
the Meeting House of the Society for Ethical Culture 

Organized antidemocratic forces are threatening the security and 
freedom of human personality and the rights of minority groups here in 
the United States. They are dividing, confusing, and weakening those 
who wish to maintain our free democratic institutions. Such forces 
of oppression and fear, growing stronger because of the war in Europe, 
must not be permitted to overwhelm us. Never before have our consti- 
tutional liberties been under such concerted attack. At this moment 
we have a special responsibility as a united people to meet our danger 
and protect our rights. There are literally thousands of nonpolitical 
organizations in the City of New York which are vitally concerned with 
the maintenance of the Bill of Rights, with minority and neighborhood 
relations, and with antidemocratic legislation. This Conference is for 
them. 

Robeht W. Seaele, Chairman. 
9: 30 a. m. — Registration of delegates and visitors 

11 a. in. — General session 

J'r< .siiliiii/ Chairman: Db. Max Yergax, Director, International 
Committee on African Affairs 

12 : 30 to 2 p. m. — Luncheon interval 

2 5 p. m. — Panel discussions — Announcement of panel chairmen and speakers 

mi page - 
5-8 p. m. — Dinner interval 

8 p. m. — General session — Presiding Chairman: Dr. Frank Kingdon, President, 
Univeristy of Newark 

Reports of panel discusions 

Selection of Continuations Committee 
Speakers : 

Db. .John Elliott, Senior Leader, Society of Ethical Culture 

Congressman John M. Coffee 

Db. Mart E. Woolley, Presidenl Emeritus of Mt. Holyoke College 

Profess b K. N. Llewellyn, Columbia Law School 

Roger \. Baldwin, I Hrector, American Civil Liberties Union 

Samuel L. M. Barlow, National Emergency Conference for Democratic 
Rights 

Other Speakebs to be Announced 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1501 

Greateb New Yokk Emergency Conference ox Inalienable Rights 
Room 508, 2 West 43rd Street, New York City 

I' AN ELS 
PANEL I — "FOREIGN BORN" 

1. How to focus our energies the better to preserve the rights of the foreign 
born. 

2. How the foreign-language and foreign-born groups can unite to preserve 
and enlarge democracy for themselves and for all Americans. 

3. How to bring before the foreign born their duties and privileges as 
Americans. 

4. How to disseminate and coordinate the best in both foreign and American 
cultures that froth may gain in understanding. 

Chairman of Panel: Dr. Frank Kingdon, President, University of Newark. 
Panel Speakers: Dr. Gerald F. Machacek, President, United Czechoslovak Ameri- 
can Societies. 

Erwin H. Klaus, Editor, The German- American. 

Younghill Kang, New York University. 

Edward Corsi, Deputy Commissioner, Department of Public Welfare. 

Vilhjalmur Stefansson. 

Irving Xovick, Acting Secretary, American Committee for the Protection 
of the Foreign Born. 

M. Garriga, Int'l Vice President, Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union. 

Nathaniel Phillips, President, National League for American Citizenship. 

Dr. Emil Lengyel. 

PANEL II "THE CHURCH AND THE CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY" 

1. What Democracy means to Religion. 

2. What Religion means to Democracy. 

3. What are the official attitudes of the Religious Bodies toward all phases 
of Discrimination. 

4. What is involved in freedom of speech for the clergy. 

5. What is the Responsibility of the Church in the face of attacks upon 
Minorities. 

6. What practical methods are available to the Church. 

Chairman of Panel: Rev. Lorenzo H. King, St. Mark's Methodist Church. 
Panel Speakers: Dr. Emanuel Chapman, Fordham University. 
Rev. A. J. Muste, American Labor Temple. 
Rabbi William F. Rosenblum, Exec. Committee member, New York Board of 

Jewish Ministers. 
Rev. John Paul Jones, Union Church of Bay Ridge. 
Dr. Theodore F. Savage, President, the Greater New York Feedration of 

Churches. 
Rabbi David DeSola Pool, Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue. 

PANEL III "LABOR AND DEMOCRACY" 

1. Labor's Civil Rights. 

2. Congressional Investigating Committees 

a. Dies Committee — its methods, procedure and objectives. 

b. The Smith Committee — its methods, procedure and objectives. 

c. The LaFollette Committee — comparison of procedure with that of 
other Congressional investigating committees. 

3. Legislation and the Trade Union Movement 

a. Analysis of the Alien Bills. 

b. Criminal Snydicalism Laws. 

c. The application of the Sherman Anti-trust Act. 

d. The Wages and Hours Law. 



1502 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Chairman of Panel: Leo Huberman. 

Panel Speakers: Merle Vincent, General Solicitor, Wages and Hours Adminis- 
tration. 

Elmer Brown, President, Typographical Union, Local No. 6, A. F. of L. 

Nathan Green. 

Gardner Jackson, Labor's Non-Partisan League. 

Manning Johnson, Business Agent, Cafeteria Employees' Union, A. F. of L_ 

Other speakers to be announced. 

PANEL IV — "ORGANIZING OUR NEIGHBORHOODS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTIox" 

1. Actual experiences of violations of civil liberties in neighborhoods. 

2. Pending Legislation against Civil Liberties. 

3. What the Neighborhoods are accomplishing. Legislative conferences ; citi- 
zens' rights groups ; neighborhood papers ; the financing of neighborhood groups. 

4. Practical steps to be taken to further organization in the neighborhoods. 

Chairman of Panel: Dean Ned H. Dearborn, New York University. 
Panel Speakers: Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs. 
Hon. Vito Marcantonio. 

Dr. Leonard Covello, Principal, Benjamin Franklin High School. 
Thomas E. Stone, Executive Director, New York City Coordinating Com- 
mittee for Democratic Action. 
Lester Granger, Secretary, Committee on Negro Welfare, Welfare Council 
of New York. 

PANEL V — -"EDUCATION AS BASIS FOR TOLERANCE AND DEMOCRACY" 

1. Personal Experiences Dealing with : 

a. Minority Discrimination in Our Schools. 

b. Student Organization and Relations. 

c. Faculty Organization and Relation. 

2. Education and Propaganda. 

3. Legislative Threats to Our Educational System. 

4. What Has Been Done to Counteract Antidemocratic Tendencies in the Field 
of Education. 

5. Practical Steps That Must Be Taken To Preserve Academic Freedom. 
Chairman of Panel : Professor Walter Rautenstrauch, Columbia University. 
Panel Speakers: Dr. Charles H. Fisher, former president, Western Washington 

College of Education. 

Dr. Benjamin Harrow, College of the City of New York. 

Prof. Robert K. Speer, New York University. 

Dr. Bella V. Dodd, Legislative Representative, New York, State Federation 

of Teachers' Union. 
William A. Hamm. Asst. Superintendent of Schools. 
Prof. Doxey R. AVilkerson, Howard University. 

This program, containing the names of the speakers, is a supplement to the 
original Call to the ('(inference issued January .". 1940, Those organizations 
which have not as yet signified their intention of sending delegates, are urged 
to do so, by filling out and mailing without delay the Application for Credential 
printed below. , 

Discussion will be limited to domestic problems related to civil rights, minority, 
and neighborhood relations and to antidemocratic Legislation, with special 
emphasis upon these problems in New York City. 

The main purpose of the discussion in each Panel will be to determine the 
besi and most fruitful methods of coping with the dangers threatening the civil 
rights and security of citizens in their neighborhoods and in the legislative as- 
semblies of the state and nation, and what program of action can he developed 
by churches, schools, labor unions, settlements, fraternal orders and other organi- 
zations to meet these threats. 

No resolutions will be entertained by the chairmen of the panels or of the gen- 
eral meetings. 

Before adjournment of the panel meetings the delegates in each panel will 
nominate representatives from their respective panels for membership on the 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1503 



•Continuations Committee, which will he empowered by the Conference to devise 
means of continuing the work of the Conference. 

Guest tickets are available for interested individuals. The charge for these 
tickets is $1. 

Application for Credential 

greater new york emergency conference on inalienable rights 



2 West 43rd Street, Room 50S, New York City 



PEnnsylvania 6-7948 



Name or Organization- 
Address 

Number of members — 



Our organization will cooperate with the Greater New York Emergency 
Conference on Inalienable Rights through (check participation desired). 

1. Organizational sponsorship and participation. 

2. Organizational participation not involving sponsorship. 

3. Individual observer. 



We shall be represented by the following delegates or observers. (An or- 
ganization may signify immediately its desire to sponsor or participate, 
and later register the names of its delegates or observers.) 

Name of Delegate or Observer 

Address City 

Name of Delegate or Observer 

Address City 



Registration Fee : $1 per delegate or observer, with the exception of youth groups 

which will be charged $.50 



(Signed) 



Name. 
Office- 



Each organization is entitled to two delegates or to two observers. 
Contributions for the support of this conference are cordially invited. 

Greater New York Emergency Conference on Inalienable Rights 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

Robert W. Searle, 

Chairman 
Algernon D. Black 

Vice Chairman 
Jean Bowie, 

Vice Chairman 
Bertha J. Foss, 

Vice Chairman 
Robert K. Strauss, 

Vice Chairman 
Paul Frankfurter, 

Treasurer 
Thomas E. Stone, 

Secretary 
Samuel L. M. Barlow 
Dr. Leonard Covello 
Prof. Richard T. Cox 
Rosalie Manning 
Dr. Charles Obermeyer 
Jeanne Ratner 
Charles I. Stewart 



GENERAL COMMITTEE 

Rabbi J. X. Cohen 
Ambrose Doskow 
Mary Dublin 
Mabel Brown Ellis 
Christopher T. Emmet 
Samuel S. Fishzohn 
Osmond K. Fraenkel 
Winifred Frazier 
Rabbi Sidney Goldstein 
Gilbert M. Haas 
Helen Hall 
Elizabeth Hawley 
Joan Hellinger 
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs 
Prof. William Kil- 

patrick 
Erwin H. Klaus 
Charles E. Lane 
Dr. Gerald F. Machacek 
Polly Obermeyer 
Margaret Parry 



GENERAL COMMITTEE COn. 

Elizabeth Peel 
Rev. A. Clayton Powell 
Jean Reichard 
Alary Sinikhovitch 
Jr. Mis. A. H. Vixrnan 
Dr. Daniel Walsh 

SPONSORS 

Dorothy Andrews 
Luigi Antonini 
Dr. Robert W. Ashworth 
Margaret Culkin Banning 
George Gordon Battle 
Hon. Charles Belous 
Samuel M. Blinken 
Van Wyck Brooks 
Elmer Brown 
William M. Callahan 
James B. Carey 
Hon. Emanuel Celler 



1504 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



sponsors — continued 

Rev. Allan Knight 

Chalmers 
Dr. Emanuel Chapman 
Rev. Everett R. Clinchy 
Rev. F. A. Cullen 
Dean Ned H. Dearborn 
Hon. Samuel Dickstein 
Dr. John L. Elliott 
Dr. Phillips I'. Elliott 
Dr. Haven Emerson 
Dr. Henry Pratt Fairchild 
M. I. Finkelstein 
Pr< f. John A. Fitch 
Rev. George B. Ford 
Rev. Harry Emerson 

Fosdiek 
Ben Golden 
Rabbi Herbert S. 

Goldstein 
Prof. Samuel L. Hamilton 
Rev. Ladislas Harsanyi 
Dr. diaries J. Hendley 
T. Arnold Hill 
Rev. John Haynes Holmes 
Jean Horie 
Rev. Amos Horlacher 
Rev. William Lloyd Imes 
Dr. Alvin Johnson 
Mrs. Ely Jacques Kahn 



sponsors — continued 

Dr. Horace V. Kallen 
Milton Kaufman 
Paul Kellngu 
Hon. Dorothy Kenyon 
Hon. Paul J. Kern 
Freda Kirchwey 
Prof. Philip Klein 
Hon. Anna M. Kross 
Mrs. C. D. Kyle 
Rev. John Howland 

Lathrop 
Richard W. Lawrence 
Abraham Lefkowitz 
Rev. Henry Smith Leiper 
Emil Lengyel 
Dr. Eduard C. Lindeman 
Harold H. Lund 
Rev. George Maier 
Sydney Maslen 
Emmet May 
Hon. Vito Marcantonio 
Dr. Rafael Angel Marin 
Lewis Merrill 
Rev. J. N. Moody 
Hon. Newbold Morris 
Mrs. Alexander Mossman 
Walter Mueller 
Prof. Gardner Murphy 
Hon. James E. Murray 



sponsors — continued 

Dr. Alonzo Myers 
Dr. Henry Newman 
Hon. Nathan D. Perlman 
William Pickens 
Hon. Justine Wise Polier 
Hon. Almerindo Portfolio 
A. Philip Randolph 
Frederick L. Rederfer 
Rev. Herman F. Reissig 
Mrs. Robert V. Russell 
Mgr. John A. Ryan, D. D. 
Otto Sattler 
Rose Schneiderman 
Dr. Guy Emery Shipler 
Rev. H. Norman Sibley 
Samuel S. Solender 
Prof. Robert K. Speer 
L. Elizabeth Spofford 
Rev. Wm. B. Spofford 
Vilhjalmur Stefansson 
Maxwell S. Stewart 
Katherine Terrill 
Eva Terry 

Prof. Harold C. Urey 
Walter White 
James Waterman Wise 
Prof. Mary E. Woolley 
Rev. Benjamin F. Wyland 



Exhibit No. 15 

[From the New York Times, Tuesday, January 31, 1939. Advertisement] 

An Open Letter to the Government and People of the United States 

While you read this message, a major human tragedy is taking place. A 
question of the greatest importance to our country and to the entire world is 
being decided. 

A brave nation is fighting against terrible odds, not only for its own inde- 
pendence and freedom, but for the very life of democracy everywhere. 

The whole world knows now that the "Franco Revolt" is in reality an inva- 
sion. Hitler and Mussolini are bent on destroying the Spanish Republic, and 
with its destruction gaining vastly increased power in the campaign against the 
democracies. They have set out to replace a hopeful young republic with a dic- 
tatorship patterned on the Nazi and Fascist models. In the Italian and German 
press the full of Barcelona was hailed as a "great victory." 

With indescribable brutality and complete disregard for world opinion, they 
have warred against l*>tli the armies and the women and children of Spain. It 
is clear that they intend to use Spain as a means of crippling French and British 
democracy, and as a powerful springboard to South and Central America, where 
their agents have for years been busy spreading propaganda against d smocracy 
and for fascism. 

If Franco, Hitler and Mussolini win in Spain, the fascist penetration of the 
Western Hemisphere will he immensely strengthened. This will mean a greatly 
increased defense problem for the United States. 

It must not be allowed to happen! Democracy cannot permit unending ag- 
gression against it. "Appeasement" has failed. (Tuna. Ethiopia, Austria, 
Czechoslovakia, Spain witness its failure. 

What can our country do? The American people want peace. They abhor 
aggression and warring dictatorships. They are committed to the democratic 
way of life. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1505 



The hard fact is that by our embargo against Spain we are giving aid to Hitler 
and Mussolini and nil they stand for. Our embargo is helping to destroy a 
republic which stands as a powerful bulwark against the fascist plans. If 
that republic is destroyed, much of the responsibility will be ours. 

The signers of this letter believe that Mr. Henry L. Stimson, former U'nited 
States Secretary of State, is right when he says: 

-II' this Loyalist Government is overthrown, it is evident that its defeat will 
be solely due to the tact that it has been deprived of its right to buy from us 
and other friendly nations the munitions necessary for its defense." 

To the plea that the United States must remain neutral, we can only reply 
that an embargo which permits aid to aggressors and denies it to the victim is 
flagrantly unneutral. In the words of President Roosevelt to the 76th Congress, 
"we have learned that when we deliberately try to legislate neutrality, our 
neutrality laws may operate unevenly and unfairly — may actually give aid to 
the aggressor and deny it to the victim." A policy which places a friendly, rec- 
ognized, democratically-elected government on the same plane with the foreign- 
aided insurrectionist cannot, by any canon of law or tradition, be called neu- 
trality. The embargo, as our most distinguished lawyers and historians have 
insisted, is a clear violation of international law. 

We submit to our fellow Americans and to our government that every obli- 
gation of peace, of freedom, of justice, of self-interest, calls upon us to: 

LIFT THE EMBARGO WITHOUT DELAY 

It is not ton late. The Spanish Republic still lives. Its people, who still con- 
trol Central Spain with Valencia and iron-willed Madrid, have no intention of 
surrendering. A simple act of justice on the part of The United States of 
America can still turn the tide in favor of democracy. 

We who have signed this letter want to hear the cheer of hope and new 
courage that will go up in every land, including our own, when the word goes 
out that The United States has lifted the embargo against Spain. 

American public opinion has given our government a clear mandate to act. 
More than 7<i per cent of public opinion, according to the Gallup poll, supports 
the Spanish Republic. 

In the name of American fair play and of all our best traditions — 

In the name of world peace and of democracy — 

LIFT THE EMBARGO NOW 

(Signed) Ernest Sutherland Bates, Robert Benchley, Mare Blitzstein, 
Franz Boas, Mrs. Louis D. Brandeis, Louis Bromfield, Van Wyck 
Brooks, Matthew J. Burns, Henry Seidel Canby, Walter B. 
Cannon, M. D.. Carrie Chapman Catt, Albert Sprague Coolidge, 
William E. Dodd, Sherwood Eddy, Edna Ferber, Christian Gauss, 
Roswell G. Ham, Dashiell Hammett, Henry T. Hunt, Edward L. 
Israel, Paul Kellogg, Rockwell Kent, John A. Kingsbury, Emil 
Lengyel, Oscar E. Maurer, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Henry Mor- 
genthau, William Allen Neilson, Marion Edwards Park, Dorothy 
Parker, Charles Edward Russell, Alfred K. Stern, Paul H. Todd, 
Harold C. Urey, Mary E. Wolley. 



THESE EMINENT AMERICANS HAVE L'RGED THAT THE SPANISH EMBARGO BE LIFTED 

Bishop Julius W. Atwood Rev. Francis J. McConnell Mary K. Simkhovitch 
Rev. W. Russell Bowie Bishop Edward L. Par- Judge Milton E. Gibbs 



Bishop Chauncey B. 

Brewster 
Rev. Hugh Elmer Brown 
Eev. Raymond Calkins 
Bishop Ralph S. Cushman 
Bishon Charles K. Gilbert 
Rev. Charles W. Gilkey 
Rev. William E. Gilroy 
Rev. L. O. Hartman 
Rev. Ivan Lee Holt 
Rev. Moses R. Lovett 
Rev. Halford E. Luccock 



sons 
Rev. Harold C. Phillips 
Rev. Daniel A. Poling 
Rev. Julius S. Seebach 
Rabbi Stephen S. Wise 
Helen Hall 
Linton B. Swift 
Helen M. Harris 
Elsie Voorhees Jones 
Jessie Binford 
Owen R. Lovejoy 
Mary Van Kleeck 



Judge Robert W. Kenny 
Judge Arthur Le Sueur 
Justice Justine Wise Pol- 
ler 
Justice James H. Wolfe 
Hon. Charles Belous 
Hon. Smith W. Brookhart 
Prof. Leslie H. Buckler 
Prof. Michael N. Chanalls 
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs 
Hon. Paul J. Kern 
Hon. Nathan R. Margold 



1506 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



THESE EMINENT AMERICANS HAVE URGED THAT THE SPANISH EMBARGO BE LIFTED COI1. 



Arthur Garfield Hays 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Louis F. MeCabe 
Harold Riegelman 
Frank P. Walsh 
Dean Francis M. Shea 
Natalie Bodanya 
John Alden Carpenter 
Elizabeth Sprague Cool- 

idge 
Walter Damrosch 
Olin Downes 
Jessica Dragonette 
Rosina Lhevinne 
Josef Lhevinne 
Yehudi Menuhin 
Alexander Smallens 
Sigmund Spaeth 



Lawrence Tibbett 
Efrem Zimbalist 
Ernest Hemingway 
Theodore Dreiser 
William Rose Benet 
Margaret Culkin Banning 
Countee Cullen 
R. L. Duffus 

Dorothy Canfield Fischer 
Alfred Kreymborg 
Upton Sinclair 
John Steinbeck 
Louis Adamic 
Harry Elmer Barnes 
Charles A. Beard 
Sherwood Anderson 
Franklin P. Adams 
Maxwell Anderson 



Brooks Atkinson 
Stephen Vincent Benet 
Pearl S. Buck 
Vincent Sheean 
Dorothv Thompson 
Robert C. Clothier 
Ada L. Comstoek 
Henry Pratt Fairchild 
Vida D. Scudder 
Harold G. Urey 
Hairy F. Ward 
Henry L. Stimson 
Margaret Bourke-White 
George Biddle 
Lewis Mumford 
John Dewey 
Daniel L. Marsh 
A. F. Whitney 



THEY SWEPT BACK NAPOLEON i 



THE INVADERS OF 1939 WILL FOLLOW — IF THE EMBARGO 
IS LIFTED 



ACT NOW ! CUT OUT THIS COUPON 



Capitol, Washington, D. G. 
Joining with millions of other Americans of all political and religious faith, I 
urgently request that the Embargo against Republican Spain be lifted now so 
that world peace and democracy may be preserved. • 

Name 

Street Address 

City State 

Fill in name of your Senator or Representative and mail to Brig. Gen. H. C. Newcomer, 
chairman, Washington Committee to Lift Spanish Embargo, room 100, 1410 M. Street NW., 
Washington, D. C. 



Hon. Paul J. Kern, chair- 
man : Honorary vice chair- 
men : Hon. Henry T. Hunt, 
Washington, D. C. ; Judge 
Robert W. Kenny, Los 
Angeles : Prof. Malcolm 
Sharp, University of Chi- 
cago. 
Leo J. Linder, vice chairman ; 
Prof. Herman A. Gray, 
treasurer; Charles Rab- 
bins, secretary. 
St. Clair Adams, New Orleans 
Spencer Austrian, 

Los Angeles 
S. John Block, New York 
George K. Bowden, Chicago 
Louis B. Boudin, New York 
.lames L. Brewer. Rochester 
Maurice C. Brigadier, 

Jersey City 
Bon. Smith W. Brookhart, 

Washington, D. C. 
Prof. Leslie H. Buckler, 
University of Virginia 
Prof. Michael N. Chandlis, 

University of Newark 
Russell N. Chase, Cleveland 
Dr. Felix S. Cohen, 

Washington, D. C. 
Prof. Morris K. Cohen, 

New York 
W. A. Combs, Houston 
Paul Coughlin, Seattle 
Hon. Maurice P. Davidson, 
New York 



Exhibit No. 16 

John P. Davis, 
Washington, D. C. 

Hon. Hubert T. Delaney, 

New York 
John D. Denison. Des Moines 
Richard A. Dowling, 

New Orleans 
Osmond K. Freenkel, 

New York 
Walter Frank, New York 
Leo Gallagher, 

Los Angeles 
Irwin Geiger, 

Washington. D. C. 
Max Golina, Milwaukee 
Judge Milton E. Gibbs, 

Rochester 
Hon. Jonah J. Goldstein, 

New York 
Irvin Goodman, Portland 
Dean Leon Green, 

Northwestern University 
Arthur J. Harvey, Albany 
Prof. II. C. Havighurst, 

Xort hwestern l T ni versify 
Arthur Garfield Hays. 

New York 
Charles II. Houston, 

New Yoik- 
Prof. Samuel Guy Inman, 

New Yoik 
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs, 

New York 
Dorothy Kenyon, New York 
Judge Arthur Le Sueur, 

Minneapolis 



Mark M. Litchman, 

Seattle 
Hon. Vito Marcantonio, 

New York 
Hon. Nathan R. Margold, 

Washington, D. C. 
Louis F. MeCabe, 

Philadelphia 
Carey McWilliams, 

Los Angeles 
Kenneth Meiklejohn, 

Washington, D. C. 
Samuel D. Menin, Denver 
Darwin J. Mesorole, 

New York 
Prof. William E. Mikell, 

Philadelphia 
Earl E. .Miller. Dallas 
Hon. Patrick H. O'Brien, 

Detroit 
Hon. Lsaac Pacht, 

Los Angeles 
Hon. J. Stuart Page, 

Rochester 
Nathaniel Phillips, 

New York 
Justice Justine Wise Polier, 

Xew York 
Walter H. l'ollak, New York 

I Pressman, Pittsburgh 

Prof. Leon A. Ransom, 

Howard University 
S. Roy Remar, Boston 



STATE DEPARTMENT LMPLOYLE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1507 



Harold Riegelman, 

New Xorl 
Mortimer Riemer, 

Washington, 1). C. 
Hon. Lester Wm. Roth, 

Los Angeles 
Harry Sacher, 

New York 



Exhibit No. 10 — Continued 

Robert .1. Silberstein, 

.\c\v Sork 
s. Khan Spiegel, 

Philadelphia 
Harold Strauch, Hartford 
Prof. Wesley A. Sturges, 

Yale University 
Maurice Sugar, Detroit 

(Partial list ) 



A. Ovrum Tapper, Chicago 
Dean William Taylor, 

Howard University 
Clare Warne, Los Angeles 
Ruth Weyand, Chicago 
Carlo Whitehead, l >enver 

.1 list ice .lames 1 1. Wolfe, 
Salt Lake City 



Lawyers Committee on American Relations With Spain 

150 Broadway 

NEW YORK, N. Y. 
REctor 2-S762 

March 5, 1938. 
A. Marx Levien, Esq., 

21 E. 40th St., New York City. 
Dear Sir: We send you a Petition and Memorandum of Law on the Embargo 
against Spain. 

The eminent members of the bar and teachers of law who sponsor and endorse 
the Petition and Memorandum firmly believe that the Embargo is legally un- 
tenable and that it constitutes a violation of fundamental principles of interna- 
tional law and an abandonment and reversal of traditional foreign policy of the 
United States. 

We urge you to join with us in requesting the reconsideration by the President 
and the Congress of the policy of our government towards the republican govern- 
ment of Spain. 

We invite you to sign the Petition and secure the signatures of your colleagues 
and friends in the profession. The matter is urgent and the prompt return of the 
enclosed petition, duly signed, is earnestly requested. 
Respectfully yours, 

Paul J. Kern, Chairman. 



Exhibit No. 17 



Seventy organizations- 



Chairman : 

Susan Jenkins 
Vice Chairmen : 

Meyer Perednock 

Winnifred Freeler 

Rose Nelson 
Secretary : 

Gladys Holland 
Treasurer : 

Gertrude R. Prince 
Executive Secretary : 

Alice R. Collet 
Executive Committee : 

Jack Berbach 

Dr. George Bersky 

Annie S. Bromley 



-settlement houses, consumers cooperatives, trade-unions, and 
others — sponsor the committee 



Sadie Cohen 
George Wegmen Fish 
Mildred Gutullig 
Joseph Gross 
Helen Hall 
Isadore Kerr 
Rudolph Kirwen 
Felice Lourie 
Dr. Mary Meekler 
B. P. McLaurin 
Plingerold Phillips 
Jesse Raphael 
Jessie Seator 
Harold Wettenberg 
Marion Wood 



Advisory Board : 
Ruth Beinduo 
Morris L. Ernst 
Dr. Lewis L. Harris 
Arthur Keller 
Dorothy Kenyon 
Paul J. Kern 
Dr. John A. Kingsbury 
Henry W. Laidler 
Dr. Charles A. Merkes 
Frank Olmstead 
Peggy Packard 
A. Philip Randolph 
Bernard Reis 
Rose Schneiderman 
Mary K. Shilberlich 



Milk Consumers Protective Committee 

Founded by Dr. Caroline Whitney 

An Organization to Represent Consumer Interests 

215 Fourth Avenue 

GRamercy 5-4066 

Chairman, Caroline Whitney Memorial Fund : Elinor Merrell 

April 23, 1940. 
Hon. John J. Dempset, 

Special Committee to Investigate Un-American Activities, 
House Office Building, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: As chairman of the Milk Consumers Protective Committee, I was 
one of those consulted by Consumers Union in their preparation of a letter and 
statement which they recently sent to you asking for a thorough investigation 



1508 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

by your committee of the circumstances surrounding the preparation and release 
of the report on "Communist Work in Consumer Organizations." 

The facts and questionable circumstances indicating a conspiratorial relation- 
ship between your committee's special investigator and an officer of Hearst's 
Magazines. Inc.. are indeed, shocking. I urge that you make a thorough investi- 
gation of these disclosures. I do so not only as chairman of one of the organiza- 
tions attacked in the report, but also as a citizen. Such unorthodox procedure 
on the part of a government body is contrary to our democratic traditions. 
Respectfully, 

Ashe Ingersoll, Chairman. 

AI: RS. 



Exhibit No. 18 
Statement of Senator McCarthy ox Haldore Hansox 

The next case is that of Haldore Hanson. 

This man occupies one of the most strategically important offices in the entire 
State Department. 

It is my understanding that he joined the Department of State in February 
1942, and is recognized in the Department as a specialist and expert on Chinese 
Affairs. 

Hanson, now Executive Director of the Secretariat of the Inter-Departmental 
Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation, will head up a Technical Co- 
operation Projects Staff of the new Point 4 Program for aid to under developed 
areas which will have charge of the expenditures of hundreds of millions of dol- 
lars of our taxpayers' money over all the world. ( Source : Department of State 
Departmental Announcements 41, dated February 21, 1950.) 

The pro-Communist proclivities of Mr. Hanson go back to September 1938. 

Hanson was a contributor to Pacific Affairs, the official publication of the 
Institute of Pacific Relations, whose staff was headed by millionaire Frederick 
Vanderbilt Field, an admitted Communist. Field has devoted bis entire fortune 
to the Communist cause. 

It is important that the committee keep in mind that Mr. Hanson also wrote 
for the magazine Amerasia, of which Philip Jacob Jaffe was managing editor. 

Jaffe was arrested, indicted, and found guilty of having been in illegal posses- 
sion of several hundred secret documents from the State, Navy, War, and other 
Government Department files. 

Mr. Chairman, I have before me a document entitled "Department of State, 
Departmental Announcement 41." The heading is "Establishment of the Interim 
Office for Technical Cooperation and Development." Then in parenthesis, by way 
of explanation of this rather high-sounding name, we find "Point Four Program." 

The first paragraph of the order reads as follows : 

"1. Effective immediately there is established under the direction of the As- 
sistant Secretary for Economic Affairs of the Interim Office for Technical Co- 
operation and Development (TCD)." 

On page 4 we find that the chief of this Technical Cooperations Project Staff 
is one Haldore Hanson. 

Paragraph 2 on Page 1 sets forth the following responsibilities of Hanson's 
division : 

"The Interim Office ,is assigned general responsibility within the Department 
for (a) securing effective administration of programs involving technical as- 
sistance to economically underdeveloped areas and (h) directing the planning 
in preparation for the Technical Cooperation and Economic Development (Point 
Four) Program. In carrying out its responsibilities the Interim Office will rely 
upon the regional bureaus, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and other compo- 
nents of Economic Affairs area for participation in the technical assistance pro- 
grams as specified below, and upon the central administrative offices of the Ad- 
ministrative area for the performance of service functions." 

From this it would appear that his division will have a tremendous amount of 
power and control over the hundreds of millions or billions of dollars which the 
President proposes to spend under his Point Four Program, or what he has 
referred to as the "Bold New Plan." 

Hanson's appointment is not made b.\ the President, hut by the State Depart- 
ment and is not subject to any Senate confirmation. Therefore, it would seem 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1509 

rather Important to examine the background and the philosophy of this young 
man. 

The State Department Biographical Register gives what would on its face 
seem to be a chronological story of an increasingly successful young man. It 
shows that he graduated from college, for example, in 1934 at the age of 22; that 
he was a teacher in Chinese colleges from 1934 to 1937; and then a press cor- 
respondent in China from 1936 to 1939; a staff writer from 1938 to 1942; then 
in 1942 he got a job in the State Department at $4,600 a year ; that in 1944 he was 
listed as a specialist in Chinese affairs at $5,600; that in 1945 he was made Ex- 
ecutive Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State at $6,50U ; that in May of 
1948 he was made assistant chief of the area division number 3; that on June 28, 
1948, he was made acting chief for the Far Eastern Area, Public Affairs Over- 
seas Program Staff; that on November 14, 1948, he was made Executive Director 
of the Secretariat of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Scientific and Cul- 
tural Cooperation. There is certainly nothing unusual about this biography. 
Nothing there to indicate that this man might be dangerous in the State Depart- 
ment as Chief for the Far Eastern Area Public Affairs, Overseas Program Staff, 
during a time when the Communists were taking over China. However, much is 
left out of this biography. It does not show, for example, that this young man 
was running a Communist magazine in Peiping when the Japanese-Chinese war 
broke out. It does not show, for example, that he spent several years with the 
Communist armies in China, writing stories and taking pictures which the 
Chinese Communists helped him smuggle out of the country. Nor does this 
biography show that this man, after his return from China, wrote a book — a book 
which sets forth his pro-Communist answer to the problems of Asiz as clearly 
as Hitler's Mein Kampf set forth his solutions for the problems of Europe. 

Nothing that he has said or done since would indicate that he repudiates 
a single line of that book. 

This man clearly believes that the Communists in China stand for everything 
that is great and good. His is not the picture of a mercenary trying to sell his 
country out for thirty pieces of silver. In reading his book, you are impressed 
with the fact that he firmly believes the Communist leaders in China are great 
and good men and that all of Asia would benefit by being communized. 

Take, for example, what he had to say about Mao Tse-tung, the head of the 
Communist Party at that time and now the Communist ruler of China, and Chu 
Teh, commander in chief of the 8th Route Communist Army, and according to 
Life magazine of January 23, 1950, Number Two man in prestige to Mao Tse- 
Tung. 

In Chapter 23, entitled "Political Utopia on Mt. Wut'Ai", in describing a meet- 
ing with an American Major Carlson, here is what he had to say : 

"We stayed up till midnight exchanging notes on guerrilla armies, the farm 
unions, and the progress of the war. I was particularly interested in the Com- 
munist leaders whom Carlson had just visited and whom I was about to meet. 
Mao Tze-Tung, the head of the Communist Party, Carlson characterized as 'the 
most selfless man I ever met, a social dreamer, a genius living fifty years ahead 
of his time.' And Chu Teh, commander in chief of the 8th Route Army was 'the 
prince of generals, a man with the humility of Lincoln, the tenacity of Grant, 
and the kindliness of Robert E. Lee.' " 

For a man slated a chief of the bureau which may have the job of spending 
hundreds of millions of dollars throughout the world this indicates, to say the 
least, a disturbing amount of hero worship for the number one and number two 
Communist leaders in the Far East today. 

On page 349, he condemns the right wing groups in the Chinese Government 
for "fighting against the Democratic revolution as proposed by Mao Tse Tung 
and the Communists." 

On the same page he points out that anti-Red officials within the government 
were making indirect attacks upon the Communists and that "leaders of the 
Communist youth corps were arrested by military officers at Hankow. I myself 
was the victim of one of these incidents and found that local officials were 
the instigators." 

From Hanson's book it appears that the Nationalist government knew of his 
close collaboration with the Communist Army. For example, on page 350, we 
find that his passport was seized by the police in Sian when they found that 
he was traveling from Communist guerrilla territory to the Communist head- 
quarters. He states that the man responsible "for this illegal action was 
governor Ching Ting-Wen — one of the most rabid anti-Red officials in China. 
The governor's purpose was merely to suppress news about the Communists." 



1510 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Before quoting further from this book written hy Mr. Hanson, it might be 
well to give a clearer picture of the job which Secretary Acheson has picked 
out for him. The State Department document lists some of the duties of his 
bureau as follows : 

1. Developing over-all policies for the program. 

2. Formulating general program plans and issuing planning directives. 

3. Coordinating specific program plans developed by the regional bureaus 
and making necessary adjustments. 

4. Approving projects, determining action agencies, and allocating funds for 
U. S. bilateral programs. 

5. Directing negotiations and relationships with intergovernmental agencies 
and with other D. S. agencies participating in the coordinated program or other- 
wise carrying on technical assistance activities. 

1. Initiating and developing plans for technical assistance programs for indi- 
vidual countries or groups of countries within their respective regions. 

2. Reviewing program proposals affecting their regions which originate from 
any other source. 

.°>. Negotiating and communicating with foreign governments. 

4. Directing State Department personnel assigned abroad to coordinate and 
give administrative and program support to bilateral programs. 

5. Continuously evaluating programs and projects within regions. 

6. Proposing program changes. 

7. Initiating instructions to the field carrying out their responsibilities and 
reviewing all other instructions concerned with technical assistance programs. 

This gives you some idea of the tremendous powers of the agency in which 
Mr. Hanson is a top flight official. 

Let us go back to Hanson's writings : 

All thi-ough the hook he shows that not only did he have complete confidence 
in the Communist leaders but that they also had complete confidence in him. 
On page 256 he refers to how Communist generals Nie and Lu Chen-Tsao acted 
as his couriers, smuggling packets of films and news stories for him with the 
aid of Communist guerrilla spies into Peiping. 

In this connection I might say that he very frankly points out that the Com- 
munists do not tolerate anyone who is not completely on their side. Hansom 
makes it very clear all through the book that he is not only on the Communist side, 
but that he has the attitude of a hero worshiper for the Chinese Communist 
leaders. 

His respect and liking for the Communist leaders permeates almost every 
chapter of the hook. For example, on page 284 and page 285, he tells about how 
some ragged wail's whom he had gathered into his sleeping quarters regarded 
Mao Tse Tung and Chu Ted as "Gods." He then goes on to tell about their 
favorite Communist General, Holung, and states that they convinced him that 
Holung was a very extraordinary man whom they described as "big as a Shan- 
tungese, heavy as a restaurant cook but quick as a cat in battle." He then goes 
on to describe on page 285 how. when he met General Holung, he found him to 
be much as the hero-worshipping boys had described him. "He is." said Hanson, 
"a living picture of Rhett Butler from the pages of Gone With the Wind." 

This praise of Chinese Communist leaders — goes on page after page. On page 
278, he describes Communist General P'eng as the most rigid disciplinarian and 
"the most persistent student of world affairs." 

In Chapter 26, he speaks with apparent bated breath of the "Brain Trust" of 
Communisl leaders who were immortalized by Edgar Snow in his Red star Over 
China. 

On page 295 in referring to two other Communist generals, he says: "Should 
this book ever fall into Communist hands, I must record that those two lonely 
men made excellent company during my three weeks in Yenan." 

After describing in complimentary manner tins university and the students, 
on page 296 he says. "Every cadet divides his time between political and military 
subjects. On the one hand he listens to lectures on Marxian philosophy, the 
historj of the Chinese Revolution, the technique of leading a mass movement: 
on the other hand he studies guerrilla tactics, the use of military maps, and the 
organization of a military labor corps." 

On page 297 he points out that no tuition is charged at the academy and that 
each student is supplied with uniform, books, and food, plus a pocket allowance, 
and then has this to say: •'Some recent visitors to Yenan have spread a report 
that the academies are supported by Russian rubles — a thin piece of gossip. / 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1511 

was told by several Chinese lenders, mchiding Mao Tse-Tung, that the largest 
contributions came from American sympathizers in New York." 

On page 297 and 298, BansoD relates that in talking to one of the Nationalist 
war lords. "I suggested that he could learn a great deal from the Communists 
about discipline and integrity of Leadership." 

On page 303, Hanson has this to say. "My attitude toward Communist China's 
leaders was a mixture of respect for their personal integrity and a resentment 
of i heir suspiciousness. They impressed me as a group of hard-headed, straight- 
shooting realists." 

After an interview with Mao Tse Tung lie states, "I left with the feeling that 
he was the least pretentious man in Yenan and the most admired. He is a com- 
pletely selfless man." 

Following is Hansons description of how the Reds took over. I quote from 
page 102: 

"Whenever a village was occupied for the first time, the Reds arrested the 
landlords and tax collectors, held a public tribunal, executed a few and intimi- 
dated the others, then redistributed the land as fairly as possible." 

In Chapter 28, in comparing the Communists to Chiang Kai-shek's troops, 
Hanson had this to say: 

"I left Yenan with only one conviction about the Communists ; that they were 
fighting against the Japanese more wholeheartedly than any other group in 
China." 

He then goes on to condemn "Red baiting" officials in Chungking. 

On page 312 of his book. Hanson quotes a Communist editor as stating as 
follows : 

"Our relationship to the U. S. S. R. is no different than that of the American 
Communist Party. We respect the work of Russia's leaders and profit by their 
experience wherever we can, but the problems of China are not the same as 
those of Russia. We plan our program from a Chinese point of view." 

Hanson then adds, ''The explanation seemed logical enough to me." 

In connection with Hanson's position as Chief of the Technical Cooperation 
Projects Staff, in charge of Truman's Point Four Program, the following on 
pages 312 and 313 of his book would seem especially significant. He quotes 
Mao Tse Tung as follows : "China cannot reconstruct its industry and com- 
merce without the aid of British and American capital." 

Can there be much doubt as to whether the Communists or the anti-Communist 
forces in Asia will receive aid under the Point Four Program with Hanson 
in charge? 

Gentlemen, here is a man with a mission — a mission to communize the world — 
a man whose energy and intelligence coupled with a burning all-consuming 
mission has raised him by his own bootstraps from a penniless operator of a 
Leftist magazine in Peiping in the middle thirties to one of the architects of 
our foreign policy in the State Department today — a man who, according to 
State Department announcement No. 41 will be largely in charge of the spend- 
ing of hundreds of millions of dollars in such areas of the world and for such 
purposes as he decides. 

Gentlemen, if Secretary Acheson gets away with his plan to put this man 
to a great extent in charge of the proposed Point Four Program, it will, in my 
opinion, lend tremendous impetus to the tempo at which Communism is en- 
gulfing the world. 

On page 32 of his book, Hanson justifies "The Chinese Communists chopping 
off the heads of landlords — all of which is true," because of "hungry farmers." 
That the farmers are still hungry after the landlords' heads have been removed 
apparently never occurred to him. 

On page 31 he explained that it took him some time to appreciate the appalling 
problems which the Chinese Communists were attempting to solve. 

In Chapter 4 of Hanson's book, he presents the stock Communists' arguments 
for the so-called Stalin-Hitler Pact of 1939. 

Secretary Acheson is now putting Hanson in the position to help the Com- 
munists solve the "appalling problems" in other areas of the world with hun- 
dreds of millions or bilious of American dollars. 

The obvious area in which this man will start using American money to help 
the Communists solve the people's problem will be Indo-China and India. 

It should be pointed out that this case was brought to the attention of State 
Department officials as long ago as May 14, 1947. At that time, the Honorable 
Fred Busbey, on the floor of the House discussed this man's affinity for the 
Communist cause in China. 



1512 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit No. 19 

[Department of State. Departmental Announcement 41] 

Establishment ok the Interim Office fob Technical Cooperation and 

Development (Point Four Program) 

1. Effective immediately there is established under the direction of the Assist- 
ant Secretary for Economic Affairs [the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation 
and Development (TCD)]. 

2. The Interim Office is assigned general responsibility within the Department 
for (a) securing effective administration of programs involving technical assist- 
ance to economically underdeveloped areas and (&) directing the planning in 
preparation for the Technical Cooperation and Economic Development (Point 
Four) Program. In carrying out its responsibilities the Interim Office will rely 
upon the regional bureaus, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and other com- 
ponents of Economic Affairs area for participation in the technical assistance 
programs as specified below, and upon the central administrative offices of the 
Administrative area for the performance of service functions. 

3. The Interim Office has specific action responsibility for : 

(c) Developing over-all policies for the program. 

(&) Formulating general program plans and issuing planning directives. 

(c) Coordinating specific program plans developed by the regional bu- 
reaus and making necessary adjustments. 

(d) Approving projects, determining action agencies, and allocating funds 
for U. S. bilateral programs. 

(e) Directing negotiations and relationships with intergovernmental 
agencies and with other U. S. agencies participating in the coordinatpd 
program or otherwise carrying on technical assistance activities. 

(f) Reviewing instructions to the field. 

4. Tbe Interim Office will coordinate the development of operating policies 
governing administrative problems generally applicable to technical assistance 
programs such as utilization of available specialized personnel, conditions of 
employment, and utilization of training facilities. 

5. The regional bureaus have responsibility with respect to technical assist- 
ance programs for : 

(a) Initiating and developing plans for technical assistance programs for 
individual countries or groups of countries within their respective regions. 

(b) Reviewing program proposals affecting their regions which originate 
from any other source. 

(c) Negotiating and communicating with foreign governments. 

(d) Directing State Department personnel assigned abroad to coordinate, 
and give administrative and program support to, bilateral programs. 

(e) Continuously evaluating programs and projects within regions. 

(f ) Proposing program changes. 

(<7) Initiating instructions to the field carrying out their responsibilities, 
and reviewing all other instructions concerned with technical assistance pro- 
grams. . 
Responsibilities previously assigned to the regional bureaus in connection 
with the Philippine Rehabilitation Program, Economic Cooperation Administra- 
tion Aid programs, and existing programs in Germany and Japan are not affected 
by this announcement except for paragraph 4 above which will apply where 
circumstances require. 

6. The Bureau of United Nations Affairs has : 

(a) Action responsibility for : 

1. Developing the U. S. position concerning the international organizational 
machinery to be used in connection with technical assistance activities; 

2. Developing the U. S. position concerning the relative proportions of con- 
tributions to be made by the U. S. and by other countries to the special 
technical assistance accounts of international organizations ; 

3. Coordinating negotiations involving such accounts. 
(&) Advisory responsibility concerning: 

1. The character and scope of technical cooperation programs undertaken 
by international organizations ; 

2. The amounts of U. S. contributions to the special technical assistance 
accounts of international organizations ; 

3. U. S. positions on program allocations from such accounts by interna- 
tional organizations. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1513 

The Bureau of United Nations Affairs maintains general contact with interna- 
tional organizations in line with its over-all responsibilities and arranges for 
direct contact between the United Nations and the participating specialized 
agencies and the Interim Office of Technical Cooperation and Development or 
U. S. agencies on operating program matters as requested by the Interim Office. 
The Bureau for Inter-American Affairs makes corresponding arrangements with 
respect to intergovernmental arrangements of the American states. 

7. The following have such responsibilities in connection with technical assist- 
ance programs as are in accord with their general responsibilities set forth in 
the Organization .Manual of the Department. 

(a) Tbe Office of Financial and Development Policy with respect to the In- 
ternational Bank and Monetary Fund. 

(P) The Office of Transport and Communications Policy with respect to the 
Internationa] Telecommunication Union and the International Civil Aviation 
Organization. 

(c) The UNESCO Relations Staff with respect to UNESCO. 

8. Responsibility for the administration of the Department's scientific and 
technical exchange activities under the U. S. Information and Educational Ex- 
change Act of 1948, and under the Act of August i), 1939, authorizing the Presi- 
dent to render closer and more effective the relationship between the American 
Republics, insofar as these activities are directly related to specific economic 
development projects, is transferred from the Office of Educational Exchange 
to the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development. Activities 
which are not so related remain the responsibility of the Office of Educational 
Exchange. The functions, personnel, and records of the Secretariat of the Inter- 
departmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation are trans- 
ferred from the Office of Education Exchange to the Interim Office for Technical 
Cooperation and Development, except for the editorial functions connected 
with the publication of "The Record'' and the corresponding personnel and 
records, which remain in the Office of Educational Exchange. 

9. The Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs will become the Depart- 
ment's representative on, and the Chairman of, the Interdepartmental Commit- 
tee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation, in place of the Assistance Secretary 
for Public Affairs. He will also serve as Chairman of the Advisory Committee 
on Technical Assistance. The Director of the Interim Office for Technical 
Cooperation and Development will serve as Vice Chairman of both committees. 

10. The other offices under the Assistant Secretary of Economic Affairs advise 
the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development on the economic 
feasibility and desirability of projects and programs, from the standpoint of 
their respective specialized interests ; make or arrange for such economic studies 
and analyses as the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development 
may require; and maintain liaison with U. S. and international agencies and 
with private organizations on matters within their respective fields of interest 
as necessary in the planning and operation of the technical assistance programs. 

11. The Director will become a member of the Board of Directors of the 
Institute of Inter-American Affairs. The Interim Office for Technical Coop- 
eration and Development responsibilities enumerated under 3 and other para- 
graphs above apply in full to technical assistance activities, present and future, 
carried on by the Institute. The Bureau of Inter-American Affairs exercises 
all responsibilities listed under paragraph 5 above with respect to the Insti- 
tute's program. The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development 
and the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs are jointly responsible for develop- 
ing such working arrangements as are necessary to insure the administration 
of the Institute of Inter-American Affairs as a constituent part of a coordinated 
technical assistance program. 

12. The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development consists 
of the following organizational units under the supervision of the designated 
officers : 

Director : Leslie A. Wheeler, Ext. 3871. 

Technical Cooperation Projects Staff, Chief: Haldore Hanson, Ext. 3011, 

5012. 
Technical Cooperation Policy Staff, Chief: Samuel P. Hayes, Jr., Ext 

4r»71, 4572. 
Technical Cooperation Management Staff: Richard R. Brown, Director of 

Executive Staff. E. Ext. 2155. 
(February 21, 1950 J 



1514 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit No. 20 
Senator McCarthy's Statement on Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer 

I should now like to take up the case of Esther Caukin Brunauer, Assistant 
Director of Policy Liaison, UNESCO Relations Staff, Department of State, as a 
salary of $9,70G a year according to the current Federal Register. 

I urgently request that this committee give serious consideration to the details 
of this case and act immediately to ascertain the facts. 

Mrs. Brunauer was fur many years Executive Secretary of the American Asso- 
ciation of University Women. 

Mrs. Brunauer was instrumental in committing this organization to the support 
of various front enterprises, particularly in the so-called consumer held. One 
such instance of this activity was reported in the New York Times of April 27, 
1943. In that case the American Association of University Women joined with 
Consumers Union, The League of Women Shoppers, and other completely Com- 
munist controlled fronts. I have explained to the committee that these organiza- 
tions have heen declared subversive by various governmental agencies. 

Exhibit R indicates that Mrs. Brunauer presided at a Washington meeting of 
the American Friends of the Soviet Union. This organization has been cited as 
subversive by the Attorney General of the United States, the House Committee 
on Un-American Activities and the California Committee on Un-American 
Activities. The principal speaker at this meeting was Myra Page, long an 
avowed leader of the Communist Party and frequent writer for the Daily Worker 
and other Communist periodicals. 

Certainly this committee has no doubts as to the domination by the Communist 
Party of the American Youth Congress. It has been cited as subversive by the 
Attorney General and other governmental agencies. 

Exhibit S shows Esther Caukin Brunauer was a signer of the call to the annual 
meeting of the American Youth Congress in 193S. 

Esther Brunauer is the wife of Stephen Brunauer, a Hungarian by birth. He 
is a scientist who has had the rank of Commander in the United States Navy and 
his scientific work has involved some of the topmost defense secrets which the 
armed forces of his country possess. 

I think it highly important that this committee immediately, in accordance 
with their mandate from the Senate, obtain the files of the Federal Bureau of 
Invesigation, Naval Intelligence, and the State Department on the activities of 
Stephan Brunauer, the husband of this ranking official of the State Department. 

I ask that the committee immediately seek to learn whether or not Stephan 
Brunauer has 

1. Been the subject of a constant investigation by government agencies over 
a period of ten years. 

2. A close friend and collaborator of Noel Field, known Communist who re- 
cently and mysteriously disappeared behind the Iron Curtain. 

3. He has admitted to associates that he was a member of the Communist 
party. 

I am reluctant to go any further into this case but I am prepared to produce 
competent witnesses who will testily to the importance of immediate action in 
this matter. 

It can be readily shown that at least three government agencies have been 
sifting the activities of a small group of people whose work seriously threatens 
the security of the country. 

Certainly the Communist front activities of Mrs. Brunauer are sufficient to 
seriously question her security status. 



Exhibit No. 21 
"WHO RULES IX SOVIET RUSSIA/" 



A Lecture by Myra Page, Author — Educator — Lecturer. Typographical Tkm- 
ci];. 423 G Street, X. W., Thursday, June 11th, 1936, S: 3u I'. M. Dr. Esther 
Brunaukr. Will Preside 

"A timely and interesting discussion on a much debated subject hy a well- 
known American writer, who has spent 2 years in The Soviet Union. Myra Page 
is the author of several hooks. Her most recent one is ".Moscow Yankee.'' She 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1515 



is an instructor ;it Commonwealth College in Arkansas. Formerly on the staff 
of the "Moscow Daily News." she is a contributor to the "Nation," "New Re- 
public," and other American periodicals and is on the Editorial staff of the Maga- 
zine "Soviet Russia Today." 

Admission ::."> Cents. Auspices A. F. S. U. 



Exhibit No. 22 

Calling the Congress of Youth 

We the undersigned* urged the organizations of youth and the agencies serving 
youth to respond to this Call to the Congress of Youth. We take the initiative 
in calling the young people of America together to give them an opportunity to 
consider their mutual problems and train themselves for self-government by 
practicing citizenship. 



John P. Davis. National Negro Congress. 

Courtenay Dinwiddie, National Child 
Labor Committee. 

Dorothy Canfield Fisher. 

W. P. Freeman, Order of Rainbow 
Girls. 

T. Arnold Hill, National Urban League. 

Chas Kimball, League of Nations Asso- 
ciation. 

Mrs. Elgerton Parsons, Pan-Pacific 
Women's Association. 

Leland Rex Robinson, League of Na- 
tions Association. 

Lester F. Scott, Camp Fire Girls. 

George N. Sinister, Commonweal. 

George Soule, editor, the New Republic. 

Monroe Smith, American Youth Hostels 
Association. 

Oswald Garrison Villard, the Nation. 

< !. W. Warbasse, Cooperative League of 
the U. S. A. 

Richard Welling. National Self -Govern- 
ment Committee. 

Max Yergan, International Committee 
on African Affairs. 

women's organization 

Mary McLeod Bethune, National Coun- 
cil of Negro Women. 

Esther Caukin Brunauer, American As- 
sociation of University Women. 

Hannah Clothier Hull, Women's Inter- 
national League for Peace and Free- 
dom. 

Lena Madesin Phillips, International 
Federation of Business and Profes- 
sional Women. 

Josephine Schain, National Committee 
on the Cause and Cure of War. 



health 

Dr. Reginald M. Atwater, American 
Public Health Association. 

Dr. Kendall Emerson, National Tuber- 
culosis Association. 

Dr. Edward Hume. Christian Medical 
Council for Overseas Work. 

E. D. Mitchell, Journal of Health and 
Physical Education. 

William F. Snow, American Social Hy- 
giene Association. 

education 

LeRoy E. Bowman. 

William H. Bristow, National Congress 
of Parents and Teachers. 

Mrs. H. R. Butler, National Congress of 
Colored Parents and Teachers. 

President W. W. Comfort, Haverford 
College. 

President Donald J. Cowling, Carleton 
College. 

President John W. Davis, West Virginia 
State College. 

Edgar J. Fisher, Institute of Interna- 
tional Education. 

Robert Morss Lovett, University of Chi- 
cago. 

President Henry Noble MacCracken, 
Yassar College. 

Acting President Nelson P. Mead, Col- 
lege of the City of New York. 

Ordway Tead, Board of Education, New 
York. 

Irina E. Voight, National Association of 
Deans of Women. 

Mary E. Woolley, president emeritus, 
Mount Holyoke College. 



*The signers are issuing this Call, not as the official representatives of their organiza- 
tions, but in their personal capacities as individuals deeply concerned with the role of 
young people in the United States. 



68970 — 50 — pt. 2- 



1516 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



TRADE UNION 

Luigi Antoninni, International Ladies' 

Garment Workers Union. 
Hevwood Broun, American Newspaper 

Guild. 
Redmond Burr, Order of Railway Te- 
legraphers. 
Jerome Davis, American Federation of 

Teachers. 
Frank Gillmore, Associated Actors and 

Artists of America. 
J. B. S. Hardman, editor, the Advance, 

Amalgamated Clothing Workers of 

America. 
Gardner Jackson, Labor's Nonpartisan 

League. 
Spencer Miller, Jr., Workers Education 

Bureau of America. 
Philip Murray, Steel Workers Organiz- 
ing Committee. 
A. Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of 

Sleeping Car Porters. 
Reid Robinson, International Union of 

Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers. 
Rose Schneiderman, Women's Trade 

Urn ion League. 
A. F. Whitney, Brotherhood of Railway 

Trainmen. 

SOCIAL SERVICE 

Lucy P. Carner, Council of Social Agen- 
cies of Chicago. 

Charlotte Carr, Hull House. 

Hazel E. Foster, Association of Church 
Social Workers. 

Helen Hall, National Federation of 
Settlements. 

Fred K. Hoehler, American Public Wel- 
fare Association. 

Howard R. Knight, National Confer- 
ence of Social Work. 

Eduard C. Lindenian, New York School 
of Social Work. 

Francis H. McLean, Family Welfare 
Association of America. 

Lillie M. Peck, National Federation of 
Settlements. 

Mary K. Simkhovitch, Greenwich 
House. 

Lillian D. Wald, Henry Street Settle- 
ment House. 

GOVERNMENT 

Ruth O. Blakeslee, Social Security 

Board. 
C. A. Bottolfsen, Governor of Idaho. 

Arnold B, Cammerer, National Parks 

Service. 
Arthur Capper, U. S. Senator from 

Kansas. 

John M. Coffee, U. S. Representative 

from Washington. 
L. D. Dickenson, Governor of Michigan. 



government — continued 

Matthew A. Dunn, U. S. Representative 
from Pennsylvania. 

James A. Farley, U. S. Postmaster Gen- 
eral. 

Thomas F. Ford, U. S. Representative 
from California. 

Frank W. Fries, U. S. Representative 
from Illinois. 

Lee E. Geyer, U. S. Representative from 
California. 

Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the In- 
terior. 

Ed. V. Izak, U. S. Representative from 
California. 

R. T. Jones, Governor of Arizona. 

Marvel M. Logan, U. S. Senator from 
Kentucky. 

Robert Marshall, United States For- 
estry Service. 

John Moses, Governor of North Dakota. 

James E. Murray. U. S. Senator from 
Montana. 

Culbert L. Olson, Governor of Cali- 
fornia. 

Robert F. Wagner. U. S. Senator from 
New York. 

C. W. Warburton, U. S. Department of 
Agriculture. 

M. L. Wilson, Under Secretary of 
Agriculture. 

RELIGIOUS 

Henry A. Atkinson. World Alliance for 

International Friendship Through 

the Churches. 
Naomi Brodie, Junior Hadassah. 
Mrs. Samuel McCrea Cavert, Young 

Women's Christian Association. 
Samuel M. Cohen. Young People's 

League of the United Synagogue of 

America. 
Bishop Ralph S. Cushman, Methodist 

Episcopal Church. 
Robert C. Dexter, American Unitarian 

Association. 
Mrs. Kendall Emerson, Young Women's 

Christian Association. 
Frederick L. Fagley, General Council 

of the Congregational and Christian 

Churches. 
Stephen H. Fritchnian, Unitarian 

Youth Commission. 
William E. Gardner, National Young 

People's Christian Union of the 

Universalist Church. 
Philip B. Heller, American Jewish 

Congress. 
Rufus M. Jones, American Friends 

Service Committee. 
Caroline B. Lourie. National Council of 

Jewish Juniors. 
Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea. 
J. Carrel] Morris, Chistian Youth 

Council of North America. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1517 

religious — continued 

Helen Morton. National Intercollegiate Katherine Terrill, Council for Social 

Christian Council. Action, Congregation and Christian 

Reverend A. Clayton Powell, Jr., , Church. 

Abyssinian Baptist Church. J ls4dat7on' * Christian 

Henrietta Roelofs, Young Women's Chai . les c> Webber, Methodist Federa- 

Christian Association. tioI1 for Social Service. 

Carl C. Seitter, National Council of Bishop Herbert Welch, Methodist Epis- 

Methodist Youth. copal Church. 

NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM 

Support of — 

Thonias-Larrabee Federal Aid to Education Bill. 

Wagner Health Bill. 

Bloom Neutrality Act Revision Bill. 

Pittman Resolution embargoing violators of Nine-Power Treaty. 

Wagner-Van Nuys Anti-Lynching Bill. 

Mitchell Bill barring discrimination on interstate carriers. 

Wagner Labor Relations Act without amendment. 

Wagner-Rogers Child Refugee Bill. 

Amendments to Social Security Act extending benefits to migratory, agri- 
cultural and domestic workers. 

Pensions of $60 per month at age 60. 

Extension of Federal Farm Loans. 

Placement of C. C. C. under civilian control and extension of educational 
program. 

Expansion of N. Y. A. and W. P. A. 

Ratification of — 

Child Labor Amendment. 

Repeal of — 

Oriental Exclusion Act. 

Opposition to — 

Smith Omnibus Bill and others directed at curtailment of civil liberties. 

OFFICERS ELECTED 

The Nominations Committee, elected at the Congress, presented a slate of 
Officers, made up from nominations received from organizations and State 
Delegation meetings, to the Joint Session of Senate and House. At the Session, 
declinations, substitutions, and nominations were accepted from the floor and a 
final ballot distributed for the vote resulting in the election of the following 
Officers : 

Chairman — Jack McMichael, National Intercollegiate Christian Council. 
Vice-Chairmen : 

J. Carrel Morris, Christian Youth Council of North America. 

James B. Carey, United Electric, Radio and Machine Workers of America. 

Mary Jeanne McKay, National Student Federation of America. 

Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea. 

Edward E. Strong/National Negro Congress, Youth Section. 

James V. Krakora, Czechoslovak Society of America. 

(Representative of farm organization to be named later). 
Regional representatives : 

New England : Alexander Karanikas, Massachusetts Youth Congress. 

Middle Atlantic : Michael Gravino, New York State Youth Council. 

East Central : Myrtle Powell, Pittsburgh Y. W. C. A. 

South : Thelma Dale, Southern Negro Youth Congress. 

Miss Jimmy Woodward, Y. W. C. A., Randolph-Macon College. 

South West : Wynard Norman, Oklahoma Citv Youth Assembly. 

West Central : Harlan Crippen, Minnesota Youth Assembly. 

West Coast and Rocky Mountain : Clara Walldow, California Youth Legis- 
lature. 

Puerto Rico : Julia Rivera. 



1518 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Treasurer : Harriet Pickens, Business and Professional Council, Y. W. C. A. 
Executive Secretary : Joseph Cadden. 
Representatives-at-Large : 

Clarence Carter, Connecticut Conference of Youth. 

Daniel J. Spooner, Young Peoples League of the United Synagogue of 

America. 
Howard Ennes, Washington, D. C, Youth Council. 
Joseph Lash, American Student Union. 
Margeret Day, National Federation of Settlements. 

Josiah R. Bartlett, Social Action Committee, Union Theological Seminary. 
(Representatives of Industrial Council, Y. W. C. A. and an A. F. of L. Union 
to be named later.) 
Elected Officers listed above constitute the Cabinet of the American Youth 
Congress. 

The Cabinet, meeting on July 5, made the following appointments : 
Administrative Secretary — Frances M. Williams. 
Legislative Director — Abbott Simon. 

CREDENTIALS REPORT 

Presented b/i the Chairman of the Credentials Committee, Roy Lancaster of the 

ria.s By-Product, Coke and Chemical Workers. 

73t> Senators and Representatives representing organizations with a total 
membership of 4,G')7,915 (after subtraction for duplication) are accredited at 
the Congress of Yoath. Of these, 96 are Senators delegated by 63 different 
national organizations ; 640 are Representatives from 450 organizations. 

Representation of women is approximately two-thirds that of men. The 
youngest delegate is 14 years old and the median age is 22. 



Exhibit No. 23 

[From the New York Times, Thursday, March 16, 1939] 

New Peace Group Is Organized Here — 17 Leaders of Various U. S. Organiza- 
tions Join in Drive for Cooperative Program — Oppose Isolation Policy — 
Revision of Neutrality Act To Be Sought — Eichelberger Is Elected 
Chairman 

A new peace organization to campaign for international cooperation under the 
leadership of the United States, as distinguished from isolation, was started 
here yesterday under the name of the American Union for Concerted Peace 
Efforts. 

In launching it, seventeen leaders of national organizations declared their con- 
viction that the only road to peace for the United States and the world was a 
vigorous three-point foreign policy : "To oppose aggression, to promote justice 
between nations, to develop adequate peace machinery." 

The new peace union likewise announced plans for a Conference of One Hun- 
dred to be held in Washington on April 15 and 16 to bring together leaders of 
organized public opinion. 

Eichelberger Is Chairman 

Clark M. Eichelberger, national director of the League of Nations Association, 
who was elected chairman of the executive committee of the new peace body, 
said yesterday it would emphasize a campaign to support the revision of our 
present Neutrality Act along the lines of the amendment recently introduced by 
Senator Elbert D. Thomas of Utah. 

This amendment would have the practical effect of giving the President and 
Congress an opportunity to decide who was the aggressor and to withhold the 
economic resources of the United States from the aggressor while continuing to 
supply aid to the victim. 

"World cooperation alone can protect American interests," said the statement 
of principles announcing the new group. "Consequently we support the leader- 
ship of the United States in the cooperative use of its moral, diplomatic, and eco- 
nomic power to find ways short of war to let the aggressor know that he can go 
no further." 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1519 

Henry A. Atkinson, general secretary of the World Alliance for International 
Friendship Through the Church and Church Peace Union, is vice chairman of the 
ii '\v peace anion; Edgar J. Fisher, assistant director of the Institute of Inter- 
national Education, is treasurer: and William W. Hinckley, chairman of the 
National Council of the American Youth Congress, is secretary. 

OTHERS ON THE COUNCIL 

Other members of the executive committee are: 

Vera W. Beggs, chairman of international relations, General Federation of 
Women's Clubs. 

Esther Caukin Brunauer, associate in international education, American Asso- 
ciation of University Women. 

Charles G. Fenwick, Professor of International Law, Bryn Mawr College. 

Margaret Forsyth, chairman, women's committee, American League for Peace 
and Democracy. 

Emily J. Hickman, chairman, international section, public affairs committee, 
National Board, YWCA. 

Alves Long, former chairman, department of international relations, General 
Federation of Women's Clubs. • 

Rhoda McCullock, editor of Women's Press, published by the National Board 
of the YWCA. 

Marion M. Miller, executive secretary, National Council of Jewish Women. 

Hugh Moore of Easton, Pa. 

Josephine Schain, chairman, National Committee on the Cause and Cure of 
War. 

James T. Shotwell, president, League of Nations Association. 

Mary E. Woolley. chairman, international relations committee, American 
Association of University Women. 



Exhibit No. 24 
[From the New York Times, December 3, 1938] 

Peace Group Seeks Aggressor Curbs — Committee Starts Campaign for an 
Amendment to ( >ur Neutrality Statute — Would Aid Victim States — Present 
Act Assailed as Not Being Neutral and Danger to Peace of This Country 

The Committee for Concerted Peace Efforts, composed of leaders of fifteen 
national organizations interested in world peace, started a campaign yesterday 
for an amendment to the United States Neutrality Act so this country can 
"determine the aggressor and apply embargoes to that State only and not to 
its innocent victim." The committee's statement, it announced, had been signed 
by the entire membership. 

The statement called on the American people to write to their Members of 
Congress urging "an amendment which will distinguish between aggressor and 
victim ; which will stop shipments of munitions and raw materials to aggi'essors." 
The present act, according to the statement "is not neutral" and "encourages 
aggression and rebellion," "is un-American," and "endangers the peace of the 
United States." 

The committee asserted that "if these changes were made and the act invoked 
Japan could no longer secure from us the 54 percent of the essential war supplies 
she must purchase from abroad in order to continue her war in China." The 
act. said the committee, should provide that "whenever the President finds that 
war exists between nations, in violation of the Kellogg Pact or any other treaty 
to which the United States is a party" he shall consult with other States at 
peace, determine the aggressor and apply the embargo. 

The membership of the committee, as made public yesterday, follows : 

Clark M. Eichelberger, national director, League of Nations Association, and 
chairman, Committee for Concerted Peace Efforts. 

Henry A. Atkinson, general secretary. World Alliance for International Friend- 
ship Through the Churches and Church Peace Union. 

Edgar J. Fisher, assistant director, Institute of International Education. 

William W. Hinckley, chairman. National Council, American Youth Congress. 

Mrs. Vera W. Beggs, chairman, International Relations of General Federation of 
Women's Clubs. 



1520 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer, associate in international education, American 

Association of University Women. 
Charles G. Fenwick, president, Catholic Association for International Peace. 
Mrs. Margaret Forsyth, chairman, women's committee, American League for 

Peace and Democracy. 
Dr. Emily J. Hickman, chairman, international section, public affairs committee, 

national board, Y. W. O. A. 
Miss Alves Long, former chairman, department of international relations, 

General Federation of Women's Clubs. 
Mrs. Marion M. Miller, executive secretary, National Council of Jewish Women. 
Miss Henrietta Roelofs, executive of public affairs committee, National Board 

of Young Women's Christian Association. 
Miss Josephine Schain, chairman, national committee on the Cause and Cure 

of War. 
James T. Shotwell, president, League of Nations Association. 
Dr. Mary E. Woolley, chairman, international relations committee, American 

Association of University Women, 



Exhibit No. 25 
PROCEEDINGS— CONGRESS OF YOUTH, JULY 1-5, 1939, NEW YORK CITY 

Calling the Congress of Youth 

We the Undersigned* urge the organization of youth and the agencies serving 
youth to respond to this Call to the Congress of Youth. We take the initiative 
in calling the young people of America together to give them an opportunity 
to consider their mutual problems and train themselves for self-government by 
practicing citizenship. 



John P. Davis, National Negro Congress 

Courtenay Dinwiddie, National Child 
Labor Committee 

Dorothy Canfield Fisher 

W. P. Freeman, Order of Rainbow for 
Girls 

T. Arnold Hill, National Urban League 

Chase Kimball, League of Nations As- 
sociations 

Mrs. Edgerton Parsons, Pan-Pacific 
Women's Association 

Leland Rex Robinson, League of Nations 
Association 

Lester F. Scott, Camp Fire Girls 

George N. Shuster, "Commonweal" 

George Soule, Editor, "The New Re- 
public" 

Monroe Smith, American Youth Hostels 
Association 

Oswald Garrison Villard, "The Nation" 

C. W. Warbasse, Cooperative League of 
the U. S. A. 

Richard Welling. National Self-Govern- 
ment Committee 

Max Yergan, International Committee 
on African Affairs 

women's organizations 

Mary McLeod Bethune, National Coun- 
cil of Negro Women 

Esther Caukin Brunauer, American As- 
sociation of University Women 

Hannah Clothier Hull, Women's Inter- 
national League for Peace and Free- 
dom 



women's organizations — continued 

Lena Madesin Phillips, International 
Federation of Business and Profes- 
sional Women 

Josephine Schain, National Committee 
on the Cause and Cure of War 

health 

Dr. Reginald M. Atwater, American Pub- 
lic Health Association 

Dr. Kendall Emerson, National Tuber- 
culosis Association 

Dr. Edward Hume, Christian Medical 
Council for Overseas Work 

E. D. Mitchell, Journal of Health and 
Physical Education 

William F. Snow, American Social Hy- 
giene Association 

EDUCATION 

LeRoy E. Bowman 

William II. Bristow, National Congress 
of Parents and Teachers 

Mrs. H. R. Butler, National Congress 
of Colored Parents and Teachers 

President W. W. Comfort, Haverford 
College 

President Donald 
College 

President John W 
State College 

Edgar J. Fisher, Institute of Interna- 
tional Education 



J. Cowling, Carleton 
Davis, West Virginia 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1521 



education — continued 

Robert Moras Lovett, University of Chi- 
cago 

President Henry Noble MacCracken, 
Yassar College 

Acting President Nelson P. Mead, Col- 
lege of the City of New York 

Ordwav Tead, Board of Education, New 
York 

lrma E. Voight, National Association of 
Deans of Women 

Mary E. Woolley, President Emeritus, 
Mount Holyoke College 

TRADE-UNION 

Luigi Antonini, International Ladies' 
Garment Workers Union 

Hevwood Broun, American Newspaper 
Guild 

Redmond Burr, Order of Railway Teleg- 
raphers 

Jerome Davis. American Federation of 
Teachers 

Frank Gillmore, Associated Actors and 
Artists of America 

J. B. 8. Hardman. Editor, "The Ad- 
vance," Amalgamated Clothing Work- 
ers of America 

Gardner Jackson, Labor's Non-Partisan 
League 

Spencer Miller, Jr., Workers Education 
Bureau of America 

Philip Murray, Steel Workers Organiz- 
ing Committee 

A. Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of 
Sleeping Car Porters 

Reid Robinson, International Union of 
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers 

Rose Schneiderman, Women's Trade 
Union League 

A. F. Whitney, Brotherhood of Railway 
Trainmen 

SOCIAL SERVICE 

Lucy P. Carner, Council of Social Agen- 
cies of Chicago 

Charlotte Carr, Hull House 

Hazel E. Foster, Association of Church 
Social Workers 

Helen Hall, National Federation of Set- 
tlements 

Fred K. Hoehler, American Public Wel- 
fare Association 

Howard R. Knight, National Confer- 
ence of Social Work 

Eduard C. Lindeman, New York School 
of Social Work 

Francis H. McLean, Family Welfare As- 
sociation of America 

Lillie M. Peck, National Federation of 
Settlements 

Mary K. Simkhovitch, Greenwich House 

Lillian D. Wald, Henry Street Settle- 
ment House 



GOVERNMENT 

Ruth O. Blakeslee, Social Security 
Board 

C. A. Bottolfsen, Governor of Idaho 

Arnold B. Cammerer, National Park 
Service 

Arthur Capper, U. S. Senator from 
Kansas 

John M. Coffee, U. S. Representative 
from Washington 

L. D. Dickenson, Governor of Michigan 

Matthew A. Dunn, U. S. Representative 
from Pennsylvania 

James A. Farley, U. S. Postmaster Gen- 
eral 

Thomas F. Ford, U. S. Representative 
from California 

Frank W. Fries, U. S. Representative 
from Illinois 

Lee E. Geyer, U. S. Representative from 
California 

Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of- the In- 
terior 

Ed. V. Izak, U. S. Representative from 
California 

R. T. Jones, Governor of Arizona 

Marvel M. Logan, U. S. Senator from 
Kentucky 

Robert Marshall, United States Forestry 
Service 

John Moses, Governor of North Dakota 

James E. Murray, U. S. Senator from 
Montana 

Culhert L. Olson, Governor of Califor- 
nia 

Robert F. Wagner, U. S. Senator from 
New York 

C. W. Warburton, U. S. Department of 
Agriculture 

M. L. Wilson, Under Secretary of Agri- 
culture 

RELIGIOUS 

Henry A. Atkinson, World Alliance for 

International Friendship Through the 

Churches 
Naomi Brodie, Junior Hadassah 
Mrs. Samuel McCrea Cavert, Young 

Women's Christian Association 
Samuel M. Cohen, Young People's 

League of the United Synagogue of 

America 
Bishop Ralph S. Cushman, Methodist 

Episcopal Church 
Robert C. Dexter, American Unitarian 

Association 
Mrs. Kendall Emerson, Young Women's 

Christian Association 
Frederick L. Fagley, General Council of 

the Congregational and Christian 

Churches 
Stephen H. Fritchman, Unitarian Youth 

Commission 
William E. Gardner, National Young 

People's Christian Union of the Uni- 
versalis! Church 



1522 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

religious — continued 

Philip B. Heller, American Jewish Con- Henrietta Roelofs, Young Women's 

gress Christian Association 

Rufus M. Jones, American Friends Carl C. Seitter, National Council of 

Service Committee Methodist Youth 

Caroline B. Lourie, National Council of Katherine Terrill, Council for Social 

Jewish Juniors Action, Congregation and Christian 

Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea Church 

J. Carrell Morris, Christian Youth Jay A. Urice, Young Men's Christian 

Council of North America Association 

Helen Morton, National Intercollegiate Charles C. Webber, Methodist Federa- 

Christian Council tion for Social Service 

Reverend A. Clayton Powell, Jr., Abys- Bishop Herbert Welch, Methodist Epis- 

synian Baptist Church copal Church 

NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE PE0GRAM 

Support Of 

Thomas-Larrabee Federal Aid to Education Bill. 

Wagner Health Bill. 

Bloom Neutrality Act Revision Bill. 

Pittman Resolution embargoing violators of Nine-Power Treaty. 

Wagner- Van Nuys Anti-Lynching Bill. 

Mitchell Bill barring discrimination on interstate carriers. 

Wagner Labor Relations Act without amendment. 

Wagner-Rogers Child Refugee Bill. 

Amendments to Social Security Act extending benefits to migratory, agri- 
cultural and domestic workers. 

Pensions of $60 per month at age of 60. 

Extension of Federal Farm Loans. 

Placement of C. C. C. under civilian control and extension of educational 
program. 

Expansion of N. Y. A. and W. P. A. 
Ratification of — 

Child Labor Amendment. 
Repeal of — 

Oriental Exclusion Act. 
Opposition to — 

Smith Omnibus Bill and others directed at curtailment of civil liberties. 

OFFICERS ELECTED 

The Nominations Committee, elected at the Congress, presented a slate of 
Officers, made up from nominations received from organizations and State Dele- 
gation meetings, to the Joint Session of Senate and House. At the Session, 
declinations, substitutions, and nominations were accepted from the floor and a 
final ballot distributed for the vote resulting in the election of the following 
Officers : 

Chairman: Jack McMichael, National Intercollegiate Christian Council. 
Vice Chairman : J. Carrel Morris, Christian Youth Council of North America. 

James P>. Carey, United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America. 

Mary Jeanne McKay, National Student Federation of America. 

Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea. 

Edward E. Strong, National Negro Congress, Young Section. 

James V. Krakora, Czechoslovak Society of America. 

(Representative of farm organization to be named later.) 
Regional representatives : 

New England — Alexander Karanikas, Massachusetts Youth Congress. 

Middle Atlantic — Michael Gravino, New York State Youth Council. 

East Central— Myrtle Powell. Pittsburgh Y. W. < !. A. 

South — Thelma Dale. Southern Negro Youth Congress. 

Miss Jimmy Woodward, Y. W. C. A., Randolph-Macon College. 

•The signers are issuing this call, not as the official representatives of their organiza- 
tions, but in their personal capacities as individuals deeply concerned with the role of 
young people in the United States. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1523 

OFFICERS ELECTED — COD tinned 

South West -Wynard Norman, Oklahoma City Youth Assembly. 

West Central — Harlan Crippen, .Minnesota Youth Assembly. 

West Coast and Rocky .Mountain — Clara Walldow, California Youth Leg- 
islature. 

Puerto Kico — Julia Rivera. 
Treasurer — Harriet Pickens, Business and Professional Council, Y. W. C. A. 
Executive Secretary — Joseph Cadden. 
Representatives at Large: 

Clarence Carter. Connecticut Conference of Youth. 

Daniel J. Spooner, Young Peoples League of the United Synagogue of 
America. 

Howard Ennes, Washington, D. C, Youth Council. 

Joseph Lash. American Student Union. 

Margaret Day. National Federation of Settlements. 

Josiah R. Bartlett, Social Action Committee, Union Theological Seminary. 

(Representatives of Industrial Council, Y. W. C. A., and an A. F. of L. Union 
to be named later.) 

Elected Officers listed above constitute the Cabinet of the American Youth 
Congress. 
The Cabinet, meeting on July 5, made the following appointments: 
Administrative Secretary — Frances M. Williams. 
Legislative Director, Abbott Simon. 

CREDENTIALS REPORT 

Presented oil the Chairman of the Credentials Committee, Roy Lancaster, of the 
Gas By-Prod act, Coke and Chemical Workers 

736 Senators and Representatives representing organizations with a total mem- 
bership of 4,697,915 (after subtraction for duplication) are accredited at the 
Congress of Youth. Of these, 96 are Senators delegated by 63 different national 
organizations : 640 are Representatives from 450 organizations. 

Representation of women is approximately two-thirds that of men. The 
youngest delegate is 14 years old and the median age is 22. 



Exhibit No. 26 
Senator McCarthy's Statement on Owen J. Lattimore 

The State Department, with great frequency, utilizes the services of a large 
group of individuals in diverse fields as "consultants." 

One of its most regular performers in this field is the man I wish to discuss 
next. He is Owen J. Lattimore. 

Lattimore was not only a consultant, but one of the principal architects of our 
far eastern policy. This man is one of the State Department's outstanding ex- 
perts on problems dealing with the Far East and lias been for a number of years. 

Lattimore is currently employed as a director of the Walter Hines Page 
School of International Relations, located at Johns Hopkins University in Balti- 
more, Maryland. He has held numerous positions with the State Department, 
among them a 6-month period in 1941 as the political adviser of President 
Roosevelt to Generalisimo Chiang Kai-Shek. He was a Deputy Director in 
charge of the Pacific Branch of the Office of War Information and in June of 
1944, he, with John Carter Vincent, later to head the Far Eastern Bureau of the 
State Department, accompanied Henry Wallace on a diplomatic tour of Siberia 
and Free China. 

Recently Lattimore completed a State Department mission to India and it is 
understood that he is now a consultant in the Department. While the State 
Department will tell you that he is not on the payroll as of today, the point is 
he is still considered by the Department as one of its top advisers and is put on 
and off the payroll as consultant apparently at will, and is apparently one of 
the top men in developing our Asiatic program. 

This man's record as a pro-Communist goes back many years. 

I hand the committee a letter, dated December 19, 1940, on the letterhead of 
Amerasia. Again we have the familiar name of Frederick V. Field, Communist 



1524 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

chairman of the editorial board. Equally familiar is the name of Jhillip J. 
Jaffe, managing editor of the magazine, who was indicted and convicted for 
having illegal possession of secret State Department documents. The com- 
mittee will note that there follows a list of eight members of the board of this 
pro-Communist magazine. It will also observe that 50 percent of the editorial 
board of this magazine, whose editor was convicted of possessing State Depart- 
ment secret documents illegally, have been or are now highly placed officials of 
the Department of State of the United States. 

Their names are T. A. Bisson, Owen Lattimore, David H. Popper, and William 
T. Stone. 

In the June 6. 1046, issue of the Washington Times-Herald there appears an 
article, entitled "How Come?" written by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop, editorial 
director of that newspaper. 

Shortly, I shall read that article into the record, but I should like to mention 
in passing that of the 57 instructors in the orientation conference and training 
programs for personnel of the Foreign Service and the Department of State, 
all but three were Government officials. Those three were Dr. Edward C. 
Acheson, Director of the school of foreign service and brother of the present 
Secretary of State ; Prof. Owen Lattimore of Johns Hopkins University and 
Prof. Frederick L. Schuman. of Williams College, Williamstown. Mass. 

But more of this gentleman later. 

When Mr. Waldrop asked, "How Come?" he was getting closer to a sordid 
picture than he imagined. 

Here is what he had to say: 

"Herewith an item that may be of interest to Secretary of State Jimmy Byrnes 
who is doing his level best these days to cope with J. Stalin's bucking broncos 
of the Kremlin. 

"Whether he finds it interesting or not, he certainly could with profit ask a 
few questions about a project in his own shop going by the title of the 'Orienta- 
tion Conferences and Training Programs for Personnel of the Foreign Service 
and the Department of State.' 

"The writer of this piece sat in, uninvited, yesterday on one of those train- 
ing projects and found it nothing more or less than an example to diplomats 
on how to needle a man whose back is turned — in this case Gen. Douglas 
MacArthur. 

"To begin at the beginning, the State Department has a 'division of training 
services' which has the very valuable assignment of making better diplomats 
of the departmental forces. 

"As a part of this, there are scheduled for every workday from Monday 
through Friday all this month, a series of lectures by supposed experts on sub- 
jects of importance in diplomacy. 

"(Don't give up. It concerns You too, because the State Department is sup- 
posed to look out for the interests of the United States between wars and you 
live here.) 

"Of 57 instructors listed to give the developing diplomats the real dope on 
their business, all but three are Government officials. 

"The three exceptions are : Dr. Edward C. Acheson, director of the school of 
foreign service at the George Washington University here and brother of Under 
Secretary of State Dean Acheson ; Prof. Owen Lattimore, of Johns Hopkins 
University, Baltimore, and Prof. Frederick L. Schuman of Williams College, 
Williamstown, Mass. 

"Lattimore is a bosom pal of Henry Wallace, the great mind of the ages now 
trying to decide whether he can best save the world by staying on in Truman's 
Cabinet to bore from within or by resigning to bore from without. 

"Lattimore also hangs out with other persons less well known, to an extent 
that ought to give J. Byrnes some pause. 

"Just an item: He was formerly on the editorial board of Amerasia, the pro- 
Soviet magazine that got caught in possession of confidential State Department 
documents in 1914 with result that an editor and a State Department employee 
were convicted and fined. 

"Lattimore also has described Stalin's Mood purges of 1936-39 as 'a triumph 
for democracy,' and that, friends, is just a slight sample. 

"He's clever, but you invariably find him in all those old familiar places when 
you check up. Consider his performance of yesterday. 

"Most people have the impression that on the record and the evidence the 
welfare of the United States is better looked after in Japan with Gen. Douglas 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1525 

Mac-Arthur in solo command, than in Germany whore a four-cornered quarrel 
over the remains grows worse and worse. 

"To all of this, Dr. Lattlmore yesterday issued an hour-long 'na-a-a-a-ah, it's 
lousy.' His line is that the Japs have outsmarted MacArthur In that they are 
holding onto a 'conservative' agricultural policy and occasionally rescue one of 
their industrialists, hankers and so forth from the hangman's rope. 

"Match that up, citizens, with what you've heen hearing from Moscow, if you 
bother to listen. And match up with it the realization that such a thought is 
the host offered our State Department help as expert inside dope on the Far East. 

"How come the State Department has to drag in Owen Lattimore to tell what's 
what in the Orient? Hasn't the Department got anybody on its own staff who 
knows something? 

•And as for the baby lined up for June 10— that F. L. Schuman— he's all 
too well known around here, especially to people who have read the record of 
the Dies committee. 

"But if you don't already know what he is, you can get him completely in a 
flash by turning to page 582 of his latest book, 'Soviet Politics At Home and 
Abroad.' wherein he states: 

"The Russian adventure marks a long forward stride toward human mastery 
of man's fate. * * * 

'•That is how the State Department's expert instructor on U. S. Soviet 
relations sums up Stalin's behavior and the almost 28 bloody years of Communist 
dictatorship in Russia. 

"No wonder State Department secret documents leak. No wonder Jimmy Byrnes 
goes to conferences with Molotov and comes staggering home asking who touched 
off the blast ! 

"This writer plans to sit in on Schuman's June 19 performance, if it comes off, 
and will try to report on same in this space. That is, of course, if they don't 
lock the door first." 

Thus we have the officials of the State Department again warned of a man 
who by any "yardstick of loyalty" could not possibly be a good security risk. 

Mr. Lattimore himself is a prolific writer and there is no lack of material 
for the committee to ascertain exactly where this man stands in the political 
scheme of things. 

The Reverend James F. Kearney, S. J., writing in the Columbia magazine of 
September 1949, gives more first-hand information of great value to the committee. 
This magazine is published by the Knights of Columbus, the most prominent order 
of Catholic laymen in America. 

Here is what Reverend Kearney wrote: 

"Who or what has so vitiated the opinion of intelligent Americans on the 
China question? Until recently, despite the dust that has been deliberately 
thrown in American eyes by pink correspondents, the question could be stated 
so clearly and simply that grammar school students could grasp it. Having ex- 
plained it to grammar students, I know. Here it is, expressed in monosyllabic 
words : "If the Reds win out there, we lose. If they lose, we win. Well, for 
all practical purposes, the Red have now won, and in consequence we and the 
Chinese have lost. For communism it is the greatest triumph since the Rus- 
sian Revolution ; for us, though few Americans yet fully realize it, it is perhaps 
the greatest disaster in our history ; and the end is not yet. Who is responsible? 
It wasn't a one-man job; short-sighted Chinese officials contributed 50 percent. 
There are those who believe, though, that no Americans deserve more credit for 
this Russian triumph and Sino-Ainerican disaster than Owen Lattimore and a 
small group of his followers. 

"Owen Lattimore, confidant of two United States Presidents, adviser to our 
State Department, author of 10 books about the Far East, where he has 25 
years of travel and study to his credit, was horn in Washington, D. C, but after 
a few months was taken* to North China. At 12 he went to study in Switzerland, 
then in England, and returned to China as a newsman before taking up explora- 
tion, particularly in Manchuria and Mongolia. He then studied in Peiping, first 
on a fellowship from the Harvard Yenching Foundation and later on a John 
Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation fellowship, knows the Chinese, Mon- 
golian, and Russian languages well. 

"Returning to the United States at the outbreak of the Sino- Japanese war in 
1937, a year later he became director of the Walter Hines Page School of Inter- 
national Relations of Johns Hopkins University, a post he still holds. In 1941 
he was for 6 months President Roosevelt's political adviser to Generalissimo 
Chiang Kai-shek, then returned to the States to enter the OWI, becoming Deputy 



1526 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Director to the Overseas Branch in Charge of Pacific Operations. In June 1944, 
he and J. Carter Vincent, later to head the Far Eastern Bureau of the State 
Department, accompanied Henry Wallace of the State Department on a diplo- 
matic tour of Siberia and Free China. 

"So high does Owen Lattimore stand in Washington that it is said that only 
two books on President Truman's desk when he announced Japan's surrender 
were newsman John Gunther's Inside Asia and Lattimore's Solution in Asia. 
Lattimore was next named special economic adviser to Edwin V. Pauley, head of 
the postwar economic mission to Tokyo. Though not an authority on Japan, he 
did not hesitate to criticize former Ambassador Joseph C. Grew's plan, adopted 
by MacArthur, to govern the Japanese people through the Emperior. He be- 
lieved that the Emperior and all his male heirs should be interned in China and a 
republic set up in Japan. 

"In this thoroughly distinguished orientalist's career there are many disturb- 
ing features. For example, in former Red Louis Budenz' March 19, 1949, Collier's 
article, entitled 'The Menace of Red China.' we read 'Most Americans, during 
World War II, fell for the Moscow line that the Chinese Communists were not 
really Communists * * * but agrarian reformers * * * That is just 
what Moscow wanted Americans to believe. Even many naive Government 
officials fell for it. * * * This deception of United States officials and public 
was the result of a planned campaign ; I helped to plan it. * * * The num- 
ber one end was a Chinese coalition government in which Chiang would accept 
the agrarian reformers — at the insistence of the United States. * * * We 
could work through legitimate Far East organizations and writers that were 
recognized as Orienal authorities. Frederick V. Field emphasized use of the 
Institute of Pacific Relations. * * * The agrarian reformers idea started 
from there. It took root in leading Far East cultural groups in the United 
States, spread to certain policy-making circles in the State Department and broke 
into prominent position in the American press. * * * The Communists were 
successful in impressing their views on the United States State Department 
simply by p'anting articles with the proper slant in such magazines as Far Eastern 
Survey, Pacific Affairs, and Amerasia. Both Far Eastern Survey and Pacific 
Affairs are publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations. This is not a 
Communist organization.' " 

(Apparently the writer did not realize that this organization had been cited as 
a Communist front by the California Committee on Un-American Activities. 
1948 Report, page 168.) 

"Where does Mr. Lattimore come in? From 1934 to 1941 he was editor of 
Pacific Affairs. Freda Utley mentions him in two of her books. In her Last 
Chance in China she tells how Moscow, where she then worked as a Communist, 
was able to help its friends and discomfit its enemies in the Far East thanks 
to the Institute of Pacific Relations, and that Mr. Lattimore was among those 
Americans who came to Moscow for help and advice (p. 193). In her Lost 
Illusion (p. 194) she refers to the same 1936 Moscow meeting: 'The whole 
staff of our Pacific Ocean cabinet had an all-day session at the institute with 
E. C. Carter. Owen Lattimore. and Harriet Moore, leading lights of the Institute 
of Pacific Relations. I was a little surprised at the time that these Americans 
should defer so often and so eompletelv to the Russian viewpoint. * * * 
Owen Lattimore found it difficult at first to submit to the discipline required 
of the Friends of the Soviet Union. He told me a few months later in London 
how he had almost lost his position as editor of Pacific Affairs because he had 
published an article by the Trotskyist Harold Isaacs. In later years in the 
United States it did not astonish me to find the Institute of Pacific Relations 
following the same general lines as the Daily Worker in regard to China and 
Japan.' 

"Henry Wallace never claimed to be an expert on the Far East. How much 
if any, of his report after returning from the Siberia-China visit was written or 
suggested by the oriental expert, Mr. Lattimore, I do not know. One thing 
emerges, however: after their return, the American policy which has proved 
so disastrous for both Chinese and American interests and so helpful to Russia 
was put into effect and is still being pursued. Lattimore's Solution in Asia 
was described by one reviewer as 'an appeal to Chiang Kai-shek to free himself 
from the galling yoke (of the Kuomintang) and to set free the democratic 
forces which have proved effective in northwestern (Tuna,' i. e.. the Chinese 
Reds. That book is again referred to in an article by ex-Communist Max East- 
man and J. B. Powell in a June 1945 Reader's Digest article. The Fate of the 
World Is at Stake in China, wherein they blast the deception 'that Russia is 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1527 

a democracy and that tlio Chinese can therefore safely be left to Russian influ- 
ence.' Owen Lattimore is perhaps the most subtle evangelist of this erroneous 
conception. 

"Mr. Lattimore praised the net result of the Moscow trials and the blood purge 
by which Stalin secured his dictatorship in 11136-39 as 'a triumph for democracy.' 
He now urges our Government, in Solution in Asia, to accept cheerfully the spread 
of the Soviet form of democracy in Central Asia. His publishers thus indicate 
the drift of bis book: 'He (Mr. Lattimore) shows that all the Asiatic peoples 
are more interested in actual democratic practises , such as the ones they can see 
in action across the Russian bonier, than they are in the fine theories of Anglo- 
Saxon democracies which come coupled with ruthless imperialism.' Does that 
sound as if Mr. Lattimore, a top adviser on our far-eastern affairs, is on our 
team? 

"The same article continues with a prophecy which has just about come true: 
'If Russian dictatorship spreads its tentacles across China the cause of democ- 
racy (i. e.. United States style) in Asia is lost. As is well known, these tentacles 
need not include invading Soviet troops, but only the native Communist parties 
now giving allegiance to the Soviet Union and taking their directives from Mos- 
cow. When these Communist Parties get control of a neighboring state the 
Moscow dictatorship and its fellow travelers call that a friendly government. 
It is by means of these Communist-controlled friendly governments — not by So- 
viet military conquest — that Russian power and totalitarian tyranny is spread- 
ing from the Soviet Union, in Asia as in Europe. 

"That is perhaps good background for the current slogan of Mr. Lattimore and 
his loyal followers, Edgar Snow, Ted White, Richard Lauteroach, Harvard's 
Fairbanks, and many an ex-OWI man — that there's nothing much for America 
to worry about because Mao Tse-tung's communism is a nationalist movement. 
A moment's reflection should make it clear that the very last thing a real Chinese 
nationalist would do would be to swallow hook, line, and sinker the doctrine of 
Karl Marx, a German Jew, who besides being a foreigner has a system that 
goes counter to every Chinese instinct and every tradition in the Chinese concept 
of society. 

"This recalls an incident a Belgian priest related to me in Shanghai a year 
and a half ago. He bad become a Chinese citizen, and when the Chinese Reds 
occupied his church in North China they followed the usual custom (which is 
probably news to Mr. Lattimore) of putting up the pictures of Marx and Stalin 
in the place of honor above the high altar, with those of Mao Tse-tung and Chu 
Teh below. A Chinese Red then told the priest flatly, 'We are going to get rid 
of absolutely all foreign influence in China. Our policy is China for the Chinese.' 
I can imagine Mr. Lattimore saying, 'Just what I told you.' But the Belgian- 
Chinese replied, 'And those two foreign gentlemen up there, Marx and Stalin? 
When did they become Chinese citizens?' The Red slunk silently away. 

"If anyone is still puzzled by the contention that Chinese Marxists are pri- 
marily nationalists, a glance at the Communist Manifesto will clear matters up. 
'Though not in substance, yet in form,' we read there, 'the struggle of the pro- 
letariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of 
each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.' 
That, I believe, shows us what is back of the present national slogan our United 
States pinks apply to China's Reds. It's not authentic nationalism, of course, as 
the Manifesto explains later : 'The Communists are reproached with desiring to 
abolish countries and nationality. The workingmen have no country. We can- 
not take from them what they have not got.' 

"The spurious nature of the nationalism of Mao Tse-tung was admitted by 
Mr. Lattimore himself, perhaps unintentionally, in a tape-recorded speech he 
gave in San Francisco, December 7, 1948 : 'The Chinese Communists never 
made any bones about the fact that they are Marxists. They are Marxist Com- 
munists in their international relations. They never question the Russian 
line. They follow every twist and turn of it.' That is an important admission 
by Mr. Lattimore, since so many of his followers have been trying to tell us 
there is no Moscow control over China's Reds. If they follow every twist and 
turn of the Moscow line they are evidently not Chinese nationalists as we under- 
stand the term, but pseudo-nationalists. 

"A. T. Steele and Andrew Roth of the New York Herald Tribune and the Na- 
tion, respectively, after getting out of Red Peiping recently, declared that the 
Chinese Red leaders are in every sense of the word Communists who stand 
squarely and faithfully for the Moscow Party line, and will join the Kremlin 
in the coming world war III against the imperialist powers, particularly Amer- 



1528 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



ica. They likewise agree that while Mao might possibly become an extreme 
nationalist at some future date, another Tito, there is absolutely no evidence 
that this is a factor to lie seriously reckoned with for a long time, Mr. Lattimore 
to the contrary notwithstanding. Spencer Moosa, latest newsman out of Pei- 
ping, confirms their statements. The very first movie put on by the Reds in 
the auditorium of the Catholic University in Peiping after they moved in this 
year was the Life of Stalin. Need we say it was not anti-Russian V And so, 
instance after instance shows the very close connection between Moscow and 
Chinese Communism that has been witnessed throughout the last 28 years 
by intelligent observers who have lived in Red China— ahere Mr. Lattimore 
has never lived. 

"To the average American, whom pro-Red propaganda is intended to vic- 
timize, it seems quite natural that Mao Tse-tung, a native of China who has 
never visited Moscow, should think first of Chinas instead of Russia's interests. 
Yet how many native-born Americans are there who, once they join the party, 
think nothing of selling out their country and its secrets to the Kremlin? Such 
is the strange mesmerism exercised by their Moscow masters. It is, then, 
no harder to understand Mao's utter devotion to the party line than it is to 
understand that of Foster, or Dennis, or Earl Browder. After all, remember, 
a real Communist has no country. And surely Mao has proved he is a 100-percent 
Communist. s Let's not be deceived any longer, then, by this fake nationalism of 
chi mi's Reds, which is the central thesis of Mr. Lattimore's recent book, The 
Situation in Asia. 

"If a man who had written 10 volumes about Africa, and thereby won a name 
for himself as an authority, should nevertheless maintain that the Negroes in 
Africa aren't really black but white, it would be a cause for wonder. Mr. Owen 
Lattimore, who has written 10 books on Asia and is called the best informed 
American on Asiatic affairs living today, is doubtless well-informed on many 
Asiatic matters but unfortunately, if we are to take his written words as an in- 
dex of his knowledge of China's Reds, he is very badly misinformed about the 
true color of that most important body of individuals and their whole way 
of acting. Which reminds me of a recent conversation with one of Mr. Lattimore's 
OWI boys who had just returned from a 3-years' correspondent assignment in 
China. I asked him why it was that practically all our foreign newsmen, though 
supposedly educated in the American tradition of fair play, spoke entirely of 
corruption in the Chiang regime but said nothing about the corruption in the Mao 
regime. And this man, who was being paid for giving his American readers an 
honest picture of conditions in the vital Far East, answered. Because there is no 
corruption in the Red regime! I laughed at him for wasting his 3 years in the 
Orient and passed him an article showing that not only is the Red regime corrupt, 
but from every conceivable American standpoint it is conservatively 10 times 
more corrupt than its corrupt opposite number. 

"It is probably of such men that Mr. Lattimore, in his book Situation in China 
(p. 177), writes: 'Hitherto American observers who have been acutely conscious 
of secret police activities in Kuomintang China have had nothing comparable to 
report from Communist China.' The reason is that these official observers were 
allowed the freedom to observe the limited activities of KMT secret police, 
while they weren't even permitted to enter Red China. Had they wished, though, 
they could have learned a lot from people, some of them Americans, who had lived 
in Red China. They would have heard, for instance, about the 'T'ing ehuang hui,' 
or eavesdropper corps, who after killing off all watchdogs, creep up at night, 
next to the wall or on the flat roofs of North China homes, to hear what is being 
said inside the family about the Communists. Children are rewarded for spying 
on their parents and, if anyone is believed to be giulty of anti-Communist remarks, 
a terror gang swoops down at midnight and the chances are the unfortunate 
victim will be discovered next morning buried alive outside his home. This sort 
of secret police and terrorism combined has been so universal in Red China that 
if Mr. Lattimore dosn't know about it he knows extremely little of Chinese 
Communism. 

"As far back as 1045 the predominant sentiment everywhere in Red areas 
was fear, universal fear, fear at every instant, according to an official report 
of a Frenchman, a former university professor from Tientsin who spent the 
years from 1941 to 1!)4f> in Red territoy, and had been haled before both 
Japanese and Red tribunals. 'It is not terror,' he says, 'for terror is a fear 
which shows itself exteriorily. Here one must not allow his fear to be seen; 
he must appear satisfied and approve everything that is said and done. It is a 
hidden fear, but a creeping, paralysing fear. The people keep quiet. They do 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1529 

not criticize; they avoid passing out any news. They are all aid of tlu-ir neigh- 
bor, who may denounce them. They arc afraid of the Reds who might hear 
and imprison them. When the Reds Impose a tax, it is paid without a word. 
If they requisition anyone for public work, the work is done carefully and 
rapidly, without need of any blows and curses as in the time of the Japanese, 
and wonderful to say, without any need of supervision. (This is amazing to any- 
one who knows the easy-going Chinese character.) I have witnessed groups of 
workers along the big highways built by the Japanese, doing exactly the same 
kind of work they did for the Japanese, hut how different their attitude! There 
was no foreman there to supervise, and yet everything was done carefully, with 
hardly a word, without the least hit of joking.' Mr. Lattimore, with his lack 
of background, might interpret this as a sign of enthusiasm for the Red mas- 
ters. But the report states simply, 'They were afraid.' 

"What was true in 1945 in Red areas is also true today according to the very 
latest 1949 reports that have filtered through the Bamboo Curtain: 'There isn't 
too much suffering from hunger in the city, hut it is impossible to lay up any 
reserves. The Communists search every house methodically and confiscate any 
surplus. Anyone who complains or criticizes then disappears mysteriously, 
buried alive, it is said. No one dares say a word, even to his best friend. In 
the country districts conditions are terrible. The Reds take everything; grain, 
livestock, clothing, tools, and now all are being mobilised for army service. 
Famine reigns everywhere together with fear. The people endure this with 
clenched teeth, but when asked how things are going always answer, "Every- 
thing is going well." They had better.' 

"These reports come from reliable people who were there and know what they 
are talking about, and who ridicule the fairy tales Mr. Lattimore from his dis- 
tant and comfortable chair in Johns Hopkins spins for eager young Americans 
who believe he is an authority on China's Reds. What, for example, could be 
further from the truth than this statement in The Situation in China, page 160: 
'In China it may be conceded' (not by anyone who knows the situation, though, 
if I may interrupt) 'that the Communists hold the confidence of the people to 
such an, extent that they can probably do more by persuasion, with less resort 
to coercion, than any previous revolutionaries in history. But the Communists 
cannot indulge in experiments which the people do not accept, because the armed 
and organized peasants, would be able to resist them just as they have hitherto 
resisted the return of the landlords.' Sheer nonsense ! The only real landlords 
left in lied areas are the Red leaders themselves, and the people know enough 
not to try to resist these ruthless masters. For some reason, no one seems to relish 
being buried alive; and so the Communists can indulge in absolutely any experi- 
ment they choose without the slightest open resistance from the peasants, who 
are merely awaiting patiently for better flays. 

"Since Mr. Lattimore is patently in error on so many vital points connected 
with the China Red question, it becomes more and more strange that his advice 
on Red China should be followed almost slavishly by the United States State 
Department. It has already brought China to disaster and may, if we continue 
to follow it. also ruin America. It might be well to consider what advice he 
has given for future United States policy so w T e shall know what a new litany 
of Lattimore disasters awaits us. 

"He has a chapter on Japan in his 'Situation in Asia' and. though he admits 
General MacArthur is a first-class administrator, he dislikes his 'fatherly 
mysticism' and 'old-line Republicanism', hints it would have been wiser to give 
the Russians more say, considers the present policy as pseudo-realistic and bound 
to fail. 'It's likely to blow up in our faces, like a humiliating stink bomb', damag- 
ing Mac-Arthur's reputation in the end. He doesn't like keeping the Emperor, 
nor the type of democracy MacArthur is giving, apparently preferring for Japan 
the totalitarian type Mao Tse-tung is employing in China. Mr. Lattimore doesn't 
like to see Japan make a bulwark against Russian expansion, and believes that 
since she is possessed of the most advanced technical and managerial 'know- 
how' in Asia she will eventually make her own terms with both Russia and 
China, without consulting the U. S. 

" 'The Japanese, watching America's failure to control the situation in China 
through the Kuomintang, have been giggling in their kimono sleeves. In a 
queer way it has helped to restore their self-respect for their own failure on the 
continent.' He sees no future for Japan apart from the future of Asia, since 
she needs the iron and coal of Manchuria and the markets of China. 

"In this he is probably right ; that is why it was always to America's vital 
interest to see that the Open Door policy and the territorial integrity of China 



1530 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

were preserved, though this adviser to our State Department did not think them 
very important. He considers East Asia now definitely out of control by either 
Russia or America, stating that it forms a group of 'third countries,' which 
seem to resemble Nippon's ill-fated East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. He believes 
Japan, then, will come to terms both with Communist Russia and Communist 
China, and will end up by being more anti-American than anti-Russian. If we 
had only adopted his plan for a Japanese 'democracy' right after the war, what 
a deal of trouble we would have saved ! 

"What, now, are his plans for the mainland? He was long in favor of a 
Chiang coalition with the Reds, and blames our 80th Congress for spoiling that. 
The result is now Communist control — which of course would have eventuated 
just as well had his original coalition idea gone through. We mustn't lay down 
our own conditions for dealing with a Red China, he says, or we shall spoil 
our favorable position with the Chinese. Has he never heard how Mao's Reds 
detest Americans, and hold half a dozen U. S. consuls under house arrest? 'We 
must at all costs avoid the appearance of wanting to punish the Chinese people 
for having a government which we didn't approve for them in advance.' As if the 
Chinese were really anxious for a puppet Red regime. We must not support 
any rump government, for that would be dividing China. We must extend credits 
to poor Red China and help build it up by trade and American engineering 
'know-how' as 'Ford Motors and General Electric did in Russia in the period be- 
tween tears'. But let's not lay down any conditions for our aid, by insisting 
that Red China be hostile to Red Russia. 

"And if all that isn't enough to make Uncle Sam suspect that Owen Lattiniore is 
making a fool out of him in the interests of world Communism, the expert goes 
much further : 'The new government of China will claim China's Big Five posi- 
tion in the United Nations, including the right of veto. By the use of our own 
veto we could delay China in moving into this position', but of course it would 
be unfair to deprive Russia of another vote, especially since Russia has had 
nothing whatsoever to do with imposing Communism on China ! See now why 
the pinks are so strong on their insistence that the Red movement in China is 
purely nationalistic ? And another vote for Mother Russia ? 

"Let's take Outer Mongolia, that voted unanimously to be annexed to Russia 
in 1945 — each voter being required to sign his name on his ballot. 'Mongolia,' 
he says, 'is between a Communist-ruled Russia and a Communist-controlled 
China. It would be an advantage to American policy to be able to emphasize 
that there is a country occupying 600,000 square miles of territory * * * 
inhabited by people who are neither Chinese nor Russians. It is impossible to 
make use of this advantage unless the separation of Outer Mongolia is empha- 
sized by membership in the United Nations. * * * It is true that Mongolia 
as a member of the United Nations would mean another vote for Russia ; but 
would this be a greater disadvantage than our present complete lack of access 
to this key country between China and Russia?' (p. 220.) 

"Yes, Mr. Lattimore, it would. Considering that the whole United States 
had but one vote in the United Nations, while Russia started out with three, it 
is simply wonderful of Owen Lattimore to give a couple more Far East satellite 
votes to our 'cold war' enemy. Since he is one of the chief advisers to our 
Far Eastern State Department Bureau, is it any wonder that disaster has been 
piled on disaster in Asia for Americans while world Communism engages in 
frenzied applause? If Mr. Lattimore is permitted to turn over one Far Eastern 
vote after another to Russia, Moscow will soon dominate the United Nations, and 
then can safely discard the veto. Why should one man. whose writings show he 
has no knowledge of the character of China's Reds, be allowed to go on un- 
challenged promoting chaos and ruining Christianity in Asia? True, he doesn't 
say he wants a Red Asia; but the publisher of his 'Situation in Asia' indicates 
his intentions when on the jacket of the book they print a map of Lattimore's 
Asia, including Japan, Sakhalin, all of China, the Philippines, the Dutch East 
[ndies, Siam, Burma, Malaya and India, in nice Soviet Livi\.'' 

It is uncanny how these State Department policy makers are drawn together 
tin)!' after time in an organization or group or project of pro-Soviet nature. 

I now hand the committee a booklet setting forth the officers and trustees of 
the Institute of Pacific Relations. It will be noted that Mr. Lattimore is a 
trustee. 

The familiar pattern starts again with Messrs. Lattimore, Hanson, Bisson, and 
Jessup. 

In the Institute of Pacific Relations, we have such pro-Communists as: Fred- 
erick Vanderbilt Field, Philip Jaffe, Kate L. Mitchell, Andrew Roth, Nym Wales. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1531 

The Attorney General of the United States lias declared the American Peace 
Mobilization to be a subversive organization and the House Un-American Acti- 
vities Committee has placed the same stamp of infamy on the Washington 
Committee for Aid to China. 

The American Peace Mobilization was short-lived. It existed during the days ■ 
of the Stalin-Hitler Pact and was liquidated by the Communists on the very day 
that Hitler invaded the Soviet Union. 

Frederick Vanderhilt Field, one of the country's top Communists, was Execu- 
tive Secretary of the American Peace Mobilization on Tuesday evening, Febru- 
ary 11. 1941, also. 

On that date, the Washington Committee for Aid to China, held a meeting 
at 16th and "<>" Streets, N. W.. Washington. 

At the time This meeting was held, President Roosevelt was under the most 
savage attack of his career by Frederick Vanderbilt Field and his American 
Peace Mohilization. 

The Senators may recall that this was the occasion when the American Peace 
Mohilization organized and carried out a twenty-four hour picket line around 
the White House. The pickets carried placards denouncing Roosevelt as a war- 
mongering tool of Wall Street. 

On June 21, 1941, the American Peace Mobilization pickets were still sur- 
rounding the White House. When Hitler invaded the Soviet Union on the morn- 
ing of June 22, the pickets were withdrawn within an hour. The party line had 
changed in a matter of minutes and the American Peace Mobilization then be- 
came the American People's Mobilization, urging the immediate entrance of the 
United States into the war. 

Again, associated with Frederick Vanderbilt Field, we have Owen Lattimore 
as the principal speaker at the above meeting on the evening of February 11, 
1941, with only two other speakers : One of them was Frederick Vanderbilt 
Field. 

Here again we have the old familiar pattern of a member of the important 
policy-making group of the State Department collaborating with known Com- 
munists under the sponsorship of organizations •officially declared subversive. 

I hand you an exhibit of the National Emergency Conference for Democratic 
Rights, Exhibit 30. On April 21, 1943, the House Committee on Appropria- 
tions issued a report citing this organization as "subversive and un-American." 
On March 29, the House Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited it 
as a Communist front. 

On September 2, 1947, on page 12 of its Report No. 1115, the Congressional Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities said, "It will be remembered that during the 
days of the infamous Soviet-Nazi pact, the Communists built a protective organi- 
zation known as the National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights, 
which culminated in the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties." 

In its 1948 report on pages 112 and 327, the California Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities, after citing it as a Communist-front organization, defending Com- 
munists, had this to say : "After the dissolution of the American League for 
Peace and Democracy in February, 1940, the Communist Party frantically or- 
ganized a new series of front organizations. The National Emergency Con- 
ference for Democratic Rights was one of the new fronts and it was filled from 
top to bottom with veteran Communist Party-liners." 

The Maryland Association for Democratic Rights was an affiliate of the Na- 
tional Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights. At a conference of this 
organization in Baltimore early in 1944, we have as sponsors, Mr. Owen Latti- 
more and his wife. 

Once again we have a policy-making State Department and attache collaborating 
with those who have sworn to destroy the nation by force and violence. 

I find it impossible to visualize this sort of a good security risk under the 
"yardstick of loyalty"- outlined by Secretary of State Acheson. 

I hand the committee an exhibit of the Writers' Congress of 1943, 31. 

On December 4, 1947, and on September 21, 1948, the then Attorney General 
Tom Clark in letters to the Loyalty Review Board, cited the Hollywood Writers' 
Mobilization as subversive and Communistic. In its 1945 report on page 130, 
the California Committee' on Un-American Affairs described this organization 
as one "whose true purpose" was "the creation of a clearing house for Commu- 
nist propaganda." 

On October 1, 2 and 3 of 1943, the Writers' Congress and the Hollywood 
Writers' Mohilization held a meeting on the University of California-LA campus 
in Westwood. Appearing as the representative of the Office of War Information 
was Mr. Owen Lattimore. 

68970 — 50 — pt. 2 4 



1532 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Here again we have Mr. Lattimore involved as a principal in an organization 
declared Un-American by the Attorney General of the United States. 

In the magazine "Pacific Affairs" of September 1938, Owen Lattimore de- 
scribed the Moscow purge trials as "a triumph for Democracy." 

In his book entitled "Solution in Asia," Owen Lattimore declares that among 
the people of Asia, the Soviet Union has "a great power of attraction * * *. 
It stands for Democracy." 

I submit that the background of Mr. Lattimore, his close collaboration and 
affiliation with numerous Communist organizations ; his friendsbip and close 
cooperation with pro-Communist individuals, leaves absolutely no doubt that he 
is an extremely bad security risk under Secretary of State Acheson's "yard- 
stick of Loyalty" and in fact, his wide knowledge of Far Eastern Affairs and his 
affinity for the Soviet cause in that area, might well have already done tins 
nation incalculable and irreparable harm. 

So much for Mr. Lattimore. 



Exhibit No. 27 

Editorial Board: Frederick V. Field, Chairman Philip J. Jaffe, Managing Editor 

T. A. Bisson Owen Lattimore David H. Popper 

Ch-ao-Tinc Chi Kate Mitchell William T. Stone 

Kenneth W. Colegrove Cyrus H. Peake 

Amerasia 

A Review of America and the Far East 

NEW YORK 

125 East 52nd St. 
Telephone : PLaza 3-4700 

December 19, 1940. 
Horace W. Truesdell, 

Washington Committee for Aid to Chi mi, 

1410 H Street NW., Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. Truesdeix: We are of course very sorry that a simple, factual, 
practically statistical article should have caused so much difficulty among indi- 
viduals. You ask me to explain wliat happened. By this time the whole thing 
is so involved that it would take 20,000 words to explain it. Some day when I 
see you — I hope soon — I can show you our complete file of correspondence on it 
from which you will see that it was impossible for me, as it is today, to judge 
the merits of any particular person's claims. But what we are immediately 
interested in is that such matters should not become the subject of discussion 
in the magazine, having, as it does, such an important function to play in the 
Far Eastern world. We feel that it would be indistinctly bad taste, not only 
for the magazine but for the individuals involved, to have such explanations pub- 
lished, even if I knew what to publish. Of course we are not publishing any 
reprint of the article, as both you and Mr. Hu requested. 

I suggest that sometime when I am in Washington that all of us have a session 
together and try our best to solve the mystery so we may avoid such conflicts 
in the future. 

Sincerely yours, 

Philip J. Jaffe. 
pjj.hs 



Exit 1 hit No. 28 
[From the Washington (D. C.) Times- Herald, June 6, 1946] 

How Come? 
• (By Frank C. Waldrop) 

Herewith an item that may he of interest to Secretary of State Jimmy Byrnes 
who is doing his level best these days to cope with J. Stalin's bucking broncos of 
the Kremlin. 

Whether he finds it interesting or not. be certainly could with profit ask a few 
questions about a project in his own shop going by the title of the "Orientation 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1533 

Conferences and Training Programs for Personnel of the Foreign Service and 
the Departmenl of State." 

The writer of this piece sat in, uninvited, yesterday on one of those training 
projects and found it nothing more or less than an example to diplomats on how 
to needle a man whose back is turned — in this case Gen. Douglas MacArthur. 

To begin at the beginning, the State Department has a "division of training 
services" which has the very valuable assignment of making better diplomats of 
the departmental forces. 

As a part of this, there are scheduled for every work day from Monday through 
Friday all this month, a series of lectures by supposed experts on subjects of 
importance in diplomacy. 

[Don't give up. It concerns you, too, because the State Department is sup- 
posed to look out for the interests of the United States between wars and you 
live here.] 

Of 57 instructors listed to give the developing diplomats the real dope on 
their business, all but three are Government officials. 

The three exceptions are : Dr. Edward C. Acheson, director of the school of 
foreign service at the George Washington University here and brother of Under- 
secretary of State Dean Acheson ; Prof. Owen Lattimore, of Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity. Baltimore, and Prof. Frederick L. Schuman of Williams College, Wil- 
liamstown, Mass. 

Lattimore is a bosom pal of Henry Wallace, the great mind of the ages now 
trying to decide whether he can best save the world by staying on in Truman's 
Cabinet to bore from within or by resigning to bore from without. 

Lattimore also hangs out with other persons less well known, to an extent that 
ought to give J. Byrnes some pause. 

Just an item : He was formerly on the editorial board of "Amerasia," the pro- 
Soviet magazine that got caught in possession of confidential State Department 
•documents in 1944 with result that an editor and a State Department employee 
were convicted and lined. 

Lattimore also has described Stalin's blood purges of 1936-39 as "a triumph 
for democracy," and that, friends, is just a slight sample. 

He's clever, but you invariably rind him in all those old familiar places when 
you check up. Consider his performance of yesterday. 

Most people have the impression that on the record and the evidence the 
■welfare of the United States is better looked after in Japan with Gen. Douglas 
MacArthur in sole command, than in Germany where a four-cornered quarrel 
over the remains grows worse and worse. 

To all of this, Dr. Lattimore yesterday issued an hour-long "na-a-a-a-ah, it's 
lousy." His line is that the Japs have outsmarted MacArthur in that they are 
holding onto a "conservative" agricultural policy and occasionally rescue one of 
their industrialists, bankers, and so forth from the hangman's rope. 

Match that up, citizens, with what you've been hearing from Moscow, if you 
bother to listen. And match up with it the realization that such a thought is the 
"best offered our State Department help as expert inside dope on the Far East. 

How come the State Department has to drag in Owen Lattimore to tell what's 
what in the Orient? Hasn't the department got anybody o«n its own staff who 
knows something? 

And as for the baby lined up for June 19 — that F. L. Schuman — he's all too 
well known around here, especially to people who have read the records of the 
Dies committee. 

But if you don't already know what he is, you can get him completely in a flash 
by turning to Page 5S2 of his latest book, "Soviet Politics At Home and Abroad," 
wherein he states : 

"The Russian adventure marks a long forward stride toward human mastery 
of man's fate * * *." 

That is how the State Department's expert instructor on U. S. -Soviet relations 
sums up Stalin's behavior and the almost 28 bloody years of Communist dic- 
tatorship in Russia. 

No wonder State Department secret documents leak. No wonder Jimmy 
Byrnes goes to conferences with Molotov and comes staggering home asking 
-who touched off the blast ! 

This writer plans to sit in on Schuman's June 19 performance, if it comes off, 
and will try to report on same in this space. That is, of course, if they don't lock 
the door first. 



1534 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Exhibit No. 29 

The Officers and Trustees of the Institute of Pacific Relations Invite 
Yor To Become a Member of Its American Council 

One East Fifty Fourth Street, New York City 22, New York 

INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS 

American Council 

I accept your invitation to membership in the IPR. Please enroll me in the 

classification checked below. Enclosed is $ 

Contributing membership carries with it 36 publications annually 

($10 to $100) 

— the Far Eastern Survey, a biweekly periodical 

— Pacific Affairs, a quarterly of research studies 

— selected popular pamphlets 

— regular newsletter on IPR activities 

— notices of new books and other Far Eastern publications 

— meetings, lectures and discussion groups (for members near IPR offices) 

— 20 percent discount on all IPR books 

Supporting membership carries with it 

($100 to $2,500) 

— all the above items 

— specially requested research services. Many individuals, organizations, 

firms, and Foundations assist substantially in this way to maintain the 

reearch and educational program of the IPR. 

Contributing and Supporting memberships help to meet the expense of educa- 
tional, research, editorial, library and staff services, and permit a steady expan- 
sion of the IPR program. 

Contributions are deductible in computing income taxes 

Name Occupation 

Address 

Area Interest 

OFFICERS AND BOARD OF TRUSTEES, AMERICAN COUNCIL 

Robert G. Sproul, Chairman 

Edward C. Carter, Executive Vice Chairman 

Joseph P. Chamberlain" 

Mortimer Graves 

Henry R. Luce 

Ray Lyman Wilbur 

Brooks Emeny, Treasurer 

Tillie G. Stiahn, Assistant Treasurer 

Lawrence Morris, Secretary 



Vice Chairmen 



Edward W. Allen 
Raymond B. Allen 
Christian Arndt 
Paul S. Bachman 
Eugene E. Barnett 
Pearl S. Buck 
George Cameron 
Edward C. Carter 
Joseph P. Chamberlain 
Allan E. Charles 
Lauchlin Currie 
John L. Curtis 
Joseph S. Davis 
A. L. Dean 
Arthur Dean 
Len De Caux 
Dorothy Douglas 
Brooks Emeny 
Frederick V. Field 
Henry Field 



Galen M. Fisher 
G. W. Fisher 
Charles K. Gamble 
Clarence E. Gauss 
Mrs. Frank Gerbode 
Huntington Gilchrist 
A. J. Gock 
Carrington Goodrich 
Henry F. Grady 
Mortimer Graves 
Admiral John W. Green- 

slade 
William R. Herod 
John Hersey 
Paul G. Hoffman 
William C. Johnstone 
Owen Lattimore 
< Jharles F. Loomis 
Henry R. Luce 
Charles E. Martin 



Mrs. Alfred McLaughlin 
Abbot Low Moffat 
Harriet L. Moore 
George Abbot Morison 
Lawrence Morris 
A. W. Robertson 
Chester Rowell 
Robert G. Sproul 
G. Nye Steiger 
Donald Straus 
George Taylor 
Juan Trippe 
Henry A. Wallace 
Louis Weiss 
Sumner AVelles 
Lynn White, Jr. 
Brayton Wilbur 
Ray Lyman Wilbur 
Herbert J. Wood 
Mrs. Louise L. Wright 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1535 

IPK REGIONAL OF] Id B 

1151 So. Broadway 417 Market Street 

Los Angeles 14. California San Francisco r>, California 

215 Columbia Street 1710 C Street, N. W. 

Seattle 4. Washington Washington 5, D. C. 

Dillingham Building Annex. Halekauwila Street, Honolulu 16, T. H. 

The privilege of voting for the Board of Trustees is limited to members who 
are American citizens. 

THE AMERICAN COUNCIL OF THE INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS 

is one of ten national councils in as many countries of the world. The Institute 
is a nonpartisan, private, research association supported by business corpora- 
tions, by its members, and by Foundation grants. Its chief purpose is to 
provide Americans with the facts about economic, political and social develop- 
ments in the Far East. It takes on stand on public policy, but through its 
publications and meetings provides an impartial forum within which Far 
Eastern specialists, who represent many points of view, may analyze issues 
frankly. 

The American Council of the IPR publishes factual reports and studies in both 
book and pamphlet form, and conducts workshops, conferences, and study courses 
in many parts of the United States. Over two million copies of its popular pam- 
phlets have been used by the Army and Navy, schools, colleges, and study groups. 

In 1943, the Rockefeller Foundation Report called the Institute of Pacific 
Relations "* * * the most important single source of independent studies 
of the problems of the Pacific Area and the Far East." 

In 1945 the United States Navy awarded its Certificate of Achievement to the 
American Council of the IPR "in recognition of exceptional accomplishment in 
behalf of the United States Navy and of meritorious contribution to the national 
war effort." 



Exhibit No. 30 

Program 

Friday evening, June Ik 

Opening Meeting 8 : 30 p. m. 

"Democratic Rights and National Defense" 
Speakers : 

Josephine Truslow Adams, Swarthmore College. 
Walter White, Secretary, National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People. 
Alfred K. Stern, Chairman, National Emergency Conference for 

Democratic Rights. 
Labor Speaker (to be announced). 

Saturday afternoon, June 15 

Registration 1:00 p. m. 

General Session 1:30-2:00 p. m. 

Presiding Chairman : Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, Temporary Vice-Chair- 
man Maryland Association for Democratic Rights. 
Address : Samuel L. M. Barlow, National Emergency Conference for 
Democratic Rights. 

Round Table Discussions 2:00-4:00 p. m. 

Round Table I. Democratic Rights and Labor. 

Issues involved : National Defense and Civil Liberties ; the indus- 
trial mobilization plan ; legislation and trade unions ; anti-trust 
prosecutions. 
Round Table II. Democratic Rights and Minorities. 

Issues involved : The attack upon the foreign born ; Discrimination 
against the Negro ; the anti-lynching Bill ; anti-Semitism ; civil 
rights of political minorities ; intellectual freedom in the 
schools. 



1536 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Saturday afternoon, June 15 — Continued 

Round Table III. Democratic Rights and the Church. 

Issues involved : The Church and intolerance ; religion in a demo- 
cratic society ; freedom of speech for the clergy ; the responsibility 
of the Church in the face of attacks upon minorities. 
(Chairman and Discussants of Round Tables to be announced). 

Business Session 4 : 00-5 : 30 p. mv 

Presiding Chairman : Rev. Theodore P. Ferris. 

Reports by the Chairmen of Round Tables, with recommendations 

for action. 
Election of Officers and Continuations Committee. 

Maryland Association for Democratic Rights 

affiliated to the national emergency conference for democratic rights 

franz boas, national honorary chairman 

temporary officers 



Win. F. Cochran, Chairman 
Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, 
Vice Chairman 



Edna R. Walls, Secretary 

Albert Lion, Jr., Treasurer 

Bert L. Clarke, Executive Secretary 



SPONSORS OF THE CONFERENCE 

Mr. I. Duke Avnet Dr. Ernst Feise Rev. Joseph S. Nowak, Jr, 

Dr. Floyd Banks Dr. Jonas Friedenwald Charles B. Olds 

Walter Bohanan Helen Garvin Maizie Rappaport 

Gertrude C. Bussey Sarah Hartman Leon Rubenstein 

Marthe-Ann Chapman Sidney Hollander Dr. Leon Sachs 

Savilla Cogswell Dr. W. Stull Holt C. A. B. Shreve 

J. Marjorie Cook Mrs. Anne G. Huppman Dr. Henry E. Sigerist 

Mrs. Henry E. Corner Owen Lattimore H. Bowen Smith 

Dorothy Currie Mrs. Owen Lattimore William Smith 

Fred D' Avila Claire Leighton Wm. F. Stark 

Carrington L. Davis Edward S. Lewis Arthur K. Taylor 

Mrs. Edmond S. Donoho Charles W. Mitzel 

Jacob J. Edelman Samuel R. Morsell 

In order to facilitate arrangements for the Conference, please return this blank ta 

the address below as soon as possible 

registration blank 

Maryland Association for Democratic Rights, 
19 Medical Arts Building, Baltimore, Md. 

Name 

Address 

Please check your basis of participation in the Conference : 

Individual 

Representative of an organization 

Organization 

Total membership of organization 

(Each organization is entitled to at least two delegates. Organizations 
having more than 100 members are entitled to one delegate for every 
additional 100 members.) 
Registration Fee enclosed : 25c per delegate. 



Exhibit No. 31 

WRITERS CONGRESS— 1943 

University of California, L. A. Campus, Westwood. Joint Auspices, Univer- 
sity of California, Hollywood Writers Mobilization, Friday, Saturday, 
Sunday, October 1, 2, 3 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1537 

WRITERS IN WARTIME 

Writers face tremendous and argent tasks in relation to the war. The spoken 
and written word and the image on the screen are of crucial importance in de- 
veloping civilian and military morale, in bringing the promise of victory to the 
countries under Axis tyranny, in cementing the unity of the United Nations, in 
clarifying the conditions for a just and lasting peace. In this second year of the 
conflict, the effective use of word and image is vital to the winning of the war. 

Believing that this places a direct responsibility on all writers, and seeking 
to find ways and means by which the writer can understand and fulfill his obliga- 
tions, the University of California and the Hollywood Writers Mobilization will 
hold a Congress of professional writers for the achievement of the following 
purposes : 

To analyze propaganda techniques as weapons of victory; to sharpen the crea- 
tive skill of writers by pooling their creative experience and knowledge ; to in- 
vestigate the most effective use of new media of expression ; to strengthen firm 
and continuous cultural understanding among the United Nations; to mobilize 
the entire writing profession in a program of action for the free world of 
tomorrow. 

Opening session, Friday evening, 8: 15 p. m., October 1, 1943 

EOYCE HALL, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 

Welcome Robert G. Sproul, President, University of California 

Reading of message from President Franklin D. Roosevelt 

The Writers Congress Marc Connelly, Ralph Freud 

Robert Rossen, Chairman 

GREETINGS FROM THE UNITED NATIONS 

Thomas Baird Great Britain Yu Shan Han China 

Phyllis Bentley Great Britain Mikhail Kalatosov U. S. S. R, 

Nehemias Gueiros, Enrique de Lozada, Jose Ramos, Hernane Tavares de Sa r 

South America 

SPEAKERS 

Lieut. Col. Evans Carlson, United States Marine Corps 
Y. Frank Freeman, Motion Picture Producers Association 
Owen Lattimore, Office of War Information 
Col. Carlos Romulo, the Philippines 
Walter White, N. A. A. C. P. 

GUESTS 

James Cagney Thomas Mann Kenneth Thomson 

Theodore Dreiser Elliott Paul Walter Wanger 

D. D. Durr Capt. Paul Perigord Jack L. Warner 

Lion Feuchtwanger Calvin J. Smith Col. Darryl F. Zanuck 

A Cappella Choir — Director, Ray Moremen 
Saturday Morning, 10 a. m. to 12:30 p. m., October 2, 19',3 

A panel discussion is a general sociological and psychological approach to a 
subject. A seminar treats the subject in relation to a specific, technical craft. 
Location of sessions will be posted at Royce Hall, Friday evening, October 1st. 

SEMINARS 

The feature film 

First Session: Dore Schary, Chairman; Sidney Buchman ; William Dozier ; 
Talbot Jennings ; Col. Darryl F. Zanuck. 
Treatment of the war in motion pictures. Responsibilities, accomplishments, 
challenges to be met. Survey of war films made and to be made. Trends in the 
story market. Indications for the future. 

Radio news and analysis 

Fox Case, Chairman; Harry W. Flannery ; Sam Hayes; Chet Huntley; 
Clinton Jones ; Hubbard Keavy ; Nelson Pringle ; Wallace Sterling. 



1538 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Methods employed in assembling, rewriting, and airing the news. An actual 
radio news program prepared and broadcast before the audience of the seminar. 

The role of the press 

First Session : John Cohee, Chairman ; Alexander Kaun ; Robert C. Miller. 
War coverage. The war correspondent. Covering the home front. The 
labor press. The future functioning of the press in the war effort. 

Song writing in tear 

Arthur Schwartz, Chairman : Ira Gershwin ; Oscar Hammerstein, II ; E. Y. 
Harburg ; Leo Robin ; Earl Robinson. 
The contribution of the song to the war effort. The role of the writer. Goals 
to reach. .uJ 

Radio television 

Lewis Allen Weiss, Chairman ; Klaus Landsberg ; Gilbert Seldes. 
The challenge of a new medium. Present status. The transition period. The 
writer in relation to television. Technical and economic implications. 

Humor and the war 

A. S. Burrows ; Carroll Carroll ; Cornwall Jackson ; Phil Leslie ; Leonard 
Levinson; Sam Moore; Don Quinn; Frederic Rinaldo ; Melville Shavelson. 
Humor in relation to the morale of the soldier and the civilian. 

Saturday Afternoon, 2 to 5 p. in., October 2, 19J/3 

PANELS 

The nature of the enemy 

John Wexley, Chairman ; Lion Feuchtwanger ; David Hanna ; Mikhail Kala- 

tosov ; Dudley Nichols ; Col. Carlos Romulo ; Virginia Wright. 

Treatment of the Enemy in films, books and radio. Survey and comparisons of 

Enemy types. The writer probes the Nazi "mind." How should Japan's racist 

political philosophy be treated by the writer? The key question: How closely 

are the German and Japanese people to be identified with their rulers? 

The American scene 

Robert Rossen, Chairman; Howard Estabrook; Franklin Fearing; James 
Felton: Bernard Gordon; Milton Merlin; Carleton F. Morse; Nat Wolff. 
Tensions and dislocations at home. The family under constantly changing 
social and economic conditions. The psychological factors which underlie cre- 
ative writing in relation to the home front. 

Indoctrination and training film 

Capt. Bernard Vorhaus, Chairman ; Thomas Baird ; Lt. Col. Owen Crump ; 
Lt. Col. Evans Carlson; Maj. Harrison Jacobs; Lt. Com. J. C. Hutchinson. 
The function of the training film. Reports on visual orientation courses. 
Showing of motion pictures exemplifying work of all branches of service. 

Saturday Evening, 1:30 to 10:30 P. M., October 2, 19-' t 3 

PANELS 
Minority groups 

Leonard Bloom, Chairman; Cbarlotta Bass; Carlos Bulosan; John Collier; 

Harry Hoijer"; Carey McWilliams ; Samuel Ornitz ; Dalton Trumbo ; Walter 

White. 

Historical and scientific background of the minority problems . . . The 

writer's treatment of the question. The Negro : Case history of a minority 

group. 

Pan-American affairs 

Ralph Peals. Chairman : Xehemias Gueiros ; Enrique de Lozada ; Jose Ramos ; 
Hernane Tavares de Sa. 
Inter-American relations in their sociological, political, and economic aspects. 
Educational and linguistic problems defined and examined. 

Propaga n it a a n a lysis 

John B. Hughes. Chairman ; Lyman Bryson : Gordon Kahn ; Paul Lazarsfeld; 
W. E. Oliver, Charles Seipmann; Frances Wilder. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1539 

Propaganda techniques in relation to the American scene . . . The writer's 
influence is strengthening the home front. 

Probh ins of peace 

Gordon S. Watkins, Chairman; Phyllis Bentley ; Yu Shan Han; Vladimir 
Pozner; Robert Riskin. 
Postwar Internal planning. Postwar international cooperation . . . Cultural 
understanding among nations . . . The writer and his new audience. 

Sunday Homing, 10 a. in. to 1,2:30 p. in., October 3, 191,3 

SEMINARS 

Writers in exile 

Phyllis Bentley, Chairman: Gustave Aiit ; Lion Feuchtwanger ; Thomas 
Mann ; Alexis Minotis ; Capt. Paul Perigord. 
The exiled writer's relation to his home country- His creative and economic 
problems . . . His return to his home country in the postwar world. 

The role of the press 

Second Session; Hobart Montee; Morris Watson. 
War coverage . . . The war correspondent . . . Covering the home front . . . 
The labor press . . . The future functioning of the press in the war effort. 

Short-wave radio 

Glan Heisch, Chairman; John Burton; E. T. Buck Harris; Lt. Col. Tom 
Lewis ; Larry Rhine. 
Short-wave radio programs for our troops abroad . . . Propaganda uses . . . 
Actual illustrations of psychological warfare broadcasts by radio Tokyo . . . and 
by U. S. stations. 

The documentary film 

Leo Hurwitz, Chairman; Thomas Baird; James Wong Howe; Joris Ivens; 
Kenneth Macgowan ; Sgt. Ben Maddow ; Arthur Mayer. 

The morale film . . . Wartime documentaries in commercial theaters . . . 
Comparison of work accomplished in various United Nations. 

Music and the tear 

Lou Cooper ; Hanns Eisler ; Gerald Strang. 
Music as an integral element of film and radio . . . The demands placed upon 
music by the war. 

Sunday Afternoon, 2 to 5 p. in., October 3, 19J t 3 
seminars 

The feature film 

Second Session: Thomas Baird; Thomas Chapman; Jorge Delano, Sr. ; 
Mikhail Kalatosov ; Robert Rossen. 
The United Nations. Speakers from the British and Russian film industries. 
A comparative survey. Concrete proposals for more effective screen writing 
in terms of content and technique. 

The animated cartoon 

Phil Eastman, John Hubley, Karl van Lueven. 
The unique position of the animated cartoon among war films . . . New oppor- 
tunities for the writer and for the artist . . . Social and educational aspects. 

Creative radio 

Paul Franklin, Chairman; Hector Chevigny, Norman Corwin, Ranald Mac- 
Dougall, Arch Oboler, Jack Runyon, Bernard Schoenfeld. 
The radio dramatist in wartime . . . The commercial writer . . . Docu- 
mentary radio . . . Evaluation of current tendencies . . . The future of creative 
radio writing. 

Publicity and the war 

Cecil Carl, Chairman. 
The role of the motion picture publicist . . . Exploitation and advertising in 
the war effort. 



1540 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Sunday Evening, 7:30 to 10:30 p. m., .October 3, 19.' f 3 

Concluding Session: Royce Hall — Reports From Panels and Seminars; 

Resolutions — Program of Action 

(Meals will be served on the Campus at nominal prices) 
Committees of the Writers Congress 



Gustave Arlt 
Sidney Buchman 
Fox Case 
Marc Connelly 
Jean Dalrymple 
William Dozier 
Charles Einfeld 
Franklin Fearing 
Y. Frank Freeman 
Ralph Freud 



Gnstave Arlt 
Bill Blowitz 
Richard Collins 
Franklin Fearing 
Paul Franklin 
Sheridan Gibney 
Talbot Jennings 



co-chairmen 
Marc Connelly ; Ralph Freud 

treasurer 

Francis Edwards Faragob 

advisory committee 

Francis H. Harmon 
John B. Hughes 
Joris Ivens 
Stephen Longstreet 
Alfred E. Longueil 
Kenneth Macgowan 
.Mary C. McCall, Jr. 
William Morris, Jr. 
Dudley Nichols 
Mark Sandrieh 

general committee 

Howard Koch 
John Howard Lawson 
Melvin Levy 
Alfred E. Longueil 
Milton Merlin 
Josef Mischel 
Sam Moore 



Carl Sandburg 
Dore Senary 
Arthur Schwartz 
Robert G. Sproul 
Rex Stout 
Lamar Trotti 
Walter Wanger 
Jack L. Warner 
Walter White 
Col. Darryl F. Zanuck 



Arch Oboler 
W. E. Oliver 
H. R. Reynolds 
Allen Rivkin 
Robert Rossen 
Zachary Schwartz 



Publicity direction, Vic Shapiro and staff ; executive secretary, Jane Mead 
committees on panels and seminars 



Minority groups 
Ring Lardner, Jr., Chair- 
• man 

Charles Brackett 
Edward Dymtryk 
Everett Freeman 
Don Hartman 
Harry Hoijer 
Robert Josephs 
Carey McYVilliams 
David Robison 
Frank Tuttle 

Nature of the enemy 
John Wexley, Chairman 
Fiances Goodrich 
Albert Hackett 
David Hertz 
Dan James 
Emmett Lavery 
Stephen Longstreet 
Marva Ross 
Allan Scott 



Propaganda analysis 
Franklin Fearing, Chair- 
man 
Ben Barzman 
Sidney Carroll 
John Houseman 
John B. Hughes 
Sidney James 
H. R. Reynolds 
Cameron Shipp 
Frances Wilder 

American scene 

Robert Rossen, Chairman 
Edward Chodorov 
Howard Estabrook 
Franklin Fearing 
F. Hugh Herbert 

Problems of peace 
.Melvin Levy, Chairman 
Bill Blowitz 
George Corey 



Problems of peace — Con. 

Sheridan Gibney 
Richard Hocking 
Sgt. Bob Lee 
Milton Merlin 
Hugh Miller 
W. E. Oliver 
Caroline Pratt 
Hans Reichenbach 
Paul Trivers 

J'a))-. [merican affairs 
Louis Solomon, Chairman 
Irwin Braun 
J. Robert Bren 
Enrique de Lozada 
Ilernane Tavares de S"a 
Gerald Smith 
Guy Endore 
Manuel Gonzales 
Jackson Leighter 
Kenneth Macgowan 
Joan Madison 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1541 



COM M 1TTEK 

Pa n-A hi erica n a ft a trs — 

Continued 
H.'R. Reynolds 
Allen Hivkin 
Waldo Salt 
Leo Town send 
Marion Zeitlin 

Feature film 

Richard Collins, Chair- 
man 
William Dozier 
Talbot Jennings 
JFay Kanin 
Michael Kanin 
Howard Koch 
Dudley Nichols 
Maurice Rapf 
Meta Reis 
Dore Schary 
Lamar Trotti 

Documentary film 
Joris Ivens, Chairman 
Bernard Gordon 
Ian Hunter 
Jay Leyda 

Training films 

('apt. Bernard Vorhaus, 

Chairman 
Lt. Commander J. C. Hut- 
chinson 
Major Harrison Jacobs 
Lt. Fanning Hearon 
Sgt. Stanley Rubin 
Corp. Alex Greenberg 
Henry Blankfort, Jr. 
Edgar Peterson 

Animated cartoon 

iZachary Schwartz, Chair- 
man 
Graham Heid 
Winston Hibler 
Sgt. John Hubley 
William King 
Karl Van Leuven 
Norman Wright 

Creative radio 

Arch Oboler, Chairman 

Bernard Schoenfeld 



s on panels and seminaus — continued 

Humor and the war — Con. 

Melvin Frank 
Leonard Leviuson 
Phil Leslie 
Sam Moore 
Norman Panama 



Creative radio — Con. 

Sam Moore 
Wendell Williams 

Radio neivs and analysis 
Fox Case, Chairman 

Radio shortwave 
Glan Heisch, Chairman 
Georgia Backus 

Publicity and war 
Tom Alfred 
Bill Blowitz 
Cecil Carle 
Lou Harris 

Role of press 

II. R. Reynolds, Chairman 

Charles Cosgrove 

Donald Mac-Donald 

John Maloney 

W. E. Oliver 

Robert Tonge 

Writers in exile 
Josef Mischel, Chairman 
Gustave Arlt 
Kurt Neumann 

Song writing in war 
Earl Robinson, Chairman 
Leo Robin 
Arthur Schwartz 

Music and the war 
Carroll Hollister, Chair- 
man 
Mischa Altman 
Florence Byrens 
Sol Kaplan 
Gale Kubik 
Lydia Marcus 
Earl Robinson 
Gerald Strang 
Cyril Towbin 

Humor and the war 

Stanley Roberts, Chair- 
man 
A. S. Burrows 
Julius Epstein 



Don Quinn 
Frederic Rinaldo 
Fred Saidy 
Melville Shavelson 

Arrangements 

Francis Edwards Fara- 
goh, Chairman 

Milton Merlin, Vice- 
Chair man 

Gustav Arlt 

Fox Case 

Franklin Fearing 

Ralph Freud 

Fred Grable 

Hy Kraft 

John Howard Lawson 

Stephen Longstreet 

Alfred E. Longueil 

Melvin Levy 

Mrs. Robert Rossen 

Herman Rotsten 

Adrian Scott 

Jack Stanley 

Mrs. William Wyler 

Publicity 

Bill Blowitz 
John Clark 
John Flinn 
Chandler Harris 
Jerry Hoffman 
Leonard Neubauer 
George Thomas, Jr. 

Tickets 

Jane Murfin, Chairman 
Harold Buchman 
Earl Felton 
Robert E. Kent 
Lewis Meltzer 
Ann Roth Morgan 
Frank Partos 
Marguerite Roberts 
Stanley Roberts 
Richard Weil 



GUILDS PARTICIPATING IN THE HOLLYWOOD WRITERS MOBILIZATION 

Robert Rossen, Chairman 

Paul Franklin, Vice Chairman 

Pauline Lauber Finn, Executive Secretary 

■Screen Writers Guild Screen Cartoonists Guild 

Radio W T riters Guild American Newspaper Guild 

Screen Publicists Guild Independent Publicists Assn. 

Screen Readers Guild Song Writers Protective Association 

1655 NORTH CHEROKEE, HOLLYWOOD 2 8, CALIFORNIA 



1542 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit No. 32 
Senator McCarthy's Statement on Gustavo Duran 

The Committee will recall that the name of Gustavo Duran was first mentioned 
hy me as a possible bad security risk in a speech which I made in Reno, Neva'da. 

At that time I said : "Now, let's see what happens when individuals with 
Communist connections are forced out of the State Department. Gustavo Duran, 
who was labeled as (I quote) 'a notorious international Communist,' was made 
assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State in charge of Latin American Affairs. 
He was taken into the State Department from his job as a lieutenant colonel 
in the Communist International Brigade. Finally, after intense congressional 
pressure and criticism, he resigned in 1946 from the State Department — and 
ladies and gentlemen, where do you think he is now? He took over a high-sal- 
aried job as Chief of Cultural Activities Section in the Office of the Assistant 
Secretary General of the United Nations." 

This statement was promptly ridiculed by the Secretary of State who— through 
Mr. Peurifoy — merely said that this man Duran was no longer an employee of 
the State Department, but had been in the auxiliary foreign service from Jan- 
uary 1943 until September 1945, and thereafter until October 4, 1946, in the 
Department. Mr. Peurifoy added that Duran had voluntarily resigned from 
the State Department on October 4, 1946. 

One of the important facts that the Secretary overlooked in making this press 
release is that this man is still, as of today, a high salaried official in the United 
Nations. On March 8th my office phoned the office of Trygve Lie to find out 
exactly what type of work he was doing. My office was advised that information 
could not be given to me. The State Department advised me that Duran is 
now Chief of the Cultural Activities Section of the Department of Social Affairs, 
United Nations. 

I was surprised to find that the Permanent Secretary of the United Nations 
felt he could not give to a United States Senator the information as to what this 
man was doing. However, since that time I have had the matter checked in New 
York and am informed he is actually with the International Refugee Organiza- 
tion, engaged in work having to do with screening refugees coming into this 
country. The financial contribution which the United States makes toward the 
running of this United Nations' agency amount to 45.57 percent. (Senate Report 
1274, 81st Congress, 2d Session, Committee on Expenditures in the Executive 
Departments, prepared by Subcommittee on Relations with International Organ- 
izations.) 

At the time that Acheson's man attempted to ridicule my statement, he either 
did not know the facts in the case or he was covering up the information whicl> 
is in the files and which should have been known to him. 

This information, which I shall document for the committee, was known or was 
available to the State Department. It shows that Duran was (1) well-known 
for his rabid Communist beliefs and activities, (2) that he was active in secret 
Soviet operations in the Spanish Republican Army, (3) that a highly confidential 
report was sent to the State Department by the Military Attache at the American 
Embassy in Madrid which according to all existing rules called for Duran's im- 
mediate dismissal — unless the facts were proven to be wrong. Originally, I 
understand it was claimed that this was a case of mistaken identity. That claim, 
I believe, has been subsequently dropped in view of the fact that our intelligence 
produced pictures of him in the uniform that he wore at the time he was the 
regional head of SIM.'which was the Spanish Counterpart of the Russian NKVD 
or OGPU. I now hand the committee one of those pictures. 

At the time this intelligence report reached the State Department, Duran was 
a highly placed official in a confidential capacity with the State Department 
in South America. 

When the American people read the carefully prepared statement put out by the 
Secretary of State's office in regard to the Duran statement, they were entitled to 
rely upon it as being the truth. Unfortunately, anyone who believed that state- 
ment got a completely erroneous impression of the actual facts. 

Whichever way you wish to interpret this situation I submit to the Committee 
that it is typical of the carelessness of the top executives of the State Department 
of this country. The situation I have just discussed is typical of the type of 
news releases emanating from the State Department; it is typical of the half 
truths we hear in answer to the information which I have been developing in 
regard to the bad security risks in that Department. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1543 

I now submit to the committee the Intelligence Report just referred to in its 
entirety. It will be noted the State Department received a copy of it. There are 
certain matters discussed in this report which I do not feel should be made public 
until the committee has had a chance to thoroughly look into them. I have, 
therefore, deleted these sections from the copies being handed to the^ press and 
will not read them into the record at this time. The entire report, however, 
with nothing deleted is being handed to each of the members of the committee. 

B. I. D. No. 7232. 
Report No. R-290/46. 

Confidential Intelligence Report for General Use by any U. S. Intelligence 

Agency 

June 4, 194G. 
From : Military Attache, American Embassy, Madrid, Spain. 
Source : Spanish Army Central General Staff. B-3. 
Area Reported On : Spain. 

Who's Who: Gustavo Dtjran. 

Following is the report given the Military Attache by the A. C. of S., G-2, 
Spanish Central General Staff, After the M/A asked whether Dtjran was known: 

1. "Gustavo Dtjrah came to Madrid for the first time in the nineteen twenties 
from the Canary Island, in the company of another Canarian, a painter called 
Nestor, who was registered by the Spanish police for the same reasons as 
Duran * * *. As a friend of Nester, Gustavo Duran became employed as 
a pianist in the company of Antonia Merce the 'Argentinita' and went to Berlin 
to participated in that capacity in dance shows. However, his * * * caused 
him to incur the fury of the Berlin police, which finally ousted him from Germany. 

2. "Similar trouble happened to him in other Europen capitals. 
His * * * grew to the limit in Paris, which was the preferred center for 
his activities some years before the advent of the Spanish Republic in 1931, 
while he was under the protection of his friend Nestor, the painter, who was 
well known in certain Parisian quarters. About that time the Soviets entrusted 
Gustavo Duran with some missions and finally appointed him their agent. 

3. "Upon the proclamation of the Spanish Republic, the 'Porcelana' (as he 
was nicknamed) returned to Madrid. His identity papers indicated that he was 
the representative of the Paramount Film Co. However, bis true mission was 
service of the GPU. Duran was greatly successful in his activities due to the 
political protection he enjoyed. He soon became one of the leading members of 
the Youths of the Communist Party and greatly contributed to the merger of 
the Communist Youths with the youths of the Spanish Labor Party, thus giving 
birth to the JSU ('Juventudes Socialisitas Uniflcadas' — United Socialist Youths), 
of fateful remembrance, since this organization committeed the most cold- 
blooded crimes before 18 July 1936 (date of the military uprising) and during 
the Red revolution which ensued. 

4. '•During the republican regime (1931-1936) Duran continued practising 
his * * *. Together with other 'close' friends of his and some young 
pro-Communist poets, among whom Alberty was noted, Duran succeeded in be- 
coming notorious. All them were his tools and all them were made into active 
Communists. In Duran's home located * * *, such meetings took place 
that the police had to interfere frequently, thus giving occasion to complete his 
record as * * * in the files of the General Directorate of Security. This 
record as * * * was probably removed by his friend Serrano Poncela, who 
was the Chief of the 'Red' Police during the months of October and November 
1936 in Madrid and political reporter of 'Mnndo Obrero' (a Communist news- 
paper) and Chief of the JSU Duran's release from his frequent imprisonments 
for * * * conduct was due to his powerful political protectors, who blindly 
obeyed orders from the Soviet political police. 

5. "Upon the national uprising (beginning of Civil War) Gustavo Duran took 
over the nearest convent to his house, called las Siervas de Maria,' located at 
the old Chamheri Plaza. He was there the 'responsable', or chief. He was 
afflicted there with typhoid fever during the month of August 1936. 

The ''Cause General" (General Judicial Proceedings) has information about 
the crimes perpetrated by the militia under the command of Duran's "choca" 
(illegal prison). He was one of the principal leaders of the popular militia 
created by the Communists. He was a personal friend of Lister and Modesto 
(commanders of Red brigades, now Generals in the Russian Army) and soon 



1544 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

became captain, major and lieutenant colonel of the "Red" Army. He belonged 
to the General staff of the "Red" forces which directed the "brilliant" with- 
drawals of Talavera de la Reina, Maqueda, Toledo, etc. 

6. "When the international brigades were brought into the Madrid and Aran- 
juez fronts, Gustavo Duran formed part of the High Russian General Staff, 
with headquarters at Tarancon and its vicinity, where they left sad and hideous 
recollections. 

7. "After Tarancon we (the Spanish Intelligence Service) lost track of Duran. 
It appears that he went to Moscow with a delegation of male and female mem- 
bers of the "Red" Army. It appears that later he was for some time in Paris. 

8. "And now he is in Washington as a collaborator of Spruille Braden, Chief 
of a Section of the State Department." 

9. M. A. Comment : A very reliable Spaniard who is anti-Franco in sympathies 
but is middle of the road republican and extremely pro-U. S. and democratic 
in his views states that he knows personally that Duran as commander officer 
of an international brigade in a small town not far from Madrid ordered the 
execution of the town electrician and another man who was a mason, neither 
of whom has committed any act for which they should have suffered this 
execution. 

1332 Wendell G. Johnson, 
Colonel, G. S. C, Military Attach d. 

The Honorable Kenneth S. Wherry wrote to the State Department on August 
2, 1946, demanding the immediate discharge of Duran. I now submit this letter : 

August 2, 1946. 
The Honorable James F. Byrnes, 

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Secretary: As a member of the Appropriation Committee, on April 18, 
1946, I asked for investigation of certain persons holding positions of trust and 
responsibility in your Department. 

It was my purpose then and is now to withhold appropriations that finance 
the salaries and activities of anyone in the State Department whose allegiance 
apparently is to some other country rather than to the United States. 

You will recall, Mr. Secretary, that when you appeared I questioned you about 
some of these officials and among them was a Gustavo Duran. This was just 
prior to the Carter Glass funeral. At that time you stated there was a question 
of identity of Gustavo Duran. You stated further an investigation had revealed 
that he was some other person than the man in the State Department, who has 
been an assistant to Spruille Braden. 

It has now come to my knowledge there exists an extensively military intelli- 
gence report on this man, Gustavo Duran, and I am reliably informed that several 
copies of this report have been delivered to the State Department. 

I am now making this formal request upon you in my official capacity as a 
United States Senator, and as a member of the State Department Subcommittee 
on Appropriations, that on the basis of this report you immediately discharge 
Gustavo Duran. 

Cordially yours, 

Kenneth S. Wherry. 
KSW:emn 

After Senator Wherry wrote this letter to the State Department, demanding 
the immediate discharge of Duran, he received on September 14, 1946, the- 
following letter from Six. Donald Russell, the Assistant Secretary of State. 

Assistant Secretary of State, 
Washington, September 14, 1946. 
The Honorable Kenneth S. Wherry, 

United States Senate. 
My Dear Senator: I am in receipt of your recent inquiry about the security 
investigation by the Department of Mr. Gustavo Duran. As you know, the 
Department has a Security Committee which confines itself to reviewing security 
investigations and to making recommendations based thereon. Of course, this 
committee has nothing to do with reviewing the qualifications or competency of 
the person reviewed for a position in the Department other than as security is- 
involved. I have added this because from our conversation I would assume 
that you seriously question the qualifications of Mr. Duran for employment, as 
distinguished from security consideration. That phase of Mr. Duran's employ- 
ment is not within the scope of the Security Committee. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1545 

After reviewing the entire record on Mr. Duran as procured from all available 
sources, the Security Committee recommended favorably on Mr. Duran. I bave 
carefully gone over the record before the Security Committee and I have approved 
their recommendation. 

While I recognize thai the above conclusions are at variance with your own 
feelings, I have to do my duty as I see it and I hope that you will recognize that 
I have attempted to exercise my judgment faithfully and honestly. 

With best wishes, 1 am 
Sincerely yours, 

(S) Donald Russell. 

When Mr. Russell wrote this letter on September 14, 1946, he had in his flies 
the top secret report from the Military Attache in Madrid, which I have already 
referred to. outlining in detail the facts I have given on Duran. 

What was the mysterious power in the possession of Duran that enabled him 
to continue to serve as a confidential assistant to Spruille Braden, the then head 
of the State Department's South American affairs? 

Why was this man permitted voluntarily to resign in the face of these grave 
charges? 

Mr. Duran obviously had powerful friends and one of his greatest champions 
was his immediate chief. Spruille Braden. 

I now show the Committee a copy of a letter marked "secret" and dated De- 
cember 21. 1048. in Havana. 



Habana, December 21, 1943. 
Memorandum for the Military Attache 

Mi-. Gustavo Duran was recommended to me in the first instance by a friend 
of unimpeachable patriotism and integrity. He was recommended for a specific 
objective requiring a person of highly specialized qualifications; his duties were 
to be concerned with protecting United States interests through confidential 
surveillance over Falangist activities in Cuba. * 

As to Mr. Duran's background, he is a naturalized American citizen born and 
educated in Spain. He is of good family, and in his youth was particularly 
interested in the arts. When the Spanish Civil War began in July 1936, he 
gave up everything to fight on the side of the Loyalists and from a somewhat 
dilettante but brilliant young man, turned into a vital force for the Republican 
cause. His military record was reportedly brilliant. He was further described 
to me as being a man whose hatred for the Fascists, and his deep devotion to 
liberal principles, are not open to debate. A close association with him during 
a period of over a year fully support this description. 

Mr. Duran arrived in Habana in November 1942 on the payroll of the Pan 
American Union and was to transfer to the stall of the CIAA on February 1, 
1043. Instead, I urgently recommended his employment as an Auxiliary Foreign 
Service Office in a telegram from which I quote the following: 

"I regard Duran as eminently qualified for the work he is performing and 
I have the highest estimation for his intelligence and character as well as for 
his complete loyalty and discretion. He has already proven of very great value 
to this Embassy and I anticipate that his usefulness will increase as he becomes 
more familiar with conditions in Cuba. I consider that his continuance here is 
particularly desirable at the present time when our relations with Spain are 
of such vital importance." 

Mr. Duran has now served as one of my immediate associates for more than 
a year. His work has been excellent and outstandingly useful to the United 
States Government. From my personal knowledge based on close association, 
Mr. Duran is not a Communist but a liberal of the highest type. I consider him 
an unusually worthy, patriotic, and honorable American citizen, who shows great 
promise as a United States Government official capable of high responsibility. 

Spruille Braden. 

Mr. Braden describes Mr. Duran as one recommended to him by a friend of 
unimpeachable integrity. 

He set forth in his letter that Duran was a naturalized citizen, born and 
educated in Spain, of good family and in his youth was particularly "interested 
in the arts." Braden said that from 1936 Duran gave up everything to fight 



1546 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

on the side of the Spanish Loyalists and said he "urgently recommended his 
employment as an Auxiliary Foreign Service officer." 

Following Senator Wherry's letter to the State Department of August 1940, 
in which the Senator maintained that this man was such a bad security risk 
that he should be discharged, we find that he was permitted to resign on October 
4, 1946. 

In view of the grave charges made by Senator Wherry and the unusual attitude 
of the State Department in permitting this man's resignation, it would be interest- 
ing to know what, if any, investigation was made by State Department officials 
as to his conduct while in a responsible, confidential capacity in the Department. 

But Duran's friends in the State Department did not turn their backs on him. 

After his resignation, Duran almost immediately was employed as a representa- 
tive of the International Refugee Organization of the United Nations. He was 
employed there as of yesterday. 

I have received a confidential report that Duran was recommended for his 
UN position by a member of the present Presidential Cabinet. It has also been 
reported to me that Duran is the brother-in-law of Michael Straight, the owner 
and publisher of a pro-Communist magazine called the New Republic. 

Here again it is certainly pertinent to inquire where this man got his power, 
what he did while in the State Department, and possibly, of equal importance, is 
what he did not do. 

To complete this picture, I attach hereto copies of the following documents : 

(1) Report from Edward J. Ruff, Assistant U. S. Military Attache in the 
Dominican Republic, addressed to the American Intelligence Service dated De- 
cember 30, 1943. 

(2) Excerpt from the book, Why and How I Left Defense Ministry in the 
Intrigue of Russia in Spain, by Idalicio Prieto, former Minister of Defense for 
the Spanish Republican cause. 

(3) A list of reference material for the committee's use in further checking 
into the background and activities of this man who is now with IRO, screening 
refugees coming into the United States. 



December 30, 1943. 

Report From Edward J. Ruff, Assistant U. S. Military Attache in the 
Dominican Republic, Addressed to the American Intelligence Service 

I want to take this opportunity to clarify my position in connection with 
Report No. 428, dated 13 December 1943, subject: Gustavo Duran. Alleged Com- 
munist Employee of the CIAA, Havana. As you know, this office received a 
cable from the Military Attache, Havana, requesting that dissemination of this 
report to be held up on the grounds that it was "absolutely incorrect." A few 
days ago we received letter No. 7907 from Lt. Col. Brown, written by Ambassador 
Braden concerning this individual. Both these communications corroborated 
information which we had regarding Duran and I cannot see on the basis of their 
reports how our report can be branded as "absolutely incorrect." Our only state- 
ment in the report on Duran is that he was a member of the Communist Party in 
Spain. From further reports received, this information can now be evaluated 
as A-l. For your own knowledge, the information on Duran was submitted 
by a Spanish refugee who also served as a Lt. Colonel in the Spanish Republican 
Army and had served on Duran's promotion board in Spain, which board was 
charged with considering recommendations for promotion of Spanish Republican 
Officers. As our source was actually sitting on the Board at the time that 
Duran's recommendation for promotion came through, he himself saw all Duran's 
papers and letters of recommendation, and had access to complete information 
regarding Duran's background. 

He states, dogmatically, that the records showed Duran to be a member of the 
Spanish Communist Party. Our source had previously made available to us 
the information agreeing with that sent to us by Military Attache, Havana, 
i'\c ]it tlic statement that Duran entered the Army as a private. According to our 
Agent. Duran was commissioned directly from civilian life and given the rank 
of Major in the Militia. Later when the Militia became part of the Spanish 
Republican Army, he was made a Major in the Army. The only additional in- 
formation we had, and which we did not mention in the report as it was not 
believed pertinent, was the reported fact that Duran is a homosexual. I do not 
question Duran's interest in the arts, his culture, or intelligence. However, we 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1547 

only stated in our report that Duran was a member of the Communist Party, and 
that we did not know whether he is still a member of the Communist Party. I, 
myself, am convinced that Duran was a Communist and consider Ambassador 
Barden's statement that he is a "liberal of the highest type" to be a euphemism. 
Under the circumstances, I believed the reliability of our report still remains as 
originally submitted. 

The Ambassador here is inclined to concur in my report on Duran, but has 
asked that do further official correspondence on the subject be sent up. Hence 
this personal letter from me. 
Sincerely, 

Edward J. Ruff, 

1st Lt., A. O. D., Assistant Military AttacM. 



Excebpt Pbom the Book, Why and How I Left Defense Ministry in the 
Intrigue of Russia in Spain, by Indalicio Prieto, Former Minister of 
Defense for the Spanish Republic Cause 

"It is true that I have had certain incidents with the Russians. Certain Rus- 
sian technicians proposed to me in Valencia, that a service of Military Investi- 
gations should be created. This was the Spanish counterpart of the NKVD. I 
confess that I opposed the project. But because of insistent pressure, I created 
the SIM. I was especially concerned with choosing a chief, until I gave it to an 
intimate friend of mine, who had just come from France, where he was with 
his family. In entrusting him with the task, I gave him these instructions : 

"You are going to form the SIM, carefully, with elements of all groups of the 
Popular Front. Your only charges will be these two : Do not permit the new 
organization to be converted into an instrument of the Communists and do not 
permit Russian technicians to gain control. Listen to the advice of these tech- 
nicians and follow their orientations, which can be very useful to you, but con- 
trol must always be in your hands and in that of the Government, and of no 
one else." 

I showed little tact in the selection of that comrade. A Republican named 
Sayagues came in fact to be the chief of SIM. Regional chiefs of the SIM were 
designated and they proposed to me a certain Gustavo Duran for the Madrid 
zone. It was not concealed from me that the person proposed was a Communist 
(Duran). I knew this, but in spite of that, he was appointed by me. In the 
decree creating the SOI of August 1937 — a decree which I myself drew up, be- 
cause I did not wish to follow in a slavish manner the project which was handed 
me — there is an article by virtue of which the appointment of all agents of the 
SIM rests exclusive with the Minister of National Defense. This was a guaran- 
tee which temporarily I wish to establish. No one could be an agent of the 
SIM who was not in possession of the memorandum book which bore duplicate 
the signature of the minister. Duran having been appointed chief of the de- 
marcation of the army of the center, of his own accord and without power to 
do so, appointed the agents who were under his orders, which to the number of 
some hundreds, were Communists and only four or five were Socialists. I faced 
an intolerable situation, wherefore alleging, and with reason, that I lacked com- 
manders in the army. I ordered that all military chiefs who were not in par- 
ticular positions in the army should return to their former positions and thus 
Major Duran had to return to his military function. Because of Duran's leaving 
the SIM I received a visit from a Russian technician, of these services, who said 
to me: 

"Russian Agent. I have come to speak to you about the dismissal of Duran. 
What happened? 

"Prieto. Nothing special, I lacked commanders in the army and ordered Duran 
to return to it. 

"Russian Agent. No. You discharged him because he appointed Communists 
as agents in Madrid. 

"Prieto. That is also sufficient reason, because Duran absolutely lacked author- 
ity to make appointments. 

"Russian Agent. Why did he not have the power to appoint agents? 

"Prieto. Because by virtue of the decree creating the SIM that power is 
reserved exclusively to the Minister." 

I read the decree and before the evidence of my statement my visitor alleged : 

"Russian Agent. Duran could make temporary appointments. 
68970—50 — pt. 2 5 



1548 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

"Prieto. Neither actual nor temporary. Here in Spain, moreover, the tem- 
porary is converted into the definitive. 

"Russian Agent. Be that as it may, I come to ask you to immediately restore 
Major Duran as chief of the SIM in Madrid. 

"Prieto. I am very sorry, but I cannot consent. 

"Russian Agent. If you do not restore Duran, my relations with you are 
broken. 

"Prieto. I am sorry, but Major Duran will go to the front of his division and 
will not return to the SIM. Your attitude is unjustified and I cannot yield to it." 
I did not yield as a matter of fact, and my relations with the Russian technician, 
through his own wish, were absolutely cut off. I have not seen him since that 
scene. 



Exhibit No. 33 

Habana, December 21, 1943. 

Memorandum for the Military Attache 

Mr. Gustavo Duran was recommended to me in the first instance by a friend 
of unimpeachable patriotism and integrity. He was recommended for a specific 
objective requiring a person of highly specialized qualifications ; his duties were 
to be concerned with protecting United States interests through confidential 
surveillance over Falangist activities in Cuba. 

As to Mr. Duran's background, be is a naturalized American citizen, born and 
educated in Spain. He is of good family, and in his youth was particularly 
interested in the arts. When the Spanish Civil War began in July 1936, he 
gave up everything to fight on the side of the Loyalists, and from a somewhat 
dilettante but brilliant young man, turned into a vital force for the Republican 
cause. His military record was reportedly brilliant. He was further described 
to me as being a man whose hatred for the Fascists, and his deep devotion to 
liberal principles, are not open to debate. A close association with him during 
a period of over a year fully supports this description. 

Mr. Duran arrived in Habana in November 1942 on the payroll of the Pan 
American Union and was to transfer to the stall of the C. I. A. A. on February 
1, 1943. Instead, I urgently recommended his employment as an Auxiliary For- 
eign Service Officer in a telegram from which I quote the following : 

"I regard LHiran as eminently qualified for the work he is performing 
and I have the highest estimation for his intelligence and character as well 
as for his complete loyalty and discretion. He has already proven of very 
great value to this Embassy and I anticipate that his usefulness will in- 
crease as he becomes more familiar with conditions in Cuba. I consider that 
his continuance here is particularly desirable at the present time when 
our relations with Spain are of such vital importance." 
Mr. Duran has now served as one of my immediate assistants for more than 
a year. His work lias been excellent and outstandingly useful to the United 
States Government. From my personal knowledge based on close association, 
Mr. Duran is not a Communist but a liberal of the highest type. I consider 
him an unusually worthy, patriotic and honorable American citizen, who shows 
great promise as a United States Government official capable of high responsi 
bility. 

» Spruille Braden. 



Exhibit No. 34 

December 30, 1943. 

Report From Edward J. Ruff, Assistant U. S. Military Attache in the 
Dominican Republic, Addressed to the American Intelligence Service 

I want to take this opportunity to clarify my position in connection with 
Report No. 428, dated 13 December 1943, subject: Custavo Diran. Alleged Com- 
munist Employee of the CIAA, Havana. As yon know, this officer received a 
cable from the Military Attache, Havana, requesting that disseminations of this 
report to bo hold up on the grounds that it was "absolutely incorrect." A few 
days ago wo received letter No. TIMJT from Lt. Col. Brown, written by Ambassador 
Braden concerning this individual. Both these communications corroborated 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1549 

Information which we had regarding Duran and T cannot sec on the basis of their 
reports bow our report can be branded as "absolutely incorrect." Our only state- 
ment in the report on Dnran is that he was a member of the Communist Party in 
Spain. From further reports received, this information can now be evaluated 
as A-l. For your own knowledge, the information on Duran was submitted 
by a Spanish refugee who also served as a Lt. Colonel in the Spanish Republican 
Army and had served on Duran's promotion board in Spain, which hoard w r as 
Charged with considering recommendations for promotion of Spanish Repuhlican 
Officers. As our source was actually sitting on the board at the time that 
1 hiran's recommendation for promotion came through, he himself saw all Duran's 
papers and letters of recommendation, and had access to complete information 
regarding Duran's background. 

He states, dogmatically, that the records showed Duran to he a member of the 
Spanish Communist Party. Our source had previously made available to us 
the information agreeing with that sent to us by Military Attache, Havana, 
except the statement that Duran entered the Army as a private. According to our 
Agent. Duran was commissioned directly from civilian life and given the rank 
of Major in the Militia. Later when the Militia became part of the Spanish 
Republican Army, he was made a Major in the Army. The only additional in- 
formation we had. and which we did not mention in the report as it was not 
believed pertinent, was the reported fact that Duran is a homesexual. I do not 
question Duran"s interest in the arts, his culture, or intelligence. However, we 
only stated in our report that Duran was a member of the Communist Party, and 
that we did not know whether he is still a member of the Communist Party. I, 
myself, am convinced that Duran was a Communist and consider Ambassador 
Braden's statement that he is a "liberal of the highest type" to be a euphemism. 
Under the circumstances, I believed the reliability of our report still remains as 
originally submitted. 

The Ambassador here is inclined to concur in my report on Duran, but has 
asked that no further official correspondence on the subject be sent up. Hence 
this personal letter from me. 
Sincerely, 

Edward J. Ruff, 
1st Lt., A. O. D., Assistant Military Attache. 



Exhibit 35 
Senator McCarthy's Statement on John Stewart Service 

This case is that of John Stewart Service, 

This man is a foreign service officer of the Department of State and at the 
moment is in Calcutta, India, where he is helping determine the all-important 
policy of our Government toward India, 

The name of John Stewart Service is not new to the men in the Government 
who must pass on a governmental employee's fitness as a security risk. 

When Mr. Peurifoy testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee, he 
said that Service had been cleared four different times. 

It is my understanding that the number has now risen to fiive and I earnestly 
request that this committee ascertain immediately if Service was not considered 
as a bad security risk by the Loyalty Appeal Board of the Civil Service Commis- 
sion, in a post-audit decision, handed down on March 3 of this year. 

I understand that this board returned the file of Mr. Service to the State 
Department with the report that they did not feel that they could give him clear- 
ance and requested that a new board be appointed for the consideration of this 
case. 

To indicate to the committee the importance of this man's position as a security 
risk to the Government, I think it should be noted that he is one of the dozen 
top policy makers in the entire Department of State on Far Eastern policy. 

He is one of the small, potent group of "untouchables" who year after year 
formulate and carry out the plans for the Department of State and its dealings 
with foreign nations ; particularly, those in the Far East. 

The Communist affiliations of Service are well known. 

His background is crystal clear. 

He was a friend and associate of Frederick Vanderbilt Field, the Communist 
Chairman of the Editorial Board of the infamous Amerasia. 



1550 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Half of the Editorial Board of this magazine were pro-Communist members 
of the State Department and the committee is in possession of these names. 

On June G, 1945, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, after an exceedingly 
painstaking and careful investigation covering months, arrested Philip J. Jaffe, 
Kate Louise Mitchell, editor and coeditor of Amerasia, Andrew Roth, a lieutenant 
in the United States Naval Reserve stationed in Washington ; Emanuel Sigurd 
Larsen and John Stewart Service, who were employees of the State Department 
(this is the same John S. Service to whom I have just referred and who is pres- 
ently representing the State Department in Calcutta, India) ; Mark Julius Gayn, 
a magazine writer of New York City, who is about to leave for Russia. They 
were arrested on charges of espionage in connection with the theft of the fol- 
lowing Government records : 

360 classified documents from the State Department, including some top 

secret and confidential classification; 
163 prepared by ONI. 
42 prepared by MID. 
58 prepared by OWL 
9 from the files of the War Department. 

Some of the important documents picked up by the FBI at the time of the 
arrest were as follows : 

First: One document market "secret" and obviously originating in the Navy 
Department dealt with the schedule and targets for the bombing of Japan. This 
particular document was known to be in the possession of Phillip Jaffe, one of 
the defendants, during the early spring of 1945 and before the program had 
been effected. That information in the hands of our enemies could have cost 
us many precious American lives. 

Second : Another document, also marked "top secret" and likewise originating 
in the Navy Department, dealt with the disposition of the Japanese Fleet sub- 
sequent to the major naval battle of October 1944, and gave the location and 
class of each Japanese warship. What conceivable reason or excuse could there 
be for these people, or anyone else without authority to have that information 
in their possession and at the same time claim freedom of the press? That was 
the excuse they offered. They stole this document for no good purpose. 

Third : Another document stolen from the Office of Postal and Telegraph 
Censorship, was a secret report on the Far East and so stamped as to leave 
no doubt in anybody's mind that the mere possession of it by an unauthorized 
person was a clear violation of the Espionage Act. This was not an antiquated 
paper but of current and vital interest to our Government and the Nation's 
welfare. 

Fourth: Another document stolen was from the Office of Military Intelligence 
and consisted of 22 pages containing information obtained from Japanese pris- 
oners of war. 

Fifth: Another stolen document, particularly illuminating and of present 
great importance to our policy in China, was a lengthy detailed report showing 
complete disposition of the units in the army of Chiang Kai-shek, where located, 
how placed, under whose command, naming the units, division by division, and 
showing their military strength. 

Many of the stolen documents bear an imprint which reads as follows : 

"This document contains information affecting the national defense of 
the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Act, 50 United States 
Code 31-32, as amended. Its transmission or the revelation of its contents 
in any manner to,an unauthorized person is prohibited by law." 

Despite the very small circulation of 1,700 copies of this magazine it had a 
large photocopying department. According to Congressman Dondero, who spon- 
sored the resolution for the investigation of the grand jury, this department 
was working through the night, in the small hours of morning, and even on 
Sundays. It could reproduce the stolen documents — and undoubtedly did — and 
distribute them into channels to serve subversive purposes, even into clenched 
'.ists raised to destroy our Government. 

in June 1044 Amerasia commenced attacks upon Joseph C. Grew, who had 
during bis stay in the State Department rather vigorously opposed the clique 
which favored scuttling Chiang Kai-shek and allowing the Communist element 
in China to take over. 

Larsen, one of the codefendants in this case subsequently wrote a lengthy report 
on this watter. I would like to quote briefly from parts of that report: 

"Behind the now famous State Department Espionage Case, involving the 
arrest of six persons of whom I was one. an arrest which shocked the Nation on 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1551 

.Tunc 7. 101". is the storj of a highly organized campaign to switch American 
policy in the Far East from its long tested course to the Soviet lino. It is a 
story which has never hern told before in full. Many sensational though little 
explained developments, such as the General Stilwell Affair, the resignation of 
Under Secretary Joseph C. Grew and Ambassador Patrick Hurley and the 
emergence of a pro-Soviel bine in the Far Eastern Division of the State Depart- 
ment, are interlaced with the Case of the Six, as the episode became known. * * * 

••It is the mysterious whitewash of the chief actors of the Espionage Case 
which the Congress has directed the Hobbs committee to investigate. But from 
behind that whitewash there emerges the pattern of a major operation performed 
upon Uncle Sam without his being conscious of it. That operation vitally affects 
our main ramparts in the Pacific. In consequence of this operation General 
Marshall was sent on a foredoomed mission to China designed to promote Soviet 
expansion on our Asiatic frontier. It was a mission which could not but come 
to grief and which may yet bring untold sorrow to the American people. 

"How did it happen that the United States began to turn in 1944 upon its 
loyal ally, the Chiang Kai-shek Government, which had for 7 years fought Japan, 
and to assume the sponsorship of the rebel Communist regime which collaborated 
with the Japanese during the period of the Stalin-Hitler Pact? How did it come 
to pass that Washington since 1S)44 has been seeking to foist Communist members 
upon the sole recognized and legitimate government of China, a maneuver equiva- 
lent to an attempt by a powerful China to introduce Earl Browder and William Z. 
Foster into key positions in the United States Government? How did it trans- 
spire that our top-ranking military leader, General Marshall, should have pro- 
moted an agreement in China under which American officers would be training 
and equipping rebel Chinese Communist units at the very time when they were 
ambushing our marines and when Communists the world over were waging a war 
of nerves upon the United States? 

"Whose was the hand which forced the sensational resignation of Under 
Secretary of State Joseph C. Grew and his replacement by Dean Acheson? And 
was the same hand responsible for driving Ambassador Patrick Hurley into a 
blind alley and retirement?" 

In describing the arrest, Larson had this to say about his arrival at the office 
of the United States Commissioner: 

"There I found myself sitting next to John Stewart Service, a leading figure 
in the pro-Soviet group in the China Section of the State Department, and to 
Lieutenant Andrew Roth, liaison officer between the Office of Naval Intelligence 
and the State Department, whom I also knew as an adherent of pro-Soviet policies. 
Both of them were arrested separately the same night in Washington." 

Larsen then goes on to describe John Stewart Service, John P. Davies, Jr., and 
John Carter Vincent as the pro-Soviet group in the China Section whose views 
were reflected by Amerasia and whose members were in close touch with Jaffe 
and Roth. In connection with this, it will be remembered that John Service, as 
Stilwell's political adviser, accompanied a highly secret military commission to 
Yenan. Upon the return of this mission, you will recall that Stilwell demanded 
that Chiang Kai-shek allow him to equip and arm some 300,000 Communists. 
Chiang Kai-shek objected on the grounds that this was part of a Soviet plot 
to build up the rebel forces to the extent that they would control China. Chiang 
Kai-shek promptly requested the recall of Stilwell and President Roosevelt 
relieved Stilwell of his command. It was at this time that Service submitted his 
Report No. 40 to the State Department, which, according to Hurley, was a plan 
for the removal of support from the Chiang-Kai-shek government with the end 
result that the Communists would take over. 

The espionage cases apparently had their origin when a British Intelligence 
Unit called attention to material being published in Amerasia which was em- 
barrassing its investigations. 

Preliminary investigations conducted at that time by OSS disclosed classified 
State Department material in the possession of Jaffe and Mitchell. The FBI 
then took over and reported that in the course of its quest it was found that 
John Stewart Service was In communication from China with Jaffe. The sub- 
stance of some of Service's confidential messages to the State Department reached 
the offices of Amerasia in New York before they arrived in Washington. One of 
the papers found in Jaffe's possession was Document # 58, one of Service's 
secret reports entitled : "Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek — Decline of his Prestige 
and Criticism of and Opposition to his Leadership." 

In the course of the FBI investigation Amerasia was revealed as the center of 
a group of active enthusiastic Communists or fellow travelers. To give you a 



1552 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

better picture of Amerasia, it perhaps should be mentioned here that Owen Latti- 
more was formerly an editor of Amerasia, and Frederick Vanderbilt Field, a 
writer for the Daily Worker, was the magazine head. Mr. Jaffe incidentally was 
naturalized in 1923 and served as a contributing editor of the Defender, a 
monthly magazine of International Labor Defense, a Communist organization, 
in 1933. From 1934 to 1936 he had been a member of the editorial board of 
China Today, which was a publication of the pro-Soviet American Friends of the 
Chinese People. At that time he operated under the alias of J. W. Philips. 
Tinder the name of J. W. Philips, he presided in 1935 over a banquet at which 
Earl Browder was a speaker. He also lectured at the Jefferson School of Social 
Science, an avowed Communist Party institution. He was also a member of the 
Board of Directors of the National Council of American Soviet Friendship. The 
New York Times, subsequent to his arrest, referred to him as an active supporter 
of pro-Communist and pro-Soviet movements for a number of years. 

According to an article in Plain Talk magazine Jaff'ee has been a liberal con- 
tributor to pro-Soviet causes and that on one occasion he reserved two tables 
at a hotel banqnest held to launch a pro-Communist China front in the name 
of "The fifth floor, 35 East 12th Street," which happens to be the National 
Headquarters of the Communist Party. 

I realize that this history of Jaffe's activities is unnecessary for most of the 
members of this investigating body, but I feel that the record should be complete 
so that anyone who reads it will understand the background of the individual 
to whom his four codefendants had been delivering secret State and War De- 
partment material. His coeditor, Miss Mitchell, gave a party for John S. Service 
when he returned from China. Service had previously attended a special press 
conference held by the Institute of Pacific Relations, in which he supported the 
position of the Chinese Communists. 

Larsen had this to say about his codefendants : 

"I knew Jaffe and his group as the editor of a magazine which had almost 
semiofficial standing among the left wingers in the State Department." 

The night Kate Mitchell was arrested, she had in her possesion according to 
Congressman Dondero, a highly confidential document entitled : "Plan of Rattle 
Operations for Soldiers," a paper of such importance that Army Officers were 
subject to court martial if they lost their copies. 

Congressman Frank Fellows, a meniher of the Committee on the Judiciary 
which investigated the grand jury which failed to indict Service, wrote a 
minority report in which he stated : 

"The author of the resolution under which this committee assumed 
jurisdiction stated upon the floor of the House, 'The President authorized 
the arrest to be made and the arrests were forbidden by the State Depart- 
ment'." 
Under Secretary Joseph C. Grew very urgently insisted ttpon a prosecution of 
the six individuals who were picked up by the FBI on charges of conspiracy to 
commit espionage. He thereupon immediately became a target in a campaign of 
vilification as the culprit in the case rather than the six who had been picked 
up by the FBI. 

Lieutenant Roth wrote a series of articles for a New York paper and published 
a book in which he vigorously attacked Grew for his opposition to the Commu- 
nist sympathizers in the State Department insofar as the far eastern policy was 
concerned. 

Under Secretary Grew, after a lifetime in the diplomatic service, resigned and 
President Truman announced that Dean Acheson would take over the post of 
Under Secretary of State. * * * 

"During my conference with Mr. Jaffe in October" Larsen said, "he dropped 
a remark which one could never forget, 'Well we've suffered a lot', he said, but 
anyhow we got Grew out'." 

In regard to the legal handling of this case, the following is found in Plain 
Talk in an article by Larsen : 

"While public attention was largely focused upon extraneous issues, the 
Espionage Case itself was following a special course behind the scenes. It ap- 
peared that Kate Mitchell had an influential uncle in Buffalo, a reputable at- 
torney by the name of James M. Mitchell, former president of the New York 
State Bar Association. Mr. Mitchell was a member of a very influential law 
firm in Buffalo, Kenefick, Cooke, Mitchell, Bass & Letchworth. The New York 
City correspondents of that law firm include the most redoubtable Col. Joseph 
M. Hartfield, extremely well known and extremely influential in Government 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1553 

circles in Washington. Colonel Hnrtfiold, who is regarded by sonic as one of 
the most powerful political lawyers in the country, made at least four trips to 
Washington where he called on top officials of the Department of Justice in the 
matter. 

In that connection I would like to quote again from Congressman Dondero's 
talk on the House floor, in which he stated : 

"I have heretofore charged and reiterate now that the court before whom these 
cases were brought was not fully informed of the facts. A summary of the 
court proceedings has been furnished to me, which shows no evidence or exhibit 
obtained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation presented to the court. Jaffe's 
counsel told the court that Jaffe had no intention of harming the Government, 
and United States Attorney Hitchcock told the court there was no element of 
disloyalty in connection with the case. If that is the fact, may I respectfully 
ask what purpose did these individuals have in mind in stealing these particular 
files? 

Had this same thing happened in certain other governments, these people 
would undoubtedly have been summarily shot, without a trial. Let us not forget 
we were still at war with Germany and Japan when these files were stolen, and 
Jaffe, in whose possession they were found, had been for more than 10 years a 
leader and heavy financial supporter of Communist propaganda causes, accord- 
ing to the FBI." 

As I stated above, after the Grand Jury failed to indict Mitchell, Service, and 
Roth, the House passed a resolution in which it directed the Committee on the 
Judiciary : 

"to make a thorough investigation of all the circumstances with respect to 
the disposition of the charges of espionage and the possession of documents 
stolen from secret Government files which were made by the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation 'against Philip J. Jaffe, Kate L. Mitchell, John Stewart 
Service, Emmanuel Sigurd Larsen, Andrew Roth, and Mark Gayn,' and to 
report to the House (or to th? Clerk of the House, if the House is not in 
session) as soon as practicable during the present Congress, the results of 
its investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems necessary." 

This committee then confirmed a report of a theft of a vast number of docu- 
ments from the State, War, and Navy Departments, which ranged in classifica- 
tion all the way from top secret to confidential. This committee report indicates 
that a number of the members of the Grand Jury voted for the indictment of 
Service and Mitchell on the espionage charges, but that the required number of 
12 did not so vote. 

It will be noted that the committee was not appointed for the purpose of 
passing upon the guilt or innocence of the espionage suspects, but was appointed 
for the purpose of investigating the way that the case was handled and to make 
recommendations. The committee did not in any way question the theft of the 
documents. However, it semed to place a great deal of stress upon the fact 
that the documents might not be admissible in evidence because of the method of 
obtaining them. 

For example, on page five, the report states as follows : 

"4. Many of the identifiable documents might have had their evidential 
value destroyed by reason of the possibility of the court's sustaining the de- 
fendants' motions attacking the warrants of arrest. 

"VI. Judicial decisions require scrupulous care to see arat searches and 
seizures are reasonable. While sparch and seizure on arrest may be made 
without a search warrant, yet this is not so unless the warrant of arrest 
issued after 'probable cause' of guilty had been established by legal evidence." 

On page six, the following statement is made : 

"If the warrant for arrest was not issued on 'probable cause' substanti- 
ated by facts, the evidence disclosed as a result of the search and seizure 
incident to the arrest based on such a warrant would be subject to suppres- 
sion and, therefore, not usable as evidence of the crime for which arrest was 
made." 

While I have not seen any testimony of any of the Grand Jurors, and do not 
know what it is available, this would seem to indicate that the committee felt 
that the Grand Jury was disturbed, not so much by the question of guilt or 
imiocence of the defendants, but by the question as to whether or not the guilt 
or innocence could be proven they apparently feel that much of the material 



1554 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

would not he admissible because of the method of search and seizure. The fol- 
lowing comment will be noted on page seven of the committee report : 

"Most of the items seized at Jaffe's office were typewritten copies. Some 
of such copies were proved to have been typed in one of the Government 
departments. It may be fairly inferred that the originals of such copies were 
never removed but that copies were made at the department or agency where 
the original reposed." 

This makes it very clear that the committee felt making copies of secret docu- 
ments and then delivering the copies to unauthorized persons placed the crime 
in a different class from the delivery of the originals. It is rather difficult to 
understand this reasoning in view of the fact that photostats or copies of an 
important secret document would normally be of as much value to an enemy 
power as the originals. The committee further pointed out that additional reason 
for not finding the Grand Jury at fault is because any of the six can still be fur- 
ther prosecuted on the charge of espionage. The Majority Report makes some 
excellent recommendations, which the Secretary of State might well read. I 
especially call his attention to recommendations one, two and three on page 
nine, which read as follows : 

"1. That the head of every department and agency of our Government see 
to it that more — much more — care be exercised in personnel procurement. 
That all those considered for Government positions in every echelon be in- 
vestigated so thoroughly as to insure that no one be employed unless abso- 
lute certainty has been attained that nothing in background, present attitude, 
or affiliations raises any reasonable doubt of loyalty and patriotic devotion 
to the United States of America. 

'"2. That the watchword and motivating principle of Government employ- 
ment must be : None but the best. For the fewer, the better, unless above 
question. . 

"3. That each and every present employee who fails to measure up to the 
highest standard should be discharged. No house divided against itself 
can stand." 
One of the members of the six-man committee, Congressman Hancock, was 
prevented by illness from participating in the report. Two of the members of 
the committee wrote dissenting opinions, which meant that the decision to ab- 
solves the Grand Jury of responsibility was made by a 3-2 decision. 

Congressman Fellows in his dissenting opinion made the following statement: 
"Jaffe either took these documents himself, or his confederates took them 
for him. And two of the documents found were 'Top Secret' so marked and 
so designated. I can see no point in arguing that these papers may not 
have been of much value. The thieves thought they were. The Government 
agencies so adjudged them. And the facts show that the defendants could 
have had their choice of any documents they wishes; they were given no 
protection so far as the State Department was concerned." 
This transaction, or rather a series of transactions involved, embraces the 
unlawful removal of "top secret," "secret," "confidential," and "restricted" files 
from the Department of State, in our National Government. This is a very seri- 
ous offense. In time of war, this is a most serious offense. When war is in 
progress, or even in time of peace, it is of little or no concern whether the files 
removed were "Originals" or "copies," the fact that "information" of either or 
any classification was removed from the secret files in the Department of State 
and was delivered to any individual, or group of individuals, who had no lawful 
right to receive the' same, is the essence of the offense. When that very secret 
information was thus unlawfully revealed to others, no matter how the same was 
imparted to Mr. Jaffe. whether by an original, or by copy, or by any other method, 
the real damage has been done. 

There should not he any attempt made in the report to either minimize or 
acquit anyone from the magnitude of the act or acts committed. The report 
filed appears to be at least an attempt to either minimize or completely justify 
some of the unlawful acts which were undoubtedly committed. 

All those who participated in any way in the removal, or attempted removal, of 
these documents from the Department of State — or who copied such reports and 
thereafter delivered such copies to Mr. Jaffe, or to any other person, not law- 
fully entitled to receive the same, should be prosecuted, and all those participat- 
ing, in any degree in the unlawful acts under investigation, should he immediately 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1555 

discharged from their positions in our Government. The report should speak 
strongly and without any reservation upon that subject. 

The questions here involved are so grave and the offenses so great, that no 
effort should be made to protect or defend those who so offended, but the report 
should be made both firm and strong -to speak the truth— but to place the blame 
where the same rightfully belongs. . 

This is but a small portion of the pertinent background of Service, but cer- 
tainly, beyond doubt, it forever excludes this man as a security risk by whatever 
yardstick it is measured. 

igain we have a known associate and collaborator with ( ommumsts and pro- 
Communists, a man high in the State Department consorting with admitted 
espionage agents, and I wish to say to this committee what I said on the floor of 
the Senate on February 20, 1M50. . 

When Chiang Kai-shek was fighting our war. the State Department had in 
China a voting man named John s. Service. His task, obviously, was not to 
work for the communization of China. Strangely, however, he sent official re- 
ports back to the State Department urging that we torpedo our ally Chiang 
Kai-shek and stating, in effect, that communism was the best hope of China. 

Later this man— John Service — was picked up by the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation for turning over to the Communists secret State Department 
information. Strangely, however, he was never prosecuted. However, Joseph 
Grew, the Under Secretary of State, who insisted on his prosecution, was forced 
to resign. Two days after Grew's successor. Dean Acheson, took over as Under 
Secretary of State, this man — John Service— who had been picked up by the 
FBI and who had previously urged that communism was the best hope of China, 
was not only reinstated in the State Department but promoted. And finally, under 
Acheson, placed in charge of all placements and promotions. 

Mr. Chairman, today this man, John S. Service, is a ranking officer in the 
policy-making group of "untouchables" on duty in Calcutta, India, one of the 
most strategically important listening posts in the world today and since the 
fall of China the most important new front of the cold war. 

Five times this man has been investigated as to his loyalty and his acceptance 
as a security risk to the Nation. 

What possible reason could there have been for even a second investigation of 
his record. 

He was not an acceptable security risk under Mr. Acheson's "yardstick of 
loyalty" the day he entered the Government. 

He is not a sound security risk today. 



Exhibit No. 49 
Plot to "Wreck Labor Party Exposed 

The plot to turn the American Labor Party into a "front" for the Communist 
Party has been exposed by Charles Belous, who was secretary of the opposition. 
On February 13, 1940, Belous resigned from this group which calls itself the 
"Progressive Committee to Rebuild the A. L. P." 

On April 2nd primary elections will be held throughout the State for party 
positions in the American Labor Party. Members of the State Committee of the 
Labor Party and delegates to the Presidential Convention will be elected. 

For the first time since the organization of the Labor Party there is an organ- 
ized movement which has named candidates in opposition to the candidates 
which have the endorsement and support of the leadership and founders of the 
American Labor Party. 

Belous has exposed the vicious conspiracy of this opposition group. It is up 
to the enrolled voters of the American Labor Party to do the rest. Join with 
other members of the Labor Party and vote right on Primary Day — April 2nd. 

READ THE STATEMENTS OF A MAN WHO KNOWS THE FACTS 

[From the New York Post, Wednesday, February 14, 1940] 

Belous Quits ALP Group Over 'Red Tie' — Says "Progressive Committee" Is 

Tool of Communists 

Former Councilman Charles Belous resigned today as secretary of the Pro- 
gressive Committee to Reorganize the American Labor Party, and charged it was 



1556 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

being used by tbe Communist Party in an effort to assure control of tbe ALP. 
"It is clear that the Communists are conducting a knock-down and drag-out 
fight to take over leadership of the ALP and make it a front organization," Belous 
said at his home, 2S-29 Forty-first Av., Long Island City. 

CALLED NEW DEAL FOES 

The Progressive Committee, headed by Morris Watson and with Eugene P. 
Connolly and Hyman Glickstein as moving spirits, is attempting to organize a 
State-wide fight against the present ALP leadership in the April primary, when 
a new State Committee will be elected. 

Belous said it was the Watson group's opposition to President Roosevelt and 
the New Deal which finally convinced him that its aims went far beyond a mere 
change in ALP leadership. 

"In the election of a successor to Congressman Sirovich," he said, "I was amazed 
to find a group I was aligned with that was supposed to be supporting the New 
Deal, openly fighting the election of Edelstein, the Democratic candidate." 

Glickstein, attorney for the Watson committee, joined with Kenneth F. Simp- 
son, GOP county leader, in a successful court action to void the nomination of 
Edelstein by the ALP. 

Belous said he had realized from the start that there were Communists in 
the insurgent ALP movement, but that he had been "willing to work along with 
them" for the common immediate objective of ousting the present ALP leadership. 

FINDS KEAL AIM 

Later events convinced him, he said, that the real aim of the Communists 
went much further, being no less than to make the ALP the tail of the Commu- 
nist Party kite. 

He said that although he was secretary of the committee he .had not been 
consulted in formation of many of its policies. 

When the committee was first organized last December, he said, Prof. Herman 
Gray of N. Y. U. and other recognized liberals were "supposed to be connected 
with it, but they pulled away." 

Belous, center of numerous political fights in Queens where he once headed 
the City Fusion Party, said he was going to "take a rest from politics and try 
to earn a living as an honest lawyer." 

SEES MORE QUITTING 

"Quite a few others in Queens who were in the same position that I was are 
going to follow suit in resigning from the committee," he said. The ALP, it was 
learned, probably will drop the charges of disloyalty on which it has been seek- 
ing expulsion of Belous from the party. 

In a formal statement announcing his resignation, as secretary of the Pro- 
gressive Committee, the former Councilman said as a member of the group he 
had found himself forced to condone and even justify Nazi atrocities and sup- 
press "deep-felt sympathies for Poland and Finland." 

Even more significantly, he said, he was expected to "join with the Garners 
and Coughlins and Dieses and O'Connors to criticize" President Roosevelt and 
for the defeat of New Deal candidates and policies. 



[From the Daily News, Wednesday, February 14, 1940] 

Belous Disavows Pko-Reds in A. L. P. 

(By Lowell Limpus) 

Denouncing "the complete sell-out and abandonment of one of the most sympa- 
thetic Presidents that labor and the common man have had since Lincoln," 
former Councilman Charles Belous last night repudiated the faction which has 
been opposing the American Labor Party's purge of Communists. 

The former Queens legislator intimated that the Reds themselves are behind 
the movement and declared that they are now blasting away at President 
Roosevelt with all their political artillery. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1557 

RESIGNED POST 

Belous, who was just squeezed out of office by the last P. R. count, charged 
that the Communists are not only demanding opposition to the New Deal in 
return for their support hut that they also tried to make him justify Hitler 
and the Nazis. As a result he resigned as secretary of the "Progressive Com- 
mittee to Rebuild the American Labor Party." 

In a public statement, Belous told how the rebel faction insisted that "I sup- 
press my deep-felt symphathies for Finland and Poland" and revise his attitude 
toward nazism. "Suddenly I must condone its atrocities, and even justify 
them," he said. And the final straw came when he was told that he "must 
now work for the defeat of New Deal candidates and policies." 

Although ho didn't specify directly, there was no doubt about the group to 
which the former councilman was pointing. "When I find my thoughts and acts 
limited by strange logic and argument," he said, "one suspects something more 
than a mere tolerant attitude toward all minorities, including Communists." 

GIVING UP LIBERTIES 

Belous announced he was withdrawing from Labor Party activities although 
he would remain a member. Political observers generally believe that he lost 
his Queens seat at the last election because he was reputed to be too close to the 
Communists, although he specifically denied the charge during the campaign. 
Originally a Fusion Party candidate, he switched to the American Labor Party 
but was nosed out by Republican John Christensen. 



issued by 

Liberal and Labor Committee to Safeguard the American Labor Partt 

fight the communist attempt to capture the labor party 

State Headquarters : Hotel Claridge, 44th Street & Broadway, New York 
Paul Blanshard, Chairman ; Frederick F. Umhey, Treasurer 

VICE CHAIRMEN 

Luigi Antonini Adolph Held Dorothy Kenyon 

George S. Counts Louis Hollander Harry W. Laidler 

Morris L. Ernst John Haynes Holmes A. Philip Randolph 

Douglas P. Falconer Arthur Huggins Alex Rose 

Grace Gosselin Alexander Kahn 



Exhibit No. 50 



October 10, 1939. 



Mr. Alex Rose, 

State Secretary, American Labor Party, 

151 West Fortieth Street, Neiv York City. 

My Dear Mr. Rose : I have just received your letter dated October 6th which 
in tone suggests a pistol being put to my head. My impulse under such circum- 
stances is to dare the damn fool to shoot. Particularly where as in this case 
my views, and especially my loathing of all dictatorships, are so much a matter 
of common knowledge that you certainly cannot claim to be in the dark about 
them. 

However, I realize that you are probably acting for what you consider com- 
pelling reasons of party strategy and are at least trying to treat all candidates 
alike. That being the case let me be magnanimous and answer your questions 
as best I can. But remember, please, that I am running for Judge of the Municipal 
Court, not for United States Senator, and so my opinions on international affairs 
are not worth the paper they're written on. 

However, here they arej 

First, I regard with horror and loathing the Hitler-Stalin pact. 



1558 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Second, I agree with you that any fusing of the brown and red dictatorships 
is a treacherous blow to world civilization. 

Third, I also agree, insofar as I understand them, with the President's pro- 
posed changes in our present neutrality law. But frankly I have been far too 
busy lately trying to be as good a Judge as possible to have given such legislation 
the careful study it requires. 

Fourth, it is not easy for me to be neutral when I think of either Hitler or 
Stalin but I try not to lose my head and I continue to believe in the traditional 
American civil liberties. Above all I hope that we may keep at peace and still 
preserve American democracy. 

Fifth, it goes without saying (or I should have thought it did) that I am not a 
Communist or anything even remotely resembling one. I am just an old-fashioned 
believer in democracy who gets awfully weary sometimes of all its ructions but 
would never, never give it up. 

Sixth, my original subscription to the Constitution and platform of the Ameri- 
can Labor Party remains unchanged and requires no reaffirmation. 

In conclusion may I remind you that I am running to succeed myself as Judge 
of the Municipal Court on a platform of clean government and an independent 
nonpartisan judiciary and that the American Labor Party has approved this plat- 
form by its indorsement of my candidacy? 
Very truly yours, 

(Signed) Dorothy Kenton. 



Exhibit No. 51 

[From the New York Times, May 26, 1941. Advertisement] 

An Open Letter to the President of tut-: United States 

Mr. President: 

We await your address on May 27 in the belief that you will tell what we must 
do to insure the security of the United States by hastening the defeat of the 
aggressors. 'We pledge to you our loyal support in the performance of this 
historic task. 

Some of us have been your political adherents, seme your opponents, but all 
of us are united on this firm basis : we are Americans, you are our elected Presi- 
dent. We acknowledge the eternal truth of that fine old American principle that 
pplitical differences end at the water's edge. It is at the water's edge that our 
people now stand, facing to eastward and westward the frightful reality of 
world war and world revolution. 

We have prayed that we might be spared from involvement in the war. But 
we cannot close our eyes to the wholesale murder of liberty. Most of all we can- 
not ignore the threats to our own security uttered and progressively enforced by 
those tyrants who are dedicated to the proposition that democracy must die. 

The dictators have extended their world war and world revolution from con- 
tinent to continent — farther and farther out into the Atlantic Ocean — nearer and 
nearer to the lifeline of the Western Hemisphere. With their propagandists 
and saboteurs they have begun their invasion of this hemisphere. 

The challenge is inescapable. We cannot meet it with mere words nor with 
mere dollars. We know that strong action, even armed action, entailing greater 
sacrifices will be required of us. 

With firm determination to carry through at whatever cost the policies neces- 
sary to defeat tyranny, we await the facts and leadership which the Commander- 
in-Chief alone can give. We repeat to you, Mr. President, the final words of the 
Declaration of Independence : "With a firm reliance on the protection of Divine 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1559 

Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our 

sacred honor." 

Respectfully submitted. 

Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, Washington, D. C. ; Lewis W. Douglas, 
Phoenix, Ariz.; Henry A. Abbot, Lexington, Ky. ; Louis Adamic, 
Milford, N. J. ; Allen D. Albert, Paris, 111. ; Paul Shipman Andrews, 
Syracuse, N. Y. ; James R. Angell, New Haven, Conn. ; Luigi 
Antonini, New York, N. Y. ; Frank Aydelotte, Princeton, N. J. ; 
Carl E. Bailey, Little Rock, Ark. ; Margaret Culkin Banning, 
Tryon, N. C. ; Stringfellow Barr, Annapolis, Md. ; David P. Bar- 
rows, San Francisco, Calif. ; Kemp D. Battle, Rocky Mount, N. C. ; 
James Phinney Baxter, Williamstown, Mass. ; Anita McCorrnick 
Blaine, Chicago, 111. ; Henry Breckenridge, Chevy Chase, Md. ; Van 
Wyck Brooks, Westport Conn. ; Thomas E. Burke, Washington, 
D. C. ; Henry Seidel Canby, New York, N. Y. ; Oliver C. Carmichael, 
Nashville, Tenn. ; Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, New Rochelle, N. Y. ; 
Mary Ellen Chase, Northampton, Mass. ; Rufus E. Clement, At- 
lanta, Ga. ; Pierce Cline, Shreveport, La. ; Robert C. Clothier, New 
Brunswick, N. J. ; Ada L. Comstock, Cambridge, Mass. ; Karl T. 
Compton, Boston, Mass. ; George Creel, San Francisco, Calif. ; 
Virginius Dabny, Richmond, Va. ; Russell Davenport, Holyoke, 
Mass., J. Lionberger Davis, St. Louis, Mo. ; Monroe E. Deutsch, 
Berkeley, Calif. ; Mark Ethridge, Louisville, Ky. ; Silas Evans, 
Ripon, Wis. ; Marshall Field, New York, N. Y. ; Harry M. Fisher, 
Chicago, 111. ; Alvan T. Fuller, Boston, Mass. ; Harry David Gide- 
onse, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Mary B. Gilson, Chicago, 111. ; Virginia C. 
Gildersleeve, New York, N. Y. ; Frank P. Graham, Chapel Hill, 
N. C. ; Helen Hayes, Nyack, N. Y. ; Arthur Garfield Hayes, New 
York, N. Y. ; Henry W. Hobson, Cincinnati, Ohio ; Hamilton Holt, 
Winter Park, Fla. ; Mirian Hopkins, Hollywood, Calif. ; Rupert 
Hughes, Los Angeles, Calif. ; M. Ashby Jones, Atlanta, Ga. ; Doro- 
thy Kenyon, New York, N. Y. ; William Draper Lewis, Philadel- 
phia, Pa. ; Larry S. MacPhail, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Maury Maverick, 
San Antonio, Texas; Francis E. McMahon, South Bend, Ind. ; 
Joseph C. Menendez, New Orleans, La. ; Robert A. Millikan, Pasa- 
dena, Calif. ; Christopher Morley, Roslyn, N. Y. ; Mrs. Dwight 
Morrow. Englewood, N. J. ; Paul Scott Mowrer, Chicago, 111. ; 
Francis P. Murphy, Nashua, N. H. ; Mrs. Burton W. Musser, Salt 
Lake City, Utah ; Joseph Padway, Milwaukee, Wis. ; Ferdinand 
Pecora, New York, N. Y. ; William Lyon Phelps, New Haven, 
Conn. ; H. H. Pike, Jr., New York, N. Y. ; Gifford Pinchot, Wash- 
ington, D. C. ; Charles Poletti, Albany, N. Y. ; Mrs. Frances F. C. 
Preston, Princeton, N. J. ; Henry F. Pringle, New York, N. Y. ; 
A. Philip Randolph, New York, N. Y. ; Mrs. Kermit Roosevelt, 
New York, N. Y. ; Chester H. Rowell, San Francisco, Calif. ; Cor- 
nelius D. Scully, Pittsburgh, Pa.; Robert E. Speer, Lakeville, 
Conn. ; Charles P. Taft, Cincinnati, Ohio ; Henry W. Toll, Denver, 
Colo. ; William L. White, New York, N. Y. ; Stephen S. Wise, New 
York, N. Y. ; and more than 3,000 others, representative of a cross 
section of the nation's life. 

You Can Share in this Expression of faith in the President's leadership. Tele- 
graph him today that you do. Simply Say : Add my name to the list of those 

WHO PLEGE yOU THEIR SUPPORT IN THE HARRIMAN-DOUGLAS LETTER. 
COMMITTEE TO DEFEND AMERICA BY AIDING THE ALLIES 

National Headquarters, 8 West 40th Street, New York City 



1560 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit No. 52 

European Section, USSR Transmitters, Overseas & Far East Service 

January 6, 1949. 

RUSSIA HAS "FREEST WOMEN ON EARTH" 

Moscow, Soviet Far Eastern Service, in English to India, January 5, 1949, 

6 : 30 a. m. EST— L. 

(Talk by Maria Sharikova, Assistant Chairman of the Moscow Soviet on the 

Rights of Women) 

(Summary with quotations) 

The author began by saying that the U. S. representative in the U. N. Com- 
mittee on the Rights of Women, Dorothy Kenyon, in endeavoring to conceal her 
reactionary stand has engaged in slandering the Soviet people, in particular 
Soviet women. In a radio broadcast over the Voice of America she talks a lot 
of irresponsible drivel attempting to deny the political, economic, and social 
equality enjoyed by the women of the USSR, at the same time painting a glowing 
picture of the position of women in Britain and the United States, when she 
knows full well what their position really is. "I am shocked at this shameful 
downright lie, completely unsupported by the tiniest fact." As it happens, Doro- 
thy Kenyon could not quote facts for that would at once disprove her assertions. 

Sharikova goes on to claim that the respect in which Soviet woman are held 
was attested by the welcome given to the USSR delegation at the International 
Federation of Democratic Women. She outlines her own rise from the post of 
a village schoolmistress before the Revolution to that she holds at present and 
gives examples of other women in public positions. Is there any country in the 
world, she asks, where women can develop politically and play such an impos- 
ing role in the life of the State? 

In the USSR whatever jobs women do they feel they are all the equal masters 
of their country, contributing to the work of the organs of the Soviet State. 
Dorothy Kenyon ignores such facts as these and tries to imply that women in 
the USSR get only the heavy work, but in the USSR women at work are pro- 
tected by labor laws, unlike in the United States "where women workers and 
office clerks are completely dependent on the likes and dislikes of their em- 
ployers." Women doing the same work as men get 30 to 40 percent less pay, 
as is the case also in Britain. 

Dorothy Kenyon keeps quiet about this, just as she keeps quiet about the dis- 
graceful part played by the capitalists of the United States and Britain in ex- 
ploiting female labor in the colonial and dependent countries. The commentator 
describes the woes of the exploited women in the colonial countries of Asia and 
Africa quoting from the speech of a United States progressive delegate to the 
International Federation of Democratic Women to illustrate the conditions of 
slavery in which they live. 

After quoting more facts and figures illustrating the part played by women in 
the U. S. S. R., Sharikova declares that instead of defending women in the UN, 
Dorothy Kenyon had engaged in slandering the "freest women on earth, the 
women of the U. S. S. R." However, as any of the thousands of visitors to the 
U. S. S. R. can witness, "the slander indulged in by Dorothy Kenyon can hood- 
wink no one." 

ECONOMY OF SOVIET ZONE FLOURISHING 

Moscow, Soviet Overseas Service, in English to North America, December 30, 
1948, 9 : 00 p. m., EST— L. 

(Commentary by Khalamov : "The Economic Situation in the Soviet Zone of 

Germany 

[Text] 

"We know from reecnt history that fascist Germany was a kingdom of finan- 
cial and industrial monopolies, and Prussian Junkerdom the bosses that consti- 
tuted the backbone of predatory German imperialism. It was financial bigwigs 
and such commanders of Ruhr-Wesphalian industry as Krupp and Thyssen who 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1561 

summoned Hitler to power. Their aggressive idea of creating a peace-abiding 
and democratic Germany is unreal and illusory. 

"Yet German monopolies and Junker landed property rights have been done 
away with only in the Soviet Zone. This problem has been successfully solved 
in the Soviet Zone with due consideration for insuring a stable peace and uni- 
versal security and with the active participation of broad democratic sections 
of the population. 

SUCCESS OF SOVIET LAND REFORM 

"Only 4 months after the collapse of the Nazi regime, at the demand of the 
German people, primarily the working peasantry, a democratic land reform was 
successfully carried out in the Soviet Zone. This did away with Junkerdom, 
that bulwark of German imperialism and aggression * * * 



Exhibit No. 53 

[From the New York Times, February 16, 1946] 

Urge Bomb-Making Vacation — Columbia Peofessors Ask Declaration to Aid 

UNO Commission 

To the Editor of the New Yobk Times : 

In view of the establishment of the UNO Commission on the Atomic Bomb, 
we would like to suggest a declaration of policy of the following nature by the 
President of the United States, in order that the discussions of the UNO Com- 
mission may proceed in an atmosphere of full good faith and of confidence 
in their successful outcome for international peace : 

1. The United States will at once stop the production of bombs from ma- 
terial currently produced. This includes the preparation of sub-assemblies and 
all other procedures involved in the fabrication of bombs. 

2. For one year, which would seem to be a reasonable time for the com- 
mission to mature its plans and to secure action on them by the Governments 
concerned, we will stop accumulating purified plutonium and uranium-235, 
which are the essential ingredients of atomic bombs. The plants which produce 
these materials will be kept merely in a stand-by condition. For this purpose 
they will run at the minimum rate compatible with maintaining them in good 
order, but they will not accumulate the resulting purified and fissionable prod- 
ucts. As produced, these will be eliminated by appropriate means, such as dump- 
ing them into the ocean or returning them to their original mixture. 

3. We are prepared to have the disposition of our present stockpile of bombs 
considered as one of the items in an agreement to be entered into by us and the 
other Governments. 

L. C. Dunn. Irwin Edman, A. P. Evans, Selig Hecht, P. C. Jessup, 
R. M. Maclver, Edgar Miller, F. C. Mills, George B. Pegram, 
I. I. Rabi, Jan Schilt, C. S. Shoup. 
New York, Feb. 13, 1946. 

The signers of the foregoing letter are, respectively, professors of zoology, 
philosophy, history, biophysics, public law, sociology, biochemistry, economics, 
graduate faculties (dean), physics, astronomy and economics. 



Exhibit No. 54 



Ambassador at Large, 

Department of State, 
Washington, March 24, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard E. Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : In connection with my testimony on March 20, 1950, 

before your Committee, I was asked by Senator Hickenlooper as to the precise 

date of a Round Table discussion which was attended by Mr. Owen Latti- 

more and in which I saw Mr. Lattimore. I stated in my testimony that I 



1562 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

believed that this meeting was in December. Upon consulting the files of the 
Department, I find that the meeting was on October 6, 7, and 8, 1949. 
I am enclosing a list of all the persons who attended this meeting. 
Sincerely yours, 

Philip C. Jesstjp. 
(Enclosure.) 

List of Consultants 

Joseph W. Ballentine, The Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C. 

Bernard Brodie, Department of International Relations, Yale University, New 
Haven, Connecticut. 

Claude A. Buss, Director of Studies, Army War College, Washington, D. C. 

Kenneth Colegrove, Department of Political Science, Northwestern University, 
Evanston, Illinois. 

Arthur G. Coons, President, Occidental College, Los Angeles, California. 

John W. Decker, International Missionary Council, New York, New York. 

John K. Fairbank, Committee on International and Regional Studies, Harvard 
University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 

William R. Herod, President, International General Electric Company, New York, 
New York. 

Arthur N. Holcombe, Department of Government, Harvard University, Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. 

Benjamin H. Kizer, Graves, Kizer and Graves, Spokane, Wash. 

Owen Lattimore, Director, Walter Hines Page School of International Relations, 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. 

Ernest B. MacNaughton, Chairman of the Board, First National Bank, Port- 
land, Oregon. 

George C. Marshall, President, American Red Cross, Washington, D. C. 

J. Morden Murphy, Assistant Vice President, Bankers Trust Company, New 
York, New York. 

Nathaniel Peffer, Department of Public Law and Government, Columbia Uni- 
versity, New York, New York. 

Harold S. Quigley, Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota, 
Minneapolis, Minnesota. 

Edwin O. Reischauer, Department of Far Eastern Languages, Harvard Univer- 
sity, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 

William S. Robertson, President, American and Foreign Power Company, New 
York, New York. 

John D. Rockefeller III, President, Rockefeller Brothers' Fund. New York, New 
York. 

Lawrence K. Rosinger, American Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, New 
York. 

Eugene Staley, Executive Director, World Affairs Council of Northern California, 
San Francisco, California. 

Harold Stassen, President, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Phillips Talbot, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. 

George E. Taylor, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. 

Harold M. Vinacke, Department of Political Science, University of Cincinnati, 
Ohio. 



Exhibit No. 55 
List of Publications — Esther Caukin Bkunaueb 

Guidance materials for study groups in international relations of the American 
Association of University Women, including syllabi and bibliographies on 
American foreign policy, European politics. Far Eastern affairs, Germany, 
Great Britain, Italy. Central and Eastern Europe ami the United Nations; 
also the International Problem-of-the-Month Series (193:1-1943), and the Front 
Page (1943-44) brief guides to the study of contemporary international affairs. 

The Peace Proposals of Germany and Austria-Hungary, 1914-1918. Ph. D. dis- 
sertation, inni. Bound manuscripl on deposil in the Hoover Library and the 
Stanford University Library; abstract published by the Stanford University 
Press in 1927. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1563 

Definitions of the Monroe Doctrine, published by the American Association of 
University Women .about 1929. 

An outline of War, written at the request of the National Committee on the 

Cause and Cure of War, about 1935. 
The Peace Proposals of December 1916-January 1917, Journal of Modern History, 

Vol. IV. No. 4. December 1932. 
National Defense: Institution*. Concepts, Policies, published by the Women's 

Press of the Young Women's Christian Association, IS'37. 
Statements before the Committee en Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 

Seventy-sixth Congress, First Session on Present Neutrality Law (Public Res. 

No. 27) : published by Hie V. S. Governmenl Printing Office. 1939. 
Building //"' New World Order, published by the American Association of Univer- 
sity Women in the International Relations Pamphlet Series, December 1939. 

(This was used as the textbook for the League of Nations Association High 

School Examination contest in 1940.) 
Hit* America Forgotten? Myths and Facts about World Wars I and II, with an 

introduction by James T. Shotwell. Published by the American Count-il on 

Public Affairs, Washington, 1941. (pamphlet) 
Facing the Nazi Menace, Vital Issues, June 1941. 
Power Politics and Democracy. The Annals of the American Academy of Political 

and Social Science. July 1941. 
The Development of International Attitudes, in collaboration with Daniel Pres- 
ents in International Understanding TJvrough Public School Curriculum, Part 

II of the Thirty-sixth Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of 

Education. 
The United States in the Transition to the New World Order, a monograph for 

the Second Report of the Commission to Study the Organisation of Peace, April 

1941'. 
Further Thoughts on Germany, World Affairs (published by the American Peace 

Society). September 1942. 
The Tinted Nations, Junior Red Cross Journal, September 1942. 
Religion and the Free World, Junior Red Cross Journal, December 1942. 
Frontiers of the Future, Junior Red Cross Journal, March 1943. 
The Stake of the United States in International Organization, a chapter in a 

textbook, Citizens of a New World, published by the National Council of the 

Social Studies, 1944. 
UNESCO to Date, United States National Commission for UNESCO, Report on 

the First Meeting, September 19' t 6; Department of State Publication 2726, 

1947. 



Exhibit No. 56 



Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science, 

Manhattan, March 22, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Ttdings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Ttdings : I have known Dr. Esther C. Brunauer since October 
1946, and I am certain that she is loyal to the Constitution, laws and ideals of 
the L'nited States. 

My knowledge of Mrs. Brunauer is based on an official relationship that has 
prevailed periodically since November 1946, when I attended the General Confer- 
ence of UNESCO in Paris as a delegate, and Mrs. Brunauer attended as a mem- 
ber of the staff of the State Department. This same relationship existed at 
suhsequent General Conferences of UNESCO. Of course between the interna- 
tional meetings, my work as chairman of the United States National Commission 
brought me in touch with Dr. Brunauer and her work in Washington, D. C. 

I would say that the present ideological warfare in the world is Dr. Brunauer's 
chief concern, and in this she is constantly working to uphold United States 
policy, as well as the democratic philosophy generally, and to defeat the devious 
and clever tactics of the Russians and their satellites. At the Mexico City 
conference in 1947, for example, she spent a full month in counteracting the 
efforts of the Russian-dominated Polish delegation to pin the tag of "war- 
monger" on the Western democracies, and especially on the United States. She 
worked with devotion, precision, and effect. She was completely sincere in all 
she did. 

68970 — 50 — pt. 2 6 



1564 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

I could cite many similar examples which have proved to me that it is erro- 
neous and un-American to refer to Dr. Brunauer as a Communist sympathizer. 
Sincerely yours, 

Milton S. Eisenhower. 



Washington, D. C, March 24, 1950. 
Re Esther and Stephen Brunauer. 

Hon. Millard E. Tydings, 

Chairman, Special Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee, 
United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator Tydings : I was considerably startled to read that Mr. 
and Mrs. Brunauer had been accused of Communist leanings and disloyalty 
before your subcommittee. 

As you may perhaps recall, I helped as a member of the Senate Appropriations 
Committee in the Eightieth Congress to initiate investigations which I believe 
assisted the State Department in eliminating employees who had demonstrated 
Communist leanings or were shown to be poor security risks. I am as anxious as 
anyone to rid our Government of any employees whose loyalty is doubtful. How- 
ever, erroneous accusations, even though made in good faith, hurt that objective 
more than they help it. 

I am convinced the accusations against the Brunauers are completely erro- 
neous. 

I first met the Brunauers in 1943, and Mrs. Ball and I have known both of 
them intimately since 1945. We live only a few blocks apart here in Washington 
and have spent many evenings together. Our conversations inevitably have 
dealt at length with politics, with international problems and issues and with 
the so-called cold war. 

In all of our many hours of conversation, neither Esther nor Stephen has ever 
revealed the slightest indication of Communist attitudes. On the contrary, both 
of them are most strongly opposed to the ideology and practices of communism. 
As you know, Stephen Brunauer was born in Hungary and spent his youth there. 
Many of his boyhood friends have been victims of Communist dictatorship. He 
is perhaps the most violently anti-Communist person I know. 

I have no hesitation in vouching for the complete loyalty of Stephen and 
Esther Brunauer to the United States and to our way of life. 

With best regards, 
Yours sincerely, 

Joseph H. Ball. 



American Association of University Professors, 

Washington 6, D. C. 
Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : It is my well-considered opinion that Esther Caukin 
Brunauer and her husband, Dr. Stephen Brunauer are loyal Americans and 
definitely are not poor security risks. 

Mrs. Brunauer took her graduate work at Stanford University under my 
direction and I have kept in close touch with her ever since. I have the highest 
regard for her character, intellectual integrity, and devotion to all ideals for 
which America stands. Her brilliant work as a research student in the Hoover 
Library is a matter of record. For years she occupied an important part in the 
American Association of University Women and has I know been considered for 
a number of academic positions. 

As examples may I cite first her efforts to place Hungarian diplomats in 
this country who refused to accept Communist Hungary and resigned from the 
diplomatic service. Second, the excellent talk which she gave on UNESCO at 
the annual meeting of this association in Boston. Third, a long conversation 
which I had with her in August 1947 when she was visiting Los Angeles. 

The allegations made against Mrs. Brunauer I regard as baseless, appalling, 
and not to be left unanswered. 
Very sincerely yours, 

Ralph II. Lurz 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1565 

New York, N. T., March 23, 1950. 
Dear Senator Typings: I am suffering from such a sense of outrage because 
of Senator McCarthy's attacks on Esther Brunauer's loyalty that I am almost 
speechless — 1 can only recite certain facts. I have known Mrs. Brunauer since 
1942 when she was interim chairman of the National Committee on the Cause 
and Cure of War, a group organized by the great woman suffrage leader Carrie 
Chapman Catt. a generation ago. Mrs. Brunauer and I worked together for 
the Women's Action Committee for Victory and Lasting Peace when we supported 
the United Nations. I have known Mrs. Brunauer always as an able statesman 
and as an objective, farsighted hate-free thinker and it goes without say — as a 
most loyal and useful citizen of the United States. If an inflamed mind with 
the power to injure her and limit or destroy her usefulness can see in her calm 
and philosophical approach to great problems anything evil or subversive, our 
democracy is indeed in a bad way. 
Yours sincerely, 

(S) Vera B. Whitehome 

(Mrs. Norman deR. Whitehome). 



Noank, Conn., March 25, 1950. 
The Honorable Miixard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : I am the Dean of Pembroke College in Brown Uni- 
versity on leave of absence for this year and retiring in June 1950. From 1937- 
1941 I was National President of the American Association of University Women, 
and during those years I worked somewhat closely with Mrs. Esther Caukin 
Brunauer who was the Associate in International Relations for the National 
AAUW. 

I am happy to testify to my strong convictions that Mrs. Brunauer is a loyal 
and devoted citizen. She is also extremely able. Her programs for the use 
of International Relations study groups in the AAUW were outstandingly good 
and in every case were permeated by a rare understanding of the problems of the 
United States in those difficult years. In that field alone Mrs. Brunauer did 
much to rally the loyal support of the large membership of the Association for 
the critical problems our country was facing at that time. 

Mrs. Brunauer was also a representative of the American Association of 
University Women at its international Conferences, several of which I also at- 
tended, and her friendly spirit and great ability did much to make those Con- 
ferences successful. I believe firmly that international understanding comes in 
large measure from personal relationships among groups of different nations, 
so her work in that field seemed to me of unusual value. The U. S. S. R. never 
had representation at any of those Conferences. 

I have not followed Mrs. Brunauer's career closely in recent years, but I am 
fully convinced from my own personal knowledge that she is not only a woman 
of unquestionable reliability and loyalty to her country, but that she must be a 
great asset to any department which has had the good fortune to enlist her 
services. 

Sincerely yours, 

Margaret S. Morriss. 



Washington, D. C, March 22, 1950. 
Senator Millard Tydings, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : I first met Mrs. Esther Brunauer through a mutual 
friend in Baltimore, either in 1934 or 193."), and have known her and her husband 
on a social basis since that time. Never have I had occasion to have any but 
the highest regard for both Dr. and Mrs. Brunauer's qualities of character and 
intellect. As a psychiatrist, and thus specifically accustomed to evaluating per- 
sonalities. I would be very much astonished if either of them (I know Mrs. 
Brunauer better than I do her husband), had anything except entire loyalty 
for the principles of American democracy. 

Trusting that the charges which have recently been made concerning Dr. and 
Mrs. Brunauer will be proven conclusively to be wholly without foundation. 

Respectfully yours, 
^ ' Katherine K. Rice, M. D. 



1566 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Vassar College, 
Poughkeepsie, N. Y., March 25, 1950. 
The Honorable Mt.lard E. Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator Tydings : I feel compelled to write a vigorous protest to the 
statements attributed to Senator McCarthy about Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer. 
I have known Mrs. Brunauer since the late twenties when she accepted a position 
with the American Association of University Women. As a member of the 
International Relations Committee of the American Association of University 
Women, serving under the chairmanship of the late President Mary Woolley 
of Mount Holyoke College, I was closely associated with Mrs. Bruuauer. Sub- 
sequently, I have followed her work with the greatest respect and interest. 
Never have I heard her express any sentiment which by any stretch of the 
imagination could be regarded as disloyal to her Government or as sympathetic 
to the ideology of communism. Quite the contrary is true. Mrs. Brunauer has 
repeatedly spoken to groups of American college women, and every time I have 
heard her I have been impressed with her devotion to the American ideal. 

Mrs. Brunauer's position with the American Association of University Women 
was that of Staff Associate for the Committee on International Relations. She 
was not in the consumer field, nor was she Executive Secretary of the Association 
as reported by the press. 

I have a profound confidence in Mrs. Brunauer's integrity and in her loyalty. 
She is a citizen of whom America can be proud. 

I also have great regard for your leadership, and it is my hope that you and 
the members of your committee will refute the unjust and unwarranted charges 
made against this citizen of our country. 
Yours very truly, 

Sarah Gibson Blanding. 



Rochester, N. Y., March 24, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator: In connection with the charges leveled by Senator Mc- 
Carthy against Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer, I should like to offer my testimony 
on her behalf. 

I came to this country in 1937 and was naturalized in 1943 ; since 1937 I have 
been employed as a research chemist by the Eastman Kodak Co. My entry into 
the United States was made possible by an affidavit given by Dr. Esther Caukin 
Brunauer and her husband, Dr. Stephen Brunauer. Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer 
was at that time an Associate for International Relations in the American 
Association for University Women, and she generously offered her affidavit 
to me as to a former recipient of an International Fellowship from that 
Association. 

During the first few months of my stay in the United States I spent most of 
the time in Washington and became closely acquainted with Dr. Esther Brunauer, 
a privilege which I highly esteem, for I found her a rare person with the highest 
code of personal conduct. Through her, I became aware of the ideas which are 
the foundation of this country ; her interpretation made me understand and love 
it. After I left Washington we could only meet occasionally, but as friends we 
felt the need to discuss vital issues even on these occasions. I vividly recall Dr. 
Brunauer's passionate devotion to this country, her high hopes when the United 
Nations were founded, and later her distress over the obstructionist policy of 
the Soviet Union. 

In the light of my personal experience, it seems more than absurd that Dr. 
Brunauer should hav ebeen made the target of such charges as were made by 
Senator McCarthy — indeed, quite unforgiveable. 
Respectfully yours, 

Gertrude Kornfeld. 



Washington, D. C, March 24, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate. 
Dear Senator Tydings.: Shortly after Senator McCarthy had named Dr. 
Esther Brunauer as a poor security risk I wrote Dr. Brunauer and said that if I 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 15G7 

could be of any help in this matter for her to let me know. Dr. Brunauer has 
told me that a letter addressed to you could be of some help and that is why 
I am writing. 

The reason I offered to be of help to Dr. Brunauer is that I have known her 
for some time and do not feel that the charge against her is justified. I first 
met her early in February 1946 when I started work for the Department of State. 
I saw quite a lot of her for the next two and a half years since her assignment 
was connected with UNESCO and the work that I did was connected with 
UNESCO also. For a few months we were in the same division in the Depart- 
ment of State; alter that she transferred to the newly established UNESCO 
relations staff whereas I remained in the Office of International Affairs. My 
meetings with Dr. Brunauer, dealing as they did with UNESCO, covered a wide 
range of subjects. It was quite obvious to me that Dr. Brunauer's views were 
entirely orthodox. It is easy enough in conversations such as we had to spot a 
person who is a "pink" and I am convinced that Dr. Brunauer was neither pink 
nor any other reddish color. 

I never saw Dr. I'.runauer associate with persons of eytreme leftish or com- 
munistic sympathies and I would doubt very much that she had any such 
associations. 

It is true that a person can be a Communist and even his best friends will not 
know it. However, this is something that happens very, very seldom. Ordi- 
narily, a Communist can be spotted quite easily by his views on certain key 
suhjects, by his mannerisms and by his actions. 

I can say without any doubt whatsoever that there was nothing that Dr. 
Brunauer did or said during the time that I have known her professionally 
and socially that gives me the least reason to doubt her loyalty and I conclude 
that she is loyal and should be allowed to continue in her very useful Govern- 
ment career undisturbed by further accusations which appear to be groundless. 
Sincerely yours, 

James P. Hendrick. 



Arlington, Va., March 2Jf, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, I). C. 

My Dear Senator Tydings : May I take this opportunity to assure you of my 
absolute faith in the loyalty and patriotism of Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer. 

I had the privilege of working directly under Dr. Brunauer at the American 
Association of University Women from September 1, 1929, until January 1, 1941. 
For about 10 years of that time I was her private secretary. During that time 
I was, of course, very closely associated with her. I cannot imagine anyone less 
deserving of the accusations made by Senator McCarthy. 

One of my duties as Dr. Brunauer's secretary was the stenciling for duplica- 
tion or preparing for the printer of all material which she wrote during that 
time. I feel sure that if you will check this material, which will be on file at the 
American Association of University Women, you will agree with me that it clearly 
indicates that the writer did not believe in communism nor in any of its ramifica- 
tions. 

Throughout my association with Dr. Brunauer it was quite evident that she 
was working wholeheartedly and tirelessly for the promotion of an international 
policy which would benefit the United States. There again an examination of 
her writings at the AAUW would bear out my belief. A check of the interna- 
tional items of the legislative program of that organization, which she supported 
by -written material and speeches, would shed further light on her loyalty to the 
best interests of her country. 

I would like also to say that I considered Dr. Brunauer a personal friend of 
mine and have only the highest regard for her loyalty, her integrity, her honesty— 
in fact for her character as a whole. 

I would be more than happy to give you any further information you might 
wish about my associations with Dr. Brunauer. 
Yours very sincerely, 

Helen Alley 
(Mrs. W. G. Alley). 



1568 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Washington, D. C, March 23, 1950. 
Hon. Millard E. Ttdings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator Tydings : I understand that the Senate Foreign Relations 
Investigating Subcommittee is giving Dr. Esther Brunauer (and her husband 
Dr. Stephen Brunauer) an opportunity to appear before it in reply to the charges 
made by Senator McCarthy. 

I am sure that you and the members of your committee can be relied upon 
to give fair and thoughtful consideration to the material which will be pre- 
sented to you at that time. It is a very serious responsibility which has been 
placed upon your committee. It is essential that persons with responsibility 
in the Government have complete loyalty to our Government, but it is equally 
important that the Government should not lose the services of able and loyal 
citizens. 

I have known Dr. Esther Brunauer personally since 1946 and have known of 
her work as the associate in international relations of the American Association 
of University Women prior to that time. Since 1946 we have worked together 
within the Washington Branch of the AAUW and I have had frequent occasion 
for contact with her. She is a thoughtful, well-balanced and mature woman. 
From our talks I know that she has a deep faith in the democratic process. I am 
convinced that she has no sympathy whatsoever with totalitarianism, either 
of the right or the left. Furthermore, she is sufficiently astute that it would be 
quite impossible for her to be used by persons with such sympathies. 

I have not known Dr. Brunauer's work directly, since my own position as 
Director of the Statistics Branch in the Public Housing Administration does not 
bring me into contact with the Department of State. However, since the AAUW 
is an organization seriously concerned with education in its broadest sense, 
our contacts have not been of a frivolous nature, but. have been concerned with 
the development of the program and policies of that organization. 

I trust that your committee will take prompt action to clear Dr. Brunauer's 
name so that she can continue to serve in the Department of State. 

In addition, I would like to call your attention to the incorrect statements 
made about Dr. Brunauer's activities in the AAUW. Laying aside any debate 
as to whether activity on consumer problems should be considered indicative of 
sympathy with communism, I would like to point out that Dr. Brunauer had no 
part in developing organization activity in that area, but was concerned solely 
with international questions. 

I have made no reference to Dr. Stephen Brunauer only because I am not 
personally acquainted with him. 

Respectfully yours, 

Ruth Lois Lyons. 



University of Denver, 
Social Science Foundation, 
Denver, Colo., March 24, 195& r 

The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : I was both shocked and angered by Senator McCarthy's 
attack upon Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer. I have known Mrs. Brunauer since 
the time when she completed her Doctor's degree at Stanford University and 
became the international relations specialist for the American Association of 
University Women. While she was serving in that capacity I met her several 
times, read her publications, and heard her speak before groups of university 
women. The impression inevitably formed was of a woman devoted to America, 
with a scholarly mind, extraordinarily well informed about world affairs, and 
meticulous in documenting wbat she said and wrote. In other words, here was 
a woman of the finest moral and intellectual integrity. 

In more recent years, I have had the opportunity to observe at first hand 
Dr. Brunauer's activities in the Department of State. I was appointed by the 
National Commission for UNESCO as Chairman of its Committee on Secretariat 
in the Department of State, and in this capacity was required to analyze Dr. 
Brunauer's activities as a member of the UNESCO Relations Staff. The im- 
pressions formed in earlier years, set forth above, were reinforced by my study 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1569 

of her services in the Department of State. I found her to be extremely conscien- 
tious, a tireless worker, and utterly loyal to our Government. 

I am convinced that Senator McCarthy lias done a grave injury to Mrs. 
Brunauer, and I hope that he or your committee will take appropriate steps to 
clear her name before the American public. 

Sincerely, 

Ben M. Cherrington. 



Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 

New York, N. 7., March 23, 1950. 
Hon. Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Str : I have recently read in the newspapers the accusations made by 
Senator McCarthy concerning- Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer of the Department 
of State. These accusations seem to me irresponsible and unjust. As a loyal 
citizen of the United States I am venturing to write you this letter in defense 
of a person whom I feel is unjustly accused. 

I have known Mrs. Brunauer for quite a number of years and was familiar 
with her work for the American Association of University Women before she 
joined the staff of the Department of State. During 1946 I was closely associated 
with her when she was the United States member of the Preparatory Commission 
for UNESCO and I was a Deputy Secretary-General on the staff of the Prepara- 
tory Commission. During that period I was working in London and Paris. Mrs. 
Brunauer was frequently there sitting with the Preparatory Commission. I had 
many close conferences with her concerning the policy of the United States 
respecting the development of UNESCO. In her work at the Preparatory Com- 
mission and in all my conversations with her, I know that she was a staunch 
defender of the American system. In the negotiations of the Preparatory Com- 
mission she consistently opposed the plans of Communist sympathizers. She as 
much as any other single person is responsible for the development of UNESCO 
along lines consistent with American policies. 

Since 1947 I have been a member of the National Commission for UNESCO 
and its Executive Committee. In that capacity I have seen Mrs. Brunauer at 
work in the Department of State and have cooperated with her on various 
matters concerning cultural relations between nations. I can testify that at 
no time has there ever been the slightest evidence of disloyalty on her part. 
On the contrary, she has been alert and able at defending and advancing the 
democratic causes to which the United States and the western world are 
committed. 

The attack on her is unjust and can only have the effect of weakening American 
prestige abroad and reducing the morale of the American civil service. I hope 
very much that an opportunity may be given Mrs. Brunauer for complete clear- 
ance of her good name. 



Sincerely yours, 



Howard E. Wilson. 



Public Administration Clearing House, 

Washington, D. C., March 23, 1950. 
To Whom It May Concern: 

I have known Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer since October 1945. I met her then 
in connection with the United States Delegation to the London Conference early 
in November 1945, to draft the charter of the United Nations Educational, 
Scientific and Cultural Organization. I was one of the advisers to the Delega- 
tion, and she was an expert for the Department of State. I saw a great deal of 
her in London and worked with her there on the official work of the Delegation. 
I have seen her sim-e on two or three occasions in connection with meetings 
of the United States Commission for UNESCO, of which I was formerly a member, 
and on one occasion I visited her home. 

I have every reason to consider Mrs. Brunauer a very faithful, conscientious, 
and able member of the State Department's permanent staff. She was highly 
regarded by our Commission to London and by everyone I have ever spoken 
to about her. No question of her loyalty or reliability has ever been raised in 
my presence, nor have I ever had any reason to doubt them. I have always 



1570 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

considered her to be a fine example of the American career woman in the 
Department of State, and a person in whose loyalty and integrity complete 
confidence can be placed. 



Sincerely yours, 



Herbert Emmerich. 



Washington, D. C, March 23, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 
United States Senate, 

Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : As a Maryland voter and constituent of yours, let me 
first salute you for the excellent job you are doing as chairman of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Investigating Subcommittee. The whole Nation has confi- 
dence in your integrity and fairness. 

The purpose of this letter is to tell you and the other members of the subcom- 
mittee of my shock and utter incredulity over Senator McCarthy's charges that 
my friend, Esther Caukin Brunauer, was of questionable loyalty and a poor 
security risk. I have known her personally for many years — since the middle 
thirties at least. My husband, Raymond Clapper, who, as you will remember, 
was killed in World War II during the Marshall IslancMnvasion, was also a great 
admirer of her clear, brilliant intellect. If he were alive today I am sure he 
would join me in vouching for Esther Brunauer's loyalty to the United States and 
her hatred of all subversive activities. It is simply preposterous for anyone who 
has known her to believe any such irresponsible nonsense as Senator McCarthy 
is suggesting. 

Esther Brunauer was associated with the AAUW for seventeen years, 1927 to 
1944 in their Department of international education. Neither the organization 
nor the subject of international education could possibly be considered question- 
able. Since 1944, Esther Brunauer has been in the Department of State as 
Assistant Director for Policy Liaison UNESCO Relations Staff. (Incidentally, 
jost let me point out that Senator McCarthy's staff work must be inaccurate and 
sloppy. He referred to Mrs. Brunauer's work as concerned with internal 
security. ) 

In one of my regular weekly radio broadcasts over Station WCFM (March 16) 
I said : 

"It is nauseating to listen to Senator McCarthy insinuating names such as 
those of Esther Brunauer, John Carter Vincent and John Davies into the 
Senate hearings. I can speak from personal knowledge of these three in 
particular. They happen to be almost lifetime friends of mine, about whose 
patriotism I would vouch any day. These attacks smack too much of the kind 
of thing Hitler as well as Stalin did so well. They create suspicion, hysteria 
and chaos— just what the Commies want." 

I know of no franker way to voice my confidence in Esther Brunauer than I did 
in that broadcast. 
Cordially, 

Olive Clapper, 
(Mrs. Raymond Clapper). 



The University ok Chicago, 
' Department of Philosophy, 

Chicago, III, March 23, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United states Senate, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Sir: I have learned with surprise that Senator McCarthy has testified 
concerning Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer before your subcommittee alleging 
that she is a person of questionable loyalty and a poor security risk. Since I 
have known Mrs. Brunauer for a number of years and have worked in close 
relations with her under circumstances which would give me grounds to judge 
the loyalty of her attitude, actions, and statements, I think it my duty to write 
to you concerning my judgment of Mrs. Brunauer's loyalty to the United States. 
I have known Mrs. Brunauer since 1945. I was adviser to the United States 
Delegation to the General Conference of UNESCO in Paris in 194<i. in Mexico 
City in 1!)47. and in Beirut in 1!)48. and was acting counsellor on UNESCO affairs 
attached to the Embassy in Paris in 1947. I had repeated opportunities to see 
Mrs. Brunauer at work. I have served on committees with her, I have been 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1571 

present with her at sessions of the General ('(inference of UNESCO and its 
subcommittees, and I have conferred with her and corresponded with her on 

particular items of the UNESCO program and the United States policy with 
respect t<> that program. The members of a delegation learn a meat deal about 
each other, particularly when the meetings extend to four or five weeks; and 
five years of acquaiuteiice. a good part of them in close association of work 
and interest in an international agency like UNESCO, would afford numerous 
opportunities to learn about Mrs. Brunauer's basic attitudes and loyalty. In 
all the period of my acquaintance with Mrs. Brunauer I have never seen or 
heard her do or say anything disloyal to the United States. She has been an 
assiduous and an intelligent worker for the interests of the United States in 
the conferences in which I have seen her participate, and far from being a matter 
of question, her insight into and her adherence to the principles of the American 
way of life have seemed to he conspicuous in her work in the Department of State. 
Yours sincerely, 

Richard P. McKeon. 



Cottey College, 
Nevada, Mo., March 23, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

The United states Senate, Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Senator Tydings : I have known Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer over 
a period of almost twenty years and have been well acquainted with both her 
thought and the expression of that thought in her career as a leader in education 
and in public office. 

Dr. Brunauer's loyalty to all which is constructive and fine in American life 
and in the American tradition is not to be questioned, and I am shocked that 
such an implication as Senator McCarthy made about her in his statement to 
the Subcommittee on Monday, March 13, should ever have been voiced. I am 
convinced that it is altogether without basis. The integrity and the loyalty of 
Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer are supported by her long record of conscientious, 
conservative, and intelligent service. 

I should like to add that I am deeply troubled also by the irreparable harm 
which is done to persons in public careers by such unwarranted expressions as 
that of Senator McCarthy. 
Very sincerely yours, 

Blanche H. Dow, President. 

Arlington, Va., March 21, 1950: 
The Honorable Millard E. Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator Tydings: I have learned of the charges made about March 
13, 1950. that Dr. Stephen Brunauer and his wife, Dr. Esther Brunauer, are be- 
lieved to be Communists or to have Communist affiliations. 

I wish to take this opportunity to say that I have known Dr. and Mrs. Brunauer 
for over ten years and have always regarded them as American citizens com- 
pletely loyal to the United States. I have never had the slightest reason for be- 
lieving that either of them have any Communist leanings or affiliations and on 
the contrary have always understood that they are, as other loyal Americans, 
entirely opposed to Communism. 

I may add as bearing on my statement that I have been connected with the 
Foreign Service and the State Department for thirty-three years and am at 
present Assistant Chief of the Visa Division. I have an English and Scotch family 
background going back to the Mayflower and early Colonial days and would not 
hesitate to divulge any derogatory information which might come to my attention. 

I am glad to say that I have complete confidence in the loyalty of Dr. Brunauer 
and Mrs. Brunauer. 

Sincerely yours, 

Eliot B. Coulter. 

American Council on Education, 

Washington, D. C, March 21, 1950. 
Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington 25, D. C. 
Dear Senator Tydings: I have noted the statements in the newspapers ema- 
nating from Senator McCarthy reflecting upon the loyalty of Mrs. Esther Caukin 



1572 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Brunauer. I wish to take this occasion to inform you and other members of the 
Committee that I have known Mrs. Brunauer over a period of approximately 15 
years. This acquaintanceship covers the period when she was a member of 
the staff of the American Association of University Women and the period of her 
service in the Department of State beginning in March 1944. 

In the course of my contacts with Mrs. Brunauer, I have had occasion to be 
acquainted with the nature of her work at the American Association of Uni- 
versity Women and more particularly since she has been in the employ of the 
United States Department of State. As President of the American Council on 
Education I have had many and frequent contacts with her particularly in con- 
nection with the work of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization. 

During all of this time I have admired the earnest self-sacrificing zeal with 
winch she has pursued her work as a Federal employee. She has the respect and 
confidence of her associates, who, so far as I know, have never in any way ques- 
tioned her loyalty and devotion to the principles of our Government. I am mak- 
ing this statement entirely without reservation. 

Parenthetically, may I say that the character of the investigation which so far 
has resulted from Senator McCarthy's charges seems to me to reflect very un- 
wisely upon innocent people and especially to injure the effectiveness of our 
diplomatic relationships in this exceedingly critical period of our history. It 
seems to me that we have thoroughly normal channels, well established, for 
testing the loyalty of government employees. I believe the present hearings have 
performed no useful service and on the other hand have been injurious to the 
character of innocent people and in our effectiveness in foreign relations. 
Yours very sincerely, 

George F. Zook, President. 



The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, 

Chicago, III., March 21, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Senator : As you are interested in obtaining all possible information 
about those members of the Department of State who have been attacked as 
"Communists" or as "poor security risks" by Senator McCarthy, I should like 
to send you my unconditional endorsement of Esther Brunauer. 

I worked with Mrs. Brunauer when she was Associate in International Educa- 
tion of the American Association of University Women, and in the National 
Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. At that time I was Chairman 
of Foreign Policy for the National League of Women Voters and frequently 
discussed international relations with her. Since the establishment of the U. S. 
National Commission for UNESCO I have been associated with her at Com- 
mission meetings, committee meetings and at the General Conference in Paris, 
Mexico City and Beirut where I was a member of the U. S. Delegation. 

I have never known a more devoted public servant than Mrs. Brunauer. 
She is careful, conscientious and loyal. 

I hope that your Committee will speedily prove to your own satisfaction 
and that of the public that Mrs. Brunauer is a dependable and valuable mem- 
ber of the Department of State. 
Sincerely yours, 

Louise Leonard Wright. 



Stanford University, 
Department of Political Science. 

Stanford, Calif.. March 21, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Senator Tydings : May I bring to your attention a statement in 
behalf of Esther Caukin Brunauer, who has been accused by Senator Mc- 
Carthy as one of the officials of the Department of State whose loyalty is 
questionable? 

I have known Mrs. Brunauer for some twenty-five years. I first became ac- 
quainted with her at Stanford University where she studied with me as a 
graduate student. Her work was so outstanding that I recommended her highly 









STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1573 

for a position as instructor at Scripps College. Before the decision was made 
she \vas offered a position with the American Association of University Women 
in Washington. D. C, which I felt would offer her greater possibilities so I urged 
her to accept it. 

I have kept in touch with her and her work ever since that time. While 
working in the Department of State as head of the War History Unit, I had 
occasion to consider her work and found that she was doing a very excellent 
|ob. Later while I was writing a book on the history of the Department of 
State — which has recently been published by Macmillan — I again studied her 
work and that of the division to winch she was attached and found both most 
satisfactory. Owing to the limitations of space and the cost of publication, I 
was compelled to eliminate from the manuscript the brief but praiseworthy 
evaluation which I gave of Mrs. Brunauer and her work. 

I feel qualified to state categorically and unreservedly that I regard Esther 
CauMn Brunauer as the highest type of public servant, one who can be de- 
pended upon to serve her country to the best of her ability and with wholehearted 
loyalty and devotion. 
Sincerely yours, 

Graham H. Stuart. 



Washington, D. C, March 23, 1950. 
Hon. Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir : For nine years Dr. Esther Brunauer has been known to me as the 
intelligent and loving mother of two little girls. 

During the nine years I have been in the Brunauer home at irregular hours 
of the day and night and have never seen anything which would lead me to 
suspect otherwise than a typical home life, composed of Mr. Brunauer, Mrs. 
Brunauer, Sr., and the children. 

I have been wondering how there could be much else than a typical home 
life in the Brunauer house without my knowing it, as Mrs. Brunauer, Sr., and 
the children are the type who tell all the family activities to the Doctor. I 
usually have had a good account of Dr. Brunauer's activities. Also the children 
show the result of much time spent upon them by the parents. 

There has never been an accident or sudden illness during the nine years, when 
I was not able to immediately locate Dr. Brunauer. Both Dr. Brunauer and 
Mr. Brunauer seem to spend a lot of time with the family, and appear to 
enjoy home life and their children. 
Sincerely, 

Margaret Mary Nicholson. 



Dixie Cup Co., 
March 21, 1950. 
Re: Esther Caukin Brunauer. 

Hon. Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator : I have been associated with Esther Brunauer in various under- 
takings for a decade or more. To me she has been the ideal among women 
consecrated to the interests of their country. 

I remember at the San Francisco Conference, where I served as a Consultant, 
that she had her young children along, due to the fact that she had no one to 
leave them with in Washington. Most women would have said it was impossible 
to attend the Conference because of the children — but not Esther Brunauer. 

She has worked with me in projects of the League of Nations, the United 
Nations Association, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, etc., etc. 

My observation of her from first to last leads me to conclude that we need 
more — not fewer — women in American public life like Esther Brunauer. 
Very truly yours, 

Hugh Moore. 



New York, N. Y., March 21, 1950. 
Honorable Millard Tydixgs, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. O. 

Dear Senator : As a life-long Republican, I have been deeply shocked by Sen- 
ator McCarthy's current accusations, particularly against Dorothy Kenyon and 
Esther Brunauer, both of whom are well known to me personally. 



1574 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Esther Brunauer I count as a friend of many years' standing. We served to- 
gether for almost 20 years, beginning in 1927, on the Committee on. Selec- 
tions for Oxford University of the American Association of University Women. 
Dr. Brunauer was the very able and highly respected secretary of the committee, 
upon whose sound judgment and careful, scholarly approach to questions the 
other members constantly relied. 

It is inconceivable that anyone with her fine intelligence, knowledge of his- 
tory, mental and emotional poise should have Communist leanings or be the dupe 
of Communist agitators. 

Throughout the years I have known her, I have never heard Esther Brunauer 
express any remotely questionable opinions. 

If loyal, competent Government officials are to be branded as renegades, with- 
out proper redress, no matter how unfounded the charges, we shall inevitably 
lose the benefit of their services, and the country will suffer immeasurably. 
Sincerely yours, 

Margery B. Loengard. 



The Washington Post, 
Washington, D. C, March 21, 1950. 
Hon. Millard E. Tydings, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : I am writing you in behalf of Dr. Esther C. Brunauer, 
of the State Department, a valued friend of mine, who in my opinion has been 
falsely and irresponsibly accused by Senator McCarthy of disloyaty to her 
Government. 

As an editorial-page columnist for the Washington Post, I have known Dr. 
Brunauer personally and professionally for nearly 5 years. Before that I was 
generally familiar with her activities as international relations secretary for 
the American Association of University Women. 

From the time that Dr. Brunauer was appointed a consultant for the London 
meeting to draft a constitution for the United Nations Educational, Scientific 
and Cultural Organization, on through her successive service with UNESCO, 
including her representation of this country with the rank of Minister at the 
first general conference of UNESCO in Paris, November 1946. I have frequently 
met with her to discuss the aims and purposes of her work. I have always found 
her strongly devoted to the freedom of knowledge and free exchange of ideas 
for which UNESCO stands. What is more, all her attitudes, utterances, conduct 
have always expressed a devotion to the ideals on which the American Govern- 
ment rests. 

Dr. Brunauer's associates, insofar as I have known them, have been definitely 
anti-Communist. Personally I consider her reliability and honor beyond ques- 
tion. It is incredible and inconceivable that she should be accused of disloyalty. 
Yours sincerely, 

Malvina Lindsay. 



American Automobile Association, 

Washington, D. C, March 22, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington 25, D. C. 

Dear Sir : This letter is addressed to you and your associates in the Government 
of the United States as an expression of greatest personal confidence in the 
loyalty and integrity of Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer of thp Department of State. 

I have personally known Dr. Brunauer for a period of 14 years. She is most 
highly respected among university women, in both this country and others, as a 
woman who, in her writings, public addresses, activities in organizations, and in 
hoi' capacity as a national and international conference consultant, has stead- 
fastly served to build up the best interests of democracy. 

Dr. Brunauer's leadership activities have at no time been other than consistent 
with the welfare of this country. It would be impossible for her, by the very 
nature of her interests and of her character, to be other than a person of highest 
reliability and good faith. 

My closest association with Dr. Brunauer have been in the work of the American 
Association of University Women, an educational organization which, in all its 
activities, is soundly American. From 1936 to 1944, while Dr. Brunauer was 
Associate in International Relations on the Headquarters Staff of the American 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1575 

Association of University Women and while I was on the faculty in psychology 
al the Pennsylvania State College, I served also as AAUW State president for 
Pennsylvania. During thai period, I closely followed the work and Leadership 
of Dr. Brunauer. Her loyalty to her country, then and now, is a matter of 
established record and dependability. 

The Government of the Tinted States is fortunate to have on the Staff of its 
Department of State a woman of the caliber and integrity of Dr. Brunauer. 

Very truly yours, 

(Mrs.) Helen K. Knandel, 
Educational Consultant, Traffic Engineering £ Safety Department. 



Washington, D. C. March 21, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tyihngs, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

.My Dear Senator Tydings : I want very much to express to you my deep 
conviction as to the loyalty to our country of Esther Caukin Brunauer which 
has been questioned by Senator McCarthy before your subcommittee. 

I have known Mrs. Brunauer since 1925 when L was a freshman at Stanford 
University in California. She was then a graduate assistant to my professor 
of European history. Dr. Ralph Lutz. Dr. Lutz, as you may know, has been 
for many years associated with former President Hoover in the work of the 
Hoover War Library at Stanford. I know that Dr. Brunauer is held in the 
highest esteem by the faculty under whom she worked at Stanford for her 
doctorate. 

My friendship with her continued when I came to live in Washington in 1930. 
Since that time I have had regular contact with her, sometimes in various 
organization activities : The American Association of University Women ; the 
Committee on the Cause and Cure of War headed by Carrie Chapman Catt ; the 
Committee on the Organization of Peace, headed by Dr. James T. Shotwell, and 
sometimes in purely social gatherings. 

I have always considered her contribution to popular discussion of public 
affairs of the highest quality. She has been one of those professionally trained 
women who has accepted the responsibility of citizenship — to help people gen- 
erally become informed about public issues in order that they may act on 
informed judgments. To me there is no greater contribution to the democratic 
way of life. 

I have also known her husband, Stephen Brunauer, since the time of their 
marriage, primarily in a social capacity. I have had no grounds whatsoever to 
question his loyalty to this, his adopted country. Contrariwise, I have always 
respected his defense of free institutions and his service to the cause of free- 
dom during the last war. I know, too, that members of his family have suffered 
in Hungary at the hands of both Fascists and Communists. 

If there is anything else that you think I might do to help clear the names 
of Mr. and Mrs. Brunauer before your committee, I would be most happy to 
be called upon. 

Yours sincerely, 

Anne Hartwell Johnstone. 

P. S. — I should identify myself as a housewife and mother of two daughters. 
I am currently a Director of the League of Women Voters of the United States. 
I am married to William C. Johnstone, for 20 years associated with George 
Washington University and now Director of the Office of Educational Exchange, 
Department of State — A. H. J. 



American Association of University Professors, 

Washington, D. C, March U. 1950. 
Honorable Millard E. Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. G. 
Dear Senator Tydings : This letter is in reference to Esther Caukin Brunauer. 
I have known Dr. Brunauer for the past twelve years. I have known her in 
special reference to her work in the State Department. The American Associa- 
tion of University Professors, of which I am the General Secretary, has always 
been interested in the programs of the State Department concerned with higher 
education and cultural affairs, and representatives of this Association frequently 



1576 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION" 

confer with members of the Professional Staff of the State Department in 
reference to higher education and cultural affairs. I have participated in a 
number of conferences with Dr. Brunauer and others of the State Department. 
I regard Dr. Brunauer as an able scholarly woman and as a loyal American. 

At the Thirty-third Annual Meeting of this Association, which was held in 
Boston, Massachusetts, on February 22-23, 1947, Dr. Brunauer was a participant 
on the program. She spoke on the general subject : "UNESCO : Its Background 
and Its Role in Building for Peace." Also participating in this meeting and 
speaking on this subject was Mr. Charles A. Thomson, Executive Secretary of 
the United States National Commission for UNESCO. Both Dr. Brunauer and 
Mr. Thomson contributed immeasurably to the success of the meeting and to 
the consideration of the significant subject on which they spoke. 

I have had occasion to work with Dr. Brunauer in other connections. When 
members of the Staff of the Hungarian Embassy resigned from that Embassy 
at the time the Soviets took over the Government of Hungary, Dr. Brunauer 
sought the help of this Association in finding academic positions for some of 
these persons and our joint efforts resulted in the placement of some of them. 
This is but a small bit of evidence, but very good evidence, that Dr. Brunauer is 
not only not a communist but is not in any way sympathetic with communist 
regimes. 

There has never been and there is not now any doubt in my mind concerning 
Dr. Brunauer's complete loyalty to the Government of the United States. 
Very sincerely yours, 

Ralph E. Himstead. 



Washington, D. C, March 22, 1950. 
Hon. Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings: I recently read in the newspaper about my patient 
Mrs. Esther C. Brunauer and I feel it is my duty to make some statements 
about my experiences with her. 

I am an Obstetrician and I delivered Mrs. Brunauer three times : on July 31, 
1934, October 24, 193S, and on May 11, 1942. She first came to me on January 
10, 1934, and at that time she was about 2Vs months pregnant. She came to 
my office frequently for prenatal care. I delivered her the first time after a 
2S-hour labor. I came in contact with her many, many times. Similarly with 
the second and third pregnancies. I came in close contact with her on numerous 
occasions. 

As she is highly intelligent and quite an interesting person I discussed with 
her various topics aside from our Doctor-patient relationship. I can honestly 
and conscientiously say that she had never made any remark that would reflect 
upon her loyalty to our form of government or Constitution of the United States. 
In my estimation she always was a valuable asset to the community and our 
country. If necessary, I am willing to state these facts under oath. 

I never heard her make any remark favoring any subversive movement or 
foreign "ism." In other words, in my estimation she is a good American citizen 
as anyone I ever met. I saw her last in my office on September 11, 1947, and 
at that time her conduct was no different than at any time before. 
Respectfully yours, 

H. Hertzberg, M. D. 



Santa Monica, Calif., March 21, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings: For the past twenty years, in various capacities in 
relation to the American Association of University Women — as member of the 
National Board of Directors, Regional Vice President. Director of the South 
Pacific Section, etc. — I have been in active contact with Mrs. Esther Caukin 
Brunauer. During that time I have had ample opportunity to observe the char- 
acter of her work, the facets of her personality, and the nature of her relation- 
ships witli various groups. These have been consistently straightforward and 
unimpeachably constructive. 

Furthermore, I have read with care and attention, as they appeared, a good 
number of the pamphlets and brochures which Mrs. Brunauer brought out dur- 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1577 

ing her distinguished service with the American Association of University 
Women. 

Although my home is on the West Coast, I have frequently been in Washing- 
ton, particularly during the war, when I served on the seven-woman Advisory 
Council sol up by the Navy Department. During that period I was in fairly 
continuous touch with Mrs. Brunauer, as also during the San Francisco Confer- 
ence, where I was a consultant to the American Delegation, representing the 
American Association of University Women. 

Throughout these two decades 1 have never heard, and I think, until Senator 
McCarthy included Mrs. Brunauer in his sweeping challenge, no one of my ac- 
quaintance had ever heard her integrity or her deep loyalty to her country 
questioned. 

Mr. Brunauer I have known for a much shorter period, but always with the 
sense of his unfailing integrity. Mrs. Brunauer is a woman who, with her 
husband, has quietly, unostentatiously kept her home, raised her family, and 
served her country. Few have maintained a more honorable or a more truly 
American record. 

Sincerely yours, 

(Mrs. M. W.) Gladys Murphy Graham. 



Department of State, 
Washington., March 21, 1950. 
The Honorable Mit/lard Tydings, 

United States Senate. 

Dear Senator Tydings : I am writing to you because I should like to go on 
record regarding the loyalty of Esther Caukin Brunauer. I am now serving on 
the Policy Planning Staff and have been with the Department of State for seven 
years. Prior to that time I was instructor in government and sociology at Smith 
College, Northampton, Massachusetts. 

I have known Mrs. Brunauer since I worked with her in the Department of 
State in preparation for the Dumbarton Oaks Conference in 1944. I was closely 
associated with her in these preparations and during the San Francisco Con- 
ference on International Organization in 1945. Subsequently, I have worked 
with her in connection with the development of American policy in the United 
Nations Educational and Scientific Organization (UNESCO), and she and I 
worked closely together on the Delegation to the Mexico Conference of UNESCO 
in 1947. These associations resulted in my knowing Mrs. Brunauer intimately 
and in having a very full insight into her thinking. 

I want you to know that anyone who knows her as well as I do can have 
no doubt whatsoever as to her complete integrity and loyalty as an American. In 
all my experience with her I have never found her to depart in her thinking 
from basic American principles of democracy, and her devoted and energetic 
action on behalf of those principles in her government work testify to her com- 
plete sincerity. She is a person of great character and deep convictions, and 
those convictions are unqualifiedly dedicated to promoting our national interest. 

I did not want to let this opportunity pass to add this word on behalf of one 
of our most useful and most highly regarded government servants. 
Sincerely yours, 

Dorothy Fosdick. 



The University of Georgia, 

Department of History, 
Athens, Ga., March 23, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings. 

United States Senate. Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Senator Tydings : I am addressing you in regard to Esther Caukin 
Brunauer, whose loyalty and fitness for service in the State Department have 
been questioned by Senator McCarthy. 

The charges made against Miss Brunauer seem to me to be fantastic, utterly 
without basis of evidence, from the knowledge I have of Miss Brunauer. She has 
been known to me for many years, earlier in connection with her executive 
position in the Association of University Women, and more recently in connection 
with the United States Delegation to London, in 1945, to establish the United 
Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. 



1578 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

In April 1944, I was appointed by Secretary of State Hull under the Roosevelt 
Administration as a member of the Commission headed by Representative, now 
Senator, Pullbright, to London for consultation with the Allied Ministers of Edu- 
cation as to the uses of education as an instrument of peace after the war. Miss 
Brunauer of the State Department prepared much of the material which gave 
helpful information to the American Commission during our labors in London 
during the month of April 1944. 

In November 1945, under President Truman's Administration, I was again 
appointed as a Delegate on the Commission of the United States to London to 
the constituent assembly which set up the charter for UNESCO. On this Com- 
mission Miss Brunauer served as an Expert Adviser from the State Department. 

For the month of November 1945, I worked in daily consultation with Miss 
Brunauer. During that period, in thrashing out all sorts of questions which our 
delegates had to consider, never did I hear a word from Miss Brunauer, either 
in official or unofficial dealings, which would reveal even the slightest Communist 
or pro-Communist leanings. Nor have I ever hear in general rumor even the 
faintest whisper to suggest that Miss Brunauer might be a Red, or even a Pink. 

The strong impression I bad, and still have, of Miss Brunauer is one of steady 
admiration for her clarity of thinking and for her expert, accurate knowledge of 
American international affairs. I had and have complete faith in her high sense 
of patriotism and complete loyalty to this country. I shall be glad if my word 
of testimony can help to right the grievous wrong against Miss Brunauer in the 
charges which appear to me false and entirely without evidence to support them. 
Sincerely yours, 

C. Mildred Thompson, 
Emeritus Dean and Professor of History , Vassar, 
At Present, Professor of History, University of Georgia. 



Department of State, 
Washington, March 22, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate. 
My Dear Senator Tydings : Immediately upon learning that Esther Caukin 
Brunauer's name had been mentioned in connection with the investigation of the 
loyalty of State Department employees, I wish to convey to the committee in 
some form, any information which I may have which would be of use, however 
slight, in the attempt to arrive at a true picture of the situation. 

I have known Dr. Brunauer for a period of approximately 15 years and during 
much of that time I have worked with her on matters of broad public interest 
particularly in the field of economics. I have known her and her husband socially 
and have had many pleasant talks on matters of national concern. During these 
years I have never had the slightest reason to question the complete loyalty and 
patriotism of Dr. Brunauer. I feel I have a reasonably clear understanding of 
her attitudes and political views and have reason to think that they are very close 
to my own. While I am not in a position to judge what information would be 
of use to your committee, I should like to make this general statement and if you 
should desire it, would attempt to add more specific information if I had some 
indication of what would be useful. 
Very sincerely yours, 

Eleanor Lansing Dulles. 



Washington, D. C, March 21, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Tydings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Senator Tydings : For many years Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer has been 
intimately connected with the American Association of University Women. She 
is at present an advisor on the Board of the Washington Branch of the American 
Association of University Women. 

There is no one whose sound advice and good judgment I value more than Dr. 
Brunauer's. She is a person of excellent ability and of great integrity. She is 
a great humanitarian and a loyal American. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1579 

I sincerely hope that your committee will speedily correct the misinformation 
used by Senator McCarthy. 
Sincerely yours, 

(Mrs. A. J.) Ruth S. Brumbaugh, 
President, Washington Brunch, American Association of University Women. 



Washington, D. C, March 21, WoO. 
The Honorable Millard Ttdings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Senator Typings: I am writing you about Dr. Esther Brunauer, who, 
according to recent press releases, was among those whose loyalty to the 
Government of the United States was questioned by Senator McCarthy. 

It has been my privilege during the last three or four years to work fairly 
closely with Dr. Brunauer on matters relating to UNESCO. At no time have I 
known her to make a statement or to take a position that would lead one to 
doubt her loyalty to our Government. When questions of policy have arisen that 
required a definite position to be taken there was never any uncertainty that 
siie stood solidly for the American form of government. 

It is indeed to be regretted that any Member of the Congress should resort 
to measures resembling those employed by the forms of government of which 
we so heartily disapprove. 
Respectfully yours, 

A. J. Brumbaugh. 



Arlington, Va., March 27, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard Ttdings, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. G. 

Dear Mr. Senator : I should like to comment on the recent charges that Dr. 
Esther Caukin Brunauer is a bad security risk. 

I served as Dr. Brunauer's secretary for a period of two years from the time 
of my appointment in the Department of State on January 24, 1947. I was not 
acquainted with her prior to this assignment, and have not been officially 
associated with her since January 1949, when I was transferred to another 
Division within the Department. I assure you that this letter is purely volun- 
tary on my part. 

During the two years of my association with her I came to know her inti- 
mately and to discover that she is a truly great woman and in equal measure 
a great American. Patriotism, with Dr. Brunauer, is not something she tucks 
away for special occasions as most of us do. It is the essence of her daily 
thinking and motivates her daily life. 

When, three years ago, Representative Bushey charged her with disloyalty 
to her country I assisted in her prepaparation of a categorical denial of the 
charges. I therefore am familiar with the exact charges and with the exact 
rebuttals. It was my observation that the charges were completely disproved 
by the facts presented. The denial was accepted by the Senate and published 
in the Congressional Record in July 1947. It is, therefore, difficult to under- 
stand how these disproved charges can now be used against her. 

Dr. Brunauer prepared herself to take a responsible part in the international 
affairs of her Government by many years of study both here and abroad. She 
continues to take a scholarly approach to every aspect of her work of relating 
the policy of United States representation in UNESCO to the total American 
foreign policy. 

The esteem and honor which is accorded her name were earned by twenty 
years of constructive work in the interests of her country. I know how she 
operates. She is modest. She seeks no personal acclaim. She is concerned 
only with the ultimate goal of mutual understanding and peace among the na- 
tions of the world. Were she a person of lesser stature, her idealistic approach 
might seem naive, but her sincerity often leaves others abashed. As her secre- 
tary I realize the depth of her sincerity and her content in making her con- 
tribution. Many join me in the opinion that she is making a greater individual 
contribution than any woman in America. 

I was working daily with her at the time when the Hungarian Government 
was taken over by the Communists. I was familiar, through her, with the 

68970 — 50— pt. 2 7 



1580 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

names and identities of the outstanding Hungarian figures in that event. I 
was a witness to the strain Dr. Brunauer and her husband were under during 
those critical days in Hungary. I was a witness to the grief they shared when 
the coup was complete and many of their friends in Hungary, who had held out 
to the end, succumbed to the pressure of communism. And I was a witness to 
their sympathetic attitude towards those members of the Hungarian Embassy 
staff in Washington who resigned their posts. It was abundantly clear which 
side the Brunauers were on. 

The recent charges against Dr. Brunauer can very easily be disproved. No 
one who has ever been closely associated with her gives the smallest credence 
to the charges. However, the general public has no basis on which to form an 
opinion. It is hoped that the same spotlight can be turned on clearing her as 
was turnd on accusing her — in simple justice — and in recompense for the unwar- 
ranted injury done her. 
Sincerely yours, 

(Mrs.) Eire Stevens. 



Washington, D. C, March 27, 1950. 
The Honorable Millard E. Tydings, 

Foreign Relations Committee, United States Senate. 

My Dear Senator Tydings : I have known Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer, and 
her mother, and her father for thirty-three years. Both the charges which have 
been made against her publicly before the Foreign Relations Committee of the 
Senate, and the circumstances under which they have been made shock me deeply. 

Because there exists in the Executive Branch of the Government an ade- 
quate procedure for determining whether any employee is fit for and worthy 
of employment by the Government in a particular position, it should be unneces- 
sary for any individual to speak in behalf of another individual who is employed 
by the Government. I have confidence in and respect for those procedures. 
By the use of them, it has been determined that Dr. Esther Brunauer is worthy 
of employment by the Federal Government in the position of responsibility and 
trust which she now occupies. 

Nevertheless, and in spite of the application of those procedures, and the 
availability of other confidential procedures in the Government for ascertaining 
facts, for making determination of who may be or may have become undesir- 
able, it has been charged publicly, in the Senate of the United States that Dr. 
Brunauer is not a proper person for such employment. This is a very serious 
matter and, yet, mere unsubstantiated assertions have been made about her. 
Resort has been made to anonymous allegations, malicious assertions, hearsay, 
gossip, and innuendo. Inaccurate and untrue statements have been made 
about her. The attack upon her is defamatory to her reputation and 
good name. But because it has been made within the areas of privileged 
communications to the Senate, and of the immunities of Members of the Senate, 
Dr. Esther Brunauer is deprived of the protection of fundamental legal proce- 
dures, of the right to defend her good name in court, and of obtaining remedies 
for injury to her name and reputation. 

The very procedures in the Executive Branch of the Government which exist 
to protect both the Government and the individual, procedures involving the 
safeguarding of privacy, the right to present evidence and to obtain hearings, 
appeals and reviews, all of these are set to naught and nullified by the circum- 
stances under which attacks have been made upon Dr. Esther Brunauer. 

I deeply deplose those circumstances. But since they exist, it becomes neces- 
sary for those who know Dr. Brunauer to state publicly the facts about her winch 
they know, and their opinion of her. Therefore, I desire to make the following 
statement : 

Esther Caukin, now Mrs. Stephen Brunauer, is the daughter of Grace Black- 
well Caukin and Ray Caukin, and was born in California. Her ancestors on both 
sides fought in the American War for Independence. Her ancestors were of 
English, Irish, French, and Dutch stock. On her mother's side, her ancestors 
settled in Connecticut in 1630. Her great grandfather, Ed. Riley, settled in San 
Francisco in 1858. He was Boston Irish. 

Her father, Ray Caukin, served in the Army, in the Signal Corps, in World 
War I. He is a member of the American Legion, a past commander. He was 
a United States Post Master in Sierra Madre, California, and is now retired. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1581 

Her mother, Grace Blackwell Caukin, was a leader in the Woman's Suffrage 
movement in California; was Secretary of the California Woodrow Wilson 
Campaign Committee : and was executive secretary, at one time, of the California 
Democratic State Central Committee. 

Both of her parents are living. They are splendid Americans, and solid 
citizens. 

I attended the San Francisco Girls High School with Esther Caukin Brunauer, 
where we became close friends. We participated together in certain school 
activities, and attended certain classes together. I know her character and her 
attitudes very well, from long acquaintance. We have kept in touch with each 
other from the time of our youth. From 1933 to the present, I have known Dr. 
Brunauer closely in Washington, D. C. 

From the time I first knew Esther Brunauer in 1917 until now, she has made 
a record for which she deserves the highest commendation and respect; she had 
the highest record in her class in high school ; she received scholarships in Mills 
College, California, and at Stanford University. At Mills College she won the 
Senior Class Prize for Scholarship, and there she founded The Honor Society 
(the equivalent of Phi Beta Kappa), and was the vice president of the Associated 
Students. 

At Mills College she attracted the friendship of the President of the College, 
the late Dr. Auralia Henry Bernhardt. At Stanford University she was a 
protege of the late Dr. David Starr Jordan, Chancellor of Stanford. Later, she 
hecame a friend of the late Carrie Chapman Catt. Throughout her life, she has 
enjoyed the friendship and high regard of leaders in the field of education, and 
in public life, and of good and reputable people. 

A distinguished scholar of history and international relations — A. B., 1924, 
Mills College; M. A.. 1925, and Ph. D., 1927. Stanford University — she became 
a member of the staff in Washington, D. C, of the American Association of 
University Women, in 1927, where she was director of its International Relations 
Section, directing research and study programs for members of the Association, 
and acting as its representative to the International Federation of University 
Women. She held this post for seventeen years, until March 1944, when she 
received an appointment in the State Department, Division of International 
Security and Organization. She is still employed in the State Department. She 
has. therefore, held only two jobs in twenty-three years, which is evidence of both 
competence, trustworthiness, and faithfulness. 

She married Stephen Brunauer in 1931. I have a high opinion of him. She 
has had three children, two of which are living. She has been as competent 
in her home as she has been in her professional work. She is a devoted wife 
and mother. Her two daughters are well reared and well cared for, and all 
that parents wish their children to be. 

Esther Caukin Brunauer has certain traits of character which are predomi- 
nant: She is loyal, sincere, honest, thorough, and possessed of good judgment. 
She has devoted herself to her family and to her professional work all of her 
life. She has concentrated upon her professional work to the exclusion of varied 
and miscellaneous pursuits; and she has not been a joiner of organizations. Be- 
cause her professional work took her into the study of international problems, in 
which she acquired a high professional reputation, she was chosen to serve on 
the National Committee of the Cause and Cure of War. That national com- 
mittee was made up of representatives of about eleven national women's organi- 
zations, and she was one of the representatives of the American Association of 
University Women. She was chairman of a very important committee of the 
Committee of the Cause and Cure of War, a committee appointed in 1936 to 
make a study of our national defense. This committee reported its findings in 
a printed pamphlet, and its findings created substantial public support of the 
program of the Army for strengthening the United States military organization. 
Dr. Esther Brunauer has belonged to very few organizations, most of them 
professional ; and none of the few she joined have ever been pub on any list of 
subversive or Communist "front" organizations. 

People sometimes are judged by their associates. In my long acquaintance 
and friendship with Esther Brunauer, I have observed that her associations, 
contacts, and friendships have always been with persons who are respected and 
honored. 

What people think, say, and write is often an index of their points of view. I 
can say unequivocally that Esther Brunauer thinks, talks and acts in accordance 
with the highest concepts of a loyal, American citizen, and a Christian. She is 
not and never has been a faddist, a soft-headed or a soft-hearted "sympathizer,"' 



1582 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

a believer in any of the ideologies of advocates of un- or non-democratic political 
or social systems. She is not a Communist 'sympathizer" or "fellow-traveler." 
She is not and never has been a Communist, or a Fascist, or anything other than 
a real American and democratic citizen. 

I know of nothing in the record of Esther Brunauer which would provide a 
basis for questioning her loyalty to her country, or her fitness for any position 
of confidence and trust in any department of the Government, or anywhere else. 
I have complete faith in her. I respect and admire her. 

My opinion of Dr. Esther Brunauer is as follows : She is a loyal citizen of the 
United States. She is a real American. She is an honorable woman, possessed 
of the highest character and integrity in every respect — intellectually, morally, 
and spiritually. She is possessed of keen intellect, sound judgment, strength of 
character, and outstanding ability. 

A great many women in the State of California, and throughout the United 
States, are very proud of Esther Brunauer. Her story, her life, and her achieve- 
ments have been what we consider the best of womanhood that can be produced 
in our country. I resent deeply (and I know that I speak for many women) the 
irresponsible charges and insinuations which have been lodged against her. 
They are preposterous, scurrilous, and outrageous. 

Esther Brunauer. an honorable and distinguished woman, a leader among 
women, and a competent and loyal public servant, has been unjustly humiliated 
before a committee of the United States Senate, and before the public. I am 
•confident that the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate will find no merit 
whatsoever in the allegations which have been made against here. And when that 
conclusion becomes evident, I sincerely hope, Senator Tydings, that your Coni- 
mitte will publicly absolve Esther Brunauer from the charges which have been 
made, so that in that way, there may be restored to her, as far as possible, the 
full confidence and eminent status which she enjoyed before this extremely un- 
fortunate incident occurred, and so that she may be completely vindicated. 
Respectfully yours, 

Marion J. Harron. 
(Judge) Marion J. Harron. 



Exhibit No. 57 

American Association of University Women 

National Headquarters, 1634 Eye Street, N. W. 

washington, d. c. 

Statement Regarding the Work of Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer as a Mem- 
ber of the Staff of the American Association of University Women, 1927-44, 
Annexed to the Letter of March 22, 1950, Addressed to Senator Millard E. 
Tydings, Chairman of the Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee Assigned to Investigate Charges of Disloyalty Among Employees 
of the Department of State 

(Prepared by the General Director of the American Association of University 

Women) 

Senator Joseph R. McCarthy is reported to have said that Mrs. Esther Caukin 
Brunauer was for many years executive secretary of the American Association 
of University Women ; and further, that she was instrumental in "committing this 
organization to the support of various front enterprises, particularly in the so- 
called consumer field." Both these statements will be shown to be untrue. 

"THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSITY WOMEN 

Organization and purpose. — The American Association of University Women 
was organized in Boston in 18S2 for the purpose of uniting the alumnae of dif- 
ferent colleges and universities for "practical educational work." It is an edu- 
cational organization, composed of women graduates of approved institutions; 
at the present time its membership numbers approximately 110,000 women, 
graduates of 271 colleges and universities. The purpose and policies of the 
Association are promoted through the joint efforts of its members, organized 
into local branches in every state. At present there are 1,157 branches, rep re- 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1583 

senting a cross section of women graduates of colleges and universities of the 
highest standing. The policies of the Association arc voted hy delegates repre- 
sent ins; the membership in the biennial convention of the Association, and are 
carried out by appropriate committees. 

A major activity of the Association in its various branches is an extensive 
program of adult education. This program represents a sense of responsibility 
on the part of the women college graduates who make up the Association to be 
informed themselves, to cultivate intelligent public opinion on major issues, and 
to take action on the basis of a study of the facts. 

Professional staff.— For each of the Association's committees there is a profes- 
sional staff member at the national Headquarters, who carries on research and 
study and directs and counsels the membership in cooperating toward the 
Association's objectives in the field which she represents. The staff associates 
carry out the policies voted by the convention and developed by the national 
committees and the national Board of Directors. Staff members do not make 
policy. 

In 1927 Mrs. Brunauer was appointed as a staff associate at national Head- 
quarters for the Committee on International Relations, a position which she oc- 
cupied continuously until March 7, 1944. During that time her work was confined 
solely to international education and international relations. 

AAUW CONSUMER ACTIVITIES 

The statement of Senator McCarthy that Mrs. Brunauer was "instrumental 
in committing this organization to the support of various front enterprises, par- 
ticularly in the so-called consumer field," is completely at variance with the 
facts. Mrs. Brunauer had nothing whatever to do with the Association's con- 
sumer program. While the consumer activities of the Association are therefore 
not involved in this investigation, since this program has been attacked by 
Senator McCarthy, I wish to state emphatically that the consumer program of 
the American Association of University Women could not by any stretch of the 
imagination nor in any particular be considered a "communist front" activity. 

Senator McCarthy has referred specifically to an instance reported in the 
New York Times for April 27, 1943. We find no reference to the American 
Association of University Women in the New York Times of that date ; we do 
find an intern in the Times of April 26 to which Senator McCarthy probably 
refers. This item states that a request, signed by 15 organizations, was pre- 
sented to Price Administrator Prentiss M. Brown, urging that grade labeling of 
canned fruits and vegetables be required as a feature of price control, in order 
that price maintenance should not be defeated by a lowering of quality. In this 
suggestion the Association was joined by the American Home Economics Asso- 
ciation, the Young Women's Christian Association, the National Council of 
Jewish Women, aud other reputable organizations. To imply that a request 
for information to enable housewives to know what they are buying is a "front 
enterprise" is manifestly absurd. 

MRS. BRUNAUER'S RECORD 

But as I have stated. Mrs. Brunauer had nothing to do with the above or any 
other consumer activity of the Association. Her responsibility was to help in 
carrying out the objectives of the Association's Committee on International 
Relations, which were: (1) "to foster closer international relationships among 
university women throughout the world," and (2) "to assist in building up an 
informed, vigorous American foregin policy." 

Mrs. Brunauer srave wholehearted cooperation and leadership in the carrying 
out of both these vurposps — and both are completely alien to the communist 
philosophy. As international relations associate, she devoted much time and 
effort to the International Federation of University Women, an organization 
which the university women of the U. S. S. R. never joined, although the way was 
open. 

To the second purpose, the "building of an informed, vigorous opinion on 
American foreign policy," Mrs. Brunauer contributed continuously and effectively. 
She prepared, or arranged to have prepared, materials to assist local groups in 
studying international issues objectively — a purpose entirely at variance with 
the propaganda tactics of communism. By her honest, objective, and scholarly 
approach to controversial questions, she did much to develop the techniques and 
standards which have given the Association a place of leadership in the adult 



1584 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

education field. The Association benefited greatly by her knowledge, integrity, 
good sense, intelligence, and logical thinking. 

While Mrs. Brunauer's whole record as an AAUW staff member exemplified 
the best traditions of American democracy, I wish to call the attention of 
your Committee particularly to the part she played in the Association's inter- 
national activities in the critical period of 1939-41. This was the period of the 
Nazi-U. S. S. R. friendship pact, when communists in the United States were 
violently isolationists and anti-British. At this time, the American Association 
of University Women was following the opposite line. Some instances of the 
Association's activities which were in direct contradiction to the policies advo- 
cated by communists may be cited : 

(1) In the summer of 1940, the Association appealed to its members for homes 
for British children who might be sent to the United States for safety ; more 
than 3,000 members offered their homes. 

(2) In September 1940, the Association cabled £1,000 to the British Association 
of University Women for war relief. 

(3) In September 1940, the Association cabled $2,000 to the University Women 
of Finland, a country then suffering from the effects of Russian aggression. 

(4) On January 1, 1941, a letter which Dr. Brunauer helped to draft, which 
was signed by the Headquarters staff, was sent to all AAUW branches and State 
divisions, urging them to promote public discussion of aid to Britain, and asking 
that branches and members individually communicate their opinions on this 
issue to their Congressmen. 

(5) As a preliminary to the 1941 convention, an inquiry was sent to all 
branches asking their opinions as to the extent of aid this government should 
give to those resisting the Axis powers, and encouraging study of the question. 

(6) On May 8, 1941 (while the Stalin-Hitler pact was still in effect and com- 
munists were demanding, "Keep us out of war!") the American Association of 
University Women in its biennial convention voted: 

(a) Recognition of a common cause with all nations resisting totalitarian 
aggression and the furnishing of whatever aid we can give to make this 
resistance effective. 

(6) Development of a closer international collaboration to be begun now 
among the people resisting the Axis powers, and expanded as rapidly as 
possible into suitable international institutions. 

(The Association was, as far as I know, the first of the large women's 
organizations to advocate such a step, and the convention delegates voted in 
full understanding that military aid might he involved.) 

(7) Immediately after this convention action, Mrs. Brunauer quickly fur- 
nished AAUW branch and state international relations chairman with study 
materials on how to make U. S. aid effective, urged continuous study of the 
crisis in American foreign policy, and transmitted the convention request that 
members communicate their opinions to members of Congress. 

In these activities — all in direct opposition to the "party line" of that time — 
Mrs. Brunauer was not a passive or reluctant participant; she was a leading 
spirit in promoting all of them. Indeed, some members criticized her for too 
openly favoring aid to Britain before this country entered the war. 

Senator McCarthy is reported to have accused Mrs. Brunauer of being "instru- 
mental in committing this organization [the American Association of University 
Women] to the support of various 'front' enterprises." As I have stated, Mrs. 
Brunauer had nothing to do with the particular enterprise which Senator Mc- 
Carty cited. But it is true that she was instrumental in carrying out other 
enterprises, outlined above — enterprises undertaken for the preservation of 
democracy and directly in opposition to the policies advocated by communists 
and communist sympathizers. 

Mabch 22, 1950. 



Exhibit No. H8 



Statement of Duties of Haldohe Hanson With Department or State 1942 to 

Date 

i. february 1 942-decembkr 1944: divisional assistant, division of cri/rural 

cooperation 

This was principally a recruiting job, arising out of the program of wartime 
aid to China, and involving the recruiting of American civilian technicians for 
service in China, including engineers, agricultural experts, and health specialists. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1585 

ii. December 1944— September 1047: executive assistant to the assistant 

secretary for public affairs 

I served as Executive Assistant under two Assistant Secretaries, covering a 
period of two and one-half years. I was responsible for their correspondence 
and visitors, and the management of their office. 

During this period, I had the special assignment of drafting the legislation 
authorizing the United States Information and Educational Exchange Program. 
I worked with congressional committees for three years on this legislation which 
is now known as the Smith-Mundt Act (or Public Law 402, 80th Congress). 
Incidental to this legislative work, I represented the Department of State in 
hearings on Senator Mundt's resolution for an International Office of Education, 
the bill authorizing United States participation in UNESCO, and Senator 
Fulbright's legislation establishing scholarship funds from surplus property 
proceeds. 

III. SEPTEMBER 1947-NOVEMBER 1948: ACTING CHIEF, FAE EAST BRANCH, PUBLIC 

AFFAIRS OVERSEAS PROGRAM STAFF 

The Program Staff was an organization under the Assistant Secretary for 
Public Affairs. The Far East Branch was responsible for recruiting the overseas 
staff for five countries in the Far East, and for advising the Media Divisions 
(such as the Divisions for Broadcasting, Press, Libraries) regarding public 
attitudes of the various peoples in the Far East. During this period I made an 
inspection trip to all of our information posts in the Far East. 

IV. NOVEMBER 1948 TO DATE: EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, INTERDEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE 
ON SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL COOPERATION 

This Committee has for ten years conducted a program of technical coopera- 
tion with Latin America, providing technical training and technical advisors 
to foreign governments in such fields as agriculture, health, education, and 
engineering. Recently, under authority of the Smith-Mundt Act, the Committee 
has expanded its activities on a small scale to Asia and Africa. 

I spent much of the year 1949 in travelling away from Washington. During 
the months of January through March, I was on an inspection trip of our present 
technical activities in Latin America. During July and August I served as 
advisor to Assistant Secretary Thorp at the meeting of the United Nations 
Economic and Social Council in Geneva, Switzerland. This Council was drafting 
the United Nations resolution on technical assistance. During September and 
October, I was an advisor on the American delegation to the United States 
General Assembly which was reviewing the same resolution. In November, I 
was an advisor to the American delegation at the United Nations Food and 
Agriculture Organization which met in Washington. Again my assignment con- 
cerned a resolution on technical assistance. 

In December 1949, my office and staff here transferred from the jurisdiction of 
the Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs to the Assistant Secretary for Economic 
Affairs, in preparation for the Point IV Program. My stall' is part of a new 
office in the Department entitled the "Interim Office of Technical Cooperation 
and Development." The duties of the Interim Office and the responsibilities of 
the other offices of the Department in relation to this Program are set forth in 
Departmental Announcement 41, a copy of which is attached. 

Department of State Departmental Announcement 41 

Establishment of the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and 
Development (Point Four Program) 

1. Effective immediately there is established under the direction of the As- 
sistant Secretary for Economic Affairs the Interim Office for Technical Coopera- 
tion and Development (TCD). 

2. The Interim Office is assigned general responsibility within the Department 
for (a) securing effective administration of programs involving technical as- 
sistance to economically underdeveloped areas and (b) directing the planning 
in preparation for the Technical Cooperation and Economic Development (Point 
Four) Program. In carrying out its responsibilities the Interim Office will rely 
upon the regional bureaus, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and other com- 
ponents of Economic Affairs area for participation in the technical assistance 



1586 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

programs as specified below, and upon the central administrative offices of the 
Administrative area for the performance of service functions. 

3. The Interim Office has specific action responsibility for : 

(a) Developing over-all policies for the program. 

( b ) Formulating general program plans and issuing planning directives. 

(c) Coordinating specific program plans developed by the regional bureaus 
and making necessary adjustments. 

(d) Approving projects, determining action agencies, and allocating funds 
for U. S. bilateral programs. 

(e) Directing negotiations and relationships with intergovernmental agencies 
and with other U. S. agencies participating in the coordinated program or other- 
wise carrying on technical assistance activities. 

(/) Reviewing instructions to the field. 

4. The Interim Office will coordinate the development of operating policies 
governing administrative problems generally applicable to technical assistance 
programs such as utilization of available specialized personnel, conditions of 
employment, and utilization of training facilities. 

5. The regional bureaus have responsibility with respect to technical assistance 
programs for : 

(a) Initiating and developing plans for technical assistance programs for 
individual countries or groups of countries within their respective regions. 

(&) Reviewing program proposals affecting their regions which originate from 
any other source. 

( c) Negotiating and communicating with foreign governments. 

(d) Directing State Department personnel assigned abroad to coordinate, and 
give administrative and program support to, bilateral programs. 

( e) Continuously evaluating programs and projects within regions. 
(/) Proposing program changes. 

(g) Initiating instructions to the field carrying out their responsibilities, and 
reviewing all other instructions concerned with technical assistance programs. 

Responsibilities previously assigned to the regional bureaus in connection with 
the Philippine Rehabilitation Program, Economic Cooperation Administration 
Aid programs, and existing programs in Germany and Japan are not affected by 
this announcement except for paragraph 4 above which will apply where circum- 
stances require. 

6. The Bureau of United Nations Affairs has- 
te) Action responsibility for — 

1. Developing the U. S. position concerning the international organiza- 
tional machinery to be used in connection with technical assistance activities ; 

2. Developing the U. S. position concerning the relative proportions of 
contributions to be made by the U. S. and by other countries to the special 
technical assistance accounts of international organizations ; 

3. Coordinating negotiations involving such accounts, 
(ft) Advisory responsibility concerning: 

1. The character and scope of technical cooperation programs undertaken 
by international organizations ; 

2. The amounts of U. S. contributions to the special technical assistance 
accounts of international organizations ; 

3. U. S. positions on program allocations from such accounts by interna- 
tional organizations. 

The Bureau of United Nations Affairs maintains general contact with interna- 
tional organizations in line with its over-all responsibilities and arranges for 
direct contact between the United Nations and the participating specialized 
agencies and the Interim Office of Technical Cooperation and Development or 
U. S. agencies on operating program matters as requested by the Interim Office. 
The Bureau for Inter-American Affairs makes corresponding arrangements with 
respect to intergovernmental arrangements of the American states. 

7. The following have such responsibilities in connection with technical 
assistance programs as are in accord with their general responsibilities set 
forth in the Organizat ion Manual of the Department. 

(a) The Office of Financial and Development Policy with respect to the Inter- 
national Bank and Monetary Fund. 

(b) The Office of Transport and Communications Policy with respect to the 
International Telecommunication Union and the International Civil Aviation 
Organization. 

(c) The UNESCO Relations Staff with respect to UNESCO. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1587 

S. Responsibility for the administration of the Department's scientific and 
technical exchange activities under the U. S. Informal ion and Educational 
Exchange Act of 1948, and under the Act of August 9, 1939, authorizing the 
President to render closer and more effective the relationship between the 
American republics, insofar as these activities are directly related to specific 
economic development projects, is transferred from the office of Educational 
Exchange to the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development. 
Activities which are not so related remain the responsibility of the Office of Edu- 
cational Exchange. The functions, personnel, and records of the Secretariat 
of the Inter-departmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation are 
transferred from the Office of Educational Exchange to the Interim Office for 
Technical Cooperation and Development, except for the editorial functions con- 
nected with the publication of "The Record" and the corresponding personnel 
and records, which remain in the Office of Educational Exchange. 

9. The Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs will become the Department's 
representative on, and the Chairman of, the Inter-departmental Committee on 
Scientific and Cultural Cooperation, in place of the Assistant Secretary for 
Public Affairs. He will also serve as Chairman of the Advisory Committee on 
Technical Assistance. The Director of the Interim Office for Technical Coopera- 
tion and Development will serve as Vice Chairman of both committees. 

10. The other offices under the Assistant Secretary of Economic Affairs advise 
the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development on the economic 
feasibility and desirability of projects and programs, from the standpoint of 
their respective specialized interests ; make or arrange for such economic studies 
and analyses as the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development 
may require ; and maintain liaison with U. S. and international agencies and 
with private organizations on matters within their respective fields of interest 
as necessary in the planning and operation of the technical assistance programs. 

11. The Director will become a member of the Board of Directors of the 
Institute of Inter-American Affairs. The Interim Office for Technical Coopera- 
tion and Development responsibilities enumerated under 3 and other paragraphs 
above apply in full to technical assistance activities, present and future, carried 
on by the Institute. The Bureau of Inter-American Affairs exercises all responsi- 
bilities listed under paragraph 5 above with respect to the Institute's program. 

The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development and the Bureau 
of Inter-American Affairs are jointly responsible for developing such working 
arrangements as are necessary to insure the administration of the Institute 
of Inter-American Affairs as a constituent part of a coordinated technical 
assistance program. 

12. The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development consists 
of the following organizational units under the supervision of the designated 
officers : 

Director : Leslie A. Wheeler, Ext. 3871. 

Technical Cooperation Projects Staff, Chief : Haldore Hanson, Ext. 3011, 

5012. 
Technical Cooperation Policy Staff, Chief : Samuel P. Hayes, Jr., Ext. 4571, 

4572. 
Technical Cooperation Management Staff : Richard R. Brown, Director of 

Executive Staff, E. Ext. 2155. 
(2-21-50.) 



Exhibit No. 59 
Text of Hanson Letter to Senator Tydings 

What happens to a man's standing in his community when charged with pro- 
Communist leanings was told yesterday by Haldore Hanson, chief of a techni- 
cal staff working in the State Department on the Point 4 program for aiding 
backward areas of the world. 

Mr. Hanson wrote of his experience to Chairman Tydings of a Senate Foreign 
Relations subcommittee investigating charges by Senator McCarthy, Repuhli- 
can, of Wisconsin. Senator Tydings released the letter to reporters last night. 

Mr. Hanson lives here at 1233 Thirty-seventh Street NW., during the winter 
and at his farm in Loudoun County, 12 miles south of Leesburg, the remainder 
of the year. 

Text of his letter follows : 



1588 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

March 24, 1950. 

Dear Senator Tydings : On March 13 Senator McCarthy in sworn testimony 
before your subcommittee accused me of haying pro-Communist proclivities 
and of being a man with a mission to Communize tbe world. 

Immediately afterward, both at a press conference and in two radio broadcasts, 
I flatly denied these irresponsible charges. I pointed out that Senator Mc- 
Carthy's charges were based solely on my public writings in China twelve 
years ago and that he had withheld from your committee and the American 
public the following facts which are public knowledge: First, that my assignment 
to cover the Chinese Communists was as a correspondent for the Associated 
Press in 1938: second, that the Chinese Communist armies were then under 
Chiang Kai-Shek's Supreme Command and were resisting the Japanese invasion; 
third, that the work of the Chinese guerrillas was one of the great news stories 
of 1938. and I wrote the story as I saw it. There is no mystery about any of 
my writings and I shall be glad to discuss them. 

On the day that Senator McCarthy mentioned my name, I made known to 
my superiors in the Department of State that I desired the opportunity to 
appear before your committee and publicly defend myself against these charges 
and to answer any questions that members of the committee might have con- 
cerning me. 

I knew that an examination of my record by your committee could quickly 
establish the complete falsity of Senator McCarthy's accusations. For the rec- 
ord. I submit that I was the subject of a favorable investigation by the Depart- 
ment of State at the time of my appointment in 1942. In 1947 as a result of ir- 
responsible statements by Representative Busbey of Illinois, I was investigated 
by the Department with favorable results. After the inception of the President's 
loyalty Program I was processed under the government-wide investigation by 
the FBI which was completed in 1948. In these investigations my activities in 
China, as well as in the United States, were covered and my writings were re- 
viewed. On the basis of this investigation I was again given a complete loyalty 
and security clearance by the Department of State. 

In view of these circumstances I expected that I would be quickly vindicated 
by your committee, and that the slurs upon my devotion to the United States 
would be removed by your official action. 

However, during the short time which has since elapsed, I am shocked to find 
that, as a direct result of Senator McCarthy's untrue accusations and insinua- 
tions, my family and I have been subjected to a series of humiliating incidents. 
Each of these incidents is probably trivial in itself, but shows what a chain 
reaction such irresponsible charges can have and, I fear, will continue to have. 

For example, a man who feeds cattle on my farm in Virginia has been asked 
why he continues to work with "that Communist." One neighboring farmer 
began last week to refer to me as "that Russian spy." A man near my farm 
made public remarks which could reflect on my credit standing, an indispensable 
asset in the cattle business. 

A petition calling my family undesirable and urging that we get out of the 
community was circulated in a village near my farm. Most people approached 
refused to sign it. Several of them were good enough to report the story to me. 
I understand a lawyer has now advised the drafter of the petition not to 
continue his activities. 

If these incidents were the work of an occasional gossip, I would not dignify 
them in a letter to a Senate committee. Rut these cumulative actions occurred in 
a decent, educated, church-going community where I have owned a farm for five 
years, helped others, l'>een helped by them, and enjoyed a reciprocal friendship 
and respect with many of my neighbors. I hold no resentment against those 
involved in these incidents, but I deeply resent tbe false accusations of a United 
States Senator, speaking irresponsibly and protected by senatorial immunity 
which can start such whisperings of suspicion and hate. 

Therefore, I feel that it is of urgency for me to be granted a formal hearing 
before your committee at its earliest convenience, not only for the purpose of 
refuting Senator McCarthy's charges, but also in order that T may personally 
tell you and the other members of the committee what damaging effects such 
false accusations as Senator McCarthy makes can have upon an innocent Amer- 
ican in Ins relationships with his neighbors and his community. I would like 
to do anything within my power to prevent others who are innocent from going 
through such experiences. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1589 

Exhibit No. (ii) 




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1590 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1591 

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1592 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1593 

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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1595 

Exhibit No. 66 




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1596 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit No. 67 

Name : Conrad E. Snow 

Date and Place of Birth : August 6, 1889, New Hampshire. 

Son of Leslie P. Snow, president of New Hampshire Senate, 1919-20; Jus- 
tice, New Hampshire Supreme Court, 1920-1931 
Education : 

Dartmouth College— A. P»., 1912. 
Majored in Economics. 
Magna Cum Laude and Phi Beta Kappa. 
Oxford University— B. A., 1915 ; M. A., 1929. 
Honor School of Modern History. 
Rhodes Scholar. 
Harvard Law School— LL. B., 1917. 
Editor, Harvard Law Review. 
Ames Prize. 
Experience : 

Professional Attainments : 

General practice of law, 21 years in New Hampshire. Active trial 
attorney in State and Federal Courts. Senior partner or sole attor- 
ney — 19 years. Martindale-Hubbell rating- — AVIG. 
New Hampshire Bar Association: Secretary-Treasurer (10 years). 
American Bar Association : 

Member House of Delegates (5 years). 
Section of International and Comparative Law. 
American Law Institute : Compiled "New Hampshire Annotations of 

Restatement of Law of Contracts." 
American Judicature Society; Director (5 years). 
Federal Bar Association 
American Society of International Law 
Rochester Trust Company: Director (12 years). 
Public Offices : 

New Hampshire Legislature. 1929-30; Chairman, Judiciary Committee. 
New Hampshire Constitutional Convention, 1930; Chairman, Judiciary 

Committee. 
Department of State, 1940 (August 22) — Date; Assistant Legal Adviser 
for Political Affairs, P-8. 
Military : 

First Lieutenant to Captain, 1917-19 ; 

Personnel Adjutant, Fourth Field Artillery Brigade, AEF. 

Lieutenant Colonel to Brigadier General, 1940—16 

Director, Legal Division, office of Chief Signal Officer, 1941-45. 

Officer in Charge of Clemency, OUSW. 

Legion of Merit, 1945. 

Name : Theodore Carter Achilles. 

Place and Date of Birth : Rochester, New York, December 29, 1905 (straight 

American descent on both sides for several generations). 
Education : 

Hill School, Pottstown, Pennsylvania. 

San Jose High School, San Jose, California. 

Leland Stanford University, A. B., 1925. 

Yale University, 1926-28, graduate study. 
Member of: Metropolitan and Chevy Chase Clubs, Washington; Yale Club, 

New York. 
Experience : 

Engaged in newspaper work in California and Japan, 192S-30. 

Married in 1933 to Marion Field. 

Appointed, alter examination, Foreign Service Officer, January 8, 1932. 

Stationed as Vice Consul at Havana. l!i.">2. in Rome, 1933. 

Assigned to the Department of State. V.(35-39. 

Third Secretary at the Embassy in London, 1939-41. 

Charge d'Affaires ad interim near governments of Belgium, Netherlands, 
Norway and Poland, in London in 1940-41. 

To the Department in 1941. 

Assistant Chief, Division of British Commonwealth Affairs, 1944, Chief, 
1944. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1597 

Experience -Continued 

First Secretary of Embassy in London, 1045, and in Brussels, 1046. 
Assigned to Department of State, 1947, as Chief of the Division of Western 

European Affairs. 
Member of U. S. Delegations at the International Labor Conference, New 

York. 1941. 
UX Conference on Food and Agriculture, Hot Springs, Virginia, 1043. 
IX Conference on International Organization, Sau Francisco, 1945. 
Council of Foreign Ministers, London, 1945. 
Paris Conference, 19-Ki. 
First Session, UN Assembly, London, 194G. 
Second Session, UN Assembly, New York, 1047. 
Present position : Director, Office of Western European Affairs. 

Name : Willard F. Barber. 

Date and Place of Birth: March 21, 1009, Mitchell, South Dakota. 

Education: 

Public Schools of California, Iowa, South Dakota, and New Mexico. 

Stanford University, A. B., 1028; M. A. 1029. 

Columbia University, Postgraduate work, 1030-1033. 

Awarded Einstein Prize for Excellence in American Diplomacy, Columbia 
University, 1933. 

Graduated from the National War College, 1048. 
Membership in Societies: 

University Club, Washington, D. C. 

American Foreign Service Association (Associate Member). 

Pi Sigma Alpha. 

National Honorary Political Science Fraternity. 

American Society of International Law. 

Association of American University Professors. 

American Political Science Association. 

American Society for Public Administraiton. 

Member of Latin American Committee of American Political Science Asso- 
ciation, 1046, and reappointed in 1047, 1048, and 1040. 

Foreign Policy Association. 
Publications : 

In collaboration with W. B. Guthrie: American Government, a textbook, 
published by Globe Book Company. 

Contributor to : Foreign Service Journal, American Political Science Review, 
American Journal of International Law, Hispanic American Historical 
Review, The Journal of Politics, International Journal (Canadian), The 
Western Political Science Review, The New Mexico Quarterly Review, 
American Political Science Quarterly, The Western Political Science 
Quarterly, etc., etc. 
Professional Activities : 

1031-1038, Tutor, then Instructor, in Government in Diplomacy, College of 
the City of New York. 

1938-1943, Officer of the Division of American Republics, Department of 
State, working on problems of Panama, Haiti, Dominican Republic and 
< uba. 

In 1942 on temporary assignment for U. S. Embassies at Port-au-Prince and 
Ciudad Trujillo. 

1944-1945, Assistant Chief, Division of Financial and Monetary Affairs, 
Department of State. 

1943-1946, Assistant Chief and Acting Chief, Division of Central American 
and Caribbean Affairs, Department of State, including countries of Panama, 
Costa Rica, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Honduras, Cuba, Haiti, 
Dominican Republic. 

In 1944, Secretary to Interdepartmental Committee on Inter-American Eco- 
nomic Development. 

During 1945, on detail to U. S. diplomatic missions in Cuba, Dominican 
Republic, and Haiti. 

February 1946, Adviser to U. S. Delegate at Second West Indian Conference, 
St. Thomas, Virgin Islands. 

May 1946, Representative of the Department of State at inauguration of 
Governor of American Virgin Islands. 

In 1946 appointed Chief of Division of Caribbean Affairs. 



1598 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Professional Activities — Continued 

1946 and 1947, Lecturer at Institute conducted by the School of Advanced 
International Studies (Washington, D. C.) on Political Problems of the 
Caribbean Area. 
1947, Lecturer, American University, Washington, D. C, on "Problems in 
Inter-American Relations." 

1947, Participant in Brookings Institution Seminar on International Rela- 
tions, held at University of Virginia and Dartmouth College. 

September 1947, assigned to the National War College. 

June 1948, graduated from National War College. 

August 1948, Chief, Division of Central American and Panama Affairs, State 

Department. 
In 1948 on temporary assignment to U. S. Embassies at Panama, San Jose, 

Managua, Tegucigalpa, San Salvador, and Guatemala City. 
Appointed Alternate Member of State Department Loyalty and Security 

Board, 1948. 

1948, Appointed to State Department Advisory Committee on Information 
Policy. 

July 1949, appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for American 
Republic Affairs. 
Travel : United States, Mexico, Canada, Caribbean Area, Europe and Iberian 

Peninsula, Central America. 
Marital Status : Married, one daughter. 
Residence : 

1522 Red Oak Drive, Silver Spring, Maryland. 
Telephone : SLigo 8275. 

Name: John O. Bell. 

Date and Place of Birth: Manila, P. I., October 4, 1912 (parents U. S. citizens). 

Son of John Oscar and Fiances Earle (Cooley). 
Education : 

George Washington University, B. S., 1934; J. D., 1939 National War Col- 
lege, graduated 1948. 
Admitted to D. C. bar, 1938. 
Experience : With U. S. Department of State since 1931. 

Officer in Fraud Section, Passport Division, 1937-39. Assisted U. S. District 
Attorney (S. D. N. Y.) in preparation and prosecution ppt. fraud case vs. 
Earl Browder, chief government witness in connection therewith. 
Executive Officer, Passport Division, 1939^1. 
Chief, Air Priorities Section, 1943-46. 
Chief, Air Transport Section, 1946. 
Assistant Chief, 1946. 
Associate Chief, 1947-48. 
Chief, 1948. 

Assistant Chief, Division of Northern European Affairs since 1948. 
January 1949 assigned as Political Adviser to Chairman, Foreign Military 

Assistance Correlation Committee. 
Assistant Director, Mutual Defense Assistance Program since 1949. 
Secretary for documentation, International Civil Aviation Conference, Chi- 
cago, 1944. 
Conference Registration Officer, United Nations Conference, San Francisco, 

1945. 
Special Representative of U. S. State Department Aviation negotiations in 

Peru, Ecuador, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay 1946-1947. 
Alternate member U. S. Department of State Loyalty and Security Board 
since 1948. 
Member of: 

D. C. American Foreign Service Association. 
George Washington University Law Association. 
Alpha Chi Sigma. 
Name : G. Hayden Raynor. 

Date and Place of Birth : August 28, 1906, Brooklyn, New York. 
Education : 

Sidney Lanier High School, Montgomery, Alabama, 1923 ; 

University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, A.B. 1927; (Held fellowship 

in English teaching courses in Freshman English during senior year.) 
Harvard, Graduate School of Business Administration, MBA 1929. . 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1599 

Experience : 

Summer, 1928 : Wall Street Journal ; 

1929-30: Irving Trust Company, New York City, general hanking training; 

1931-37: Guaranty Trust Company of New York, Personal trust admin- 
istration ; 

1937--10: E. It. Stettinius, Jr., Estate of Judith C. Stettinius, Financial and 
investment work; 

1939-40 : U. S. Steel Corporation, Office of the Chairman of the Board, General 
Assistant, studies special problems; 

1939: Served on Staff War Resources Board while Mr. Stettinius was chair- 
man thereof ; 
*1940: Assistant to the Commissioner in charge of Industrial Materials (E. R. 
Stettinius, Jr.) of the Advisory Commission to the Council of National 

*1941: Assistant to the Director of Priorities (E. R. Stettinius, Jr.) of the 

Office of Production Management ; 
*1941-3: Special Assistant to the Administrator (E. R. Stettinius, Jr.) of the 
Lend-Lease Administration ; Served as Executive Secretary of the Policy 
Committee of the Lend-Lease Administration ; 
*Dec. 1944-45: Special Assistant to the Under Secretary of State (E. R. 

Stettinius, Jr.) ; 
♦Dec. 1944—45 : Special Assistant to the Secretary of State (E. R. Stettinius, 

Jr.) ; 
1945: Special Assistant to the Director of the Office of European Affairs 

of Department of State (title now is Adviser to the Assistant Secretary for 

and the Bureau of European Affairs). For first six months handled 

Economic Affairs for EUR and since early 1946 have handled United 

Nations Affairs. 
Publication : An article on the United Nations Charter in the University of Vir- 
ginia Law Review (late 1945 or early 1946). 
Clubs : Harvard Club of New York City. 

Conferences: Have attended following conferences as Assistant to Chairman 
United States Delegation : Dumbarton Oaks, Chapultepec, Mexico City, San 
Francisco. 

Have attended following conferences as Adviser to the United States Dele- 
gation : Last half 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and the two Special Sessions of the Gen- 
eral Assembly (both parts), of the United Nations. 

On occasion have served as Adviser to Senator Austin in his capacity as 
United States Representative on the Security Council of the United Nations. 

Have also served in 1946-47 as United States representative on the Mem- 
bership Committee of the Security Council and occasionally on other com- 
mittees during meetings of the General Assembly. 

Name : David A. Robertson. 

Date and Place of Birth : July 2, 1910, Birmingham, Alabama. 

Education : 

Grade School, High School graduate, Birmingham, Alabama. 
University of Alabama, B. S., 1931 ; LL.B., 1933. 
Experience : 

Land Department, Shell Petroleum Corporation, Box 2099, Houston, Texas, 
1933-1940, curing titles, buying liens, royalties, pipeline rights-of-way, 
settling estates. 
State Department, Division of Controls, 1940-1941, by Executive Order 
transferred to Board of Economic Warfare handling export control policy 
and action on various commodities including oil, machinery, copper, brass, 
and bronze. 
Naval Officer (Lt. (j. g.) to Lt. Com.) in Bureau of Supplies and Accounts, 
Navy Department, 1942-1945, administering petroleum supply programs 
for Army, Navy, Air Force, and Lend-Lease programs. Commended by 
Forrestal in 1942 for avoiding stoppage in war industry manufacture. 
Also served as Naval witness before Truman Committee on oil transport. 



•Served with the late E. R. Stettinius in these several jobs in a confidential capacity. 
Duties involved handling important correspondence, reviewing reports, and advising on 
policy questions which arose. 



1600 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Experience — Continued 

State Department, 1945-1950: Petroleum Division, 1945-1947 Chairman, 
Petroleum Facilities Coordinating Committee, interdepartmental, han- 
dling disposal surplus oil facilities abroad. 1947-1950, Special Assistant 
for Politics-Military matters coordinating and preparing positions for 
National Security Council, cabinet and subcabinet discussions and matters 
involving relations with Department of Defense in Near East, Africa, and 
South Asia. 

Alternate Member. Department of State Loyalty Board, 194S-50. 

Name: John William Sipes. 

Place and Date of Birth : Washington, D. C, October 29, 1919. 

Marital Status : Married — Two Children. 

Education : 

Lee-Jackson High School (Fairfax County, Virginia). 
George Washington University, A. A. and A. B. degrees. 
George Washington Law School. 
Georgetown Law School, L. L. B. 
Memberships : 

George Washington University Alumni Association. 
Georgetown University Alumni Association. 
Phi Delta Phi Legal Fraternity. . 
Pi Gamma Nu (Honorary Social Science) 
U. S. Naval Reserves. 

Kemper Lodge No. 64, A. F. & A. ML, Falls Church, Virginia. 
First Baptist Church, Alexandria, Virginia. 
Military Experience : 

Lieutenant. USNR, 1942-1945, assigned as follows: 

Communications Watch Officer — Vice Chief Naval Operations. 
Communications Watch Officer — Commander, North Pacific Forces. 
Communications Officer — XAS, Moffatt Field, California. 
Experience : 

Executive Office of the President, Office of Government Reports — Personnel 

Officer, 1940-42. 
Department of State, Division of Departmental Personnel, Recruiting and 

Placement Officer, 1945-46. 
Office of the Secretary, Executive Secretariat, 1946-48. 

Office of Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations, Legislative As- 
sistant, 1919 to date. 

Name : William Pennell Snow. 

Place and Date of Birth : Bangor, Maine, July 23, 1907. 

Education : Phillips Exeter Acad. ; Bowdoin College and Tufts College 1925-30. 

Experience: 

Employed by insurance company 11)31-32. 

Appointed clerk in dist. accounting and disbursing office at Paris June 2, 

1934. 
Vice Consul at Paris October 17, 1934. 

Also Asst. Dist. Accounting and Disbursing Officer at Paris October 2">, 1934. 
Foreign Service Officer, unclassified, Vice Consul of Career and Sec. in the 

Diplomatic Service, and Vice Consul at Paris October 1. 1935, in addition 

to duties as Asst. Dist. Accounting and Disbursing Officer. 
Foreign Service School September 21, 1936. 
Vice Consul at Stockholm April 7, 1937; also Third Sec. at Stockholm 

November 27, 1940. 
Vice Consul at Callao-Lima December 23, 1940; also Third Sec. at Lima 

April 26, 1941. 
Second Sec. at Lima in addition tc duties as Vice Consul August 23, 194.",; 

at San Jose February 5, 1945. 
Consul at St. Johns. E. F. 

Detailed to the National War College September 1947-June 194S. 
Assistant Chief, Division of British Commonwealth Affairs, August 23, 1948. 
Officer in Charge, British-Dominion Affairs, since August 1949. 

Name: Arthur G. Stevens. 

Date and Place of Birth : -May 23, 1912— Greenwood, Miss. 

Education : Greenwood High School, and University of Mississippi, Duke Univer- 
sity, B. A. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1601 

Experience: 

Assistant Secretary to Congressman Will M. Whittington, Mississippi, 

1! 134-35. 
Asst. to Executive Secretary, Central Statistical Board, 1985-38. 
Assistant to Commissioner, Bureau <>f Labor Statistics, 1938-41. 
Asst. to Economic Advisor for the White House, 1941-42. 
Chief of Transportation Division, Munitions Assignment Board, Combined 

Chiefs of Staff, 1942-45. 
Budget Examiner, Bureau of Budget, 1945—46. 
Asst. to Asst. Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, 1946. 
Special Assistant, Office of Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, 

1947. 
Executive Director, Bureau of European Affairs, Department of State. 
Member : 

Phi Delta Theta Fraternity. 
Westmoreland Congregational Church. 

Name : Alien B. Moreland. 

Date and Place of Birth : November 7, 1911 — Dawson, Georgia. Legal Resi- 
dence — Jacksonville, Florida. 
Education : 

University of Florida, B. B. S. in Business Administration. 
Majored in Economics and Business Administration. 
Phi Kappa Phi Honorary Society. 
Georgetown Law School, LL. B. 

Member Staff, Georgetown Law Journal. 
Harvard University, M. A. in Government. 

Majored in Government and Political Science. 
Columbia University, M. A. in International Administration. 

Majored in International Law and Administration. 
George Washington Law School, LLM. 

Majored in International Law and Administrative Law. 
Experience : 

Member of Bars of State of Florida and District of Columbia ; American 
Society of International Law ; American Political Science Association ; 
American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars. State and County 
Deputy Assessor of Taxes (Florida) ; Advisor on economic affairs to 
Assistant Secretary of State for Occupied Areas (General Hilldring) ; 
Legislative Assistant to Assistant- Secretary of State for Congressional 
Relations (Asst. Secretaries Cross and McFall). 
Military Experience : 

Commander, USNR. Head of Counter Intelligence Section, District In- 
telligence Office, Seventh Naval District; Senior Naval Civil Affairs 
Officer, Cherbourg, France ; Head, Government Section, Office of Island 
Governments, Navy Department. 

Name : Berry, James Lampton. 

Date and Place of Birth : Columbia, Mississippi — May 10, 1908. 

Education : Webb Sch. grad. ; University of Mississippi, B. A. 1929, M. A. 1931 ;. 
Yale University graduate work 1932-34. 

Experience : 

Instructor in Political Science, University of Mississippi, 1930-31 ; Teaching 
Assistant in Political Science, University of Illinois, 1931-32: appointed 
Clerk in American Consulate at Durban, March 16, 1934 ; Vice Consul at 
Durban, August 11, 1934; at Johannesburg, temporarily, July 7, 1936; at 
Lourenco Marquez, temporary, September 1, 1936; at Durban, February 13, 
1937 ; at Johannesburg, temporary, March 20, 1937 : at Durban August 6, 
1937 ; at Lourenco Marquez, temporary, January 3, 1938 ; at Capetown, tem- 
porary. January 22, 1938; at Durban, May 2, 1939; Foreign Service Officer 
unclassified, Vice Consul of career, sec. in the Diplomatic Service, and 
Vice Consul at Durban, July 15, 1939 ; at Port Elizabeth, temporary, July 
18, 1939 ; at Durban, September 3, 1939 : at Calcutta, June 1, 1940 ; also sec. 
to Commissioner of United States to India at New Delhi, September 16, 
1941 : sec. to personal representative of the President at New Delhi, March 
21. 1942 : sec. at New Delhi, May 16, 1942 ; class eight, July 16, 1943 : Army 
and Navy Staff College, grad. 1945; country specialist in State Department, 
February 1. 1945: Acting Assistant Chief. Division of Middle Extern 
Affairs, April 12, 1945 ; July 1, 1945 ; Assistant Chief, Division of Middle 



1602 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Experience — Continued 

Eastern Affairs, September 25, 1945, Division of Middle Eastern and Indian 
Affairs, August 16, 1946 ; Special Assistant to the Director ; Office of Near 
Eastern and African Affairs, September 7, 1947 ; Member Policy Planning 
Staff, November 22, 1948. 

Name : Belton O'Neal Bryan. 

Date and Place of Birth: September 8, 1910 — Georgetown, South Carolina (of 

parents born in South Carolina). 
Education : 

Duncan High School, Duncan, South Carolina. 
Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, B. A. 1934. 
The Georgetown University, Washington, D. C, LL. B. 
Admitted to District of Columbia Bar 1938. 
Member of Pi Kappa Phi Social Fraternity. 
Member of Delta Theta Phi Legal Fraternity. 
Experience : 

Employed by Federal Government since November 1933, in Coast and Geodetic 

Survey, General Accounting Office, and Department of State ; 
Commissioned in the United States Army Reserve in 1939 and entered on 

active duty in October 1941 as Second Lt. 
Obtained rank of Lt. Col. and subsequently reverted to Reserve Status in 

June 1946. 
Served in Ordnance Department and the Inspector General's Office. 
Qualified as Pistol Expert. 

Awarded Defense, Campaign and Victory Medals and two Army Commenda- 
tion Ribbons. 
Since leaving Military Service entei'ed Department of State as Executive 
Officer to the Legal Adviser ; Assistant Legal Adviser ; and Special Assistant 
to the Deputy Under Secretary of State. 

Name : Robert F. Woodward. 

Date and Place of Birth : October 1, 1908, at Minneapolis, Minn. 

Education : University of Minnesota — B. A. 1930. 

Experience 

Manager of Printing Plant and Editor, 1927-1930. 

Foreign Service Officer (unclass.), Vice Consul of career, and secretary in 
the Diplomatic Service, 1931. 

Vice Consul at Winnipeg, 1932. 

Foreign Service School, April 1933. 

Vice Consul at Buenos Aires, August 1933. 

Vice Consul at Asuncion, temp., September 1935. 

Vice Consul at Buenos Aires, November 1935. 

Third Secretary at Bogota, June 1936 ; Vice Consul, June 1936. 

Vice Consul at Rio de Janeiro, 1937. 

To the Department, April 1939. 

Acting Asst. Chief, Division of the American Republics, Nov. 1941 ; Asst. 
Chief, July 1942. 

Second Secretary and Consul at La Pas, Bolivia, Sept. 1942. 

To the Department, June 1944. 

Acting Asst. Chief, Division of North and West Coast Affairs, July 1944. 

Second Secretary at Guatemala, August 1944. 

First Secretary at Guatemala, June 1945. 

Counsel of Embassy at Habana, December 1945. 

To the Department. March 1947. 

Deputy Director, Office of American Republic Affairs, March 1947. 

Assigned to Army War College during 1949. 



Exhibit No. 68 



Headquarters of the Generalissimo, China, 

Chungking, Szechvan, 12 January, 19',2. 
President Franklin D. Roosevelt. 

The ^Yhite House, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. President : I am happy to have the opportunity afforded by Mr. 
Lattimore's return to America on a short visit, to send you a word of greeting, 
and to thank you for recommending him as my political advisor. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1603 

Mr. Lattimore lias fully measured up to our expectations and has entirely 
justified your choice. You unerringly detected the right man to select to act 
as a Counsellor at a time When decisions which will affect the whole world for 
generations to come are in the balance. He has not only a wide knowledge of our 
language, history, and geography, lie lias in addition an invaluable understanding 
of our contemporary political affairs. His absolute integrity is manifest in 
everything that ho does or says, and I never have the slightest doubt that any 
suggestion that he may make is based upon a genuine desire to assist China 
to the utmost of his power. 

The various Missions that you have sent to China are doing valuable work. 
They, and the visits of various members of your Government, have greatly 
helped to bring America closer to us. Personal contacts necessarily tend to 
promote closer and more understanding relationship and friendship. You may 
be assured that all the American Missions are going about their duties with a 
zeal that promises permanently useful results. 

Since the Japanese attacks on Pearl Harbor, the Philippines and Hongkong, the 
Pacific problem has become more acute. It is fortunate that under your wise 
and steadfast leadership, the future outcome of our concerted struggle against 
treachery and barbarity is assured. I assure you that I shall do my utmost to 
help bring about a world order based upon justice tempered with mercy. 

Mr. Lattimore will personally convey to you my views on some important 
matters upon which I have not touched above. If there are messages you wish 
to send me. I should appreciate you entrusting them to Mr. Lattimore to be 
conveyed to me upon his return to China. 

Madam ChiaDg joins me in sending best wishes to you and Mrs. Roosevelt 
"Vnnrs sincerely, 

Chang Kai-e iiek. 



Exhibit No. 69 
ARCTIC RESEARCH LABORATORY ADVISORY BOARD 

Minutes of the Fourth Meeting, May 17, 18, 19, 1949 
Arctic Research Laboratory, Point Barrow, Alaska 

attendance 

Members : 

Commo. W. G. Greenman, Director, Naval Petroleum Reserves. 

Dr. John C. Reed, Staff Geologist, U. S. Geological Survey, Chairman. 

Dr. M. C. Shelesnyak, Head, Ecology Branch, ONR, Executive Secretary. 

Dr. Laurence Irving, Scientific Director, Arctic Research Laboratory. 

Dr. John E. Graf, Asst. Sec'y, Smithsonian Institution, vice for Dr. Alex- 
ander Wetmore. 

Prof. Owen Lattimore, Director, Walter Hines Page School of International 
Relations, vice for Dr. Detlev Bronk (Johns Hopkins). 

Dr. Walter H. Munk, Oceanographer, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, 
vice for Dr. Roger Revelle. 

Dr. J. Frank Schairer, Carnegie Institution of Washington. 

Mrs. Yvonne Reamy, Adm. Asst. to Exec. Sec'y. 
Consultants : 

Prof. George Carter, Head, School of Geography, Johns Hopkins. 

Dr. John Field, Physiology Department, Stanford University. 

Dr. S. R. Galler, Head, Biophysics Branch. ONR. 

LTCDR E. P. Huey, Office of Naval Research. 

Dr. T. J. Killian, Science Director, Office of Naval Research. 

Prof. G. E. MacGinitie, Director. William G. Kerckhoff Marine Laboratory. 

Mr. Graham Rowley, Chief, Arctic Div., Defense Research Board, Canada. 

Dr. D. Y. Solandt, Arctic Research Advisory Board, Defense Research Board, 
Canada. 

Dr. A. Lincoln Washburn, Exec. Dir., Arctic Institute of North America. 
Absent : 

Dr. Detlev Bronk, President, Johns Hopkins University. 

Dr. Ellis A. Johnson, General Research Office, Johns Hopkins. 

Dr. Roger Revelle, Co-Director, Scripps Institution of Oceanography. 

Dr. Alexander Wetmore, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 



1604 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

The meeting was called to order by the Chairman at 8: 00 p. m., 17 May 1949. 
Before the reading of the minutes of the previous meeting, it was moved by 
Dr. Sehairer that the Board express its appreciation to the women of the Arctic 
Contractors camp and the Arctic Research Laboratory for their hospitable 
reception during the afternoon preceding the meeting. The motion was sec- 
onded by D. Graf and passed unanimously. 

The Chairman indicated that in order to facilitate the proper consideration 
of the agenda, tbose attending the meeting would be divided into working groups 
to consider various phases of the agenda. The teams, or working groups, were 
assigned as follows : 

Committee on Oceanography : Committee on Geophysics and Geology : 
Dr. Walter Munk, Chairman Dr. T. J. Killian, Chairman 

Prof. G. E. MacGinitie Dr. J. Frank Sehairer 

Dr. John C. Reed Dr. A. L. Washburn 

Committee on Medical Research : Committee on Anthropology and Socia 
Dr. John Field, Chairman Sciences : 

Dr. M. C. Shelesnyak Prof. Owen Lattimore, Chairman 

Dr. D. Y. Solandt Dr. George Carter 

Committee on Biology : Mr. Graham Rowley 

Dr. John Graf, Chairman 
Dr. S. R. Galler 
Dr. Laurence Irving 

Minutes of the Third Meeting 

Dr. Graf raised the question of disposition of specimens. The Chairman 
recommended that a paragraph be inserted in the minutes to the effect that type 
collections would be given to the Smithsonian Institution but that the privile^p 
would be retained of keeping compared specimens. Dr. Graf moved — 

"That the minutes of the third meeting be approved as amended." 

Vote: The motion was seconded by Dr. Sehairer and passed unanimously. 

Minutes of the ARLAB meeting 8 February 19J t 9 

Dr. Irving stated that he did not wish to be included in the list of those at- 
tending this meeting, inasmuch as he did not arrive until the conclusion of the 
meeting. The Chairman suggested that an asterisk be placed after the name of 
the Scientific Director and a note be made to the effect that the Scientific 
Director did not arrive until the conclusion of the meeting. 

There was a brief discussion of whether this meeting should lie called the 
"Fourth" meeting of the ARLAB, as indicated in the minutes. Dr. Sehairer said 
that the meeting was merely a discussion on policy and planning of the ARLAB. 
Dr. Graf moved — 

"That a paragraph be inserted in the minutes to the effect that no formal action 
was taken by the Board at this meeting and that it consisted merely of a discus- 
sion, by the Board members, consequently it was not to be called the 'Fourth' 
meeting." 

Vote: The motion was seconded by Dr. Sehairer and passed unanimously. 

Report of the Executive Secretary 

This report consisted of a number of items which the Executive Secretary 
wished to bring to the attention of the Board for discussion and suggestion. 

(1) Contractor's Manual: a draft of this manual was made and submitted 
to the Board with the agenda for final consideration and comment. 

(2) Internal Administration of ARL Manual: A draft of this was submitted 
to the Board for final consideration and comment. 

(3) Report of Action based on recommendations that ONR seek out and at- 
tempt to stimulate a university of proper stature and graduate interest which 
would find itself in a position to support the laboratory on an operational basis. 

In February at the invitation of Dr. Bronk, President of The Johns Hopkins 
University, a meeting was held with Dr. Shelesnyak, Dr. Irving, Dr. Prof. Cloos, 
Carter, Lattimore. Lee, Wilber, President Emeritus Bowman and others. Several 
weeks later the University submitted to ONR a proposal for the operation of the 
laboratory. This was included in the agenda submitted to the Board. 

(4) Statement to the effect that a renewal of the contract with the Smith- 
sonian Institution for the ARLAB is being processed and will be effected on the 
first of July, the beginning of the fiscal year. 

(5) Item 5 consisted of a proposal which the Executive Secretary wished to 
submit to the Board. In view of the unique characteristics of medical research 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1605 

and need for active medical research programs in the Arctic, and because of the 
integrated activities with the planned Arctic Health program at College, Alaska, 
the U. S. Public Health Service and Territorial Health interests, the Secretary 
wished the Board to consider establishing a medical advisory group. 

(0) Policy and program on library facilities, promotion of interests among 
the other libraries and universities for forwarding material to the AJEtL in the 
form of an association. It was the opinion of the Executive Secretary that 
such an association would be in a better position to build up the ARL library than 
individuals. 

(7) Request from the Executive Secretary for a statement of policy on publi- 
cations of research reports carried out at ARL, bulletins of activities and other 
tvpes of publications. 

(S) Request by Executive Secretary for statement on planning an educational 
program for the laboratory relative to the matter of exhibits (periodic and pro- 
gram exhibits) and local publications. 

The Chairman stated that items (1) and (2) would be designated to a work- 
ins group to consider and to report at the Thursday session of the meeting. The 
group designated consisted of Dr. John Graf, Chairman, Prof. G. E. MacGinitie, 
Dr. Laurence Irving, Mrs. Yvonne Reamy. 

Commodore Greenman informed the appointed committee that the office of the 
Director of Naval Petroleum Reserves and the Officer in Charge of Construction 
have reviewed these two items insofar as administrative procedure is concerned 
and that the committee need not consider that factor. 

Dr. Shelesnyak said that the proposal for operation of the ARL as submitted 
by Johns Hopkins was under negotiation. It would have to be renewed on a 
fiscal year basis. 

The Chairman stated that this was the first time there had been a contract 
proposed specifically for operating the laboratory. 

Dr. Shelesnyak said that, the laboratory was initiated under the leadership of 
Dr. Irving, from Swarthmore College. Its operation and existence would be 
completely impossible without Pet. 4, as all activities which are called "logistics 
support" are provided by Pet. 4. Money for this support is made available from 
ONR to the Bureau of Yards and Docks. Certain activities of the laboratory of 
an operations and "housekeeping" nature (clerical work, plant management, shop 
facilities, etc.) were of a research nature and the Arctic Contractors which 
provides these general services for Pet. 4, felt this type of activity was not 
within their realm and did not wish to carry it. In August of last year, addi- 
tional funds were made available to the Swarthmore contract for operational 
support. However, no specific additions were outlined in the contract. 

Dr. Irving indicated interest in the terms under which Johns Hopkins wishes 
to undertake direction of the laboratory. He asked the Chairman for additional 
time in which to study the proposal before discussion. The Chairman suggested 
that this proposal be postponed until a later session of the meeting. 

Regarding renewal of the contract with the Smithsonian Institution, Dr. 
Shelesnyak stated that it is the policy of ONR to have advisory panels composed 
of specialists in those particular fields. These panels are appointed to advise 
the CNR regarding research and policy in these fields. This Board is an advisory 
panel to advise the CNR regarding operation, policy and planning of the ARL. 
The contract for the Board is renewed on an annual basis at the beginning of 
the fiscal year. No action on this is required by the Board. 

In relation to the medical advisory group suggested by Dr. Shelesnyak, the 
Board was asked its opinion of such a group. He explained the function of 
advisory panels. This particular panel would be composed of specialists in Medi- 
cine who would report through the Board but would not necessarily be members 
of the Board. He felt that perhaps the Chairman of such a group could be 
a member of the ARLAB. 

Dr. Killian explained the types of panels instituted by ONR. He did not feel 
that paid consultants were necessarily the best consultants. Dr. Graf felt that 
the Board might be limited to non-paid consultants. There followed a discussion 
as to what type of panel constituted the best and most desirable type. 

Dr. Washburn asked if a medical advisory group were any more necessary 
than any other group and if such problems could not be handled when they 
arose. 

Dr. Shelesnyak replied that there is perhaps less information and less organ- 
ized activity relative to medical geography in the Arctic than any other field. At 
the same time there are whole series of groups with responsibilities for health 
and medical research in the Arctic. In view of the fact that one of the functions 



1606 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

of the Board is in nurturing research in the Arctic, he believed the advice could 
be gotten by having one member of the Board who would seek such advice from 
colleagues but that this type of arrangement would not have the effect that 
the appointment of a regular group would have. 

The Chairman stated that if the need arose in any of the other disciplines the 
establishment of such groups would not be out of line. 

Dr. Lattimore said that one point worth considering is that if Johns Hopkins 
takes over the operation of the ARL. it would be wise to avoid any appearance 
of monopoly on their part and that proposing a group to consider medical problems 
would be better than appointing or designating one person. 

Dr. Graf said that the Navy had organized the laboratory ostensibly for de- 
fense and from that point of view, medical research assumes an important 
position. 

The Chairman said that there had been some emphasis in some fields and not 
others simply because there was no adequate representation in those fields, but 
he did not favor any special emphasis given to any discipline beyond what was 
appropriate. 

Mr. Rowley asked if the proposed medical group was supposed to advise on 
all medical problems or just those affecting ARL? 

Dr. Shelesnyak replied that it was primarily concerned with medical research 
in the Arctic as focused around the activity of the ARL. He felt the NPR camp 
represented a highly industrialized scene where the impact of a high degree of 
technology on a native population exists. Not too far away there are native 
groups not under this impact and therefore he felt it rather unique and gives 
somewhat of an accent to the problem. 

After considerable discussion Dr. Graf moved — 

"That a member of the ARLAB be designated to consider problems of medical 
research appropriate to the ARL." 

Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Schairer and passed unanimously. 

A committee to consider library facilities of the ARL was appointed by the 
Chairman. This committee was for the duration of the meeting only and was in- 
structed to report at a later session. Members were Dr. Killian, Chairman, 
Dr. Schairer, Dr. Washburn. 

In regard to the educational program, Dr. Field stated that (a) he was par- 
ticularly interested in seminars as he felt under such isolated conditions the 
need was more acute. He felt they gave opportunity for criticism of work and 
for suggestions, (b) Talks on less technical levels for the entire Arctic Con- 
tractor's camp were also desirable. Both types of discussions were needed. 

Dr. Munk said he had noticed a strong tendency of people working on research 
problems not to bother about what has happened in the past. He suggested any 
educational program should include an attempt to familiarize people with past 
work. Secondly, he felt the library should purchase accounts of classic expedi- 
tions for reference as they contained much of value to current researchers. 

Dr. Irving believed there was the question of just how far the library should 
go in expansion. The task of building up a true research library would have to 
be near university magnitude. He felt it might be more expedient to work 
toward a university library at Fairbanks to which the researchers could turn, 
or to work toward enlarging the University of Alaska library. He did not believe 
the educational program harmonized with field research. 

Dr. Shelesnyak said the laboratory should have every aspect of continuity and 
as much of its own substance as possible in order to acquire a group of people 
who will work in the field. 

The Chairman appointed a group to consider an education program for the 
laboratory, as follows: Prof. MacGinitie, chairman. Dr. Carter, Dr. Field. 

The Board recessed at 10 : 30 p. m. 

SECOND SESSION 

The meeting was called to order by the Chairman at 7 : 15 p. m., May 18. This 
portion of the agenda was designated to acquaint the Board members and con- 
sultants who were not acquainted with the organizational background in Arctic 
Alaska with that background. Attendant at this session were employees of the 
Arctic Contractors and local residents of Barrow Village. 

Dr. Shelesnyak explained the organization of the Office of Naval Research and 
its interrelationships with the Arctic Research Laboratory. He explained the 
situation as one where the laboratory is far removed from the campus and from 
ONR. ONR is engaged in basic research although not necessarily immediately 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1607 

pertinent to the Navy. Illustrative remarks were accompanied by an organiza- 
tional chart as the explanation progressed. 

Commodore Greettman gave the administrative and organizational background 
of Pet. 4 and how it is integrated with other branches of the Navy. He stated 
that the Secretary of the Navy has supervision of all operations of Naval Petro- 
leum Reserves. The Secretary established an operating committee to advise 
NPK. NPR serves only as an administrative office as the Bureau of Yards and 
Docks is the actual directing agency. The actual project manager is a group with 
whom the Bureau of Yards and Docks has a contract to carry on the work. 

Dr. Reed called attention to the fact that Commodore Greenman has done a 
great deal to aid in the development of programs of other organizations such as 
the Geological Survey, ARL, Army. Air Forces, and a number of others. 

The Scientific Director of the ARL reported on the scientific and general 
progress of the laboratory since the previous meeting. He reported that, after a 
year's use, the design and construction have proved satisfactory and well suited 
to its purposes. The local operating system of the laboratory was given credit 
for the effective work of the staff. A more complete report was reserved for a 
later session of the meeting. 

THIRD SESSION 

The third session of the meeting convened at 4 : 15 p. m. on 19 May 1949. Dr. 
Graf moved — 

"That the Chairman of the Board prepare a letter ot the Secretary of the 
Navy telling of the trip and giving credit to such people as desired:' 

Vote: Dr. Schairer seconded the motion and it pass unanimously. Dr. Graf 
further moved — 

"That the Chairman of the Board send a letter to personnel at various points 
who were instrumental in making the trip a success." 

Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Schairer and passed unanimously. 

The Scientific Director gave the second half of his report to the ARLAB. He 
felt that the work done by the Naval Ordnance Laboratory over the course of 
a year revealed that the periods assigned researchers for work have been too 
brief to be entirely effective, and recommended that more economical and pur- 
posive procedures be evolved if the work is to lead to justifiable research. 

He felt that the practice of urging researchers to spend more time at Point 
Barrow has discouraged them from viewing arctic research as part of a longer 
career. 

He was of the opinion that the examination of the research programs shows 
the necessity for a senior scientist experienced in field and arctic research to 
attend to the development of arctic research programs. 

In regard to the building program, he stated to the Board that construction for 
married people was postponed until the winter of 1949. Dr. Shelesnyak advised 
the Board that materials have been ordered and all arrangements completed 
and construction would be initiated in the summer of 1949 and completed before 
winter 1949. 

Dr. Irving stated that he did not think direction of research, critical stimula- 
tion of interest in arctic research and routine direction of the laboratory were 
too much for one man, although they could better be performed in a scheme of 
rotation among a group of investigators within a university. He felt difficulties 
resulted from incomplete information as to funds, construction, and research 
projects. 

He expressed dissatisfaction with the routine flow of information and stated 
that in his opinion this deficiency has greatly retarded preparations for research. 

Improvement, he added, appears to depend upon better use of the experience 
of the operational staff of the laboratory and more appreciative attention to 
their proposals. 

Regardless of such difficulties, he stated that he believed the operating system 
of the laboratory is well established. For the support of the ONR and for the 
advice of the Board he expressed sincere appreciation on behalf of his colleagues 
and himself. 

Dr. Schairer moved — 

"That the report of the Scientific Director be received by the Board and 
filed." 

Vote : Dr. Graf seconded the motion and it passed unanimously. 

A discussion followed on the Johns Hopkins proposal for operation of the 
laboratory. The proposal contained the position of administrative assistant. 



1608 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Dr. Shelesnyak explained that this person would be employed by the home base 
to expedite travel, administrative matters, etc. He added that the need for this 
type of position had been pointed out by the SDARL and inasmuch as ONR is 
now doing part of the work that should be handled by such a person, his employ- 
ment was felt necessary. 

Both Johns Hopkins and ONR feel that the proposed project is in one sense a 
research project. It is research in how to maintain a distant laboratory in co- 
operation between a university and government. The Board has continued to 
point out the need for a graduate school for a home base. 

Dr. Schairer said that if a stateside base existed, there would be a need for a 
responsible person to accomplish a successful relation between the laboratory 
and ONR. 

Dr. Graf said that if Johns Hopkins was willing to take on the contract, the 
Board should be willing to approve the university conditions, including what- 
ever personnel they considered necessary. 

Dr. Washburn said that as a consultant he was in favor of having a university 
assume administration and specifically, the Johns Hopkins University. 

Dr. Field stated that he would like to comment on the general policy of having 
a university contract. He felt one of the greatest needs was to have a university 
base where researchers can go with data and get adequate criticism and have 
adequate facilities for research. He thought Johns Hopkins very well adapted 
for this type of program. 

After considerable discussion it was moved by Dr. Schairer: 

"That the ARLAB advise the CNR that the Board approves the proposal of 
Johns Hopkins University and recommends its acceptance." 

Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Munk and passed unanimously. 

The Board recessed for dinner at 6 : 20 p. m. 

FOURTH SESSION 

The Board reconvened at 7 : 30 with the Chairman calling for committee 
reports from the Board as assigned in previous sessions. 

Committee on Oceanography. — (1) The committee supported one phase in the 
Archeological and Dendrochronological Research proposal, that dealing with 
study of ocean currents from driftwood. 

(2) The oceanographic program of the Hydrographic Office was reviewed and 
the committee was in accord with the previously expressed view of the Scientific 
Director that short periods of research were expensive and relatively unproduc- 
tive. Whereas the committee considers present oceanographic research problems 
of general interest, especially the collection of aerial photographs taken on 
Ptarmigan of arctic ice conditions, the committee thinks the time has come to 
make definite recommendations of long range goals. 

There are essentially two oceanographic programs which might be carried out 
from the ARL : 

(a) Support of biological work at ARL. 

(2) The oceangraphy of the Arctic basin. 

It is regrettable that present oceanographic work has largely been confined 
to studies of the shelf, when so little is known about the Arctic Ocean. The 
fundamental oceanographic work in little known regions has been to measure 
the distribution of temperature and salinity with depth, and from it to compute 
circulation. The measurement of temperature and salinity from ice drifts has 
the disadvantage of leading to oceanographic section parallel to the currents, 
whereas the most meaningful sections are perpendicular to currents. To obtain 
controlled sections perpendicular to currents one might, in winter, be able to 
establish airborne oceanograph sections covering perhaps the region from Bar- 
row to the Pole. This is largely a problem of logistics and furthermore one 
that is not peculiar to oceanographers, but will have to be considered for any 
type of studies in the Arctic Basin. The committee recommended that this 
Board energetically pursue this problem on the appropriate level, and to help 
designate the most suitable agency for organizing an airborne Arctic expedition. 

The oceanographers should consider drawing up rather definite plans for such 
an expedition, and to list the instruments and the modifications necessary, that 
would be required. Such a program might include a limited amount of meteoro- 
logical observations, plankton collections, and some bottom samples. The com- 
mittee suggests that with concerted effort it might be possible to occupy an experi- 
mental station in the winter of 1950. 

Dr. Schairer moved — 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1609 

"That the report as outlined should be submitted to the CNR and that the 
Hoard accept and concur with the report of the committee." 

Vote: Seconded by l>r. Graf and passed unanimously. 

Committee on Medical Research. — Dr. Field as Chairman recommended that 
(1) the work on lipid metabolism by Dr. Wilber be continued. (2) The work 
of Dr. Wennesland and party on thermal adaption on tissue should be ap- 
proved. (3) In regard to the proposal submitted by Dr. Levine, the committee 
felt it would properly involve a large number of persons for a good many years. 
The program properly should take about ten years. The proposal was not 
focused enough for the Board to consider it and the committee suggested that 
Dr. Levine be requested to confine activities to one held where results could more 
efficiently be achieved. 

Dr. Schairer moved — 

-That the Hoard accept and concur with the report of the committee." 

Vote : Dr. Graf seconded and the motion passed unanimously. 

Committee on Biology. — Dr. Graf as chairman said the committee felt that the 
projects submitted by Prof. MacGinitie and Mr. Spetznian were very meritorious 
and although no request for continuation of the Swarthmore program had been 
submitted by Dr. Irving, he felt it should be continued. 

The Biological Survey of Anaktuvik Pass was recommended for acceptance. 
The committee felt that in all surveys there should be specified the simple collec- 
tion of forms. Such things as behavior, distribution, ecology, etc., should be 
considered. This is useful to other workers in other projects and assures publica- 
tion within reasonable time limits. This additional information will aid in 
building the reputation of the laboratory. 

The Ecological Studies of Marine Fauna proposal, with Prof. MacGinitie as 
principal investigator, was considered excellent. The committee felt in connec- 
tion with this it might be important to encourage projects in limnology. The 
work might have very important applied aspects. The committee said that 
projects where additional research will result in completion of well-run investi- 
gations should be continued, and secondly that the Board should give study to 
the possibility of working out two and three year projects. This would have a 
very great effect on the planning of a project and would have the added advan- 
tage of assigning funds in one year, removing that project from future competi- 
tion for funds. 

Dr. Galler added that the committee recommends that the attention be invited 
of inland water specialists to determine some specific problems unique in Arctic 
environments. 

Dr. Shelesnyak moved — 

"That the Board accept and concur with the report of the Committee on 
Biology" 

Vote : Seconded by Dr. Schairer and passed unanimously. 

Committee on Geophysics and Geology. — Dr. Killian reported for the com- 
mittee, giving a review and evaluation of the work in progress, and made rec- 
ommendations on proposals as follows: 

(a) Measurement and Study of Arctic Phenomena: This work divided itself 
into two parts (1) a study of infra-red phenomenon! in the Arctic and (2) a 
study of chemical and physical properties of sea ice. The first has been explora- 
tory to date. The second could be made more valuable by the addition of 
petrographic studies to reveal past history of the ice. In regard to Permafrost 
studies, the work has just begun and good progress has been made by Dr. Mac- 
Carthy in familiarizing himself with the area. This program will be enlarged in 
the fall when additional investigators will attempt to study the nature and 
distribution of permafrost. The committee believed that strong support should 
be given to this program. 

(b) Paleontological Studies: The committee recommended that this project 
be made part of the planned program of ARL. 

(c) Determination of Beach Conditions Relating to Photo-Analysis and Traf- 
ficability Studies in the American Arctic: The program called for a widely varied 
series of undertakings which the committee did not feel such a small group 
could undertake in the three to four weeks proposed. They recommended that no 
action be taken by < >NR until a clearer and more definitive proposal was sub- 
mitted. The committee recommended that the work be encouraged in the study 
of geomorphic influence by the Arctic. 

Dr. Munk moved — 



1610 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

"That the Hoard accept and concur with the report of the Committee on Geo- 
physics and Geology" 

Vote : Motion seconded by Dr. Graf and passed unanimously. 

Committee on Anthropology and Social Sciences. — Dr. Lattimore reported on 
the following projects for the committee : 

(a) Archeological and Dendrochronological Research : The committee felt this 
proposal was thoroughly justified and was the type of project that should be 
used as a pilot project. Its acceptance was recommended. 

(b) Regional Geography and Climatic Research: This proposal was con- 
sidered inadequate and it was noted by the committee that a rather negative 
report had been submitted by the Branch Office. The committee concurs with 
this report. 

(c) Geographic Research Study of Point Barrow Area: There was no indica- 
tion of the stature of the researcher and the committee felt such a project should 
be undertaken by a more mature investigator with an adequate geographic back- 
ground. The committee stated that in not encouraging this particular proposal 
it did not wish to discourage the idea of undertaking both studies of adaptation 
and social impact of the Eskimos at Barrow who are affected by the NPR 
project. 

(d) Medical and Biological Study of the Eskimo: This committee concurred 
with previously expressed opinions of the Medical Committee that this project 
was too ambitious for the personnel proposed. 

The committee raised the question as to whether the Board should consider 
the fact that social sciences are thus far on a lower level than natural or 
physical sciences. From the point of view of a number of interests, it is not 
too early to make an attempt to raise the social sciences somewhere nearer the 
level of the natural and physical sciences. 

The committee suggested that the Board recommend appointment of a com- 
mittee with power to decide what should be classified as fundamental research 
in the social sciences appropriate to the Arctic environment as a whole and 
appropriate to research conditions available at the ARL and not only to set 
up standards but to indicate priorities. Social sciences should not neglect 
economics as the committee feels it is within the proper framework of social 
sciences. The committee also felt that this proposed committee should include 
Canadian representatives. 

Dr. Schairer moved — 

''That the Board accept and concur with the report of the Committee on 
Anthropology and Social Sciences. ,, 

Vote : Seconded by Dr. Irving and passed unanimously. 

Committee to Consider Manuals for Contractors and Internal Administration. — 
Dr. Graf reported the committee was well satisfied with these proposed manuals 
and agreement was also expressed by Dr. Irving. P'-of. MacGinitie also agreed, 
adding that cooperation would be needed for their effective administration. 

Dr. Schairer moved — 

''That the Board accept and concur with the report of the Committee" 

Vote : Seconded by Dr. Lattimore and passed una nimously. 

Committee on Library and Publications. — Dr. Killian reported that the com- 
mittee assumed that the primary functions of a research library at ARL is to 
assist the research workers of a frontier field establishment to the fullest possible 
extent. Among means by which this may be accomplished are — 

(1) Act as repository of general scientific handbooks, guide books, basic 
texts, and references. 

(2) Through cooperation of other libraries to arrange for the long and 
short term loan of books and publications. 

(3) Subscriptions to a limited number of technical journals so that they 
can be made immediately available. 

(4) In cases where loan is not practicable, to secure photostats or reprints. 

(5) To provide other visual presentation material, including moving pic- 
tures, slides and micro-film. 

The library problem should be continually studied. This can be done by a 
anjall staff library committee to advise the SDARL. This committee should be 
appointed by the SDARL and report to the ARLAB annually. A recommended 
budget of $2,000 yearly was considered necessary by the committee. Close 
coordination of the library with the ONR library in Washington, which will act 
as representative for the ARL library, was recommended. 

In regard to publications the Board was informed that there were no new 
publications from ARL at this time. The committee felt that mailing lists should 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1611 

be established as well .-is exchange lists. Monographs may be indicated later. 
Dr. Killian reported that Dr. Washburn had indicated that a section of the 
publication Arctic would be reserved for news notes from the ARL. 

I >r. Lattimore moved — 

"That the Board accept and concur with the report of the committee." 

Vote: The motion was seconded by Dr. Graf and passed unanimously. 

Committee to consider Education Program. — Dr. Field reporting for the com- 
mittee said it recommended a system of scheduled and professional seminars be 
set up at ARL. primarily for the common benefit of the staff. These seminars 
Should afford opportunity for discussion of work in progress or in contemplation. 
All interested, competent persons in the area should be invited to attend. 

The committee also recommended a series of lectures on a less technical level 
designed for the benefit of the intellectual life of the community. Navy and 
Arctic Contractor personnel should be cordially invited to attend these lectures 
and to participate in the program. 

Dr. MacGinitie added that a program should be formulated for the ensuing 
year and should be flexible enough to allow for visitors to be included. 

Dr. Lattimore moved— 

"That the Board accept and concur with the report of the committee." 

Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Irving and passed unanimously. 

Following the report of committee chairmen, The Chairman announced that 
Dr. G. E. MacGinitie would take over as Scientific Director of the ARL upon the 
expiration of Dr. Irving's appointment on 30 June 1949. 

The Chairman stated that he had been requested to raise the question of hous- 
ing and construction. There have been complaints about the adequacy of the 
present BOQ, principally because of lack of privacy. 

Members of the Board expressed the opinion that scientific workers have a 
real need for privacy in their quarters, but Dr. Shelesnyak pointed out that 
the facilities of Barrow are those of an advanced exploratory camp and not a 
community. He stated that BuDocks and DNPR feel it would be desirable to 
establish good living quarters but there is a temporary aspect to the entire pro- 
gram of NPR. There are legal as well as financial limitations on the amount of 
housing that may be constructed. The cordial relation of the ARL and Arctic 
Contractors must be maintained. The long range position is jeopardized by 
making special demands in housing. Housing occupied by ARL personnel is 
identical with that of employees of Arctic Contractors in comparable positions. 

A request for special housing was made by Dr. Irving through channels and 
was forwarded without approval at each endorsement. An attempt is being 
made to recruit more married couples. Two additional MOQs are to be con- 
structed. A shop is to connect Buildings #250 and #251. 

The Chairman said that as long as the matter of housing is a subject of dis- 
cussion among the working personnel, it is up to the Board to note the fact and 
to move toward recommending remedial measures for the situation. It is in- 
cumbent upon the Board to push the need for improved quarters just as far as 
it is expedient. 

Dr. Graf felt that trying to make a special elite corps of the researchers would 
result eventually in a loss to the laboratory- 

Dr. Irving said that he wished to emphasize there was no suggestion that there 
has been any discrimination against the laboratory personnel in the matter 
of quarters. He added when the proposals for better quarters were returned 
marked with disapproval, Dr. Shelesnyak wrote to the Chief of Naval Research 
requesting consideration. The CNR answered that the matter should be referred 
to the Board. 

The Chairman said the Board would write to the CNR advising him of the 
opinion of the Board. 

Dr. Shelesnyak made a statement to the Board regarding the role of ONR in 
arctic research. He said that from the earliest days of ONR it has been the 
conviction of many in that office that the only method by which the vitality of 
a government agency engaged in research administration by contractual rela- 
tions with universities may be maintained is for that organization to sustain 
a continuing influx of new professional personnel with an opportunity for those 
associated with the ONR to return to academic centers. In Navy parlance, we 
speak of the need for "sea duty" in order to keep able officers abreast of develop- 
ments and better qualify personnel. To this end ONR has been attempting to 
induce qualified scientists to join the staff of ONR on a lea ve-from-uni versify 
basis and afford opportunity for others at ONR to re-associate themselves with 
universities and laboratories outside of the government. 

68970 — 50 — pt. 2 9 



1612 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

This original conviction has with time become increasingly firm and within 
the past several months planning has been under way for the association of Dr. 
John Field with ONR in the billet now occupied by Dr. Shelesnyak. Dr. Sheles- 
nyak in turn is to be associated with a nongovernmental group. The Board 
of governors of the Arctic Institute of North America feels it propitious to 
establish a Washington-Baltimore office to be primarily concerned with arctic 
research. The office will be housed on the campus of Johns Hopkins Univer- 
sity and will be associated with that university. Dr. Shelesnyak has been in- 
vited to be Director of that office and is planning to join the group on or about 
1 September 1949. 

Dr. Shelesnyak said that he felt the change in geographic location would 
be a step toward the achievement of the goal of stimulating nurturing and 
encouraging arctic research. The furtherance of this program demands the 
cultivation of a university center with strong academic and professional guid- 
ance. Such a center must, of course, work closely and constantly with the 
federal agencies interested in research in the north regions. Without such 
close collaboration it is certain that neither the university center nor the federal 
agencies can achieve fullest effectiveness. Dr. Shelesnyak added that it was 
his hope and definite intention to continue in as close a relationship as possible 
with the research and activity of ARL and other research in the arctic, and 
that he would be most unhappy if continuing demands were not made on his 
time and energy for such counsel as he might be able to give in reference to 
the ARL at Barrow specifically, and arctic problems of the Navy in general. 

Dr. Washburn stated that lie would like to express the continuing interest 
of the Arctic Institute of North America in the Arctic Research Laboratory. 

Mr. Rowley expressed his appreciation at being invited to the meeting and 
added that he had learned quite a lot as a result of the trip. 

Prof. Lattimore said that Johns Hopkins University feels very much that it 
hopes to be in the fore-front of those institutions which have been stimulated 
by the Office of Naval Research and that if the contract between the university 
and that office is activated, the university will he on its toes because of what 
has been said at the meeting, because of the stimulus of Dr. Irving's leadership 
at ARL, and because of the AINA establishing its Baltimore-Washington quarters 
with the university. 

The meeting adjourned at 11 : 50 p. m. 



Exhibit No. 70 



AN ANALYSIS OF MR. ALFRED E. KOHLBERGS CHARGES AGAINST 
THE INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS 

(American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1 East 54th Street, New York 

22, N. Y.) 

FOREWORD 

The following pages contain a somewhat detailed analysis, made early in 
1945, of an 88-page photostatic document prepared and widely circulated by 
Alfred Kohlberg in November 19-14 which purports to show that the publications 
of the American and Pacific Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations follow 
the Communist Party ""line." In a court action brought by Mr. Kohlberg to 
compel the American Council to make available to him the names and addresses 
of its members, so that he might circulate this and other documents, he further 
chai-ged the staff writers of the IPR with being "unpatriotic, biased, uninformed, 
and incompetent." 

While a superficial examination of Mr. Kohlberg's document reveals it to 
be unscholarly and unscientific in its approach, the Executive Committee of 
the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations felt that a careful 
analysis of his charges should he prepared out of justice to the members and 
friends who might be disturbed by an attack on the IPR's integrity. Although 
this was prepared in February 11)4.1. it was not widely circulated at the time 
because (a) it was a long document and might unduly burden the Trustees 
and members at the expense of more important matters on the IPR program 
agenda and (b) the officers of the Council did not desire at that time to broad- 
cast voluminous documents about Mr. Kohlberg and incur the heavy expense 
involved. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1613 

Inasmuch as Mr. Kohlberg has thus far fell unable to accept any of the 
IPR's efforts to moot his wishes hut apparently is determined to continue court 
action, it has seemed wise to send this lengthy analysis to the Board and to 
those members who wish it so that they might have the background in the event 
of Court action leading to wholesome and unwholesome press publicity. 

The manner in which materials have been selected from IPR publications to 
buttress these accusations indicates little understanding of the aims and methods 
of scholarship as exemplified by the publications program of the IPR. The 
Institute, as a:i international, nonprofit, educational organization, does not 
express opinions on public affairs; and it has consistently adhered to "the 
principles of complete freedom of scientific inquiry, broad hospitality to all 
points of view hut subservience to none." The analysis in the following pages 
shows that principles of objectivity and fairness in the presentation of contro- 
versial materials have been faithfully observed. The alleged parallel between 
statements in IPR publications and the Communist "line" breaks down com- 
pletely when the IPR publications of each period are viewed as a whole. While 
it is natural that over a period of years a critic should be able to rind selections 
which thoroughly parallel Communist views on some issues, there is also much 
material that is highly critical of the Communist position. The same could be 
said of reputable newspapers like the New York Times or the Christian Science 
Monitor. 

The small proportion of IPR publications which Mr. Kohlberg finds suitable 
for quotation is perhaps the best indication of the weakness of his case. His 
charges are based on selections from 33 articles and hook reviews, 3 pamphlets, 
and one book, covering a seven-year period in which the organization published 
1,961 articles and book reviews and 384 books and pamphlets. Fragmentary 
excerpt from these articles and pamphlets are quoted in the SS-page document 
on which he has hased his court case. These appear out of context and without 
explanation. In the following pages these same excerpts are shown in context 
and. where, as in some cases, they appeared as part of a symposium in which 
opposing viewpoints were presented, that fact is set forth. Attention is also called 
to many articles in IPR publications and to other quotations from the very 
articles cited by Mr. Kohlberg, which express views directly opposite to those 
which he seeks to attribute to the Institute. The fact is also brought out that 
several of the publications criticized by Mr. Kohlberg, notably ^Yartime China, 
were highly praised by Government officials and extensively used in Army and 
Navy orientation courses. As a matter of fact, so useful were the publications 
of the Institute to the war effort that the American Council was awarded the 
Navy E in 1945. 

Further evidence of the reckless nature of Mr. Kohlberg's charges is found 
in his attempt to impugn the integrity, competence, and patriotism of the IPR 
staff writers. In his petition for court action against the IPR he declares that 
many IPR staff .writers had an extensive background of Communist activity 
and that their articles presented untrue, false, and misleading facts. No evidence 
is presented to support the charge of Communist activity because none exists. 

Further proof of the irresponsibility of this charge is shown by the fact that 
Mr. Kohlberg obviously has never taken the trouble to find out who the staff 
members of the American Council are. Of a total of 25 authors and contributors 
to IPR publications cited in his document, the following pages show that 13 had 
never been on the staff of the IPR and only four were on the staff at the time 
of his charges. Of these, only one was employed by the American Council. 
Among the distinguished authors not on the staff of the IPR whose writings 
were cited as incompetent or subversive by Mr. Kohlberg were : Nathan M. 
Becker, formerly professor of economics at a midwestern university ; Brig. Gen. 
Evans Carlson, leader of the famous Carlson's Raiders ; Tyler Dennett, former 
president of Williams College ; Foster Rhea Dulles, professor at Ohio State 
University: Edgar Snow, associate editor of the Saturday Evening Post; Owen 
Lattimore, formerly political adviser to Chiang Kai-shek, Deputy Director for the 
Far East, Office of War Information, and Director of the Walter Hines Page 
School of International Relations of Johns Hopkins University ; and George E. 
Taylor, head of the Far East Department of the University of Washington who, 
during the war, was Deputy Director for the Far East, Office of War Information, 
and until recently was connected with the State Department. 

Of the four persons on the IPR staff whose work was criticized by Mr. Kohlberg, 
two — T. A. Bisson of the International Secretariat and Miriam Farley of the 
American Council staff — now hold responsible positions on General MacArthur's 
staff. 



1614 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Another interesting sidelight on Mr. Kohlberg's criticism of the handling of 
China by Pacific Affairs in the period before Pearl Harbor may be found in the 
fact that the magazine was edited at that time by Owen Lattimore, noted Far 
Eastern expert. If Mr. Lattimore was as unfair to China as alleged by Mr. 
Kohlberg, he scarcely would have been called directly from this post to become 
confidential adviser of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek upon the recommendation 
of the President of the United States. As a matter of fact, Mr. Lattimore's ap- 
pointment was hailed by T. V. Soong, the present Premier of China, as "a major 
token of increasing understanding between China and the United States." 

Further evidence of the general competence of the Institute in handling 
controversial issues with respect to China is demonstrated by the harmonious 
cooperation between the China Council of the IPR and the Pacific and American 
Councils. The Chinese delegation to the Hot Springs Conference of the IPR in 
January 1945 contained many of the country's leading educators and political 
figures, and a notable Chinese delegation headed by former Ambassador Hu Shih 
cooperated with the Americans on the most friendly terms in the subsequent 
meeting of the Pacific Council at Atlantic City later that year. 

The first twenty pages of the analysis which follows document in detail these 
and other facts which demonstrate the irresponsibility and inaccuracy of Mr. 
Kohlberg's charges. 

The rest is devoted to a detailed review of the publications from which por- 
tions are quoted out of context in his S8-page document. In an effort to reconcile 
the fact that IPR materials include various points of view, particularly on 
controversial issues, he adopts the strange device of dividing the years from 
1937 to 1944 into four periods during which he endeavors to prove that Institute 
publications indulged in "severe criticism of the Chinese Government, alternat- 
ing with praise, closely following the alterations of the Soviet Union's foreign 
policy and that of the Communist press." 

Needless to say, this claim collapses under careful scrutiny as shown from 
pages 21-52, which follow. Even a hasty review of the books and magazine 
articles published by the IPR, if read in toto and not out of context, reveals 
the absurd inaccuracy erf such a charge. 

In selecting materials for publication, the organization is guided by various 
considerations, including the scholarly merit of the material, the importance of 
the subject, and its public interest. So far as is humanly possible, it endeavors 
to assure the accuracy of all facts appearing in its publications. Most of its 
books and pamphlets are sent out in manuscript form to a number of competent 
critics. It does not attempt to impose censorship on opinions, neither does it 
solicit manuscripts exclusively from persons of a single viewpoint. On the con- 
trary, believing that truth is arrived at only in an atmosphere of free discus- 
sion, it aims to present information reflecting different and often conflicting 
opinions. 

It is hoped that anyone who is inclined to give credence to Mr. Kohlberg's 
accusations will take the time to study the following pages and read the recent 
biennial report of the American Council. Windows on the Pacific, before passing 
final judgment on his charges. 

September 1946. 

a. introduction 

On February 1?.. 1945, Alfred Kohlberg, Inc., through its president, Alfred 
E. Kohlberg, submitted a petition before the Supreme Court of New York County, 
requesting a judgment (1) enjoining the American Council of the Institute of 
Pacific Relations from holding its regular animal membership meeting scheduled 
for February 20, 1945, and (2) compelling it to make available to Alfred Kohl- 
berg, Inc., the names and addresses of its members. 1 

The petitioner based his reasons for this demand on the charge that many 
of the publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations were — 

prepared by staff writers employed by tbe American Council, which writers 
bail an extensive background of Communist activity, and which staff writers 
in said articles presented inaccurate, untrue, false, and misleading facts, 
opinions,* and conclusions which, in effect, constituted effective Communist 
propaganda and which, being published and circulated during the course 
of the war between the United States of America and the Government of 
Japan, has given aid and comfort to the enemy by tending to create dissen- 



1 The ITU won the case on May 8, Mr. Kohlherg has appealed it, however. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1615 

sion and disunity among the Chinese people and between the Chinese Na- 
tion and the United States Government who are allied in the war effort 
against Japan.'' 
The petitioner further charged the staff writers Of the American and Pacific 
Councils of the Institute with being "unpatriotic, biased, uninformed, and in- 
competent." 

As evidence for (his thesis, the petitioner cited an 88-page document, circulated 
on November !>. in hi. by its president, Alfred Kohlberg. Of this document, 34 
pages list excerpts from Institute publications, taken out of context, and 41 
pages of it are devoted to ((notations from Communist and left-wing publica- 
tions, which, it is alleged "follow the same line." 

Instead of sending this document to the Secretary or officer's of the American 
Council, it was mailed, together with an accompanying letter, to the trustees 
and certain large contributors of the American Council and to four or five score 
of other people whose names Mr. Kohlberg has declined to divulge. Although 
the accompanying letter was addressed to Mr. E. C. Carter, the Secretary-General 
of tin 1 Institute, it ami the document were mailed to the foregoing without prior 
notice to. or consultation with, Mr. Carter. 

After an exhaustive study of the articles cited in this document, and of many 
other books, pamphlets, and articles published by the Institute during the seven- 
year period in question, the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of 
the American Council of the Institute believes that Mr. Kohlberg's charges are 
invalid. Here are a few statements from other individuals and their opinion 
of the work of the Institute of Pacific Relations. 

Statements About the Work akd Program of the IPR 

Sumner Welles — Formery Under Secretary of State: 

" :: * I am glad to say that in the opinion of the officers of the Depart- 

partment of State who are especially familiar with the activities of the 
Institute of Pacific Relations, the publications of this Institute have been 
of interest and value. The Institute has been making a substantial contribu- 
tion to the development of an informed public opinion." 
Herman Beukema — Colonel, U. S. A., The United States Military Academy, 
West Point, N. Y. : 

<•* * * i am convinced that no other civilian research organization 
in the country presents as wide, thorough, and up-to-date coverage of the 
Far Eastern field as that of the Institute of Pacific Relations." 
Eugene Staley — School of Advanced International Studies, Washington, D. C : 
"The American Council of the IPR has made the most important con- 
tribution of any organization to the knowledge and understanding in this 
country of Far Eastern affairs. I can testify from personal experience to 
the great value of its background publications to Government Agencies 
when they were suddenly faced with the war emergency against Japan, 
and of their present value to agencies planning Relief." 

Raymond Swing — Radio Commentator, Washington, D. C. : 

"The research work of the IPR has for years been acknowledged as an 
invaluable source of information by men in and out of our Government and 
other Governments on the Far East ; and an attack upon it should be incon- 
ceivable. The charges you mention against the IPR (i. e., by Alfred E. 
Kohlberg) would in effect indict official American policy to aid in the promo- 
tion of unified China. It is so irrational as to be incredible and ludicrous." 

James L. McConaughy— President, United China Relief: 

"I have examined Mr. Kohlberg's charges against the American Council, 
Institute of Pacific Relations, and do not believe they are valid. On my 
recent trip to China, I found no evidence of any feeling that the American 
Council was pro-Japanese or pro-Communist. I believe the publications are 
scholarly and objective. I believe Mr. Kohlberg's efforts, if successful, 
will harm American friendship for China, and American efforts for inter- 
national peace." 

Edward R. Embree — President, Julius Rosenwald Fund, Chicago, Illinois : 

"The charges are absurd and sound as if they were motivated by a de- 
sire to cause dissension among the United Nations. The Institute is devoted 
to fact finding in conferences and publications and not to propaganda. The 



1616 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

officers and members of the American Council are loyal Americans deter- 
mined on the destruction of Japanese aggression and the creation of world 
peace and order under the United Nations." 

W. W. Waymack — Editor and vice president, The Des Moines Register and 
Tribune, Des Moines, Iowa : 

"It is obviously possible, very readily possible, for a person to approach 
the broad and diverse activity of the IPR in research, in publication, and in 
conferences, with the determination to pick out every expression that re- 
sembled some other expression by a Communist, and argue that the IPR 
was Communist. It would be equally possible for any person to set out in 
the same way to bolster his already fixed notion that the IPR is pro-Japa- 
nese, and in the same sense do it. Alternatively, it would be, I am sure, 
quite as easy to apply the same methods and come out with the same sort 
of "proof" that the IPR is anti-Communist or anti-Japanese or, indeed, pro 
or anti nearly anything you might propose." 

Galen Fisher — Former YMCA Secretary in Japan ; now retired, San Fran- 
cisco, California : 

"* * * I believe the Institute Staff and Board have been usually ob- 
jective and thorough and have given the utmost aid to the war effort." 

Huntington Gilchrist — American Cyanamid Co., New York, N. Y. : 

"The Institute of Pacific Relations has rendered distinguished service for 
many years as a private research organization. The officials of our own 
State Department, and of Canadian, British, Chinese, and other governments 
attended the recent Hot Springs Conference. The Institute should be proud 
to stand on its record." 
It is the further opinion- of the Executive Committee that Mr. Kohlberg's charges 
are based upon evidence that is biased and insufficient. 

1. The document of November 9 covers only a fraction of the material published 
by the Institute during the seren-year period in question — less than 2 percent of 
the articles which appeared in its periodicals, and 0.002 percent of its books. — 
It bases its conclusions on about 33 articles and book reviews, 3 pamphlets, and 
1 book, during a period when the publications of the organization totaled 1,961 
articles and book reviews, and 384 books and pamphlets. 

2. Air. Kohlberg charges that the staff employed by the IPR is pro-Japanese and 
"unpatriotic." — It is interesting to note, however, that the Japanese Government 
does not share this opinion. A Japanese Government spokesman, broadcasting 
from Shanghai on February 20, 1945, said : 

"The Institute of Pacific Relations, which, in prewar days proved itself to be 
strongly anti-Japanese, is professedly an organization to serve as a clearing 
house of international information on economic, political, social, and cultural 
affairs." 

The attitude of the IPR toward Japan was clearly stated in the following state- 
ment, made on December 17, 1941. by Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur, President of Stan- 
ford University, and at that time, chairman of the American Council of the 
Institute : 

"* * * rp| ie ; m mediate j fo f th e American people is the prosecution of war 
against the military imperialism of Japan and the other Axis powers, whose 
defeat is the condition of any peaceful adjustment in the Far East and elsewhere. 
The tradition of the IPR does not permit 'neutrality' on this issue: on the con- 
trary, military aagression, in complete disregard of the rights of other peoples, 
contradicts everything the IPR has stood for." 

Mr. Kohlberg also states that hi* study of IPR publications revealed "no 
criticism of Japan in these seven years, except of her rural land system." — There 
are numerous statements critical of Japan's policy, in IPR publications. One 
example is the pamphlet, Know Your Enemy Japan of which nearly 200,000 copies 
have been sold, and which is widely used by the Army and Navy. This pamphlet 
includes such paragraphs as the- following: 

"Japan is a dictatorship without a dictator. She has no Hitler, but dictatorial 
powers are exercised by a ruling clique dominated by the Army. Like the Nazis, 
Japan's dictators have but one object: oppression of their own people and 
despoilment of their neighbors. * * *" 

"The real ambitions of Japan's militarists are accurately described in the 
words of the 'Tanaka Memorial' of 1927 : 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1617 

"'With all the resources of China at our disposal, we shall proceed to the 
conquest of India, the Archipelago, Asia Minor, Central Asia, and even Eu- 
rope. * * * In order to conquer the world, we must first fight China * * *. 
Rut if we want the gainful control of China in the future, we must shatter the 
United States' " (pages 17 and 10, Know Your Enemy Japan). 

A study of editorials and broadcasts hased on articles from IPR publications 
makes it dear that columnists and commentators have not had the same difficulty 
in finding material critical of Japan. 

Samuel Grafton — Radio Commentator and Columnist, New York Post, January 
29, 1941 : 

"The Far Eastern Survey for January 29 tells how Japan has recently 
stopped publishing vital statistics, that her people may not read in black and 
white the story of their death." 

New York World Telegram — Editorial — April 14, 1943 : 

"Whether or not one agrees with the recent report of the Institute of 
Pacific Relations that 'Japan is our No. 1 enemy,' most Americans probably 
share the Australian fear that it would be 'suicidal' to give Japan time to 
consolidate her gains in strategic materials and bases." 

3. A natural problem for those engaged in evaluating Mr. Kohlberg's charges, 
is the question of his qualifications for passing judgment on the research findings 
of dozens of authorities. — Mr. Kohlberg has released public statements on China 
which would indicate that his factual information on that country is inadequate. 
On his return from his last trip to China, for example, he reported on The Fighting 
Condition of the Chinese Army. This report was released by the East and West 
Association on February 7th, 1944. In describing his contacts with Army men 
at forward headquarters, Mr. Kohlberg says : 

"One morning I had breakfast with Lt. Gen. Chang Teh Nun, Commander of 
the Fourth Army (known as the Ironside Army) at his headquarters in Changsha. 
Gen. Chang is typical of the new spirit and the new leadership in the Chinese 
Army." 

Tlie New York Times of Monday, August 28, 1944, however, contained the fol- 
lowing short release: 

"Chinese Execute General for Changsha Dereliction : Chungking, China, Mon- 
day, Aug. 28. — It was announced officially today that Gen. Chang Teh-neng, 
commander of China's Fourth Army, was executed August 25 for dereliction of 
duty during the defense of Changsha." 

Furthermore, according to Mr. Kohlberg's own document of Nov. 9 (p. 45), 
he was reported in the New York Times of November 25, 1938, as stating that 
"according to information given by sources within the Chinese Government" 
Soviet aid to China was to end. The full quote follows : 

"Au agreement giving a free hand to Japan in China has been reached by 
Russia, Japan, and Germany, according to information given by sources within 
the Chinese Government to Alfred Kohlberg, president of the Art Embroidery 
Linen Importers Association. He returned yesterday from a seven weeks' tour 
of Chinese territory on both sides of the battle lines there. 

"Mr. Kohlberg's understanding was that during the summer, Russia, Japan, 
and Germany had arrived at an agreement by which Russia either joined the 
German-Japanese alliance, or, if she did not go so far, made peace with Japan and 
-Germany. The arrangement, he understands, calls for cooperation with Russia 
by Japan and Germany rather than antagonism, and provides for withdrawal 
of Russian support of Chinese forces." 

As a matter of fact, however, further commercial agreements were signed 
between representatives of the Soviet and Chinese governments in 1939 and 
1940 : in addition four barter agreements were reached. In his study Far Eastern 
War, 1937-1941. published by World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1942, Professor 
Harold S. Quigley (University of Minnesota) states: 

"The Soviet Union and New Zealand were the only members of the League 
Council to urge strong measures against Japan in 1938. Mr. Litvinov criticized 
the Council's report [of September 30, 1938], which stated that sanctions under 
Article 16 of the Covenant were left to the discretion of individual members of 
the League. 'My Government,' he said, 'would be happy to take coordinated 
measures but since other governments will not do so my Government is com- 
pelled to accept the report.' Again, in May 1939, Ivan Maisky stated to the 
Council, after the British and French representatives had declined to support 
Chinese proposals of economic sanctions, that 'I would like to support the pro- 



1618 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

posals put forward by the Chinese representative * * * China is the victim 
of brutal and unprovoked aggression and she is fighting hard and heroically for 
her independence * * * ' 

"The commercial accord signed by Sun Fo and A. I. Mikoyan in Moscow on 
June 16, 1939, provided for the exchange of Chinese raw materials for military 
supplies. A second agreement was signed in July 1940. Preceding and paral- 
leling these broader conventions were four barter agreements, the first in Oc- 
tober 1938 (2. r )0,000,000 rubles or approximately U. S. $50,000,000), the second 
in February 1939 (U. S. $50,000,000), the third in August 1939 (U. S. $150,000,- 
000), and the fourth in December 1940 (U. S. $50,000,000), a total of U. S. $300,- 
000,000. Tungsten, antimony, tea, and wool were the principal Chinese products 
desired by the U. S. S. R. In return China received planes, trucks, tanks, guns, 
and bombs, transported along the Turkestan-Shensi and Vladivostok-Urga-Ningh- 
sia land routes or by sea via Hanoi and Rangoon. 

"The rapprochement of the Soviet Union and Japan, culminating in the Neu- 
trality Pact of April 13, 1941, appeared to undermine this program of assist- 
ance ' * * * . The Soviet Government, however, was not moved from its 
policy of friendship and assistance to China. It assured the latter of its desire 
to implement the barter agreements and gave proof of its attitude by sending 
munitions, planes, and pilots" (pp. 256-58). 

If. Mr. Kohlbcrg's charges and his document reval that he has little understand- 
ing of the, aims and objectives of a scholarly organization like the IPR, which 
map be described as follows: The Institute of Pacific Relations, Inc., is a non- 
partisan, nonprofit, international organization engaged in research and educa- 
tional activities. It was founded in 1925 for the purpose of promoting scientific 
investigation and rational discussion of the problems and mutual relations of 
the peoples of the Pacific area, and is composed of National Councils in ten 
countries with interests in Asia and the Pacific area. The American Council is 
the IPR affiliate in the United States. 

The Institute, governed by a Pacific Council, made up of representatives of 
the various National Councils, does not engage in propaganda. It is contrary 
to its policy to express opinions on public affairs, and a statement to that effect 
is carried in most of its publications. The Institute does not, however, seek to 
escape responsibility for the scholarly standards maintained in its publications, 
nor for the selection of material which is published. Its policy in this regard has 
been publicly stated as adhering to "the principles of complete freedom of 
scientific inquiry, broad hospitality to all points of view but subservience to none." 

In selecting materials for publication, whether articles, pamphlets, or books, 
the Institute is guided by various considerations, including the scholarly merit 
of the material, the importance of the subject, and its public interest. So far 
as humanly possible, it endeavors to assure the accuracy of all factual statements 
appearing in its publications ; and most of its books and pamphlets are sent out 
to a number of competent critics — professors, State Department people, etc. — 
before publication. It does not attempt to impose a censorship on opinions, nor 
does it solicit manuscripts exclusively from persons who share a single view- 
point. On the contrary, believing that truth is arrived at only in an atmosphere 
of free discussion, it aims to present materials reflecting different and often 
conflicting viewpoints. 

Each issue of The Far Eastern Surrey, published by the American Council of 
the Institute contains the following statement : 

The American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations does not express 
opinions on public affairs. Responsibility lor statements of fact or opinion 
appearing in the Far Eastern Surrey rests solely with the author. 

The Institute does not feel it necessary to apologize for the fact that certain 
materials which it has published are critical of conditions in China. It has, on 
occasion, published materials criticizing not only the policies of China, but those 
of Great P.rilain, Russia, and other Allied nations including the United States. 
This it believes to be an integral part of the principle of freedom of scientific 
inquiry. The same right of criticism has been freely exercised by other American 
institutions, including the press, publishers' and research organizations. 

The publications of the Institute have not shown any special bias against 
China, as is shown by the fact thai (a) many criticisms of countries other than 
China have appeared in IPR publications, and (b) that Institute publications 
on China have included not only criticisms but also, as admitted by Mr. Kohl- 
berg, praise of China and support for China. 

There are, of course, occasional similarities in subject material between 
articles published by the Institute and those appearing in the Communist press. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1619 

But this docs not constitute proof thai the Institue is biased in favor of commu- 
nism or that it is disseminating Communisl propaganda. Equal similarity ran be 
found in the subjects covered by the IPR and the New York Times, Life, or The 
Christian Science Monitor. 

5. In his petition to the court, Mr. Kohlberg states that his study of IPR 
publications revealed that many were "prepared by staff writers employed by the 
American Council, which writers had an extensive background of Communist 
activity, and whicb staff writers in said articles presented inaccurate, untrue, 
false, and misleading facts, opinions, and conclusions * * *." He declares 
that "* * * the refusal of the Executive Committee * * * to seriously 
consider the said charges * * * constitutes gross mismanagement * * 
and tends to give comfort and aid to the enemy of the United States, namely, the 
Japanese Government during time of war, by enabling unpatriotic, biased, unin- 
formed, and incompetent staff writers of tbe American Council and Pacific 
Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations to continue writings which consti- 
tute Communist propaganda, causing disunity, dissension, and misunderstanding, 
both within the Chinese Government and among its peoples, and between the 
Chinese Government and the American Government which are allied in the war 
effort against the .Japanese Government." 

Elsewhere in this report we shall give detailed attention to the material he has 
quoted, and the facts and points of view expressed therein. In this section we 
are interested specifically in the reference made above to "unpatriotic, biased, 
uninformed, and incompetent staff writers * * *." These statements impugn 
the integrity, competence, and patriotism of our staff and our contributors. A 
few facts are presented below — it is our belief that the record speaks for itself. 
In his selection of material Mr. Kohlberg quotes a total of 25 authors and 
contributors. Of these 14 have never been employed on the staff of the IPR, 
although they may have contributed to its publications or engaged in specific 
studies for the IPR on Far Eastern subjects. An additional 7, although formerly 
employed, are not now on the staff. Only 4 of the 25 quoted by Mr. Kohlberg 
are now on the staff, and only one of these is working for the American Council. 
It is of interest to glance briefly at the record and background of each of the 
persons quoted in Mr. Kohlberg' s charges. 

The following authors, cited by Mr. Kohlberg, are not now and have never 
been, entployed on the staff of the IPR, although they have contributed to its 
publications or special studies: 

Nathan M. Becker: Formerly Professor of Economics at a midwestern Uni- 
versity. 
Col. Evans F. Carlson : A Marine officer who has given a lifetime of service to 
his country- Hero of many engagements ; leader of the famed Carlson's 
Raiders in the Solomon Islands campaign. Spent a year studying the Chinese 
Army and the tactics of the guerillas. Author : The Chinese Army, Twin Stars 
of China. 
Tyler Dennett: In China several times. Former historical adviser, Department 
of State ; former president of Williams College. Author : Americans in Eastern 
Asia, Biography of John Hay (Pulitzer Prize). 
Foster Rhea Dulles : Formerly a correspondent in China ; formerly on staff of 
Christian Science Monitor, New York Post, New York Herald Tribune ; formerly 
Professor of History at Smith. Swarthmore. Now a professor at Ohio State 
University. Author: Forty Years of American-Japanese Relations. Behind the 
Open Door. 
Haldore Hanson : Formerly correspondent in Peking ; at present in the Depart- 
ment of State. Author: The People Behind the Chinese GuerriUas. 
Olga Lang : Spent some years in China. Author, forthcoming book to be pub- 
lished by the IPR The Chinese Family. 
Martin R. Norins: Formerly in Department of History, University of Cali- 
fornia. Author: Gateway to Asia, Sinkiang. 
Edgar Snow : Former China correspondent, New York Sun, London Daily Herald, 
Saturday Evening Post. Lecturer at Yenching Universitv, Peiping. Covered 
the Sino-.Iapanese war 1931-33 and 1937-41. Author : Red Star Over China, 
The Battle for Asia, People on Our Side. 
Guenther Stein: For many years China correspondent for various newspapers 
including Christian Science Monitor. Formerly editor of China Airmail. 
Author : Made in Japan. 
Maxwell S. Stewart : Six years in China ; 4 years teaching Yenching University, 
Peking; formerly Research Economist, Foreign Policy Assn.; now Editor, 
Public Affairs pamphlets, Associate Editor, Nation. Author : Case for China, 



1620 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Social Security, Building the Peace at Home and Abroad, America in a World 
at War, Wartime China. _ ,, „ 

Anna Louse Strong: In China several times. Author: I Change Worlds, One- 
Filth of Mankind. My Native Land. 

Lt George Uhlmaxn : Enlisted in French Navy at outbreak of war ; after tall 
of France returned to Peiping where he had lived for many years and served 
with French Consular Service, joining Fighting French forces in Chungking 

Nym Walks (Mrs. Edgar Snow) : Lived and traveled in China and the Par Last 
from 1931-40. Author: The Chinese Labor Movement, China Builds for 

Democracy. ,, ._ ,. . , T „ .. 

Wei Meng-Pxj- Formerly Professor of Political Science at the ISational Ivorth- 
western University, Mukden ; at the same time the article cited by Mr. Kohl- 
berg was contributed the author was making a study tour in the interior prov- 
inces of China. „ . 
The following authors quoted by Mr. Kohlberg are not now on the stall, but 

were formerly employed by the IPR. 

Robert Barnett : Rockefeller Fellow, IPR, 1939^10 ; visited China, returned to 

work on IPR staff in 1941. Worked for United States Government Office of 

Strategic Services. At present in China with U. S. Army Air Forces. Author: 

Economic Shanghai — Hostage to Politics 1937-J/l. 
Dorothy Borg: Research Associate, American Council, IPR, 1938-42. Wrote 

articles for Far Eastern Survey, and directed school program of the American 

Council. „ , 

Frederick V. Field : On staff of irR from 1928-40. Assistant Secretary, Ameri- 
can Council, 1928. Traveled in Far East, China, Japan, and Philippines 1928- 
30; China, 1931; Honolulu IPR, 1932; London 1933. Secretary, American 
Council, 1934-10, Member Executive Committee and Board of Trustees of 
IPR, 1940. Executive Vice Chairman, Council for Pan-American Democracy. 
Author: American Participation in the China Consortiums; Editor: Economic 
Handbook of the Pacific Area; General Editor : Economic Survey of the Pacific 
Area; Contributor to New Masses and Daily Worker. 
Michael Greenberg : On IPR staff 1! M 1-42. At present with United States Gov- 
ernment Foreign Economic Administration. 
Owen Lattimore: Worked and traveled in the Far East, 1920-26; on a grant 
from Social Science Research Council, Manchuria, 1929-30 : in Peiping under 
Harvard-Yenching Institute and Guggenheim Foundation, 1930-33; Mongolia, 
research in Peiping for IPR, 1934-35 ; Editor, Pacific Affairs, 1934-41 ; Political 
Adviser to Chiang Kai-shek, 1941-42 ; Deputy Director for the Far East, Office 
of War Information, 1942-44. At present consultant OWI, and director, Wal- 
ter Hines Page School of International Relations of Johns Hopkins University. 
Author: Inner Asian Frontiers of China, Manchuria, Cradle of Conflict, Mon- 
gol Journey, Solution in Asia. 
Harriet Moore : On IPR staff 1032-33 ; 1935-36. Assistant Secretary American 
Council, IPR, 1943; Acting Secretary, 1943-44; member Research Committee, 
IPR ; Secretary American-Russian Institute. Author : A Record of Soviet 
Far Eastern Relations. 
George Taylor : Taught 3 years at Nanking University, China, and 2 years at 
Yenching University, Rockefeller Fellow, American Council of IPR, 1940-41. 
Head of Far Eastern Department, University of Washington, Seattle (on 
leave). At present Deputy Director for the Far East, Office of War Informa- 
tion (1942-). Author: The Struggle for North China, America in the New 
Pacific. 

The persons listed below are the only ones of the 25 quoted by Mr. Kohlberg 
who are on the staff of the IPR at the present time : 

Edward C. Carter: Secretary of the American Council, 1927-33: Secretary- 
General of the Pacific Council, 1934-. Editor: China and Japan in our Uni- 
versity Curricula. 
T. A. Bisson : On the staff of the Pacific Council since 1943, formerly with the 
Foreign Economic Administration, and for 12 years Far Eastern Expert of the 
Foreign Policy Association. Author: American Policy in the Far East, 
Shadow Over Asia. Japan in China. 
Miriam S. Farley: On the stall' of the American Council, 1934-. Formerly 
Chairman, Board of Editors, Far Eastern Survey; at present editor, popular 
pamphlets series. Author : The Problem of Trade Expansion in the Postwar 
Situation. Speaking of India. 
Y. Y. Hsu : On the staff of the Pacific Council 1941-. Author: Chinese View of 
Wartime Economic Difficulties. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1621 

The references cited above are not in any sense a complete review of the posi- 
tions held, the publications written, or the other qualifications of the authors 
cited. A compilation of favorable critical comment on their published works 
would undoubtedly make a substantial volume in itself. It may be of interest, 
however, to cite two typical reviews — one from the New York Times, one from the 
Herald Tribune, of books by two of the authors mentioned. 

New York Times — February 21, 1945 

Re: Solution in Asia, by Owen Lattimore: 

"Owen Lattimore is one of the best qualified of all Americans now writing 
on Oriental affairs * * * devotes the greater part of Solution in Asia 
to a review of recent political history in Japan and China." 

New York IIekald Tribune (Sunday Edition) — June 5, 1938 
Re : Japan in China, by T. A. Bisson : 

"Japan in china (by T. A. Bisson, 1938) is an extraordinary book. It 
is beyond all doubt the soundest and most scholarly volume which has yet 
appeared on the more immediate background and origins of the Sino-Japa- 
nese conflict, and on its earlier phases. Nor is it likely that its position in 
this field will soon be usurped. For until the archives are thrown open and 
the memoirs of those who have been close to the seats of power during the 
last five years are published, it is difficult to see how any historian could 
surpass Mr. Bisson's work. It represents the quintessence of years of pains- 
taking research, and of lengthy conversations, during 1937, with leader and 
rank and file in China and Japan, by a first-class authority on Far Eastern 
social and political developments." 

Colonel Evans Carlson — American Journal of International Law — January 
1941 

Re: The Chinese Army, Its Organization and Military Efficiency: 

"To the layman who has been confused by the rival claims of Japanese 
and Chinese military prowess in the present Sino-Japanese war, and more 
especially by the excessive claims of the partisans of China or Japan, of 
Occidental race, this handbook of information by Major Carlson will be most 
welcome * * *. In the concluding chapter the author gives much credit 
for China's awakened consciousness to the just and kindly leadership of 
Chiang Kai-shek, their military leader * * *." 

New York Times — January 28, 1945 
Re : China's Wartime Politics, by Lawrence K. Resinger : 

"This is an absorbingly interesting and important monograph which in- 
cludes fourteen documents of outstanding significance, particularly with 
reference to Kuomintang-Communist aims and relations, with which half of 
them deal. It is heartening to serious students (and it behooves Americans 
to become serious students) of contemporary China that the author and his 
patrons of the Institute of Pacific Relations should have seen fit, in a study so 
limited in scope, bulk, and chronology, to have used and rendered accessible 
so many fundamental source materials. 

Clearly written, cooly objective, essentially sound as to facts, this essay 
presents the highlights, with comparatively few contrasting shadows, of 
the period touched upon. Never does Mr. Rosinger wax enthusiastic ; never 
is he ironical or condemnatory, never does he guess, suggest, or imply, and 
rarely does he attempt explanation or interpretation. Facts are facts, with- 
out nuances." 
Finally, reference might be made to the many qualified persons at present 
carrying on the work of the IPR. and to those others who have left the IPR to 
assume important and responsible positions with the United States Government. 
The latter group includes : 

Catherine Porter : On the staff of the IPR, 1942-44, formerly assistant editor of 
Pacific Affairs, and chairman of the Board of Editors of the Far Eastern Sur- 
vey. At present Regional Specialist on the Philippines for the Office of War 
Information. 
W. L. Holland : On the staff of IPR, 1929-45, formerly editor of Pacific Affairs, 
and International Research Secretary of the Pacific Council ; on leave at 
present as Assistant Chief, China Outpost, Chungking, Office of War Infor- 
mation. 
William W. Lockwood : On the staff of the IPR, 1935-42; Secretary of the 
American Council, 1941-42. Office of Strategic Services (1942). At present 
in China with the U. S. Army Air Corps. 



1622 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Russel G. Shiman: On the staff of IPR. 1933-41. United States Tariff 
Commission, 19.41-43; Interim Commission on Food and Agriculture, 1943-44; 
UNRRA, 1944-45. 
Philip E. Lilienthal : Pacific Council Staff 193S-42 ; in charge of International 
Secretariat's Shanghai Publication Office, 1940-41 ; now with Office of War 
Information, San Francisco. 
Katrine R. C. Greene : American Council staff, 193S-42. At present with Ameri- 
can Red Cross in North Africa. 
Laura Mayer : Pacific Council staff, 1942-43 ; now with Red Cross in New Guinea. 
Mary Healy : Pacific Council staff, 1942-43 ; now with Foreign Economic Admin- 
istration in New Delhi, India. 
Elizabeth Downing: Pacific Council, 193(5; Shanghai Publications Office, 1937- 
38 ; American Council, 1941-43 ; at present with Office of War Information, New 
York. 
Barbara Wertheim Tuchman : American Council, 1934-36 ; at present with 

Office of War Information. 
Isabel Ward : Pacific Council, 1936 ; 1940-41 ; at present with OWI in San 
Francisco. 

6. The Kohlberg document attempts to prove that the IPR publications followed 
a definite pattern with regard to China: i. e., that, prior to the Hitler-Stalin 
pact of August 23, 1939, they praised China; from then till June 22, 191(1, they 
abused China; from then till the summer of 194S, they praised China; and since 
the summer of 1943, they have again concentrated on abuse of China. — This, 
according to Mr. Kohlberg, represented shifts in the Communist Party line. 

In order to prove his case, the author of the document has resorted to the 
device of taking passages of articles out of context. Yet in a number of 
instances, these same articles contain other paragraphs which, if similarly taken 
out of context, could be used to prove the opposite. The IPR pamphlet, Wartime 
China, is a good example of this. 

The pamphlet sets out neither to '•praise'' China nor to "abuse" China, but 
to present what, in the opinion of the author and many expert critics who read 
it in manuscript form, is a balanced view supported by the best available evi- 
dence. Mr. Kohlberg has taken from its pages quotations which indicate criti- 
cism of China. However, as is demonstrated below, it is possible to select 
numerous quotes indicating praise of the country and its leaders, which give 
an entirely different picture. The fallacy of this method of selection is apparent, 
and it illustrates the weakness of Mr. Kohlberg's assertions: Wartime China 
states : 

"We have been filled with admiration at the way in which the people of 
China, in the face of almost incredible hardships and disappointments, have 
stood up to the Japanese year after year without giving in * * *" 
(page 6). 

"From a military standpoint, the remarkable thing is that the Chinese 
were able to maintain resistance in the face of great inferiority of arms 
and supplies of all kinds. Comparatively little help has been obtained from 
broad * * *" (page 10). 

"Against this historical background, the degree of national unity that 
has been achieved in China since 1937 under Chiang Kai-shek's leadership 
is truly remarkable. Without it, the miracle of military resistance could 
not have taken place * * *" (page 16). 

"When measured against the handicaps which she has had to overcome, 
China's war effort is truly impressive. Try to imagine that an enemy 
power has occupied both sea coasts of the United States and most of the 
country east of the Mississippi. The capital has been moved to Denver 
and is flooded with refugees. Then take away nearly all of the factories, 
railroads, highways, telephone and telegraph lines, electrical equipment, 
coal, iron, and oil fields from the unoccupied area. Even so, we should be 
better off than China for we should still have an abundance of skilled 
labor and trained technicians and administrators. For the political picture, 
go back to 1776 when our country consisted of thirteen "sovereign" states 
with hardly any organized national government, and plenty of conservatives 
who saw no sense in fighting for that new and unfamiliar idea, the 'United 
States of America.' Keep up the enemy pressure for seven years with little 
help from outside. That might give you a rough idea, in American terms, 
of what China has been up against" (page 20). 

"The fact that Chiang is President of the Republic Prime Minister and 
Commander in Chief of the Army has led many people to think of him as 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1623 

a dictator. This is hardly accurate. Although on paper his powers are 
great, actually he serves as a sort of balance wheel, stabilizing the con- 
flict ing forces of the various groups * * * " (page 42) . 

"Most of all, perhaps, Americans can help China by trying to understand 
the magnitude of the task which she faces in transforming an ancient 
medieval society into a modern democratic nation. Only if we appreciate 
her difficulties as well as her achievements can we deal fairly with China. 
And we must remember that many of the difficulties which she faces today 
and in years to come are the result of seven years of war in which China 
fought our battle almost unaided" (page 63). 
In his letter accompanying the November 9 document, Mr. Kohlberg termed 
Wartime China as "from start to finish * * * a deliberate smear of China 
and the Chinese Government." The above paragraphs would not bear this out, 
however. Neither would such letters and reviews as the following: 
Tyleu Dennet — April 6, 1944, former President of Williams College 
Re Wartime China: 

"Maxwell Stewart's booklet seems to cover very well the ground about 
the internal conditions in China. Probably the Chinese will not like it but 
it seems to me that be almost went out of his way to give all the extenuat- 
ing circumstances and to qualify the criticisms. It's about the best booklet 
I have seen out of the IPR." 
Field Artillery Journal — August 1944 
Re Wartime China: 

Wartime China, by Maxwell S. Stewart. American Council, Institute of 
Pacific Relations. 

Behind the Open Door, by Foster Rhea Dulles. American Council, Institute 
of Pacific Relations. 

"Here we have two splendid additions to the illuminating series of 
pamphlets produced by this publisher. The first describes the stresses and 
strains behind the fighting lines in China. The second is a popularly written 
history of Japanese aggression from Perry's time to Pearl Harbor. Like 
the rest of the series, these booklets are written by specialists in their 
fields and have been carefully checked by experts; their scholarship is 
sound." 
American Sociological Review — December 1944 
Re Wartime China: 

"This Institute of Pacific Relations pamphlet on China by the editor of 
the widely circulated Public Affairs pamphlets gives an authoritative, bal- 
anced discussion of the problems, resources, personalities, and confusions in 
that much misunderstood land." 
7. Mr. Kohlberg is much more sensitive to criticism, of China than many 
Chinese. — Unlike Mr. Kohlberg, the China Institute of Pacific Relations is not 
hostile to the work and publications of the IPR. One of the basic practices of the 
IPR has been not only to provide for criticism but to welcome and stimulate it. 
The research publications and monographs of the National Councils and of the 
International Secretariat are submitted to a number of competent critics before 
publication, and at the International Conferences of the IPR every effort is 
made to stimulate the frank expression of every point of view. 

This procedure is important because neither the Institute itself nor any of its 
National Councils express an "institute" point of view on any political or 
economic questions. Every article, pamphlet, book, or oral statement rests solely 
on the authority of the individual author. 

There have recently been vivid examples of this policy of frank criticism at the 
January 1945 International Conference of the Institute at Hot Springs, Va. 
There was frank and forceful criticism of statements of American members by 
French, British, and Dutch members. There were Chinese criticisms of American 
statements, and vice versa. There were Indian criticisms of British statements, 
and vice versa. Many of these will be reflected in the preliminary report of the 
Hot Springs Conference which will be published sometime in April 1945. 

At the Atlantic City meeting of the Pacific Council of the IPR in January 1944 
there were likewise British criticisms of some of the articles of members of the 
International Secretariat. There were similarly American and Chinese criticisms 
of the International Secretariat. On one occasion there were criticisms of the 
International Secretariat because it was too "pro-Chinese," too "pro-American" 
and too "pro-British." 

At Hot Springs, one Chinese member criticized the International Secretariat 
for the writings of some of its members on Chinese problems. This was countered 



1624 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

by the Chairman of the China IPR, Dr. Chiang Mon-lin, former Minister of Edu- 
cation in China, who said that he personally had no sympathy with such criticisms, 
that the essence of the IPR was frank criticism and freedom of speech. He felt 
that criticism of China both by Chinese and by foreigners was an asset and that 
he welcomed the criticisms of people of whatever school of thought, who were 
interested in the problems of China and China's relationship to other countries. 

There is a wide difference between friendly criticism and hostility. If the 
Chinese IPR were hostile to the parent organization, it could take one or both 
of the following steps: (1) it could cease or reduce its financial support of the 
International Secretariat. As a matter of fact in both 1943 and 1944 the China 
IPR made a larger financial contribution to the International Secretariat than 
any other of the ten National Councils with the single exception of the American 
Council. (2) It could either withdraw from membership in the Pacific Council or 
give notice that it was considering withdrawal. It has adopted neither course. 

On the contrary, its cooperation has been substantial and important. It con- 
tributed several data papers to the Hot Springs Conference. It is actively coop- 
erating in the International Research Program. The services of its National 
Secretary in Chungking have been loaned for a period of six months to the 
International Secretariat in New York without cost to the International Sec- 
retariat for traveling expenses or salary. 

At very large expense the China IPR sent a truly representative group of 
Chinese to the Hot Springs Conference (January 6-17, 1945). They include the 
following : 

CHINA'S DELEGATES TO HOT SPRINGS CONFERENCE OF THE IPR, JANUARY 1945 

Chiang, Mon-Lin — Formerly Minister of Education ; Chancellor, National Peking 
University. New, Member Executive Council, National Southwest Associated 
University ; President, Chinese Red Cross, and Chairman, China Institute of 
Pacific Relations. Chairman. 

Chang, Carson — Member, Peoples' Political Council. 

Chang, Chung-Fu (1936) — Director, Department of American Affairs, Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs. 

Chen, S. C. — Professor of Sociology, National Southwest Associated University, 
Associate Director, Nankai Institute of Economics. 

Chien, Tuan-Sheng (1939) — Professor of Political Science, National Southwest 
Associated University ; Member, Peoples' Political Council. 

Chow, S. R. (1939-1942)— Professor of International Law, National Wu-Han 
University ; Member, Peoples' Political Council. 

Hsia, Ching-Lin (1929, 1931, 1942) — Member, Legislative Yuan; Director, 
Chinese News Service, New York. Address: Chinese News Service, 30 Rocke- 
feller Plaza, New York 20, N. Y. 

Hu, Shih (1931, 1933, 1936)— Formerly : Ambassador to the United States; 
Dean, College of Literature, National Peking University ; Member, Peoples' 
Political Council; and Chairman, China Institute of Pacific Relations. Now, 
Visiting Professor, Harvard University. 

Lee. Kan (1936, 1942) — Commercial Counsellor, Chinese Embassy, Washington, 
D. C. 

Li, Choh-Ming — Associate Director, Nankai Institute of Economics. 

Liu, Yu-Wan (1933, 1936, 1939)— Executive Secretary, China Institute of Paci- 
fic Relations. 

Lowe, C. H. (1931, 1936)— Director, India Office, Ministry of Information. 

Ning, Eng-Chexg (1929: 19.31)— Chief Auditor, The Farmers Bank of China; 
Member, Peoples' Political Council. 

Poe, Dimon Hsueh-Feng — Professor of Political Science, National Central Uni- 
versity ; Counsellor, National Supreme Defense Council. 

Shao, Yu-Ling — Secretary, National Military Council. 

Wu, Wen-Tsao — Professor of Sociology, Yenching University ; Counsellor, Su- 
preme National Defense Council. 

Yang Yunchu — Director, Department of Eastern Asia Affairs, Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs. 

Yeh, George — Representative, Ministry of Information, London. 

Yuan, T. L. — Librarian, National Library of Peking. 

Chinese Secretariat 

Cheng. Pao-Nan — Director, Mid-West Rureau, Chinese News Service, Chicago. 
Mrs. Enid Chen (1942) — Chinese News Service, New York. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1625 

Helen Nelson Kxglund — Director, International Relations Speakers Bureau, 

Chicago, 111. 
T. C. Hsu — Chinese News Service, New York. 
Eleanor Stbynski — Chinese News Service, Chicago, 111. 

Many of the foregoing flew from Chungking to the United States specially for 
the Hot Springs Conference. 

When in 1943 the Secretary-General and the International Research Secretary 
visited China on behalf of the Pacific Council, they went at the invitation of the 
China IPR and were given every facility for consultation with Chinese scholars, 
publicists and high officials of the Chinese Government. They both have been 
invited to visit China again as soon as possible. 

B. ANALYSIS OF MR. KOHLBERG'S DOCUMENT 

Section I. p. 49 (1987-August 23, 19S9) 

On page 4 of his document, Mr. Kohlberg states that the IPR was not critical 
of Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang from the time of the agreement, early 
in 1937, between the Kuomintang and the Communists, and August 1939, when 
Germany and the Soviet Union made their nonaggression pact. 

By this statement, Mr. Kohlberg implies that the IPR is following the 
"•Communist line." However, a careful study of the issues of the Far Eastern 
surrey of that period of 2% years reveals that in no instance did the Survey 
make comparisons, invidious or otherwise, between the Chinese Communists 
and the Kuomintang and did not praise the Chinese Communists. References 
to Chinese Communists had no political coloring. 

In that period there were three articles relating to Chinese guerrillas. One 
was a half ; page in length, one less than a page, and one five pages. In none 
of the three articles does the word "communist" appear. The guerrillas are 
treated as Chinese, not as partisans within China of an alien ideology. The 
three articles are factual descriptions of what Chinese termed "guerrillas," 
were doing to aid in the war against Japan. The three articles are " 'Guerrilla 
Industries' May Displace 'Scorched Earth' Policy." page 179, Far Eastern Sur- 
vey, 1938; "Chinese Guerrillas Spike Japanese Raio Cotton Hopes," page 201 
of the same year ; and "The War Economy of China's Guerrillas," page 265 of the 
same year. 

Mention in other articles of Chinese Communists include neither criticism or 
praise of cither the Communists or the Kuomintang. For example, an article 
entitled "Revitalizing British Interests in China," states, on page 139 of the 
1937 volume : "There is little doubt that the degree of political unification which 
has been achieved by the Nanking Government, together with the stabilizing 
effects of the financial reforms, would under any circumstances have served to 
attract new British capital to China"; in an article entitled "China's Domestic 
Transport System," page 255 of the 1937 volume: "* * * the excellent high- 
ways of Kiangsi, for example, grew out of the needs of the recent anti-Commu- 
nist campaign" ; in an article entitled "The War and Western Interests in North 
China," page 231 of the 1938 volume: "Moreover, the widespread continuance 
of guerrilla warfare has prevented the consolidation of the Japanese position 
and the restoration of peace and order." 

Had the Far Eastern Survey been following a "Communist line," it would have 
taken opportunity to praise the Chinese communists at the expense of the Kuo- 
mintang. This it did not do in the period under review, a period stated by 
Mr. Kohlberg to be a time when the IPR was following the "Communist line." 

Mr. Kohlberg quotes the Survey twice, presumably to support his contention. 
The first is from an article by Frederick V. Field on page 57 of the 1937 volume 
entitled "The Chinese Communists Re-merge." The sentence to which Mr. Kohl- 
berg takes exception is apparently the following : "If this information is cor- 
rect [that an agreement has been reached between the National Government 
and the Communists] it means that for the first time since 1927 the Commu- 
nists have been officially recognized, the government has agreed to give up its 
anti-Communist campaigns, and — most important — an actual beginning to an 
anti-Japanese military and political front has been established." To anyone 
who was following Chinese affairs at that time, regardless of his political views, 
this seems to be a mere statement of fact. 

The other statement from the Far Eastern Survey quoted by Mr. Kohlberg in 
this section of his document (page 7) seems to have no connection with his gen- 
eral argument, and cannot therefore be dealt with. A study of the four issues 



1626 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

of Pacific Affairs quarterly of the year 1937 quoted in the Kohlberg document, 
also fails to indicate that there was any following of the "Communist party 
line." 

Mr. Kohlberg quotes only from one article during the year 1937, namely, the 
article entitled -'Soviet Society in Northwest China" by Edgar Snow. From 
that article he quotes the sentence: "In Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet 
Republic (by Martin Lawrence, London, 1934) the First All-China Soviet Con- 
gress in 1931 set forth in detail the 'maximum program' of the Communist Party 
of China — and reference to its shows clearly the ultimate aim of Chinese Com- 
munists is a true and complete socialist state of the Marxist-Leninist concep- 
tion." Mr. Snow's next sentence (not quoted by Mr. Kohlberg) reads, "Mean- 
while, however, it has to be remembered that the social, political, and economic 
organization of the Red districts has all along been only a very provisional 
affair." This second sentence gives the point of the article, which as the title 
indicates, is a description of the Chinese Communist area based on Snow's first- 
hand knowledge of it. Mr. Snow writes for the Saturday Evening Post on the 
subject of Chinese Communists, as well as other subjects. He has also written 
several best sellers, published by reputable firms. But it is doubtful if this fact 
makes these publishers open to the charge of following the "Communist line." 
Note is taken below of all other articles and book reviews which touch on the 
question of either the National Government of China or the Chinese Communists 
during this period. 

In the March 1937 issue there is an article entitled "The Dragnet of Local 
Government in China" by Norman D. Hanwell, which, in pointing out the defects 
of local government, is indirectly critical of the National Government. 

In the issue of June 1937 there is no criticism, either favorable or adverse, of 
either the National Government or the Chinese Communists. The matter is 
ignored. 

In the September 1937 issue, which contains the article by Edgar Snow referred 
to by Mr. Kohlberg, the only other article referring to either the National Gov- 
ernment or the Chinese Communists is an article entitled "Japan and China: 
A War of Minds" by Robert S. Morton, in which the writer expresses his own 
views as follows: "To many Chinese the Kuomintang now seems tame, even 
reactionary ; and highly subservient to Japan in yielding territory and influence 
repeatedly, without daring to risk its own position by real struggle for defense" 
(page 312). "By most Chinese * * * Communism is opposed, whether do- 
mestic or Russian" (page 312). 

"Moreover, the predominant Chinese view is that internal Communism has 
steadily lost ground for five years, despite the spectacular flight of guerrilla 
bands through sparsely settled areas. A subcurrent of Chinese opinion is in- 
clined to listen to Communists, not so much because of their social program or 
their actual record in China, as because they denounce and oppose Japanese 
imperialism more openly than does the cautions Chinese Government" (page 313). 
The article praises neither the National Government nor the Chinese Communists. 
In the same issue, in an article entitled "The New Era in Chinese Railway Con- 
struction" by "Asiaticus," is a statement that "The only danger points which 
signify yielding to foreign pressure by Nanking are to be seen in leaving North 
China, menaced by the Japanese, to its fate, and a tendency to compromise 
with the Japanese plans for usurping control of all railway interests in this 
/one." Except for this statement the article is descriptive of accomplishments 
in railway construction and does not praise or criticize the National Government. 
The only hook review in this issue which falls within the current study is a 
review of China Calling by the Reverend Frank Houghton, a British missionary. 
The book is reviewed by, Eugene E. Barnett, and he quotes a sentence from the 
hook "Probably no Chinese government has ever included so large a proportion of 
energetic and public-spirited officials as those now at work in Nanking." Quoting 
this statement was no "Communist line." Anyone who had association with the 
government at Nanking at thai time would subscribe to the statement. 

There is no article in the December 1937 issue which refers to the National 
Government or to the Chinese Communists. The opening article, however, is 
by Frederick V. Field. The title of the article is "American Far Eastern Policy, 
1981-1937." Mr. Field, however, fails to mention either the National Govern- 
ment of China or the Chinese Communists, although the subject of the article 
gave him room to do so if he wished. 

With regard to book reviews, Dr. Shuhsi Hsu is given an opportunity to 
make objections, in more than two pages, to a review in the same issue of Dr. 
Hsu's hook The North China Problem. In the review of that book the reviewer, 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1627 

Owen Lattimore, states thai l>r. Hsu describes the position of the Chinese Com- 
munists as "virtually laying down their anus" and then Mr. Lattimore states, 

•1 was in the Hod territory about two weeks before I read Professor Hsu's 
book, and I saw no signs of any such docility. The Chinese Communists still 
appear to think that they have improved their local footing in the Northwest 
and at the same time won a stronger position in national politics by their 
negotiations in Nanking since the release of Chiang Kai-shek from Sian, and 
that as a result they will lie able to press their old demands for a general 
national resistance against Japanese aggression." 

Mr. Lattimore's review is an honest and unheated criticism of a book which 
was obviously incomplete in its content, not only with regard to the Chinese 
Communists but with regard to the Mongols of Inner Mongolia, a subject on 
which Mr. Lattimore is an outstanding authority. 

The Lattimore review is followed by a review by a Chinese (Chen Han-seng) 
of a book by Harry Gannes entitled "When China Unites: An Interpretive History 
of the Chinese Revolution." Mr. Chen does not seem to approve of Gannes' treat- 
ment of the Chinese Communists. The criticism of this aspect of the book, how- 
ever, is less than one-half of a page out of a review of more than two and a half 
pages. 

Taking up the four issues of Paeific Affairs for the year 1938 : 

The only item in the isstie for March 1938 which Mr. Kohlberg quotes is a 
review of Edgar Snow's book Red star Over China, the reviewer being Mr. Ed- 
ward C. Carter. The review on the whole commends the book, in common with 
practically all reviewers of the book at the time of publication. Mr. Carter's 
review, however, is not entirely favorable, pointing out "the author's tendency 
to ignore the rem substantial achievements of the Nanking Government" (page 
110). 

Mr. Kohlberg fails to point out that ten pages in front of that review, four pages 
are devoted to an attack on the Chinese Communists by W. W. Wheeler 2d, in 
which Mr. Wheeler refers to the Chinese Communist forces as follows : * * * 
"such unattached free-booting armies are an old and even stereotyped evil" and 
"the present Communist army is notable chiefly for the length of its retreat, its 
proclivity for plunder and its avoidance of pitched battle." In final paragraph 
of this almost four pages statement is contained the sentence. "The bulk of the 
Communist Army is recruited from vagabonds" (pages 101-104). 

This issue contains two articles on the military situation in China. The 
first, entitled "China's advance from Defeat to Strength" by "Asiaticus," praises 
both Chiang Kai-shek and his armies and the Communist armies. The second 
article, "The Strategy of the Sino-Japanese Conflict" by Herbert Rosinsky, 
praises the armies of Chiang Kai-shek and refers favorably to ''guerrilla tactics" 
and to the vindication of the Red Army's reputation by its "outstanding bravery 
in the fighting in Shansi." In this connection it should be remembered that there 
was every reason to praise both Chiang Kai-shek and the Communists at that 
time. It seemed that unity had been achieved between them and during that 
period Chiang Kai-shek's troops were doing magnificent fighting at Shanghai 
and Taierehuang, fighting such as has not been attained by the National Gov- 
ernment forces since then. 

There is also an article in this issue "The Revolution in Chinese Legal 
Thought" by N. H. van der Valk, which inter alia adversely criticizes the new 
Criminal Code of 1935 of the Chinese government. 

In Pacific Affairs of June 1938 no article deals either with the National Gov- 
ernment or with the Chinese Communists. 

Mr. Kohlberg quotes some statements made by Edgar Snow in this issue. 
These statements occur in five pages given to Edgar Snow in which to reply to 
more than six pages of criticism of Snow's "Red Star Over China" by "Asiaticus." 
It is an indication of a dispassionate publication to permit two writers to air 
their opinions pro and con on a controversial subject. 

There are no book reviews in the June 1938 issue relating to either the National 
Government or the Chinese Communists. 

Regarding the issue of Pacific Affairs of September 193S, it is impossible to 
perceive why Mr. Kohlberg quotes what he does from the article by Haldore 
Hanson entitled "The People Behind the Chinese Guerrillas" (page 285). This 
article is a factual account of Mr. Hanson's visit to those places in North China 
(not Communist Northwest China) where "self-defense governments" had 
•sprung up everywhere in the wake of the Japanese Army," these groups being 
led "jointly by Communist agents and patriotic University students." The 

68970 — 50— pt. 2 10 



1628 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

activities of these "self-defense governments" were watched during that period 
with the greatest sympathy and enthusiasm by all Westerners in the cities of 
North China, regardless of the political views of those people, because of their 
effective hampering of the Japanese. This article is a factual recital of eye 
witness experiences of a man of excellent reputation who has been serving for 
the past two years or more in the Cultural Division of the Department of State. 

Mr. Kohlberg quotes from an item in this issue entitled ''Why the Chinese 
Communists Support a United Front." This is in its entirety an interview which 
Nym Wales had with a Chinese Communist. It is in quotation marks to show 
that everything said in this article was said by the Chinese Communist. It is an 
interview and it is clearly published as such (page 311). 

No other article of this issue deals with either the National Government or the 
Chinese Communists. 

Mr. Kohlberg quotes from two pages of comment made by Owen Lattimore 
(pages 370-72) in regard to a criticism by William Henry Chamberlin (of four 
pages in the June issue of Pacific Affairs entitled "The Moscow Trials" which 
appeared under "Comment and Correspondence" ; a brief article which did not 
refer to the Chinese Communists but only to the Moscow trials. Mr. Kohlberg 
fails to point out that immediately preceding Mr. Lattimore's comment are four 
pages of comment by Mr. "William Henry Chamberlin adversely criticizing the 
Moscow trials. Again, this is the procedure of a dispassionate publication — to 
print the opposing views in close juxtaposition so that both sides may have an 
equal opportunity to reach the readers of the publication. 

Mr. Kohlberg does not quote from Pacific Affairs of December 1938. This issue 
does not have any material which might be regarded as following the "Commu- 
nist line." However, in fairness to the Institute, Mr. Kohlberg might have re- 
ferred to a four page editorial (pages 495-8) in which reference is made to the 
practice of Pacific Affairs in presenting both points of view in regard to a con- 
troversial subject. In the final paragraph of that editorial it is stated : "Wbile 
'avoiding the practice of presenting every controversy through two 'selected' 
spokesmen, we have also done our best to increase the representation, in Pacific 
Affairs, of national points of view — a policy which is not inconsistent with our 
major policy of trying, first and foremost, to establish the real course of events 
and the real trend of development." 

In Pacific Affairs for March 1939 there is one article dealing with the resistance 
to the Japanese, "The Good Iron of the New Chinese Army," by Olga Lang (page 
20). This is primarily a case study of Chinese who are fighting the Japanese. 
Mr. Kohlberg quotes the final three sentences : "All of this does not mean that 
the Chinese Army is already pei'fect. Far from it. Much remains to be done: 
But what is important is that the way to victory is found." Mr. Kohlberg evi- 
dently intends to suggest that a statement so favorable as this about the 
Chinese forces early in 1939, is incompatible with recent statements regarding 
the present malnutrition of the National forces of China, and the present neglect 
of troops by some Chinese generals. The two statements are not incompatible. 
A deterioration has taken place in the past two or three years in the treatment 
of the Chinese forces by their leaders, just as there has taken place deterioration 
in its resistance to Japan. 

There is nothing else in this issue either praising or criticizing the National 
Government of China or the Chinese Communists, not even among the book 
reviews. 

In the June 1939 issue of Pacific Affairs there are two articles dealing with 
China's resistance: one, "The "Nature of Guerrilla Warfare" by Major R. Ernest 
Dupuy (pages 13S-48), and the other, "The Failure of Civil Control in Occupied 
China" by B. Ward Perkins (pages 149-56) . The first article is a study of aspects 
of guerrilla warfare in history, and other countries, and its purpose is to discover 
what one may hope for from guerrilla warfare in China. It is unemotional in 
character. The second article is critical of the Japanese and speaks favorably of 
the guerrillas. 

The third article in this issue is "The War in China and the Soviet Press" by 
Martin R. Norins (pages 157-68), from which Mr. Kohlberg quotes extensively 
in his document. This article is composed of reports from Communist sources 
and these reports are always identified as such. Taken in conjunction with the 
preceding tiro articles it forms one of three serious studies, and to drop any one 
of thon would result in giving a less complete picture of the situation that is 
obtained from the three together. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1629 

In "Comment and Correspondence" there are two Letters with regard to guer- 
rilla warfare, one bv Captain Evans F. Carlson of the United States Marine 
Corps (pages L83 84), and one by Haldore Hanson (pages 184-85), both of them 
men who have had first-hand experience in guerrilla areas. The purpose of each 
letter is to comment on Dupuy's article, "The Nature of Chuerrila Warfare," and 
they deal with Dupuy's statements from a legal and technical viewpoint rather 
than from a partisan viewpoint. 
Quotations Critical of China in I. P. R. Publications, 1987-Auff. 23, 1939 

The following excerpts demonstrate that in the period under review the I. P. R. 
(American and Pacific Councils) published materials critical of both Kuomin- 
tang and Chinese Government policies (as well as other materials commending 

them). 

As many of these quotations are from the Far Eastern Survey, it should be 
noted that before 1941, the Survey was devoted to economic topics and avoided 
discussion of political or controversial issues. Nevertheless the tenor of many 
articles was clearly critical of Chinese Government policy. 

Mr. Kohlberg's Period of Praise of China 

"Merchant Capital and Usury Capital in Rural China," by Leonard T. K. Wu, 
Far Eastern Survey, March 25, 1936 
"Rural credit is the crux of the great financial problem facing China today" 

(p. 63). 

"Certain conclusions seem to the present writer, to be the only logical impli- 
cations. 

"(1) The operation of the present system of usury-merchant-landlordism must 
lead to the disintegration of rural China. With interest rates as high as 100 
percent or more * * * it is inevitable that the middle class peasants will be 
reduced to small peasants, small peasants to poor peasants, and poor peasants 
to hired or unemployed persons. 

" (2) Under the present system, the bulk of the peasants are hardly able to keep 
body and soul together. It is therefore absolutely impossible to expect them to 
make any technical or other scientific advance in methods of production * * * 

"(3) The pauperization of the peasantry and decline in agricultural produc- 
tivity means a shrinkage in national purchasing power * * * Usury-mer- 
chant-landlordism in China is destroying, instead of creating, markets * * * 
(p. 68). 

"Rural Bankruptcy in China," by Leonard T. K. Wu, Far Eastern Survey, 
October 8, 1936. 

"If any one problem can be said to overshadow all other internal economic 
questions facing harassed China today, it is the rural crisis." (p. 209) 

"The present state of rural China may be summarized in one word — bank- 
ruptcy" (p. 209). 

"The poverty and desperation of the peasants is indicated in the growing 
restiveness which often spontaneously breaks out into open opposition. In 
famine regions the eating of bark of trees and grass roots, and the sale of 
children is commonplace" (p. 211). 

"The central and fundamental cause of the rural crisis is what Chan Han-song 
has aptly termed the contradiction between land owning and land using'. * * * 
The dire need of no less than 65 percent of China's rural population is for 
land" (p. 212). 

"The Rajchman Report [report by Dr. Ludwik Rajchman to the League of 
Nations] states : 'The number of tenants is on the increase, since owner-farmers 
are being forced, because of the depression and the decline of agriculture, to 
sell their land or to mortgage it on such terms as to leave them little better 
than tenants.'" (p. 212). 

(Note that the report of the eminent scholar, Dr. Rajchman, to the League of 
Nations parallels Dr. Wu's findings as reported in the Far Eastern Survey.) 

"Exorbitant rents, arising from this system of land tenancy, further provokes 
the seriousness of the rural problem" (p. 214). 

"The second structural cause of the rural crisis is the assessment of all kinds 
■of exorbitant taxes and tolls. While the very lifeblood of the tenants and 
partial tenants is poured into high land rents, that of the peasant proprietors and 
small landlords is poured into stiff taxes and tolls" (p. 214). 



1630 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

"Chinese Reconstruction in Practice-' by Frederick T. Field, Far Eastern Survey 
December 19, 19S6 

In this article Mr. Field surveys the efforts of the National Government toward 
national reconstruction and finds them very inadequate. 

"The aspects of reconstruction on which we have already touched— landlordism 
and tenancy, taxation and cooperation— are those in which the social problem is 
conspicuous. A survey of the application of the reconstruction program in these 
fields throws grave doubt on whether fundamental reform can be achieved under 
the present auspices. The compromise necessarily made in the interests of 
political expediency and economic support seem practically to frustrate the basic 
readjustments called for in blueprints * * *" (p. 268). 

"In relation to the immense problem [of water control] the energy and 
resources the government has devoted to it are pitifully insignificant" (p. 270). 
"The key to understanding the whole current reconstruction movement is found 
in the purposes and methods of the communications program * *. Con- 

siderable emphasis has * * * been put * * * on highway construction. 
Yet * * * the highwavs * * * have been developed less to supplement 
the economy of the Chinese farmers * * * than to force the provinces into a 
central federation bv military coercion. Unification of a sort has been achieved, 
but it has been achieved in such a way as to * * * establish a military 
dictatorship over an already oppressed people. * * * It is this factor which 
throws doubt on the validity of the entire reconstruction effort. The evidence 
would seem to indicate that below the surface of construction activities of the 
sort represented by highways there remain all the fundamental maladjustments 
of a feudal, agrarian society (pp. 270-71). 

"The Financial Stability of the Nanking Government" by Kate Mitchell, Far 
Eastern Survey, July 1, 1936 

"Internally the Nanking Government faces problems fundamentally more 
serious than those presented by foreign political and financial pressure. Its 
political authority is far from complete, and there is increasingly widespread 
discontent, aggravated by economic distress, at the Government's failure to take 
action against the inroads of Japan. The majority of Chinese farmers are 
increasingly impoverished. The extortionate demands of tax collector, usurer, 
merchant, landlord and military leaders ; the ruining of the land by flood and 
drought ; the decline in agricultural prices ; and the lack of rural credit facilities 
have resulted in widespread bankruptcy" (p. 139). 

«* * * 'rural reconstruction' remains largely a much used phrase rather 
than an actuality. The problems of land ownership, land taxation and rural 
credit remain untouched. The trend toward economic deterioration, though 
slightly checked, has not yet been reversed * * *" (p. 139). 

"On the credit side of the balance sheet a comparison of the financial organiza- 
tion today with that in 1928 reveals a marked degree of progress * * *. 

"On the debit side of the ledger, however, we find equally convincing evi- 
dence. * * * Throughout its nine years of existence the Nanking Government 
has never been able to escape from the perilous financial position of a govern- 
ment fighting for its political life. Among the outstanding features of govern- 
ment finance throughout this period have been a heavily unbalanced budget, 
a current deficit necessitating large-scale borrowing by costly methods, the 
expenditure of a large percentage of government revenue for military purposes, 
lack of effective budgetary control over government expenditure and inability 
to fix and enforce the areas of taxation for the various grades of govern- 
ment * * * (p. 144). 

"The whole question of the Central Government's financial position thus pro- 
vides an excellent illustration of the many external and internal forces which 
are complicating, if not completely blocking the way to political stability and 
economic reconstruction in China. Predictions as to the future course of events 
are extremely hazardous. Internally, Nanking's political power is challenged 
both by the Southern and the Communist factions. There is no clear indication 
as to which of several possible lines of action Nanking is likely to choose. Exter- 
nally, the policies of Japan, Great Britain, and the United States are all uncertain 
quantities, dependent perhaps as much on the course of events in Europe as on 
conditions in eastern Asia. Barring the possibility of some form of foreign 
assistance, it would seem that Nanking's only chance of continuing to finance 
its operations and carry on the administration of government depends upon 
whether such revenues as remain to it are devoted solely to the objective of 
improving the economic welfare of the people and thereby eliminating the prin- 
cipal cause for internal revolt against its political control" (p. 146). 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1631 

Review of Chiang Kai-shek, by Qustav Amann. Reviewed by Bruno Lasher, 
Pacific Affairs, March 1937 

"Mr. Amann is especially successful in describing the miracle of how even so 
much as is now visible of the structure of Chinas national government could 
arise in so short a time. To have 'enthroned' the middle classes by giving them 
workable instruments of rule, appears to Mr. Amann the outstanding achieve- 
ment of Chiang Kai-shek. One of China's greatest strategists, the generalis- 
simo is pictured nevertheless as the relentless enemy of 'neo-militarism.' This 
is done by a literary form of flood-lighting which keeps in the shadow the 
essential nature of the scene: the concentration of power in a small group 
above the party, the suppression of public discussion, censorship in an extreme 
form, devitalization of the labor movement — in short the adoption of many of 
the methods if not the whole ideology of fascism" (p. SS). 

The conclusion one reaches after a study of all of the material in both the 
Survey and Pacific Affairs for the years 1937, 1938, and the first half of 1939— 
during which period Mr. Kohlberg claims that the I. P. R. followed the "Com- 
munist line" — is that views on both sides are presented; that there was both 
criticism and praise of the National Government. 

Section II The Period from August 23, 1939, to June 22, 19 '41 

During this period, according to Mr. Kohlberg, the Institute of Pacific Relations 
in general, and the American Council in particular, followed what lie called the 
"< ommunist line," i. e., abusing (but not praising) the Chinese Government. 
• In order to prove this, he quoted some lines from tw r o articles and book reviews 
in Pacific Affairs and six short articles in the Far Eastern Survey. During 
these twenty-two months the Pacific Affairs published approximately sixty- 
five articles and one hundred reviews. Thus, Mr. Kohlberg could find fault with 
less than three percent of the articles and tiro percent of the reviews in Public 
Affairs. During the same period there were 47 issues of the Far Eastern Survey 
in which there were published more than 2S0 articles. Thus, again, the articles 
quoted by Mr. Kohlberg constitute only about two percent of the total number 
of articles. Beside this, during the period under consideration, the Pacific Council 
and American Council published many books which were ignored in Mr. Kohlberg's 
accusations. Of the articles published in Pacific Affairs during this period, there 
were twenty-five dealing more or less directly with China: Mr. Kohlberg used 
only tiro of tin in. In the Far Eastern Surrey about ticenty-five of all articles 
had direct relation to China, but Mr. Kohlberg used only six of them. 

Furthermore, during the period under consideration until dune 24, 1941, the 
editor of Pacific Affairs was Owen Lattimore, who left that post to become 
confidential ad riser to- Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. If Pacific Affairs was 
abusing the Chinese Government to the extent charged by Mr. Kohlberg. during 
the period under consideration, it is strange that Mr. Lattimore on June 24, 1941. 
lias recommended to such a position by the President of the United Stales and 
stranger still that the Generalissimo accepted tin' recommendation. Yet accord- 
ing to T. T". Soong, this appointment of Mr. Lattimore was regarded in Chungking 
as "a major token of increasing understanding between China and the United 
State*." 

The aim of Pacific Affairs is to give information on the developments in the 
Pacific area as broadly and as completely as possible. During this period in 
question, the magazine published articles on China or on the Far East in relation 
to China by the following authors : 

E. Schumpeter, of the Harvard-Radcliffe Bureau of International Research. 

L. Rosixger. who is now an expert on the Far East of the Foreign Policy 

Association. 
E. Carlsox, famous colonel of the U. S. Marines, hero of Makin, Saipan, and 

other battles. 
N. Wai.es. a well-known writer on problems of China. 
K. Blocii. writer on the staff of Fortune magazine. 
T. A. Bissox. now with the I. P. R., formerly with the Foreign Policy Association 

and with the Board of Economic Warfare. 
E. K. Lieu. Chinese economist in service of the National Economic Research, 

Chungking. 
Franz Michael, Professor, University of Washington. 
Pttilip C. Jesstp, Professor, Columbia University. 

Wei Mexg-Pu. formerly Professor, the Northwestern University of Mukden. 
W. Braxdt. an Australian economist. 



1632 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Galen Fisher, former Y. M. C. A. Secretary in Japan. 

Owen Lattimore, formerly Personal Adviser to Chiang Kai-shek, and later con- 
nected with the Office of War Information, now Director, Walter Hines Page 
School of International Relations, Johns Hopkins University. 

M. Nobins, in service with the Lihrary of Congress. Washington. 

Anna Louise Strong, a well-known leftist writer, who has visited China 
frequently. 

It is clear, from this list, that it would have been difficult for Pacific Affairs 
to have confined itself, even if it had been inclined to do so, to a Communist 
line. 

Let us now examine the record of the Far Eastern Survey. According to Mr. 
Kohlberg, after August 23, 1939, this publication pursued a policy of abuse of the 
Chinese Government. Yet the first signs of such "abuse 1 ' listed by Mr. Kohlberg 
are in articles published January 29, 1941, or seventeen months later. The quota- 
tions used by Mr. Kohlberg for this period are confined to three months between 
January 29 and May J, 19)1. 

A careful reading of these (flotations does not reveal abuse of the Chinese 
Government. It does, however, show concern over the possibility of a break in 
the United Front in China, a concern shared, for example by the Neic York 
Times. The following items from that newspaper, which certainly cannot be 
suspected of folloAving the Communist line, reveal considerable interest in the 
Kuomintang-Communist conflict, certainly no less than that appearing in the 
Far Eastern Survey : 

New York Times: 

Jan. 8: Maj. E. F. Carlson reports military forces of China formidable and 
national spirit high, but cites widespread economic corruption involving 
trade in Japanese goods: reports Kuomintang-Communist crisis past and 
United States popularity high, sees continued U. S. S. R. aid. 

Jan. 10: Foreign aid and supply routes control give Chiang Kai-shek power 
to deny 8th Route (Chinese Communists). Army request for mass transfer 
from northern to southern China for national conference. 

Jan. 12: Chinese army organ reports pact involving exchange of Chinese 
minerals for U. S. S. R. military supplies. 

Jan. 18: Chiang Kai-shek forces disband Communist-controlled new 4th 
Route Army, hold its Commander General Yob Ting, and search for 
General Kang Yang, following army refusal to move to north of Yangtze 
River; Japanese Army spokesman reports Chinese troops moving against 
4th Route Army. 

Jan. 19: Chou En-lai, Chinese Communist representative in Chungking, states 
further Chinese Government-Communist friction will be avoided and ex- 
presses regret over 4th Route revolt: North Chinese Communist leaders 
demand Chiang Kai-shek end attacks on Communist forces and lift block- 
ade of the north Communist areas. 

Jan. 21: 8th Route Army renews demands for transfer to Yangtze Valley 
and release of Chungking and Communist leaders for supervision: Shang- 
hai foreign circles fear free China rift will lessen foreign support. 

Jan. 28 : Tass Agency reports Chinese Government dissolution of 4th Route 
Army directed at Communist elements and might cause civil war. 

Jan. 29: Chiang Kai-shek stares action toward 4th Route Army is based 
on military discipline and reaffirms national unity. 

Feb. 4: ChungkingiGovernment reduces 8th Route Army branch office, Kwei- 
lin, Kwangsi. 

Feb. 6: Kuomintang-Communist rift cited in editorial. 

Feb. 21: Report continued Kuomintang-Communist armies strife in Anhwei 
Province; Chungking denies rift. 

Feb. 23: Hunan Province People's Political Council appeals to Communist 
military and political leaders for full central government support. 

Feb. 27: Domei reports Kuomintang-Communist clashes spread, Shansi Prov- 
ince Nanking regime gain by Chinese dissensions. 

Mar. 3: 6 Communist delegates refuse to attend opening session (of People's 
Political Council). 

Mar. 7: Chiang reported backing Council plan to arbitrate Government- 
Communisl dispute. Chiang is confident of * * * continued British, 
U. S. and U. S. S. R. aid. 

Mar. 8: Chiang states Communists violated 1937 support pledges to Council. 
Report military operations aided by continued Kuomintang-Communist 
4th Army clash. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1633 

Mar. 9: Chungking urges apportionment of future defense bank issues among 
wealthy. 

Mar. 10: Communist demands on Council published. Chiang says demands 
cannot be met without destroying national unity and recalls 1937 pledges. 
Council urges Chinese Government to improve Burma Road Administra- 
t ion. 
Mar. 12: Dr. Baker appointed Kunming-Burma Transportation Bureau Di- 
rector to keep Burma Road open. 
Mar. 1G: Kuomintang-Communist struggle background and U. S. S. R. role in 

Sino- Japanese War discussed. 
Mar. 17: Shanghai groups hold German agents responsible for Kuomintang- 
Communist clashes. Sino-Japanese peace believed object of German in- 
tervention. 
Mar. 22 : Premier H. H. Kung denies report of Chinese military council 
anti-Communist army organization and predicts early solution to Gov- 
ernment-Communist conflict. 
Mar. 23: Abstract of Chiang's speech to Council stating Communist de- 
mands and Government stand. 
Mar. 24: Takungpao reports wide government reorganization planned. 
Mar. 30: Communist activity against Chungking and Nanking (pro-Japa- 
nese) regimes reported. 
Apr. 4 : Chungking Government issues manifesto stressing national unity 

and trend to democracy. 
May 1 : Chungking says USSR war materials transshipment ban does not 
apply (to Chinese) since all supplies from USSR are Soviet-made. 
It is worthy of note that the New York Times of May 2, 1941, includes the 
following paragraph, which would seem to indicate that the Chinese did not 
recognize the extensive "abuse" of their country by the IPR, which, according 
to Mr. Kohlberg, existed during this period : 

"Kuo Tai-ehi. foreign minister of China, honored by American Council, Insti- 
tute of Pacific Relations ( and other organizations) in New York City." 

Perhaps our Chinese friends were more aware than was Mr. Kohlberg of such 
article as the following in publications of the Institute, which asked for more 
help for China. As early as in December 1939, for example, Mr. Bisson wrote 
in Pacific Affairs in an article entitled "Japan Without Germany" : 

"The Chinese people are fighting for their own independence, but also for the 
best interests of all the democratic, nonaggression nations. China does not 
ask for military assistance. It merely asks that these nations, among which 
the United States now holds a position of decisive power, cease being the ai'mory 
of its assailant. The time for an answer is long overdue." 
Kurt Bloch wrote in the Far Eastern Survey, April 7, 1941 : 
"Since this information was received, no incidents of civil conflict have been 
reported here except from Japanese sources. During this time, it is safe to 
say that the weight of the American Government and of American public opinion 
has been thrown on the side of China's continued united resistance." 

Examination of Mr. Kohlberg's charges shows plainly that Section II of his 
document has misrepresented the publications of the Institute and, that con- 
sciously or unconsciously, he has selected only those quotations which suited 
his preconceptions. 

Section III — Mr. Kohlberg's "Third Communist-Kuoniintang Honeymoon" 

This period, as defined in the Kohlberg document, began with Hitler's invasion 
of Russia in June 1941, and ended with the Red Army's triumph at Stalingrad 
on February 4, 1943. Mr. Kohlberg sees it as a period of "praise of China." 
According to his letter to the Trustees of the American Council on December 
28, however, articles published by the IPR continued to "praise China" for 
several months after this — until the summer of 1943, to be exact — a discrepancy 
which would appear to indicate that Mr. Kohlberg himself finds it difficult to 
prove his own formula. 

Mr. Kohlberg's "Third Commt-nist-Kttomintang Honeymoon" 

Furthermore, the articles he lists in this section of his document fail to bear 
out his contention that this period was one confined to "praise of the Kuomintang 
and the central government of China. As is the case with respect to other 
articles cited in his document, the material here, if read in toto, includes both 
criticism and praise of the Chinese Government, the Kuomintang and the Com- 
munists as well. 






1634 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Mr. Kohlberg's document. quote. 1 excerpts of eight articles and one pamphlet. 
Of these nine writings, two had nothing to do with China. In fact, one — a 
letter of an anonymous journalist entitled "Why Were We Wrong" did not 
contain even the word '•China." Except for Robert Barnett's "Isolated China," 
all the remaining six contained certain remarks critical of the Kuomintang 
government. One, however (by Harriet Moore), may be regarded as defending 
the Chinese Government; the other (by Lieutenant Uhlman) praises the Com- 
munists, and reflected unfavorably on the Kuomintang Government's Chief of 
staff. 

The following are some of the findings which contradict Mr. Kohlberg's con- 
tention that IPR publications confined themselves to praise of "China," during 
this period. 

Serious indictments of the Kuomintang as well as laudatory statements about 
the Chinese people and Chiang Kai-shek were contained in both George Taylor's 
article Chinese Resistance in North China and his pamphlet Changing China, 
cited by Mr. Kohlberg. These also contain statements praising the Chinese Com- 
munists. In his Oct. 10, 1941 article. Exposing Kuomintang Blockade of the 
Guerrillas, the following may be noted : 

"But now it is very difficult to move from one area to the other (i. e. from 
the Kuomintang area to guerrilla territories) and much needed medical sup- 
plies consigned to North China have not been allowed to pass through the Central 
Government blockade. The success of the Japanese drive through lower Shansi 
to the Yellow River can be explained partly in terms of failure to achieve 
cooperation between the Central Government and the guerrilla forces north of 
the River" (p. 232). 

"There is a constant ebb and flow of political pressure from Chunking which 
wishes to maintain resistance against the Japanese even up to the gates of 
Peiping, but always hopes that the people of North China will not be won over 
entirely to the cause of the Border Government" (p. 233) . 

Praise of the Communists or guerrillas 

'The Border Government, although it has suffered constantly from invasion of 
its territories, today has as great a measure of political control as at any time 
in its history. A government which can survive the occupation of nearly every 
county seat in its area is one which has a firm hold on the imagination of the 
people * * *. Although the charge has been made that too much time has 
been spent in political propaganda, it must be admitted that the task of organiz- 
ing the peasantry of North China iuto units which could be effectively employed 
for military and other purposes was enormous" (pp. 236-7). 
Again in Taylor's Changing China, 1942 : 

Government dominated by landlords 

"Today their (landlord-gentry's) sons are pilots in the air force, officers in the 
armies, officials in the government. But because this class prides itself on not 
doing what the peasantry had to do, work with his hands, the tradition has 
carried over to the present, and most educated Chinese look down on manual 
labor as something beneath their dignity" (p. 46). 

New classes and gentry 

"The new classes in China * * * are the industrialists, bankers, and mer- 
chants * * *. They provide many of the new officials ; they have power in 
the Central Government * * * As so many of them came from the gentry, 
they are still strongly connected with the land * * *" (p. 47). 

The peasantry and landlord and government 

"On the back of the peasant is built the whole fabric of Chinese civilization. 
He does the work, pays the taxes from which he gets no benefits, turns back 
to the landlord fifty to sixty percent of his harvest as rent, and is robbed and 
taken advantage of every way he turns" (p. 47). 

Chiang Kai-shek and the landlords 

"There was a deeper separation, however, in the Nationalist movement (1925- 
27) than that caused by personal jealousy. This was the split between the 
right and left wing of the Kuomintang * * *. The left wing * * * 
wanted to base their power on the peasants and workers of China. The right 
Wing included industrialists, bankers, and merchants who * * * were op- 
posed to changing the system of land ownership. * * * 

"The right wing, under Chiang Kai-shek, was alarmed, for many of the army 
officers came from the families of local gentry. * * * The revolution (of 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1635 

1925-27) split * * * many thousands of Chinese Communists were killed, 
and the righl wing of the Kuomintang * * * set up a government in Nan- 
king without the Communists" (pp. 66-67). 

Chiang's lack of interest in democracy 

"He [Chiang] shared (heir [army Officers'] ideas * *. They did not have 

the same interest as the intellectuals in democracy and they hated Communism. 
They wanted to preserve the old order in the villages, for they came from the 
landed gentry and they did not think that merchants and professors could build 
a strong China. They bad a groat admiration for Italy and Germany * * *. 
They wanted to build a new China by appealing to the old virtues and tradi- 
tional institutions, not by building up a real democracy" (p. 68). 

Kuomintang Government a one-man show , 

"The Nanking Government, or Kuomintang government, as it is often called, for 
it was a one-party administration, soon emerged as a one-man show. That 
man was Chiang Kai-shek" (p. 68). 

Chiang and Communists on land reform 

''There is much truth to the criticism that Chiang adopted no radical measures 
to solve the land problem because be founded much of his power on the land- 
lords and did not want to turn them against him" (p. 90). 

''The Communists have not arrived at a solution of the land problem, either, 
but they have made the lot of the peasant easier than it was before" (p. 91). 

Guenther Stein's article, if read completely, is also found to contain comments 
critical of the Kuomintang. In his account, Wartime Government in China, Mr. 
Stein stated at the very start that "The war has made political reorganization 
necessary for China." Yet he found "a comparatively small number of men, 
mostly well-known and prominent in Chinese political affairs long before the 
war, held the decisive positions. Little new blood has been added, and much 
of the expansion of government activity has been carried out through a com- 
bination of a number of functions and activities in the hands of already im- 
portant political leaders." 

Mr. Kohlberg's own marginal notes on the passages he lifted from the next 
article listed — Y. Y. Hsu's China's First Two Years of a Tax in Kind — indicate 
the critical nature of the article, despite the fact that this is supposed to be 
a "Communist-Kuomintang honeymoon period." 

And the Uhlman article, Land of the Five Withouts, likewise did not "praise" 
the Kuomintang ; in fact, the Kuomintang Gen. Ho Ying-ching was referred to 
therein as pro-Japanese. 

Mr. Kohlberg also cited a statement by Under Secretary of State Welles on 
American policy toward China. Although occasioned by an interview with an 
American Communist leader, this constituted an important diplomatic declara- 
tion. The Far Eastern Survey would certainly be unworthy of its name without 
taking notice of such an announcement. To link it with a charge of Communist 
leanings is tantamount to labeling as Communist, all neii'spapers headlining the 
Russian Army's advance against Hitler. 

There is no evidence here of any "period" in the sense indicated by Mr. Kohl- 
berg. It may be noticed, however, that Pearl Harbor and developments after 
America's entrance into the war influenced writers in this country. Immediately 
after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor by the Japanese, and the loss of Singa- 
pore and the Dutch East Indies, Anglo-Americans were overwhelmed with a 
sense of humiliation. They tended to become more critical of themselves and 
tolerant of their allies. But with the turn of the war tide in the Pacific they 
regained their confidence. With the return of Stilwell in May 1943, to confer 
with the American Supreme Command on the strategy of the war on the Asiatic 
mainland was the occasion for the American writers began to consider the poten- 
tialities of China in the war. 

Outspoken criticism of China began about this time. Mr. Hanson Baldwin 
blazed the path by belittling China right and left. In contrast, however, critical 
articles in the Far Eastern Survey, tried as a rule to evaluate not only the 
weaknesses apparent in China's situation, but the positive sides as well. 

Mr. Kohi.rerg's Second Period of Abuse of China 

Section IV — The Period Since February 1948 (Abuse of China) 

During the 1940-43 period in China, economic, political, and military deteriora- 
tion had seriously reduced the fighting strength of the Chinese Government and 



1636 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

its central armies. Recognition of this fact occurred first in Washington, but 
by 1943, writers such as Pearl Buck, Hanson Baldwin, and T. A. Bisson were 
informing the American public of the situation. In China itself, Kuomintang 
leaders such as Sun Po were voicing criticisms of the politically and economi- 
cally repressive policies of the Chinese central authorities. These persons were 
calling attention to weaknesses in the government organization as the basic 
problem, and not merely to lack of military supplies as the leading Chinese 
authorities maintained. Yet all of the critics of Chungking's policies cited by 
Kohlberg were at the same time demanding that more supplies be sent to China. 

The warnings by American publicists were borne out by the military crisis 
which developed in 1944. In half a dozen provinces, large Kuomintang armies 
crumbled in the face of a well-planned Japanese offensive. This collapse seri- 
ously affected the American position in China. General Stilwell was withdrawn, 
and Ambassador Gauss resigned. A new set of American officials was sent to 
China. Donald Nelson sought to ameliorate economic conditions, General Hurley 
tried to overcome political disunity, while General Wedemeyer attempted to 
strengthen the Chinese armies. 

These developments have proved to be a central feature of the Pacific War 
in 1944-45. For their potential effects on the remainder of the war, and even 
more on the postwar future of the Far East, they might well be ranked as the 
outstanding feature of this period. The question thus arises : Were those 
writers and Far Eastern specialists who first called attention to this problem in 
1913 at fault or were they in fact performing a necessary service, both to the 
American public and to the United Nations as a whole? And following from 
this — was it out of place that, among various American writers calling attention 
to the problem, some of these should be staff members of the Institute of Pacific 
Relations? Had this not been the case, the Institute staff might well be accused 
of falling below the level of penetration displayed by outside writers in analysis 
of Far Eastern conditions — the specific function of the Institute. 
Pp. 2J f -25 "China's Part in Coalition War." Far Eastern Survey, July 1J,, 1948, 
pp. 135-141, T. A. Bisson 

This is a critical article, as Kohlberg maintains. Yet the article states that 
American aid to China has been "pitifully meager" and that China has had 
"legitimate grievances." Kohlberg's document omits these qualifications. 

Note that Kohlberg's "Timing" as to his parallel Communist sources (p. 25) 
do not hold up, since they are all prior to the summer of 1943. The New Masses 
articles, as cited, are dated October 7, 1937, February 8, 193S, and January 28, 
1941, while the article cited from the Communist is dated March 1941. These 
citations thus Mvc no validity so far as proving a pantile] in timing between 
1PR articles and Communist-published articles. Moreover, the first two of the 
critical articles from the Communist press fall icithin the period (prior to the 
pact of August 23, 1939) when the Communist •'line" is stated by Kohlberg to be 
one of praise for the Chinese government. In this ease, then, even the Communist- 
published articles do not conform to the time divisions set up by KoJiUicvg. 

Note also that Kohlberg labels the Bisson article "Blast #1." But the timing 
falls down here, too. Pearl Unci's article in Life, critical of political repression 
in China, appeared on May 10, 1943, two months before the Bisson article. 
Kohlberg should therefore attribute "Blast #7" to Pearl Buck, not to an IPR 
writer. In this article, "A Warning About China," Miss Buck, acknowledged by 
even Mr. Kohlberg as a great friend of China, makes the following statements : 

"American friendship for China has at this moment reached a popular 
height which brings it tx> the verge of sentimentality. The Chinese are being 
exalted into persons such as cannot exist in our fallible human race. A dose 
of common sense is needed. If the close is not taken in time those who have 
rushed to give gifts, those who have sold valued possessions, as some have, 
to make a gift, are going to wake up one morning condemning China and all 
Chinese, and then they will regret their possessions and feel ashamed of their 
emotionalism, and isolationists will make the most of this disillusionment. But 
the Chinese people deserve neither adoration nor condemnation. They do de- 
serve understanding and help, and that we may give what they deserve, it is 
necessary for a friendly diagnosis to be made now of China's present condition" 
(p. 53). 

"Already, undemocratic forces, which could not do their evil work so long 
as China was hopeful of her place as an equal ally of the United States and 
England, have been strengthened by our policy which has relegated Japan to 
the place of a secondary enemy, allowing Burma to be lost and the line to 
China cut. In the isolation and helplessness of China those in the government 



f^TATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1637 

there who were voices for the people and for democracy cannot speak loudly 
and clearly as once they did, as they did when they were promising their people 
effective aid from us. Division within China is deepening in spite of the fact 
that the leadership and the genius of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek are not 
yet being challenged." (P. 53.) 

"And now come these reports from China, even from Chinese sources them- 
selves, that there are signs that in China this is ceasing to be a people's war. 
The great liberal forces of the recent past in China are growing silent. The 
center of liberalism in China for the past two generations has been in the 
students and teachers. Nowhere in the world have the young and intelligent 
played so heroic a part as in China. Their courage, their self-sacrifice, even to 
the lives of thousands who dared to oppose the officials, have provided the strong- 
est correctives to bureaucracy and official corruption. Now those students are 
ceasing to speak. As China becomes more isolated the power of bureaucrats is 
growing. Oppressive elements in the government are becoming more oppressive. 
Chungking is a place where free speech is less and less possible and those who 
want to be free are going to other places. 

"These oppressive influences extend even into the Generalissimo's family. 
We who are the American people would be better pleased if we could hear the 
voice of Madame Sun Yat-sen today. It was Sun Yat-sen who provided for the 
Chinese people the clear direction toward modern democracy. Why is it neces- 
sary for Madame Sun Yat-sen to be silent? The people believe in her. It is not 
only fear, it is also hopelessnes which deepens the people's silence. Economic 
conditions in China at this hour are so appalling that the persons who might 
be the leaders for freedom are turning away from public service and are taking 
up better paid jobs. More and more students, for example, are discreetly 
specializing in money and banking. Cynicism is killing the spirits and hunger 
is killing the bodies of those who were once such a strong and purifying political 
force. 

"Yet the Chinese people are agreed that certain evils now existing must go 
and certain reforms must be established if China is to continue as a democracy. 
The chief evil that must go is official corruption, first in high places but every- 
where as quickly as possible. The only way to get rid of this corruption is to 
put into the hands of the people the power to accuse and dismiss their officials 
when corruption is proved" (p. 54). 

"In this state of mutual uncertainty it is inevitable that certain forces are 
for the moment strengthening themselves as they tend to do in similar periods 
in any country. There is now no real freedom of the press in China, no freedom 
of speech. The official implement of repression is an organization far more 
severe than the secret service of a democracy ought to be, for insecurity of indi- 
viduals in power breeds repression upon the people. These antidemocratic 
forces are being strengthened now, and not only by China's isolation" (p. 54). 

Previous references to the internal situation in China may also be found, as, 
for example, in the leading article in The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, 
April 23. 1948. Under the heading 'U. S. -Chinese Views Seen As Diverging" 
Earl H. Leaf, Managing Editor, says in part: 

"Misunderstandings arise concerning the use or misuse of American supplies 
sent to China. Communist sympathizers repeatedly charged that the U. S. 
supplies were being employed to arm Central Government troops against the 
Chinese Red Armies. 

"Independent check-up on these reports has revealed some puzzling aspects 
of the internal Chinese situation as, for example, the fact that Gen. Hu Tzu-nan's 
troops, who face the Communists and have never yet fought a battle with the 
Japanese, turn out to be the best-equipped, best-paid, and best-fed army in China. 
Hence, some influential American officials, fearing civil war in China, reinclined 
towards holding back supplies. Chinese army leaders have an explanation for 
that situation, but many Chinese and American officials do not see eye to eye 
about it." 

In the same issue of The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, in an editorial 
(p. 4), it is stated: 

"The foregoing hard realities (military) and many others, notably the alarm- 
ing inflationary situation and growing malnutrition affecting even the Chinese 
army, must be faced. There are other factors of encouraging sort. Nowhere, 
it is agreed, is there any sign of surrender to or appeasement of the Japanese. 
(Neither is there much sign that a war is on, aside from high prices and short- 
ages — and 'fighting fronts' in China are mostly nonexistent except sporadically.)" 
In August 1943, Reader's Digest published an article entitled "Too Much 
Wishful Thinking About China," written by Hanson W. Baldwin, military 



1638 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

analyst of the New York Times. The author discussed the average American's 
conceptions of China, and states (pp. 63, 64) : 

"Unfortunately, the China of such dreams is far from reality. Missionaries, 
war-relief drives, able ambassadors, and the movies have oversold us. China 
has become not merely China but the royal road to victory in the Pacific. 

"China has needed no such overselling. Her people are plainly courageous ; 
their patient fortitude and philosophic resignation are unmatched. But an 
enumeration of her virtues should not blind us to her weaknesses : above all, 
it should not lead us to a fallacious conception of Pacific strategy." 

******* 

"She has as yet no real army as we understand the term ; most of her troops 
are poorly led and incapable of effectively utilizing modern arms. They require 
intensive and protracted training, and capable leaders bound together by a 
common loyalty to a common cause. Today there are few such leaders ; too 
many of them are still old war lords, in new clothing, for whom war is a means 
for personal aggrandizement and enrichment. 

"The truth about China — known to a few, but not to millions of Americans — 
is that the military situation there today is bad, has been bad for two years, 
and will probably continue to be bad for some years to come." 

******* 

"The Chinese communiques are almost worthless for obtainng a true picture. 
Had they suffered even half the casualties the Chinese have claimed, the Japa- 
nese would by now have given evidence of a manpower shortage. Sometimes the 
Chinese report battles where there are no battles ; often they exalt skirmishes 
and guerrilla fighting to the status of campaigns. In the recent Tungting Lake- 
Ichang fighting, for example, the Japanese almost certainly never intended — 
as reports from China claimed — to try to take Chungking. Their objective 
patently was the rich Chinese rice-bowl region around Tungting Lake ; they 
took some of it, sacked it and retired. Yet Chinese communiques interpreted the 
Japanese retirement as a great victory." 

In quoting these above statements, we neither endorse nor criticize them. 
They are presented simply to disprove the assertion that in discussing the situa- 
tion in China the I R followed any "line," Communist or otherwise. The logical 
fallacy in attempting to prove by analogy was pointed out by Miss Buck in a letter 
to the New York Herald Tribune, published August 20, 1043. She begins by stat- 
ing that she had welcomed Rodney Gilbert's reply (Herald Tribune, August 16 
and 17, 1043) to Mr. Baldwin's Reader's Digest article. Then Miss Buck says: 

"Mr. Gilbert himself, however, falls into the easy error of oversimplification. 
That is, because one objects to Fascist tendencies in China, as one objects to them 
elsewhere, he leaps to the conclusion that one must be pro-Communist. This 
tendency to oversimplification is everywhere seen in these peculiar times in 
which we live." 

Contrary to the pattern laid down by Mr. Kohlberg, IPR publications during 
the summer and fall of 1043 contained material favorable to or praising the 
Chinese authorities. Among others, the following should be noted : 

The Far Eastern Survey for July 28, 1043 — the issue immediately succeeding 
that containing Bisson's article — carries a leading editorial article praising a set 
of principles enunciated by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek on July 7. 1043. The 
following quotations from this editorial article are pertinent : 

"The destiny of China is one and the same as that of the United Nations — so is 
China's policy. Those are the words of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, spoken 
on the occasion of the sixth anniversary of the war in China. 

"What China sees as her policy and her destiny is that of contributing her full 
strength, not only to bring the war to ;i success i'-il conclusion, but also to establish 
a strong postwar organization which will ensure the peace. 

«* * * jjj S (Chiang Kai-shek's) statement of China's hopes in this connec- 
tion is forthright and challenging, and deserves wider attention than it has had 
in the American press." There follows a long series of quotations from Chiang 
Kai-shek's address (pp. 147-48). 

This editorial article was signed by Catherine Porter, editor <>f the Far Eastern 
Survey. It would indicate that the editor of the Survey was not seeking to 
include only materials critical of < Ihina in the magazine during this period. 

In a friendly analysis entitled "China's Political Development" (Far Eastern 
Survey, October 6, 1043), N. C. Liu, Professor of Political Science at National 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1639 

Wuhan University of China, discusses the meaning of "democracy," and its 
applications in China. He concludes by saying: 

"From the foregoing paragraphs, we may conclude that, since the downfall of 
the monarchy, popular support for the republic has always been strong and that 
the foundation for democratic government is thereby firmly laid; that we have 
for the moment, indeed, only a partially representative government hut we are 
ready to organize true responsible government in the near future; that restric- 
tions are, to be sure, being imposed on popular rights and liberties in wartime, but 
these will be swept away in time of peace; that, as the different parties are now 
reconciled, there is no reason to suppose that they cannot adjust their political 
differences in time to come; and that, as we had the traditional form of popular 
participation in local affairs, legal codification is certainly a step forward. In 
short, it may be accurate to say that China, being a republic, is dedicated to and 
will make great strides toward democracy in the world of tomorrow." 

The September 1&43 issue of Pacific Affairs, the first issue of this quarterly 
which followed publication of Bisson's article, contains an article by Guenther 
Srein entitled "Free China's Agricultural Progress." The first sentence of this 
article reads: "The collection of rice and wheat, partly by way of land tax pay- 
ments in kind and partly by compulsory purchase, has become one of the most 
successful economic policies of the Chinese Government." Statistical data given 
in the rest of the article is devoted mainly to proving the thesis stated in the first 
sentence, although the conclusion stresses the need for agrarian reforms (pp. 
339-343). 

This article would again indicate thai the IPR publications of the period were 
not concentrating on abuse of the Chinese central government. 

Many of the criticisms contained in the Bisson article had been voiced by the 
Chinese themselves. Sun Fo, president of the Legislative Yuan and Kuomintang 
leader, spoke as follows on September 8, 1942 (eight months before the Bisson 
article), in a lecture delivered at Chungking: 

•At present, grain collection has not yet reached its saturation point; the sys- 
tem employed in levying and buying needs to be much improved. The share 
contributed by most of the landowning class is still too light, while self-cultiva- 
tors and tenant farmers are bearing too heavy a burden. Landowners as a 
whole have reaped large fortunes these few years ; those who collect their rent 
in kind and receive grain amounting to several hundred piculs a year are living 
lavishly. Big landlords are proportionally much better off than in prewar days." 

"* * * At present, big landlords are acquiring real estate with their unused 
and unusable wealth from small landowners, mostly self -cultivators, so that the 
wealth produced on the land becomes harmful rather than beneficial to the nation. 
If they invested their money in industries, it would be quite different. P»ut in- 
stead of doing so, they buy more and more farm lands. Land values are thus 
bolstered up ten, twenty, fifty times ; but the agricultural products gathered 
therefrom cannot be increased in any such proportion. Hence, nine-tenths of 
the money sunk in such investments is lying idle from the nation's point of 
view ; and, what is worse, the cost of rice, and with it the general cost of living, 
are artificially raised to incredible heights in order to pay proper interest on 
their uneconomic investments" (Sun Fo, China Looks Forward, John Day, 1944, 
pp. 145-146). 

Sun Fo is not averse to using the word "feudal," which Kohlberg takes excep- 
tion to in the Bisson article. On page 224 he writes : "Not only the traditional 
system of land tenure which still smacks of peasant feudalism, but also the 
antiquated and inefficient method of small-farm individual tilling shall be 
abandoned, and in their places substitutes state or common ownership of land 
and collective and cooperative cultivation." 

Note that in the first of the above quotations, Sun Fo is extremely critical of 
the grain tax in kind. But Guenther Stein, one of the IPR writers cited by 
Kohlberg, wrote favorably in Pacific Affairs (as cited above) of the grain collec- 
tions. In this case, the "critical" IPR writer falls behind Sun Fo in his 
criticism. 

Sun Fo is also highly critical of the political repression and lack of democracy 
which characterizes the Kuomintang Government at Chungking. On pages 108- 
109 of China Looks Forward, he writes : 

"Unfortunately, we have in the past assumed unwillingly the attitude and habit 
of a ruling caste. The suppression of outside criticism against our party, and 
even critisism by our party members is less than one percent of the Chinese popu- 
lation. The Kuomintang is simply a minority in terms of population. But we 



1640 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

have come to regard ourselves as if we were the sovereign power entitled to the 
enjoyment of a special position and to the suppression of all criticism whatsoever 
against us. It is dictatorship and tyranny which the peoples of the world today 
are trying to destroy by means of sacrifices of their lives, and blood. For these 
reasons, we must, first of all, reorientate our psychology and correct our attitude 
of intolerance." 

On page 119 of China Looks Forward he writes : 

"I think there is something wrong with our method of approach. The San- 
Min-Chu-I Youth Corps is supposed to train and organize the promising youth of 
the nation for national service and leadership. This is done by instituting politi- 
cal training and military discipline. Instead of guiding them to think for them- 
selves, it has been drilling them to repeat by rote the San-Min-Chu-I political 
creed. Instead of teaching them the methods of democratic practice and leader- 
ship, it has been imposing upon them military regimentation in the name of 
discipline. Discipline, of course, is required to habituate them to law and order. 
But the thing may be overdone. As a result, the people we are turning out from 
the various training centers become rather like puppets. The first thing they 
learn to perfection is how to click heels at the mention of, or mere reference to,, 
the Supreme Leader. Heel-clicking may be proper in the army, but it is not 
appropriate in a democratic country. For instance, you don't see Englishmen 
jumping up from their seats and clicking their heels at the mere mention of their 
sovereign's name, or have you ever seen or heard that Americans at home or 
abroad would click heels every time President Roosevelt's name is mentioned, 
even at their political party meetings? The only examples of such practice that 
I know of were Russian emigre officers when they spoke of their dead Czar, and 
the German Nazis heil-Hitlering their Fuhrer. But why should we adopt the 
outmoded practice of the Czarist Russians or imitate the behavior of our Nazi 
enemies?" 

P. 26 "Japan's Army on China's Fronts," Gucnther Stein, Far Eastern Survey, 
July 14, 1943 

Mr. Kohlberg here uses comparative "official Chinese figures" to prove that 
Guenther Stein underestimated the number of Japanese troops in China. He 
fails to note, however, that Guenther Stein's material was broadcast by short 
wave from the Chinese government's station at Chungking. As such, his figures 
were subject to censorship. If there was any marked discrepancy, the official 
censors would doubtless have acted, especially on a matter dealing so closely 
with military affairs. Actually, the discrepancy is more apparent than real . 

Guenther Stein counted a total of 30 Japanese divisions "in use" at a given 
moment. Kohlberg's figures state that 42 divisions were "used" in 1943, but not 
all of these may have been "in use" at the time Stein made his estimate — based, 
incidentally, on Chinese official sources. 

P. 26 Far Eastern Survey, May 3, 194-i 

Here Mr. Kohlberg quotes from a statement by Sun Fo as cited in the Survey. 
His quotations carefully eliminate the serious political charges against the 
Kuomintang made by Sun Fo in this statement. The quotations in the Survey 
give Sun Fo's full meaning. A comparison of Mr. Kohlberg's selection with the 
Survey article in this case offers the most striking evidence of bias on the part 
of Mr. Kohlberg and not on the part of the Survey. He states one side ; the 
Survey states both. 

Mr. Kohlberg then omits all quotation from a parallel statement by Raymond 
Gram Swing included in this Survey article. 

P. 31 Behind the Open Door, by Foster Rhea Dulles 

Mr. Kohlberg cites two paragraphs from this booklet, which run to 32 pages. 
The citations indicate that the Soviet Union signed the neutrality treaty with 
Japan "to protect Russia's eastern flank in order that she might be the more free 
to defend her western front against the far greater menace of Germany." They 
also state that both the United States and the Soviet Union "are equally con- 
cerned in the defeat of Japan and the creation of a strong, independent China. 
There should therefore be no conflict in the post-war policies of these two great 
powers fronting the Pacific. It is highly important that they should reach a full 
understanding on all Far Eastern problems. A cordial American-Russian rela- 
tionship would contribute much to the future peace of Asia." 

It is difficult, indeed, to find anything objectionable in these statements. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1641 



Exhirit No. 71 

COMPARISON (il MCCABTHY AND KoHLREKG 



Kohlberg 

Appointed Editor Pacific Affairs, 1934. 
Accompanied E. C. Carter to Moscow. 
"This trip apparently completed his 
conversion to an admiration of the So- 
viet Union's system of government" 
(China Monthly. Oct. 1945). 

"Lattimore told a friend (Freda Ut- 
ley) in London in 1930 that he almost 
lost his job for publishing an article 
by Harold Isaacs, a Trotskyite" (China 
Monthly, Oct. 1945). 



"Lattimore continued with other du- 
ties including service on the editorial 
hoard of AMERASIA and the editorship 

of Pacific Affair* until 1941" (China 
Monthly, Oct. 1945). 

Kohlberg's version of the Communist 
line as allegedly followed by IPR and 
IPR publications in reference to Chi- 
nese government. 

(Letter from Alfred Kohlberg dated 
March 18, 1947, to members of AIPR :) 

(1) "Beginning 1„37 and up to the 
end of 1939, the IPR articles uniformly 
praised the government of Chiang Kai- 
Shek." 

(2) "After the Hitler-Stalin alliance 
of Aug. 23, 1939, the IPR soured on 
Chiang Kai-shek and by 1941 were stat- 
ing that in the government of China 
'uncertain quarters were "pro-Nazi" 
and were "willing to make peace with 
Japan." 'Fascist ideas were popular- 
ized among and praised by Kuomintang 
members' ' (Compare Lattimore's 
secret letter to E. C. Carter in the en- 
closed article from Plain Talk). 

(3) "Then came the day that shook 
the pro-Communist world when Hitler 
invaded Russia, June 22, 1941. That 
day was a Sunday if I remember cor- 
rectly and it caught Frederick V. Field, 
formerly Secretary and now member 
of the Executive Committee of the IPR 
leading the picket line in front of the 
White House with placards proclaiming 
'FDR is a War-Monger. * * *' 
This same day caught the IPR and the 
Communist press equally flatfooted. 
So the IPR and Communist line 
switched again to the most fulsome 
praise of Chiang Kai-shek and the 
Kuomintang. * * * No longer did 
they charge Chiang Kai-shek with 
'negotiating to join the Axis.' This 
praise of Chiang Kai-shek's government 
continued until the summer of 1943." 

(4) "Beginning in the summer of 
1943, both IPR and the Communist 
press changed to abuse of China." 



McCarthy 

McCarthy notes somewhere on page 
231-35 in a hearing that Lattimore was 
editor of Pacific Affairs from 1 !i: ',4-1941 . 



McCarthy, in a hearing (p. 194) 
quotes from Freda Utley's book Lost 
Illusion "he [Lattimore] told me a few 
months later in London how he almost 
lost his position as Editor of Pacific 
Affairs because he had published an ar- 
ticle by the Trotskyist, Harold Isaacs.'' 

P. 220 (Hearing Record) introduced 
Exhibit L-2 which connected Lattimore 
with Amerasia editorial board. 



(Page 4440, Cong. Record, March 30, 
1950:) "In 1935 at the World Commu- 
nist meeting in Moscow * * * the 
so-called United Front or Trojan horse 
policy was adopted — a policy calling 
for the Communists to combine with 
the governments in power and to get 
into strategic positions so that Moscow 
could control or at least exert influence 
on governments in question. At this 
time in 1935 * * * Chiang Kai- 
shek made an agreement with the Chi- 
nese Communists. 

"From 1935 to 1939 the Communist 
line was pro-Chiang Kai-shek. 

"In 1939 after the signing of the 
Hitler-Stalin Pact and the Stalin-Mat- 
souka Pact, the Communist Party line 
again became anti-Chiang Kai-shek. 

"As the Senate will recall, this con- 
tinued until June 22, 1941, the day Hitler 
invaded Russia, at which time the Com- 
munist Party line again switched and 
was pro-Chiang Kai-shek. 

"This continued until 1943. The 
Senate will recall the Russian victory 
at Stalingrad in the early spring of 
1943 and the reversal in the course of 
the war at that point. * * * The 
Communist Party line again definitely 
became anti-Chiang Kai-shek." 



1642 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



Lattimore Defended Purse Trials 
(China Monthly, Oct. 1945) : The real 
point, of course, for those who live in 
democratic countries, is whether the 
discovery of the conspiracies was a 
triumph for democracy or not. I think 
that can he easily determined. The ac- 
counts of the most widely read Moscow 
correspondents all emphasize that since 
'the close scrutiny of every person in a 
responsible position, folowing the trials, 
a great many abuses have been dis- 
covered and rectified. A lot depends on 
whether you emphasize the discovery of 
the abuse or the rectification of it ; but 
habitual rectification can hardly do any- 
thing but give the ordinary citizen more 
courage to protest, loudly, whenever in 
the future he finds himself being vic- 
timized by "someone in the party" or 
'■someone in the Government." That 
sounds to me like democracy. Pacific 
Affairs, Sept. 1938, p. 371. 

Book jacket Solution In Asia quoted 
by Kohlberg (China Monthly, Oct. 
1945) : He shows that all the Asiatic 
peoples are more interested in actual 
democratic practices, such as they see 
in action across the Russian border, 
than they are in the fine theories of 
Anglo-Saxon democracies which come 
coupled with ruthless imperialism. He 
inclines to support American newspaper- 
men wlio report that the only real de- 
mocracy in China is found in Commu- 
nist areas. 

Solution in Asia. The jacket. 

Article, "I. P. R. — Tokyo Axis" by 
Sheppard Marley in Plain Talk, Dec. 19, 
1946 (attached). In which was dis- 
cussed IPR as action and pressure 
group. 

Letter to Watertown Daily Times, 
Watertown, N. Y., Dec. 6, 1946: At- 
tacked Lattimore for his alleged shift in 
attitude toward Chiang between 1943 
and 1946. 



Letter to members of IPR. March 18, 
1947: "Members of our Board of Trus- 
tees and our Staff managed to get con- 
trol of the Far Eastern Division of the 
State Dept., UXRRA, and OWI where 
they loaded all three with pro-Com- 
munists. Two of them, < Kvi'ii Lattimore 
and John Carter Vincent, accompanied 
Henry Wallace to China in 1!>44 and 
talked that adolescent into reporting to 
Roosevelt that 'we were backing the 
wrong horse in China. * * *' " 



On page 237 of the Hearing Record 
McCarthy says: "Mr. Lattimore praised 
the net result of tbe Moscow trials and 
the blood purge by which Stalin se- 
cured his dictatorship in 1936-1939 'as 
a triumph for democracy.' " 



I Page 4447, Cong. Record, March 30, 
1950) : "This is what the editor says 
about the book : 'He shows that all 
Asiatic people are more interested in 
actual democratic practices such as the 
ones they can see in action across the 
Russian border than they are in the 
fine theories of Anglo-Saxon democra- 
cies which come coupled with ruthless 
imperialism. * * *' He inclines to 
support American newspapermen who 
report that the only real democracy in 
China is found in Communist areas." 

Article read into record by McCarthy 
( Pages 4461 to 4463, Cong. Record ) . 



(Cong. Record, p. 4441 :) •'The Senate 
will recall the date of this letter, June 
15, 1943, the time when Chiang Kai- 
shek was our very badly needed ally in 
the Pacific. * * * It was at this 
time that Lattimore sends this highly 
secret letter in which he twice urges the 
strictest secrecy lie followed in getting 
rid of any Chinese who are loyal to our 
ally, Chiang Kai-shek. * * *" 

(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) "In 1944 he 
I Lattimore] and John Carter Vincent 
accompanied Henry Wallace on a tour 
of China after which Wallace made his 
report to the State Dept., recommend- 
ing tlit- torpedoing on Chiang Kai-shek." 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1643 



"Owen Lattimore, Director, School of 
Internationa] Relations, Johns Hopkins 
University. Advisor to Pros. Roosevelt, 
Pres. Truman, Henry Wallace, was 

connected with pro-Communist Nat'l 
Emergency Conference for Protection 
of Human Rights; Washington Com- 
mittee to Aid China, Writers Congress. 
Defense of Moscow Purge Trials, Asso- 
ciate editor of Amerasia. Maintains 
liaison with heads of Communist 
Party. Reportedly operative for So- 
viet Military Intelligence in Far East." 



See previous statement by Kohlberg. 



(China Monthly, Oct. 1948:) "Latti- 
more, head of OWI Far East Division, 
San Francisco, sent orders to his su- 
perior in New York (Joseph F. Barnes, 
later Foreign Editor N. Y. Herald 
Tribune * * *) to fire all Chinese 
staff members who sympathized with 
their own government and replace them 
with Communist from the newly 
launched New China Daily News, New 
York Chinese language daily." 



(Hearing Record, pp. 259-62:) As- 
sociates Lattimore with Maryland Asso. 
for Democratic Rights which he alleges 
to he an affiliate of the Nat'l Emer- 
gency Conference for Democratic 
Rights. 

Principal speaker at meeting of 
Wash. Committee for Aid to China. 

On Oct. 1, 2, 3, of 1943 meeting of 
Writers Congress and Hollywood Writ- 
ers of Mobilization at the Univ. of 
Calif., L. A., campus in Westwood "ap- 
pearing as the representative of the 
Office of War Information was Mr. 
Owen Lattimore." 

"In the magazine Pacific Affairs of 
Sept. 1938, Owen Lattimore described 
the Moscow Purge Trials as a 'triumph 
for Democracy.' " 

(Pages 333-334, Hearing Record:) 
"It perhaps should be mentioned here 
that Owen Lattimore was formerly an 
editor of Amerasia. 

(Page 4445, Cong. Rec. :) "The tes- 
timony will be that the head of the 
Russian Intelligence told this witness 
[the Russian General] * * * that 
they were having excellent success 
through the Institute of Pacific Rela- 
tions which the Soviet Intelligence 
through Communists in the U. S. had 
taken over. In connection with this he 
particularly mentioned Owen Latti- 
more. * * * " 

(Cong. Record, p. 4440:) "This is a 
letter * * * dated 6-15-1943 which 
is when the line had again swung to 
anti-Chiang Kai-shek. This is a letter 
from Owen Lattimore, Director of 
Pacific Operations, OWI. The odd thing 
is that he is writing to his boss in the 
government service, telling the story to 
him, not writing to someone who is 
working for him. * * * 

"In it he directs the recipient of the 
letter to get rid of the Chinese in OWI 
who were loyal to either the Nationalist 
gov't or Wang Ching-wei. * * * 

"He then issues instructions that the 
personnel be recruited from the share- 
holders of the New China Daily News, 
a Chinese Communist paper in New 
York." 

(Cong. Record, p. 4460 :) "In 1947 one 
of the members of the Board [of IPR], 
one of the good American members in- 
sisted that there be an investigation to 
determine the extent to which the Com- 
munists had taken over control of the 
American Council of IPR." 



68970— 50— pt. 2- 



-11 



1644 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



(China Monthly, Dec. 1049, p. 243:) 
"The White Paper and the State Dept. 
categorically deny that Vice President 
Wallace made any written report to 
Pres. Roosevelt on his return from 
China. In spite of this denial, Amb. 
Hurley states that he read Mr. Wal- 
lace's report which was shown to him 
by John Carter Vincent who accom- 
panied Wallace." 

(China Monthly, Sept. 1946, p. 325:) 
"Editorial suggestions (according to the 
introduction) were made by John Haz- 
ard, Owen Lattimore, Joseph Barnes, 
Albert Rhys Taylor, and Dr. Treadwell 
Smith. * * *" 

Kohlberg's article "China via Stilwell 
Road," China Monthly, Oct. 1948, has 
the central idea that Stilwell was a 
sucker for Owen Lattimore and others 
such as Theodore White, John Fairbank, 
and Joseph Barnes. 



(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) "Inciden- 
tally in this connection the State Dept. 
issued a press release * * * denying 
the existence of such a report and stat- 
ing as follows :" 



(Article entitled "Who Is Respon- 
sible for Chinese Tragedy" China 
Monthly, Dec. 1949:) Main thesis is 
that a pro-Soviet clique headed by 
Dean Acheson was responsible for 
yielding China to Communists. 



(Letter to members of IPR. March 
18, 1947 : ) "Our Board of Trustees (47) 
scattered all over the country never 
meets. The Executive Committee (10) 
is chairmaned by a Californian who 
never attends. The connections of the 
others are as per attached sheet. Most 
of our Trustees are of course not Com- 
munists. * * * 



(China Monthly, Dec. 1949:) "The 
White Paper reveals in reports of Em- 
bassy attaches Ludden, Davies, Service, 
and George Atcheson a determination 
to discredit, the National Government 
and to build up a picture of the Chinese 
Communists as ardent fighters for de- 
mocracy." 



(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) Upon his 
return from this trip, Henry Wallace 
wrote a book entitled Soviet Asia 
Mission in which he pay tribute to 
Owen Lattimore for his invaluable 
assistance. 

(Cong. Record, p. 4445:) "I think 
Lattimore was as much responsible if 
not more so for Stilwell's activities in 
China than any other one individual." 



(Cong. Record, p. 4446:) "He [a mys- 
tery witness] points out that : the Lat- 
timore crowd was responsible for the 
indoctrination of Stilwell against 
Chiang Kai-shek." 

(Cong. Record, p. 4445:) "* * * I 
am sure that if the Senator will sit 
here and will listen to the material 
which I am presenting he will be con- 
vinced that the clique of Lattimore, 
Jessup, and Service has been respon- 
sible, almost completely — under Ache- 
son of course — for what went on in the 
Far East. * * *" 

(Cong. Record, p. 4463:) "Since its 
creation it has had on both Board of 
Trustees and Executive Committee a 
very sizeable number of outstanding 
and loyal Americans. Membership on 
the Board of Trustees or on the Execu- 
tive Committee in no way in and of it- 
self indicates any Communist sympa- 
thies or leanings. * * * However, 
as far as I know, the Board actually 
never meets but does its business by 
having the various members send in 
their proxies. 

(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) "* * * 
the reports from its foreign service of- 
ficials in China during the war as given 
in the White Paper read like extracts 
from Lattimore's books. * * * These 
Chinese Communists are represented 
by Lattimore and his friends in the 
State Dept., as 'democrats', 'liberal 
agrarian reformers', 'progressives not 
under Moscow's direction' or more re- 
cently as 'detachable from' Soviet 
Russia." 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1645 



(China Monthly. A.ug. 1949:) "Under 
Philip Jessup's direction the Far East- 
ern Survey of July 14, 1943, the first 
blast in the campaign against the Na- 
tionalist government of China was pub- 
lished." "Referring to what is called 
the two Chinas, it said in an article 
Signed by T. A. Bisson. * * •" 

(China Monthly, Any. 1949:) "One 
is now generally called Kuomintang 
China, the other is called Communist 
China. However, these are only Party 
labels. To be more descriptive, the one 
might be called feudal China, the other 
democratic China." (Bisson's state- 
ment ) . 

"This theme song of Democratic Com- 
munist China and 'feudal fascist reac- 
tionary' Nationalist China was taken 
up the following month by the Daily 
Worker, the New Masses, and others." 



(China Monthly, Aug. 1949:) "When 
charges of Communist-line activities 
were made against the 1PR in 1947 he 
signed a letter denying the charges and 
questioning motives behind such 
charges. When the question of ap- 
pointing a committee to investigate 
came before a membership meeting, he 
voted against any investigation." 



(China Monthly, Aug. 1949, p. 168:) 
"Professor Jessup must therefore be 
honored by our State Dept., as the initi- 
ator of the smear campaign against Na- 
tionalist China and Chiang Kai-shek, 
and the originator of the myth of the 
democratic Chinese Communists." 



(China Monthly, August 1949, 
168:) Communist fronts sponsored 
Jessup according to Kohlberg : 
The American-Russian Institute 
National Emergency Conference 
American Law Students Asso. 
Nat'l Emergency Conference for 

ocratie Rights 
Coordinating Committee to Lift 

Embargo 



P. 
by 



Dem- 



(Cong. Record, p. 4463:) "The first 
blast in this campaign was fired in Jes- 
sup's publication on July 14, 1943, in an 
article signed by T. A. Bisson." 



"Under him [Dr. Jessup] the Council 
bi-weekly publication, Far Eastern Sur- 
vey, pioneered the smear campaign 
against Chiang Kai-shek, and the idea 
the Communists in China were merely 
agrarian reformers and not Commu- 
nists at all." 

(Page 4464:) "Prof. Jessup must, 
therefore, be credited by the American 
people with having pioneered the smear 
campaign against Nationalist China 
and Chiang Kai-shek, and with being 
the originator of the myth of the "Demo- 
cratic" Chinese Communists. From 
that time onward we witness the spec- 
tacle of this 3-horse team of smears and 
untruths thundering down the stretch — 
Jessup's publications, Far Eastern Sur- 
vey, the Daily Worker, and Isvestzia." 

(Jessup) (Cong. Record, p. 4460:) 
"In 1947 one of the members of the 
board, one of the good American mem- 
bers, insisted that there be an investi- 
gation to determine extent to which 
the Communists had taken over con- 
trol of the American Council of IRP 
[sic]. That was very vigorously op- 
posed. Keep in mind that at that time 
Frederick V. Field was a member of the 
Board. Hiss was then a member or was 
shortly thereafter. One of the men who 
vigorously protested, and sent a letter 
over his name, which I have, objecting 
strenuously to any such investigation, 
was our Ambassador at Large, Philip 
Jessup." 

(Cong. Record, p. 4464:) "Prof. Jes- 
sup must, therefore, be credited by the 
American people with having pioneered 
the smear campaign against Nationalist 
China and Chiang Kai-shek, and with 
being the originator of the myth of the 
'democratic' Chinese Communists." 

(Cong. Record, p. 4465:) McCarthy's 

list: 

American Law Students Asso. 

United Students Peace Conference 

Nat'l Emergency Conference for Dem- 
ocratic Rights 

National Emergency Conference 



the 



1646 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

(China Monthly, August, 1949, p. (Cong. Record, p. 4465:) "I have in 
168 •) "[Jessup was] signer of letter in my hand a photostat of the N. Y. Times 
the N Y. Times, Feb. 16, 1946, urging dated Feb. 16, 1946. * * * In this 
'the cessation of atomic bomb produc- letter the brilliant Dr. Jessup urges not 
tion > » only that we quit producing atomic 

bombs but that we eliminate the neces- 
sary ingredients which were produced 
for the atomic bomb by 'means such as 
dumping them in the ocean.' " 

(Letter to Mr. E. C. Carter Dec. 26, (Cong. Record, p. 4464-65:) "The 

1946:) "In my opinion this organization magazine Amerasia about whose Com- 

( Committee for a Democratic Far East- munist line there can be no question for 

ern Policy) ■ was set up by the a period of time had its offices right 

IPR. * * * just as much as Amer- next to the offices of the Jessup publi- 

asia was (which was also not officially cation for IPR." 
connected although it made its office 
with you in the early years)." 



Exhibit No. 72 

A CONFERENCE ON DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS 

June 14 and 15, 1940, at the Parish Hall of Emmanuel Church, Cathedral and 

Read Streets, Baltimore, Maryland 

"freedom of religion, speech, press, assembly ... no unreasonable 
search ... no arrest without warrant . . . right to trial by 
jury . . . equal protection to all persons." 

Called by Maryland Association for Democratic Rights, 19 Medical Arts Building 

Program 

friday evening, june 14 

Opening Meeting 8 : 30 p. m. 

"Democratic Rights and National Defense" 

Presiding Chairman: Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, Temporary Vice Chairman, 

Maryland Association for Democratic Rights. 
Speakers: 

Josephine Truslow Adams, Swarthmore College, Descendants of the American 

Revolution. 
Walter White, Secretary, National Association for the Advancement of Col- 
ored People. 
Charles I. Stewart, Member New York Board of Education, Director Ameri- 
can Union for Democracy, Inc. 
Morris Watson, Vice President, American Newspaper Guild. 

SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JUNE 15 

Registration 1 : 00 p. m. 

General Session 1 : 30-2 : 00 p. m. 

Presiding Chairman: Rev. Theodore P. Ferris. 
Address: Samuel L. M. Barlow, National Emergency Conference for Democratic 

Rights. 
Round Table Discussions 2 : 00-4 : 00 p. m. 

ROUND TARLE I. DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND LABOR 

Issues Involved : National Defense and Civil Liberties ; the industrial mobiliza- 
tion plan ; legislation and trade-unions ; antitrust prosecutions : 

Chairman: Merle Vincent, President, Washington Committee for Democratic 
Action. 






STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 



1647 



Speakers: 

Richard Lindsley, United Electrical Radio & Machine Workers. 

Charles W. Mitzel, Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen. 

George Engeman, Baltimore Newspaper Guild. 

Harry Cohen, President, Teamsters Joint Council No. 62, A. F. of L. 

ROUNO TABLE II. DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND MINORITIES 

Issues involved : The attack upon the foreign born ; Discrimination against the 
Negro; the anti-lynehing Bill; anti-Semitism; civil rights of political minori- 
ties ; intellectual freedom in the schools. 

Chairman: Dean George C. Grant, Morgan State College. 
Spcakeis: 

Alan Cranston, Foreign Language Information Service. 
Dr. Floyd Banks, Morgan State College. 
E. Foster Dowell, Hollins College. 
Wilfred T. McQuaid, Attorney. 

ROUND TABLE III. DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND THE CHURCH 

Issues involved : The Church and intolerance ; religion in a democratic society ; 
freedom of speech for the clergy ; the responsibility of the Church in the face 
of attacks upon minorities. 

Chairman: Jesse A. Stanfield, Council of the Fellowship of reconciliation. 
Speakers: 

Rev. Gottleib Siegenthaler, Pastor, St. Matthew's Evangelical Reform 

Church. 
Roland Watts, President, Baltimore Peace Congress. 
Rev. Jolm O. Spencer, Former President, Morgan State College ; Former 
Chairman, Maryland Interracial Commission. 
Business Session 4 : 00-5 : 30 p. m. 

Reports by the Chairmen of Round Tables, with recommendations for action. 
Election of Officers and Executive Committee. 

The purposes of the Round Table Discussions will be : 

(1) To point out the dangers threatening civil rights and the security of 
democratic institutions in daily life and in the legislative assemblies of the 
state and nation ; 

(2) To determine the best and most fruitful methods of coping with these 
dangers, suggesting a program of action to be developed by churches, schools, 
labor unions, fraternal orders and other organizations. 

Maryland Association for Democratic Rights 

Affiliated to the National Emergency Conferenc for Democratic Rights 

Franz Boas, National Honorary Chairman 

TEMPORARY OFFICERS 

Wm. F. Cochran, Chairman 

Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, Vice Chairman 

Edna R. Walls, Secretary 

Albert Lion, Jr., Treasurer 

Bert L. Clarke, Executive Secretary 



Mr. & Mrs. Leo Alpert 
Mr. & Mrs. I. Duke Avnet 
Dr. Floyd Bank 
Walter Bohanan ■ 
Gertrude C. Bussey 
Marthe-Ann Chapman 
Savilla Cogswell 
J. Marjorie Cook 
Mrs. Henry E. Corner 
Dorothy Currie 



SPONSORS OF THE CONFERENCE 

Fred D'Avila 
Carrington L. Davis 
Mrs. Emond S. Donoho 
Jacob J. Edelman 
Daniel Ellison 
Dr. Ernst Feise 
Mr. & Mrs. Bliss Forbush 
Dr. Jonas Friedenwald 
Helen Garvin 
Mrs. Leon Ginsberg 



Mr. & Mrs. A. Goldman 
Richard Goodman 
Sarah Hartman 
Mary Hastings 
Dr. Dwight O. W. Holmes 
Mrs. Anne G. Huppman 
Owen Lattimore 
Mrs. Owen Lattimore 
Clare Leighton 
Edward S. Lewis 



1648 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

sponsors of the conference — continued 

Dr. & Mrs. Richard Lyman Maizie Rappaport H. Bowen Smith 

Charles W. Mitzel Leon Rubenstein William Smith 

Dr. Samuel Morrison Dr. Leon Sachs Win. F. Stark 

Samuel R. Morsell C. A. B. Shreve Arthur K. Taylor 

Rev. Joseph S. Nowak, Jr. Dr. Henry E. Sigerist 

In his last speech to the Senate the late Senator William E. Borah said: 
"So long as the Bill of Rights stands and is preserved in its integrity, so long 
as we live up to its terms and conditions, there can be no denial of free speech, 
of free press, no religious persecution, no arbitrary government, no concentration 
camps, no breaking into homes, no unlawful arrests, no denial of personal liberty. 
When so-called emergency legislation strikes at this sacred document in any 
particular it should be stricken down without hesitancy. If doubts are to be 
indulged in, they should be resolved against all possible encroachments." 

This Conference has been called to provide an opportunity in these difficult, 
hysterical times for people to stop and think things out clearly, for what is needed 
now is clarity and courage, not suspicion and fear. The Maryland Association 
for Democratic Rights hopes and believes that individuals and organizations 
will want to join with it in its program for the defense of democratic institutions. 



Exhibit No. 73 

(Note. — The excerpts from letters included within this exhibit reflect the views 
of the outstanding scholars and experts on Far Eastern history and politics. 
Some of these letters were mailed directly to Mr. or Mrs. Lattimore or Mr. Lat- 
timore's attorneys, and others are copies of letters sent to various Members of 
Congress, the copies being sent to Mr. or Mrs. Lattimore or Mr. Lattimore's 
attorneys.) 

Excerpts From Letters and Telegrams From Scholars With a Professional 
Knowledge of Owen Lattimore's Work 

Nathaniel Peffer, Prof, of International Relations, Columbia Univ. Author: 
Basis for Peace in the Far East; America's Place in the World. 

I think if you canvass all the Far Eastern people in this country, including 
all who have known Lattimore long and well, that you will have an almost 
unanimous vote of confidence as to his character and integrity. I doubt whether 
you will find anybody in that class in whose mind the question has ever arisen. 

To say that he is a Russian agent is fantastic or lunatic. In any event it 
mu,st be clear that the effect on himself, his family, and his career is or can be 
tragic. In that sense the whole episode is dreadfully unfair. 

If I seem to use strong language, please believe me, it is not stronger than 
the feeling of most of us. 

Derk Bodde, Asso. Prof, of Chinese, Univ. of Penna. Author: China's First 
Unifier, etc. 
I hope you will forgive me for speaking my mind very strongly but I can no 
longer refrain from expressing my disgust and abhorrence at the antics taking 
place in Washington which have culminated in the case of Owen Lattimore. 
Knowing Mr. Lattimore as I have for many years, the charges are so utterly 
ridiculous that it is hard for me to believe that any seriously minded person 
can take them at their face value. If they deserved a hearing at all, the least 
that could be done, on the grounds of common decency, would be to conduct the 
hearings in camera. The present policy of splashing them across the headlines 
of the world press not only throws unjustified villiftcation on loyal Americans who 
are doing their best for their country, and drives intelligent men out of govern- 
ment employment at a time when their knowledge and skills are most needed. 
It also weakens our foreign policy by presenting the outside world with a pic- 
ture of a divided America, and most important of all. makes a farce of the demo- 
cratic process as it operates in this country. I speak with some feeling on 
this last point, having recently returned from a year in China where I had the 
chance to have contacts with numerous non-Communist Chinese intellectuals 
who were once favorably disposed to the United States but no longer are so 
today. I can well imagine these men, as they read the accounts of the Washing- 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1649 

ton investigations well played up in the Chinese Communist press, saying to 
themselves: "If this is the best American democracy can show for itself, we 
want no part of it." In short, what is new happening in Washington provides 
Communists in China and elsewhere with unparalleled anti-American propa- 
ganda. 

Paul M. A. Ltnerargeh, Professor of Asiatic Politics, School of Advanced Inter- 
national Studies, Washington, D. C. Author : The Political Doctrines of Sun 
Tat-Sen; The Ch'nia of Chiang Kai-Shek, etc.: 

Having opposed the views of Owen Lattimore for some years with respect 
to America's China policy, 1 feel that I am entitled to protest the fantastic way 
in which Lattimore has heen injured without opportunity of previous hearing 
or of subsequent redress commensurate to the damage done him. 

I have opposed the weak and silly policy of the State Department toward the 
Kuomintang, which I respect. I have regarded the Marshall mission as a wild- 
goose chase. I have supported the pro-Chiang and anti-Lattimore viewpoint 
for some years. But I draw the line at hearing the issue in this fashion. 

If Lattimore is a "master spy," the Saturday Evening Post is a voice of Mos- 
cow, General Marshall a traitor, and Elmer Davis a rascal. 

There is a case against Lattimore's views. I have tried to make it as a 
Federal Employee, as a G-2 officer in Stilwell's headquarters, as a Joint Chiefs 
of Staff liaison officer to the OWI, and as a postwar private scholar. But the 
case is one which can be made honestly against the views. To make it a charge 
against the man reduces our republican and democratic processes to absurdity. 

Allow me, sir, as a known opponent of Lattimore's viewpoint, to protest the 
tactless melodrama with which he has been attacked. The Senate of the United 
States will be the ultimate sufferer if careful and exact justice is not done 
in this case. 

May I recommend, sir, that when the charges of Senator McCarthy are aired 
and dismissed, the Senate of the United States consider a resolution of apology 
to each individual who has been hurt by this exercise of a prerogative which is, 
after all. sacred first to the Senate as a whole and only thereafter to its 
individual members. Such a resolution might help Lattimore somewhat ; it 
will be enough if it deters comparable attacks in the future. 

Andrew G. Truxal, President, Hood College, Frederick, Md. : 

May I respectfully request that Dr. Owen Lattimore, on his return to this 
country, be granted every privilege and opportunity to clear himself of the 
charges being currently made aaginst him. As a former colleague of his dis- 
tinguished father, Professor David Lattimore, at Dartmouth College, I know 
the family and the charge that Dr. Owen Lattimore is the "top Soviet espionage 
agent" is simply fantastic. 

John K. Fairbank, Professor of History, Harvard University. Author : The 
United States and China: 

Senator McCarthy's allegation that Owen Lattimore is a "top Soviet agent" 
seems to me completely incredible, on the basis of my long acquaintance with Mr. 
Lattimore and with his writings. I have specialized on Chinese history since 
1929, have known Owen Lattimore since 1932, and in the course of my professional 
work have had occasion to read a very considerable amount of what he has writ- 
ten, both in books and in articles. I have also heard him speak many times and 
have had conversations with him many times. I have never heard him express 
views or make statements which were disloyal in character, and I firmly believe 
him to be a thoroughly loyal and law-abiding American citizen who is devoted 
to the free, democratic way of life in this country. 

Considering our urgent national need, in the dire struggle against Russia in 
Asia, for expert knowledge of Asia such as Mr. Lattimore demonstrably possesses, 
it seems to me the national interest demands that the accusation of disloyalty 
against him he thoroughly investigated and publicly disproved, as I am confident 
it will be, so that his future usefulness to his country will be impaired as little as 
possible. 

H. H. Fisher, Chairman of the Herbert C. Hoover Institute and Lihrary, Stanford 
University; Director, Civil Affairs Training School, 1943-1945; Director, 
Belgian-American Educational Foundation. Author : The Famine in Soviet 
Russia; A Toicer to Peace, etc. : 

I have known Mr. Owen Lattimore and Mrs. Esther Caulkin Brunauer for many 
years. I know them to be citizens of wide knowledge and exceptional ability, 



1650 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

which they have employed in the service of our country. They are incapable by 
character and temperament of being Communists or Communist sympathizers. 

Frederic C. Lane, Professor of History, The Johns Hopkins University ; Editor, 
Journal of Economic History: 

From one source or another during the last twenty-five years I have heard the 
Communist line and observed its gyrations. Lattimore has not followed the Com- 
munist line. He is an independent thinker with whom I have sometimes agreed, 
sometimes disagreed. But I never had any reason to think him a Communist 
or to doubt his good faith and loyalty. 

B. C. Hopper, Professor of Government, Harvard University. Author : Sover- 
eignty in the Arctic ; The War for Eastern Europe. 

I worked intimately with Owen Lattimore for three years in the Council on 
Foreign Relations, New York. And, naturally, I know his writing. It is beyond 
belief that he could be a spy, a Communist (definitely a card-bearing member 
of the party), or could have worked for the Soviet government against his own 
country. 

The use of such high-powered labels, upon what seems to be conjecture as 
evidence, discredits the government machinery set up for social protection. 

Robert I. Crane, Department of History, University of Chicago. 

I do not know Dr. Lattimore personally, but I know his views and writings. 
In them he is clearly not a pro-Communist. In fact, he has stood forth as an 
unselfish American citizen trying to advise a more viable foreign policy that 
would prevent China from going Communist. One may even differ with Dr. 
Lattimore's opinions and still realize that he is sincerely trying to think our 
foreign policy out in a constructive, pro-American fashion. 

Mary C. Wright (Mrs. A. F.), The Hoover Institute and Library, Stanford 
University, Calif. 

You are not here dealing with an obscure individual whose views and connec- 
tions are diffieut to pin down. Nor are you dealing with a politically naive 
individual whose research is remote from contemporary issues and who might 
therefore be the dupe of foreign agents. The way in which Mr. Lattimore's 
views have developed and the direction in which he has made his influence 
felt are perfectly plain, and they are sharply and fundamentally at variance 
with Communist and Communist-front programs. Mr. Lattimore's work is char- 
acterized to perhaps a greater degree than that of any other scholar in the Far 
Eastern field by precisely that kind of free-ranging, creative thinking which is the 
chief bulwark of free peoples against the subversion of their institutions. He is 
the- last man who would tolerate any kind of strait-jacket, and it is literally im- 
possible that he could associate himself with the ruthless discipline and dogma- 
tism of the Communist Party. 

This completely unfounded and unwarranted attack on him is itself a grave 
threat to American liberty. I earnestly hope that your committee will lose no 
time in investigating the facts and making public your findings. 

Marion J. Levy, Jr., Assistant Professor of Sociology, Princeton, N. J. 

I am writing you about Senator McCarthy's accusation that Owen Lattimore 
was a "top Soviet agent." I have not known Mr. Lattimore intimately, but I 
have long used his scholarly works, and I have had a number of personal con- 
tacts with the man. At no time in my knowledge of either the man or his work 
have ever know him to express views which were disloyal to our country. 

Woodbridge Bingham, Columbia University. Letter to Senator Tydings. 

At this time when Mr. Lattimore's good name is under suspicion I wish to 
go on record as having the utmost confidence in his integrity as a scholar and 
as a person. I cannot think of him in any way but as a loyal American. 

May I take the liberty of appealing to you to see that Mr. Lattimore is com- 
pletely cleared of whatever is unfounded in the current charges against him. 
By so doing you will not only be of service to Mr. Lattimore and to those who 
have a personal interest in him but also to those who are working for the best 
interests of the United States in its international relations. 

Harold Vinacke, Professor of Political Science, University of Cincinnati. 
Author: Far E<i*t in Modern Times. 

As a student of Far Eastern history and politics over a period of twenty-five 
years, I have had occasion to examine Mr. Lattimore's writings with some care. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1651 

I have found myself in disagreement with Mr. Lattimore's views and findings 
«n occasion. 1 have also found myself in agreemenl with him on occasion, in 
case of either agreement or disagreement, I have never had any reason to be- 
lieve that his views were not honestly and objectively arrived at. It is obvious 
that there is a wide area of national foreign policy in which there may be honest 
difference of opinion as to the expedient course to follow in protecting and ad- 
vancing the interests of the United states. A case in point is the question of 
recognition of the Chinese Communist regime. It does not follow that because 
recognition lias been extended by the U. S. S. R. tb.it an advocate of recognition 
by the United Stales would be seeking to promote Russian rather than American 
interests. There is plenty of historical evidence that individuals of unquestioned 
loyalty honestly come to what prove to be unwise or unsound conclusions as to 
what the national interest requires. I believe that the record will show that Mr. 
Lattimore's views, whether correct or incorrect, as to national policy, have been 
derived from his own independent analysis of the existing situation in the Far 
East and the response to the policy situation which he honestly believes will best 
advance the interests of the United States. There is no evidence, on the record 
as I know it, which would sustain the allegation that be is or has been, seeking to 
promote the interests of the Soviet Union rather than the interests of the United 
States. As I have stated above, I have on occasion found myself in disagreement 
with some of his conclusions as to what would best serve American interests. 
But that has never led me to conclude that be was not fundamentally motivated by 
loyalty to the United States. 

Hymax Kubijn, Assistant Professor of History, Brooklyn College. 

The serious allegations made by Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin impugning the 
loyalty of Owen Lattimore can appear only as fantastic to those familiar with his 
scholarly career. As a student of the Far Eastern field for the past twelve years 
and a close follower of Mr. Lattimore's work, I wish to state that at no time 
have I had cause to question his devotion to this country and the democratic way 
of life. His numerous books and articles have in my opinion clearly presented 
an over-all pattern of opposition to the policies of Soviet Russia. Charges of 
"pro-Soviet" inclinations and beliefs against Mr. Lattimore based on bis pub- 
lished writings can only proceed from distortion of his 'theses and removal of 
quotations from context. 

George B. Cressey, Chairman, Department of Geography, Syracuse University ; 

Member. Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions. Author : Field Work in 

Mongolia, Tibet, and Interior of China — 1932-1929; Asia's Lands and Peoples, 

etc. 

May I express my deep concern over the unsupported attacks which are being 

made on Owen Lattimore, Haldore Hanson, and others, without supporting 

evidence. I am under the impression that under Anglo-Saxon law a person 

is to be regarded as innocent until proven guilty, or certainly until specific 

evidence is forthcoming. In a police state, on the other hand, guilt is assumed 

as soon as anyone mentions rumor or suspicion. 

I consider that these whole proceedings, including the attacks on the Secretary 
of State, are the most effective device to impair our standing abroad and to 
create a situation favorable to communistic propaganda. One might make a good 
case for an assertion that Senator McCarthy and his associates are the most 
effective agents for communistic agitation which are currently operating in the 
United States. 

Langdox Waexer, Curator of Oriental Art, Fogg Museum, Harvard University 
I have known him (Mr. Lattimore) intimately, both in China and this country, 
for some twenty-five years. I know him to be loyal and intelligent with an 
uncommonly courageous and penetrating attitude and a sound analytical mind. 
I have seen him in his social and professional contacts with Europeans and 
orientals and can best describe his talk and his privately held opinions as being 
unequivocally and patriotically American. 

You have but to read his many books of travel and of political analysis to be 
persuaded that the impression he firmly intends to convey is distrust of Commu- 
nist and other authoritarian policies. This is quite as obvious in those passages 
in which he is seeking a reasonable and sympathetic explanation of their psy- 
chology as in those where he is more drastically critical of them. No doubt 
among such voluminous writings, where the author bears constantly in mind 
the need to be judgmatical, paragraphs may be lifted from their context in an 
attempt to demonstrate sympathy with the enemy. But there cannot be any 



1652 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

doubt with all the evidence before you, that even such passages are additional 
proof of the author's sensitive regard for American democratic ideals. 

It should not detract from the cogency of my argument to add that I have 
frequently disagreed with Mr. Lattimore's conclusions. 

Laurence Sickman, Vice Director and Curator of Oriental Art, Wm. Rockhill 
Nelson Gallery of Art, Kansas City, Mo. 

The extremely serious implications of Senator McCarthy's charges against 
Owen Lattimore compel me to write urging a complete investigation of these 
charges which, in my opinion, are utterly false and incomprehensible. I have 
known Owen Lattimore personally since 1931 and as a specialist in Far Eastern 
studies, I have had occasion to read many of his writings. I consider Mr. Latti- 
more to be not only a loyal and forthright citizen but also a brilliant credit to 
our country. 

George Grassmuck, Boston University, Assistant Professor of Political Science. 

It is my fervent hope that the current damaging attacks on the loyalty and 
integrity of Owen Lattimore receive an early investigation and that his expected 
exoneration gets as much publicity as did the remarks of his protected accuser. 

Upon my return from wartime naval service in the South Pacific and occupied 
Japan, I studied for three years (1946-49) at the Johns Hopkins University, 
and took several Far Eastern seminars under Mt. Lattimore's direction. I 
became well acquainted with his political and economic ideas by reading his 
books and through informal conversations with him. During my last year at the 
university, my office was next to his, premitting even more frequent discussions. 

At no time during my stay at the Johns Hopkins University did Lattimore 
impress me as a member of the Communist Party or as a "Russian espionage 
agent." 

Since leaving Hopkins I have been giving courses in international politics and 
in governments of the Far East at Boston University. I use Lattimore's recent 
book, The Situation in Asia, (Little, Brown & Co., 1949) as one of several 
references in the Far Eastern course. There have been no classroom allegations 
whatever that the book* was "Communist" or "pro-Russian." 

Instead passages from the book show Lattimore's desire to see Oriental nations 
become independent and free of Russian domination. On page 167 of The Situa- 
ation in Asia, he states : 

"Nor do the Russians start out with the advantage of being the 'favorite 
foreigners' of the Chinese, as the Americans have long been. In the Chinese 
folk tradition, the Russians have always been the most barbarian of the 'foreign 
barbarians', the 'dangerous neighbors' with a common frontier. The fact is 
that the Russians, like the Americans, are going to find that what counts in 
China is the kind of government evolved by the play of Chinese political, economic, 
social, and military forces." 

In proposing a possible plan for dealing with Asia by helping to establish a 
group of independent third force countries, Lattimore summarizes the scheme's 
purported advantages by saying (p. 237) : 

"On our side, we shall have given a fresh impetus to both capitalism, and 
political democracy. We shall have a strong competitive advantage in being 
able to help more people get what they want than the Russians can. We shall 
have turned the disadvantage of an Asia that we are not strong enough to 
control into the advantage of an Asia strong enough to refuse to be controlled by 
Russia." 

Mr. Lattimore's point of view is obvious to those who read his books. To 
my mind it is not based on espionage but on knowledge, analysis, and loyalty. 

Arthur F. Wright, Assistant Professor of Chinese History, Stanford University, 
Stanford, Calif. 

I am sure you and your committee must be aware that Mr. Lattimore is the 
author of many books. These writings, which are basic works for the under- 
standing of Inner Asia, are not the work of a "Russian Agent" ; they are 
unmistakably the work of a free creative American intellect. They are honest, 
clear presentations of the results of mature scholarship and profound thought. 
I realize that investigating committeemen have no time to read books, but these 
hooks :ire the "documents" on Mr. Lattimore. and they completely exonerate 
him from the contemptible and malicious slanders of Senator McCarthy. 

We in university circles in northern California are gravely concerned over 
the threat to our free institutions presented by Senator McCarthy and his fellow 
witch-hunters. Many of us feel that the traditions and the prestige of the 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1653 

Senate are jeopardized by the completely conscienceless behavior of Senator 
McCarthy and his ilk. I think you owe it to the august body of which you are 
a Member and to the people of this country to see this investigation through to 
the end with maximum publicity on all findings. So far the practice of investi- 
gating committees lias hen to publicize charges, give some publicity to rebuttals, 
and then leave the case and rush off on another. It is time that this shoddy and 
on-American practice is brought to an end and that some semblance of fairness 
and justice is introduced. We look to you. Senator, to see that, in the conduct 
of the hearings on Mr. Lattiinore, the dignity and good name of the Senate are 
maintained and the principles of our common law heritage preserved. 

Dr. George Boas, Professor of Philosophy. Johns Hopkins University. Author: 
The Major Traditions of European Philosophy; Philosophy and Poetry; etc. 
It may be of interest to your committee that the undersigned is a veteran of 
both wars, having served in the Infantry in the First World War and in the Navy 
in the second. As for his political opinions, they are, as you know, those of 
a continued Democrat. He is horrified to find in the United States Senate 
a man who will not hesitate to blacken the name of one who is at present, as 
so often in the past, serving the interests of the United States and the western 
democracies unselfishly and tirelessly. Those of us who hold no political position 
can do little but appeal to those who are in the Government for help in such 
matters as these. It is with such an appeal in view that I am writing you, 
trusting that the force of public opinion may back you up in seeing that justice 
is done. 

John A. Pope, Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art. 

The investigations now being conducted by your subcommittee, necessary as 
they may be, could do no greater disservice to our country than to deprive it of 
the services of a man of the stature of Owen Lattimore. 

Shannon McCtne, Department of Geography, Colgate University. 

Mr. Lattimore's recognition of the strength of Russian influence in Asia and 
his labor to make this important fact known, and appreciated by American cit- 
izens, so as to guarantee a more workable foreign policy in Asia certainly does 
not make him "an agent of Russia" and hardly constitutes "disloyalty" to the 
United States. His early analysis of the situation in Asia and his plea for a 
more aggressive American policy coupled with reform in various areas of Asia, 
which would negate the Russian influence, cretainly should merit praise rather 
than condemnation. 

If defamatory practices such as Mr. McCarthy has used are continued, the 
United States is going to find itself either without trained specialists in foreign 
affairs or with a group of spineless yes men who will counsel us falsely. The 
result will be the loss of this country's present position as the leader of those 
countries and peoples who believe in democracy. 

Prof. William R. Amberson, University of Maryland. 

I wish to express to you my confidence in my good friend, Owen Lattimore, and 
my conviction that he is a loyal and devoted citizen of this country- These 
are indeed strange days when a scholar of Mr. Lattimore's high standing can be 
so irresponsibly attacked. I have known him in the work of the Chinese Indus- 
trial Cooperatives as a man with wide knowledge and broad human sympathies, 
contributing much to the study of pressing political and social problems, par- 
ticularly in the Far East. He is an able representative of the American liberal 
tradition. I trust that you and other Senators who also hold that attitude, or at 
least respect it, will see that he has full opportunity to explain his position, and 
establish his integrity, as we, his friends, know that he can do. 

L. Carrington Goodrich, Professor of Chinese, Columbia University. Author: 
A Short History of the Chinese People: 

As one who has known Mr. Owen Lattimore both in China and the United 
States for well over twenty years, I would like to associate myself with those 
who believe wholeheartedly that he is every inch a loyal American. 

Earl Swisher, Director, Institute of Asiatic Affairs, University of Colorado. 
I have known Mr. Lattimore for many years both in China and in the United 
States, and am personally convinced that there is no question of his loyalty 
and certainly he is no Communist. Moreover, as a scholar and authority on 
the northwest frontier of China, Dr. Lattimore is a valuable man to the State 



1654 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Department and to the Nation, at a time when every expert we have is needed. 
It seems to me a grave mistake to malign able and patriotic statesmen for 
political or publicity motives. 

For the last few years, it happens that I have disagreed with certain phases 
of the policy which Mr. Lattimore has advocated for the United States in the 
Far East. We have had arguments about this and if occasion offers shall 
probably argue again, but this is certainly no reason for me or anyone else to 
smear his good name or to call him a Communist, which would mean nothing 
more nor less than saying that he disagreed with me. He may be right, but cer- 
tainly both of us can have our opinion. I should hate to have my character 
damaged because others are of a different opinion. If individual Americans and 
particularly qualified experts are not allowed to develop and* express opinions 
on vital American questions, the functioning of democracy will be seriously im- 
paired. 

Thomas C. Smith, Assistant Professor of Far Eastern History, Stanford Uni- 
versity, California. 

There is not the slightest evidence to support the charges of Senator McCar- 
thy in the whole of Mr. Lattimore's extensive published works : nothing that 
remotely suggests the Communist Party line and, indeed, the very quality of Mr. 
Lattimore's thinking — tentative, empirical, and open-minded, is, quite aside from 
the question of content, distinctly uncommunist. 

The clear intent of Mr. Lattimore's more controversial books is an informed 
public and an effective American foreign policy, to both of which he has made 
a distinguished contribution. It is perhaps unnecessary to add that this is not 
the way of a man such as Senator McCarthy alleges Mr. Lattimore to be, but of a 
man who takes the responsibilities of his citizenship seriously. 

Harold J. Weins, Assistant Professor of Geography, Yale University. 

Like many other Far Eastern scholars, I have known three of the individuals 
singled out by Senator McCarthy in his attacks. During my service in the U. S. 
Navy and the OSS I have had some contact with each of them. These men are 
Owen Lattimore, John Service, and Haldore Hanson. I am convinced of their 
American loyalty. These men have had occasion personally to learn about 
both the Chinese Nationalist regime and the Chinese and other Communist 
regimes and the effect of their operations upon the welfare of the Chinese and 
other Asiatic peoples. In the course of their official duty with the Government 
they were required to give objective appraisals of the situation as they observed 
it. Because the evolution of reform under previous regimes or under the 
Chinese Nationalist regime has been slow and even retrogressive, an objective 
observer did not need to be "leftist" or even very "liberal" to discover that 
in the contemporary scene the Communist regimes often served the people under 
their control in a more. beneficial manner. Such a conclusion on his part need 
have no bearing upon his political affiliation or loyalty. I am anti-Communist 
and I believe that communism in the long run will harm the Chinese if it is 
not eliminated. Neverthless, although many of my interpretations of the Far 
Eastern situation differ from theirs, I have come to some of the same conclusions 
as have Service or Hanson or Lattimore. 

Alexander Laing, Librarian, Dartmouth College. Author: The Sea Witch; 
Clipper Ship Men; Jonathan Eagle. 

The other possible explanation is that Senator McCarthy is deliberately en- 
dangering his country in the conduct of its foreign policy, his Republican Party 
in its public reputation, the repute and dignity of Congress, and the good name 
of a distinguished scholar and public servant, all to make dubious political 
capital of some sort for the Senator personally. If this is the case, he is a 
depraved scoundrel, a dangerous and deeply evil man. 
Claude A. Buss, Professor of History, Stanford University, Palo Alto, Calif. 

Through conversations with him (Lattimore) and through careful study of his 
books and articles, I respect him as one of our most profound and original Ameri- 
can thinkers about the situation in Asia. Whether he has seen fit to support 
or criticize any particular aspect of our policy in the Far East, I have always 
noted that his attitude has stemmed from his fundamental regard for our na- 
tional welfare and our national interest. Whenever I have disagreed with 
hirn, I have never doubted the sincerity of his conviction that his ideas were 
best for the United States. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1655 

I like to think that I worked closely with him in the Office of War Information. 
When I succeeded him as Director of the San Francisco Office, I found the Office 
permeated with a spirit of contributing wherever we could to the winning ot 
the war We all— British, Chinese, and Americans— cooperated against a com- 
mon enemy No one was more jealous of American rights— wherever threat- 
ened—than Mr. Lattimore. Our broadcasts to China were dedicated to the 
help of our ally and it was deemed essential to stiffen the morale of the armies 
of the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai-shek. Most of our Chinese employees 
were naturally sympathetic with the Kuomintang, and the Chinese Consul Gen- 
eral and the head of the official Kuo Min News Agency were always accorded 
both the most cordial welcome at our office and the most liberal use of our 
facilities. 

Nobtjtaka Ike— .Former student of Mr. Lattimore and Curator, Japanese Collec- 
tion, The Hoover Institute and Library, Stanford University, Stanford, Calif. 
As a student of his I had almost daily contact with Mr. Lattimore. I saw 
him not only at the university, but on many occasions at his home. Thus, I 
came to know him very well as a teacher and a friend. For a period of three 
years, I heard him discuss the grave problems that confront us as a world power. 
His ideas were always creative and original, scarcely the kind that would be tol- 
erated in Russia today. I feel certain that if you would carefully examine 
the things that Professor Lattimore has stood for, you would come to the con- 
clusion that the eharges made against him are entirely without foundation, 

Virginia Thompson Adloff, Author, 30 Sutton Place, New York 22, N. Y. Au- 
thor: French Inrlo-China; Thailand; The New Siam; Postmortem on Malaya. 

I should like to offer my testimonial as to the devotion to democratic ideals 
and the hrilliant scholarship in regard to East Asian affairs which Mr. Lattimore 
has consistently shown. Such an irresponsible attack as Senator McCarthy has 
made upon Mr. Lattimore is not only crudely unjust, but a hlow to other scholars 
striving to stmlv the Far East from an objective viewpoint. 

(Note. — Excerpts from various communications from people with a knowledge 
of Owen Lattimore's work:) 

Frederica de Lacuna, Associate Professor, Anthropology, Bryn Mawr College. 

Senator McCarthy's attacks on the State Department and on Prof. Owen Latti- 
more have been truly vicious. Have we indeed come to such a pass that the cit- 
izen who tries to serve his country loyally in a position of importance, as Sec- 
retary Acheson and Professor Lattimore have done, are to be branded as traitors, 
without the protection of our courts, by any Member of Congress hiding behind 
his immunity? Not only do such attacks make it impossible for us to carry out 
any coherent foreign policy, and so play into the hands of those who would like 
to see the United States divided and impotent, but they are subversive to the 
rights and dignities of our citizens. Again and again we have seen loyal Gov- 
ernment servants slandered, what good work they might do nullified, their fam- 
ilies subjected to anguish and to actual threats of violence, as a result of such ill- 
considered accusations. How are we to get able men, or keep them, in respon- 
sible Government positions if they are to be treated in this way? 

Franz Michael, Professor, Far Eastern History, University of Washington. 

Through radio and newspaper reports, I have learned that Senator McCarthy 
has accused Mr. Owen Lattimore of being a bad security risk and has attempted 
to throw doubt upon Mr. Lattimore's character and loyalty to the United States, 
indicating that he has betrayed this country by spying for Soviet Russia. 

I have been deeply shocked by the carelessness with which the Senator is en- 
dangering the honor and reputation of a citizen who happens to be a colleague 
of mine in the field of Far Eastern studies. I have known Mr. Lattimore since 
1039 when I was a research asistsant at Johns Hopkins University at the Walter 
Hines Page School of International Relations of which Mr. Lattimore is the 
director. During the time of my work there, I came to know Mr. Lattimore 
well and have the fullest confidence in his character and in his loyalty to this 
country. 

I have the greatest respect for your committee and have no doubt that Mr. 
Lattimore will be able to refute without difficulty the charges made by Senator 
McCarthy. However, I want to express my deep concern over a state of affairs 
in which Senator McCarthy should think it permissible to play so irresponsibly 
with a person's honor and good name. 



1656 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Li.otd D. Musolf, Graduate Student, The Johns Hopkins University. 

I am writing this entirely unsolicited letter in protest against the serious 
charges made against Prof. Owen Lattimore by Senator McCarthy. As a grad- 
uate student at the John Hopkins University between 1946 and 1949, and as a 
student in one of Professor Lattimore's classes for one of those years, I wish 
to express my strong belief that the charges are utterly groundless. In his bril- 
liant lectures Mr. Lattimore followed no one's line. As a matter of fact his is 
the most independent and original mind I have ever encountered. If his writ- 
ings and actions are studied as a whole instead of by calculated and dishonest 
exegesis, this readily will become apparent. 

Schuyler Van R. Cammann, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania. 

In the first place, it is ridiculous to call Professor Lattimore a Communist. His 
writings show that he has no illusions about the present government of Russia. 
In such books as Situation in Asia he has presented the stupidities and limitations 
of the Russian rulers just as shrewdly as he has pointed out mistakes in our own 
Far Eastern policies. As a distinguished scholar with high integrity he does 
not let ideological arguments distract him from seeking out and presenting the 
truth as he sees it, and we all know that such freedom is denied to members of 
the Communist Party. Furthermore, he speaks freely of Russian imperialism, 
which would be heresy for a Communist. In any case, as a determined indi- 
vidualist and shrewd thinker, with a keen sense of humor, it would be tempera- 
mentally impossible for him to follow the strict (though amusingly shifty) dog- 
mas of the "party line," or to hold to the fanatic, pseudo-religious beliefs of 
Russian communism. 

As to the idea of his being an espioriage agent, that is extremely laughable to 
anyone who knows him and his manifold activities. With the amount of time 
he puts into teaching, writing, and lecturing, and the amount of energy he pours 
into these tasks, it should be plain that he would have no time or energy left over 
for a spy's duties even if he were so minded, which of course, he is not. 

I hope that a review of Professor Lattimore's real achievements and his free- 
dom from the charges leveled at him by Mr. McCarthy will put the latter in his 
place. It is rather low to try to cover one's own bad record by reflecting on the 
reputations of others, but it is doubly contemptible to have made public accusa- 
tions of Professor Lattimore when he was out of the country and unable to 
answer the slanderous attacks as soon as they were made. His conduct reflects 
on his party as well as his country at a time when we urgently need constructive 
forces to lead us. 

George McTurnan Kahin, Lecturer in Political Science, Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity. 

I am shocked at the outrageously false charges of Senator McCarthy that Owen 
Lattimore is pro-Communist and a Russian spy. I would like to make the fol- 
lowing statement. 

For the last three and a half years (except the period June 1948-June 1949 
when I was in Indonesia on a fellowship of the Social Science Research Council) 
I have as a graduate student, and recently as a faculty member, been a member 
of the Walter Hines Page School of International Relations at the Johns Hopkins 
University. During this period I have been closely associated with Owen Latti- 
more. My field is political science with special emphasis on the Far East. This 
has meant that my frequent contact with Professor Lattimore — in class, in semi- 
nar, and in personal conversation — has largely concerned discussion of the domi- 
nant social and political, problems of the Far East. Communism and Soviet Far 
Eastern policy, being among the most important of these problems, were fre- 
quently discussed by Professor Lattimore. Never in such discussions, or at any 
time, have I heard Professor Lattimore indicate sympathy for communism or for 
Soviet policies. He certainly did show strong and vigorous anti-Communist 
feelings repeatedly, sustainedly, and unequivocally. Consistently he was severe 
;in<l incisive in his criticism of Russian policies. 

James P. Warburg, Financial Adviser, World Economic Conference, London, 
1933; Director Philharmonic Symphony Society of New York; Author: The 
Money Muddle; Foreign Policy Begins at Home; etc. 

As one who is proud to be a friend of Owen Lattimore and as a citizen deeply 
concerned over the irreparable damage done to innocent, loyal, and in this case 
exceptionally valuable citizens, by irresponsible denunciation, may I respectfully 
urge you to see to it that your committee after due investigation take whatever 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1657 

action it may deem appropriate affirmatively to clear Lattimore in such a way 
as to leave no rioulit in the public mind. When citizens of the character of Sec- 
retary Acheson, Ambassador Jessup, and Owen Lattimore are denounced by a 
United States Senator as bad security risks it is time for the Senate to reassert 
its own dignity and to repair as best it may the damage done to the prestige of 
the United States. 

Yi i.h.i ai.mkr Stefansson, Explorer and Arctic Specialist 

Protest most strongly McCarthy's Lattimore attack. Lattimore and men like 
him are our best defense against communism and fascism. 

Pearl Buck. Author: The Good Earth, etc. 

Richard J. Walsh, President of John Day, Publishers. 

We are indignant and dismayed at completely false charges against Owen Lat- 
timore. We have known him for nearly twenty-five years both in China and 
United States and have read his books and kept informed of all his activities. 
We have often and recently discussed with him his views on Asia on which he is 
leading expert today. We know that he is opposed to communism. The false 
charges are all the more unfortunate for the United States because this country 
needs the services of a man of his experience and wisdom. We urge immediate 
investigation of what persons and interests are behind this destructive attack. 

E. Cowles Andrus, M. D., Baltimore, Md. 

My wife and I have known Mr. and Mrs. Lattimore since his association with 
the Johns Hopkins University. I have full confidence in his integrity and 
patriotism. 

Mrs. Sanford V. Larkey, President City-County Democratic Club, 1010 Winding 
Way, Baltimore 10, Md. 

We are your constituents. We appeal to you to take appropriate action to pro- 
tect one of your constituents — Owen Lattimore, a resident of Baltimore County. 
We refer to the slanderous statements made on and off the Senate floor by Sen- 
ator McCarthy whose irresponsible accusations against Mr. Lattimore have 
shocked this entire community. 

He has not as yet been able to present evidence for any of his charges and 
when his victims have been able to reply he has been proved guilty of misrepre- 
senting facts which are easily available to those who might wish the truth. It 
is our opinion that such conduct is unworthy of a Senator. We therefore call 
upon you to make your stand in this matter unequivocal and to initiate expulsion 
proceedings against Senator McCarthy. 

Edward A. Parks, M. D., Former Director Harriet Lane Clinic, The Johns Hop- 
kins Hospital, Professor of Pediatrics. 
It is a tragedy that Senator McCarthy is enacting. From his position of sen- 
atorial immunity he is mortally injuring splendid American citizens. Although 
Mr. Lattimore will be completely exonerated for the simple reason that he is 
completely innocent of the charges made, he can never recover from the wound 
inflicted and I am afraid that his great usefulness to this country with his vast 
knowledge of conditions in the Far East will be permanently impaired. It is easy 
for Senator McCarthy from a height which cannot be reached to toss out atomic 
bombs indiscriminately but he ought to be made to pay in some way for damage 
to the lives of patriotic citizens. 

Margaret O. Young, Mr. Lattimore's secretary from 1938 to 1941. 

No doubt you will receive many letters testifying to the integrity of Owen 
Lattimore, and expressing indignation at the charges placed against him. 

I want to add one more, and to say that I worked as Mr. Lattimore's secretary 
from November 1938 until August 1941, and at no time was there the least indi- 
cation of subversive activity. In my opinion he is a man of high principles and 
broad outlook, and the charges against him are grossly unjust. Every effort 
should be made to clear his good name. 

Robert E. Sherwood. Playwright ; Author : The Petrified Forest; Idiot's Delight; 
Roosevelt and Hopkins. 

During the Se -ond World War, I became closely personally associated with 
Lattimore in the Offi-e of War Information. He directed the part of our over- 
seas activities concerned with the war in Asia and the Pacific. He was important 
as a policy maker. I therefore have had ample opportunity to gain knowledge of 
his opinions and his general processes of thought and I respectfully beg to assure 



1658 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

you of my conviction that any charges or insinuations against his loyalty to our 
country, our Constitution and our American way of life are as outrageous as 
they are fantastic. 

Elmer Davis, American Broadcasting Co., Washington 9, D. C. Director, Office 
War Information (1942-1945) ; News Analyst, American Broadcasting Co. 
Lattimore is accused of promoting chaos and ruining Christianity in Asia, of 
apparently preferring totalitarian government in Japan to the kind of democracy 
Mac-Arthur is giving, of being a bad security risk and an old-time pro-Communist. 
1 have known Owen Lattimore for years ; he was one of my leading associates 
in the Office of War Information. He may have overestimated the nationalistic 
aspects of the present Chinese Communist regime, but if he did. so did many 
other people. To call him a pro-Communist or to say that he prefers totalitarian 
government anywhere, is as ridiculous as to say that he is trying to ruin Chris- 
tianity. 

Rev. Louis M. J. Schkam, Immaculate Heart Missions. 

I am a scholarly Roman Catholic priest, student of the University of Louvain, 
Belgium, and the University of Leyden, Holland, and have spent the last forty 
years in Mongolia and on the borders of Tibet. I am in America now to publish 
the material on which I have worked for the past forty years. 

It is in this connection that I am glad to cooperate with the Walter Hines Page 
School of International Relations, so that this part of the world can be made 
known through our publications to the Western World. 

Edgar Snow, Contributing Editor, Saturday Evening Post. 

I should like to add my protest to the hundreds you have doubtless received 
from other loyal citizens, against the unfair and un-American persecution of 
Owen Lattimore (and others) being currently conducted under the cloak of 
senatorial immunity by Joseph R. McCarthy. 

I believe you wish to be scrupulously just in your own part in this hearing and 
for that reason may welcome this voluntary statement. 

I happen to have known Mr. Lattimore for 17 years. In that period I have had 
numerous opportunities to study and judge his character, as well as his work. 
In my opinion he represents the highest type of American— devoted to democratic 
ideals and principles, superior in his intelligence, a first-rate scholar, and wise in 
the judgments he has offered to the American people concerning events which 
affect our future and our lives. 

I myself was born in Missouri in a family descended from generations of 
Americans. Whatever I know of Americanism, and how to identify it in others, 
derives fundamentally from what I learned from my parents' teachings and in 
American schools. I know Mr. Lattimore so well that I can say that if he is 
"disloyal" then my own teachers and parents were likewise. I do not find in any 
of Lattimore's writings, nor in my recollections of any of our many conversations, 
nor in my knowledge of his behavior, anything which would violate the good 
conscience or the best standards of Americanism. 

Aside from that, in my own work as a journalist I have been concerned with 
matters on which Mr. Lattimore is regarded as a specialist. This experience as 
a foreign correspondent has also equipped me to judge whether anyone is, or is 
not, a Communist or a spy or an agent for Russia in an objective or a subjective 
sense. In the present instance it is Senator McCarthy, not Lattimore, who is 
serving, objectively, as a tool of Russia, however unwitting. They could not 
(the Russians) conceive,of anything better calculated to advance their propa- 
ganda aims than Senator McCarthy's current campaign, which is making a 
shambles of the integrity and dignity of the entire United States Government. 

Mr. Lattimore could not possibly be a spy for Russia. No Communist could 
write the books he has written. No one could read them and assert that he has 
been the "architect of our Far Eastern Policy." 

Stanley Salem, Executive Vice President, Little Brown & Co. Telegram to 
Senator Aiken. 

As editor of Owen Lattimore's last three books I can vouch for the fact that 
his greatest concern has been that the United Stales should not lose its position 
as the leader of democratic principles in the Far East. I know you have been 
thinking about the same problem within the United States and I hope you will 
do everything possible to give Lattimore a chance to set forth the truth. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1659 

Theodore Weeks, Editor of the Atlantic Monthly. (Letter to Senator Tydings.) 
Forgive me if I speak personally, but so men must do when they arc troubled. 
This is my twenty-fifth year on the start of the Atlantic and the twenty-fourth 
in my friendship with Owen, and it saddens me to sec what a reckless accusation 
flapping in the wind for a few days can do to smirch the record and the authority 
Of a man who has given so much of his life to the work be loves. Owen Latti- 
more is no Communisl : anyone who knows him knows that be is loyal to this 
country ami that he has written and worked for its best interest. 

Throughout Ids career, lie lias believed in The Open Door policy for the Chinese 
and in the early l'.i-iO's. it was his hope as it was that of many Americans that 
the country could he unified under Chiang Kai-shek. Even as recently as Jan- 
uary 1950, in the Atlantic he wrote: "The Kuomintang, under the increasingly 
jeaious and narrow leadership of Chiang, put up the worst possible defense of 
cause that was originally good and should have won." He could not fail to 
detect the increasing corruption in Nationalist China ; in this he was not alone — 
ask any American who flew the Hump. * * * We accuse the Politburo of 
telling Stalin only what Stalin wants to hear. Now it seems to me appalling that 
there should be Americans in high places who try to make Mr. Lattimore the 
scapegoat because he told the truth. 

Sample Misquotations in Senator McCarthy's References to Lattimore 

Writings 

1. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4448) quoting from Solution 
in Asia, p. 139, said Lattimore wrote that the Russians had "a greater power of 
attraction" for Asiatic peoples. 

The correct phrase in the book is "a great power of attraction." The 
book then adds that the United States has a potentially greater power of 
attraction for the same peoples. 

2. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4458) quoting from Situation 
in Asia, p. 53, said Lattimore agreed with Stalin's formula for revolution. 

In the book, Lattimore explains this formula and points out that America 
can prove it wrong. 

3. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4448) quoting from Situation 
in Asia, p. 89, in reference to the Russian gutting of Manchurian factories, said 
Lattimore claimed that "this has not diminished the Russian power of attraction 
in Asia." 

In the book, Lattimore called it "a ruthless example of the sacrifice of the 
interests of non-Russian Communists to the paramount interest of the Soviet 
Union." In an entirely different paragraph, the book says "On the whole, 
however, the Russian power of attraction has not diminished, at least 
potentially." 

4. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4459) quotes correctly from 
Solution in Asia, p. 94, but says "The period referred to is the late thirties." 
The period actually is the early thirties and Senator McCarthy has thereby 
misapplied the quotation to distort my position. 

(See explanation in last sentence above.) 

5. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 444S) quotes correctly from 
The Situation in Asia, p. 23S, but exactly contradicts the meaning of the pas- 
sage by his remark "In other words, he says to America, 'Keep your hands off.' " 

He further contradicts the meaning by not quoting the immediately pre- 
ceding paragraph which expresses my confidence in American participation 
in Asiatic affairs. 

6. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4469) quotes from a Lattimore 
"article 'Asia Conquers Asia' in March of this year in which Lattimore refers 
to Russian communism only as a 'hypothetical threat — a card unplayed.' " 

The article was actually titled "Asia Reconquers Asia." It included 
several different references to Russian communism. One passage, perhaps 
distantly related to what Senator McCarthy quoted, reads : "As it is, we do 
not even have a measuring stick for assessing what kind of strength Russia 
has in the Far East or how much of it there may be. Whatever the Russian 
strength, it remains behind the Russian frontier — undeployed, unexposed, 
a card unplayed." 

7. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 444S) quotes correctly from 
Situation in Asia, p. 147, about supplies going to the Kuomintang and then com- 
ments, "This is Communist propaganda pure and simple." On the contrary this 
statement is based upon the most reliable eyewitness sources : American news- 
papermen working in China and is so credited in a footnote. 

**8970 — 50 — pt. 2 12 



1660 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Exhibit No. 74 

[Columbia, September 1949] 

Disaster in China 

(By James F. Kearney, S. J.) 

Who or what has so vitiated the opinion of intelligent Americans on the 
China question? Until recently, despite the dust that has been deliberately 
thrown in American eyes by pink correspondents, the question could be stated 
so clearly and simply that grammer school students could grasp it. Having 
explained it to grammar school students, I know. Here it is, expressed in mono- 
syllabic words : "If the Reds win out there, we lose. If they lose, we win." 
Well, for all practical purposes, the Reds have now won, and in consequence 
we and the Chinese have lost. For communism it is the greatest triumph since 
the Russian Revolution ; for us, though few Americans yet fully realize it, it is 
perhaps the greatest disaster in our history ; and the end is not yet. Who is 
responsible? It wasn't a one-man job; short-sighted Chinese officials contributed 
some 50 percent to the catastrophe, we the other 50 percent. There are those 
who believe, though, that no Americans deserve more credit for this Russian 
triumph and Sino-American disaster than Owen Lattimore and a small group 
of his followers. 

Owen Lattimore, confidant of two United States Presidents, adviser to our 
State Department, author of ten books about the Far East, where he has twenty- 
five years of travel and study to his credit, was born in Washington, D. C, but 
after a few months was taken to North China. At twelve Iip went to study 
in Switzerland, then in England, and returned to China as a newsman before 
taking up exploration, particularly in Manchuria and Mongolia. He then 
studied in Peiping, first on a fellowship from the Harvard Yenching Foundation 
and later on a John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation fellowship, knows 
the Chinese, Mongolian, and Russian languages well. 

Returning to the United States at the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war 
in 1937, a year later he became director of the Walter Hines Page School of 
International Relations of Johns Hopkins University, a post he still holds. In 
1941 he was for six months President Roosevelt's political adviser to Generalis- 
simo Chiang Kai-shek, then returned to the States to enter OWI, becoming 
deputy director to the overseas branch in charge of Pacific Operations. In 
June 1944 he and J. Carter Vincent, later to head the Far Eastern Bureau of 
the State Department, accompanied Henry Wallace on a diplomatic tour of 
Siberia and Free China. 

So high does Owen Lattimore stand in Washington that it is said the only 
two books on President Truman's desk when he announced Japan's surrender 
were newsman John Gunther's Inside Asia and Lattimore's Solution in Asia. 
Lattimore was next named special economic adviser to Edwin V. Pauley, head 
of the postwar economic mission to Tokyo. Though not an authority on Japan, 
he did not hesitate to criticize former Ambassador Joseph C. Grew's plan, 
adopted by MacArthur, to govern the Japanese people through the Emperor. 
He believed that the Emperor and all his male heirs should be interned in China 
and a republic set up in Japan. 

In this thoroughly distinguished orientalist's career there are many disturb- 
ing features. For example, in former Red Louis Budenz' March 19, 1949, 
Collier's article, entitled "The Menace of Red China," we read, "Most Americans, 
during World War II, fell for the Moscow line that the Chinese Communists 
were not really Communists * * * but 'agrarian reformers'. * * * That 
is just what Moscow wanted Americans to believe. Even many naive Govern- 
ment officials fell for it. * * * This deception of United States officials and 
public was the result of a planned campaign ; I helped to plan it. * * * The 
number one end was a Chinese coalition government in which Chiang would 
accept the 'agrarian reformers' — at the insistence of the United States. * * * 
We could work through legitimate Far East organizations and writers that were 
recognized as Oriental authorities. Frederick V. Field emphasized use of the 
Institute of Pacific Relations. * * * The 'agrarian reformers' idea started 
from there. It took root in leading Far East cultural groups in the United 
States, spread to certain policy-making circles in the State Department and 
broke into prominent position in the American press. * * * The Communists 
were successful in impressing their views on the United States State Department 
simply by planting articles with the proper slant in such magazines as Far 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1661 

Eastern Survey. Pacific Affairs, and Amerasia. Both Far Eastern Survey and 
Pacific Affairs are publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations. Tins is not 
a Communist organization." 

Where does Mr. Lattimore come in? From 1034 to P.)41 he was editor of 
Pacific Affairs. Freda Utley mentions him in two of her hooks. In her Last 
Chance in China she tells how Moscow, where she then worked as a Communist, 
was able to help ils friends and discomfit its enemies in the Far East thanks 
to the Institute of Pacific Relations, and that Mr. Lattimore was anions those 
Americans who came to Moscow for help and advice (p. 193). In her Lost 
Illusion (p. 1!>4) she refers to the same 1936 Moscow meeting: "The whole 
staff of our Pacific Ocean Cabinet had an all-day session at the Institute with 
E. C. Cartel-. Owen Lattimore, and Harriet Moore, leading lights of the Institute 
of Pacific Relations. I was a little surprised at the time that these Americans 
should defer so often and so completely to the Russian viewpoint. * * * 
Owen Lattimore found it difficult at first to submit to the discipline required 
of the Friends of the Soviet Union. He told me a few months later in London 
how he had almost lost his position as editor of Pacific Affairs because he had 
published an article by the Trotskyist Harold Isaacs. In later years in the 
United States it did not astonish me to find the Institute of Pacific Relations 
following the same general lines as the Daily Worker in regard to China and 
1 Japan." 

Henry Wallace never claimed to be an expert on the Far East. How much, 
if any, of his report after returning from the Siberia-China visit was written 
or suggested by the oriental expert, Mr. Lattimore, I do not know. One thing 
emerges, however: after their return, the American policy which has proved 
•so disastrous for both Chinese and American interests and so helpful to Russia 
was put into effect and is still being pursued. Lattimore's Solution in Asia 
was described by one reviewer as "an appeal to Chiang Kai-shek to free himself 
from the galling yoke (of the Kuomintang) and to set free the democratic 
forces which have proved effective in northwestern China," i. e., the Chinese Reds. 
"That book is again referred to in an article by ex-Communist Max Eastman 
and J. B. Powell in a June 1945 Reader's Digest article, "The Fate of the World 
Is At Stake in China," wherein they blast the deception "that Russia is a 
'democracy' and that the Chinese can therefore safely be left to Russian influ- 
ence. - ' Owen Lattimore is perhaps the most subtle evangelist of this erroneous 
conception. 

Mr. Lattimore praised the net result of the Moscow trials and the blood purge 
by which Stalin secured his dictatorship in 1936-39 as "a triumph for democracy." 
UIe now urges our government, in Solution in Asia, to accept cheerfully the 
spread of the "Soviet form of democracy" in Central Asia. His publishers thus 
indicate the drift of his book: "He (Mr. Lattimore) shows that all the Asiatic 
peoples are more interested in actual democratic practices, such as the ones they 
can see in action across the Russian border, than they are in the fine theories 
of Anglo-Saxon democracies which come coupled with ruthless imperialism." 
Does that sound as if Mr. Lattimore, a top adviser on our Far Eastern affairs, 
is on our team? 

The same article continues with a prophecy which has just about come true: 
"If Russian dictatorship spreads its tentacles across China the cause of de- 
mocracy (i. e., United States style) in Asia is lost. As is well-known, these 
tentacles need not include invading Soviet troops, but only the native Communist 
parties now giving allegiance to the Soviet Union and taking their directives 
•from Moscow. When these Communist parties get control of a neighboring state 
the Moscow dictatorship and its fellow-travelers call that a 'friendly govern- 
ment." It is by means of these Communist-controlled 'friendly governments' — 
not by Soviet military conquest — that Russian power and totalitarian tyranny 
is spreading from the Soviet Union, in Asia as in Europe." 

That is perhaps good background for the current slogan of Mr. Lattimore and 
his loyal followers, Edgar Snow, Ted White, Richard Lauterback, Harvard's 
JFairbank, and many an ex-OWI man — that there's nothing much for America to 
worry about because Mao Tse-tung's communism is a nationalist movement. 
A moment's reflection should make it clear that the very last thing a real 
Chinese nationalist would do would be to swallow hook, line, and sinker the 
• doctrine of Karl Marx, a German Jew, who besides being a foreigner has 
a system that goes counter to every Chinese instinct and every tradition in the 
Chinese concept of society. 

This recalls an incident a Belgian priest related to me in Shanghai a year 
and a half ago. He had become a Chinese citizen, and when the Chinese Reds 



1662 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

occupied his church in North China they followed the usual custom (which is 
probably news to Mr. Lattimore) of putting up the pictures of Marx and Stalin 
in the place of honor above the high altar, with those of Mao Tse-tung and 
Chu Teli below. A Chinese Red then told the priest flatly, "We are going to 
get rid of absolutely all foreign influence in China. Our policy is China for 
the Chinese." I can imagine Mr. Lattimore saying, "Just what I told you!" 
But the Belgian-Chinese replied, "And those two foreign gentlemen up there, 
Marx and Stalin? When did they become Chinese citizens'?" The Red slunk 
silently away. 

If anyone is still puzzled by the contention that Chinese Mai'xists are pri- 
marily nationalists, a glance at the Communist Manifesto will clear matters up, 
"Though not in substance, yet in form," we read there, "the struggle of the 
proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat 
of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bour- 
geoisie." That, I believe, shows us what is back of the present national slogan 
our United States pinks apply to China's Reds. It's not authentic nationalism, 
of course, as the Manifesto explains later : 'The Communists are reproached 
with desiring to abolish countries and nationality. The workingmen have no 
country. We cannot take from them what they have not got." 

The spurious nature of the nationalism of Mao Tse-tung was admitted by Mr. 
Lattimore himself, perhaps unintentionally, in a tape-recorded speech he gave in 
San Francisco, December 7, 1948: "The Chinese Communists never made any 
bones about the fact that they are Marxists. They are Marxist Communists 
in their international relations. They never question the Russian line. They 
follow every twist and turn of it." That is an important admission by Mr. 
Lattimore, since so many of his followers have been trying to tell us there is no 
Moscow control over China's Reds. If they follow every twist and turn of the 
Moscow line they are evidently not Chinese nationalists as we understand the 
term, but pseudo nationalists. 

A. T. Steele and Andrew Roth, of the New York Herald Tribune and the 
Nation, respectively, after getting out of Red Peiping recently, declared that 
the Chinese Red leaders are in every sense of the word Communists who stand 
squarely and faithfully for the Moscow Party line, and will join the Kiemlin 
in the coming world war III against the imperialist powers, particularly America. 
They likewise agree that while Mao might possibly become an extreme nationalist 
at some future date, another Tito, there is absolutely no evidence that this is 
a factor to be seriously reckoned with for a long time, Mr. Lattimore to the 
contrary notwithstanding. Spencer Moosa, latest newsman out of Peiping, 
confirms their statements. The very first movie put on by the Reds in the 
auditorium of the Catholic University in Peiping after they moved in this year 
was the Life of Stalin. Need we say it was not anti-Russian? And so, instance 
after instance shows the very close connection between Moscow and Chinese 
communism that has been witnessed throughout the last twenty-eight years 
by intelligent observers who have lived in Red China — where Mr. Lattimore 
has never lived. 

To the average American, whom pro-Red propaganda is intended to victimize, 
it seems quite natural that Mao Tse-tung, a native of China who has never 
visited Moscow, should think first of China's instead of Russia's interests. Yet 
how many native-born Americans are there who, once they join the party, 
think nothing of selling out their country and its secrets to the Kremlin? Such 
is the strange mesmerism exercised by their Moscow masters. It is, then, no 
harder to understand Mao's utter devotion to the party line than it is to 
understand that of Foster, or Dennis, or Earl Browder. After all, remember, 
a real Communist has no country. And surely Mao has proved he is a one 
hundred percent Communist. Let's not be deceived any longer, then, by this 
fake "nationalism" of China's Reds, which is the central thesis of Mr. Lattimore's 
recent book, The Situation in Asia. 

If a man who had written ten volumes about Africa, and thereby won a name 
for himself as an authority, should nevertheless maintain that the Negroes 
in Africa aren't really black but white, it would be a cause for wonder. Mr. 
Owen Lattimore, who has written ten books on Asia and is called "the best-in- 
formed American on Asiatic affairs living today," is doubtless well-informed 
on many Asiatic matters but unfortunately, if we are to take his written words 
as an index of his knowledge of China's Reds, he is very badly misinformed 
about the true color of that most important body of individuals and their 
whole way of acting. Which reminds me of a recent conversation with one of 
Mr. Lattimore's OWI boys who had just returned from a three-years' corres- 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1663 

pondent assignment in China. I asked him why it was that practically all our 
foreign uewsmen, though supposedly educated in the American tradition of 
fair play, spoke entirely of corruption in the Chiang regime, but said nothing 
about the corruption in the Mao regime? And this man, who was being paid 
for giving his American readers an honest picture of conditions in the vital 
Far East, answered, "Because there is no corruption in the Red regime!" I 
laughed at him for wasting his three years in the Orient and passed him an 
article showing that not only is the Red regime corrupt, but from every con- 
ceivable American standpoint it is conservatively ten times more corrupt than 
its corrupt opposite number. 

It is probably of such men that Mr. Lattimore, in his Situation in China (p. 
177 i. writes: "Hitherto American observers who have been acutely conscious 
of secret police activities in Kuomintang China have had nothing comparable 
to report from Communist China." The reason is that these official observer's 
were allowed the freedom to observe the limited activities of KMT secret 
police, while they weren't even permitted to enter Red China. Had they wished, 
though, they could have learned a lot from people, some of them Americans, 
who had lived in Red China. They would have heard for instance about the 
"T'ing chuang hui," or eavesdropper corps, who after killing off all watchdogs, 
creep up at night, next to the wall or on the flat roofs of North China homes, 
to hear what is being said inside the family about the Communists. Children 
.are rewarded for spying on their parents and, if anyone is believed to be guilty 
of anti-Communist remarks, a terror gang swoops down at midnight and the 
chances are the unfortunate victim will be discovered next morning buried alive 
outside his home. This sort of secret police and terrorism combined has been 
so universal in Red China that if Mr. Lattimore doesn't know about it he knows 
extremely little of Chinese communism. 

As far back as 1945 the predominant sentiment everywhere in Red areas was 
fear, universal fear, fear at every instant, according to an official report of a 
Frenchman, a former university professor from Tientsin who spent the years 
from 1941 to 1945 in Red territory, and had been hailed before both Japanese 
and Red tribunals. "It is not terror," he says, "for terror is a fear which shows 
itself exteriorly. Here one must not allow his fear to be seen ; he must appear 
satisfied and approve everything that is said and done. It is a hidden fear, 
but a creeping, paralyzing fear. The people keep quiet. They do not criticize ; 
they avoid passing out any news. They are afraid of their neighbor, who may 
denounce them. They are afraid of the Reds who might hear and imprison 
them. When the Reds impose a tax, it is paid without a word. If they requisition 
anyone for public work, the work is done carefully and rapidly, without need 
of any blows and curses as in the time of the Japanese, and wonderful to say, 
without any need of supervision. (This is amazing to anyone who knows the 
easy-going Chinese character.) I have witnessed groups of workers along the 
big highways built by the Japanese, doing exactly the same kind of work they 
did for the Japanese; but how different their attitude! There was no foreman 
there to supervise, and yet everything was done carefully, with hardly a word, 
without the least bit of joking." Mr. Lattimore, with his lack of background, 
might interpret this as a sign of enthusiasm for the Red masters. But the 
report states simply, "They were afraid." 

What was true in 1945 in Red areas is also true today according to the very 
latest 1949 reports that have filtered through the Bamboo Curtain : "There isn't 
too much suffering from hunger in the city, but it is impossible to lay up any 
reserves. The Communists search every house methodically and confiscate any 
surplus. Anyone who complains or criticizes them disappears mysteriously, 
"buried alive, it is said. No one dares say a word, even to his best friend. In the 
country districts conditions are terrible. The Reds take everything : grain, 
livestock, clothing, tools, and now all are being mobilized for army service. 
Famine reigns everywhere together with fear. The people endure this with 
clenched teeth, but when asked how things are going always answer, 'Every- 
thing is going well.' " They had better ! 

These reports come from reliable people who were there and know what they 
are talking about, and who ridicule the fairy tales Mr. Lattimore from his distant 
and comfortable chair in Johns Hopkins spins for eager young Americans who 
believe he is an authority on China's Reds. What, for example, could be further 
from the truth than this statement in The Situation in China, p. 100 : "In China 
it may be conceded (not by anyone who knows the situation, though, if I may 
interrupt) that the Communists hold the confidence of the people to such an 
extent that they can probably do more by persuasion, with less resort to coercion, 



1664 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

than any previous revolutionaries in history. But the Communists cannot 
indulge in experiments which the people do not accept, because the armed and 
organized peasants would be able to resist them just as they have hitherto 
resisted the return of the landlords," Sheer nonsense ! The only real landlords 
left in Red areas are the Red leaders themselves, and the people know enough 
not to try to resist these ruthless masters. For some reason, no one seems to 
relish being buried alive ; and so the Communists can indulge in absolutely any 
experiment they choose without the slightest open resistance from the peasants, 
who are merely waiting patiently for better days. 

Since Mr. Lattimore is patently in error on so many vital points connected 
with the China Red question, it becomes more and more strange that his advice 
on Red China should be followed almost slavishly by the United States State 
Department. It has already brought China to disaster and may, if we continue 
to follow it, also ruin America. It might be well to consider what advice he 
has given for future United States policy so we shall know what a new litany of 
Lattimore disasters awaits us. 

He has a chapter on Japan in his Situation in Asia and, though he admits 
General MacArthur is a first-class administrator, he dislikes his "fatherly 
mysticism" and "old-line Republicanism," hints it would have been wiser to give 
the Russians more say, considers the present policy as pseudo realistic and 
bound to fail. "It's likely to blow up in our faces, like a humiliating stink 
bomb," damaging MacArthur's reputation in the end. He doesn't like keeping 
the Emperor, nor the type of democracy MacArthur is giving, apparently pre- 
ferring for Japan the totalitarian type Mao Tse-tung is employing in China. 
Mr. Lattimore doesn't like to see Japan made a bulwark against Russian expan- 
sion, and believes that since she is possessed of the most advanced technical and 
managerial know-how in Asia she will eventually make her own terms with 
both Russia and China, without consulting the United States. "The Japanese, 
watching America's failure to control the situation in China through the Kuomin- 
tang, have been giggling in their kimono sleeves. In a queer way it has helped 
to restore their self-respect for their own failure on the continent." He sees 
no future for Japan apart from the future of Asia, since she needs the iron 
and coal of Manchuria and the markets of China. 

In this he is probably right; that is why it was always to America's vital 
interest to see that the Open Door policy and the territorial integrity of China 
were preserved, though this adviser to our State Department did not think them 
very imporant. He considers East Asia now definitely out of control by either 
Russia or America, stating that it forms a group of "third countries," which 
seem to resemble Nippon's ill-fated "East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere." He 
believes Japan, then, will come to terms both with Communist Russia and Com- 
munist China, and will end up by being more anti-American than anti-Russian. 
If we had only adopted his plan for a Japanese "democracy" right after the war,, 
what a deal of trouble we would have saved ! 

What, now, are his plans for the mainland? He was long in favor of a Chiang 
coalition with the Reds, and blames our Eightieth Congress for spoiling that. 
The result is now Communist control — which of course would have eventuated 
just as well had his original coalition idea gone through. "We mustn't lay down 
our own conditions for dealing with a Red China, he says, or we shall spoil 
our favorable position with the Chinese. Has he never heard how Mao's Reds 
detest Americans, and hold half a dozen United States consuls under house 1 
arrest? "We must at all costs avoid the appearance of wanting to punish the 
Chinese people for having a government which we didn't approve for them in 
advance." As if the Chinese were really anxious for a puppet Red regime. 
We must not support any rump government, for that would be dividing China. 
We must extend credits to poor Red China and help build it up by trade and 
American engineering "know-how" as "Ford Motors and General Electric did 
in Russia in the period between wars." But let's not lay down any conditions-, 
for our aid, by insisting that Red China be hostile to Red Russia. 

And if all that isn't enough to make Uncle Sam snspect that Owen Lattimore 
is making a fool out of him in the interests of world communism, the expert 
goes much further: "The new government of China will claim China's Big Five 
position in the United Nations, including the right of veto. By the use of our 
own veto we could delay China in moving into this position," but of course it 
would be unfair to deprive Russia of another vote, especially since Russia has 
had nothing whatsoever to do with imposing communism on China. See now 
why the pinks are so strong on their insistence that the Bed movement in China 
is purely nationalistic? And another vote for Mother Russia? 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1665 

Let's take Outer Mongolia, that voted unanimously to be annexed to Russia 
in 1945 — each voter being required to sign his name on Ins ballot. "Mongolia," 
he says, "is between a Communist-ruled Russia and a Communist-controlled 
China. Ii would be an advantage to American policy to be able to emphasize that 
there is a country occupying 600,000 square miles of territory * * * inhabited 
by people who are neither Chinese nor Russians. It is impossible to make use 
of this advantage unless the separation of outer Mongolia is emphasized by 
membership in the United Nations. * * * it is true that Mongolia as a 
member of the United Nations would mean another vote for Russia; but would 
tbis be a greater disadvantage than our present complete lack of access to this 
key country between China and Russia?" (p. 226). 

Yes. Mr. Lattimore. it would. Considering that the whole United States has: 
but one vote in the United Nations, while Russia started out with three, it is 
simply wonderful of Owen Lattimore to give a couple more Far East satellite 
votes to our "cold war" enemy. Since he is one of the chief advisers to our 
Far Eastern State Department Bureau, is it any wonder that disaster has been 
piled on disaster in Asia for Americans while world communism engages in 
frenzied applause? If Mr. Lattimore is permitted to turn over one Far Eastern 
vote after another to Russia, Moscow will soon dominate the United Nations, 
and then can safely discard the veto. Why should one man, whose writings 
show he has no knowledge of the character of China's Reds, be allowed to go 
on unchallenged promoting chaos and ruining Christianity in Asia? True, he 
doesn't say he wants a Red Asia; but the publisher of his Situation in Aria 
indicates his intentions when on the jacket of the book they print a map of 
Lattimore's Asia, including Japan, Sakhalin, all of China, the Philippines, 1 Qe 
Dutch East Indies, Siam, Burma, Malaya, and India, in nice Soviet Red. 



Exhibit No. 75 

[From the New Masses, October 12, 1937] 

China's Communists Told Mb — A Specialist in Fab Easteen Affaibs Inteb- 
views the Leading Men of Red China in Theib Home Teekitobies 

(By Philip J. Jaffe) 

Fifteen days before Japanese troops opened fire on a Chinese garrison near 
Peiping. I was seated in the one bare room which is the home of Mao Tse-tvng r 
the political leader of the Chinese Communist Party. In the course of the in ;er- 
view Mao Tse-tung said to me: "Japan cannot stop now. Japan wants to 
swallow China. Its next stept will not be long delayed. You ask about the 
future of the united front? The united front is inevitable because Japan's 
invasion farther into the heart of China is inevitable." 

Twenty-four hours later, in the military headquarters of the former Chinese 
Red Army, only two big rooms, walls covered with huge military maps, I asked 
the most famous of the Communist commanders, General Chu Teh : "Why do 
you think that General Chiang Kai-shek will have to accept the aid of the Red 
Army?" 

Chu Teh replied : "A form of the united front has now existed for several 
months and has resulted in a large measure of internal peace. The Chinese 
bourgeoisie, however, is not easily able to forget its ten-year fight against the 
Red Army. But when the war with Japan eventually begins, it will not be a 
question of what the bourgeoisie wants ; they will have to have the Red Army. 
In a war with Japan, it will not only be a question of regular troops. China 
must also depend on its peasants and workers whom the Communists alone can 
lead. It is not merely the numbers of the army which count ; it is the mass 
population as well. If Chiang Kai-shek thinks that he can raise a large army 
to fight Japan, without at the same time enrolling the masses as the backbone 
of the struggle, then he will be rudely disappointed. No war against Japan can 
be successful without a correct organization of the peasants and workers, and 
this only the Red Army can successfully carry out." 

Two weeks later I knew that the prophecy made by the two famous leaders of 
the former Chinese Red Army had been fulfilled. On July 7, Japan invaded 
North China. On August 22, the first stage of the united front — that of military 
cooperation — was concluded between the Nanking and Red Armies. In the 
words of the official communique from Nanking, "the Chinese government and 



1666 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

the Communist army have been fighting for the last ten years ; this is the official 
conclusion of the war." Mao Tse-tung has since been appointed governor of the 
former Soviet region, now renamed the Special Administrative District. Chu 
Teh has been appointed commander-in-chief of the former Red Army, now called 
the Eighth Route Army. Chou En-lai, another outstanding Communist with 
whom I spoke, is the official Communist representative on the general staff in 
Nanking. 

Mao Tse-tung, political leader. — Yenan is the capital of the former Soviet re- 
gion. On June 21, after four days' travel from Sian, the capital of Shensi 
province, scene of the Chiang Kai-shek incident of last December, through semi- 
starved villages, on bridgeless rivers and roads deep with gullies, we finally 
passed through the beautiful, ancient main gate of Yenan. We were greeted 
at the gate by Agnes Smedley, the distinguished American writer and an old 
friend of the Chinese people. While in Yenan, our party which included beside 
myself, T. A. Bisson of the Foreign Policy Association, and Owen Lattimore, 
editor of Pacific Affairs, stayed at the Foreign Office. The building was soon 
buzzing with excitement. We had barely finished our first dinner in Yenan, 
when guests arrived: Ting Ling, China's foremost woman writer; Li Li-san, 
an old associate of Dr. Sun Yat-sen ; the only two non-Chinese then in the region, 
Agnes Smedley and Peggy Snow, wife of the American writer, Edgar Snow, and 
many Communist leaders. Before long, we were talking and singing in a variety 
of languages. In the midst of our animated discussion, somebody entered 
quietly and sat down. "Comrade Mao,'' someone said — Mao Tse-tung, the polit- 
ical leader of the then Cbinese Soviet Government. 

We spent many hours with him after that evening — at interviews, during 
meals, at the theater — and we were increasingly impressed by the complete 
sincerity and lack of ostentation that is so typical of him and of the other leaders 
we saw. It was during these visits that we grew to feel his tremendous force, 
a force likely to be overlooked at first because of the low, even voice, the quiet 
restraint of his movements, and the beautiful hands, almost too delicate for a 
soldier, but so dexterous with the writing brush. But the quiet voice speaks 
with brilliance and authority, the movements of the tall slim body with slightly 
stopped shoulders are sure and well coordinated. Like all other Red Army com- 
manders, Mao wears exactly the same uniform as the rank-and-file soldiers, eats 
the same food, sleeps on the same sort of k'ang (a low, long bed of stone), avoids 
all social ceremonies, and altogether lives an extremely simple life. It becomes 
easy to understand the tremendous personal appeal which Mao has as a leader. 
This leadership dates from the first organizational meeting of the committee 
ivhich organized the Chinese Communist Party in Shanghai in 1920. Mao 
was an important figure at that meeting. 

Our interviews with Mao Tse-tung were many and on a host of topics : the 
evolution of Nanking's policy; the inner political struggle within Nanking; the 
Sian incident ; the united front ; the student movement ; the role of other 
powers in Far Eastern affairs ; and the perspectives of China's future develop- 
ment, etc. But since Mao Tse-tung asked me to transmit a message to the 
American people, it is perhaps best to confine his remarks to those concerning 
America and its isolationist policy. 

"Though there are many Americans who are isolationist in principle," he 
began, "America is not and cannot be isolationist. America is in this respect 
like other capitalist countries: part proletariat, part capitalist. Neither one 
nor the other can be isolationist. Capitalism in the imperialist countries is 
world-wide, and so is the problem of liberation which needs the effort of the 
world proletariat. Not only does China need the help of the American prole- 
tariat, but the American proletariat also needs the help of the Chinese peasants 
and workers. The relation of American capitalism to China is similar to that 
of other capitalist countries. These countries have common interests as well 
as conflicting ones — common in that they all exploit China, conflicting in that 
each wants what the oilier has, as exemplified by the conflict between Great 
Britain and the United States, as well as between Japan, Britain, and the United 
States. If China is subjugated by Japan, it will not only be a catastrophe for 
the Chinese people, but a serious loss to other imperialist powers." 

At this point Mao was handed a wireless message announcing both the fall 
of Bilbao and the resignation of France's premier, Leon Blum. We discussed 
the probable causes of both these events. Mao clearly showed his grasp of the 
world situation, despite the isolating distance. We took time off to answer a 
host of questions, this time by him. What is the comparative strength of the 
Socialist and Communist Parties in America? Did we know the life-stories of 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1667 

John L. Lewis and Karl Browder? The strength of the American labor unions? 
The Trotskyites? American official opinion on the Far Bast? 

Then Mao Tse-tung continued: "The Chinese revolution is not an exception, it 
is one part of the world revolution, it lias special characteristics, but funda- 
mentally it is similar to the Spanish, French, American, and British struggles. 
These struggles are all progressive. Therein lies their similarity. It is this 
similarity that evokes the broad sympathy of the American masses and their 
concern with the fate of the Chinese people. We, on our part, are also con- 
cerned with the fate of the American people. Please convey this message to your 
people. The difference between our peoples lies in this : the Chinese people, unlike 
the Americans, are oppressed by outside invaders. The American people are, of 
course, oppressed from the inside, but not by feudal forces. It is the hope com- 
mon to all of us that our two countries shall work together." 

Chu Teh, military leader. — Though Chu Teh is known to the outside world for 
his military exploits, his other activities are many and varied. We first met 
Chu Teh in a class he was teaching on the "Fundamental Problems of the Chi- 
nese Revolution." Wearing spectacles, he could very well have been mistaken 
for a professional teacher. At the People's Anti-Japanese Military Political 
University at Tenan, he teaches both military tactics and Marxist-Leninist 
principles. From 1022 to 1925, Chu Teh studied political and economic science, 
philosophy, and military strategy in Germany. As a result he speaks German 
freely. His favorite recreations are reading, conversation, horseback riding, 
and basketball. The latter sport is a subject for much fun among the troops. 
His love for the game is greater than his ability and he can often be found 
hanging about a group which is choosing sides. If he is not picked, he quietly 
moves on to the next court in the hope that there his luck will turn. My greatest 
disappointment at Yenan was that rain ruined an appointment we had to play 
basketball with him. 

Chu Teh, commander-in-chief of the Eighth Route Army, is the personifica- 
tion of the spirit of these armies which for ten years have been continuously 
victorious in the face of overwhelming odds. His career has been devoted 
mainly to the military side of revolutionary activities. Fifty-one years old, he 
has taken part in the entire development of modern China, from the overthrow 
of the Manchu dynasty in 1911 to the present struggle against Japan. Begin- 
ning with August 1, 1927, when, together with another famous Red commander, 
Ho Lung, he organized the Nanchang uprising, he participated in exploits which 
have now become legend. In November 1931, the first All-Soviet Congress in 
Juikin, Kiangsi, bestowed upon him the title of commander-in-chief of the army. 
Even in Nanking I heard many call Chu Teh the greatest military genius in all 
China. 

There is strength and assurance in that square, stocky figure, in that strong 
peasant face, weather beaten by a life of campaigning, and in those small bright 
eyes which are quite hidden when he laughs, and he laughs frequently. We took 
a picture of him standing with legs apart and hands on hips. That is Chu Teh. 

"The Red Army in this region under our direct command numbers about ninety 
thousand," he began. "This force occupies a contiguous territory extending 
from North Shensi to East Kansu and South Ninghsia. From Yenan to Sanyan 
there are some partisan troops in Kuomintang uniforms. In this region pro- 
fessional full-time partisans number from ten to twenty thousand. The number 
of part-time partisans is much larger ; their duties are to maintain order in their 
districts. 

"Of the ninety thousand regular troops here, only twenty to thirty thousand 
come from the original Kiangsi district. About thirty thousand were recruited 
on the way, chiefly in Szechwan, and the rest are from local areas. 

"In other partisan areas there are various groups numbering from one to three 
thousand soldiers, but it is bard to estimate the total figure ; we ourselves are 
not certain about this. These partisan areas are located in southern Shensi 
(southwest of Sian), the Fukien-Kiangsi border, the Honan-Hupeh-Anhwei 
border, northeastern Kiangsi. the Hunan-Hupeh-Kiangsi border, the Kwang- 
tung-Hunan border, the Kiangsi-Hunan border, and the Shensi- Szechwan border. 
Connections with several of these are still maintained, but not with all ; and 
these connections are irregular and uncertain." Asked if we might publish this, 
Chu Teh replied : "It doesn't matter. The fact is well known throughout 
China." 

Having seen many Red troops carrying on their maneuvers with excellent new 
rifles, machine guns, automatic rifles, and the ubiquitous Mausers, we were 
curious to know how well armed they were as a whole. Chu Teh replied, "Our 



1668 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

regular ninety thousand troops in the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia region are in 
general well armed. Other equipment, such as clothes, food, and supplies, is 
not satisfactory. Although it greatly improved after the Sian incident, it is still 
far from sufficient. Though we had established contact with Chang Hsueh- 
liang before the Sian affair, it was only during the two weeks following the 
actual incident that any large quantity of munitions, clothing, and food reached 
us." 

As Ohu Teh continued the conversation, punctuated frequently by his broad, 
genial smile, he came to the discussion of his well-known theory of the military 
tactics necessary to defeat Japan, namely, to avoid decisive engagements in the 
early stages in favor of guerrilla tactics to encircle the enemy and harass it 
until its morale was shattered. We wanted to know something about the Man- 
churian volunteers. Were they really well, organized or were they mere hungry 
^'bandits"? 

"At first," Chu Teh said, "the Manchurian volunteers were largely impoverished 
peasants and the scattered remnants of the defeated Manchurian troops. They 
operated without a plan, could not accomplish much, and finally were almost 
destroyed. The Communist Party then began to organize new peasant detach- 
ments who were later joined by what remained of the original volunteers. As 
a result, most of these formerly leaderless forces have been converted into 
important detachments with wide popular support. This year there has been 
some increase in the number of volunteers along the Korean border, in eastern 
Fengtien, and in eastern Kirin. The increase has been more systematic than 
hitherto. New groups have recently been formed in Jehol and Chahar. About 
three months ago a report to me stated that the total number of Manchurian 
volunteers ranged from fifty to sixty thousand." In reply to a statement made 
by the Japanese to the effect that 70 percent of the Manchurian volunteers are 
Communists, Chu Teh said that this was not an exaggeration. 

On the united front. — Of all the questions facing China and the former Soviet 
area the most important is that of the united front. No one in Soviet China 
knows the details of the negotiations more intimately than Chou En-lai, vice 
chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, and second in imi>ortance 
only to Mao Tse-tung. It was he who carried on all the negotiations with 
Chiang Kai-shek. Born thirty-nine years ago of a mandarin family, Chou 
En-lai joined the revolutionary movement in 1011. Upon his return to China 
in 1024 from a stay abroad, he became chief of the political department of the 
Whampoa Military Academy under the direction of Chiang Kai-shek. It is said 
that even today the generalissimo has a great fondness for Chou. When asked 
why the united-front conversations were then not moving very fast, Chou En-lai 
said : "The form of the Chinese united front is quite different from that in 
Europe or the United States. In China two parties fought each other for ten 
years. The Communist Party, representing the proletariat and peasantry, was 
a revolutionary party with its own areas and military forces as well as its 
own social, political, and economic system. The Kuomintang represented the 
ruling social groups throughout the rest of China. But the position of the 
Chinese bourgeoisie was such that the obstacles arising from their class posi- 
tion could not forever bar a united struggle against Japan. The bourgeoisie 
•of China have at last come to realize that the Japanese invasion harms all classes 
and that, standing alone, they are too weak to safeguard China's freedom and 
independence." 

Up to the time of Japan's most recent invasion, the united-front negotiations 
had progressed quite slowly though not without positive results. Internal peace 
had been achieved, and the two armies no longer fought each other. Confiscation 
of land in the Soviet regions was abolished. The name of the Red Army was 
changed. Dramatic troupes began to tour the countryside to teach the peasants 
the meaning of democratic elections. Nanking began to contribute a considerable, 
though as yet insufficient, sum of money monthly to the Soviet area. Technical 
difficulties made a complete united front often seem impossible. But Japan's 
military aggression scattered all the major obstacles. 

The land problem. — Ever since October 1985, when the main body of the 
Communist armies from Central and South China began to arrive in north 
Shensi. their immediate objectives have been twofold. First, to build a perma- 
nent base for internal development, and second, and more important, to use this 
base as a spearhead for unifying all elements in China for a successful war 
of defense against the invading Japanese militarists. Despite the fact that 
the former Soviet area, the largest single contiguous territory ever held under 
Communist rule, started as one of the most economically backward areas in 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1669 

China, the welfare of the peasants and workers has been improved considerably. 
There is not sufficient room here to tell all that we saw and beard, but a few 
high spots, in the words of Po K'u, one of the important leaders of the region, 
will perhaps shed some light. 

Po K'u's home and office is in the abandoned compound of an English Baptist 
mission. When we expressed surprise at finding religious pictures hanging on 
his walls, l'o K'u said that he left the comi>ound just as he found it in the hope 
that the missionaries would return. 

In reply to several questions ou the land confiscation problem, Po K'u said 
in quite good English: "When the first Soviets were established in 1933 in 
Shensi, all the good land along the river hanks was in the hands of rich 
landlords who used the great famine of 1030 as a lever for confiscating this 
land. From then until the Sian incident in December 193G, all this land was 
divided among the peasants ; all taxation and levies were abolished ; democratic 
liberty was extended to all ; peasants built up their own armed forces for their 
protection instead of relying on landlords' forces ; and peasants enjoyed the aid 
and direction of the Soviet government to increase production, improve the land, 
and develop consumer cooperatives. 

"After the Sian incident when the united-front conversations had already 
begun, the redivision of land among the peasants was stopped in districts occupied 
after the beginning of the negotiations. In general, the ownership of land is not 
the main problem in this territory. Land is plentiful, for Shensi is thinly 
populated, with an average of one family to every thirteen miles. The form of 
•exploitation and, therefore, the main problem are usury and excessive interest 
rates on money and cattle. Land rents and money lending rates, therefore, have 
been reduced drastically. The maximum rent now permitted in the Soviet areas 
is 30 percent of the land produce, and peasants can bargain with landlords to 
further reduce this percentage, while the money-lending rate has been reduced 
from a general 10 percent monthly rate to a maximum of 2 percent. Even last 
year, when warfare was still going on, the Soviet government spent one hundred 
thousand dollars for ploughs, seeds, etc., while this year there will be an addi- 
tional cash distribution of sixty thousand dollars." 

Apparently there has been a great deal of confusion about this abandonment of 
land confiscation. Mao Tse-tung's pithy words perhaps explain it most simply. 
He said : "It is not so much a question now of whether our land belongs to the 
peasants or the landlords, but whether it is Chinese or Japanese." The same 
reasoning is applied by the Communist leaders to the larger question of China as 
•a whole. To all of them "it is not a question now of which general controls which 
province, but whether the land will remain Chinese or come under Japanese 
control. If the latter should happen, the original problem disappears." 

Life in the Special Administrative District. — Our visit, however, did not 
consist only of a series of interviews. We visited stores and shops, noting 
with interest how much cleaner and more orderly they were than any we had 
seen on our trip, and how relatively well stocked they were. And the cheesecloth 
covering the food for sale stood in marked contrast to the cities in non-Soviet 
areas where the only coverings we had seen were armies of flies. Even the 
■dogs, the most miserable of all living things in China, were active and barking. 
Anyone who has seen the worm-eaten, starved gaunt dogs of China, too weak even 
to move out of the way of a passing vehicle, will understand the meaning of 
that. 

Culturally, too, the Soviet region is making great strides. Besides Yenan, the 
•present capital, three other cities are being developed as cultural centers: 
Tingpien, Y'enchang, and Chingyang. Anti-Japanese academies and dramatic 
groups are the axes around which the cultural life is being developed. Study 
classes, reading rooms, theatricals, dances, lectures, and mass meetings are 
regular features of life in the Soviet territories. We were amused to hear the 
universal complaint of all librarians. "They keep the books out too long." 

But most interesting and important of all was our visit to the theater. A 
troupe of players was scheduled to go on the road the following clay, and they 
graciously went through their repertoire for us as well as for their own delighted 
audience. In a packed auditorium, seated on low, narrow, backless wooden 
benches, before a crude stage whose footlights were flickering candles, we sat 
through four hours of amazingly excellent plays, superbly acted. With perfect 
realism (so different from the classical Chinese theater) and delightful humor, 
they presented plays designed to teach the peasants how to vote and how to 
unite. They explained the value of cleanliness, of vaccination, of education, 
and the stupidity and danger of superstitions. At one point, for instance, one 



1670 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

character complained of being tired. "We weren't tired on our seven thousand- 
mile march," was the reply. And the audience roared as did Mao, Chu Teh, 
and the rest of the leaders who sat next to us, having as good a time as anyone. 
The high spot of the evening was a really professional performance of a scene 
from Gorki's Mother, which had been given at the Gorki memorial evening 
celebrated in Yenan, and a Living Newspaper by the young people on such sub- 
jects as bribery, bureaucracy, and hygiene. All these plays were being sent out 
to the villages. 

Our visit to Yenan was climaxed by a huge mass meeting, addressed by Chu 
Teh, Bisson, Lattimore, and myself and attended by the one thousand five hun- 
dred cadet students of the People's Anti-Japanese Military-Political University 
and about five hundred from other schools. Here are some questions asked of 
me. "What is the position of woman in the U. S. A.? How do American workers 
live and how developed is their movement? What are the results of Roosevelt's 
N. R. A. campaign? What is the present situation in the Left literary movement 
in America? What do the American people think of our long march west?" 
And innumerable questions concerning America's attitude in the event of a Sino- 
Japanese conflict, the American attitude toward the war in Spain, and what 
Americans think of the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. 

This stress on the role of the United States is altogether typical of the reac- 
tion throughout China. These people have traditionally considered Americans 
as their friends and they do not want us to fail them now. A few days after 
our arrival in Shanghai, I received a letter from Agnes Smedley which tells bet- 
ter than I am able how much hope and enthusiasm the visit of Americans evoked 
in the former Soviet regions. 

"In my imagination I follow your journey from here, and my friends and I 
speculate as to your exact location day by day, and your exact occupation. I 
want to tell you that you left behind remarkable friends. I did not realize the 
effect of that meeting until two or three days had passed. Then it began to roll 
in. I have no reason to tell you tales. But the meeting, and your speech in 
particular, has had a colossal effect upon all people. One was so moved by it 
that he could not sleep that night but spent the night writing a poem in praise 
of you all. I enclose the poem. It is not good from the literary viewpoint. But 
from the viewpoint of the emotion behind it. it is of value. It is a deeply pas- 
sionate poem. It is not good enough to publish, but it is good enough to carry 
next to your heart in the years to come. To that meeting, it may interest you to 
know, came delegations sent by every institution. Many institutions could not 
cross the rivers. But they sent activists, groups of six to a dozen. They later 
gave extensive reports. I am getting those reports from instructors day by day. 
All are deeply impressed and moved and grateful to you and all of you. There 
has never been anything like this here before." 



Exhibit No. 76 



[From the Far Eastern Survey, American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations. 

June 7, 1944] 

China's Part in a Coalition War 

(By T. A. Bisson) 

(Mr. Bisson is a member of the International Secretariat of the Institute of 

Pacific Relations) 

The recent Chinese victory helps to swell the tide of United Nations' mili- 
tary successes as the decisive summer of 1943 begins. It coincides with the first 
significant Anglo-American triumphs in Europe, and links together the two 
global fronts — East and West — more unmistakably and more prophetically than 
ever before. Already, as the Mediterranean is cleared for United Nations - 
merchant shipping, Japan girds herself for the sterner test which her military 
leaders see ahead . 

The Chinese victory is playing an even mure important role in the political 
field, for it tends to ease the srrimis friction which had developed between China 
and the other members of the United Nations. It was a victory won mainly by 
Chinese armed forces. As such, it gives the lie to the alarmists, both in and oat- 
side China, who were beginning to clamor that the economic situation had 
become so bad that the collapse of Chinese resistance to Japan was threatened. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1671 

But tlic victory was also won in collaboration with the United States 14th Air 
Force Command. As such, it was a demonstration that some American aid — 
little enough in the face of the wwds of the Chinese front, and pitifully meager 
when measured against the past contributions of China for the right against 
Japanese aggression — was being practically effective in a current operation. 

It is to be hoped that, in the wake of the recent Roosevelt-Churchill strategy 
conferences at Washington, further military aid of a similar practical nature 
has been scheduled for China. More than airplanes are needed. Preparations 
for a Burma campaign should be already well under way if operations are to 
begin this fall, as our military commentators have indicated. 1 

There are no sound reasons, moreover, for accepting the pessimistic conclusion 
that China is unable to help herself, pending the arrival of military or economic 
aid on a large scale. In a significant review of the Hupeh campaign, General 
Ch'en Ch'eng declared on June D, from his headquarters at Enshih, that the initial 
Japanese penetration of difficult terrain "was due to our negligence." 2 He then 
went on to state that it was necessary for China "to coordinate the military, 
political and economic aspects" of the war, and "to intensify preparations for 
a counterattack." 

From a Chinese commander in Ch'en Ch'eng's position, there are strong words. 
They are a double rebuke. They imply, in the first place, that the Kuomintang 
armies displayed a military passivity during the first phase of the Japanese 
advance. They suggest, in the second place, that a more comprehensive and- 
energetic mobilization of China's war potential is required in order to pass to 
the attack. With both China and the other United Nations doing their full share 
in the coming months, it should be possible to make the situation much more 
difficult for the Japanese forces in China. 

An easy attainment of these desirable ends should not be expected. They 
can be accomplished only if the changes in policy required by a united war in the 
Far East are made by China, as well as by the other members of the United 
Nations. The disunity which featured this past winter is the result of a long 
series of mistakes, omissions and failures, past and present, which have com- 
bined to weave a network of frustration around "the China problem." There 
have been legitimate grievances on the part of China. Some of these still exist 
and should be remedied. Others are mixed with a past which at this time might 
better be buried and forgotten. 

FEARS ABOUT KUOMINTANG POLICY 

There have been well-justified fears and apprehensions over the trend of 
Kuomintang policy within China, shared by some of the keenest and most dis- 
cerning friends of the Chinese people in countries abroad. These apprehensions 
are based on a careful appraisal of conditions in China, as will be indicated in 
some detail later on in this article. They cannot be lightly dismissed. They 
affect not only the current prosecution of the war, but also the prospects for the 
postwar emergence of a stable, united and democratic China. 

It is essential that the mistakes of the United Nations in dealing with China, 
as well as China's own shortcomings should be brought into the open and sub- 
jected to critical examination. Innuendoes and behind-the-scenes speculation 
and gossip, which have largely taken the place of frank and open statements in 
recent months, have a much more serious effect than forthright exchanges on the 
issues now uppermost. Frank appraisal of these issues becomes disruptive and 
harmful only if used in bitterness and with a desire to wound. Critical exam- 
ination should rather be directed toward uncovering mistakes and unhealthy 
tendencies, and indicating the path to be taken to correct them. 

MISTAKES IN UNITED NATIONS' POLICY 

Present Chinese grievances are cast against an historical background in which 
China suffered greatly from policies followed by western nations now engaged 
in Che common struggle against Axis aggression. It is unnecessary at this time 
t» eater into a discussion of this background, including China's long and painful 
efforts to throw off the shackles imposed by the "unequal treaties." Fortunately, 
the treaties recently concluded with China by Great Britain and the United 



1 See, for example, Hanson Baldwin in the New York Times, June 16, 1943. 

; China Daily News, June 19, 1943. General Ch'en Ch'eng had been previously trans- 
ferred (probably in February) from this vital sector to the Yunnan front, but was recalled 
to command of the Hupeh operations after the Japanese offensive had developed. 



1672 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

States, which provide for the abolition of the extraterritorial system, promise- 
a speedy termiantion of this long-standing injustice. 

Proper appreciation of this historiacl factor should lead to somewhat more- 
generous policies in working out arrangements already made and others which 
may prove necessary. It is advisable, for example, that agreements for the ren- 
dition of leaseholds, such as Kowloon and Kwangchowwan, and for the return to 
China of Hongkong be worked out now and announced as soon as possible. It 
is also necessary that the postwar restoration of Manchuria and Formosa to 
China be unequivocally indicated. A declaration that Korea shall obtain its 
freedom is required in more formal terms than hitherto stated. Exclusion laws 
on the United States' statute books are a standing affront to the Chinese. 
Finally, China is rightfully interested in the postwar future of India and the 
countries of Southern Asia. There can be no real independence for China in a 
Far East that remains largely colonial or semicolonial. 

These are not the burning issues of the moment, but they are directly related 
to the task of winning the allegiance of all Far Eastern peoples, including the 
Chinese, and therefore to an efficient and effective prosecution of the war. 



MILITARY AID NEEDED 

The issue of more immediate concern to China is that of military aid and sup- 
'port. This question also has its historical setting. For some four years, nearly 
up to Pearl Harbor. China held the fort against Japanese aggression virtually 
alone. The aid rendered to her by the United States and Britain was almost 
purely economic ; up to 1941, they had supplied little or no munitions of war to 
the Chinese armies. During this period, moreover, the economic aid to China was 
heavily outweighed by the stream of American and British strategic materials 
flowing across the Pacific to the Japanese war machine. 

All this formed the background to Pearl Harbor. Immediately thereafter, 
China experienced a further series of chilling disillusionments. Within a few 
months, Japanese forces had swept the British and Americans out of their Far 
Eastern strongholds. Some of the circumstances attending this defeat which 
directly affected the Chinese cut more deeply than the defeat itself. At Hong- 
kong, the local Chinese population was not permitted a share in the military 
operations, while in Malaya the attempt to enlist the Chinese in the defense of 
the peninsula was made too late to be effective. Negotiations attending the entry 
of Chinese troops into Burma were inexcusably protracted. When defeat came 
in Burma, too, China saw the last of her road-and-rail links to the Pacific cut 
for an indefinite period. 

These factors reinforced the validity of China's demand for effective military 
aid. Yet at the moment when the validity of her demand stood at its highest 
point, and political barirers ("neutrality" or appeasement policies) had been 
removed, the facilities for satisfying that demand suddenly became most cir- 
cumscribed. 

Some assistance has been rendered during the past 18 months. On the economic 
front, the 500-million-dollar loan has been a positive psychological factor, even 
though its full utilization has been made impossible by the inability to send 
goods into China in large amounts. Small quantiiies of munitions and supplies 
have been flown in from India. The former devastating bombings of Chungking 
have ceased, as a result both of the appearance of an American air force in China 
and of Japan's preoccupation with other fronts in the Pacific war. In addition 
to their defense role, American planes have conducted modest bombing forays 
and participated in tactical operations supporting Chinese ground forces. 

It still remains true that the sum total of this aid is lamentably small. More 
transport planes can be assigned to the India-China air route, both to increase 
the flow of war materials into China and to expand the Ameriacn air forces now 
operating from Chinese bases. It is probable that the increased emphasis on 
the Pacific war fronts, recorded in the Churchill-Roosevelt conferences, includes 
expansion of this air freight being carried into China. 

The recent Burma campaign was thoroughly disappointing. Much larger air 
and naval forces must be employed in any operation meant to be decisive in this 
theater. To the Chinese, the effectiveness of military aid is measured by the 
quantity of weapons reaching China and by the seriousness of the effort made to 
reconquer Burma. 






STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1673 

CHINA MISPLAYS HER HAND 

The strength of China's case is such that it requires no elaboration. Before 
Pearl Barbor, the western democracies were already heavily indebted to China; 
since then, the indebtedness has steadily increased. The importance of Chinas 
position in the Far East, both during and after the war, requires that this account 
be fully discharged in the shortest time possible. 

There was no need to pass beyond the bounds of this argument. It rests on 
unassailable foundations. It is unanswerable, save by action on the part of the 
western democracies. 

In the American forum of this past winter, nevertheless, the tragic fact is that 
China badly misplayed her hand. Instead of conducting the debate along the 
above lines, the representatives of Chungking called into question the basic 
strategy of the war. On more than one occasion, in private as well as in public, 
the demand was voiced that Japan rather than Germany should be made Enemy 
No. 1. or that forces comparable to those being utilized in Europe should be sent 
into the Pacific. 

In choosing this ground for debate, China's representatives were committing 
three basic mistakes. They were demonstrably wrong, in the first place, on the 
point at issue. The consensus of expert military opinion is overwhelming on the 
fact that the German war machine is more formidable than the Japanese. 
United Nations' war potential— Russian, British, American— is predominantly 
concentrated in the European-Atlantic theater of operations. With logistics 
playing the great role which it does in this war, and in view of the acute shipping 
shortage, it was inevitable that the choice be made to eliminate the nearest 

enemy first. 

Above all, this choice had been made early in 1942 ; by last winter, it had clearly 
become the settled strategy on which the war was to be waged. To reverse that 
strategy in the winter of 1942^3, after the North African campaign had begun, 
would obviously have been unwise and dangerous. The demand that relatively 
equal forces be dispatched to the Pacific is merely a variant of the same thesis, 
with similarly dangerous possibilities. 

APPEAL TO THE ISOLATIONISTS 

In the second place, taking domestic politics in the United States into consid- 
eration, the appeal to reverse the strategy of the war represented a tactical 
blunder of the first importance. It brought under attack a policy to which 
President Roosevelt was thoroughly committed. More, it made its strongest do- 
mestic appeal to the political opponents of the administration. These were, at the 
same time, the isolationists who had supported appeasement of Japan, who had 
strongly opposed aid to China, in the pre-Pearl Harbor clays. It was no accident, 
but a logical development, that these same elements should now be clamoring 
loudest of all for a policy "to defeat Hirohito first." Diversion of much of the 
United Nations' strength to the Far East, before Hitler was disposed of, would be 
the surest path to defeat on both sides of the globe. The appeal to these forces 
failed, as it was bound to fail, and China's cause thereby suffered a bad set-back 
in the United States. 

In the third place, it was equally an error to lead the argument along lines 
which suggested that China w r as in danger of imminent collapse. This plea, 
strongly advanced by many Chinese in the United States this past winter, argued 
a weakness on China's part which the stubborn resistance of previous years 
belied. It verged on a propaganda claim which the best-informed students of 
Chinese conditions were not willing to accept at face value, despite the admittedly 
serious economic situation which prevailed. 

The argument that "you must save us quickly or all is lost'' had dangerously 
confusing implications. To some Americans it suggested that China might have 
to be written off as an effective ally in the immediate perspective of the war, and 
that she would have to be picked up again at a later stage when greater forces 
could be ranged against Japan. Much the sounder position for China would 
have been to put up a strong front, to dig in and fight even harder, at the moment 
of crisis. China's representatives could then have argued from strength and not 
from weakness. 

DOUBTS RAISED IN THE UNITED STATES 

The net results of this American forum on the position and prospects of China 
in the war have been confusing and, to some extent, disheartening. As the 



1674 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

debate proceeded, it tended to disillusion many of the groups in the United States 
best able to. help China. It raised questions as to the political judgment of the 
Kuomintang regime and the representatives of Chungking who were acting for 
China in the United States. It weakened the case for more effective Chinese rep- 
resentation in the highest military councils of the United Nations where the basic 
decisions on strategy are made. In many quarters, it strengthened existing 
reservations as to the methods and conditions which should be applied in the 
extension of aid to China. 

Still more, it left questions in the minds of many Americans as to what lay 
behind the ineptness of the political tactics applied to Chinese relations with 
this country. The answers to these questions must be sought, in large part, in 
the changes which have occurred in China's political and economic life during 
the past few years. 

TWO CHINAS 

At the outset of such an analysis, it is necessary to repeat an important gen- 
eralization stressed by many commentators on Chinese affairs — that the 
early promise held out by the war for the broadening and deepening of Chinese 
national unity through the achievement of liberal political and economic reforms, 
has not been fulfilled. 3 This promise, in fact, died early in the war. 

It received its best documentary expression in "The Program of National Re- 
sistance and Reconstruction" adopted by an emergency session of the Kuomintang 
Congress at Hankow, on March 29, 1938. 4 The democratic provisions even of 
this program, which was not without shortcomings, were not carried out, and this 
high point of the first year of the war soon became a melancholy landmark. 

Early in 1939 the Kuomintang conservatives became alarmed at the rapid re- 
conquest and reorganization of territories behind the Japanese lines by the 
Eighth Route and New Fourth, Communist-led, armies. 5 Clashes, at first spo- 
radic, soon became more frequent. Early in 1941, the New Fourth army was out- 
lawed by the Chungking military authorities, following an abortive effort to 
destroy its headquarters corps and crush its leadership. Central Government aid 
to the Eighth Route army had meanwhile lapsed ; and the blockade of the Shen- 
Kan-Ning Border Region by Kuomintang forces, numbering some 500,000 and 
commanded by General Hu Tsung-nan, has since continued. 

A year or more before Pearl Harbor, therefore, two Chinas had definitely 
emerged. Each had its own government, its own military forces, its own terri- 
tories. More significant, each had its own characteristic set of political and 
economic institutions. One is now generally called Kuomintang China ; the 
other is called Communist China. 

However, these are only party labels. To be more descriptive, the one might 
be called feudal China ; the other, democratic China. 6 These terms express the 
actualities as they exist today, the real institutional distinctions between the 
two Chinas. 

COMPARISON OF CASUALTIES INFLICTED 

In an attempt to analyze these differences, it should be recognized at once that 
one is not dealing with irrelevant abstractions. The institutions which char- 
acterize one China as feudal and the other as democratic have the most practical 
relevance to the leading problems of the day. They are, in fact, the determinants 
of all policies, domestic and international, espoused by the two Chinas. They 
explain, as will be indicated, why Kuomintang China is compelled to demand 
immediate aid on a scale so great as to necessitate reversal of United Nation's 
global military strategy. They also explain the declining rate of casualties in- 
flicted on the Japanese by the Kuomintang armies, as contrasted with the in- 
creasing rate of casualties inflicted by the Eighth Route and New Fourth armies. 

According to official reports, the Kuomintang armies have inflicted on the 
Japanese average annual casualties (in a total of GO months) of 354,93"), while the 



3 See, for a recent example, Pearl Buck, "A Warning About China," Life, May 10, 1943, 
pp. 53-56. 

4 For text, see Amerasia, April 25, 1943, pp. 118-120. 

5 It is important to note that the "reorganization" — involving land reform and electoral 
procedures in local government — was as much opposed as the "reconnuest." For the 
emergency of effective political unity in China required, on the part of the Kuomintang, the 
acceptance of at least these minimal land and electoral reforms. 

6 The term "feudal," as here used, is intended to define a society in which the landlord- 
peasant relationship is dominant and autocracy in government centers around this 
relationship. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1675 

combined annual average Cor the Eighth Route (F>S months' total) and the New 
Fourth (48 months* total) amounted to 113,338. For the last comparable year 
(.Inly l'.Ml -June 1942), however, the absolute figures are respectively 182,0!J4 and 
130,010. In other words, the Kuomintang armies show an average annual record 
of 7(> percent of total casualties inflicted, hut in 1P41-42 their achievement falls 
to only 58 percent of the total. On the other hand, the record of the Eighth 
Route and New Fourth armies was lifted to 42 percent of the total in 1941-42, as 
against an annual average of 21 percent. 

The significance of this comparison is that it excludes the problems of blockade 
and foreign aid. Indeed, in these respects, the advantage lies entirely on the 
side of the Kuomintang armies. They are supported by incomparably larger 
populations and richer territories. They have enjoyed the benefit of virtually 
all the military and economic aid rendered China by foreign nations. Since 
before Pearl Harbor, the Eighth Route and New Fourth armies have been doubly 
blockaded, by the Japanese on one side and by the Kuomintang armies on the 
other. 

The differences indicated by the casualty figures must therefore be explained 
solely on the hasis of efficiency or lack of efficiency in the mobilization of the 
human and material resources of the two Chinas. This question forces one back 
to an examination of the institutions which differentiate the two regions. 

DEMOCRATIC CHINA 

The key to the successful mobilization of the war potential of so-called Com- 
munist China lies in the extent to which its leaders have thrown off the feudal 
incubus which has weighed China down for centuries. No single measure can be 
pointed to as the open sesame which has increasingly achieved this objective. 
Economic reforms have been intertwined with political reforms, the one sup- 
porting the other. Basic to the whole program has been the land reform which 
has freed the peasant — the primary producer in these areas, and, indeed, over 
most of China — from the crushing w T eight of rent, taxes, and usurious interest 
charges as levied by a feudal economy. 

But the ingenuity of this reform, without which it could hardly be made to 
work, is that the newly introduced procedures of local democracy serve as the 
final sanction. The landlord and entrepreneur are not excluded from this proc- 
ess, but neither are they permitted to dominate it. Tax assessment committees, 
for example, are controlled by a majority of local members and exercise a 
strictly local jurisdiction. Farmers know well what their neighbors own. 

Over wide areas of this new China, elected councils — village, town, and 
district — and elected executive officials have completely supplanted the old 
autocratic system of feudal agrarian China. These councils and officials are 
either unpaid or receive mere pittances wdiich leave them no better off econom- 
ically than their fellow citizens. 

It is this democratic process, finally, which permits a large measure of free 
competition to operate over the whole of the economy. Bureaucratic price con- 
trols are not attempted. They are as unnecessary in this society as they would 
be in a New England town meeting. No landlord or merchant, with the watchful 
eyes of his neighbors upon him, can engage in hoarding or speculation. Within 
limits set mainly by local democratic checks, the individual landlord or entre- 
preneur is free, and is even encouraged, to expand his operations, and many are 
doing so. 

By no stretch of the imagination can this be termed communism ; it is, in fact, 
the essence of bourgeois democracy, applied mainly to agrarian conditions. The 
leaders in Yenan see in this program more than the answ T er to China's immediate 
problem of efficiently mobilizing her resources for the war against Japan. They 
see in it also the means of throwing off China's feudal shackles, the transition 
to modern nationhood. 

FEUDAL CHINA 

The declining curve of military achievement by the Knomintang armies is 
correlated with a progressive decrease in the economic strength of Kuomintang 
China. While this decrease is notable, there is no need to adopt the alarmist 
view that collapse is inevitable. The human and material resources of Kuo- 
mintang China are large. Its economic reserves are still considerable. So also 
are its militai'y reserves and potentialities. 

General Ch'en Ch'eng's use of the term "negligence" clearly implied that more 
could he done with the military resources at hand than was being done. Concen- 

08970 — 50 — pt. 2 13 



1676 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

tration on the demand for more planes and guns from abroad, in other words, 
was getting in the way of full utilization of the weapons and forces at hand. 
General Ch'en Ch'eng has since given a specific illustration of this situation by 
pointing out that the American planes were based too far from the fighting 
fronts to be fully effective in the Hupeh campaign. 7 An attitude of military 
passivity is revealed by this failure to develop facilities for air action near tne 
front. The alert, active seizure of opportunities open even to limited means is 
evidently lacking. 

These considerations also apply to the economic sphere, although the problem 
is far more complicated and difficult. Here, too, General Ch'en Ch'eng's com- 
ments go straight to the nub of the issue. He states that "there should be 
unrelenting vigilance and intensified preparations for counterattacks through 
military, political and economic cordination." 8 

This'is a demand for more vigorous action on the home front, with an emphasis 
sharply different from pleas for help from outside. As has already been seen, 
questions of blockade and outside aid are not necessarily decisive for effective 
military resistance, providing an efficient economic mobilization is accomplished. 

In Kuomintang China, such a mobilization is severely handicapped by the 
leaders' unwillingness to challenge the basic postulates of the feudal system. 
No serious effort has been made to uproot the landlord-usurer system. With the 
port cities and their nascent bourgeois class removed, the landlords have become 
the economic mainstay of the Kuomintang regime. 

BUREAUCRACY TIGHTENS HOLD 

At the same time, the bureaucracy has taken over administration of a con- 
siderable slice of industrial production. Many industries have become govern- 
ment monopolies, not forced to maintain tbemselves in competition with private 
industry. Industrial development under private initiative, valuable as an offset 
to feudal relations, and needed in an economy of scarcity, was thus choked off 
at the very time when stimulation of the entrepreneur was justified. The de- 
clining numbers and strength of the industrial class weakened its challenge to 
the landlord-bureaucrat regime, thereby putting new props under the tottering 
structure of Chinese feudalism. 

In these circumstances, there could be no real progress toward democratic 
reform or wider civil liberties. Inauguration of constitutional government, con- 
sidered for a time in 1938, was eventually shelved for the duration. Non- 
Kuomintang representatives on the People's Political Council, which could have 
evolved into a national legislature, have steadily decreased. Over the new 
Political Councils in the provinces, Kuomintang control is carefully maintained. 
In the so-called "new hsien system," embodying the program for instituting rep- 
resentative local government, candidates will be limited to those who have 
acceptably passed through Kuomintang training schools, while suffrage will be 
indirect and linked to the household units of the pao-chia system. These develop- 
ments do not promise to create effective popular checks on the Kuomintang 
bureaucracy. 

With no effort at reform of the land system or initiation of democratic proc- 
esses, the two basic prerequisites for an efficient wartime economic mobilization 
were lacking. As conditions deteriorated, successive measures looking toward 
the institution of a "controlled economy" were introduced. The bureaucracy 
steadily expanded until its relative cost, measured against the limited output 
of the productive system, itself became a drag on the war effort. 

Even so, it could institute neither price nor commodity controls that were 
adequate to stay the course of inflation. Grain hoarding and speculation, the 
key factor in Kuomintang China's inflationary problem, could be curbed by 
nothing less than genuine popular participation in application of the controls. 
This solution was barred. In a country predominantly agrarian, with the land- 
lords still entrenched in their feudal positions, no centralized government organ 
could send out the multitude of agents required to enforce its paper controls. 
Turn as it would, the bureaucracy could not solve this problem, and the eco- 
nomic foundations of the war effort were increasingly undermined. 

It is at this point that the true relevance of foreign aid to an economy of the 
Kuomintang model becomes evident. In order to conduct war on the basis of 
such an economy, access to the outside world is imperative. Steady injections 



7 New York Times, June 28, 1043. The same paper on June 29 carried Ch'en Ch'ens's 
statement that China needed "jruns and equipment of all kinds." and would welcome "even 
onethousandth part of one percent" of United States production. 

'China Daily News, June 19, 1943. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1677 

of foreign Supplies were in fact pumped into Kuomintang China np to Pearl 
Harbor, although In declining amounts after 1940. 

Tins extreme dependence on aid from the outside is a key which unlocks many 
mysteries. It provides an adequate explanation for the declining rate of the 
Kuomintang armies - military achievements. It also explains the persistent 
outcry in Chungking Eor a reversal of United Nations' strategy, as expressed 
in the editorials of its leading papers." The desperate need for outside assist- 
ance fell by Kuomintang China could only he met by such a reversal of strategy, 
since this alone would bring aid quickly on a large scale. And, finally, this 
appeal was logically transferred directly to the United States in the propaganda 
campaign conducted last winter. 

Obviously, the resources available in Free China are much too limited to 
encompass the defeat of Japan. Larue amounts of outside supplies are essential 
if the Chinese armies are to be equipped for successful offensives. Until then, 
however, the need is for the most effective utilization and development of the 
resources at hand. 

Elements within Kuomintang China are making efforts to achieve this end, 
as indicated by the forthright statements of General Ch'en Ch'eng. Strong 
forces are working to establish greater freedom for the entrepreneur, as a means 
to increase industrial production. The industrial cooperative movement, once 
freed of bureaucratic restrictions, would be able to forge ahead more rapidly. 
With proper encouragement, these sound elements within Kuomintang China 
can do much to overcome current economic weaknesses, although more thorough- 
going reforms are necessary in order to effect complete mobilization. 

A COALITION WAR— AND ITS REQUIREMENTS 

The United States, as the arsenal of democracy, bears a heavy responsibility 
for the war program of the United Nations. Its immense productive effort has 
begun to register with increasing effect on the war fronts. As the German tide in 
Europe recedes, the pressure on Japan will steadily increase. It is clearly essen- 
tial That China, which has borne the heat and burden of the defensive in the 
Far East, should have a full and significant share in the victorious offensives 
that are now in the making. Toward this end, it would be advisable that China 
be given an adequate voice in framing the decisions on strategic policy. But 
China herself must change, if she is to make her full contribution to a coalition 
war. 

Realistic thinking on this problem will be stimulated if there is candid recog- 
nition that two Chinas exist at the present time. The task of statesmanship is 
to merge these two Chinas into one. To be sound and effective, such unification 
must come on the high plane of social advance and democratic reform. Until 
unification is achieved on this plane, China's full strength cannot be placed behind 
the war effort. 

It is also necessary to recognize that Kuomintang China is passing through 
a serious crisis. The challenge is for a renewal of the forward-looking elements 
in the party of Sun Yat-sen and a bold cutting loose from an archaic past. De- 
fections of allegiance, already occurring, will tend to increase as reform is post- 
poned, and the leadership of the China of the future may well pass to the pro- 
gressive forces outside the Kuomintang. 

These issues in China pose a delicate and difficult problem for the other mem- 
bers of the United Nations. They are issues of such fundamental importance, 
however, that they cannot be ignored. Not only does the effective prosecution 
of the war during its final phase depend on the answers given. The future status 
of China as a healthy and vigorous nation, in which the people's livelihood is 
safeguarded by democratic processes, is at stake. Only such a China, moreover, 
can bring to the family of nations that level of constructive statesmanship that 
will be needed to guard the peace that the war has won. 



Exhibit No. 77 

Red Myths, Starring China 

(By Louis Francis Budenz, for Collier's) 

America will be rocked, during the coming year, by mounting espionage 
revelations. Shock after shock is about to be given the American people as to 

9 See excerpts in article by Guenther Stein, Far Eastern Survey, June 14, 1943, p. 117. 



1678 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

the extent their national security has been placed at the mercy of the Soviet 
dictatorship, through native American traitors. The activities of Eugene Den- 
nis, present secretary of the Communist Party, in the stealing of information 
from the Office of Strategic Services during World War II, in itself constitutes 
one of the gravest scandals that has ever hit this country. 

Right now there is a gi-eat burning of documents in Communist conspiratorial 
hide-aways and many feverish consultations as to how to cover up the widespread 
looting by Moscow of our official files and secrets. 

Along with this espionage, went an equally grave offense, which was carried 
through with high success by Soviet agents; the winning of the confidence of 
American public officials in order to influence and dictate American foreign poli- 
cies. It is ironical that America's path in China has been exactly that mapped 
out by Soviet agents here in the United States on behalf of Communist China. 
The whole idea of "coalition government" — which American officialdom swal- 
lowed hook, line, and sinker and which led to the withholding of real aid to 
nationalist China — was concocted by Soviet Russia in order to defeat America 
in the Far East. The orders to push this idea of "coalition government'' were 
given to leading members of the Communist Party here, were printed in official 
Communist publications, and then oddly enough became the patent medicine 
of the Far Eastern Division of the State Department. 

I was one of those who took a leading part in arranging for this deceit of 
American officialdom. I sat in the conferences that received the instructions 
from the Soviet capital and was active in carrying them out, for the discomfort 
and defeat of the United States. 

Neither the espionage nor the deceit (which made American policy so often 
that which the Kremlin wanted it to be) could have been so successful had it 
not been for the Red myths which were created to befuddle the American 
people. 

No hoax has been more complete and convincing than that which deluded 
the American people from coast to coast into the belief that the Chinese Com- 
munists were a mild edition of agricultural reformer. These Moscow agents, 
pledged by their own declarations to establish Soviet slavery over the millions 
in China, were portrayed by so-called experts and distinguished authors as a 
sort of Non-Partisan Leaguer such as functioned for some time in North Dakota. 
A writer like Harrison Forman could say in his Report from Red China that 
he saw "not the slightest tangible connection with Russia" among these Chinese 
Communists. He could even tell us that "occasionally I saw portraits of Marx 
and Lenin; but these seemed the relics of a revolutionary past." And these 
were the words of a man who was accepted by the American people as one of the 
leading authorities on China as late as 1945. What he wrote there could be 
refuted by every fundamental document issued by the Chinese Communists 
and their leaders when they were writing for themselves and not giving interviews 
to hick Americans. 

Had Mr. Forman and other American "authorities" familiarized themselves 
with the Chinese Communist programs they would know that repeatedly they 
stated their adherence to "the revolutionary doctrines of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Stalin." These "authorities" would have known, as a striking instance, 
of the declarations of the Chinese Communists in 1937. This was at the moment 
when these Reds were about to "make a new peace" with Chiang Kai-shek be- 
cause their masters in the Kremlin were on the eve of signing a nonaggression 
pact with Nationalist China. At every turn of history, the Chinese Communists 
have acted in accord with the twists taken by Moscow, and 1937 is a big year in 
this respect. 

It's a big year because the Chinese Communists from 1931 up to that time had 
openly proclaimed their complete domination by Moscow. They had called the 
territory they occupied "Soviet China" and their military forces "The Red Army." 
It is a big year because it is the time when the Soviet fifth column in the United 
States will begin to put forward the hoax of the Chinese Communists being 
something other than Russian Communists. 

But at that moment, when Soviet Russia had ordered the Chinese Reds to 
make a change in tactics, they told themselves that this alleged cooperation with 
Chiang Kai-shek was only a subterfuge. Through one of their leading spokes- 
men. Wan Min. these Reds pledged that no matter what cloak they put on, they 
would always b<> "true supporters of Marxist-Leninist teachings." 'They further 
declared, to'show their devotion to Soviet Russia, that they would always remain 
•true pupils" of the great teacher, Joseph Stalin! (You may read this at your 
own convenience in International Press Correspondence, September 18, 1937, 
vol. 17, No. 40, p. 924. ) 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1679 

It was in early 1937 that Earl Browder called a few of the Communists func- 
tionaries, including myself, to a "China conference" on the Ninth Floor of the 
Basl 12th Street house of treason. There were ten people present, conspicuously 
among them being the late Harry Gannes, then foreign editor of the Daily 
Worker and a reputed Red authority on China. To us Browder brought the word, 
which lie said he had received from abroad, that "the followers of Mao Tse-tung 
have to be presented in a new dress." This had been made by Moscow one of 
the chief tasks of the American Party. Browder had served as a representative 
of the Communist International in China for a number of years, and stressed 
that China was "the herald of the emancipation of all Asia from the imperialist 
yoke and would be the key to the smashing of American imperialism." These 
words, uttered by the then chief Communist agent in America at the time when 
the Reds were supposedly endorsing Franklin D. Roosevelt, were to be heard 
frequently in secret Communist sessions from that time forward. They were to 
break into print on a number of occasions in The Communist, official theoretical 
organ of the Soviet fifth column bere. 

China was the key to the Soviet domination of Asia, Browder told us bluntly, 
and a Soviet-controlled Asia "was the beginning of the end of American imperial- 
ism." That is why Moscow, we were told, placed upon the shoulders of the 
American Communist Party the responsibility of persuading the American people 
and our government to have "a benevolent attitude" toward the Chinese Reds. 

It was then that Browder, with a sarcastic grin, said that our objective was 
to "picture the Chinese Communists as a mild variation of the North Dakota 
Non-Partisan Leaguers." This could not be done all at once, we all agreed, 
since a tremendous amount of emphasis had previously been put on the "revolu- 
tionary aspects of the Chinese Soviets." But as a beginning, it was agreed that 
the name of an "authority" would be used — a name that would sound good to 
the American people. The first decision of our China conference, therefore, was 
to publish "tens of thousands of copies" (as Alexander Trachtenberg, the Soviet 
cultural commissar here put it ) "of the interview with Mao Tse-tung, Communist 
leader, obtained by Edgar Snow, the well-known American writer and published 
originally in the China Weekly Review of November 1936. 

While that interview did not go so far as Mao Tse-tung was to go later, in 
picturing his cause as that of a mild agricultural movement, he did stress greatly 
the principles of Sun Yat-sen, the socialistic-democratic leader. It is ironic to 
note that the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party was talking in 
this language to Mr. Snow at the very time when Wan Min was writing in effect 
that Sun Yat-sen's "principles" would be used only as a matter of strategy. 

This idea of the upstanding Chinese Communists, the great agrarian reformers, 
was peddled everywhere from that time on. It turned up in Washington, was 
increasingly popular in certain sections of the State Department, and broke into 
prominent positions in the American press. Everybody who was "in the know" 
was ready to say that the Chinese Communists were entirely different from the 
Communists of Soviet Russia and would never be anti-American nor puppets of 
the Kremlin. 

This propaganda was to reach its height around 1943, when the Communists 
began the big campaign to see that the Cairo pact would be smashed. With the 
same success with which they persuaded America to break its word to Poland 
and also to agree to the Potsdam monstrosity, they proceeded to flood the United 
States with the idea that there should be a coalition government in China. This 
was "sold" by respectable authors throughout America. It was favored in some- 
of the most surprising places in the field of public opinion. It was particularly 
a pet theory of the Far Eastern Division of the State Department, which did 
everything the Communists would have wanted that Division to do. 

And yet. Mao Tse-tung had stated in a special report "On Coalition Govern- 
ment" made in April 1945 to the Seventh National Convention of the Chinese 
Communist Party, that this slogan would lead to the destruction of Chiang 
Kai-shek and the defeat of "reactionary American imperialism." The "coali- 
tion government" as a tactic aimed at the United States of America on behalf 
of Soviet Russia was clearly emphasized as such in that report. The entire 
history of Communist tactics throughout the world had been that all "coalition 
governments" in which Communists joined are sabotaged by the and finally 
conquered for Soviet imperialist purposes. The flood of document from Com- 
munist China, which I could quote at length were it feasible to do so, had all 
asserted the Marxist-Leninist aims of the Chinese Communists and their devo- 
tion to Soviet Russia. Indeed, and most ironically, one of the main points made 
by Mao Tse-tung in his coalition government report is that the Soviet Union has 
changed the whole situation in China. 



1680 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Interpreting this, the chief of the department of information of the Chinese 
Communist Party, Lu Ting-Yi, places the New China on the side of the successes 
of the Soviet Union, and against the American imperialists. 

At the same time, in the first flush of victory, achieved through American 
blundering, Mao Tse-tung now proclaims the Red advance in China to be against 
American imperialism as well as against Chiang Kai-shek's gang of brigands. 
He mentioned the great masses of people that will be brought into the struggle — 
and puts them, in the world scales, against American Republic. Frederick V. 
Field, the millionaire Chinese expert of the Communist Party, jubilantly writes 
in the Political Affairs of July 1948: "Our Chinese comrades are destroying 
American imperialism in the Far East. Let us, American anti-imperialists, at 
least accept and make use of the historic contribution which they are making 
toward our own welfare." This millionaire Communist agent chides American 
labor for not being anti-American in its activities, and thus holding back from 
"the new China which is developing under the leadership of the Communist 
Party." A new enemy of tremendous strength in numbers is being forged in 
Asia against the United States — and every agency of American life has aided 
to make that enemy strong. 

On December 7 last, it was discovered in Washington that there had been a 
tragic lag in the delivery of promised war material and other goods to Na- 
tionalist China. Fighting equipment valued only at .$63,000,000 had been de- 
livered during the preceding eighteen months, whereas $220,000,000 in supplies 
had been sent to Greece and Turkey in a similar period. This is merely an index 
of the entire lag of American opinion and American governmental understanding 
of the Chinese crisis. It is a measure of the powerful effectiveness of the Soviet 
fifth column in the United States that it can report this and similar results in its 
warfare against American imperialism. 

How is it that American public opinion was drugged in this fashion? It was 
the outcome of a most skillful and persistent campaign by the Soviet fifth 
column coupled with an almost incredible amount of naivete on the part of 
leading American citizens. I say this out of my own participation in much of 
the planning on the part of the Reds, which went on at the 12th Street head- 
quarters. 

Our campaign was extensive but not complicated. It was simply to make 
everybody ashamed of being for Nationalist China. This was done by playing 
up the words "China's New Democracy" which was the title of a pamphlet written 
by Mao Tse-tung in 1940. This pamphlet was designed to satisfy everybody 
while at the same time educating the followers of the Chinese Communists to 
an unbreakable alliance with Soviet Russia. When it was prepared for an 
American edition, we had a special session on the Ninth Floor as to how to 
handle some of its promises of the establishment of "dictatorship" and other 
forecasts of a Soviet slave state. This was easily handled by editing out the 
most flagrant verbiage, so that what Mao Tse-tung said on these points was 
actually misrepresented in the American issue. The milder edition, with a 
foreword by Earl Browder, went far to befuddle American liberals and not 
a few American statesmen. 

Nor was this campaign for Communist China merely a matter of persuading 
good intentioned people to become mixed up. A special secret order was sent 
out to the Communists, to be pushed in unions and in every occupation where 
sympathizers were engaged, to see that books favoring Communist China were 
widely sold. Arrangements were made — and I have sat in on some of them — 
whereby the legs of book reviewers were to be pulled so that those words 
which gave a break to the Chinese Comnmnists would receive favorable notices. 

Back of all this was the popularization of the fiction that the Chinese Com- 
munists had proved to be such bitter foes of Japanese imperialism. A lot of 
noise was made about the statements in 1937 along that line when the agree- 
ment with Chiang Kai-shek was reached. But writers of alleged high authority 
were persuaded to forget that this pact of 1937 had only been reached because 
Soviet Russia wanted it. It was also conveniently forgotten that when the 
Kremlin entered into friendly relations with Japan, the Communists quit fighting 
the Japanese entirely; they devoted themselves to harboring their forces for 
the showdown with Chiang Kai-shek and the United States. I have distinctly 
in mind a conference of American Communist leaders meeting in April 1941 
to decide how to handle the Chinese situation after the Soviet-Japanese Pact, 
at which a report was given that the Chinese Communists would preserve their 
.strength as much as possible. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1681 

One <>f the chief figures called upon by the Soviet fifth column to streamline 
this campaign of confusion was Frederick Vanderbilt Field, who first became 
conspicuous as Secretary of the Institute of Pacific Relations. Formerly a 
Norman Thomas Socialist. Mr. Field became converted to the views of Moscow. 
In turn, he became a writer for the New Masses, Communist weekly, a columnist 
for the Daily Worker, official daily organ of the Communist Party, and now the 
chief theoretical writer on Far Eastern affairs for Political Affairs, theoretical 
organ of the Communist Party. This last distinction (following so soon after 
Mr Field's service for the party at San Francisco, during the Conference of 
the United Nations,) is a tribute by the Soviet fifth column to his services in 



in 



tluencing the opinion of many gullible American writers and publicists. 

Two men of distinction who have seen eye to eye with Mr. Field for a long 
time in regard to China, and who have enjoyed close personal relations with him 
are Owen Lattimore, author of Solution in Asia, and Joseph Barnes, former 
foreign editor of the New York Hearld Tribune and now editor of the leftist 
New York Star. As a Communist, I have heard the names of Messrs. Lattimore 
and Barnes frequently referred to in reports by Mr. Field, and always in the most 
complimentary manner. They have been devoted adherents of the "poor Chinese 
'Communists agrarian reformer'' theory. 

It is somewhat startling, nevertheless, to discover a Mr. Lattimore as a specific 
endorser of Dilemma in Japan, by Lt. Andrew Roth. Indeed, Mr. Lattimore 
hails Mr. Roth as representing "the younger school of American experts." 

Such an expert is this gentleman that he was a participant in the "borrowing" 
of hundreds of secret documents from the files of our State Department, in tne 
Amerasia case. That magazine had been established by Phillip Jaffe, of whom 
I first learned from the Soviet secret police as a valuable friend. Reports to 
the National Committee disclosed this publication to be organized for the pur- 
pose of affecting opinion in favor of the Chinese Communists. Btut its main 
objective was to make those contacts in the State Department and elsewhere 
in Washington which would directly help in the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek. It 
was no surprise to me, therefore, when in early 1945 the news broke that the 
PBI had raided the Amerasia office, to discover scores of secret documents be- 
longing to the State Department and also extensive photographic equipment 
for reproducing such documents. 

That day a session was held on the Ninth Floor. The danger involved in 
the Amerasia disclosures was realized by leading members of the Soviet fifth 
column to be considerable. Sitting in Browcler's room, in a little circle, seven 
of them went over the steps that must be taken to becloud America's mind as 
to what had actually taken place. The proposals which w r ere adopted — brought 
in appropriately by Eugene Dennis — who had been educated in espionage in the 
Lenin School in Moscow — included these significant steps : 1. To get the aid of 
men upon whom we could depend, Alger Hiss being mentioned, and at least 
six other men of like position being considered ; 2. That the comrades con- 
nected with the newspapers be instructed to do all they could to see that the 
incident was played down and allowed to die out quickly ; 3. That the argument 
be used everywhere by the comrades disguised as non-Communists that the 
Chiang Kai-shek government was "rotten to the core" and that therefore any 
information obtained against it was not injurious to America. 

Secret instructions to this effect were dispatched at once to all sections and 
districts of the party. They were very effective, at that. The Amerasia 
defendents got off without difficulty, and there was a big celebration at Phillip 
Jaffe's house in which toasts were drunk to the coming victory of communism 
in China and the defeat of American imperialism. Several members of the 
Daily Worker editorial board were present at this victory feast. 

One of the reasons why there was no appreciation of the treason involved in 
the Amerasia case was the effective work the Soviet fifth column had done 
among the majority of the organizations dealing with the Orient. Through 
infiltration, corruption, persuasion, or use of personal weakness, leading mem- 
bers of most of these groups had come to see eye to eye with the Communists 
on China. That is, they peddled the talk of agrarian reformers, coalition gov- 
ernment, and other similar claptrap. Conspicuous among these was the Vice 
President of the United States, Henry A. Wallace, who contributed to the Amer- 
ican Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, a pamphlet in 1944 in which he said: 
"The Russians have demonstrated their friendly attitude toward China by their 
willingness to refrain from interfering in China's internal affairs." That sen- 
tence is familiar to me because it even provoked laughter on the Ninth Floor 
of the 12th Street Kremlin. A separate Red Army, "Chinese Soviets", and 



1682 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Communist forces which would hang hack during the Soviet-Japanese Pact were 
not regarded by Mr. Wallace as evidences of intervention. In his zeal to defend 
the Chinese Communists Mr. Wallace lately overshot his mark. In his most re- 
cent book, Toward World Peace, the former Vice President continued to argue 
that the comrades in China were agrarian reformers. The Communist organ, 
Political Affairs, for May 1948, reluctantly and sadly had to take him to task 
for this mistake. For now, since Mao Tse-tung has announced his union of 
purpose with Soviet aggression, and his hostility to the United States, this fakery 
is no longer serviceable. And so, Political Affairs writes: "No, the Chinese 
Communists are really Communists, not agrarian reformers. It is precisely 
because they are Communists that they express best of all the real interests of 
the Chinese people." And that sentence proclaims in effect that all the previous 
Communist propaganda, palmed off on the liberals and used by them to confuse 
America, was a tissue of lies. 

One of the most appalling developments out of all this was the apparent ac- 
ceptance of these lies by the Far Eastern Division of our State Department. 
On November 11, 1946, at the Far East luncheon of the National Foreign Trade 
Council, the director of that office went so far as to strike a hard blow against 
Nationalist China. In his address, Mr. John Carter Vincent indicted Nationalist 
China as a place "unsound to invest private or public capital." This was based 
upon the threat of civil war there, upon wasting of armaments, and on undem- 
ocratic concepts of government existing there. Mr. Carter, unfortunately, neg- 
lected to state what would occur if his advice were taken. Namely, the greatest 
fiasco ever to greet America. That is precisely what has happened today and 
it will cost the lives of thousands of our men eventually to make up for the 
possible loss of China. It is distressing to note that Mr. Carter's utterance in 
Washington came at the same time as the Communist Party's campaign to "get 
out of China", which was headed by that veteran party liner, the late General 
Carlson. It is constant attitudes of this kind on the part of Mr. Vincent Carter 
that has made his name so warmly welcome in the secret councils of the Soviet 
fifth column. I have never heard the former head of the Far Eastern Office of the 
State Department mentioned in high Communist circles except with the highest 
approbation. 

The same deceit and disguise which led to these successes on China also 
marked Red penetration of organizations dealing with this matter. The Insti- 
tute of Pacific Relations is a case in point. This is an organization composed 
of odds and ends of people in many countries touching the Pacific. The Ameri- 
can Council, although not absolutely controlled by the Communists, has never 
found anything wrong with Communist China and has never warned the Ameri- 
can Nation of the grave danger to its security that will result from a Commu- 
nist conquered China. Quite to the contrary, most of its publications have pre- 
sented Communist China as a land of sweetness and light. One of its most 
conspicuous directors has been Frederick Vanderbilt Field, and notorious Com- 
munist writers such as the so-called James S. Allen, recently Foreign Editor 
of the Daily Worker, have been on its list of authors. It may be added that 
"Allen" is a former agent of the Communist International in the Phillipines and 
has close conspiratorial connections with many Soviet agents in lands bordering 
on the Pacific. Edward C. Carter, director of the Institute, for years, has had 
such close associations with the Communists as to rob him of any critical at- 
titude toward them. He has been a leading figure in the Russian,American In- 
stitute, a contributor to Soviet Russia Today, and director of Russian War Re- 
lief. Not satisfied with the penetration of organizations, organs of public opin- 
ion, or the government, the Communists began a new campaign of their own on 
China just before I left the party. It was designed to center the attention of 
the comrades on China as the biggest of all tasks of the American Reds, and to 
arouse them to the subsequent campaigns through other organizations which 
they inaugurated. Well known party liners have also been vociferous in the 
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, formed around the same time 
and preparing the way by its complete echo of the partv position for further 
American division in the face of the Communist advance in China. 

"What is happening in China today is the most open expression of American 
imperialism at work," said a secret memorandum sent to all Communists by 
the New York State office just before I left the party. "Today, American im- 
perialism, by armed force, is intervening in the struggle of the Chinese people 
to establish a democratic Chinese Republic." Such allegations would be highly 
comical were they not so tragic, when we view the hesitancy of America to defend 
itself by taking a firm stand in the Chinese picture. The Committee for a Demo- 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1683 

eratic Far Eastern Policy echoed this sort of farcical charge, demanding that 
the United Stales give no military aid to China since it would "in effect mala; 
the President of the United States Commander in Chief of the Chinese Armies." 

It is arguments like these when pressed by the gentlemen in diplomatic morn- 
ing clothes that have made Washington sway hack and forth in tragic uncer- 
tainty on China. It is certain harried editors looking around for material on 
China who pick up a pamphlet by the supposedly respectable Institute of Pacific 
Relations and use it for information, even though it is written by Abraham 
Chapman. And who is he? None other than a most trusted Communist, who 
under the name of John Arnold has written extensively for the Communist press 
and served as a member of the State Committee of the Communist Party of New 
York. That would be unknown to the unwary editor, guided by Comrade Chap- 
man's discourse on the Far East. 

Or to use another example, which came to my attention during my last days 
in the party in 1943 : Hundreds of leading citizens in various communities received 
in the mails early that year a pamphlet entitled "China's Greatest Crisis." 
Its author, Frederick V. Field, was stated to be "a member of the Executive 
Committee of the American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, and an au- 
thority on Far Eastern problems. He is also Executive Vice President of the 
Council for Pan-American Democracy, and a member of the Editorial Board of 
New Masses." The publisher was New Century Publishers, Inc., 832 Broad- 
way, New York. 

That was a rather impressive-sounding statement, and the publisher seemed 
to be respectable enough in name. No one is opposed to anything "new." How 
was the leading citizen of Kalamazoo, Mich., receiving such a pamphlet, from the 
list of a certain religious organization of which he was a member, to know that 
the New Century Publishers are the official publication society of the Communist 
Party's theoretical organ and its most valued pamphlets? How was he to know 
of Mr. Field's connection with the Communist movement except through the ref- 
erence of the New Masses of which he might have heard vaguely? 

This was the manner in which many patriotic Americans, who say quite 
emphatically that no one can dictate their opinions, were hornswoggled into a 
completely distorted view of the Chinese crisis. 

It was out of all these pressures, Moscow directed, that President Roosevelt 
was persuaded to amend our solemn pledge of China's integrity made at Cairo to 
the Yalta promise that Soviet Russia would get Outer Mongolia and even a 
chance at Manchuria. It is from such creation of confusion in the American mind 
that we have promised aid to China and not given it in the measure it was) 
pledged. Is it any wonder that the American Nation faces the greatest debacle in 
its history, the possible loss of 470,000,000 people for our side in the battle for 
American existence? 



Exhibit No. 78 
[From the Daily Worker] 



Books 



The Situation in Asia. By Owen Lattimore. 238 pp. Boston. Atlantic-Little, 
Brown. $2.75. 

"Situation in Asia" Criticizes U. S. Government Policy in Far East 

(By David Carpenter) 

Owen Lattimore's Situation in Asia is extremely critical of our government's 
policies in that immense area of colonial and semicolonial peoples. He shows 
that our government has done nothing but alienate the people's forces seeking 
national liberation in Asia. 

Lattimore, who is the director of the Walter Hines Page School of Foreign 
Relations at Johns Hopkins University, points out that our dependence on the 
Kuomintang has served only to make the United States hated by the Chinese 
people. He contrasts, to our disadvantage, the reliance on the unpopular im- 
perialist agent Syngman Rhee and the maintenance of U. S. occupation troops 
in South Korea with the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the establishment 
of a native peoples government in North Korea. 



1684 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

He shows clearly that the efforts by the U. S. government to make Japan a 
major bastion against the Soviet Union must end in failure. 

Lattimore proposes that our government end its alliances with dictatorial 
corrupt antipeople's forces in Asia. He urges that we stop intervention in 
the internal affairs of the colonial and semicolonial countries. He asks that we 
aid the peoples of Asia to achieve national independence. 

* * * 

All this is to the good as far as it goes. But Lattimore goes completely off 
the beam in his efforts to explain the relationship of political and social forces 
in Asia and their impact on world affairs. And as long as we fail to recognize 
the reality of these relations so long will we be unable to help in the achievement 
of those aims Lattimore proposes. 

In the first place, Lattimore argues that the colonial and semicolonial peoples 
struggling for national independence are developing a "third force" that seeks 
to remain equidistant from American and Russian power. He refuses to admit 
that the struggle is completely an anti-imperialist struggle, to drive out the 
American, British, French, and Dutch capitalists who are subjecting their 
native peoples to superexploitation for their raw materials and as markets for 
capitalist products. 

Lattimore admits that the Asiatic colonial and semicolonial peoples are 
looking to the Soviet Union for examples of how oppressed peoples achieve inde- 
pendence and are turning away from the United States because of its imperialist 
line. But he makes this a contest of tactics which the United States can change 
by adopting new methods. 

* * * 

Lattimore refuses to see that the reason the colonial people turn to the Soviet 
Union for their example is precisely because of the overthrow of capitalism and 
the establishment of socialism in that country. As Stalin points out : 

"It is precisely because the national-colonial revolutions took place in our 
country under the leadership of the proletariat and under the banner of inter- 
nationalism that pariah nations, slave nations, have for the first time in the 
history of mankind risen to the position of nations which are really free and 
really equal, thereby setting a contagious example for the oppressed nations 
of the whole world. 

"This means that the October Revolution has ushered in a new era, the era 
of colonial revolutions which are being conducted in the oppressed countries of 
the world in alliance with the proletariat and under the leadership of the 
proletariat." 

The core of the leadership in the colonial struggle against imperialism and 
the guarantee of the achievement of national independence lies in the growth 
and development of the native Communist Parties, springing out of the ex- 
ploited native working classes and leading the exploited working class and the 
oppressed peasant masses. That is why the imperialists, under the leadership 
of the United States, direct their main fire against the destruction of these 
native Communist Parties. 

Secondly, Lattimore makes the mistake of assuming that the relationship 
of the United States and the Soviet Union in Asia is that of a struggle for 
power. Here he falls into the trap laid by American imperialism, which would 
like to hide the reality of its efforts to maintain its grasp of the resources and 
manpower of Asia. 

This approach to American-Soviet relationships obscures the truth. The 
Soviet Union is not seeking world power. When the colonial peoples look for 
alliances with the Soviet Union, it is because they see in that socialist country 
the true defender of their national aspirations. When the Soviet Union aligns 
itself with these peoples, it is not just a counteralliance to protect its own borders 
against the attack of imperialism, it is fundamentally a defense of the national 
interests of the peoples of these oppressed nations. 

Because the peoples of the world recognize that an attack on the Soviet Union 
is an attack on the defender of their own aspirations, because they see in such 
an attack on their own efforts to break the bold of imperialism, they join with 
the Soviet Union in a common front against imperialism. They have already 
seen how the peoples of the Eastern European democracies were able to protect 
themselves from the encroachment of imperialism and to begin their own in- 
ternal development as the result of alliances with and protection by the Soviet 
Union. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1685 

In our own country, If we are t<> adopt the proposals Lattimore makes for 
"the situation in Asia." it is necessary fur ns to loosen the hold of the im- 
perialists on our government. Otherwise, our official policies will continue to 
be thai of oppressing the colonial peoples in the interests of our monopoly 
capitalists. 



Exhibit No. 79 

The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Darien Center, New York, June 20, 1944- 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 

13 Astor Place. New York 3, N. Y. 
My dear Russell : I am in receipt of your letter informing me of the informal 
meeting in tribute to Dr. Bella Dodd inasmuch as she is leaving her position as 
Legislative Representative of the Teachers Union. 

I first became acquainted with Dr. Dodd when I became Chairman of the 
Rapp-Coudert Committee and in the four years that I have held this position, I 
have had occasion to contact Dr. Dodd on a great many occasions and would 
like to say that she has always been fair in presenting her views and while at 
times we have differed I have always found her very sincere and her word with 
me has always been as good as a certified check. 

I wish to extend to Dr. Dodd my best wishes for her continued success in her 
new field. 

Sincerely yours, 

Herbert A. Rapp W. C. 



Staten Island, N. Y., June 17, 1944. 
Dr. Bella V. Dodd, 

2o West 43rd Street. New York City. 

Dear Dr. Dodd : Thanks so much for your gracious letter of June 12. Your 
kind wishes are appreciated. 

There are probably not many people in New York who have as divergent politi- 
cal and economic ideas as you and I. I like and respect you as a person, however, 
and I am happy to read that you don't think I am entirely bad. 
Good luck to you in your new work, and best regards to you from 
Yours sincerely, 

Ellsworth B. Buck. 



The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Albany, June 22, 1944. 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 

Secretary, Teachers Union, 
13 Astor Place, New York. 

Dear Miss Russell: I am writing these few lines to extend to Dr. Bella Dodd 
my best wishes and may her future endeavors be successful. 

I also wish to state that during the past four years as a member of the Legis- 
lature, I have met Dr. Dodd on many occasions and while at times we may 
have differed politically I have always admired her for her sincerity, honesty, 
and integrity. 

With every hope for a successful affair and with greeting to all. 
Sincerely, 

George Archinal. 



The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Albany, June 14, 1944- 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 
Teachers Union. 

13 Astor Place, New York 3, Neiv York. 

My Dear Miss Russell: I understand that you contemplate an informal 
"Tribute to Bella Dodd" on Friday, June 23d. May I ask you to deliver the 
following message to your guests assembled : 



1686 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

During the many years that Bella Dodd has appeared in Albany as Repre- 
sentative of the Teachers Union, I know of no one who has given more service 
and been more effective in behalf of those employed in the school system and 
education, generally, than has Bella Dodd. She has the regard, respect and 
confidence of all members of the Legislature, regardless of party. 
Sincerely yours, 

Irwin Steingut. 



The Assembly, 
State of New Yokk, 
Buffalo, New York, June 3, 1944. 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 
c/o Teachers Union, 

13 Astor Place, New York 3, New York. 
Dear Miss Russell: I regret exceedingly that I shall be unable to attend 
the reception in honor of Bella Dodd to be held on Friday evening, June 23rd 
at Manhattan Center. 

I have had the pleasm-e of knowing Bella Dodd during my long tenure in the 
Legislature and desire to state that the Teachers Union and education generally 
will lose a most energetic figure in her retirement as Legislative Representative 
of the Union. 

While not always in accord or agreement with Mrs. Dodd, I always respected 
her sincerity of purpose as well as her zeal for those things beneficial to the 
education of our children and the welfare of the teachers. 

Please express my regrets to Mrs. Dodd of my inability to be present. 
Sincerely yours, 

Harold B. Ehrlich. 



The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
New York, N. Y., June 5, 1944- 
Teachers Union, 

13 Astor Place, New York 3, N. Y. 
(Att. Rose V. Russell.) 
Dear Miss Russell: I was very pleased to note the forthcoming Teachers 
Union "Tribute to Bella Dodd," who recently left her position as the Union's 
Legislative Representative. 

I have known Dr. Dodd for about seven years. She has the respect of prac- 
tically every member of the Legislature, be they Democrat, Republican, or 
American Labor Party. AVe know her for her sincerity, humaneness and per- 
severance. 

Regardless of political opinions or affiliations, she has earned the respect 
of us all and we wish her well. I am most happy to say this about Bella Dodd 
in writing and I would be happier to say the same things about her in person. 
Sincerely, 

Fred G. Moritt. 



The Assemrly. 
State of New York. 
Albany, June 20th, 1944. 
Teachers Union, 

13 Astor Place, New York, N. Y. 

Members and Friends of the Teachers Union: 

Permit me, on this auspicious occasion, to join in a tribute well merited and 
attest to my respect and admiration for the inspiring leadership, unswerving 
loyalty and devotion manifested by Bella Dodd, while serving as the legislative 
representative of the Teachers Union of the City of New York. 
I wish her the utmost of success in her new field of endeavor. 
Sincerely, 

Francis X. McGowan. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1687 

The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Albany, Jtme 2, 1944. 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 

Teachers 1 Union, Local 555, SCMWA-CIO, 

IS Astor Place, New York 3, N. Y. 
Dear Miss Russell: I have received your communication of -May 31, informing 
me of the Teachers' Union proposed informal "Tribute to Bella Dodd," to be held 
on Friday evening, June 23, at Manhattan Center. 

I greatly appreciate the invitation extended to me to participate in this great 
tribute to a very noted person who has served the cause of education zealously. 
Her efforts have contributed to the improvement of our educational facilities and 
better schools for our youth. She is a great champion in the onward march of 
democracy and people of all races, creeds, and religion pay honor to her for her 
leadership and fearless struggle to better the lot of the masses educationally. 
It was a pleasure to see Bella in action in Albany, as she buttonholed legislator 
after legislator on the important questions affecting education and State aid for 
education. She did an excellent job and much credit is due her for the tireless 
hours, days, and months spent in winning over many of the legislators to a more 
liberal viewpoint on the subject of education. 

I will make every effort to personally appear at this reception to join in paying 
glowing tribute to a heroine of the home front, one whom I admire and value her 
friendship. If, because of my campaign for reelection to the legislature, I am 
unable to attend in person, I will certainly forward a message of tribute to Bella 
Dodd, to be read at the meeting. 

With kind regards and best wishes, I am, 
Sincerely yours, 

Hulan E. Jack. 



New Yoek, N. Y.. June ?. 101',. 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 

Secretary, Teachers Union, Local 555, SCMWA-CIO, 
13 Astor Place, New York 3, N. Y. 
Dear Miss Russell: I am delighted that you are tendering a reception t<> 
Bella Dodd. The Teachers Union has gained immeasurably from her leadership 
these past years, and the school system from her activities. All those interested 
in improving the schools should be glad to do her honor. 

My own contacts with Bella Dodd were many. I found her most sympathetic 
with every effort to improve school conditions — with the attempts to eliminate 
oversize classes, to keep playgrounds open all day long and in the summer, to 
secure permanent teaching positions for substitutes, to work toward an earlier 
retirement age for classroom teachers, to enlarge the Bureau of Child Guidance, 
and to restore and expand work in the field of adult education. She and I have 
fought together continuously for more funds for education from both city and 
State. 

Her primary interest was the children of this city and their welfare, and 
of course this includes children of every race, creed, and color. She possesses 
boundless energy and of course can be counted on always to help any social 
cause. More power to her ! 
Sincerely yours, 

Stanley M. Isaacs. 



The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Brooklyn, N. Y., June .22. 10.',',. 
Rose V. Russell, 

c/o Teachers' Union. 

13 Astor Place, Neic York 3, N. Y. 

Dear Miss Russell : Please extend my sincerest and best wishes to Bella Dodd. 

In- the short time that I know Bella Dodd, I have learned to admire her 
a great deal. In my two years in Albany, I have found her to be a very valu- 
able person to know because she is sincere, honest and possesses all the qualities- 
of an intelligent representative for any group. 

Her inspiring leadership in behalf of the Teachers Union has made it possible 
to defeat many measures which, if passed, would be detrimental to the teachers 



1688 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

of our city and I know that she is responsible for many measures passing the 
legislature which are beneficial to the teachers and to the children in the public 
school system. 

I sincerely hope that she will be a tremendous success in her new endeavor. 
Sincerely, 

Alfred A. Lama, A. I. A. 



The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Albany, June 13, 1944. 
Miss Rose V. Russell, 

Local 555, SCMWA-CIO. 

13 Astor Place, New York City 3, N. Y. 
Dear Miss Russell: I am indeed pleased to know that a reception is being 
given in honor of Dr. Bella Dodd. I was present several years ago when Dr. 
Dodd spoke before a group at Cornell University. In my brief remarks I paid 
tribute to Dr. Dodd for her conscientious work in Albany. At that time I stated 
that her associates could well be proud of her as she was a splendid person and 
doing a sincere job. I would like to reiterate these same words upon this 
occasion. 

I am sorry that Dr. Bella Dodd is leaving the work in Albany, but I wish her 
every success in the future. 
Sincerely, 

Stanley C. Shaw. 

The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
New York, N. Y., June 9, 191,4. 
Miss Rose V. Russell,, 
c/o Teachers Union, 

13 Astor Place, New York 3, New York. 

Dear Miss Russell : I am happy to send a message in "Tribute to Bella Dodd" 
who, for a number of years, was the Legislative Representative of the Teachers 
Union for the State of New York. 

It was my pleasure and good fortune to meet her and to work with her dur- 
ing the years she was in Albany. I assure you that the cause of progressive 
and enlightened social government will lose an able and energetic worker at the 
Capitol of our State in the retirement or resignation of Mrs. Dodd from her 
former position. The teachers in particular will lose a most energetic and 
intelligent worker. The liberal legislators in Albany will miss her. 

I trust that in her new work, that she will maintain her interest, not only 
in improving the educational system in the City and in the State of New York, 
but that she will continue her interest and activities on behalf of the liberal 
and progressive legislation and government, in general. 

Her advice and counsel to me on legislative matters has been of inestimable 
benefit. 

Sincerely yours, 

William T. Andrews. 



The Assembly, 
State of New York, 
Albany, June 14, 1944. 
Miss Rose V. Russell, > 

Teachers Union, 13 Astor Place, Ncio York City. 
Dear Miss Russell : I welcome the opportunity extended to me of joining 
with the many coworkers of Dr. Bella V. Dodd in their tribute to her. 

During the six years that I have represented my district in the Legislative, I 
have found no one more conscientiously devoted to the welfare of the school 
system than Dr. Dodd. Her sincerity and good faith were beyond question and 
for that reason alone she had the respect and esteem of all my fair-minded 
colleagues. 

It is with keen regret that I learned of her decision to relinquish her position 
as Legislative Representative of the Teachers Union for not only was she your 
"representative" but she was also a faithful friend to every person interested 
in a progressive school program. 
Cordially yours, 

Louis Bennett. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1689 

The Assembly, 
State of New York, 

Albany, June 23, 19J t J,. 
Miss Bella Doni). 

Teachers Union, Xew York City. 
Dkae Miss Dodd : The interest you have had in the children of this State and 
their education has always been an inspiration to me and your influence in the 
Legislature will he felt for years to come. Godspeed to you. 

Sincerely, 

Daniel L. Burrows. 



Exhibit No. 80 

[From the New York Herald Tribune, Saturday, April 29, 19 — ] 

Double Trouble in Asia 

China and Indo-China are obviously critical areas on the map of ideological 
conflict in Asia. From both these hot spots comes news of meaningful develop- 
ments. Christopher Rand's report to this newspaper from Hong Kong on the 
surprising extent and depth of anti-Communist activity on the Chinese main- 
land reveals the immense task of digestion still confronting the Communists 
and their collaborators. In Indo-China, on the other hand, the struggle against 
communism is impeded by French reluctance to face squarely the fact that the 
colonial attitude is as out of date in Asia as the dinosaur. 

A Saigon dispatch reports that Dao Dai's first prime minister, Nguyen Phan 
Long, has been obliged to resign because of French displeasure over his insistence 
that American aid be given directly to Vietnam instead of being funnelled 
through France. If this is the real and principal reason — and we sincerely hope 
it is not — then we cannot but regret that the French and the Bao Dai govern- 
ment have so exposed themselves to the Communist tirades that will inevitably 
follow. To be sure, the Vietnamese are weak, inexperienced, and short of able 
leaders. For the time being, the military burden is primarily a French respon- 
sibility. Yet political factors are equally important. The grant of "independ- 
ence" to Vietnam will become a mockery in the eyes of the Vietnamese people 
and the world unless the Bao Dai regime is given at least equal consideration 
with the French in the expenditure of such American funds and materials as 
may be made available. 

Mr. Rand's story says that a suge part of the Chinese mainland — perhaps 
half or more — is now beyond the control of the Communist-dominated govern- 
ment. Mr. Rand emphasizes that a major factor in peasant discontent is exces- 
sive taxation — mainly in the form of grain levies. There are of course many 
other causes : floods and famine, conscription, banditry, guerrilla activity, and 
the Nationalist blockade. In the cities, business stagnation, heavy taxation, 
and the high-pressure methods employed to dispose of Victory bonds have con- 
tributed to anti-Communist feeling. 

This is but one side of the China picture. The Communists have their strong 
side, too, and it will be a long time before it will be possible to draw any sound 
conclusions on the success or failure of their program. Mr. Rand points out 
significantly that for the most part the resistance movement is without cohesion 
or over-all leadership. It is at least evident that the Reds are experiencing 
plenty of trouble. This hardly squares with the view of those disciples of 
appeasement who insist that present United States policy — weak though it is — 
is driving the Chinese people into the arms of the Communists. 



Exhibit No. 81 



The Curtis Publishing Company, 

Paris, France, April 7, 1950. 
Senator Millard Tydings, 

U. S. Senator from Maryland, 

United, States Senate, Washington, D. C. 
Dear Senator Tydings : I am writing to you because Owen Lattimore was my 
house guest during his visit to Moscow in 1936, about which Senator McCarthy 
has raised questions before your subcommittee. Mr. Lattimore stayed with me 



1690 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

because he was — and is — an old and valued friend whom I had known intimately 
during my previous ten years in the Far East as correspondent for American 
newspapers. 

There was nothing mysterious about Mr. Lattimore's visit to Moscow ; he came 
there as editor of Pacific Affairs, a publication of the Institute of Pacific Rela- 
tions. As you probably know, the Institute was organized into national groups, 
and the Soviet group was then an active participant. 

As I had already worked in Russia for more than two years, I was able to help 
Mr. Lattimore to meet some Russians. In particular, I introduced him to a Soviet 
consular official I had met as a reporter, and who had spent some time in Mon- 
golia, a country about which Mr. Lattimore was — and is — the foremost American 
specialist. This Soviet official (whose name I have forgotten) was very helpful 
to Mr. Lattimore — as he had been to me — and introduced him to other Russian 
experts on Mongolia and Central Asia, and guided him through Moscow museums 
and libraries devoted to these subjects. At that period, the great purges had 
not yet started in Russia, and it was much easier for Americans to meet Russians 
than it later became. 

Knowing my interest, Mr. Lattimore gave me detailed reports of his meetings 
with Russians. He was understandably impressed by the extent of Russian mate- 
rial concerning Russo-Chinese border regions — which seem very remote to Amer- 
icans but are not so remote to Russians. 

In a speech on the Senate floor, Senator McCarthy mentioned an affidavit by 
an unnamed Russian who has reported a conversation in 1936 with a Soviet intel- 
ligence officer who boasted that his organization was getting valuable information 
through the Institute of Pacific Relations, and especially through Mr. Lattimore. 
This is interesting evidence that the Soviet intelligence organization was as 
smart as I myself was at the time — because I, too, was getting useful background 
material for my newspaper articles from the Institute's specialized reports and 
from conversations with Mr. Lattimore and other Americans working for the 
Institute. 

But perhaps the Soviet intelligence officer mentioned by Senator McCarthy 
was not quite so smart as he thought, because there is no doubt in my mind 
that Mr. Lattimore learned considerably more from the Russians during that 
Moscow visit than they did from him — and this information later became avail- 
able through Mr. Lattimore to our own intelligence services and to the State 
Department. 

During my many years' friendship with Mr. Lattimore in China, he never 
showed any special interest in Russia except insofar as the Russians were 
concerned with Mongolia and Central Asia, his chosen field of research and ex- 
ploration. To my certain knowledge, Mr. Lattimore devoted almost his entire 
time during the 1936 Moscow visit to this same specialty. Those were the years 
when it was popular in the United States to be a "pink," but I never saw* even 
the slightest evidence that Mr. Lattimore was becoming even the mildest form of 
fellow traveler. 

You may use this letter, in whole or in part, in any way you see fit. My own 

record is available in Who's Who in America. I think that my articles in the 

Saturday Evening Post during the war — when it was not popular to be critical 

of Russia — are sufficient evidence of my personal views about the Soviet system. 

Sincerely yours, 

Demaree Bess, 
Associated Editor, The Saturday Evening Post, 

2, rue Jean Mermoz, Paris, France. 



San Francisco, Calif. 
Abe Fortas. 

Arnold, Fortas d- Porter, 1200 18 St., North west: 
In 1946 I was the wife of Frederick Vanderhilt Field : I secured an inter- 
locutory decree of divorce from him on Anril 1, 1949, in San Francisco, California, 
and tills decree was made final on April 12th, 1950; I am not now, nor have I 
ever boon a member of the Communist Party. I am certain that neither Owen 
Lattimore. nor his wife Eleanor, attended any meetings or any party in our 
home on West 12th Street, New York City, during the year 1946. 

Edith Chamberlain Field. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1691 

Exhibit No. 82 

San Fbancjsco, Calif., April 26, J'JoO. 

Mr. ABE FOBTAS, 

Arnold. Fortas & Porter. Attorneys at Law, 
1200 t8th Street NW., Washington, D. C. 
Deab Siu: I confirm sending you the following telegram today: 
"In 1946 I was the wife of Frederick Vanderbilt Field: 1 secured an inter- 
locutory decree of divorce from him on April 1. 1949, in San Francisco, Cali- 
fornia, and this decree was made final on April lUth, 1950; I am not now. nor 
have I ever been, a member of the Communist Party. I am certain that neither 
Owen Lattimore, nor his wife Eleanor, attended any meetings or any party in 
our home on West 12th Street, New York City, during the year 1946." 
Very truly yours, 

Edith Chamberlain Field. 



Exhibit No. S3 



In the Matter of Desideriu Hammer, Alias John Santo, Respondent in 
Deportation Proceedings File No. A-6002664 

[File No. A-6002664, Immigration and Naturalization Service] 

[P. 75] Louis Francis Budenz, called as a witness in behalf of the Govern- 
ment, being first duly sworn, testified as follows : 

Direct examination by Mr. Boyd : 
Inspector Phelan. You are informed that if you willfully and knowingly give 
any false testimony in this proceeding, you may be prosecuted for perjury, [p. 76] 
and the penalty for such offense is imprisonment of not more than 5 years or a fine 
of $2,000, or both. Do you understand ? 
" The Witness. I understand that fully. 
Inspector Phelan. Will you state your name for the record? 
The Witness. Louis Francis Budenz. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Mr. Budenz, have you ever been known by, or made use of, any other name 
or names ? — A. No, sir. 

Q. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party, Mr. Budenz? — 
A. Yes ; I have been a member of the national committee. 

Q. When did you first become a member of the Communist Party? — A. Member 
of the Communist Party in 1935 after the People's Front convention. 

Q. Where did you joint the Communist Party? — A. I joined the Communist 
Party in New York City. 

Q. Were you issued a membership book? — A. Yes; I was, in October 1935, al- 
though my first contact wdth the party was August, in that respect. I had to wait 
until Earl Browder came back from Moscow to decide just how I would function, 
whether as an under-cover [p. 77] Communist or open, and it was decided that 
I should function openly, and then I received a card. 

Q. When did you leave the party, Mr. Budenz? — A. 1945. 

Q. Why did you leave the party in 1945? 

Mr. Sacher. I object to that as incompetent in this proceeding. 

Inspector Phelan. Overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Please answer the last question. — A. I left the Communist Party because 
I learned from experience that it is a fifth column of Soviet Russia, of Soviet 
dictatorship, and that the Soviet dictatorship plans to dominate the world, 
specifically aimed against the United States. Also, in this respect, I returned 
to the Catholic Church, and I found after a long effort to reconcile communism 
and Catholicism that this was impossible. 

Q. Did you hold in positions or offices in the Communist Party? W T ere you 
a member of any committees?. — A. Yes, sir ; I held quite a few positions. 

Q. Would you name them? — A. I was a member of the national committee for 
6 years of my membership. I was labor editor of the Daily [p. 78] Worker 
68970 — 50 — pt. 2 14 



1692 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

from 1936, we will say, until late 1937 when I was appointed editor of the Mid- 
west Daily Record, a Communist-controlled and -created paper, but supposedly 
an organ of the People's Front. That was in Chicago. In 1940 I became presi- 
dent of the Freedom of the Press Co., Inc., which was created by the Communist 
Party during the Hitler-Stalin pact as a defense measure, and shortly there- 
after I became managing editor of the Daily Worker. I was in supervisory 
charge of the Daily Worker, in other words, from 1940 on. I also have been 
a member, without being able to give from memory the dates, of the State 
committee, the national trade-union committee, the State trade-union committee, 
the Illinois State committee, and some other offices of that character. 

Q. These are all organizations of the Communist Party, these committees? — 
A. Those are the State committees or national committees of the Communist 
Party, and the trade-union commissions are the trade-union commissions of the 
Communist Party at the time I served on them. 

Q. Is the Daily Worker an official publication of the Communist Party? — 
A. The Daily Worker is the official organ of the [p. 79] Communist Party 
for popular uses, although from time to time it has denied that capacity. It is, 
nevertheless, the official organ. 

Q. Was this paper in any way subsidized by the Red International or the 
Communist Party in Russia? — A. The Daily Worker was subsidized by the 
Soviet Union for a number of years. 

Mr. Sacher. I move to strike that out as representing nothing more than the 
conclusion of this witness for which there appears to be no foundation of the 
evidence. 

Inspector Phelan. Sustained. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. You were the editor of the Daily Worker; is that correct? — A. I was the 
managing editor of the Daily Worker. 

Q. Was the paper in any way subsidized while you were the managing editor, 
to your own personal knowledge? 

Mr. Saoher. Subsidized by whom? You cannot just have a vacuum. 

Mr. Boyd. I asked him. 

Mr. Sacher I object to that on the ground that the witness has shown no 
foundation for such a conclusion. 

Inspector Phelan. Well, I take it it is a [p. 80] preliminary question. 

Mr. Sacher. I do not care whether it is preliminary or not. The word "sub- 
sidize" comprehends a conclusion. I object to it and move to strike it out. 

Inspector Phelan. Denied. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

The Witness. It was subsidized by the Runag News Agency, owned by the 
Soviet Government. 

Mr. Sacher. I move to strike that out, Mr. Inspector, on the ground that there 
is no evidence in the record under which that conclusion is based. 

Inspector Phelan. I shall deny it at the moment, subject to it being con- 
nected up as the matter proceeds. 

Mr. Sacher. I note an exception to that, Mr. Inspector. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. In what manner was the Daily Worker subsidized by the Runag News 
Agency? 

Mr. Sacher. I object to that, unless the witness has evidence of the basis on 
which he could arrive at, that conclusion. 

The Witness. I have that. 

Mr. Sacher. I suggest, therefore, Mr. Inspector, that the witness be required 
to state first the basis of his knowledge. 

[P. 81] The Witness. The basis of my knowledge is the records of the 
United States Department of Justice under Attorney General Francis Biddle 
and, secondly 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment, please. Mr. Presiding Inspector, I ask that you 
admonish the witness, when counsel objects, to please withhold his comment. 

The Witness. I shall be delighted, Counselor. 

Mr. Sactieh. I move to strike out that answer of the witness, on the ground 
thai the so-called records of the Attorney General of the Department of Justice 
are the best evidence of the facts, and not the statements by this witness, if that 
lie the basis. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1693 

Inspector PHELAN. Counsel's objection is good. Sustained. 
Mr. Boyd. I would like to ask the previous question. 

By Mr. Boyd : 
Q. In what way was the Daily Worker subsidized by this Russian-controlled 

' Inspector Phelan. Speak only of your own personal knowledge that you have, 
in answering. 

A. This is personal knowledge as president of Freedom of the Press Co. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

The Witness. As a member of the editorial board. 

{P. 82] Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

The Witness. The Daily Worker for a number of years received free of charge 
hundreds of thousands of words from Moscow, which every newspaperman knows 
is about 13 to 15 cents per word. The Daily Worker was asked, consequently, and 
the Communist Party, to file as a foreign agent as a result of this. As a matter 
of fact, the decision was made that Earl Browder file as a foreign agent. 

By Mr. P.oyd : 

Q. Was this news furnished to any other paper in the United States? — 
A. Not immediately. Later on, when Attorney General Biddle ruled that tins 
had to be registered for, a new organization was created which carried on the 
same activity. That also was ruled to be a foreign agent. They then sought 
to sell to other agencies, but the Daily Worker continued to get for a very small 
sum this information. 

Mr. Sacher. In other words, do I understand correctly that the Daily Worker 
paid for the news service which it got from this Runag News Co."? Is that the 
witness' testimony? 

The Witness. No, sir : it didn't. 

Mr. Sacher. Didn't pay anything? 

The Witness. It may have paid a small sum. 

[P. 83] Mr. Sacher. That, to me, seems the best evidence of the fact that he 
does not know what he is talking about. First he says they did not pay, then 
they paid a small amount. Now he says theymay not have paid. W'hicb of the 
three alternatives is this witness' testimony to be? 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Presiding Inspector, may I ask that you admonish counsel 
that he refrain from asking this witness questions and commenting on his testi- 
mony until the proper time? He will be afforded an opportunity of cross-examin- 
ing the witness. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I believe we should proceed here subject to your 
objection to each individual question. If the matter is not ultimately connected 
up, it will be subject to a motion to strike on that account. 

Mr. Sacher. In the interests of expedition, I will go along with you. 

The Witness. The reason I stated that was that the policies changed from 
time to time, very small nominal payments being made; so much so that it was 
ruled that this was a foreign agency and would have to register as such. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Are you acquainted with the Trade Union Unity League? — [P. 84] A. 
Yes. It was just being dissolved when I joined the party, but I knew of it as a 
non-Communist. 

Q. Mr. Budenz, have you ever been called upon to address Communist meet- 
ings? — A. Yes, sir; great numbers, all over the country. 

Q. Do you care to state some of the occasions on which you have addressed 
Communist meetings? 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. I object to this on the ground that it is imma- 
terial, irrelevant, and incompetent in this proceeding. 

Inspector Phelan. What do you propose to show? 

Mr. IJoyi). I propose to show this man's authority on communism, that he 
addressed meetings from time to time on the subject. 

Mr. Sacher. Mr. Inspector, I just want to say that a lot of ignoramuses have 
addressed meetings on a lot of questions and one does not prove his authority by 
the fact that he speaks about something. As a matter of fact, regrettahly there 
are too many people who talk about things they know nothing about. 

Inspector Phelan. I suggest that the witness he asked what various assi: f n- 
ments he had in connection with the party as a foundation for possibly qualifying 
him as an expert, as I understand you propose to do. 

[P. 85] Mr. Boyd. I helieve the witness has pretty well covered that. 



1694 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Mr. Budenz, do you know whether or not the Communist Party of the 
United States of America advocates the overthrow of the Government of the 
United States by force and violence? 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. I object to that question on the ground that the 
witness'' qualifications for such a conclusion have not been established. 

Inspector Phelan. Overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. I respectfully except. 

The Witness. The Communist Party with its basic platform of Marxism and 
Leninism stands for the overthrow of the Government of the United States by 
force and violence. Of course, it is a fifth column of Soviet Russia. 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. I move to strike everything out after that first 
sentence of his as being not responsive. He was asked only one question. 

Mr. Boyd. If the presiding inspector please, it is responsive and the witness 
has a right to complete his answer. 

Inspector Phelan. Read the question, please. 

(Question read by reporter.) 

[P. 86] Mr. Sacher, The answer to that is either "Yes" or "No." 

Mr. Boyd. Not necessarily at all. 

Mr. Sacher. I submit that everything beyond the word "Yes" be stricken out. 

Inspector Phelan. Answer "Yes" or "No" and then you may explain your 
answer. 

The Witness. To the same question? 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment, please. I respectfully suggest that, if you either 
rule or you do not rule, either you say that the witness must testify "Yes" or 
"No" and that is the answer to the question and then let another question be 
placed, the propriety of which we can test, or else say you overrule me. I want to 
know what you are doing. Are you ruling that the witness must now in response 
to that question answer "Yes" or "No," or aren't you so ruling? Let us get 
through with that first. 

Inspector Phelan. What I am ruling is that he must answer "Yes" or "No," 
but he is at liberty to explain it. I think that is a proper answer. 

Mr. Sacher. No ; I don't think, Mr. Inspector, that that is proper at all accord- 
ing to court procedure. If the appropriate answer to a question is either "Yes" 
or "No," then I respectfully urge that you rule that the witness answer yes or 
no and then, after he answers, let counsel [p. 87] put whatever question he deems 
appropriate to elicit anything else that he wishes in addition to that. 

Inspector Phelan. I shall overrule that objection and you may have an ex- 
ception. 

Mr. Sacher. Thank you. 

Inspector. Read the last question, please. 

(The reporter read the question, as follows :) 

"Mr. Budenz, do you know whether or not the Communist Party of the United 
States of America advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United 
States by force and violence?" 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Will you please answer yes or no to that question and then qualify your 
answer as you see fit? — A. Yes ; it does. That is the basic — — 

Mr. Sacher. Your Honor, I have another objection to make, and that is this, 
and that goes to the basis of these charges : The question that counsel now puts 
to the witness is as to present advocacy of violent overthrow of the Govern- 
ment. I invite your attention to the fact that the charges, the amended charges 
as lodged yesterday, all read in the past. I call your attention to the following : 
It says, "Upon the basis of this evidence, the Government proposes to lodge the 
following additional charges as additional grounds to the [p. SS] deportation 
of Santo, to wit : The act of October 16, 191S, as amended, in that he is found 
to have been, after entry, a member of the following class set forth in section 1 
of said act: an alien who was a member of and affiliated with the following or- 
ganizations, associations, societies, and groups, to wit : the Communist Party of 
the United States of America and the Trade Union Unity League, which organiza- 
tions advised, advocated, and taught the overthrow by force and violence of the 
Government of the United States," et cetera. 

I therefore respectfully submit that, in view of the fact that the charges here 
are that the two allegedly prescribed organizations acted in these respects in 
the past, that this question is utterly immaterial, irrelevant, and incompetent in 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1695 

this proceeding, as the charges now stand, for the question under attack is one 
which addresses itself to a present advocacy. 
Mr. Boyd. 1 think my next question will answer thai objection. 

Mr. SACHER. Let us not do that. Let us set to what the charges are. I think 
it would be nice if we could try the charges first and then try what is in the 
imagination of counsel some other time, but let's try these charges now. That 
is what I urge, and 1 | p. 89] respectfully ask for a ruling at the hands of the 
inspector on this specific question and move to strike out the witness' answer. 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled, again subject to a motion to 
strike if it is not ultimately connected up with the issues in this case. 

Mr. Sacheu. But the only issue, Mr. Presiding Inspector, is whether these 
allegedly prescribed organizations did these things in the past, and this question 
addresses itself exclusively to the present. Now, it seems to me that, if we are 
still practicing in American courts, that we ought to distinguish between past 
and present, you see. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I doubt that any single question can be asked 
on any of these subjects which would cover the particular type of issue that 
you speak of. I think this is all preliminary. I think all of us understand that 
and we will expedite things. 

Mr. Sacher. Let us get some things through my head, anyway. I want to 
know, and I emphasized it yesterday, what it is that we are going to try. Now, 
the very essence of due process is that an accused, and not only an accused, but 
any litigant should know what specific charges he is being called upon to answer 
in a judicial [p. 90] proceeding. All I am asking here is, in view of the fact that 
the language of these amended charges is so clear in the casting of these events 
in the past, that it be limited to the past and not to the present. 

Now, frankly, I must say that I cannot see where you or anyone else can possi- 
bly find any fault with that insistence. If you were prosecuting the case or 
defending it, I cannot imagine that you would be willing to go along on the theory 
that a client which charges something in the past justifies an incorporation as 
to the events of the present. That is all there is to my argument. I want due 
process ; that is all. 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled. If counsel fails to connect it 
up, I will have it stricken. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

By Mr. Boyd. 

Q. Mr. Budenz, did the Communist Party of the United States advocate the 
overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and violence for the 
entire period that you were a member; that is, from 1935 until 1945? — A. Basi- 
•cally it did ; yes. The Communist Party in that respect 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. The witness has answered. I object to any fur- 
ther elaboration. 

Mr. Boyd. He certainly is entitled to qualify his [p. 91] answer. 

Mr. Sacher. Is he going to qualify it in the sense of detracting from it or limit- 
ing it. or what, or is he just going to elaborate on it? What is the witness going 
to do? 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

The Witness. How was the wording? I want to continue my sentence. The 
basic principle is Marxism and Leninism, which is this thing we have been speak- 
ing of, but this is from time to time blurred by the fact that the Communist Party 
is a fifth column of Soviet Russia. 

Mr. Sacher. Now I move to strike that out as not responsive, Mr. Inspector. 
It represents conclusions of the witness which have no foundation in the evidence. 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Inspector, I am going to ask you to admonish counsel to let 
the witness complete his answer and then, if he wishes to make an objection, in 
the right manner to do so. 

Mr. Sacher. No, sir; not when this witness undertakes with your aid and 
assistance to violate proper rules of evidence. I will not succumb to any such 
admonition if it should be made, and I am going to interrupt every time the wit- 
ness violates the law here. I ask for a ruling, Mr. Inspector, on that sentence. 

[P. 92] Inspector Phelan. I think counsel is entitled to object in the course 
of an answer. However, again I shall overrule this objection. 

Mr. Boyd. Would you read the answer, please? 

Mr. Sacher. I respectfully except. 

( The reporter read the answer, as follows : ) 



1696 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

"A. Basically it did ; yes. The Communist Party in that respect- 



The Witness. And never departs in any way from the policies laid down by" 
the Kremlin in Moscow. The Communist official records prove that. The Com- 
munist Party resolutions prove that. The Communist press proves that. No 
Communist can show at any time a deviation in one small iota of the Communist 
press or the Communist Party in the United States from the order sent out from 
the Kremlin in Moscow by official statements. In the declarations by Soviet 
leaders are the policies laid down by the Moscow government. 

Mr. Sacher. I now move to strike all of that effusion from the record, on the 
ground that it is not responsive to the question. 

Inspector Phelan. Denied. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Did you, as the editor of the Daily Worker, [p. 93] receive instructions' 
from Moscow in the form of news releases? 

Mr. Sacher. Now, just a moment. I object to that question on the ground 
that it calls for the witness' conclusions. If he wishes to prduce news releases 
and then argue to you, Mr. Inspector, that in those news releases are contained 
instructions, then we shall deal with the competency of that when we reach it, but 
this question suffers from the double vice of first asking for the contents of writ- 
ten documents which are not offered in evidence and whose failure to present in 
evidence is not justified and, second, asks for the conclusion of the witness as to 
what the nature, not merely the contents, but what the nature of the contents 
of those documents is. On that twofold ground I object to the question as im- 
material, irrelevant, and incompetent. 

Inspector Phelan. Will you read the question, please? 

(The reporter read the question, as follows : ) 

"Q. Did you, as the editor of the Daily Worker, receive instructions from; 
Moscow, in the form of news releases?" 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. You know, once in a while, Mr. Inspector, I would really like to- 
hear a reason why [p. 94] you overrule, apart from the fact that maybe you 
have been instructed to do so. 

Inspector Phelan. I think occasionally I have stated reasons. I do not feel 
that I should in every instance. We would be here too long. Proceed. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

The Witness. Yes, sir; every news release from Moscow is an instruction 
and also the various statements of the Soviet leaders contained in the publica- 
tions of the Communist International and the other publications received from 
Moscow. That is recognized by the political committee of the Communist Party. 
That is a recognized procedure. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Were you a member of the political committee of the Communist Party? — 
A. No, sir; not the political committee; that is the executive committee of the 
national committee. I was a member of the national committee, though not too- 
often, but occasionally I sat in political committee meetings. 

Q. Is the national committee of the Communist Party the higher governing 
body of the Communist Party in the United States, or was it at the time that 
you were a member? — A. Well, technically in the Communist Party you always 
have to distinguish between the set-up and the fact, but [p. 95] technically the 
national committee is the governing body in between conventions. The political 
committee is the one that makes the decision in between sessions of the national 
committee, but these decisions are never in conflict with the decisions of 
Moscow. 

Q. How were you appointed to this committee? — A. National committee? 

Q. Yes; by whom? Were you elected? In what way did you become a 
member? — A. Well, there is a slate chosen which is never defeated. 

Mr. Sacher. I move to strike that out as not responsive. He was either 
elected or appointed. Now, which way were you designated to that? 

The Witness. It appears both, in the Communist movement. 

Mr. Sacher. Which way were you elected? 

Mr. Boyd. Just a moment, please. If you have any cross-examination, you 
put it in at the proper time. 

Mr. Sacher. Believe me it will be proper when it comes, but in the mean- 
time let this man answer your questions responsively. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1697 

Tin- Witness. Is counsel intimidating me, Mr. Examiner? 

Mr. Boyd. He is trying to but he is not making much 

[P. 96] Mr. Fanelli. I move to strike that from the record, Mr. Presiding 
Inspector. 

Inspector Phelan. What is the answer to the question? 

(The reporter read the answer, as follows:) 

"A. Well, there is a slate chosen which is never defeated." 

Mr. Sacheb. Will you act on Mr. Fanelli's motion to strike counsel's statement 
from the record? 

Inspector Phelan. I have an objection that preceded that which I have not 
ruled on yet. 

(The reporter read the previous question and answer, as follows:) 

"Q. Yes, by whom? Were you elected? In what way did you become a 
member? — A. Well, there is a slate chosen which is never defeated." 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. By whom is this slate chosen?— A. This slate is chosen by the inner corps 
of the political committee. 

Q. How is it acted on? By whom? 

Mr. Fanelli. Did you rule, Mr. Examiner? 

The Witness. Excuse me. 

Mr. Sacher. It seems that counsel ignores you as well as the witness. Now r 
someone ought to have some [p. 97] respect for the inspector. It should not 
be limited to the respondent alone. 

Inspector Phelan. Like the answer to which the objection was directed. 
Proceed. 

Mr. Sacher. Will you also say like the statement of counsel? 

Inspector Phelan. I didn't hear that statement. 

Mr. Sacher. Well, it is on the record. He made a statement that I am trying 
to intimidate this witness, and Mr. Fanelli moved to strike it from the record. 

Mr. Fanelli. It is not justified by anything that has occurred this morning. 

Inspector Phelan. Strike it from the record. Proceed. 

The Witness. Where are we, Mr. Inspector? 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Do you know whether or not counsel is a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Sacher. You are beginning to hit below the belt. 

Mr. Boyd. I am not. 

Mr. Sacher. I object, Your Honor, to — this witness will swear his mother 
away. I object to that as immaterial, irrelevant, and incompetent in this 
proceeding. 

[P. 98] Inspector Phelan. Sustained. 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Presiding Inspector 

Mr. Sacher. That is foulest, dirtiest thing I have ever seen from any lawyer 
in almost 25 years. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, the objection has been sustained. 

Mr. Boyd. One of the charges is that this man has been affiliated 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. I object to any statements by counsel, and I 
warn him now, if you open your mouth you will have a suit for slander on 
your hands before this day is over. Now just get that straight, and I warn 
you also that the laws of criminal libel in this State are such as to embrace any 
false statements that you make in the presence of newspapermen when you are 
on notice that your statements will be published in the press. 

Now. with that notice, I warn you I will pursue you civilly and criminally 
if you dare to utter or imply a word of slander against me. 

inspector Phelan. The objection has been sustained. Proceed. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Do you know whether or not John Santo is or was a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

[P. 99] Mr. Sacher. I object to that question on the ground that the witness 
has not been qualified to give any such testimony. 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

The Witness. I know that John Santo was, while I was a member of the 
Communist Party, a member likewise of the Communist Party. We were com- 
rades in the Communist Party. 



1698 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Did you ever attend any meetings of the Communist Party, the membership 
of which was limited to Communist members only, at which John Santo was 
present? — A. Oh, yes. 

Q. When you referred to John Santo, to whom are you referring? If he is in 
this room, will you please identify him? — A. the gentleman there between 
Comrade Quill 

Mr. Sacher. I move to strike that out. You foul-mouth ! Why do you refer 
to him as comrade? You claim you aren't a comrade now. Why do you refer 
to anyone like that now? 

The Witness. Mr. Quill. 

Mr. Sacher. That is better. Don't carry the Judas kiss in this place. 

[P. 100] Mr. Boyd. Now please. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I have stricken it. Proceed. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that the witness be admonished to desist from such conduct 
in the future. 

Mr. Boyd. And that counsel be admonished not to intimidate this witness. 

Mr. Sacher. Every time he is caught, he is being intimidated. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

(The reporter read the last question.) 

Inspector Phelan. Let me interfere here. The witness in referring to Mr. 
Santo will use the word "respondent," and in referring to counsel will use the 
word "counsel." In speaking of others, I desire that he mention them by name 
only. 

Mr. Sacher. Prefixed only by the word "Mr."? 

Inspector Phelan. Correct. 

The Witness. Gladly. Mr. Santo is sitting right opposite me in a blue-serge 
suit. 

Mr. Boyd. Does the record show satisfactorily that the witness has 
identified 

Mr. Sacher. He has identified Santo. He was taken around to see him 
outside the building before the hearing. 

[P. 101] Mr. Boyd. I object to such a statement and ask that it be stricken. 

Mr. Sacher. I am making a concession. If you do not want it, do not take it. 

Mr. Boyd. I ask that part of the answer wherein he stated 

Mr. Sacher. That is the concession. If you are not satisfied with it, go ahead 
and have the witness walk around and put his band on Santo's head. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I think if we would take a calmer attitude we 
will get along faster. 

Mr. Fanelli. Could we have a 5-minute recess? 

( A short recess was taken.) 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, we are here trying two basic issues of the fact. 
One of them is an allegation that the respondent was connected with certain 
organizations; the other involves the doctrines or teachings or character of those 
organizations. I am addressing counsel for both sides. We are not trying the 
conduct of any other person here as far as I am informed. This hearing is not 
subject to tbe strict rules of evidence that are applied* by the courts. I per- 
sonally am interested in just getting these facts. 

I hope that all concerned will confine themselves to that. Counsel for both 
sides will necessarily be [p. 102] allowed considerable latitude in the questions 
that they may ask any witness. I see no escape from that in this type of a 
proceeding. I think, if those matters are borne in mind, that we can carry this 
hearing on in a more expeditious manner and probably in the end get closer to 
a proper record and result. Proceed. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Now, Mr. Budenz, you testified that the Communist Party of the United 
States has advocated tbe overthrow of the Government of the United States by 
force and violence. Just how did they propose to bring that about? — A. By the 
armed insurrection of a minority group. That is Leninism. 

Mr. Sacher. Can the witness say bow small a minority is envisaged? 

Mr. Boyd. You may bring that out in cross-examination, counsel. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Did the Communist Party of the United States of America distribute lit- 
erature in the United States? — A. Oh, extensively; yes, sir; distributed litera- 
ture extensively in all parts of the United States. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1699 

Q. Did they have a literature department?— A. They have several literature 
departments. 

Q. Are you familiar with the literature which they [p. 103] distributed?— A. 
With considerable issues; yes. 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Presiding inspector, I have some pamphlets and books here 
that I would like to have marked for identification. 

Inspector Phelan. Very well. I observe that in the prior hearing there were 
14 exhibits offered in evidence in rotation, without designating whether they were 
Government's exhibits or respondent's exhibits. If counsel are agreeable, we 
shall start marking future Government's exhibits as "Government Exhibit 15." 
As to defense exhibits, we can either start with "Respondent Exhibit 1" or 

Mr. Sacher. Letter them, perhaps. 

Inspector Phelan. That will be excellent. 

Mr. Sacher. That is agreeable. 

Mr. Boyd. All right. 

Inspector Phelan. These are being marked at this time, for identification only, 
"15, 16, 17. 18, 10. 20. 21. 22. 23, 24. 2.1. 26." 

(Whereupon the pamphlets and books above referred to were marked "Gov- 
ernment's Exhibits 15 to 26" for identification.) 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Handing you what is marked "Government's Exhibit 15" for identifica- 
tion, will you please state what it is and whether or not you are familiar with 
it [handing same to witness]. — [p. 104] A. State and Revolution, by V. I. 
Lenin. International Publishers, New York. I am familiar with that. 

Q. Do you know whether or not that pamphlet, marked "Government's Exhibit 
15." entitled "State and Revolution." was displayed and offered for sale by the 
Communist Party of the United States of America? 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. I object to this unless a connection between this 
organization and the specific sales is established. Otherwise, it represents the 
witness' conclusion without any substantiating evidence. 

Inspector Phelan. Overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

The Witness. Yes : this is distributed widely by the Communist Party in one 
form or another. It is in book form, too, in addition to this pamphlet. The 
International Publishers are an outlet for the Communist Party, owned and con- 
trolled by the Communist Party. 

Mr. Sacher. I object to that, Mr. Inspector, and I wish to point out that, if 
the title to a mongrel dog was involved in a $2 lawsuit, a witness would not be 
permitted to testify that the dog was owned by one or another of the parties : and 
I therefore move to strike from the record this witness' testimony [p. 105] as 
to the ownership of the book publishers of Government's exhibit 15. 

Inspector Phelan. Does the document show who issued it? 

Mr. Sachek. Yes ; the International Publishers. That is all it shows, ac- 
cording to the witness. 

Inspector Phelan. The witness may answer and state how he knows the facts 
of ownership. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Mr. Budenz, you have testified that the International Publishers are owned 
and controlled by the Communist Party. Will you state how you know that 
fact? — A. I know it from decision and discussions in the political committee and 
the national committee, and the fact that representatives of the International 
Publishers, as part of the party apparatus, appear at every Communist Party 
convention and urge the sale of this literature as Communist literature, and the 
International Publishers is a Communist outlet, a Communist organization. 

Mr. Trachtenberg, who is the representative of the International Publishers, 
has been many times a member of the national committee of the Communist 
Party and also appears at every convention of the Communist Party in that 
capacity. That is, as a representative of a Communist book firm. 

[P. 106] Mr. Sacher. Mr. Inspector, I respectfully submit that, if that con- 
stitutes the entire basis for the witness' statement in regard to ownership, that 
it does not support the conclusion and that the statement in regard to ownership 
should be struck from the record. 

In that connection, I would like to point out that there probably isn't a book 
publisher in America or a newspaper publisher in America who is not a member 
of some political party and who either directly or indirectly attends, participates, 



1700 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

or controls political parties and is in turn controlled by political parties, and yet 
no one would assume to say that any of these publications is owned by those 
political organizations. 

On that basis, I move to strike the statement in regard to ownership from the 
record. 

Inspector Phelan. Denied. 

Mr. Sacher. What is the ruling? 

Inspector Phelan. Denied. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Have you personally seen these documents offered for sale, this document 
offered for sale at Communist Party meetings? — [P. 107] A. Oh, many, many 
times. This is a standard Communist work which is constantly distributed. 

Q. Does the Communist Party have literature agents? — A. In the branches 
they have literature agents. They also have a literature department in State 
organizations, and each section of the party which feeds the literature to the 
branches. 

Q. What are the functions of these literature departments and literature 
agents of the Communist Party?— A. To distribute, by sale, books of this char- 
acter, pamphlets of this character. 

Q. Is this one of the books that was distributed by the Communist Party 
through its literature department? — A. That is one of those most extensively 
distributed and most constantly distributed. 

Mr. Boyd. I am now offering in evidence Government's Exhibit 15, State and 
Revolution. 

Mr. Sacher. Look ; I just want to suggest this. You have there exhibits run- 
ning from 15 to 26. 

Mr. Boyd. Would you like me to offer them all at once? 

Mr. Sacher. To save time. You make an over-all offer, and I will make my 
objections accordingly. 

Mr. Boyd. All right. 
By Mr. Boyd : 

[P. 108] Q. I hand you what is marked "Government's Exhibit 16" for identi- 
fication, and ask you what it is and whether you are familiar with it [handing 
.same to witness]. — A. The Communist Manifesto, by Karl Marx and Frederick 
Engels. 

Q. By whom was it published? — A. International Publishers again. 

Q. Are you familiar with this? , 

Mr. Sacher. Why don't we also get a concession that it will be testified that 
he is familiar with the contents of all of these documents, that he will also 
testify in regard to each of these subsequent documents substantially the same 
as he testified in regard to Government's exhibit 15 for identification, and we 
can save the time then. 

Mr. Boyd. If you wish to make a stipulation to that effect, the Government 
is agreeable. 

Inspector Phelan. I think that is advisable. 

Mr. Boyd. Will you put that in the form of a stipulation? 

Mr. Sacher. It is stipulated that the witness' testimony in regard to Govern- 
ment's exhibits 16 to 26, both inclusive, will be substantially the same as his 
testimony in regard to Government's exhibit 15 for identification. 

[P. 109] Inspector Phelan. That is as to 

Mr. Sacher. His familiarity, the contents, the sale, the distribution. 

Inspector Phelan. And the origin. 

Mr. Sacher. And the origin. 

Mr. Boyd. There is this about it, however. These books are not all published 
by the same publishers. 

Mr. Sachb;r. The books themselves will show that. 

Mr. Kanelli. Let's make sure that is agreeable to the witness. 

Mr. Sacher. I do not care about the witness. 

Inspector Phelan. I think he should look at all of them and see if he is 
familiar with them. 

The Witness. I think a couple of these may not have been during the time I 
was a member of the Communist Party. I would like to qualify the knowledge 
I have of them. 

Mr. Sacher. You probably won't. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1701 

The Witness. The program of the Communisl [nternational, together with 
the Status of the Communist [nternational, copyright 1929. That was before I 
was a member of the Ctommunist Party, published by the Workers' Library Pub- 
lishers, l am familiar with it and know that it was distributed by the I om : 

munist Party. . ,,„,., . .,. . •_ 

Mr Sachhb. Well, If there is any one you are not [p. 110 1 familiar with or 
thai was aot distributed, tell us that, because we are stipulating. That is why 
we are stipulating that you would testify. 

The Witness. Well, there is a slight difference. 

Inspector Phei.ax. May I ask a question? 

The Witness. I want to be exact. 

Inspector Phelan. Were all of these documents distributed by the party, to 
your own knowledge, during the time that you were connected with that 
organization? 

The Witness. Yes; some of these were not distributed in as large a measure 
because, for instance, these resolutions of the Sixth World Congress, while still 
available to Communists while I was there and accessible to their schools, was 
Dot as widely distributed as some other documents. That is the only qualifica- 
tion I would make. 

Inspector Phelan. Are counsel ready to enter into that stipulation? 

Mr. Sacher. Yes; that he would so testify. 

Inspector Phelax. What is the stipulation for the record, please? 

i Stipulation read.) 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, is that satisfactory? 

Mr. Boyd. It is satisfactory to the Government. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

[P. Ill] Mr. Boyd. I now offer in evidence Government exhibits 15 and 26, 
inclusive. 

Mr. Sacher. I object to those exhibits, Mr. Inspector, on the ground that they 
are immaterial, irrelevant, and incompetent, not binding upon the respondent, 
and have no probative force or value in this proceeding. 

Inspector Pheean. Overruled. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

(Whereupon Government's exhibits 15 to 26, inclusive, heretofore marked for 
identification, were received in evidence.) 

Mr. Sacher. Can't we have copies? 

Mr. Boyd. I am sorry; there are none. 

Inspector Phelan. Is there any objection to loaning them to counsel after 
they are in the record here? 

Mr. Boyd. I see no objection. 

Mr. Sacher. Can we have them over the week end? 

Mr. Boyd. Providing they are available to us at the hearing at all times. 

Mr. Sacher. Oh, sure. 

Mr. Faxelli. Mr. Presiding Inspector, may I ask, in view of the fact particu- 
larly that I am ordinarily in Washington and Mr. Sacher is ordinarily in New 
York and we are preparing this case together, I [p. 112] would ask counsel at 
least to check insofar as there may be some extra copies of that around the place ; 
we would like to borrow them. 

Mr. Boyd. I will be glad to loan you duplicates of any of those books we have. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Mr. Budenz, you mentioned the fact, or referred to schools. Did the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America conduct schools in the United 
States? — A. Yes; it conducted several characters of schools. 

Q. Tell us about them. — A. Originally they had the workers' school all through- 
out the country. They were open schools, open in the sense that they invited 
members of the party in general and also those who were sympathetic or even 
those whom they wanted to win to the party to attend these workers' schools. 
Later these workers' schools were all changed over, being given specific names 
like Jefferson School in New York and Lincoln School in Chicago and the like. 
That was during the Browder period in part. Then, in addition to that, though, 
they also had the secret schools; that is, the national training school, the State 
training school, and the section training school. Those were secret schools for 
members of the party only, those being trained to be [p. 113] leaders in the 
party; and they were held at various camps and places like that, so they had 
several different characters of schools. 



1 702 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Q. Did they use textbooks at these schools? — A. Yes; thev used textbooks 
That is, they used different literature from time to time. 

Q. Did they use any of this literature here at those schools? 

Mr. Sacher. Now, just one moment. I am going to ask that the witness be 
required to state whether he knows which of tbe proposed — I take it these are 
other exhibits, Mr. Boyd. 

Mr. P>oyd. The same ones. 

Mr. Sacher. If it is the same ones, I am going to ask that the witness be 
required to state in which of the many schools he has mentioned here he can 
say that any or all of the exhibits have been or are being used. 1 am going to 
object to an omnibus statement in this case. 

Inspector Phelan. What is the question? 

(The reporter read the question.) 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled. Let the witness examine the 
exhibits and state which, if any of them, he knows were used in such schools 

Mr. Fanelli. And which schools. 

Mr. Sacher. Is that right? 

[P. 114] The Witness. That is right. 

Mr. Sacher. May I suggest that the witness refer to the publication by exhibit 
number so that when we get to read the record we can see what it is' s 

Inspector Phelan. That would be helpful. 

The Witness. Government's exhibit 22 was used in both schools. 

Inspector Phelan. Which schools? 

The Witness. Well, in all of the schools in one form or another. 

Inspector Phelan. You refer to both types of schools, then? 

The Witness. That is right. That is, under Marxism and Leninism it was 
used. This was used as auxiliary reading, Government's exhibit 20. used as 
auxiliary reading in all schools. In courses on Marxism and Leninism, wherever 
they were held, this was referred to all schools, Government's exhibit 16. 

Mr. Sacher. Why don't you take a quick glance at them? If your answer 
is "all schools," just put it in. 

Mr. Boyd. Take your time in perusing the exhibits. 

The Witness. Government's exhibit 26, well, at least, was referred to in all 
schools and used in the schools of the party proper. That is what I call the 
[p. 115] national training and district schools. 

This likewise, which is a companion piece, Government's exhibit 23, was used 
in the same capacity as reading matter for the schools in general, as I recall, 
but as a textbook in Marxism and Leninism in the national training school and 
the section school. 

Government's e: hibit 25 was used during my very early part of the party, 
and I am not sure that it was used in the party schools. 

Government's exhibit 24 was used as a side reference, at least, though not as 
a textbook proper, mostly in the party schools. This [indicating exhibit 25] 
was practically not used at all during my membership in the party in the 
general schools. 

That was the case likewise with Government's exhibit 17. 

I have no knowledge of Government's exhibit 19 being used in the schools. 

I have no knowledge of Government's exhibit 21 being used in the schools, 
although reference to it was made because it was a document of the party, 
but not as a textbook, certainly. 

Government's exhibit 18 was used only as auxiliary reading in the schools in 
both, but particularly in the party schools. This was for popular distribution, 
[p. 116] however, rather'than for school work. 

And this is a standard book for the schools in Marxism and Leninism, Govern- 
ment's exhibit 15. 

Inspector Phelan. Were those books sold to the students in these two types 
of schools or furnished in connection with the courses of study? 

The Witness. They were sold to the students ; yes. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

By Mr. Boyd : 
Q. Were what is marked "Government's Exhibits 16 to 26, inclusive' 



A. Just a moment. There is a variation here, by the way, that you should bear 
in mind. That is, when the Jefferson School came into existence, there was a 
course in Marxism presented there which may not have used all of these docu- 
ments. I can say, though, that there was used Government's exhibit 26, Govern- 
ment's exhibit 15, Government's exhibit 23, Government's exhibit 16, Government's 
exhibit 22. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1703 

Inspector Phelan. When did that school come into existence? 

Mr. Fanelli. Which school? 

The Witness. The Jefferson School as distinct from the Workers School. 
Well, Let ine try to recall. It was approximately, though the date may have to 
be changed exactly, approximately 1941, 1940 — may be a [p. 1171 little later. 

Inspector Phelan. Did the school operate locally in New York City? 

The Witness. There had been workers schools through different cities of the 
United States. They were done away with, and in their place were established 
other local schools which had different names. That was under Browder's 
leadership. These schools were the Samuel Adams School in Boston, the Jeffer- 
son School in New York, the Lincoln School in Chicago, and some other schools. 
Those are the ones that I recall. 

Inspector Phelan. Were those schools open to the public in the sense that the 
party was inviting people in to take the instruction which the schools offered? 

The Witness. Oh, yes ; those were open schools. They had open public offices. 
The other schools, the national training school and the State training school and 
the section training schools, were secret ; that is to say, it was restricted t(5 
people chosen by the officials of the party and held without any label or address 
or anything like that. They were generally held at some camp when the camp 
season was over with. Those were for training leadership in the party. 

Inspector Phelan. How widely distributed was the other type of school? You 
spoke of Boston and New York [p. 118], I believe. Were there other schools 
throughout the United States? 

The W t itness. Yes; in certain cities throughout the United States. I just 
cannot recall their names now or locations, but there were others. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed, Counsel. . 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Do you know whether or not they taught the overthrow of the Government 
of the United States by force and violence at these schools to which you have 
made reference? — A. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Fanelli. Could we have that question repeated? 

(The reporter read the question.) 

Mr. Fanelli. I just do not understand the question, Mr. Inspector. Could it 
be rephrased? I do not know what "taught the overthrow" means. 

Mr. Sacheb. Taught. 

Mr. Fanelli. Oh, I misunderstood. 

Mr. Sacheb. That being the case, I object to the question as calling for the 
most ridiculous of conclusions. 

Inspector Phelan. I will sustain that and I will ask the question. 

Did you at any time have any connection with the [p. 119] management of any 
of these schools, either the schools inside the party or the schools that were 
open to the public? 

The Witness. As a member of the State committee I passed on their cur- 
ricula several times ; as a member of the national committee on the curricula. 

Inspector Phelan. What governing body of the organization 

Mr. Sacheb. May I suggest that you ask him what might appear in the cur- 
ricula that would indicate that they teach the overthrow of the Government? 

Inspector Phelan. I was leading up to that, Counsel. 

What governing body of the organization was responsible for the over-all 
direction of these two types of schools? 

The Witness. Well, the national committee was generally responsible for 
them all. The State committees were responsible for the schools in their own 
localities. W r hether they were open or secret — by the way, there was, however, a 
special educational department, creators of special educational records. For 
instance, "Pop Mendel" was the head of the educational department for the pri- 
vate training schools. 

[P. 120] Inspector Phelan. Did he sit on any of these governing committees 
at that time? 

The Witness. Well, he regularly reported to them from time to time. 

Inspector Phelan. Do you know just how this educational director was ap- 
pointed? What I am trying to get at is 

The Witness. Oh, he was appointed by the national committee, and in the 
States he was appointed by the State committee. 

Inspector Phelan. Did you testify that you yourself had served on the national 
committee? 

The Witness. That is correct. Also 

Inspector Phelan. For what period? 



1704 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

The Witness. Well, I cannot recall the years at the moment, because there 
was an interval there when I was made president of the Freedom of the Press 
Co., Inc. ; and my impression is that during that interim I was not on the 
national committee for certain defensive reasons. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Can you tell us about when you were on the committee? — A. I became a 
member of the national committee about the year after I joined the party in 1936, 
and I was a member all throughout the Chicago period. 

Inspector Phelan. That would be up to about what [p. 121] year? 

The Witness. That would be up to and including 1940. Now, if I remember 
correctly — I may be a little bit mixed up in this — but, if I remember correctly, 
when I became president of the Freedom of the Press Co., Inc., the understanding 
was for defensive purposes that I would not be a candidate for the national com- 
mittee ; and I wasn't for a couple of years, if I remember correctly. There was a 
couple of years there where there was an interim I was not on the national 
committee. 

Inspector Phelan. During the time you served 

The Witness. But in 1945, when I left the party, I was still a member of the 
national committee. 

Inspector Phelan. During the periods that you served on the national com- 
mittee, was the party operating these schools of which you have spoken? 

The Witness. Yes, sir. 

Inspector Phelan. Was the party operating those schools under the direction 
of a national committee? 

Mr. Sacher. If it please the inspector, I would like to object to this whole 
line of questions. I don't want to be discourteous to you, and I do not want to 
retard the proceedings, so if you will grant me an exception to your complete 
line of questions and answers I will appreciate it. 

[P. 122] Inspector Phelan. The objections will be overruled and an exception 
granted. 

The Witness. Your inquiry was whether the national committee directed 
these schools? 

Inspector Phelan. During the time that you served on the committee. 

The Witness. Yes, sir ; in a general way they directed the schools. Of course, 
they allocated the direct running of the schools to educational departments, but 
they, in general, supervised them and approved or disproved what the schools did. 

Inspector Phelan. On what, do you base your statement that these par- 
ticular exhibits or certain of them were used in those two types of schools? 

The Witness. Well, that was a regular procedure, almost auxiliary. The 
point of the matter is that Marxism, Leninism, whenever on the program of the 
schools — and that was the heart of the school — would include certain of these 
well-known documents which are part of the theory of Marxism-Leninism. 

Inspector Phelan. You spoke of the curricula of the schools. What, in 
general, would that embrace? 

The Witness. Well, there would be public speaking ; there would be courses 
in English, coursesS in parliamentary [p. 123] law for union activities, courses 
in other things of that character. Some of them were courses in history, history 
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, sometimes, which was a special 
textbook for that. 

Inspector Phelan. Were there certain specified books to be used in connection 
with certain specified courses? 

The Witness. Oh, yes/ 

Mr. Sacher. That is true of Harvard University, too, I understand. 

Inspector Phelan. I just want to get the record clear. Proceed, Counsel. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

0- I believe you testified that these exhibits IS to 26, inclusive, were offered 
for sale by the Communist Party during the entire period you were a member 
of the party. That is from 1935 t<> I!)!;"); is that correct?— A. A % couple of them 
were not widely distributed, but in sreneral that is correct. I have distinguished, 
I think, between the different exhibits. 

Q. Did the party offer these exhibits for sale as a matter of raising funds or 
for the purpose of spreading communism? — A. Primarily for the purpose of 
spreading communism. That is why they are in existence, that is why the Com- 
munist ||i. 124] Party exists. 

Q. Who paid for the publishing of these books ; do you know? 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1705 

Mr. s.u'hkk. I suppose the World-Telegram publishes for the purpose of 
publishing. 

The Witness. The paymenl for these books, of course, was sometimes com- 
plicated. That is. tlic party creates differenl corporations. The Daily Worker 
is a special corporation, the International Publishers, Workers' Library Pub- 
lishers. Technically t host 1 corporations pay for them, but these reports <m 
them, their finances, and the stabilization of them is all the party responsibility — 
the national committee's responsibility. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Can you — — 

Inspector Phet.an. May 1 ask a question for clarity here? Do I understand 
that the national committee is the highest governing board of the party in the 
United States? 

The Witness. Well, in one way it is. The national committee is the board 
Which functions between conventions, but the political committee, which is the 
executive committee of the national committee, functions in between sessions 
of the national committee and frequently when the words "national committee" 
are used Lp. 125] it means political committee because the political committee 
has power to issue statements even in the name of the national committee with- 
out calling the national committee together. So a great many of these questions 
are allocated in detail or in continuous operation to the political committee, which 
is the executive committee, though, of the national committee. 

Under the new constitution, because the Communists are always changing the 
names of these different committees, it has a new name. I think it is called 
the national board now, but it was formerly known as the political committee. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Referring to these books here, how about the Workers Publishers? Is that 
owned and controlled by the Communist Party, or was it owned and controlled 
by the Communist Party during the period that you were a member of the 
party? 

Mr. Sacher. I just want to interpose an objection on the ground, as I said be- 
fore, that you could not prove the ownership of a dog with that kind of a question. 
I think it is irrelevant, immaterial, and incompetent. 

Inspector Phelan. I will sustain it and suggest that the witness be asked 
what, if anything, he knows as to any relationship between the Workers Publish- 
ing Co. and the Party? 

[P. 126] The Witness. The Workers Library Publishers is a corporation 
formed by the Communist Party, or an organization formed by the Communist 
Party, which reports regularly to the Communist Party, for which the Com- 
munist Party is responsible financially and promotionally. 

There are many such corporations formed by the Communist Party for defense 
and other purposes, legal purposes. 

Inspector Phelan. In what form does it report to the Communist Party and to 
what governing body of the party? 

The Witness. It takes the report of the financial standing to the national 
committee, and then this is referred to the political committee for its detailed 
examination. 

Inspector Phelan. That is a periodic report, is it, at intervals? 

The Witness. It is done from time to time. I do not know whether you call it 
periodic. It generally is before the national conventions, and then it is — the 
reports for the political committee are more periodic without reference to the 
national committee. 

I have been at certain political committee meetings on other matters where a 
report has been made on the finances on one or the other of these corporations 
or [p. 127] organizations. 

Mr. Boyd. I would like these two books marked for identification, please. 

(Whereupon the books referred to were marked "Government's Exhibits 27 and 
28" for identification. ) 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Referring to what is marked "Government Exhibit 27," will you state 
whether or not you know what that is [handing same to witness]. — A. I know the 
publication ; yes. 

Q. The Communist ?— A. The Communist was then the official theoretical organ 
of the Communist Party and continued so for a number of years until its name was 
changed to Political Affairs. 



1706 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Q. On the preface there appears : "The Communist, a magazine of theory and 
practice of Marxism and Leninism published monthly by the Communist Party 
of the United States of America, entered as second-class matter, November 2, 
1927, at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879." 

Mr. Sacheb. Are you offering that in evidence? 

Mr. Boyd. I am now offering in evidence Government's exhibits 27 and 28 for 
identification. 

Mr. Sacher. If it please the inspector, I heard Mr. Boyd read from this. That 
is why I was anxious to [p. 12S] see this, in whicb it says on the top of this 
magazine, "Entered as second-class matter, November 2, 1927, at the post office 
at New York, N. Y." 

Now, I am going to object to the receipt of this by yourself as inspector here, 
on the ground that this cannot conceivably be used— 1 am referring now to 
Government's exhibit 28 for identification — as a basis for any conclusion in this 
proceeding for the following reason : Under the law the Postmaster General of 
the United States is charged with the duty to exclude from the mails all matter 
which advocates, teaches, et cetera, the overthrow of the Government of the 
United States by force or violence. 

In view of the fact that this publication appears on the face of it that it was 
received and passed through the mails by the Postmaster General, I respectfully 
submit that the Government of the United States has placed its imprimatur on 
Government's exhibit 28, and that which it itself saw fit to distribute through 
the mails cannot now constitute any part of a basis for the deportation of any 
inhabitant of the United States. That applies, of course, to both of the tendered 
exhibits. 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled, and the documents will be 
marked in evidence. 

Mr. Sacher. I respectfully except. 

[P. 129] (Whereupon Government's exhibits 27 and 28, previously marked for 
identification, were received in evidence.) 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. Did Mr. Santo hold any office in the Communist Party at the time you were 
a member of the Communist Party? — A. Well, in 1936 and 1937 he was a member 
of the State trade-union commission. 

Q. What is the State trade-union commission, Mr. Budenz? — A. That was an 
organ of the Communist Party created to infiltrate the trade-unions and to discuss 
their problems and to advance the Communist view in the trade-unions. It was 
created by the State committee of the Communist Party of New York. These 
commissions exist all through the country in every State organization of the 
Communist Party. 

Q. Did you attend any meetings of this commission at which Mr. Santo was 
present? — A. Yes, sir; I was a member also at that time as labor editor of the 
Daily Worker. 

Mr. Sacher. You were a busy little man, weren't you? You got around every- 
where. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Did Mr. Santo ever make any reports to this committee at any time you 
were there? — A. Yes ; lie did on a couple of occasions. 

[P. 130] Q. Do you remember the subject of those reports? — A. In a general 
way. It is a long time ago. 

Q. What was the subject of those reports? — A. The subject of those reports 
was on one occasion I know 

Mr. Sacher. I ask for a specification of at least the month. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. About when was this committee meeting held? — A. It is very difficult to 
aive the month. I have met him at many meetings. In fact, many apartment- 
house meetings, because the party meets in all sorts of ways. 

inspector Phelan. Can you fix the year? 

The Witness. Oh, yes ; the year is 1936 and 1937, in those years. It had to be. 

.Mr. Sacher. Are those the only years you claim? 

The Witness. Yes; those were the only years in that capacity. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Yon referred to one specific meeting. — A. Those were the only years I was 
a member of the State trade union commission. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1707 

Q. About when was this specific meeting to which Mr. Santo made a report?— 
A Well, it had to be between the spring of 1936 and the fall of 1937. 

[P. 131] Q. Where was the meeting held?— A. it was held in the Workers 
School in 35 Easl Twelfth Street. That is the headquarters building of the 
Communist Party. 

Q. Who was present at this meeting?— A. We met in some of the offices of the 

Workers School. 

Mr. Sacheb. -hist a moment. I object, Mr. inspector, to the attempt by this 
witness to drag in any other people, and I submit that the only question at issue 
is the attendance of the respondent and of nobody else, and I therefore ask that 
testimony concerning any others allegedly present be excluded. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, it might lie pertinent to determine whether this 
was or was not a Communist meeting. 

Mr. Sacher. Well, the witness has already said it was, and I take it that 
counsel for the Government is not questioning veracity, and as yet there has 
been no attempt to impeach this witness. That may come later. 

I am not saying "'Yes" or "No," but for the time being the record does not 
show any impeachment, so I think that it would be improper. 

Inspector Phelan. I think the question is proper. The objection will be 
overruled. 

[P. 132] Mr. Sacher. I respectfully except. 

The Witness. May I have the question again, please? 

(The reporter read the question, as follows:) 
" Q. Who was present at this meeting? 

The Witness. Some of those present I can recall. Sam Nesain, formerly of 
the unemployment council and now an organizer in a number of unions. I. 
Rosenberg, of the shoe workers, United Shoe Workers. Michael J. Obermeier, 
of the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen. 

Well, as members of the committee, there was also Irving Potash, of the 
furriers, and Shulman, who is Louis Weinstock's colleague in the painters. 
Offhand those are the people I remember. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Was Mr. Santo present? — A. Yes; he made a report on the transport. 

Q. And what was the subject of that report? — A. Well, in regard to the activity 
of the transport workers at that time. The reason I recall his particular report 
is that it dealt with the difficulty of collections in part ; that is, of dues collections. 

Q. Did you say collections for what? — A. For the organizations. 

Q. What organization? — [P. 133] *A. The transport workers; and, as a mat- 
ter of fact. Rose Wortis, who was present — she was the director of the trade- 
union work in the New York district — she was inclined to be critical of the fact 
that the union at that time was not on a more stable basis. The report centered 
around this idea. 

Q. Was this a union meeting or was this a meeting of the State trade-union 
commission of the Communist Party? — A. State trade-union commission of 
the Communist Party. 

Q. Were there any persons present at this meeting who were not members of 
the Communist Party? — A. No, sir. These meetings were held by the Communist 
Party every so often ; once a week or twice a month in this Workers School ; 
and only members of the Communist Party active in the trade-unions, could 
be in attendance. 

Inspector Phelan. Were they especially called for or regularly scheduled 
meetings? 

The Witness. There was a regular schedule. Sometimes it was changed by 
necssity, but it was a regular schedule of a certain evening in the week, or 
twice a month. I don't rcall, and I think it was approximately one a week. 
By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. How did one become a member of this State trade-union commission? — 
[P. i; J >4] A. Appointed by the State committee of the Communist Party. 

Q. About how many meetings would you say you attended, conducted by 
the Communist Party, at which Mr. Santo was present? — A. Well, I should say 
four. I can remember — I should say that would be a correct estimate. 

Q. And those four meetings were held between the years 1935 and 1940? — 
A. No, no ; 19:16 and 1937. 

Inspector Piielan. Were those all meetings of the same committee that you 
have spoken of? 

6S970 — 50 — pt. 2 15 



1708 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

The Witness. Yes, sir; that was a regularly held meeting every so often. 

Inspector Phelan. And these four meetings that you speak of, having seen 
the respondent present, were meetings of that particular body? 

The Witness. Yes, sir ; of which the directing agent was Rose Wortis. She 
was present also. She is the trade-union director of the State organization 
operating at that time under Jack Stachel. 
By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. What was the purpose of the State trade-union commission? What were 
its functions? — A. To discuss the problems in the unions where Communists were 
active and also to discuss the progress of [p. 135] Communist activity in these 
unions, including recruitment into the party, the advance of Communists to 
official positions, the control of the unions by the Communists, and things of that 
character. There came to these meetings general representatives of three 
different unions of an evening. That is to say, sometimes the dealings would be 
three to five people, sometimes one person, sometimes two, but generally three 
unions were heard, the Communist representatives in three unions were heard 
of an evening. 

Q. Were heard by the members of the State trade-union commission? — A. That 
is right. 

Q. And this commission was comprised of how many persons, again? — A. 
Well, of 10 to 15 people. 

Q. Your membership in the State trade-union commission terminated in 
about 1937? — A. When I went to Chicago ; yes. 

Q. And how long were you in Chicago? — A. Oh, I was there until 1940, when 
I returned to become president of the Freedom of the Press Co., Inc. 

Inspector Phelan. I think this is an excellent point to adjourn until 2 
o'clock is counsel are in [p. 135-A] accord. 

I Whereupon, at 12:30 p. m., the hearing was adjourned for luncheon recess 
until 2 p. m.) 

[P. 136 J 

AFTERNOON SESSION, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1947. 2 P. M. 

Louis Francis Budenz resumed the stand and testified further as follows : 
Direct examination (continued) by Mr. Boyd: 

Q. Mr. Budenz, you testified to attending a certain meeting in the trade-union 
commission of the Communist Party in which Mr. Santo, respondent, made 
a report? — A. That is right. 

Q. And I believe you testified that he reported on dues collections? — A. Yes, 
dues collection in the transport system. That was a review of that session. 

Q. Dues collection for the Communist Party or for the TWU? — A. That was 
in regard to the TWU, but he also reported on party recruitment. 

Q. What party recruitment? — A. Communist Party. 

Q. What did he say about party recruitment? 

Mr. Sacher. Just a moment. Is this on the basis of a refreshment of the 
witness' recollection during the lunch hour? Is that what this is based on? 

[P. 137] Mr. Boyd. No ; I had no knowledge of it, so I certainly could not 
have refreshed his recollection. 

Mr. Sacher. My recollection is that this witness completed his testimony 
of what he claimed transpired at this meeting of the spring of 1930 and the 
fall of 1937, and he - 

Inspector Phelan. I hadn't so understood it, counsel. I assumed that this 
would be further developed. 

Mr. SACHEK. That is just an exfoliation, so to speak. All right, if that is what 
it is. 

Mr. Boyd. I ask that counsel's remarks be stricken from the record. 

Inspector Phelan. That may go out. 

By Mr. Boyd: 

Q; What did he say about recruitment, Mr. Budenz? — A. Details of it are 
not longer fresh in my mind, but the idea was in regard to getting more mem- 
bers of the party in that particular section of industry. 

Cj. When you say the party, you mean- A. Communist Party. That was 

cue of his assignments. That was his assignment in part, lie was the political 
representative of the Communist Party. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1709 

Q. Assigned to [P. loSj a. Transport. The assignments were made of 

different Communists to different industries. 

Q. Who made these assignments? — A. They were made by the different organs 

tit' the party, the State committf I the New York party, in case of activities 

within New York State, always under the direction of .lack Stachel, who was 
the political committee's man at that time in charge of labor in general, labor 
relations in general. 

Q. Did you ever attend any other meetings of the Communist Party in which 
Mr. Santo, respondent, was present? — A. Yes; I did. 

Q. Will you please state when and where? — A. It was a convention of the 
Communist Party, national convention secret session of the delegates. I am not 
sure whether it was 1936 or 1938, but it is a matter of public record. It could 
be checked. 

Mr. Sa< her. You say it was secret. How could it be a matter of public record? 

The Witness. Oh, the convention was public. But this particular session was 
what you call executive, I suppose. Most of the sessions of conventions of the 
Communist Party are of that character. But this was particularly so. And y. 
delegation of [P. 139] Communists from the transport industry presented Pose 
Warms, the New York director on labor, with a great display of roses. lied 
roses, for her work in transport. 

By Mr. Boyd : 

Q. When you say her work in transport, what do you mean? — A. Her work in 
directing Communists like Santo and others in their work in the transport 
industry. 

Q. Were you present at this meeting? — A. Yes ; I remember the roses on the 
side of the stage. 

Q. Was Mr. Santo present at this meeting? — A. He was one of the delegation, 
or he was on the stage, but he did not speak. 

Q. Was Mr. Santo a delegate to this National Convention of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Sachek. I object, unless (lie witness give-; the l,a is Cor Ids statement. 

A. Well, i am not sure of that. As a matter of fact, anyway, he was present 
there, as a Communist, at this particular session. 

Q. Were you present as a < tommunist? — A. I was present there as a delegate. 

Q. Did you attend any other meetings of the Communist Party at which Mr. 
Santo was present? — [p. 140 1 A. Two other meetings, and large national com- 
mittees of the Communist Party, around 1040 or 1041; that is, in those years. 
On one occasion in which I was introduced to him again, we were all there 
together, by Jack Stachel, in the back of the hall. 

Mr. Sacher. Where was this ; when was,this? 

The Witness. Well, it was 1940 or 1941. 

Mr. Sacher. You were introduced to him then? 

The Yv'itness. Yes. 

Mr. Sacher. After having met him 4 years before? 

The AYitness. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Sachek. You were introduced 4 years after you had met him? 

The Witness. That is common among Communists. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed, gentlemen. You may cross-examine later. 

The Witness. Jack Stachel just said, "This is a good Bolshevik, Comrade 
Santo," and told me, and we laughed and I said, "Well, of course, I know him."' 
It was in the back of the fraternal clubhouse, the hall. I mean that is the hall. 
the fraternity clubhouse in the forties, where this meeting of the enlarged 
national committee was held, to my recollection. 

[P. 141] By Mr. Boyd: 

Q. You made reference to Pose YVartus : who is Rose Wartus? — A. Pose Wartus 
is the director of labor work in the New York district of the Communist Party. 

Q. of the Communist Party?— A. Yes, sir. 

Q. And did she hold that position at the time of the convention? — A. Yes; 
she did. She has held it for many, many years. She is in charge of the entire 
labor activities of the Communist Party in the New York district, under the 
direction of whoever is the national director, or for the political committee. 
At that time. Jack Stachel. very frequently he was, though Roy Hutchins 
supplanted him sometime or other. 

Q. Directing your attention to these exhibits again, Government exhibits 
In to 28, do these exhibits contain the doctrine of ideology of the Communist 
Party of the United States of America?— A. What is that? 



1710 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Q. Do these exhibits, exhibits 15 to 28. inclusive, contain the doctrines and 
ideologies of the Communist Party of the United States of America? 

Mr. Sacheb. As to what time? 

[P. 142| Mr. Boyd. As of the time that you were a member of the party. 
In other words, between 1935 and 1945? 

A. That is correct in general. The Communist Party has one basic principle 
all the time. 

Q. What is that basic principle? — A. That is the Marxism, Leninism, the 
overthrow of all bourgeois, democratic governments by armed force. 

Q. And is the United States Government considered a bourgeois government? — 
A. It is considered the chief bourgeois democratic government. 

Mr. Boyd. I have no further questions. 
Cross-examination by Mr. Sacheb. 

Q. Where were you born? — A. Indianapolis, Ind. 

Q. Did you ever live in Terre Haute, Ind.? — A. No, sir. 

Q. Were you ever known by any other name than Louis Francis Budenz? — 
A. No, sir. * I may have written in the Daily Worker, but I don't even recall 
that. Once in a while it was a practice, but I never passed myself off as any- 
one but Louis Francis Budenz. 

[P. 1431 Q. Are you married? — A. Oh, I am, indeed. 

Q. What is your wife's name? — A. Margaret Rogers. 

Q. Margaret Rogers Budenz? — A. That is correct. 

Q. When did you marry her? — A. I married her in St. Patrick's Cathedral in 

1945. 

<Q. How many children do you have?— A. Four children. 

Q You did not have those children between the time of the marriage in St. 
Patrick's Cathedral in 1945 and this twelfth day of September 1945, did you? 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Presiding Inspector, I object. 

Mr. Sacher. Wait a minute. I am on the track of something, and I want a 
chance to go after it. 

Inspector Phelan. Strike it out as argumentative. You may rephrase the 

question. 

Mr. Sacheb. I will rephrase the question, Mr. Inspector. 

By Mr. Sacheb : 

Q. Did you have the four children that you and your wife, Margaret Rogers 
Budenz, have between the date of your marriage at St. Patrick's Cathedral in 
1945 and this [p. 144] 12th day of September 1947? 

Mr. Boyd. Just a moment. I would like to renew my objection. It is irrele- 
vant, incompetent, and immaterial. ( 

Inspector Phelan. Same ruling. 

Mr. Sacher. Mr. Inspector, I ask the same indulgence. I promise to connect 
it. And I ask your indulgence. Now, for Heaven's sake, you cannot do this for 
the prosecution and deny it to the defense. When you said earlier that you were 
going to give us the same latitude that you gave the Government 

Inspector Phelan. You know there is a way of asking that question that isn't 
objectionable. 

Mr. Sacheb. You tell me. I don't know. 

Inspector Phelan. Shall I ask it? 

Mr. Sa.cheb. Yes. Would ^ou be good enough to? 

Inspector Phelan. How many children do you have? 

The Witness. Four children. Four girls. 

Inspector Phelan. Will you state the dates of the birth of each of these chil- 
dren? 

The Witness. Most decidedly. One of them was born on June 13, 1934, at the 
time of the \p. 145] Toledo strike. The other, March 11, 1937. The other, 
1943. The other, 1946. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

By Mr. Sacheb: 

Q. Do you then say thai these first three children were had by you and Mar- 
garet Rogers Budenz before you were married to her? 

Mr. Boyd. Again, I object to this question. 

Mr. Sacheb. 1 am leading to something. I will connect it in a moment. Give 
me a moment or two and I will connect it. 

The Witness. Yes, sir. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1711 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. You were not married to her at the time that you had these children; is 
that it? — A. Not technically. 

Q. What do you mean, "not technically"? What other way were you married 
to her? 

Mr. Boyd. Just a moment, please. 

Mr. Sacher. I am going to prove bigamy against this man, and I ask for an 
opportunity to prove that bigamy. 

Mr. Boyd. I ask that this line of questioning be stricken as irrelevant, in- 
competent, and immaterial. [P. 146] It has no bearing on the issues here. 

Mr. Sacher. I waut to prove that this man committed the crime of bigamy in 
the State of New York, and I want to prove that, because of the commission of 
that crime, his creditability is impaired, and I therefore demand the oppor- 
tunity to show that Budenz is a bigamist. 

Mr. Boyd. If the man has not been convicted of the crime 

Mr. Sacheb. But 1 have a right to show that he committed the crime. He has 
been getting away with bigamy, and I want to show that he committed the 
bigamy. 

Mr. Boyd. I renew my objection, Mr. Inspector. 

Inspector Phelan. Objection, in the absence of evidence of a conviction, is 
sustained. You could ask him if he ever has been convicted of bigamy. 

Mr. Sacher. Let me read you the rule of law. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

Mr. Sacher. In 70 Corpus Juris, at page 882, section 1005. it is said as follows 
[reading] : "It is usually held that for the purpose of impeachment and as bearing 
in his creditability, a witness may be interrogated in cross-examination as [p. 147] 
to his commission of a crime or guilt thereof, where such crime reflects on his 
integrity and creditability as a witness, subject, however to his right to refuse to 
answer incriminating cpiestions." 

Now, there is no rule of law, Mr. Inspector, either in the Federal courts or in 
the State courts, which limits the right of impeachment on the grounds of 
commission of crime to those instances where the man has been convicted of a 
crime. The cross-examiner has a fundamental right to prove, through the 
testimony of the witness himself, the commission of crime. 

I grant you that I won't be entitled to prove the commission of the crime in 
the absence of a conviction by any witness other than this witness himself. 
But the rule is so old and so well established and so well known to every lawyer 
in America that on the cross-examination of a Witness you may bring up his 
commission of a crime that will bear on his creditability, regardless of whether 
or not he has actually been convicted of it. 

And I demand the opportunity to prove that Budenz is a bigamist, having 
committed the crime of bigamy in the State of New York, and I am prepared, 
as I told Mr. Boyd this morning, that I would prosecute him criminally [p. 148] 
for libel. I am ready to answer to Budenz' charge of criminal libel if he denies 
that he committed bigamy in the State of New York. 

Now, I demand the opportunity to prove those facts. 

Inspector Phelan. What does counsel have to say in answer to the argument 
that that is a proper impeaching question? 

Mr. Boyd. I think in this State you can attack him on proof of conviction. 
But you can't attack a man in the matter that is being conducted here. I don't 
think it is proper cross-examination. 

Inspector Phelan. Well, I may say that my impressionable rule was similar. 
However, this hearing is not conducted under strict rules of evidence, and for 
that reason I will permit the question to be asked at this time. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this book and ask you whether you wrote this book [hands to 
witness]. — A. I wrote it; yes, indeed. 

Q. Do you have an extra copy which we can put in the record as evidence? — 
A. No ; I haven't. 

[P. 149] Q. What's the matter? Are you all sold out? 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that this be marked as "Respondent's Exhibit A" for 
identification. 

(Book marked "Respondent's Exhibit A" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher. Now I read you the following from page 15, respondent's 
exhibit A for identification 



1712 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Mr. Boyd. Pardon me just a moment. Has the book been admitted in 
evidence yet? 

Mr. Sachek. No. Do you want it in evidence? 

Mr. Boyd. I certainly do. 

Mr. Sacher. I will offer in evidence the following pages, Mr. Inspector. I 
will offer in evidence pages 115 and 117 of respondent's exhibit A for identifica- 
tion. Would you like to see it, Mr. Boyd? 

Mr. Boyd. Yes, I would. 

(Mr. Sacher hands book to Mr. Boyd.) 

Mr. Boyd. I suggest that the book be admitted in its entirety and reference 
be made to portions. 

Mr. Sacher. No, Mr. Boyd. As the good lawyer that you are. you know that 
the only propriety of the offering of anything in evidence is that it is material 
and relevant to the inquiry being made. I [p. 150] am interrogating him 
only in regard to matters which are on pages 115 and 117. That is the extent 
of the thing which I admit. And I might say parenthetically, Mr. Inspector, 
that there is no obligation on me even to offer that much. You always have a 
right to ask a witness, "Did you ever write so and so and so" ; isn't that so? 

Mr. Phelan. Yes. 

Mr. Sacher. Then I withdraw my offer and ask the witness the following. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

I invite your attention to the following language at page 115 : "It was at that 
time that I met Margaret, and we became husband and wife." 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, there is a long-distance call out here for Mr. Boyd. 
If we can .lust have a short recess. 

(Whereupon a 10-minute recess was taken.) 

By Mr. Sacher: 

The Witness. May I explain that to you? 

Q. Just wait a minute. You gave nobody any mercy. Santo couldn't ask you 
for mercy. Just answer the question. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. What is the question? 
[P. 151] By Mr. Sacher: 

Q. Isn't it a fact that you wrote as follows at page 115 : "It was at that time 
that I met Margaret and we became husband and wife. Little did we suspect 
then, when our views of li^and more or less almost mocked at Catholicism, 
that her understanding and intelligence would help us back to Bethlehem and 
Rome. A Unitarian educated on a godless philosophy at the Univeristy of 
Pittsburgh, and in the Freudian Psychoanalytic School for Social Work, Mar- 
garet had no knowledge of Catholic history or philosophy. But hers was a 
warm heart and a long-suffering patience. It was on the very day that I was 
arrested at Toledo in the Autolite strike that our first daughter, Julia, was 
born prematurely in New York. 

"After her came Josephine, and then Justin. They were not reared in the 
knowledge of the church and God, but had a respect for the beliefs of their 
neighbors that testified to an effort at education of the heart." 

I will ask you if you wrote that. 

A. I did, but I want to explain it. 

Mr. Saoher. Now, Mr. Inspector 

Inspector Phelan. I am holding the hearing. Counselor. 

Mr. Sacher. What are you doing? Are you acting as judge or prosecutor 
here? I want an [p. 152] opportunity to run my examination as I see fit. And, 
if this witness wants to make any explanations, lie can do it afteward, when he 
is examined on redirect. At this moment T have had an impossible examina- 
tion, and I will aot tolerate it. Mr. Inspector, that you or anybody else should 
disrupt this cross-examination. 

Inspector Phelan. Just a moment. I think any witness is entitled, after 
he answers your question 

Mr. Sacher. I am nor through. Thai is a foundation for another question. I 
want to get the date that he refers to when he says, "It was at that time that 
1 met Margaret and we became husband and wife." Am 1 entitled to ask that? 

Inspector Phelan. Put your next question. 

Mr. Sacher. All right. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1713 

By Mr. Sachek : 

Q. I ask you what is the time that you refer to when you say here, "It was at 
that time that 1 met Margaret and we became husband and wife"? What year 
was that? — A. That was in 1933, but we were not married technically. 

Q. Wait a minute. Next question, who is Gizella I. Budenz? — A. She was 
my first wife. Divorced woman. 

[P. 153] Q. When were you married to Gizella Budenz? — A. Well, I don't 
remember the exact year any more. 

Q. Well, was it in 1916?— A. When T lived in St. Louis, Mo. 

Q. Was it is 1916? — A. We were married in Terra Haute, Ind. 

Q. Well. I asked you before whether you ever were in Terra Haute, Ind. and 
you said "No." — A. You said, didn't I live there. 

Q. Didn't you live there when you married her in Terre Haute, Ind.? — A. No. 

Q. What year did you marry her in Terre Haute? — A. It was a Gretna Green 
wedding. 

Q. What is that? — A. A Gretna Green wedding. We went to Terre Haute. 
Yen could do that and 

Q. What happened? What did you do? Did you seduce her, or something? 

Mr. Boyd. I ask that these remarks be stricken from the record. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I am just asking you questions, and you just answer them. Was it in 
1918 that you married Gizella? — A. Yes ; it was. 

Q. [P. 154] And did you remain married to Gizella until she obtained a 
divorce from you on the ground that you deserted her and failed to support her 
in the year 1938? — A. On the technical grounds of desertion 

Q. Technical, my eye. Were you divorced by her on the grounds of desertion 
in the year 1938? — A. Counsel is familiar with the legal procedure. 

Q. Yes, or no? I ask you was it in the year 1938 that she divorced you? — 
A. Yes, indeed. 

Q. And it was from 1916 to 1938 that you remained in a state of marriage with 
Gizella Budenz; is that right? — A. I' was separated from her for 7 years. I 
was separated from her for 7 years, from 1931 on. 

Q. Now, look, let's not go into what you were separated from her. You were 
married to her and you remained married to her until you were divorced from 
her. weren't you? — A. I was separated from her. 

Mr. Sacher. I move to strike it out as not responsive. Mr. Inspector, I ask 
the witness be directed to testify as to whether he was married to Gizella until 
1938. 

The Witness. Technically, I was. For 7 [p. 155] years. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Marriage. The holy sacrament is a technicality to you, isn't it, Mr. 
Budenz? — A. Not since I became a Catholic. It was when I was a Communist. 

Q. Well, you took up with Margaret before you became a Communist, didn't 
you? — A. That's right. 

Q. You testified that it was in 1933 that you took up with Margaret ; isn't that 
right?— A. But I was 

Q. Answer my question. Isn't it a fact that you took up with Margaret in 
?— A. That's right. 

Q. That was 2 years before, according to your testimony, yon became a member 
of the Communist Party : is that right? — A. This is a matter 

Q. Is that right, or is it not? 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Inspector, I think the attorney here should allow the man an 
opportunity to answer the question. 

Inspector Phelan. Give him an opportunity to answer. 

[P. 156] Mr. Sacher, He will have all the opportunity in the world. It isn't 
lack of opportunity that is bothering this poor man now. 

Inspector Phei.ax. Answer the counsel's question. 

Mr. Sacher. Wait a minute, Mr. Examiner. 

Inspector Phelan. Answer the counsel's question. If you have anything else 
to -ay. you will be given a later opportunity in the course of the questioning. 
And I will ask counsel. 

The Witness. That is right. I was already working with the Communists, 
though. 

Mr. Sachek. If it please the examiner, I now offer in evidence a certified copy 
of the petition for divorce of Gizella I. Budenz, together with the decree nisi of 



1714 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

the Court of Chancery of the State of New Jersey, index No. 116-133, in the action 
entitled "Gizella I. Budenz, petitioner, and Louis Francis Budenz, - ' and I also 
offer in evidence the final decree of divorce issued by the court of chancery on 
the 13th day of July 1938 in the action entitled "Gizella I. Budenz against Louis 
Francis Budenz." And in particular I invite Your Honor's attention to certain 
allegations which I will refer to after you [p. 157] have received them in evidence. 
I offer these in the following order as respondent's exhibits A, B, C, and D, re- 
spectively. The petition for divorce will be A ; the decree nisi will be B ; and the 
final decree will be C. Would you like to see them, Mr. Boyd? 

Mr. Boyd. Yes, I would. 

(Mr. Sacher hands papers to Mr. Boyd.) 

(Petition for divorce, decree nisi, and the final decree marked "Respondent's 
Exhibits A, B, and C," respectively, and received in evidence as of this date.) 

Inspector Phelan. These documents will be admitted and are so marked. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Now, Mr. Budenz, Gizella says here in paragraph 1 of her petition, re- 
spondent's exhihit A: '•Petitioner was lawfully married to her present husband, 
Louis Francis Budenz, the defendant in this suit, on December 23, 1916, in the 
city of Terre Haute and State of Indiana." Is that statement true? — A. That's 
correct. 

Q. She says in the second paragraph : "There were no children born of the 
marriage; but in 1917, in St. Louis, Mo., petitioner and defendant adopted a 
female child named Louise. Said adopted daughter is now 20 years of age and 
is married." Was that statement true? — [P. 158] A. That is correct. 

Q. In item 3 she says: "Petitioner and defendant lived together as husband 
and wife from the date of the marriage aforesaid continuedly until September 1, 
1930." Is that statement correct?— A. That's correct. 

Q. And in paragraph 4 she says: "On September 1, 1930, petitioner anil de- 
fendant were living together as husband and wife at 1360 Bryant Street in the 
city of Rahway, county of Union, and State of New Jersey." Is that correct? — 
A. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

Q. And then in paragraph 5 she says : "On September 1, 1930, defendant de- 
serted petitioner and has, ever since that date and for more than 2 years last 
past, and down to the date hereof willfully, continuedly. and obstinately de- 
serted petitioner, and during said entire period — namely, from September 1, 
1930, down to the date of the commencement of this action — defendant has 
willfully, continuedly, and obstinately refused to live with the petitioner as 
husband and wife and has during said entire period lived and still does live 
willfully, continuedly, and obstinately separate and apart from petitioner." 
Was that statement correct?— A. That is correct. 

[P. 159] Q. And in paragraph 6, "at the date of the commencement of the 
desertion afore-mentioned, petitioner and defendant were both bona fide resi- 
dents of the State of New Jersey." Was that correct? — A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Then in paragraph 9 she says: "Petitioner knows that defendant resides 
at apartment 22, 328 Fast Fifteenth Street, in the city of New York, county of 
New York, and State of New York." Did you live at that address at the time 
of this petition, which was on or about August 1936? — A. I think so ; yes, sir. 

Q. Were you living at that address at that time with Margaret? — A. Yes. sir. 

Q. Before that time, you had lived in Williamsburg; is that right? — A. Yes, sir. 
Separately entirely from my first wife. From 193(1. 

Q. I did not imagine you were operating a harem. One at a time is enough. 

Mr. Sacher. Mr. Fanelli suggests that — I withdraw that. Mr. Fanelli has 
withdrawn that. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Did you ever go through any civil ceremony of marriage with your present 
wife, Margaret? — A. Yes, sir. 

[P. 1601 Q- When did yon go through that ceremony? — A. Ob, civil? 

Q. Yes. — A. Well, I was married by Monsignor Sheen in St. Patrick's Cathedral. 
That was civil and religious too. There was a civil filing in the city of Yonkers, 
where I live. 

Q. Did you have to procure a certified copy of the decree of divorce from your 
first wife, Cizella? — A. Well, that I don't know. 

Q. Who attended to that for you, Monsignor Sheen? — A. No. 

Q. Mr. Budenz, you will recall that the final decree of the court declared as 
follows — and I read from respondent's exhibit C: 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1715 

"The court having in this cause by :i decree nisi, bearing date and entered on 
the 12th day of April A. D. 1938, ordered, adjudged and decreed that the peti- 

li r. Cizella 1. Budenz, and the defendant. Louis Francis Budenz, be divorced 

from the bonds of matrimony Eor the cause of desertion, unless sufficient cause 
he shown to the court why said decree should not he made absolute within 3 
mouths from the date thereof: and application being now made to the court by the 
petitioner for an order that said decree nisi he made absolute and that a final [p. 
Kil | and absolute decree he entered: and no cause to the contrary being shown 
or appearing : 

"It is thereupon, on this 13th day of July A. D. 1938, by His Honor, Luther 
A. Campbell, chancelor of the State of New Jersey, by virtue of the power and 
authority of this court, and of the acts of the legislature in such case made and 
provided, doth hereby order, adjudge, and decree that the said decree nisi be 
made and become absolute, and that the said defendant, Louis Francis Budenz, 
are divorced from the bonds of matrimony for the cause aforesaid and the mar- 
riage between the said petitioner and the said defendant is hereby dissolved ac- 
cordingly, and the said parties and each of them are and is hereby freed and 
discharged from the obligations thereof." 

Do you remember that language in the final decree of divorce? 

A. Well. I don't remember all the language, but I remember that there was a 
final decree of divorce. 

Q. And that was the only decree of divorce, the one that I have just read, 
and which is respondent's exhibit C, that was ever made by any court of com- 
petent jurisdiction in this country or anywhere else, dissolving the bonds of 
matrimony between you, Louis Francis Budenz, and your wife [p. 162], Cizella 
I. Budenz; is that correct? — A. Well, I don't know. That is my impression. I 
don't know all the papers that were served at that time. I know in 1938 I was 
granted a final divorce in New Jersey. 

Q. That is the only one; you w r ere not granted it, you did not apply for it. 
Your wife got it. — A. I mean she was granted it. 

Q. That is the only divorce you know of between you and Cizella : is that 
right? — A. Yes; that is the only one I know of. If that is the one, I don't know 
that that is the one that you are quoting from. In 1938 she was given a final 
decree of divorce on the basis of my having not lived with her for 7 or 8 years. 

Mr. Sacher. May I ask for a short recess at this time? 

Inspector Phei.an. Granted. Five minutes. 

(Whereupon a 5-minute recess was taken.) 

Mr. Sachbb. Mr. Inspector, at this juncture I wish to point out that, on the 
basis of the statements contained at page 115 of the book of this witness, in 
which he states that he and his present wife became husband and wife in 1933, 
as testified to here on the stand, and in view of the fact that [p. 163] at the time 
that he and Margaret became husband and wife he had another wife, he had a 
wife living. I respectfully submit to you that under the provisions of section 340 
of the penal law of the State of New York, which reads as follows : "A person who, 
having a husband or wife living, marries another person, is guilty of bigamy, 
and is punishable by imprisonment in a penitentiary or State prison for not 
more than ■" years." 

In that connection, Mr. Inspector, I call to your attention the case of Hayes 
against the People, in 25 New York :'.!><>, in which the court sustained a con- 
viction in a case where the second marriage, as in the case of this witness, was 
a nonceremonial marriage. In these circumstances, Mr. Inspector, I respect- 
fully submit that the respondent in this case has established, out of the mouth 
of this witness himself, that he is a bigamist, a criminal. And on that ground 
I respectfully request that all of the testimony given by this bigamist be stricken 
from the record. 

Inspector Phelan. Denied. 

Mr. Sacher. If it please the inspector, in order to proceed with other cross- 
examination of the witness, it will be necessary for us to examine these 10 to 15 
exhibits that were introduced. And [p. 164] therefore, with your permission, 
I would suggest that we defer this further examination, cross-examination of 
the witness, until such time as we have had an opportunity to go over the 
material for the purposes of cross-examination. 

Inspector Phelan. I think that is a fair request. When would you suggest 
that we call and finish this witness? 

Mr. Sacher. We might just as well at this time discuss the question of an 
adjournment. Tomorrow is Saturday, and I don't work on Saturday. Monday 
and Tuesday are the high holy days, which I shall observe, so that I cannot be 



1716 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

in attendance on those days. I will, however, use some of the intervening time 
to examine those exhibits, and I shall be happy to be ready to proceed with this 
witness on Wednesday morning, so you need have no delay whatever in completing 
his examination. 

Inspector Phelan. In view of the fact that we won't convene again until 
Wednesday, would it not be possible to continue on Saturday, thus giving us 
an extra day? 

Mi*. Sacher. I would love to do that, but ever since Hitler came to power, I, 
as a Jew, insist on maintaining my Sabbath, just as other people maintain 
[p. 165] theirs, and I would therefore like to observe the Sabbath tomorrow. 

Inspector Phelan. In view of counsel's statement, we will not consider a 
Saturday hearing. It was merely a suggestion that we might conserve time. 

Is there any further proceeding that we could take today in order to take 
advantage of the hour that remains? 

Mr. Sacher. I don't know. Maybe Mr. Fanelli has some motions. 

Mr. Boyd. Is that the only phase of cross-examination that you intend to 
pursue? In other words, is there some other phase that you could take up today? 

Mr. Sacheb. Mr. Boyd. I don't like to appeal for consideraton on this ground, 
but if you have observed the pace at which I have been going in the last 40 
minutes, I am not in condition to take up any further cross-examination. So 
I would appreciate it if you wouldn't press on my going on any other matter. 
I may have them on Wednesday. 

Inspector Phelan. Is there any objection to excusing this witness until Wednes- 
day and calling your next witness now? 

[P. 166] Mr. Boyd. Well, there is only an hour before an adjournment now. 
I think perhaps that this would be as good a time as any to adjourn. 

Inspector Phelan. All right. The hearing is adjourned until next Wednesday 
morning, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m. 

(Whereupon at 3: 05 p. m. an adjournment was taken until Wednesday, Sep- 
tember 17, 1947, at 10 : 30 a. m.) 

[P. 166-A] Index 

WITNESSES 

Direct Cross 

For the Government : Louis Francis Budenz 75 142 

EXHIBITS 

For In 

For the Government : identification evidence 

15-26. Pamphlets and books 103 111 

27-28. Books (2) 127 120 

Respondent's : 

A. Book 149 (withdrawn) 

A. Petition for divorce — 157 

B. Decree nisi 157 

C. Final divorce decree — 157 

[P. 167] United States of America, Department of Immigration, Immigration 
and Naturalization Service. In the Matter of Charges against Desideriu Ham- 
mer, alias John Santo, alias John or Jack Weiss. Ellis Island No. 99600/850 
Central Office 

70 Columbus Avenue, New York City, N. Y. September 17, 1947, 10 : 30 a. m. 

Before : Hon. Arthur J. Phelan, Presiding Inspector. 

Nathan Berak, 
Stenotype Reporter, 80 Broad Street, New York City. 

[P. 188] Appearances: 

John F. Boyd, Examining Inspector, 
Francis X. Walker, and 
Maurice A. Roberts, 

For the Department of Immigration. 
Harry Sacher, and 
Joseph A. Fanelli, 

For the Respondent. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1717 

Louis Francis Budenz, (idled as a witness on behalf of the Government, hav- 
ing previously duly been sworn, resumed the stand and testified further as 
follows : 

Cross examination (continued) by Mr. Sacher: 

Inspector Phelan. Respondent is present and all the counsel are present. 

Proceed. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Did you work for the American Federation of Full-Fashioned Hosiery 
Workers at any lime? — A. Yes. sir. 

Q. In what years did you work for them?— A. Well, I do not remember ex- 
actlv, hut it was in 1928, for example, 1929. 

Q. How about the year 1930, Mr. Budenz?— [P. 1G9] A. 1930? 

Q. Yes, how about 1930?— A. Well, I went with the Conference of Progressive 
Labor Action. 

Q. Don't you remember a strike in the year 1930 against the Kramer Hosiery 
Mills in Nazareth, Pa.? — A. Oh, yes. 

Q. What year was that?— A. 1929. 

Q. Are you sure it was 1929?— A. Well, it began then. It have have ex- 
tended over until 1930. 

Q. What is your best recollection as to whether you were still there in 1930? — 
A. Perhaps in' the early part of 1930 I may have been, although I am not quite 
clear because I went with the Conference for Progressive Labor Action about 
that time. 

Q. Did you ever stop at the Hotel Easton in Easton, Pa., in the year 1930?— 
A. Well, I don't recall. 

Q. You mean to tell us that you don't remember whether you were in the 
Hotel Easton in 1930? — A. I was in 1929, but I am not sure in 1930. 

Q. You are not sure about 1930?— [P. 170] A. No, sir. 

Q. Is there any reason why the year 1930 is blocked from your memory at this 
time, Mr. Budenz? — A. No., sir. 

Q. None at all? — A. Except that I am not quite certain about my connection 
with the Conference for Progressive Labor Action. 

Q. Suppose I show you this letter on the stationery of the Hotel Easton in 
Easton, Pa., bearing date of May 14, 1930, and ask you whether you sent that 
letter to anybody from that hotel on that date [handing to witness]? — A. I 
refuse to answer that question. 

Q. On what ground do you refuse to answer, Mr. Budenz? — A. First of all, 
this is not a smear investigation. Secondly, it violates my constitutional rights. 

Q. Which of your constitutional rights does it violate? 

Mr. Boyd. If the presiding inspector please, I do not see that this line of 
questioning is germane in the issues here involved. 

Inspector Phelan. Well, I assume that it is preliminary. 

Mr. Sacher. It is preliminary to establishing a number of things. 

[P. 171] Inspector Phelan. The witness, if he declines to answer, will have 
to state the grounds as counsel has asked. 

The Witness. Well, counsel is trying to show — do you mean to say what 
offense I committed? 

Inspector Phelan. Well, let me see if I may clarify it, and counsel will cor- 
rect me if I am wrong. 

The only ground a witness may refuse to answer a question on, is on the 
ground that it may incriminate him. Now, do I understand that it is your 
desire to refuse to answer that question on that ground? 

The Witness. It is. 

By Mr. Sacher: 

Q. In other words, Mr. Budenz, you refuse to answer whether you signed 
this letter on the ground that it may tend to incriminate you ; is that right? — A. 
That is right? 

Mr. Sac her. I ask that it be marked for identification, please. 

Inspector Phelan. What is the next exhibit in order? 

(Letter dated May 14, 1930, marked "Respondent's Exhibit D" for identifica- 
ton as of this date.) 

[P 173] Mr. Boyd. May I see the document, please? 

Mr. Sacher. Shall I wait until you have read it, Mr. Boyd? 

Mr. Boyd. Please. 



1718 .STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Mr. Sacher. I would just like to say, Mr. Inspector, that I am extending an 
unusual courtesy to counsel for the other side when I permit them to look at a 
paper that is not in evidence ; so I expect some reciprocity. 

Mr. Boyd. You anticipate offering it in evidence, do you not? That is the 
usual custom. 

Mr. Sacher. No ; I haven't made an offer. You are entitled to look at it when 
1 make the offer. Mr. Budenz will tell you that. He is a lawyer. 

By Mr. Sacher: 

Q. You are a lawyer, aren't you? — A. I was educated as one; yes. 

Q. What do you mean you were educated as one? As a matter of fact, you were 
graduated from a law school? — A. That is correct. 

Q. What was the name of the school, Indianapolis Law School? — A. That is 
right. 

Q. And how long ago was that? — [P. 173] A. That was 25 years ago. Just 
a moment, 35 years ago. 

Q. Did you ever know a girl by the name of Louise Gahen? — A. Yes, I did. 

Q. Did you get to know her in the year 1930 while you were at the Easton 
Hotel? — A. I refuse to answer that. 

Q. On what ground do you refuse to answer that? — -A. It may incriminate me. 

Q. Is that what you learned in law school? Did you learn that in law school? 

Mr. Boyd. This is not prober examination. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Or were you told by counsel here today? — A. I was not told by counsel 
anything on this matter. 

Q. Where did you learn that you have the right to testify on the ground that 
an answer to my question may tend to incriminate you? — A. Because I see that 
a smear is being developed here. 

Q. Well, you are not objecting on the ground that it is a smear. You are ob- 
jecting on the ground that that it may expose you to criminal penalties, aren't 
you? Isn't [p. 174 1 that the ground of your objection, that an answer may 
expose you to criminal prosecution and conviction? — Yes, sir. 

Q. Isn't that the ground? — A. May I have the question again? 

Q. Isn't the answer yes? — A. That is right. 

Q. Would you care to tell the inspector which State or Federal statutes you 
are afraid you will be incriminated under if you testify? — A. Well, that I am 
Ji ere to state. .* 

Mr. Boyd. I object to the question, if you please. After all this man is not 
qualifying as an expert in law. 

Inspector Phelan. I think counsel, that is calling for a conclusion. 

Mr. Sacher. I think if I may briefly say this, Mr. Inspector, because I, lik-'» 
yourself, am anxious to move ahead, but I believe that while a witness may not 
be obliged to disclose the facts in bis answer on the basis of which a criminal 
prosecution might take place, I do believe that in order that the court or adminis- 
trative agent may determine whether the claim is made in good faith, that a 
witness may be required to state under what [p. 175] law or statutes he fear;> 
exposure to criminal prosecution and conviction. 

Mr. Phelan. I think counsel is correct on that. The mere assertion of a con- 
stitutional privilege without stating some basis is not in and of itself sufficient. 

Mr. Boyd. I think the question calls for conclusion on the part of the witness 
and I object to the question on that ground. 

Inspector Phelan. Possibly counsel could rephrase the question. 

Mr. Sacher. Well, Mr. Inspector, I think that a violation of one law is as bad 
as another, as Epictitus used to say, and perhaps it is of no great consequence; 
so I won't press the inquiry. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Did you ever spend any time with Louise Gahen in the State of Connecticut, 
specifically in the city of Stamford and more specifically in the year 1930? — A. I 
refuse to answer that on the same grounds. 

Q. On what grounds is that, that you will incriminate yourself? — A. Yes. 

Q. I show you this envelope and ask you whether this [p. 170] is your hand- 
writing on that envelope Lhanding to witness]? — A. I am not sure. It looks 
like it. 

Q. You do not deny that it is your writing? — A. I do not ; no. 

Mr. Sacher. I offer it in evidence. 

(Envelope marked "Respondent's Exhibit E" and received in evidence as of 
this date.) 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTt INVESTIGATION 1719 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. On this Respondent's Exhibit E, which hoars a photograph of the Hotel 
Easton with the name Hotel Easton and the name of Easton, Pa., appear the 
following words in your handwriting: "In ease of accident to Budenz, these 
belong to Miss Louise Gahen." Is that right? — A. That is correet. 

Q. You therefore knew Miss Gahen, didn't you? — A. Oh, yes; I said I knew 
her. I said that originally, sir. 

Q. And do you know what was contained in this envelope. Respondent's Exhibit 
E, when you said, "in case of accident to Budenz, these belong to Miss Louise 
Gahen" ; do you know what was in Respondent's Exhibit E? — A. Well, now, let's 
see. I don't recall definitely now. 

[P. 177] Q. Let us see if we can refresh your recollection. I show you these 
papers and I ask you to be good enough to preserve them in the order in which 
they appear here, and ask you to read all these letters from Louise to you and tell 
me whether that refreshes your recollection as to what was in this envelope, 
Respondent's Exhibit E? — A. I will have to refuse to answer this question. 

Q. On what ground? — A. On the ground that it would tend to incriminate me. 

Q. Do you think, Mr. Budenz, there is anything I can ask you that you won't 
refuse to answer on the ground that it will incriminate you? — A. Oh, yes. 

Q. "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof," as the Psalmist says. So let 
us take these one by one. Did you ever stop at the Great Northern Hotel in the 
city of New York in the year 1930? — A. Well, I may have. I don't recall. 

Q. You do not deny it, do you? — A. No; I don't deny it. I don't recall it. 

Q. Let me show you a letter and ask you whether that refreshes your recol- 
lection as to whether you did stay in the Great Northern Hotel [handing- 
witness]? — A. [Witness looking at letter]. 

[P. 178] Q. I show you this paper and I ask you to read it, and tell us whether 
that letter from Louise refreshes your recollection as to whether you were in 
the Great Northern Hotel at that time? — A. No ; it doesn't. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that this be marked for identification, please. 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit F" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Can you tell the inspector how many times in the last 17 years you spent a 
night in the Great Northern Hotel right here at 109-121 AY est Fifty-sixth Street 
in New York City? How many times were you there in the last 17 years? — 
A. Well, I cant' recall being there at all, to tell you the truth. I can't recall it. 

Q. You connot recall it? — A. No. 

Q. But you won't deny it? — A. No ; I can't deny it. 

Mr. Boyd. If the Court please, this line of questioning is argumentative. The 
witness has answered the question. 

The Witness. I can't recall ever having been [p. 179] in the Great Northern 
Hotel. I may have been and I may not. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Mr. Budenz, did you ever visit the city of Bernardsville? — A. I don't know 
where that is. 

Q. A little distance away from Easton? — A. Yes; I know where it is. 

Q. You are familiar with the name Bernardsville? — A. I am indeed, yes. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, may I interrupt? I assume that you propose to 
connect this questioning up with the issues of the case. 

Mr. Sacher. Oh, sure. I tell you frankly that this is all directed ultimately to 
establishing once again that this man has committed crimes under the Federal 
laws with a view to impeaching his credibility. That is what this is heading for. 
That is what my evidence is directed to here and I shall, of course, demand a full 
opportunity, an adequate opportunity in any event to accomplish that purpose. 

Inspector Phelan. Proceed. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. You are also familiar with the name of a sculptor by the name of George 
Barnard; is that right? — [p. 180] A. No ; I am not. 

Q. Never heard of George Barnard, the sculptor? — A. Except in a general way. 

Q. Of course, you knew his name back in 1930, didn't you? — A. I think not; no. 
I don't recall his name at all. I mean, I don't recall any intimate knowledge of 
his name. 

Q. Well, but you were, according to your book, anyway, you were quite a liter- 
ate person, interested in literature, the arts, etc., weren't you? — A. To a degree, 
but I don't know everyone who is engaged in this business. 



1720 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Q. But George Barnard was an outstanding American sculptor, wasn't he?— 
A. It doesn't recall to my mind anything specific. This is the first time that he 
has been called to my attention in any specific way. I may have known it in a 
casual way, but not in a specific way. 

Q. Do you recall whether you registered in the Great Northern Hotel under 
the name of Bernard, second name? — A. I refuse to answer that. 

Q. On what ground do you refuse to answer that? — A. That it may tend to 
incriminate me. 

Q. Do you remember an occasion when you told your [p. 181] wife, Gizella, 
that you had registered at the Great Northern Hotel with Louise Gahen and 
that you had registered under the name of Bernard because you got the idea 
from the name Bernardsville? — A. No, sir. 

Q. Or, did you ever tell her that you got the idea from the name of George 
Bernard, the sculptor? — A. No, sir. 

Q. You don't recall ever telling Gizella that? — A. No, I most decidedly did not. 

Q. But you did spend time with Louise at the Great Northern ; isn't that right? 
— A. I refuse to answer that question. 

Q. Did you spend time with Louise in Stamford, Conn.?— A. I refuse to 
answer that. 

Q. As the ground of your refusal to answer that you transported her across 
State lines for immoral purposes?— A. No, sir. 

Q. Which constitutes a violation of Federal law? — A. No, sir. 

Q. Is that the grounds? — A. No, sir; that is not the ground. 

Q. What is the ground, then? Do you refuse to [p. 182] answer that, too? — 
A. Well, I am being accused of living with a person in a hotel and I think that 
that is technically an accusation that one can refuse to answer. 

Q. How about the crossing of the State lines, does that bother you at all, 
transporting a woman across State lines for immoral purposes? — A. No, sir. 

Q. What crime do you claim you committed or you may be charged with 
having committed by reason of spending the night in a hotel with a woman, 
what crime, if not under the Federal statute for immoral transportation across 
State lines? — A. Well, in various States there are various statutes on subjects 
of that character. 

Q. Of what character? Do you mean adultery, fornication; what do you 
mean? — A. One or the other, and besides that, counselor, this is a very small 
piece of business you are engaging in. 

Q. You mean that white slavery is a small piece of business to you ; is that 
what you are saying? Is white slavery in your opinion a small piece of busi- 
ness? — A. No, sir. 

Q. Is the Mann Act a small piece of business? — [P. 183] A. No, sir. 

Q. Do you regard the violation of the Mann Act as a small piece of business? — 
A. No, sir ; I do not. 

Q. Would you regard a violator of the Mann Act as a person unworthy of 
belief? 

Mr. Boyd. If the Court please, I object to that question. 

Inspector Phelan. Sustained. 

Mr. Sacher. Exception. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you Respondent's Exhibit F and ask you whether you received this 
letter from Louise Gahen [handing to witness I? — A. I do not recall. 

Q. Do you recall whether the letter was addressed to you? — A. I do not. 

Q. You mean the sunny waters, the white sand and sky where a few white 
clouds 

Mr. Boyd. Just a minute. I object. 

Mr. Sacher. Wait a minute. I am not reading from the letter. I am just 
refreshing my recollection. I am not referring to the contents of a paper now. 
I am asking him apart from the paper. 

[P. 184] Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I would like to seek some authority 
that a witness may be impeached by evidence of acts which might be criminal 
where they are not connected up directly with the issues of the case and where 
there hasn't been any conviction. I am somewhat disturbed over that. 

Mr. Sacher. If you wish to call a recess for an hour, I will go back to my 
office and dig up 100 authorities, not one. As an elementary principle of law, 
when any witness offers himself for testimony, you may contradict that witness 
in one of a number of ways : One, by prior inconsistent statements ; two, by 
evidence from the witness himself of specific acts of conduct which would con- 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1721 

stitute either crimes or immoral conduct, not only crimes but immoral conduct, 
aud thai testimony is routined to eliciting from the witness, himself — in other 
words, as I said the other day, it would he utterly incompetent to call third 
parties to testify to these specific acts ; and the third method is by proof of 
conviction of crime. 

Now. I am pursuing the second method here. 

Inspector Phelan. As to the limits of that second method, I am a little 
doubtful. As to the limits of that second method I am doubtful that we aren't 
going a little too far afield in this instance. 

[P. 185] However, proceed for the present. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this letter and I ask you to read it very carefully and tell me 
whether you received this one from Louise Gahen [handing to witness]?- — A. I 
refuse to answer. 

Q. On what ground do you refuse to answer that? — A. It may tend to 
incriminate me. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that this be marked for identification. 

(Letter marked '•Respondent's Exhibit G" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I ask you to look at this letter and tell me whether you received that 
from Louise Gahen [handling to witness] ? — A. Same answer. 

Q. Well, you haven't read it yet. You don't know whether it will tend to 
incriminate you or not. Maybe it says something nice about you for once. — 
A. Same answer. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that that be marked for identification. 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit H" for identification as of this date.) 

[P. 186] By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. Did you know a doctor by the name of Dr. Kenworthy? — A. No, sir. 
Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether it refreshes your recollection 
as to who Dr. Kenworthy w r as [handing to witness] ? — A. No ; it doesn't. 
Q. Was he an abortionist? 
Mr. Boyd. I object to this line of questioning. 
A. I have no idea, sir. 

By Mr. Sacher : 
Q. Did you receive this letter from Louise Gahen? — A. I refuse to answer 
that. 

Q. On the ground that it will incriminate you? Is that it? — A. That's right. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that this be marked for identification. 

I Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit I" for identification as of this date, i 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received this one from 
Louise Gahen? Read it before you say it will incriminate you [handing to 
witness]. — A. I refuse to answer. 

[P. 187] Q. On the ground it will incriminate you? — A. Yes: that it may. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that this be marked for identification, please? 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit J" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 
Q. Now I ask you to read this one and tell us whether you received this one 
from Louise Gahen [handing to witness]? — A. Same answer. 
Mr. Sacher. I ask that it be marked for identification. 
(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit K" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this one. I do not think you will say that that incriminates 
you? — A. Same grounds. 

Q. You refuse on the grounds that it will incriminate you? — A. Yes. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask that this be marked for identification. 

(L Q tter consisting of two pages marked "Respondent's Exhibit L" for identi- 
fication as of this date.) 

[P. 188] By Mr. Sacher: 
Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received that from Louise 
Gahen. — A. These are letters generally presented in a divorce proceeding. 



1722 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Q. Well, you would know about that. You have gone through that. I wouldn't. 
Just tell us whether you received that, Mr. Budenz. 

Mr. Boyd. I object to remarks on the part of counsel and ask that they be 
Stricken. 

Mr. Sachee. I think they were as valid as the witness' observation. 

Inspector Phelan. He is answering the observation of the witness, counsel. 

The Witness. Yes; I was married to a divorced woman originally. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. We all know about that, but how about this letter? That is what we do 
not know about and tbat is what we would like you to tell us. Did you get 
that letter from Louise Gahen? — A. Same answer. 

Q. That is, you refuse to testify on the ground it may tend to incriminate 
you? — A. That is correct. 

[P. 189] Mr. Sachek. May I have this letter marked for identification? 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit M" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I now show you another epistle and ask you whether you received this 
from Louise Gahen [handing to witness] ? — A. Same answer . 
Mr. Sacher. I ask that it be marked for identification, please. 
(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit N" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received that from Louise 
Gahen [handing to witness]? — A. Same answer, for the same reason. 

Q. That is, you refuse to testify on the ground that it may tend to incriminate 
you ; is that it? — A. Yes. 

Mr. Sacher. Will you be kind enough, Mr. Inspector, to mark this for identifi- 
cation? 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit O" for identification as of this date.) 

[P. 190] By Mr. Sacher: 
Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received that from Louise 
Gahen [handing to witness] ? — A. Same objection. 
Mr. Sacher. I ask the inspector to mark that please. 
(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit P" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received that from Louise 
Gahen [handing to witness]? — A. Same answer. 

Mr. Sacher. I ask to have it marked for identification, please. 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit Q" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received this from Louise 
Gahen [handing to witness]? — A. Same reply. 

Mr. Sacher. Now, if it please the inspector, I respectfully request that the 
inspector read this proposed exhibit, and I ask for the judgment of the in- 
spector as to whether the objection of the witness is well founded, that that 
letter may tend to incriminate him? 

[P. 191] (Inspector reads letter.) 

The Witness. May I give my ground, inspector? 

Inspector Phelan. Yes, sir. 

The Witness. The counsel for the respondent is endeavoring to show a con- 
tinuous relationship, one letter with another, and this letter indicates that 
relationship is continued, as explained by other letters. 

Mr. Sacher. And the man has admitted that he knew Gahen. There is no 
denial of that; so that a mere communication from her to him would not tend 
to incriminate him, assuming that the contents of the letter do not contain any- 
thing on the basis of which a prosecution could he based. Of course. I do 
want to say tbat, if this letter goes in, I shall offer all the other letters by pro- 
viding that the handwriting in the letters is the same. 

Inspector Phelan. It seems to me that it is the witness' privilege to object to 
all the letters on constitutional grounds, if it exists. Of course, as he has indi- 
cated, if is a connected coarse of conduct, I assume. I do not think that a single 
lei tor could be taken out of the series and accepted if the others are kept out on 
the ground that he asserts. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1723 

Mr. Sacher. Well, he is the best judge :is to [p. 192] whether he committed the 
crime. I guess, :it this juncture. 

Mr. Botd. I ask that the remarks <>f counsel l>e stricken from the record. 

Mr. Sacheb. I am just staring what the Supreme Court <>f the United States 
has said. 

Mr. Boyd. I still ask the remarks be stricken from the record. 

[nspector Phelan. They may go out. 

(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit R"* for identification as of this date.) 

The Witness. It is my constitutional privilege to make this objection. That 
has been made many times by many people. 

By Mr. Sacheb : 

Q. I show you this letter and ask you whether you received this one from 
Louise Gahen [handing witness] 1 — A. Same answer. 

Mr. Sacheb. I ask that it he marked for identification. 

(Letter marked '•Respondent's Exhibit S" for identification as of this date.) 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I am reserving [p. 193] a ruling on this entire 
course of questioning. I would like to hear it briefly argued after the noon 
recess 

Mr. Sacher. You will have to give me an extra bit of time. 

Inspector Phelax. On the point that I spoke of as to whether and to what 
extent a witness can be impeached even out of his own mouth with regard to the 
specific occurrences. 

Mr. Sacheb. Oh, I will be glad to argue that. 

Inspector Phelax. Incidentally, at the same time I would like to hear from 
counsel for the Government on the same point. 

Mr. Boyd. We will be glad to do so, Mr. Inspector. 

Mr. Sacher. Will you please mark that? 

Inspector Phelan. It is marked. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. I ask that it he marked for identification. 

[P. 194] (Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit T" for identification as of 
this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 
Q. I show you this one and ask whether you received that from Louise Gahen 
[handing to witness]. — A. Same answer. 
Mr. Sacher. I ask that that he marked for identification. 
Inspector Phelax. That will be I". 
(Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit U" for identification as of this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher: 

Q. Do you recall being arrested in the city of Springfield, 111., in October 
1933V— A. No, sir. 

Q. You were not arrested in that city? — A. No. sir. 

Q. Springfield,. 111.?— A. No. 

Q. You had an adopted daughter by the name of Louise, didn't you? — A. 
Yes, sir. 

Q. Was she with you in Springfield, 111., in October 1933? — A. I believe she 
was. I think she was. 

[P. 195] Q. You were there at the time, were you? — A. Yes, sir. 

Q. I show you this letter contained in an envelope hearing date October 7, 
1933, and ask you whether this refreshes your recollection as to whether you 
were arrested in the city of Springfield. 111. [handing to witness], in October 
1933?— A. I was not arrested in the city of Springfield, 111., in October 1933. 

Q. In what city were you arrested? — A. On what charge? I have been in 
the labor movement. You know that. 

Q. I am not asking you about the labor movement. These are extracurricular 
activities we are asking you about now. — A. The fact of the matter is, well, 
certainly proved by a number of your comrades, Counsel. 

Mr. Sacher. I move that the witness be admonished. 

Inspector Phelax. That may go out. Please answer the question. 

The Witxess. The point of the matter is that I was not arrested in the city 
of Springfield, 111., at any time. 

By Mr. Sacher : 

[P. 196] Q. Were you arrested on a morals charge anywhere in Illinois in 
1933?— A. No. sir; I was not, at any time. 

68970 — 50 — pt. 2 16 



1724 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Q. That letter doesn't refresh your recollection at all? — A. I was not arrested 
on any such charge. 

Q. What was the situation in regard to the statements made by your daughter 
in this letter, can you tell the Inspector? I want to call one or two sentences to 
your attention. Look at this down here and tell the inspector what it was about 
[indicating]. — A. I refuse to answer that. 

Q. On what ground? — A. Same ground. 

Q. That it will incriminate you? — A. Yes. 

Q. This is 3 years later after the event referred to with Louise Gahen, isn't 
it ; isn't that right?— A. Right. 

Q. So that 3 years later you still refuse to answer things on the ground that it 
will tend to incriminate you; is that correct? — A. That is correct. 

Mr. Sachee. I offer this letter for identification. 

[P. 197] (Letter marked "Respondent's Exhibit V" for identification as of 
this date.) 

By Mr. Sacher : 

Q. The matter referred to in Respondent's Exhibit V for identification do not 
relate to Louise ; is that right, Louise Gahen ; they have no connection with 
Louise Gahen; is that right? — A. No, no. 

Q. As a matter of fact, if you will look at the letter again you will see that 
Margaret Rogers was with you at the time, the woman that is now your wife ; 
isn't that so? 

Mr. Boyd. I object to this line of questioning. No proper foundation. 

Mr. Sachee. I am trying to refresh the witness's recollection as to something 
that he has refused to answer on the ground that it will incriminate him. 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel, I think that is going a little afield. I will sustain 
the objection. 

Mr. Sachee. Exception. 

Can we have a recess for a few minutes ? 

Inspector Phelan. Yes ; we will take a 5- [p. 19S] minute recess. 

(Whereupon a 5-minute recess was taken.) 

Inspector Phelan. Gentlemen, counsel for respondent has suggested that we 
recess until 1 : 30 and then hand up authorities on the point as to whether this 
questioning is proper, with the thought that we may save time by doing so, if 
there is no objection on the part of the Government. 

Mr. Boyd. No objection on the part of the Government. 

Inspector Phelan. The hearing is recessed until 1 : 30 p. m. 

(Whereupon the hearing was adjourned to 1:30 p. m., September 17, 1948.) 

[Page 199] afternoon session 

(1:30 p. in., September 17, 1947) 

Louis Feancis Budenz resumed the stand and testified further as follows : 

Inspector Phelan. Counsel for respondent and the Government are here. 
Proceed. I would like to have counsel argue briefly the point* that was raised 
just prior to the recess. I trust counsel can keep the argument down to 5 
minutes for each side. 

Mr. Sachee. Mr. Fanelli will present the argument. 

Inspector Phelan. And the argument will not be recorded in the record. 

(There was a discussion off the record on the objection of Mr. Boyd.) 

Inspector Phelan. The objection is overruled. You may have an exception. 

Mr. Boyd. Exception. 

(Whereupon a 15-minute recess was taken.) 

Inspector Phelan. The respondent and all counsel are present. Proceed. 

Mr. Sachee. In regard to the witness, Budenz, I have one inquiry I am not 
prepared to make at this moment. If it is agreeable to the Presiding Inspector, 
I will Ite glad to call Mr. Boyd this evening and let him know whether I will 
want .Mr. Budenz back tomorrow. I will call you before 6, if you want it so. 

I I'. 200] Mr. Boyd. I would be agreeable to that but Mr. Budenz has other 
activities. If at all possible, I would like to have you complete your cross ex- 
amination today. 

Mr. Sachee. If it were possible for me to do it I would love nothing better. 
But I cannot at this moment. There is a bit of written material in regard to 
which I have to interrogate him and I haven't got the writing here. And I 
will call you and let you know later in the day whether I will have it or not. 
If I don't have it today, then we can let him go. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1725 

Mr. Boyd. I understand, then, that the defense has completed their cross-ex- 
amination with the except ion of one item. 

inspector Phelan. So I understand with the exception of possible questioning 
on that further item, if counsel decides to do that. 

It seems that counsel isn't prepared to go any further anyhow, so that, at the 
moment, that leaves us in the position of going ahead with some other witness. If 
later there is any argument or dispute, we will have to argue it or dispose of it 
as it comes up. 

Call your next witness. 

Mr. Boyd. I understand that Mr. Budenz is [p 201] excused at this time? 

Inspector Phklan. Unless he is recalled at some future date. 

Mr. Sacher. The point is this: I will know this afternoon whether he is to 
lie recalled or not. I would therefore suggest that, so you can have some con- 
tinuity in the record, that if I am in a position this afternoon to indicate that I 
want him back, I will indicate that to Mr. Boyd. 

Mr. Boyd. Is there a possibility of calling him this afternoon? 

Mr. Sacher. I do not think so, because I doubt if I will have it within an hour. 

Mr. Boyd. Mr. Budenz will not be available tomorrow morning in any event. 
At least, he will not be available until tomorrow afternoon. 

Mr. Sacher. All right. If this comes, I will be just as happy to have him in 
the afternoon as in the morning. 



Exhibit No. 84 

List of Contributors to "Pacific Affairs" March 1934 to June 1941 

Allen, E. W.: "The North Pacific Fisheries" June 1937. 

Allen, J. S.: "The Philippine Problem Enters a New Phase". _ June 1938. 

"Agrarian Tendencies in the Philippines" March 1938. 

"Asiaticus": "Soviet Relation with Japan" September 1941. 

"China's Advance from Defeat to Strength" March 1938. 

"The New Era in Chinese Railway Construction". September 1937. 

"The Financial Cutting Edge in the Partition of June 1936. 
China." 

Angus, H. F.: "Canada and Naval Rivalry in the Pacific" June 1935. 

"The Portent of Social Credit in Alberta" September 1936. 

"Anon.": "On the Question of Being 'Pro' or 'Anti' " December 1938. 

"The 'War Potential' of the Soviet Union" March 1939. 

Ballis, W.: "Soviet Russia's Asiatic Frontier Technique: March 1941. 
Tana Tuva." 

Barnes, J.: "Soviet Sinology" September 1934. 

"The Social Basis of Fascism" March 1936. 

"The Wooden Horse Inside Geneva's Gates" December 1934. 

Barnes, K.: "Another Perspective" December 1935. 

"Eastward Migration Within the Soviet Union". _ December 1934. 

Bell, Sir Charles: "Tibet and its Neighbors" December 1937. 

Benitez, C: "The New Philippine Constitution" December 1935. 

Bertram, J.- "'Neutrality' and Personal Opinion" September 1939. 

Bishop, C. W. : "The Beginnings of North and South in September 1934. 
China." 

Bisson, T. A.: "Japan Without Germany" December 1939. 

Boeke, J. H.: "The Recoil of Westernization in the East" September 1936. 

Bloch, K.: "'Guns' and 'Butter' in Japan" December 1941. 

"Letter to the Editor, concerning Sanctions December 1939. 
Against Japan." 

"Far Eastern War Inflation" September 1940. 

"Guerilla Warfare" September 1939. 

"Chinese Population Problems" June 1939. 

Boeke, J. H.: "The Economic Crisis and Netherlands India". _ March 1934. 

de Booy, H. Th.: "The Naval Arm of Diplomacy in the Pa- March 1935. 
cific." 

"The Life Lines of the British Empire" June 1937. 

Bousquet, G. H.: "The International Position of Netherlands December 1939. 
India." 



1726 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

List of Contributors to "Pacific Affairs" March 1934 to June 1941 — Coa. 

Brady, R. A. and Taylor, W. H.: "Policy Centralization in March 1941. 

Japan under the Kokutai 
Principle." 
Bradley, A.: "Pacific Affairs Bibliographies" No. VIII: March 1941. 

"Trans-Pacific Relations of Latin America." 
Brancho, Jean- Yves le: "The French Colonial Empire and the June 1937. 

Popular Front Government." 
Brandt W.: "The United States, China, and the World Mar- September 1940. 
ket." 
"Economic and Living Standards — American June 1941. 
and Asiatic." 

"A British Observer": "To Have and to Hold" September 1938. 

"A British Observer": "The Future Foreshadowed: China's December 1938. 

New Democracy". 

Britton, R. S.: "Chinese News Interests" . June 1934. 

Brown, H.: (Letter) March 1939. 

Burpee, L, J.: "Would Canada Support Britain?" June 1939. 

Bywater, H. C: "Japanese and American Naval Power in the June 1935. 
Pacific". 

Campbell, P.: "The American Wheat Program" September 1934. 

Canniff, A. W.: "The Rate of Growth in the Soviet Union". __ June 1938. 

Carlson, Evans F.: (Letter) "The Guerilla War in China" June 1939. 

"The Chinese Mongol Front in Suiyuan"_ September 1939. 

Cartwright, S.: "Legislation and Economics in Canada" September 1934. 

Chamberlin, W. H.: "The Moscow Trials" September 1938. 

Chang, C. F.: "Mukden— Where the Road to Madrid Began". March 1937. 

Chapman, R. N.: "Suit to Test Hawaii's Status" December 1934. 

Chen, Chia-Keng: "A 'South Seas' Chinese Reports on the December 1941. 

Burma Road." 

Chen, H. S.: "Conquest and Population" June 1937. 

"A Critical Survey of Chinese Policy in Inner December 1936. 

Mongolia." 
"The Good Earth of China's Model Province"-- September 1936. 

Christian, J. L.: "Trans-Burma Trade Routes to China" June 1940. 

"Thailand Renascent" June 1941. 

Chu, Coching: "The Aridity of North China" June 1935. 

Chi, Chao-ting: "The Economic Basis of Unity and Division December 1934. 

in Chinese History." 
Cia. General de Tabacos de Philipinas: "A Denial of Some December 1938. 

Statements by J. S. 
Allen." 
Coatman, J.: "The British Meat Trade and British Imperial June 1935. 
Economics." 

Cowie, D.: "The Arming of Australia and New Zealand" September 1938. 

"British Defense of the South Pacific"- September 1935. 

Creel, H. G.: "Soldier and Scholar in Ancient China" September 1935. 

Davies, C. H.: "Tobacco-Planting in the Philippines" September 1939. 

Dean, E. P.: "Toward a More Perfect Canadian Union" December 1940. 

De Korne, J. C: "Sun Yat-sen and The Secret Societies" December 1934. 

Dupuv, R. E.: "The Nature of Guerilla Warfare" June 1939. 

Eggleston, F. W.: "Sea Power and Peace in the Pacific" September 1935. 

"The Population Problems in Australia" December 1936. 

Emerson, R.: "The Chinese in Malaysia" September 1934. 

Farrelly, T. S.: "Earlv Russian Contact with Alaska" June 1934. 

Field, F. V.: "The Documentation of the Yosemite Confer- December 1936. 
6H.CC 

"American Far Eastern Policy, 1931-37" December 1937. 

Fisher, G. M.: "Main Drives Behind Japanese Policies" December 1940. 

"The Cooperative Movement in Japan" December 1938. 

Friedman, I. S.: "Indian Nationalism and the Far East" March 1940. 

Friters, G. M.: "The Prelude to Outer Mongolian Independ- June 1937. 
ence." 
"The Development of Outer Mongolian Inde- September 1937. 
pendence." 
Fuchs, W: "The Personal Chronicle of the First Manchu Em- March 1936. 
pcror." 



.-[ATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1727 

List <>i- Contibutors to "Pacific Affairs" March 1934 to June 1941 — Con. 

Glazebrook, G. deT. : "British Empire Migration" December 1934. 

Glazcr, S.: "The Moros as a Political Factor in Philippine In- March 1941. 
dependence." 

Go, Toshi: "The Future of Foreign Concessions in China" December 1939. 

Goldenburg, H. C: 'Reform and Politics in Canada" March 1936. 

Goodrich, L. C: "China's Greatest Book" March 1934. 

Grajdanzev, A.: "Growing Difficulties with Raw Materials for 

Special Steels" December 1940. 

"A Sudden Increase of Defense Expenditures 

in the Soviet Budget" December 1940. 

"The Trans-Siberian Railway and the Prob- 
lem of Soviet Supply" December 1941. 

"Profit and Loss in Manchuria" June 1935. 

Green, E.: 'Indian Minorities under the American New Deal"_ December 1945. 

Green, O. M.: "Great Britain and Japan's War in China" June 1938. 

Greenberg, M.: "The Soviet-German War and The Far East"_ September 1941. 

Gull, E. M.: "The Powers and the Unity of China" March 1937. 

Hager, R. "The Amenities of Travel"- December 1935. 

Hanson, H. "The People Behind the Chinese Guerrillas" September 1938. 

(Letter) "The Guerrilla War in China" June 1939. 

Handy, E. C. S. "Human Resource* and Civilization" September 1935. 

Hall, R. E. "Americans Look at their Far Eastern Policv" June 1937. 

Hanwell, N. D. "The Dragnet of Local Government in China". March 1937. 

Hodson, H. V. "The Nemesis of National Planning" _ March 1936. 

Holland, W. L. "Chi- Ming Chiao's Study of Chinese Rural Pop". March 1934. 
Howard, H. P.: "The Diplomatic Prelude to the China War". September 1941. 

Hsiang, C. Y.: "Mountain Economy in Szechuan" December 1941. 

Hsu Shuhsi: "The North China Problem: Letter from the 

Author" December 1937. 

Hsu, L. S. : "Rural Reconstruction in China" September 1937. 

Hubbard, L. E.: "A Capitalist Appraisal of the Soviet Union". _ June 1938. 

Hubbard, G. E.: "Jellyfish and Crustacean" March 1936. 

Hubbard, L. E.: "The Standard of Living in the Soviet Union". September 1938. 

Button, D. G.: "Mexico and the Pacific" June 1938. 

Isaacs, H. R.: "Perspectives of the Chinese Revolution: A 

Marxist View" September 1935. 

Janeway, E.: "Japan's War Hunger" March 1938. 

Jenkins, D. R. "Policv and Strategy of the New Zealand Labor 

Party" March 1939. 

Jessup, P. C: "Determinants of a Sino-Japanese Settlement: 

An Impression of the I. P. R. Study Meeting". March 1940. 
Kantorovich, A. J.: "The Sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway" December 1935. 
Keesing, F. M.: "Standards of Living Among Native Peoples of 

the Pacific" March 1935. 

Kerner, R. J.: "America's Interest and Britain's Policv" September 1938. 

Landon, K. P.: "The Problems of the Chinese in Thailand".. _ June 1940. 
Lang, Olga: "Recent Russian Literature on Buriat Mongolia". March 1940. 

"The Good Iron of the New Chinese Army" March 1939. 

Lapomarede, Baron De: "The Setting in Malaysia" September 1934. 

Lasker, B.: "The Philippines" March 1934. 

"A German Analysis of Japan's Destiny" March 1934. 

"Propaganda as an Instrument of National Policv". June 1937. 
Lawrence, O. L.: "Competition in the World Textile Market". June 1934. 

Leder, E.: "Fascist Tendencies in Japan" December 1934. 

Lederer, E. : (Letter to Editor) September 1 937. 

Leung, G. K.: "Cross-Currents in the Chinese Theater" December 1935. 

Lew, R.: "French Neutrality during the Sino-Japanese Hos- December 1938. 
tilities." 

"Relations of China and Japan" June 1939. 

"A French 'Ottawa'; The Imperial Conference" March 1936. 

Lewis, A. B.: "Chinese Currency Policy" March 1936. 

"Silver and Chinese Economic Problems" March 1935. 

Lieu, D. K.: "China and the Silver Question" September 1934. 

"The Sino-Japanese Currency War" December 1939. 



1728 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

List of Contributors to "Pacific Affairs" March 1934 to June 1941 — Con. 

Lilienthal, P. E.: Pacific Affairs Bibliography No. VII:J"Doc- March 1940. 
umentation of the Virginia Bench Study 
Meeting." 

Lin, Yu: "Twin Loyalties in Siam" June 1936. 

Lowdermilk, W. C: "Man-Made Deserts" December 1935. 

Ma Ning: "Agrarian Democracy in Northwest China" December 1940. 

MacGibbon, R. A.: "The Adoption of Wheat to Northern December 1934. 

Regions." 

MacKenzie, N.: "Legal Status of Aliens" June 1938. 

Magistretti, W.: "Japan's New Order in the Pacific" June 1941. 

Max, Alfred: "Against a Far Eastern Munich June 1939. 

Matsukata, S.: "A Hist. Study of Capitalism in Japan" March 1934. 

Michael, F.: "Japan's Special Interest in China" December 1937. 

"The Significance of Puppet Governments" December 1939. 

Miller, J. C: "The Drama in China's Anti-Japanese Propa- December 1938. 

ganda." 

Milner, I. F. A.: "New Zealand's Security in the South Pacific". June 1939. 

Mirkowich, N.: "Economic Growth of the Pacific Area" December 1940. 

Moore, H.: "The Soviet Press and Japan's War on China" March 1938. 

Abstract of "America v. BorbezaKitai" by Kan- September 1936. 
torovich. 

"Years of Fulfillment" June 1936. 

Nash, V.: "A Key to the Maze of Chinese Literature" September 1936. 

Normano, J. F.: "Japanese Emigration to Brazil" March 1934. 

Norins, M. R. : "Tribal Boundaries of the Burma- Yunnan March 1939. 
Frontier." 

"The War in China and the Soviet Press" June 1939. 

Parrv, A. and Kiralfy, A.: "Soviet Submarines in the Far March 1937. 

East." 

Peffer, N.: "America from Across the Pacific" March 1937. 

"America: the Jellyfish of the Pacific" September 1935. 

Perkins, B. W.: "The Failure of Civil Control in Occupied June 1939. 
China." 

Phinney, A. : "Racial Minorities in the Soviet Union" September 1935. 

Pollard, R. T.: (Letter to the Editor),., September 1937. 

Porter, Catherine: "The Future of the Philippines" June 1940. 

Powell, I. B.: "The Commonwealth of the Philippines" March 1936. 

Price, E. B.: "The Manchurians and their New Deal" June 1935. 

Okazaki, S.: "Moscow, Yenan, Chungking" March 1941. 

Oudendyk, W. J.: "Is the Soviet Union's Position in the Far March 1937. 

East only Defensive?" 

Quigley, H. S. : "The Open Door and Neutrality" September 1936. 

Rager, F. A.: "Japanese Emigration and Japan's 'Population September 1941. 
Pressure.' " 

Rasmussen, A. H.: "The' Wool Trade of North China" March 1936. 

Reid, J. G.: "The Fall of the Manchu Dynasty" December 1936. 

Robertson, C. J.: "The Rice Export from Burma, Sian and June 1936. 
French Indo-China." 

Roosevelt, N.: "Europe Lays Asia Open to Aggression" December 1938. 

Rosinger, L. K.: "Soviet Far Eastern Policy" September 1940. 

Rosinger, L. K.: "Politics and Strategy of China's Mobile September 1939. 
War." 

(Letter) "The Guerrilla War in China" June 1939. 

Rosinski, H.: "The Strategy of the Sino-Japanese Conflict"--- March 1938. 

Rothe, C: "Tea Production and Tea Restriction" December 1935. 

"Restriction of Rubber Production in Netherlands- March 1935. 
India." 

Ronan, W.: "The Kra Canal" ... September 1930. 

Sarrant, A.: "The Indivisibility of Peace and the Inseparabil- December 1936. 

ity of East and West." 

Shaw, Glenn W.: "Contemporary Japanese Lieterature: A September 1935. 

Foreigner's View." 

Shepherd, Win. R.: "The Teaching of Modern Oriental His- September 1935. 

tory in the West." 

Shepherd, J.: "New Caledonia: Orphan of the South Pacific". December 1940. 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1729 

Lisa <f c<>\ iiuHiroRs to "Pacific Affairs" March 1934 to June 1941 — Con. 

Schiller, A. A.: "Native Customary Law in (he Netherlands June 193G. 

Eas1 Indies." 

Schriekc, B.: "American Negro and Colonial Native: Educa- September 1937. 

tion and 'Equality'." 

Schumpeter, E. B.: "The Problem of Sanctions in the Far September 1939. 

East." 

Schweitzer, L.: (Letter to Editor) September 1937. 

Sekiguchi, Y.: "The Changing Status of the Cabinet in Japan". March 1938. 

Sekine, G.: "America's Strategy Against Japan" June 1941. 

Shridharani, K.: "India in a (hanging Asia" March 1941. 

Snow, E.: "Soviet Society in Northwest China" September 1937. 

Perry, A. and Kiralfv, A.: "Soviet Submarines in the Far March 1937. 

East." 

Kiralfv, A.: "The Armed Strength of the U. S. in the Pacific". June 1938. 

Soward, F. H.: "The Imperial Conference of 1937" December 1937. 

Spencer, J. E.: "Kueichow: An Internal Chinese Colony" June 1940. 

Stead, G.: (Letter) 1 March 1939. 

Steiger, A. J.: "Stone Age Peoples in the" June 1941. 

Stein, Gunther: "Through the Eyes of a Japanese Newspaper June 1936. 
Reader." 

"China's Price Problem" September 1941. 

"Japanese State Finance" December 1937. 

"The Yen and the Sword" March 1939. 

Stevenson, T. A.: "Canadian Foreign Policy" June 1934. 

Steward, O.: "Air Communications and the Far East" September 1935. 

Strong, A. L.: "Eighth Route Region in North China" June 1941. 

Sun, J. C: "New Trends in the Chinese Press" March 1935. 

Sutch, W. B.: "New Zealand's First Year of War" March 1941. 

Taiwan Jiho (Formosan Magazine): "Cultural Policy in Tai- September 1941. 

wan and the Problem 
of Kominka." 

Takeyania, Y.: "A Japanese View of Thailand's Economic December 1941. 

Independence." 

Taylor, G. E.: "Reconstruction After Revolution: Kiangsi September 1935. 
Province and the Chinese Nation." 

"The Powers and the Unity of China" December 1936. 

"Mr. Taylor in Rebuttal" June 1937. 

"America's Pacific Policy: The Role and the December 1941. 
Record." 

Taylor, K. W.: "The Canadian-Japanese Tariff War" December 1935. 

Taylor, P. S.: "The San Francisco General Strike" September 1934. 

Taylor, W. H. and Brady, R. A.: "Policy Centralization in March 1941. 

Japan Under the Koku- 
tai Principle." 

Thurnwald, R. C: "The Price of the White Man's Peace"... September 1936. 

Timperley, H. J.: "Makers of Public Opinion about the Far June 1936. 

East." 

Thompson, V.: "The Landward Side of Singapore" March 1941 

Thorp, J.: "Colonization Possibilities of Northwest China and December 1935. 
Inner Mongolia." 

Toynbee, A. J.: "The Next War— European Asia" March 1934. 

Utley, Freda: "Population and Conquest" March 1937. 

V., C. K.: "The Second Chinese National Financial Con- September 1934. 
ference." 

Yak, S. P., Jr.: "Third Conquest of the Philippines?" September 1941. 

Yalk, M. H. van der: "The New Chinese Criminal Code" March 1936. 

Yandenbosch, A.: "Netherlands, India, and Japan" September 1940. 

Van der Yalk, M. H.: "The Revolution in Chinese Legal March 1938. 

Thought." 

Van Kleck, M.: "The Moscow Trials" June 1938. 

Wales, N.: "Why the Chinese Communist Support the United September 1938. 
Front — An Interview with Lo Fu." 

"China's New Line of Industrial Defense" September 1939. 

Wang, Chi-chen: "Western Tides in Chinese Literature" June 1934. 



1730 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

List of Contributors to "Pacific Affairs" March 1934 to June 1941 — Con. 

Cang, Ching-chun: "Theodore Roosevelt and Japan's 'Monroe March 1936. 

Doctrine'." 
Wang, Yn-ch'uan: "The Rise of Land Tax and the Fall of June 1936. 

Dynasties in Chinese History." 
Wang, Hu-ch'uan: "The Development of Modern Social Sci- September 1938. 

ence in China." 
Wei, Meng-pu: "The Kuomintang in China: Its Fabric and March 1940. 

Future." 
Weinberg, A. K.: "Potentialities of America's Far Eastern June 1939. 

Policy." 
Wertheim, B.: "The Russo-Japanese Fisheries Controversy". _ June 1935. 

Wyte, Sir F.: "The Philippines as a Pawn in the Game". _ ' June 1934. 

"The Institute of Pacific Relations and the March 1936. 
Crisis in the Far East." 

"Footnote on 'American Foreign Policy' " March 1938. 

Winter, Ella: "What next in California?" March 1935. 

Williams, W. Wynne: "The Settlement of the Australian June 1936. 

Tropics." 
Wittfogel, K. A.: "No. Ill: A Large-Scale Investigation of March 1938. 

China's Socio-Economic Structure." 
Wolfers, A.: "Nationalist Policies and the Strategy of Peace". . June 1934. 
Wootton, B.: "Some Implications of Anglo-Japanese Compe- December 1936. 

tition." 
Wright, Q.: "The Legal Foundations of the Stimson Doctrine"- December 1935. 

"A Pawn Approaches the Eighth Square" September 1934. 

Wu, L. T. K.: "American Capitalism and Imperialism" March 1935. 

Wye, C. K. : "Chinese Unification and Foreign Penetration" December 1935. 

Yakhontoff, V. A.: "Mongolia: Target or Screen" March 1936. 

Jamakawa, T.: "The Yosemite Conference and Japan" December 1936. 

Yanaga, C: "Recent Trends in Japanese Political Thought'.'- June 1940. 
Yanaihara, T. : "Problems of Japanese Administration in June 1938. 

Korea." 
Yokota, K.: "The Recent Development of the Stimson Doc- June 1935. 
trine." 

Young, A. M.: "The Press and Japanese Thought" December 1937. 

(Letter) March 1939. 



Exhibit No. 85 
Signers of Letters From People Who Know Owen Lattimore's Work 

William R. Amberson, professor of physiology, University of Maryland 

E. Cowles Andrus, professor of medicine, Johns Hopkins University 

Donald Andrews, professor of physics, Johns Hopkins University 

Hollis Bautier, professor, University of Chicago 

Knight Biggerstaff, professor of Chinese history, Cornell University 

Carrol Binder, journalist 

Woodbridge Bingham, associate professor of Far Eastern history, University of 

California 
Francis F. Beirne, author and columnist 
Demaree Bess, staff writer, Saturday Evening Post 

Eugene P. Boardman, assistant professor of history, University of Wisconsin 
George Boas, professor of philosophy, Johns Hopkins University 
Martin Toscan Bennett, consulting engineer 

Derk Bodde, assistant professor of Chinese, University of Pennsylvania 
Robert Blakely, editor, St. Louis 
Dorothy Borg, research on Far East, New York city. 
Hugh Borton, associate professor of Japanese, Columbia University 
Adda Bozeman, professor of international relations, Sarah Lawrence College 
Eleanor Breed, columnist 

Norman Brown, director of South Asia Institute, University of Pennsylvania 
Percy Buchanan, director, Institute of Asiatic Affairs, University of Oklahoma 
Pearl Buck, author 
Gladys W. Bundy, lawyer and Republican clubwoman 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1731 

Robert E. Bundy, town clerk, Bethel, Vt. 

Claude Buss, professor of history, Stanford University 

Gertrude Bussey, professor, Goueher College 

John F. Cady, associate professor of history, Ohio University 

John C. Caldwell, ex-deputy director, United States Information Service for 

Korea 
Schuyler Canunan, assistant, professor, University of Pennsylvania 
Wm. Mansfield Clark, professor of medicine, Johns Hopkins University 
Zacharish Chafee, Jr., professor of law, Harvard University 
Melvin Conant, China program, Harvard University 
James J. Corry, Jr., lecturer in Chinese, University of Michigan 
Robert S. Cochrane, director, Station WMAR, Baltimore 
John Hadley Cox. assistant professor, University of Michigan 
Lester Cowan, moving picture producer 

Olive Thompson Cowell, professor of education, San Francisco State College 
Francis Cleaves, assistant professor of Chinese, Harvard University 
Spencer Coxe, American Friends Service ( ?) 
Robert I. Crane, professor of history, University of Chicago 
George I!. Cressey, professor of geography, Syracuse University 
Elmer Davis, radio commentator, American Broadcasting Co. 
Lloyd E. Dewey, professor of finance, New York University 
Josiah E. DuBois, Jr., lawyer 

William Egerton. social sciences department, University of Chicago 
Rupert Emerson, professor of government. Harvard University 
Gertrude Ely, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

H. H. Fisher, chairman. Hoover Institute and Library, Stanford University 
Grace Frank, professor of Latin, Johns Hopkins University. 
Julian Friedman. London School of Economics 
John K. Fairbank. professor of history, Harvard University 

Miriam S. Farley, research associate, American Institute of Pacific Relations 
Ludwig Freund, professor of political science. University of Chicago 
Lewis Gannett, columnist, New York Herald Tribune 
Charles S. Gardiner, research in Chinese History, Cambridge, Mass. 
Gussie E. Gaskill. librarian, Cornell University 

Meredith P. Gilpatrick, professor of political science, Ohio State University 
Ann Gertler, assistant professor of Economics, Mount Holyoke College 
Carrington Goodrich, professor of Chinese, Columbia University 
Randall Gould, journalist 

George Grassmuck, assistant professor of political science, Boston University 
Mortimer Graves, secretary, American Council of Learned Societies 
Louis Gottschalk, professor of history, University of Chicago 
Morton Grodzius, professor of history, University of Chicago 
Roger Hackett. China program, Howard University 
J. W. Hall, instructor, University of Michigan 

Ellen Hammer, Institute of International Studies, Yale University 
Earl Parker Hanson, professor of geography, University of Delaware 
G. W. Harrison, assistant professor. University of Florida 
Richard Edes Harrison, cartographer 
James R. Hightower. assistant professor of Chinese language and literature, 

Harvard University 
Everett Hawkins, professor of economics, Mount Holyoke College 
Malcolm Hobbes, writer 

W. L. Holland, secretary general. Institute of Pacific Relations 
Paul Homan, professor of economics, U. S. L. A. 
Richard Hooker, professor of social sciences. University of Chicago 
Bruce C. Hooper, professor of government, Harvard University 
Elizabeth Huff, head, East Asiatic Library. University of Chicago 
Nobntake Ike. curator, Japanese Collection. Hoover Institute and Library, 

Stanford 
Gerald W. Johnson, author 
David R. Jones, president, Bennet College 
Arthur Jorgenson, former missionary in Japan 
George McT. Kahin, assistant professor of political science, Johns Hopkins 

University 
George A. Kennedy, associate professor of Chinese, Yale University 
V. O. Key. professor of political economy. Yale University 



1732 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

Norman Kiell, department of sociology and philosophy foundations, Teachers Col- 
lege, Columbia University 
Robin Kinkead, journalist, formerly OWI, San Francisco 
Gerard P. Koh, associate professor of Chinese, Yale University 
Yongjeung Kim, head of Korean Affairs Institute, Washington, D. C. 
Benjamin H. Kizer. lawyer, formerly UNNRA Director for China 
Hyman Kublin, assistant professor of history, Brooklyn College 
Lawrence Krader, Far Eastern Institute, University of Washington 
John D. Larkin, professor of political science and dean of University of Chicago 
Alexander Laing, librarian, Dartmouth College 
Jacob Landau, Overseas News Agency 

Frederic C. Lane, professor of history, Johns Hopkins University 
Carl T. Keller, Harvard-Yenching Institute 
Willis J. King, Bishop of the Methodist Church 

Marion J. Levy, Jr., assistant professor of sociology, Princeton University 
Wavner Leys, professor, University of Chicago 

Frederica de Laguna, professor of anthropology, Bryn Mawr College 
Richard Lauterbach. author 
Clare Leighton, author and artist 
Paul Linebarger, professor of Asiatic Political School of Advanced International 

Studies 
William Lockwood, department director, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and 

International Affairs, Princeton 
Helen Lynd, professor of social sciences, Sarah Lawrence College 
Clarence Long, professor of political economy, Johns Hopkins University 
Donald McKay, professor of history, chairman of committee on international 

studies, Harvard University 
Shannon McCune, chairman, department of geography, Colgate University 
Desmond Martin, research student and author 
Maury Maverick, former Congressman and mayor of San Antonio 
William Mayer, former military attache, Peking 

Franz Michael, professor of far-eastern history, University of Washington 
Broadus Mitchell, professor of economics, Rutgers University 
Hans Morgenthau, professor of political science, University of Chicago 
Saul Padover, dean of School of Politics, New School for Social Research 

B. F. Penrose, professor of geography, Johns Hopkins University 
Arthur Upham Pope, director, Asia Institute 

John A. Pope, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington 

Edwards A. Park, professor of pediatrics, Johns Hopkins University 

Lucius C. Porter, ex-professor, Yenehing University, Peking 

Earl II. Pritchard, associate professor of far-eastern history, University of 

Chicago 
Dale Pontius, Roosevent College, Chicago 

Rodin B. Posey, professor of political science, Northwestern University 
Hortense Powdermaker, professor of anthropology. Queens College 
Karl Pritchard, associate professor of far-eastern history, University of Chicago 
Hermann Pritchett, professor 

Nathaniel Pefi'er, professor of international relations, Columbia University 
Harold S. Quigley, professor of political science. University of Minnesota 
Wilmot Ragsdale, foreign correspondent. Time and Life 
Christopher Rand, foreign correspondent 

C. F. Pernor, professor of economics. University of Michigan 
Lloyd Reynolds, professor of economics. Yale University 

Charles J. Rhoads, former Governor. Federal Reserve Bank. Philadelphia 
Millard Rogers, assistant professor of Chinese art history, Stanford University 
Lawrence K. Rosinger, research associate, American Institute of Pacific Relations 
Doris Russel, professor of English, Vassar College 
Faston Rothwell, vice chairman, Hoover Institute and Library, Stanford, 

University 
Stanley Salmen, executive vice president and director, Little, Brown & Co. 
Lawrence Sickman, vice director, Nelson Gallery, Kansas City 
Dorothy Shields, professor of political economy. Goucher College 
Father Louis Schrani, Immaculate Heart Missions 
Harvey Schuman, publisher 

Elbridge Sibley, Social Science Research Council 
Charles Siepmann, professor of education, New York University 
Ernest J. Simmons, professor of Slavic languages, Columbia University 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1733 

Harlow Shaploy, professor of astronomy. Harvard University 

Robert E. Sherwood, author and playwright 

Stanley Speetor. Far Eastern Institute, University of Washington 

Yilhjahmur Stofansson. Artie explorer and author 

David Stevens, former director, division of humanities, Rockefeller Foundation 

Edgar Snow, editorial writer. Saturday Evening Post 

Rodger Swearingen, lecturer. University of Southern California 

Leland Stowe, editor, the Reporter 

Earl Swisher, history department, University of Colorado 

Bradford Smith, author 

Thomas Smith, assistant professor of far-eastern history, Stanford University 

Herbert Bayard Swope, editor 

Philip H. Taylor, professor of international relations, Syracuse University 

S. B. Thomas, Institute of Pacific Relations, New York 

Virginia Thompson, far-eastern research, New York 

Daniel Thorner, assistant professor of economic history, University of Penn- 
sylvania 

Elliott R. Thorpe, brigadier general, United States Army, retired 

Nischa Titieve, associate professor of anthropology. University of Michigan 

Alfred Tozzer, professor of anthropology (retired), Harvard University 

Andrew G. Truzal, president, Hood College 

Harold Vinacke, professor of political science, University of Cincinnati 

James P. Warburg, banker and author 

Royal J. Wald, research fellow, California 

Langdon Warner, curator of oriental department, Fogg Museum, Harvard Uni- 
versity 

Richard J. Walsh, president, John Day Co. 

William Stix Wassennan, chairman, Electronized Chemicals Corps. 

George H. Watson, University of Chicago 

Edward A. Weeks, editor of the Atlantic Monthly 

George Wilson, social science department, University of Chicago 

Thomas Wiener, department of Slavic studies, Duke University 

Harold J. Wiens, assistant professor of geography, Yale University 

Herbert F. West, professor of English, Dartmouth College 

C. Martin Wilbur, associate professor of Chinese, Columbia University 

John B. Whitelaw, professor of education, Johns Hopkins University 

Arthur Wright, assistant professor of history, Stanford Unive sity 

Mary Wright, curator of Chinese Collection, Hoover Institute and Library, Stan- 
ford University 

Quincy Wright, professor of international law, University of Chicago 

J. B. Whitehead, professor of electrical engineering, Johns Hopkins University 

H. R. Wishengrad, Overseas News Agency 

H. G. W, Woodward, professor of history, Johns Hopkins University 

Joseph K. Yamigawa, associate professor of Japanese, University of Michigan 

Margaret Young, formerly secretary of Page School of International Relations 



Exhibit No. 86 

Minutes of Fighting-Funds for Finland, Inc., 1940 

The first meeting of the Maryland Committee for Fighting-Funds for Finland, 
Inc., met on Tuesday afternoon, February 20, 5 p. m., at 516 North Charles Street. 
Those present were Mr. Baldwin, Judge Leser, Dr. Lovejoy, Mr. Theodore Mar- 
burg. Mr. Charles Marburg, Miss Poe, Mr. Porter, and Miss Snow. Mr. Charles 
Marburg in the chair. 

The names of those who had consented to serve on the committee were an- 
nounced as follows : Dr. Harold N. Arrowsmith, Mi*. Rignal W. Baldwin, Mr. 
George G. Carey, Jr., Mrs. Rufus Gibbs, Dr. W. Stull Holt, Mr. Wallace Lanahan, 
Dr. Owen Lattimore, Rabbi Morris S. Lazaron, Judge Oscar Leser, Dr. Arthur O. 
Lovejoy, Dr. Kemp Malone, Mr. Charles L. Marburg, Mr. Theodore Marburg, Mr. 
F. Furnival Peard, Miss Mary Lee Poe, Mr. Alexander G. Porter, Maj. Gen. 
Milton A. Reckord, Dr. F. C. Reynolds, and Miss Jessie L. Snow. 

Mr. Charles Marburg announced that Maj. Gen. John F. O'Ryan had accepted 
the chairmanship of the National Organization with headquarters at 120 Broad- 
way. New York City. Quoting from a telegram from Mr. R. F. Seton-Harris, 



1734 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

executive secretary of the national organization, "Fighting-Funds for Finland, 
Inc is now actively forming in each State. Its charter calls for monies and other 
donations to be outright gifts to the Republic of Finland without restriction for 
the purchase of armaments and other munitions in defense of Finland * * 
all organizing expenses are to be privately underwritten as far as possible, so 
that funds will go in toto to the Finns." Mr. Seton-Harris also emphasized the 
importance of speeding up organization plans in order that action could start at 
once to rush collections to the courageous Finnish people. 

Mr Theodore Marburg presented a statement for the press. A copy is attached 
to these minutes. A letter written by Mr. Marburg which was to appear in the 
Morning Sun the following day was also read. , 

Mr Charles Marburg announced that Mr. F. Furnival Peard, of the Mary- 
land Trust Co., had consented to receive contributions for Fighting-Funds for 
Finland. Inc., in Maryland. - _ 

The motion was made by Mr. Porter and seconded by Miss Poe that Miss Snow 
be appointed the executive secretary of the Maryland Committee for Fighting- 
Funds for Finland, Inc. The meeting adjourned to be reconvened the following 
day, February 21, at 4 : 30 p. m. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Jessie L. Snow, Executive Secretary. 



Exhibit No. 87 
Quotations From Owen Lattimore' s Writings 

"The spread of direct Russian control over Asia would be disastrous for the 
countries of Asia as well as for America and Europe." ( "The Situation in Asia," 
by Owen Lattimore (Little, Brown & Co., 1949). Page 12.) 

"No Chinese government can be genuinely independent if it is subject to 
manipulation by Russia." (Statement signed by Mr. Lattimore together with 
Senator Flanders, Senator Murray, and Professors Dulles, Fisher ,and Mac- 
Nair, December 30, 1946.) 

"At the same time, any new departure in United States policy in Asia must be 
proof against the accusation of 'appeasing' Communism as a doctrine or Russia 
as a state." (Article in "The Atlantic Monthly," January 1950, by Owen 
Lattimore.) 

"Those of us who have never been Marxists have many straightforward dis- 
agreements with the Marxists." (Book Review in the "New York Herald Trib- 
une" bv Owen Lattimore, November 30, 1947.) 

"United States policy should aim to increase the ability of countries in Asia 
to do without Russia, by encouraging a steady improvement of the three-way 
economic relationship between Asia, Europe, and America, including the resump- 
tion of the supply of raw materials from Asia, the sale of Europe's manufactures 
in Asia, and American financing both of industrialization in Asia and recovery 
in Europe. The American financing should be undertaken as a sound enterprise 
in increasing production and consumption, not as a doling out of subsidies to 
keep the economies of Asia and Europe stagnantly alive." (Article in "The 
Atlantic Monthly," January 1950, by Owen Lattimore.) 

"* * * American policy, to be successful, must operate through the United 
Nations as much as possible and strengthen the United Nations as much as 
possible. A two-world system of American allies and satellites, ranged against 
Russian allies and satellites, is not enough in America's favor and may be too 
much in Russia's favor. Only by working through the United Nations can the 
third countries, which are already critically important in Asia and may become 
important in Europe, be brought closer to the American side than to the Russian 
side." ("The Situation in Asia" by Owen Lattimore (Little, Brown & Co., 1949) 
Page 227.) 

"The fact is that the American interest, of course and without further dis- 
cussion, lies in making sine of the minimum expansion of Russian control and 
influence." (Lecture by ( >wen Lattimore, Mt Holyoke C< liege. June 1948. > 

"Nationalism is the only bedrock on which a political structure can he built in 
China — or anywhere in Asia — today. It' we are as quick as the Russians and 
the Communists of Asia are to build on that bedrock, then the new political 
structures that are being built in China and all over Asia will incorporate many 
features of capitalism, private enterprise, and political democracy in their 'third 



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1735 

country' architectural design, [f the Russians and the Communists continue to 
keep ahead of us in accepting Asi;i on its own terms, there will be more socialism 
in the superstructure." ("The Situation in Asia" by Owen Lattimore (Little, 
Brown & Co., HM'.ii. Page 180.) 

"I do not believe that a spread of Communism anywhere in Asia (or indeed 
in Europe or America ) is either invitable or desirable. * * * More than 
that, 1 believe that the country which most people in Asia would like to imitate 
and emulate is America rather than Russia." (Article in "China Monthly," 
December 1945, by Owen Lattimore.) 

"What I believe in, and what my whole record shows I believe in, is the 
spread of democracy, not the spread of Communism." (Article in "China 
Monthly," December 1945, by Owen Lattimore.) 

"[A safe American policy] would guarantee that the Chinese Communists re- 
main in a secondary position, because it would strengthen those Chinese wdio are 
opposed to Communism. * * *" (Article in "Virginia Quarterly Review," 
1940. by Owen Lattimore.) 

"We shall have turned the disadvantage of an Asia that we are not strong 
enough to control into the advantage of an Asia strong enough to refuse to be 
controlled by Russia. We shall have given a fresh impetus to both capitalism 
and political democracy." ("The Situation in Asia" by Owen Lattimore (Little, 
Brown & Co.. 1949 ) . Page 237. ) 

"The fact is that my comments and interpretations have always been so inde- 
pendent that I have in my time been criticized by Chinese, Japanese, 
Germans, Russians, and Mongols, as well as by intemperate American 
writers. * * * The criticisms run all the way from calling me an arch- 
imperialist to calling me a Red." (Article in "China Monthly," December 1945, 
by Owen Lattimore.) 

"A great part of Asia's hopes, however, will be fulfilled, and should be ful- 
filled with American cooperation. We have everything to gain by being on the 
side of hope." ("The Situation in Asia" by Owen Lattimore (Little, Brown 
& Co.. 1949.) Page 238.) 

"Our cardinal need there is a LTnited China, carried forward on a current of 
orderly reforms. There is no need for violent revolution ; but, unless the cur- 
rent of orderly reforms is given a free channel, there will be violent revolu- 
tion. It would be a tragic folly, and the culminating folly of two decades, if 
American vacillation and failure to support the patriots in China — the hard- 
pressed guardians of the American stake in evolutionary democratic prog- 
ress — should let loose defeatism, civil war and revolution. America has no time 
to lose. We must have a policy that does not limit us to defending the posses- 
sions of the democracies, but pledges us to support and spread democracy 
itself." (Article in magazine "Asia," April 1941, by Owen Lattimore. Page 162.) 



Exhibit No. 88 
ATTACKS OX OWEN LATTIMORE IN COMMUNIST PRESS 

[From Problems of History of China, April 1949] 
Voprosi Istorii (Questions of History, 1949) 

The proclivity to libel and slander the struggle of the toilers of China in the 
revolution of 192H-27 is explained not only by the fully understandable hatred of 
the learned lackeys of imperalism towards the revolutionary movement of the 
masses. Slander is also used in a given case to represent, despite the truth, the 
Chinese bourgeoisie, who betrayed the national interests of the country, as the 
progressive force of the Chinese national-liberation movement. 

This notion in this or another form can be found in the writings of all the 
authors we have named. Lattimore. the former American adviser to Chiang 
Kai Shek in the years of the second World War, formulates it most clearly. 
Lattimore advertises the clique of Chiang Kai Shek as "the bearer of the revolu- 
tionary traditions" of the Chinese people. The mercenary rulers of Kuomintang 
China, according to the affirmation of Lattimore, are the "sons and heirs of 
the Chinese revolutionaries who were active twenty and thirty years ago" 
[Lattimore. Owen and Eleanor. The Making of Modern China, p. 183. London, 
1945]. The Kuomintang's betrayal of the revolution in 1927 Lattimore holds 
to be only a sensible craving to make a "pause" in order "to consolidate the 
already achieved successes (?!) and to attempt to win with the help of negoti- 



1736 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 

ations (with foreign powers — L. B.) that which still remained to be won (?)" 
[Lattimore, op. cit., p. 138. Here are clearly manifested the causes of the Latti- 
more's sympathy toward Chiang Kai Shek and Co. He is attracted by the re- 
jection of this clique of traitors of the struggle with imperialist expansion, of 
the struggle for a genuine liberation of China]. 

[In: The Pacific Ocean, a political, social, and economic quarterly review. No. 1. 
Published by the State Social and Economic Press, Moscow, 1935] 

Excerpts From an Article by N. Terentiev, Titled "Pacific Affairs'' 

* * * Mr. Lattimore asserts that the coronation of Pu Ee is a new step 
forward in the direction of "supporting the independence of Mongolia." The 
author's assertions, to a considerable extent, reveal that fact that this term is 
applied by him to Japanese politics not in an ironical sense, but literally, and 
that the reactionary forces in Inner Mongolia, having put themselves in the 
service of the aggressive Japanese plans, are constantly and respectfully called 
by him "conservative Mongolians." Analyzing the further invasion by Japan 
into that portion of Inner Mongolia which remains under Chinese control, Mr. 
Lattimore once again, with complete seriousness, speaks of "the politics of 
Japan and Manchukuo supporting the conservative Mongolians on terms favorable 
to the Mongols themselves" * * * (p. 218). 

* * * Mr. Lattimore finds himself under the hypnotic influence of his own 
theory concerning the struggle between land and marine (naval) tactcis in 
the politics of the powers in relation to China and Eastern Asia, and from the 
point of view of this theory he attempts to partially explain — and to a certain 
degree justify — the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. * * *