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Full text of "State Department information program information centers. Hearing before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Government Operations, United States Senate, 83d Congress, 1st session, pursuant to S. Res. 40, a resolution authorizing the Committee on Government Operations to employ temporary additional personnel and increasing the amount of expenditures .."




permajVext subcommittee on 
investigations of the committee on 




S. Res. 40 





APRIL 29 AND MAY 5, 1953 


Printed for the use of the Committee on Government Operations 

33616 WASHINGTON : 1953 

Boston Public Library- 
Superintendent of Documents 

AUG 5 1£53 


JOSEPH R. McCarthy, Wisconsin, Chairman 
KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas 





Walter L. Reynolds, Chief Clerk 

Permanent Subcommittee on Inv-estigations 

JOSEPH R. McCarthy, Wisconsin, Chairman 
KARL E. MUNDT. South Dakota JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas 


Roy M. Cohn, Chief Counsel 
Feancis D. Flanagan, General Counsel and Staff Director 



Index I 

Appendix 243 

Testimony of — 

Epstein, Julius, New York, N. Y 203 

Kaghan, Theodore, Acting Deputy Director, Office of Public Affairs, 

United States High Commissioner, Germanv 171, 221 

Utley, Freda, Washington, D. C 212 


Introduced Appears 
on page on page 

10. Material from Die Neue Zeitung, February 15, 1946 210 (*) 

11. Statement of Stefan Heym rerenouncing American citizen- 

ship and returning war medal 211 243 

12. Report of State Department on book, Synchronoptische 

Weltgeschichte, bv Arno and Anneliese Peters 218 C#) 

13. Play, Unfinished Picture, by Theodore Kaghan 236 (*) 

14. Matcjrial submitted by Theodore Kaghan 242 (*) 


1. Memorandum dated May 7, 1953, from House Committee on Un-Amer- 
ican Activities to Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations- 244 

• May be found in the files of the subcommittee. 

# Classified. 




United States Senate, 
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on 

Investigations of the Commiti^ee 

ON Government Operations, 

Washington, D. C. 
The subcommittee met (pursuant to S. Res. 40, agreed to January 
30, 1953) at 10:30 a. rn., in room 357 of the Senate Office Building, 
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, chairman, presiding. 

Present: Senators Joseph R. McCarth}', Republican, Wisconsin; 
Karl E. Mundt, Republican, South Dakota; John L. McClellan, Dem- 
ocrat, Arkansas; and Stuart Symington, Democrat. Missouri. 

Present also : Roy M. Colin, chief counsel ; G. David Schine, chief 
consultant ; Daniel G. Buckley, assistant counsel ; Herbert Hawkins, 
investigator; Howard Rushmore, research director; and Ruth Young 
Watt, chief clerk. 

The Chairman. The hearing will come to order. 
Mr. Theodore Kaghan? From the nmnber of the cameras, Mr. 
Kaghan, you must be an important witness. 


Mr. Kaghan. Thank j^ou, sir. 

The Chairman. Again let me remind the cameramen that thev 
won't take any flash pictures while he is testifying. 

Mr. Kaghan, you are reminded that jow are still under oath. Will 
you give us your present title and job ? 

Mr. KAGHAN. Acting Deput}^ Director of the Office of Public Affairs 
of the United States High Commissioner in Germany. 

The Chairman. And who is the Director? 

Mr. Kaghan. The Director is Alfred Boerner. 

The Chairman. And while Mr. Boerner is absent you are, of course, 
the Acting Director ; right ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I am. 

The CHAnuviAN. And this is the Office of Public Affairs. That is, 
in esseiice, an information office!" 

Mr, KL\GHAN. I beg your pardon. I didn't hear you. 

The Chairman. That is the Office of Public Affairs; that is. in 
essence, an information office? 



Mr. Kaghan. It is a lot more than information, sir. It works on 
America's political position in Europe and cooperates in psychological 
warfare against the Soviet Union and communism. 

The Chairman. And in that department, I believe you told us that 
there are roughly 250 Americans and about 2.500 Germans. Is 
that right? 

Mr. Kaghan. Roughly; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, have you ever been a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you ever attended Communist meetings? 

Mr. Kaghan. I believe I have, sir. 

The Chairman. Could you tell us roughly how many Coimnunist 
meetings you have attended. 

Mr. E^ghan. I do not have any idea of the number of Communist 
meetings I may have attended. I attended various meetings in Xew 
York between the years of 1935 and 1940, and I am sure some of 
them must have been Communist-run, Communist-controlled or di- 
rected, and some of them were ]Drobabl,y not. I went to all kinds of 
meetings. I was interested in what was going on. 

The Chairman. Can you tell how many you attended that you knew 
were Communist meetings at the time you attended them? 

Mr. Kaghan. No. sir ; I can't give 3'ou a figure. 

The Chairman. Well, would you say it was more than a dozen or 
less than a dozen? I am not speaking now of Communist meetings 
you accidentally attended, not knowing what they were. I am 
speaking of the meetings you attended knowing they were Communist 

JNIr. Kaghan. I do not recall attending meetings that I knew were 
Communist Party meetings, that were identified as Communist Party 

The Chairman. Well, is it your testimony now that you did or did 
not know that some of those meetings were Communist meetings at 
the time you attended them ? 

Mr. Kaghan, Roughly, I would say that I probably knew that 
some of them were Communist meetings. Now, whether they were 
party meetings or not, I didn't know, and I don't know now. 

The Chairman. You lived at 310 West 47th Street for a while, did 
you not ? 

Mr. Kaghan, I did. 

The Chairman. In New York? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you have Communist-cell meetings where you 
lived at 310 West 47th Street while you were living there? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not to my knowledge. I did not have any such 

The Chairman. Not to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not have any such meetings. That there were 
any more — it was not to my knowledge, as such. 

The Chairman. Who was your roommate ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Ben Irwin. 

Tlie Chairman. You knew Ben Irwin was a Communist at that 
time; did you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. I assumed he was. 


The Chairman. And did Ben Irwin have meetings in your room at 
the time that you knew he was a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He did not have what were obviously meetings. He 
had people in. I never recognized them as meetings of an organiza- 
tion. They were people that came to see him, and there were groups 
there from time to time. 

The Chairman. You knew he was a Communist. Were the men 
who attended these, call them what you may, meetings or gatherings, 
known to you also as members of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, I did not say I knew he was a Communist. I 
assumed he was a Communist. 

The Chairman. All right. When you assumed he was a Commu- 
nist, did you know anybody else who attended those gatherings in your 
home that you also assumed were Communists? 

Mr. Kaghan. The place was not my home alone. It was also his. 
And I assumed that some of them probably were Communists. I 
wasn't afraid of Communists in those days. I didn't know the dis- 
tinction between communism and political conspiracy. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, I am going to hand you a document 
which the reporter will refer to as exhibit No. 40. 

(Exhibit No. 40 was previously introduced during the subcom- 
mittee's hearing on Voice of America on March 5, 1953.) 

The Chairman. Will you identify your signature on that? 

Mr. ICvghan. Yes ; that is my signature. 

The Chairivian. You say that is your signature? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And the date of this is 1939. 

May I read from it? It is entitled "Nominating Petition for 
Councilman" : 

I, the undersigned, do hereby state that I am a duly qualified voter of the 
borough for which a nomination for councilman is hereby made, and have regis- 
tered as a voter within the said borough within the past IS months; that my 
place of residence is truly stated opposite my signature hereto and that I intend 
to support at the ensuing election, and I do hereby nominate the following- 
named person as a candidate of the Communist Party * * * 

Now, you state in this that you intend to support this Communist 

Was that a correct statement at the time ? 

Mr. IVAGHAN. I intended to support his attempt to get on the ballot. 

I did not vote for him, and, as far as I can recall, I didn't do any- 
thing to help his election. 

The Chairman. You say at that time you did not recognize the 
Communist Party as a danger to this country or the world ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not. The Communist Party, to me, was a 
minoritv political movement which could never have any effect in the 
United States. I did not realize that communism was a political con- 
spiracy until later. 

The Chairman. At the time of the Hitler-Stalin pact, did you then 
perhaps recognize that communism might be a danger to the world? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know whether I thought of it in terms of 
danger. I certainly distrusted it. 

The Chairman. You distrusted? 

Mr. Kaghan. I distrusted the Soviet Union, and I distrusted peo- 
ple who believed that everything the Soviet Union did was right. 


The Chairman. Did you distrust the Communist Party after the 
Hitler-Stalin pact? 

Mr. Kaghan. Definitely. 

The Chairman. Do you think you would sign a nominating peti- 
tion after that time ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I could have. I could have, because the purpose of a 
nominating petition is to get an American on a ballot where he can 
be voted against as well as for. 

The Chairman. The purpose of the nominating petition for the 
Communist Party is to get a Communist on the ballot ; is it not ? 

Mr. Kaghan. To get a man on the ballot who has a political party; 

The Chairman. And did you consider the Communists as a politi- 
cal party rather than a conspiracy ? 

Mr. Kaghan. At that point, I considered the Communists, commu- 
nism in America, as a political party. 

The Chairman. And I call your attention to the fact that this was 
signed after the Hitler-Stalin pact. Are you aware of that? 

Mr. Kaghan. I take your word for it, sir. I don't recall the exact 

The Chairman. I again call your attention to the following words : 

* * * I intend to support * * * [this Communist candidate] * * * at the 
ensuing election. 

Was that a correct statement at the time ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I am not sure I read the top part of the petition. I 
don't know whether I read it or not. Because I did not support him. 

The Chairman. Who asked you to sign this petition? 

Mr. Kaghan. I have no recollection of that, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you been solicited to join the Communist 

Mr. Kaghan. Outrightly to join the party as such, I do not recall 
that I was, but I am sure I was being worked on toward that end. 

The Chairman. ^Yho do you think was working on you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Ben Irwin. 

The Chairman. Name some others, will you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall the names of others, sir. 

The Chairman. I might say, Mr. Kaghan, that your testimony fol- 
lows pretty much a pattern. 

You admit you lived with a Communist for a year. You worked, 
as you said the other day. for a Communist front, headed by a man you 
said you knew was a. Communist. Is that a correct statement? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, I said I assumed he was a Communist. I 
didn't know he was a Communist. 

The Chairman. You went to Communist meetings. Did you iden- 
tify a single Communist other than Ben Irwin who has been exposed 
as one, well known as a Communist ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I am sorry. I don't get the point on that. 

The Chairman. Well, let me ask you the question : You have told us 
that you lived with a man whom you assumed was a Communist. You 
worked for an organization headed by a man whom you assumed was 
a Communist. You attended, you say, Communist meetings. You 
do not know how many. You testified there were gatherings in your 
home and the home of this Communist. My question is, now : Can 


you name a single other individual who you assumed was a Communist 
at that time, attending those meetings or coming into your home ? 

Mr. KL^GHAN. I cannot. I said yesterday, sir, that I assume the girl 
he married was a Communist. I don't remember her name. 

The Chairman. A fairly safe assumption. 

Mr. Kaghan. a fairly safe assumption, possibly. I do not recall 
that there was any distinction between leftists and radicals and Com- 
munists which was obvious at that time. People didn't identify them- 
selves as Communists, and a lot of people were running around with 
Communists who were not Communists, but who were being fooled 
by communism as much as I was, and who did not realize what was 
behind communism. 

The Chairman. That is not the question, Mr. Kaghan. You have 
been picked by the Acheson regime to head the information program 
in Europe, to act as Deputy Director, and Acting Director, a great 
deal of the time, for the purpose of combating communism. 

Now you tell us that you have reformed since 1939. Perhaps I 
should not say "reformed" ; that you learned that communism was a 
menace since that time. 

We could take that a lot more seriously if you could give us the 
name of just one individual, just one, outside of this well-known Com- 
munist, whom you were chumming with, whom you were working 
with, in 1939. 

Mr. Kaghan. I was not aware that he was a well-known Coimnunist. 

The Chairman. You were not aware of that ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I was not aware that he was a well-known Communist. 

The Chairman. A short time ago, two of my investigators, whom 
you referred to, I believe, as 

Mr. Kaghan, Junketeering gumshoes, sir. 

The Chairman. Contacted you in Germany. 

At that time they asked you to name the Communists that you knew. 
And you said you would not name them, but you would name them 
before this committee. 

I asked you that yesterday, and you said you did not know of any, 
except this Communist roommate, is that correct? 

Mr. Kaghan, No, sir. As I recall the testimony yesterday and the 
testimony in Germany, I said that I thought I knew of one Commu- 
nist, but I did not want to name people outside of the immunity of 
this committee, and that I would be glad to name them at tliis com- 
mittee. AMiich I did yesterday. 

The Chairman. "Name them," did you say? 

Mr. Kaghan. Him. 

The Chairman. Your testimony today is, despite all this associa- 
tion, that you only know one other man that you assumed to be a 
Communist ? 

Mr, Kaghan. There were other people, sir, who may have been 
Communists. I did not know whether they were Commmiists. The 
distinction was not drawn, and I think it would be very un-American 
to identify people who may have been just as much fooled as I was 
and just as much interested in the Communists as a minority move- 
ment. I do not recall the names of all the people I associated with 
in those days. 

33616 — 53— pt. 3 2 


The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, it might be of some help to our FBI 
if you could give the names of those people who attended those gather- 
ings, in the home of a man who you now say you assumed was a 

Mr. Kaghan. I feel very confident that I couldn't remember the 
name of anybody. 

The Chairman. Not a single one ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not a single one. If I saw some names on a list, I 
might remember they were somebody I knew. I could not remember 
whether they w ere at the house or not. 

The Chairman. You wrote a number of plays. Is that right? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, I did. 

The Chairman. Would you say they followed the Communist line? 

Mr. Kaghan. I would not sav thev followed the Communist line. 

The Chairman. Would you say they were acceptable to the Com- 
munists ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I think they were, by and large, not necessarily in 

The Chairman. Not necessarily in detail. I have gone over a num- 
ber of them, and I have had my staff read the others. I find that they 
seem to follow largely the same pattern, that you have someone repre- 
senting the Communist Party, arguing the Communist line. You 
have someone very weakly arguing against it. In the end, you find 
the man against the Communist cause has been converted, in practi- 
cally all the plays. Is that a correct statement ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I do not agree with the statement. You have 
made a dramatic judgment about whether the arguments against 
communism were weak. I doubt that they were weak. If they were 
weak, it wouldn't have been a good play. 

The Chairman. Let me quote from one, if I may. 

You recall the Unfinished Picture? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir ; that is a play I wrote in the University of 
Michigan for which I got a $1,000 prize. The University of Michigan 
is not a lef twing university. 

The Chairman. What was that ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I say the University of Michigan is not known to be 
a lef twing university. 

The Chairman. I do not quite get the import of that. Does that 
mean that you could not have been leftwing or you could not have 
attended ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I mean that the play would probably not have won a 
prize if it were a Comntunist play. 

The Chairman. Who awarded this prize? 

Mr. Kaghan. The university itself. It was the Avery Hopwood 
award. I have forgotten the name of it. Drama, fiction, essay, and 

I won several drama prizes, and that was the last year's prize. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, let me first refer to the Unfinished 
Picture, and read a few excerpts from it. Tell me whether you think 
this would be good anti-Communist propaganda or not. These are the 
words that you put in your actor's mouth. Page 22 of the Unfinished 


Picture. Here is the language, the words, in one of your actor's 
mouth : 

How can I enjoy life knowing there is so much misery? 
What should I do, get married to some slave? On what? 
It's just because I want to live that I am doing this? 

talking about Communist activity. 

I don't want to creep through life like a slave. I don't want to get married 
and bring up children to be more slaves. If my children can't be free, I don't 
want them to be born. 

Would that be good anti- Communist propaganda ? 
Mr. Kaghax. That sounds like a good American statement. 
The Chairman. Let me read from page 24. See if this is a good 
American statement. 

TMiat is wrong with what we have got? You ought to thank God you have 

got it. 

Answer : 

Thank God? You ought to thank Morgan and Rockefeller for leaving you 
what they did if you want to thank anyone. 

Julia, do you know what you are saying? 

Julia. Ot course I know what I am saying. What do you expect me to do? 
Pray every night for God to let me go to college? I would rather write a letter 
to the President. At least that might get an answer. 

Is that good anti-Communist propaganda ? 

Mr. Kaghax. Sir, I would rather not discuss excerpts, lines read 
by you, from the play which I haven't read for years and haven't got 
a copy of handy. It depends on the rest of the play. 

The Chairman. Let me read some more of the play. 

Now, Gordon wouldn't have been shot if he hadn't been a Negro worker. 
There was no reason for his being shot except the cop didn't think his life was 
worth anything. It was purely a case of race discrimination of the worst 
type, equal to the lynching business going on in the South. The Communist 
Party is fighting militantly against that, and the mass funeral tomorrow is in 
protest against discrimination and the rising tide of fascism. * * * 

The Communist Party wants to unite all workers in a struggle for their 
rights against a decadent system of capitalism. Gordon was a worker, and be- 
cause he was a worker he was shot, like many other workers will be shot if 
they don't organize and put up a united front against their enemies, the capital- 
ist class, which is rapidly becoming a Fascist regime. It's up to us to show our 
solidarity with all workers, and with minorities, like the Negroes. 

Would you say that would be good anti- Communist propaganda? 

Mr. Ivaghan. Sounds like a long-winded soapbox speech. 

The Chairman. No, answer my question. Do you think that is 
either Communist propaganda or anti-Communist propaganda? 

Mr. Ivaghan. That would probably be a Communist character 

The Chairman. All right. Let us read some more. He says: 

I would like to add something. This isn't a race discrimination only. It is 
probably a capitalist attempt to split the ranks of the workers. We have to 
bear that in mind. It is important. If the white workers and the Negro 
workers get together, they have more power than they would otherwise. The 
bosses want to arouse antagonism between the whites and the Negroes so they 
wont get together and fight for their rights. That is why we are going to the 
funeral tomorrow. We have got to show our solidarity. 

Would you say that is the Communist line or not? 


Mr. Kaghan. That would appear to be a Communist speaking. I 
assume it is a Communist speaking. But the intent of the play was, 
as I recall it, to show that communism was not a way out for America, 

The Chairmak. I hand you your own play, and ask you to read the 
concluding paragraphs, and tell us whether that does not end up with 
the Communist victorious. Is that not the end of all of your plays ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I didn't hear your question. 

The Chairman. Scan through the latter part of your play, and see 
if the conclusion is not a victory for the Communist argument. 

Mr. Kaghan. I can say it wasn't without scanning it, sir. 

The Chahiman. Well, will you read the last several paragraphs? 

Mr. Kaghan. The part that is underlined in red ? 

The Chairman. Yes, I think "red" is the right color. But you may 
read anything else. If what is in red is out of context, you read what 
explains it. 

Mr. Kaghan. I am not familiar with the full play, sir. I will read 
this part if you wish. 

Alice says weakly : 

Yes, go and lie down among my ruins. Smell the dust and ashes. 

Julia. Why don't you start burning the whole mess now, you and your Reds. 
Why do you leave me to look at the wreckage? Why don't you burn it? What 
are you waiting for? 

Gertrude. There's not enough wreckage yet, my child. We have to wait. 

The Chairman. Will you read that last line again ? 
Mr. Kaghan (reading) : 

There's not enough wreckage yet. We have to wait. 

The Chairman. Is that the end of the play ? 
Mr. Kaghan. No ; there is another line. 
The Chairman. Would you read the next line ? 
Mr. Kaghan (reading) : 

Frances. Say, doesn't anyone want any supper tonight? (No one answers 
her, and Alice is looking up slowly to her as the curtain falls.) 

The Chairman. Was that play produced by the Communists? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; it was produced at the University of 

The Chairman. Which of your plays were produced by Communist 
organizations ? 

Mr. Kaghan. As far as I know, the play about Spain was produced 
by the New Theater League, which I understand now is a Communist- 
front organization. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, perhaps you can help us out on this. 
You say that since 1939, at some time, you discovered that com- 
munism was a menace. Could you tell when you discovered it and 
what caused you to discover it? 

Mr. Kaghan. I discovered it was a menace to the world when I was 
in Austria, in Vienna, working for the United States Army as an in- 
formation oflicer handling a newspaper, radio, news agency, and other 
mass media in Austria. I was working in the city of Vienna, which 
was full of Russians, Red Army, and Communists. This was in 1945 
or 1946, 1947, 1948, 1949, and 1950. 

The Chairman. You mean it was in 1945 that you first began to dis- 
cover that communism was a menace ? 


Mr. Kaghax. In 1945, my suspicions that they were a serious prob- 
lem and a menace were confirmed. I was suspicious about them long 
before that. I had no occasion to meet Russians and to work with 
Russians until I got to Vienna, which Avas occupied by the Russians. 

The Chairman. Now. the thing that causes, I think, a bit of con- 
fusion in the minds of some people is : What did you do outwardly 
to convince the people who hired you that you were the man to head 
this so-called anti-Communist drive? 

You see, if they checked your background, all a matter of public 
record, they would find that^you belonged to Communist fronts, that 
vou roomed with a Communist, that you attended Communist meet- 
ings, that you signed a Communist nominating petition, and that up 
until 1939." even during the Russian-Hitler pact, you took part in sign- 
ing a petition. 

I am curious to know what you did outwardly at any time to con- 
vince them that you were a real anti-Communist. 

Mr. Kaghan. 'When I was brought to Germany for this job, I spent 
time working for the United States Army in Austria, using news- 
papers and other mass media to fight communism and to fight the 
Soviets, and 1 had su( h success fighting the Soviets that they printed 
cartoons about me, making fnn of my newspaper. The Chancellor of 
Austria has written me a letter commenting on my anti-Soviet ac- 
tivities and anti-Communist activity. He says : 

Through your very activities here in Austria — 

tliis is Chancellor Figl speaking — 

where we had to and stiU have to withstand strong Communist pressure, you 
placed yourself in line with the Austrian Federal Government. I remember 
clearly how you, courageously and in disregard of personal danger, faithfully 
took the side of the Austrian Government during the October revolution when 
the Communists in Austria wanted to seize power by force. Therefore, I really 
can't believe it, Mr. Kaghan, that people are seriously going to jump on you, 
and I felt I just had to tell you this, as an old friend, simply because I know 
you so well as a democrat and anti-Communist. 
With cordial regards, I remain, as always, yours, 


In another instance, the extreme rightist, Salzburger Nachrichten, 
which is so far right in Austria that the American Legation is a little 
concerned about it, came out with a front page editorial just a few 
weeks ago after Mr. Cohn and Mr. Schine had visited Austria, and 
among other things, they said : 

If Mr. Kaghan is a Communist, then the Cardinals belong to the Mau Mau. 

I have a copy of that if anybody wants it. I also have letters from 
General Keyes. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, your department was subsidizing this 
paper which you quoted, was it not ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I beg your pardon, sir. 

The Chairman. Your department Avas subsidizing this paper from 
which you quoted ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Your agency ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, this paper is not subsidized, so far as I know, 
by the United States Government. It is in Austria, sir. I have noth- 
ing to do Avith Austria now, and I don't believe we subsidized it then. 


The Chairman. Do you know whether any Government agency 
loaned them money ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know. I couldn't say. I am not in Austria, 
and I don't know what is going on there so far as press activities are 
concerned. This editorial was a surprise to me. 

The Chairman. What is the name of this paper ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Salzburger Nachrichten. 

The Chairman. You say that when you were in Austria you were 
running a paper and you were actively fighting Communists ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

Senator McClellan. Would you mind stating the date or the time 
so that we can get it related I 

Mr. Kaghan. I got in Austria in 1945, sir, after the war. I was 
responsible for news operations there. I had a newspaper, a news 
agency, features, and pamphlets, or whatever else was printed for mass 
circulation. I don't know whether they were all there at the time. 
The paper was, but I had to organize a lot of the other stuff. 

Senator McClellan. May I ask you this: The letter that you re- 
ferred to from a former Chancellor of Austria referred to the news 
aspect of the paper. Were you editor of the paper ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I was editor of the paper. Not all the time. Some- 
times I supervised the editor. 

Senator McClellan. I asked you yesterday if, as editor of the* 
paper, you editorialized your opposition to communism, and I believed 
you answered that you did. 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

Senator McClellan. You stated at that time that you did not have 
copies of those editorials. Have you been able to procure them since? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, I have not had time, but the}' are available in 
the State Department files here, in the papers, which have to be 
searched, because I didn't have editorials every day. 

Senator McClellan. Do you think 3'ou could supply them to the 
committee ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir ; I think I could. 

Senator McClellan. Do you have any idea now as to the number 
that you did publish ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, I don't have any idea as to the number. 

Senator McClellan. You think there is a substantial number. 
What I am trving; to determine is : As far as I am concerned, Mr. 
Kaghan, your early background from my viewpoint is not something 
to be proud of. But I think there are Communists or those who were 
Communist sympathii^ers or those who were under some false illusion 
about communism, and so forth, that have subsequently definitely 
come to the conclusion that it is an international conspiracy and that 
it poses a great danger to the free world and now are just as much 
opposed to it as any other patriotic Americans. And what I am 
trying to determine is if you can document by editorials that you 
published in this paper, or by other acts or documentary evidence 
substantiate definitely the fact that you did change, and that therefore 
you used your talents and your position and your opportunity to fight 
communism. That is what I am interested in knowing. 

Mr. Ivaghan. Yes, sir. I can produce the editorials, and I can 
produce other statements, which were in the form of news statements 
which I helped prepare for General Kej'es to make at the Allied Coun- 


cil at various meetings attacking Soviet statements, so that they would 
be in the news. Fewer people read editorials than read news, so I 
managed to get my editorial ideas into the news that way. Some of 
those statements that General Keyes made 

Tlie Chairman. What is that^ You said you did your editorial- 
izing in the news columns ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I got my editorial ideas across in the news columns 
by pi'eparing statements for the High Commissioner to make against 
the Soviets in the Allied Council. I was one of several who helped 
the High Commissioner prepare his case against the Soviets every 
2 weeks. 

The Chairman. This is in 1946, j'ou are talking about? 

Mr. B:aghan. From 1946 through 1950. 

The Chairman. Did you know Col. Lawrence K. Ladue ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes ; Col. Larry Ladue was my boss in the Informa- 
tion Services Branch, and he died in Korea. 

The Chairman. You were asked about this yesterday, and I want 
to ask you again. Do you know that Ladue filed a report on you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. You told me he did yesterday. That was the first I 
heard of it. 

The Chairman. Do you have any idea what was in it ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I have now ; yes. 

The CHAUiMAN. Did he ever argue with you and tell you that you 
should not print the Tass dispatches? 

Mr. Kaghan. I believe he did. 

The Chairman. And you insisted upon printing the Tass dis- 
patches ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I insisted on having the privilege to use my own judg- 
ment on how to use Russian Tass dispatches. 

The Chairman. Did he argue with you that you should not play up 
cases of rape and lynching in the United States ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He may have argued against playing it up, and I 
doift suppose I argued against playing it up. I was arguing for the 
right to print stories about trouble in the United States in the Ameri- 
can newspaper our way, instead of leaving it to the Communists to 
print it their way. 

The Chairman. Did he argue to you that you were playing up rapes 
and lynchings to the extent that you were giving the Communists a 
propaganda weapon? This was 1946. 

Mr. Kaghan. He may have said so. And I certainly would have 
argued that if the Communists were allowed to print these stories 
their way, and we did not print the true facts in the right perspective, 
the Communists would be one ahead of us. And I argued for the 
right to use my own judgment in printing news which was not the 
best kind of news coming out of America. 

The Chairman. In any event, do you recall that he did urge you 
not to play up news about rapes and lynchings in the United States ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not recall his urging me, but I would not argue 
that he didn't urge me not to play them up, and I would not have 
played them up anyhow. 

The Chairman. At that time, was it rather difficult for an Amer- 
ican to get an invitation to get into the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know whether it was or not. I never tried 
to get one. 


The Chairman. You do not know whether it was difficult in 1946 
for an American to get an invitation to come into the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Kaghan. It is something I don't recall anything about. 

The Chairman. Did you get such an invitation^ 

Mr. Kaghan. You told me yesterday that I had. 

The Chairman. I asked you whether you had. 

Mr. Kaghan. I beg your pardon ? 

The Chairman. I asked you whether you had. 

Mr. Ka-Ghan. I don't recall that I had an official invitation to come 
to the Soviet Union. 

The Chairman. An official invitation. Let us not play on words 
now. Did you get an invitation ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall that I got an invitation, but as I said 
yesterday, it is quite possible that in my contact with Soviet army 
people, the Soviet press people, on the Allied Council, somebody 
might have asked me how would I like to go to the Soviet Union. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, did you not inform Colonel Ladue 
that you had such an invitation and ask his permission to go to the 
Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Kaghan. If I had such an invitation, I would certainly have 
reported it immediately to my superior officer, and if I did, if you 
say I did it, I suppose I did it. 

The Chairman. I do not knoAv whether you did it. You were there. 
I was not. 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not recall the incident, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you tell us now that you do not remember ? It 
would seem to me that would be a rather important invitation. 

Mr. Kaghan. Not when you are associating with Ked army officers 
every week in Allied Council meetings, or every other week. 

The Chairman. You would say it was the usual thing to get an 
invitation to come to Russia ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I would not say it was the usual thing, no, sir; but 
if you are standing around with these officers in an Allied Council 
meeting, and somebody says, "Why don't you come to Russia some- 
time, and you will see everything you are writing about is a lie," I 
would consider that an offhand invitation to come to the Soviet 
Union, but not an official one. 

The Chairman. Do you think that some Red army officer would 
have a right to invite someone to the Soviet Union on his own ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know. I doubt it. But he might say, "Wliy 
don't you come to the Soviet Union and see for yourself that you are 
lying about the Soviet Union?" And if he ever said that, something 
might happen to him. I don't know. 

The Chairman. Senator Mundt? 

Senator Mundt. Mr. Chairman, I would like to pursue with the 
witness a little further, in his own interests and in the interests of 
the country and the Congress, what, if anything, transpired between 
1939 and 1946 which would be persuasive evidence to those who 
employed him that he had a change of mind. 

If I recall your testimony correctly, Mr. Kaghan, prior to 1939, 
over a period of just how many years I do not know, you had had 
numerous associations, according to your own testimony, with com- 
munism and with Communists. That is, you had roomed with a 


Communist. You liad signed a petition promising to support a Com- 
munist candidate. You had written plays which Communists had 
produced. I think you testified yesterday that you, in fact, belonged 
to a theater group which was more or less dedicated to the produc- 
tion of leftwing and Socialist and Communist plays. 

And in 1946 we find you in Austria publishing a newspaper, writing 
editorials, which you tell us you are going to bring in, of an anti- 
Communist nature. I can understand that people have changes of 
attitude. But what I am interested in is what evidence you produced 
to your employers in 1939 or 19391/2 or 1940 which convinced them that 
a man who had had these open and covert associations with commu- 
nism up to that time was a safe security risk to send to Austria or to 
put in the Government service. Now, if you could help us supply 
that gap, if you could provide that evidence, it will be very helpful. 

Mr. Kaghan. In 1939 I went to work on the foreign desk of the 
New York Herald Tribune. There was a lot of war news 

The Chairman. May I interrupt there? Did Joe Barnes get that 
job for you? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know that he did, sir. I saw the editor. I 
didn't see Joe Barnes when I went in there. 

The Chairman. Do you know Joe Barnes ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do know Joe Barnes. I did know Joe Barnes. 

The Chairman. And you say he did not help you get the job? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know whether he said anything about me or 
not. I didn't know him before that. 

The Chairman. You do know that he has been named a number of 
times under oath as a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. KAGHAN. You told me that yesterday, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you not know that ? 

Mr. Ivaghan. Tliat he had been named under oath as a member of 
the Communist Party ? I don't recall that I knew that. 

The Chairman. You were on the foreign desk when Barnes was 
your supervisor ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He was chief of the foreign department, not my 
supervisor. He was up above me, but not my supervisor. 

The Chairman. Did you know Barnes was a Communist at that 
time ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not know Barnes was a Communist. 

Senator Mundt. In 1939 — am I right about the year? — you were 
living with Mr. Irwin, the man you have described as a Communist. 

Mr. Kaghan. I think that is right. 

Senator Mundt. What I am trying to find out is. What transpired 
between that date and the time when you went to work for the Gov- 
ernment in a security capacity, or an important capacity in a secu- 
rity area, which would be convincing evidence to your Government 
employers that you had had a change of heart or a change of attitude? 

Mr. Kaghan. I was working on the foreign desk and handled a 
lot of war news, including the Finnish war news, and I was strongly 
persuaded that the Russians were not doing the right thing in Fin- 
land. I edited that kind of news, and I did not participate, as far 
as I can recall, in any Communist activities. I was busy working, 
and I wasn't particularly interested in the Communists at that time. 

33616—53 — pt. 3 3 


And when I joined the Government, in 1942, I talked to people, who 
1 believe were the FBI, about these tilings, about the signing of this 
petition, and about my plays. I don't know the date that I talked 
to the FBI, but I do recall explaining to the FBI way back then in the 
forties, about this petition and about my play. 

Senator Mundt, Was that before, or after, you were employed by 
the Government ? 

Mr. Kaghan. It was probably after. 

Senator IMundt. You see, what I am trying to find out is what hap- 
pened openly between 1939 or the years inunediately preceding and 
the time you got your first Government job, which would convince 
your Government employers that these associations you had had with 
the Communists no longer reflected your point of view. 

Mr. Kaghan. I was working very satisfactorily, as far as I know, 
on a staunchly Republican newspaper, which had no reason to doubt 
the fact that I was handling news. 

The Chairman. "What was this stanchly Republican newspaper ? 

Mr. Kaghan. The New York Herald-Tribune. And I was not in- 
volved in anything. It was negative, sir. I am sorry I can't show 
you a speech I made or any violent action I took against communism. 
I just phased away from the associations I had had. And I worked 
on the newspaper and moved from there into the Office of War In- 
formation, where I was hired by Edward Barrett. 

Senator Mundt. Who was that ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I was interviewed by Edward Barrett, who per- 
suaded me to come into the Office of War Information. And I em- 
phasize "persuaded." 

Senator Mundt. You see, one of the purposes of tliis whole inves- 
tigation is to determine whether the screening process by which peo- 
ple presently employed in the Government have been cleared was 
adequate to eliminate security risks. Without in any way raising the 
question insofar as you are concerned, you are a good laboratory 
exhibit to determine whether that screening process was adequate 
because, by your own testimony, you have revealed and recorded a 
long series of Communist associations which naturally would raise 
some suspicions in the mind of any Government employer who took 
the trouble to make an investigation unless there was subsequent evi- 
dence indicating that j^ou had openly changed. Now, I think you 
testified yesterday that while you worked on the Herald Tribune you 
did not write byline stories. So, regardless of how you wrote about 
Finland and regardless of the fact that your suspicions about the 
evils of communism began to gTOW in your mind at that time, I am 
trying to find some evidence which would eliminate the suspicions 
which must have started to grow in the minds of your potential em- 
ployers when they discovered this long list of Communist associations. 
Now, is it the best of your recollection that you did nothing openly, 
that you did nothing which future employers could look to to satisfy 
themselves that there had been a change in your attitude ? 

IVIr. Kaghan. No overt act, except moving away from the associa- 
tions and the activities. 

Senator Mundt. Wliich was not an overt act. 

Mr. IvAGHAN. It was not an overt act. I may have made an overt 
act. I don't recall any. I was too busy working and enjoying my job 
to get involved in any arguments of that kind. 


Senator Mundt. Let me ask you some specific questions. You have 
written plays which were pro-Communist. Did you write any plays 
which were anti-Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I didn't write any plays that got anywhere. 

Senator Mundt. You attended Communist meetings. Had you 
associated yourself with any anti-Communist association? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. 

Senator Mundt. Did you do as Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker 
Chambers did and go to the FBI saying, ''I got in with a bad outfit. 
I know these people. 1 think they may be dangerous?" 

Mr. Kaghan. I am not aware of when they did that. I am not 
aware it was in those years. 

Senator Mundt. I am not saying it was in those years, but they 
did do that. 

Mr. K\GHAN. When they were doing that, I was doing another type 
of fighting communism, with a newspaper in the heart of Europe, 
surrounded by the Eed army. They did it their way, and I did it 
my way. 

Senator Mundt. Mr. Chambers did it in 1939, when you were still 
working for the Chicago Tribune. 

Mr. Kaghan. The New York Herald Tribune. 

I will grant you some people found out sooner than I did and 
did something about it. But I did something about it. 

Senator Mundt. I am not questioning your motives, or when you 
found out. I am questioning the devices, what appears to be the 
complete laxity on the part of the Government, because of the fact 
that they hired you without any evidence of any kind that you had 
changed. Now, assuming that you did change, they did not make 
any' attempt to find out, apparently, either that you used to belong 
to these organizations, or that you had changed. That is what I am 
saying. According to your testimony, there was a complete laxity 
on the part of those who hired you, the OWI, or whoever it was. 
Either they made no investigation or, having made an investigation, 
they didn't care about the fact that you had had these associations. 
Is that right ? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is more or less correct, sir. There was a war 
emergency, and they needed people quickly, and fast, and they hired 
as fast as they could to do the work they had to do in psychological 

Senator Mundt. When you first openly opposed communism, in a 
way that the name of Kaghan might be associated with anti-Com- 
munist causes, I think you testified that was in Austria in about 1946. 
Is that right? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is right. That is when Kaghan's name was 
associated with anticommunism. Before that, he was just develop- 
ing and working in the Office of War Information as a Government 
employee who was handling war news and was not involved in pro- 
or anti-Communist activities. 

Senator Mundt. I know the individual whose name you give as 
reference. I met him in Austria and have a high regard for him, 
but I think the editorials you can submit are more important be- 
cause good people have been fooled in this business for a long time. 
I recall that Justice Frankfurter testified for Alger Hiss in public 


court. He thought he was a good, reputable citizen. So did Justice 
Reed. But the fact still remains that Alger Hiss was a traitor. 

So we would like to get this evidence which you are going to supply 
from your own records which you will have to agree is more authori- 
tative and more persuasive than the fact that a good man says what 
he has. 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes. Thank you. 

The Chairman. If you were doing the hiring, and your job was 
to head up this Public Affairs Section that proposed to fight com- 
munism, would you hire a man with your background, with Commu- 
nist associations? 

Mr. Kaghan. That would depend on what the man had done since 

The Chairman. Well, if, as you say, he was guilty of no overt act 
to show that he had really broken with the party, or not with the 
party but with the line, would you hire him ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I wouldn't be in a position to know, sir. If I wanted 
to hire a man, I would have to have him checked through the FBI and 
give him security clearance. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, you know that the FBI does not give 
security clearances. The FBI develops the infonnation. It is up 
to the hiring agency to either refuse or to give security clearance. 
You know that, do you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. I know that now, sir. But I would have to depend 
upon the hiring agency to have him checked by the FBI. 

The Chairman. Let us assume you were the hiring agency. Let us 
assume the FBI has checked. Let us assume the FBI has found all 
the facts Senator Mundt has recited, about living with a Communist, 
writing Communist-line plays, having them produced by Communist 
organizations. Let us assume the FBI laid all that on your desk. 
In addition to that, let us say they said, "Now, we do not find any 
overt act on the part of this man to show that he has ever broken 
with that line of thinking." Would you then hire him to head up 
this information program ? 

Mr. Kaghan. If there was no evidence to prove he had ever broken 
with that line of thinking, I certainly would not. 

The Chairman. You would not ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I would not. 

The Chairman. I do not want to belabor the point, but if you want 
to, you can now give us the evidence of your having broken with that 
line of thinking. So far you have not. 

Mr. Kaghan. I belifeve I have, sir, with all the things I have cited, 
and the fact that I moved away from these past associations and 
worked in the Office of War Information and did not participate in 
any Communist operations or activities, and that in Austria I fought 
the Communists and the Soviets. I think that is ample proof that 
I changed my mind about any good that communism could do anybody 

The Chairman. Well, now, you say you fought the Communists in 
Austria. Did not your superior. Colonel Ladue, tell you that you 
were too friendly toward the Communist cause ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He may have told me that I was friendly. I don't 
recall his ever saying that I was friendly toward the Communist 
cause, no. 


The Chairman. Can we say this: That your superior, Colonel 
Ladue, indicated to you that he felt you were not adequately fighting 
communism ? 

Mr. Kagiian. I do not recall that he did, in those terms. I am 
sure we must have had some discussions about how to fight commu- 
nism, and I am sure I probably disagreed with him on the handling 
of news, because I was a newspaperman, and he was not. 

The Chairman. Let us go back to some of this fighting of commu- 
nism as of today. Is it correct, as you told us yesterday, that my 
two investigators, who were in Germany, found that one of the men 
in your department who was lecturing in Germany was, in your 
opinion, a Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. I didn't know anything about the man 
until a couple of days ago. 

The Chairman. You know now that your lecturer over there is a 
Communist ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; I have no opinion on him. I don't know 
anything about him, except that he is said to have said something 
favorable about Malenkov. I don't know what he said. I don't 
know whether he is a Communist. I don't know the man. He is a 
German. He lectures in the America Haus. And I never met him. 

The Chairman. You told us yesterday you were in a discussion 
as to whether this man should be discontinued as a lecturer. Was it 
brought to your attention that he had said that Malenkov was peace- 
loving, that if war came it would be our fault, that they should 
adopt in Germany the educational system that the Russians had 
adopted? Was that brought to your attention? 

Mr. Kaghan. I had heard something about that. I heard just 
about that much. And I also overheard a conversation saying if 
that was the case, he should be taken off the lecture circuit. I don't 
know whether it was the case. I don't Imow who reported it. I 
don't know whether the man said it. 

The Chairman. Did you not check into that? 

Mr. Kaghan. I didn't have time, and it wasn't reported to me. It 
was reported to Mr. Boerner, who was running the Office of Public 
Affairs, and he has checked into it. And what he has done, I do not 
know at this point. 

Senator McClellan. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire ? 

Was this lecturer under your supervision ? Did you employ him ? 
In other words, do you have responsibility for him ? 

Mr. IvAGHAN. No, sir. I would have responsibility for anything 
that went on in the Office of Public Affairs while I was in charge. If 
one of the subordinates hired somebody who was a Communist, in 
the last analysis the top man is responsible for the bad judgment of the 
man under him. 

Senator McClellan. What I am trying to determine now : Appar- 
ently this is a recent occurrence. 

Mr. IvAGHAN. Yes, sir. 

Senator McClellan, When it came to your attention, was it your 
responsibility to investigate and take appropriate action? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; it was not. 

Senator McClellan. Whose responsibility was it? 

Mr. Kaghan. It was the responsibility immediately of the Public 
Affairs officer in Munich, in Bavaria. 


Senator McClellan. Is lie under your jurisdiction? 

Mr. Kaghan. He is under the jurisdiction of the Director. 

Senator McClellan. Not under yours ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not directly ; no. They are under the direct responsi- 
bility of the Office of Public Affairs. \¥hen he is there, people, Pub- 
lic Affairs officers, report to him, not to me. 

Senator McClellan. When did this come to your attention ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Just last week. 

Senator McClellan. Last week ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir; last week. 

Senator McClellan. Wliile you were still in Germany? 

Mr. Kaghan. While I was still in Germany preparing to come here. 

Senator McClellan. Had you had opportunity or time to make 
an investigation or discharge your responsibility before you left 
Bavaria ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not have time, sir, but an investigation was 
under way before I left. 

Senator McClellan. An investigation was under way? 

Mr. Kaghan. Was under way. 

Senator McCleli.an. And you do not know the outcome of it ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I heard the Director of the Office of Public Affairs 
advise the public affairs officer in ]Munich to take the men off the 
circuit until we could find out what the score was. 

Senator McClellan. In other words, peremptory action was taken 
to remove him ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Action was taken immediately to find out what the 
facts were. 

Senator McClellan. I am trying to determine what responsibility 
you had with respect to it and what action you took, if any. 

Mr. Kaghan. That particular one was not my direct responsibility. 
I would have taken action if Boerner had not been there. 

The Chairman. May I call to your attention, Senator, that Mr. 
Clucas — he is the public affairs officer, is he not? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

The Chair]man. I would like to point out that he was case No. 26 on 
a list I gave to the Tydings committee. We have here the statement 
of Irwin von Bressendorf. Do you know Irwin von Bressendorf? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't think so. 

The Chairman. In it he sets forth that when this man was lecturing 
he was urging that the educational system under the Soviets is_ so 
progressive that it should be used as a pattern in western countries, 
that he knew Malenkov personally as being a peace lover, and that 
he would not go to war unless challenged. After that was brought 
to the attention of Mr. Chicas, counsel, this lecturer, Mr. J. E. Eck- 
stein, gave how many additional lectures ? 

Mr. CoHN. He gave nine additional lectures. 

Mr. Kaghan. No ; I did not know that until yesterday when you 
told me. 

The Chairman. Would you say if Mr. Clucas is the man respon- 
sible, and he kept this man on, after he had lectured to this effect, Mr. 
Clucas should be removed? 

Mr. Kaghan. If Mr. Clucas knew that this man was giving Com- 
munist lectures, he would have stopped him. I am sure he was trying 
to get what the man did say and compare it to the report. 


Tjie Chairmax. You think Mr. Clucas is a competent official? 

Mr. Kaghan. One of the most competent oflicials we have. 

Th.e Chairman. He fully meets with your approval? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, if you do go back in your job, will 
you get for us the report of the monitoring of Mr. Eckstein's talks? 
T understand that this particular talk was monitored by the public 
afTairs officer from HICOG, and he gave your department a report to 
the effect that it was adverse to American policy. 

Mr. Kaghan. If the report was monitored, sir, and I can find such 
a report, I will certainly send it through the Department to the com- 
mittee, if I go back to Germany. 

TJie Chairman. I may say that counsel advises me that this is a 
report received from the State Department to" the effect that a public 
affairs officer from HICOG had monitored this man's talk, gave you 
a report, gave your department a report, that it was adverse to 
American policy, and that subsequent thereto this man gave 8 or 9 

Let me ask you another question : "^Hien you are Acting Director, 
3'ou have responsibility, of course, over the libraries in that section? 

Mr. Kaghan. When I am Acting Director, I have responsibility 
for libraries and everything else; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How about when you are Acting Deputy Director? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not have direct operating responsibility ; no, sir. 

The Chairman. You have? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not have. I assist the Director in running the 

The Chairman. One of your responsibilities is supervising the en- 
tire information program, including the libraries? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yps, sir. 

The Chairman. Now, do I understand that since Secretary Dulles 
issued the new order, you have been removing books by Communist 
authors from the shelves of the libraries? 

Mr. Kaghan. We have been removing the books that the Depart- 
ment has advised us to remove, by author. 

The Chairman. And they have been giving you a list of the authors 
by name? 

]\Ir. Kaghan. Yes, they have. 

The Chairman. And you do not have a blanket order to remove the 
worlvs of all known Communist authors? 

Mr. Kaghan. We had a blanket order of that kind, that famous 
"et cetera" order, and I think it has since been clarified, and specific 
names of authors are being supplied as they are found out, as they 
find we have such books. 

The Chairman. Have you, on your own, ordered the removal of 
the works of all known Communist authors, or have you ordered the 
removal of only those authors named by the State Department? 

Mr. ILvGHAN. It would be my responsibility to follow the orders 
of the State Department in that. I would not give an order to remove 
any books of that kind at such a time without instructions from the 

The Chairman. Even though you knew other known Communist 
authors' works were on the shelves, you would not order their removal ? 


Mr. Kaghax. If I knew there were other Communist authors' works 
on the shelves, I would probably order their removal, but I was not 
aware of the list of people on ths shelves. 

The Chairman. So that we have this picture completely clear, I 
assume it is agreed that the public affairs officer, a man in your posi- 
tion, should have available the works of Communists, so that you can 
tell what they are doing, what they are thinking, and can have enough 
knowledge so that you can fight communism. And we are speaking 
about these books on the shelves. We are speaking about books not 
on the shelves of some private library for the public affairs officers, 
but books for the general public of Germany. Is that right ? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is right. 

The Chairman. So these Communist books are not books merely 
for your benefit or something for men allegedly fighting communism. 
They were available for the German people in our libraries with our 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, they were. 

The Chairman. And you say you have taken the works of how many 
authors off the shelves? 

Mr. Kaghan. When I left there were 4 or 5 authors off. They may 
be more now. Possibly half a dozen before I left. When I directed 
someone to take them off, that order would go to the man in charge 
of the American Houses, who was in charge of the libraries, and he 
would remove the books. 

The Chairman. Yesterday, you said there were a dozen different 
authors. You did not know how many books. 

Mr. KL^ghan. I said it could be a dozen different authors by this 
time. I am not sure it is that many. It is as many as the Department 
ordered us to take off. 

The Chairman. You do not know how many books ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I would not have statistics on it. 

The Chairman. Would j^ou say it was proper, or improper, to have 
those books by Communist authors on your information shelves ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Kjiowii Communist authors, I do not think should be 
on our shelves ; no. 

The Chairman. Did you ever check to find out whether they were ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No ; I clid not, sir. 

The Chairman. You did not. Did you not have any interest in 

Mr. Kaghan. I would have had interest if the subject had come up, 
and I did have interest as soon as it did come up. 

The Chairman. You are spending about $61 million a year, are 
you not ? 

Mr. IQ.GHAN. I don't have the budget figures, sir. 

The Chairman. Is that roughly, the right figure ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I am sorry. I do have the budget figures. In 1952, 
we spent 

The Chairman. $62 million? 

Mr. Kaghan. $61 million, I think it is. 

The Chairman. $61 million. I assume considerable of that was 
for the purchase of books, books to fight communism, if you please, to 
demonstrate America's way of life as compared to the Communist way 
of life. Was that the purpose of buying those books ? 


Mr. Kaghan. The purpose of supplying books from tlie United 
States about the United States is to explain the American way of life 
and the American philosophy and the American position on various 
matters ; yes. 

The Chairman. Do I understand you never even checked, never 
concerned yourself with the kind of books that you were purchasing? 

Mr. Kaghan. There is a department, a division, that handles the 
purchase of books and the supplying of books. I couldn't possible 
handle it or know what books they were buying. 

The Chairman. You could not know? 

Mr. Kaghan. I would not be spending any time in that department. 
That is somebody else's department. The books are purchased by 

The Chairman. Are there not men working under you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. The man running libraries works under me, but he 
does not purchase the books. They are purchased in Washington. 

The Chairman. You say it was not your job to purchase the books? 

Mr. ICaghan. Not directly; no. 

The Chairman. Was it not your job to see that you had a good 
information program ? 

Mr. IQ.GHAN. Yes; it is my job to have as good an information and 
psychological warfare library as possible. 

The Chairman. Do I understand that no books were purchased 
from the $61 million, that they were all purchased in Washington? 

Mr. Kaghan. No; there are occasionally books purchased in 

The Chairman. You have also translated books into German? 

Mr. Kaghan. We have translated books into German. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether you translated any Com- 
munist books into German? 

Mr. Kaghan. No; I do not think we have translated any Com- 
munist books into German. 

The Chairman. Do you know? Do you know whether you have 
or have not translated books by known Communist authors into 
German ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not believe we have, sir. I have not read all 
the books that were translated, and I am pretty sure the policy would 
be against translating books of Communists. W'here they were former 
Communists is another matter. Sometimes former Communists are 
very good anti-Communist fighters, and we may have used some of 
their books, after they became anti-Communist. 

The Chairman. Now, Mr. Kaghan, you very vigorously objected 
to our two investigators who were over in your area checking on the 
books in your libraries in your information program. I gathered 
from your public statements that you thought they had done something 
radically wrong. I think the commitee would be interested in hearing 
of any improper activities on the part of the two "junketeering gum- 
shoes." Would you like to tell us what they did which you considered 
improper ? 

Mr. Kaghan. It was my opinion that they had come over on a 
very serious business and that they were investigating communism, 
which I think is a very legitimate operation for the Senate. And 
we were prepared on Easter Monday to give them a complete picture 

33616— 53— pt. 3 i 


of what we were doing in Germany about the problem. They did 
not come to this briefing that we had prepared. They showed up 
late, and I discovered or was told that they did not want to see me, 
even though my name had been bandied about at this committee, and 
that they were not going to see me. 

The Chairman. The first question they asked you, you refused to 
answer, did you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. The first question they asked me, I said I would 
answer here. I said the FBI had all the records on that. 

The Chairman. You refused to answer, did you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. At first I hesitated to answer to two young men 
whom I knew did not have any immunity, and I was a little bit con- 
cerned about the fact that they had not wanted to see me and be 
briefed on Germany in the morning when we were ready for them and 
waited for them all day. 

The Chairman. Then the reason you refused in the afternoon to 
answer the first question about your Communist activities was that, 
No. 1, they came late, in the afternoon, instead of the morning, 
and No. 2, you said there was no immunity. I did not understand 

Mr. Kaghan. I was not prepared to answer questions of that nature, 
at first, when I walked in there. And I did answer the question, after 
my first remark, that I would answer it here, or that the FBI had 
the facts. I then answered the question and told them the full story. 

The Chairman. All right. So the first objection is that they came 
in the afternoon instead of in the morning. 

Senator Mundt. Let me get that part clear. Had they made an 
appointment with you in the morning, which they failed to keep? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not exactly, sir. They were met by one of my men 
the night before, who told them that the Office of Public Affairs would 
be ready to brief them on the operations of the Information Depart- 
ment there in the morning, which was a holiday. We were all there 
to brief them. We expected that they would come. They did not say 
they would not come. 

Senator Mundt. Did they say they would come ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I am not aware that they did. 

Senator Mundt. After all, if a couple of investigators are around 
investigating your shop, I would not think that you would take any 
offense because you could not determine where they were going to 
meet and what you were going to talk about. 

That would be their business ; would it not ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. I took no offense at that. 

Senator Mundt. I do not think the fact that they saw you in the 
afternoon instead of in the morning is any very justifiable posi- 
tion for any attitude you might take, because it was up to them to 
determine when to talk to you, if at all, since, after all, part of their 
job was to investigate what was being done in your shop. That is why 
they went there. 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes. It was our impression they wanted to know 
what we were doing in the field, and I had all the people there to 
tell them. 

Senator Mundt. But it is entirely conceivable that they might want 
to find out from other sources than those selected by you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir ; it certainly is. 


Senator Mundt. So there could be no discourtesy, and no offense. 
That they did not decide to conduct the investigation according to your 
pattern should not in any way upset you. 

Mr. Kaghan. I must admit that I resented the way they went 
about it. 

Senator Mundt. Well, maybe you resented the whole investigation. 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; I welcomed the investigation. We had 
everyobdy there, with all the charts and all the information to tell 
them all about it. 

Senator Mundt. It is not a very good way to conduct an investiga- 
tion, if I may say so, to go to the people you are investigating and say, 
"Now tell us the story." So you tell them, and they come back home 
and say, "We know all about it." 

Mr. Kaghan. You are right, sir. 

Senator Mundt. That is not the way I would want our investiga- 
tions run. Then, indeed, they would be gumshoes. 

Mr. Kaghan. But I didn't think they were coming over as investi- 
gators to investigate. I thought they were coming over to find out 
about how the program operated. And the fact that I was involved 
in these hearings, that my name had been mentioned, gave me some- 
what of a personal interest in their activities. 

Senator Mundt. Naturally. And I think it was very fine that they 
did come and talk to you. I think you should appreciate that, be- 
cause it is entirely possible that a great and good investigation could 
have been conducted without ever talking to you at all. 

Mr. Kaghan. It certainly is, sir. 

Senator Mundt. But they did talk to you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. They did talk to me after the American press in Bonn 
persuaded them to, by their own admission. 

Senator Mundt. They persuaded them sometime in the morning of 
that day ? 

Mr. Kaghan. They had a press conference at 3 o'clock in the after- 
noon of that day, and they said they would not talk to me, and during 
the press conference they said, "You guys have convinced us that we 
probably ought to talk to them." And they did. 

The Chairman. I may say, and I think you know it, Mr. Kaghan, 
that when a man is being investigated, especially a man with the type 
of background that you have, the logical thing would be for them not 
to go to you and just take your story. Their job was to get over and 
get the facts. You say you knew about all the facts before they came. 
You said yesterday you did not know about this lecturer until they 
uncovered it. 

Mr. Kaghan. I didn't know about the lecturer until it was uncov- 
ered last week. 

The Chairman. Do you not think it is rather important ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I think it is important to uncover Communists In 
our information program, absolutely. 

The Chairman. Do you not think it is rather unusual that when 
you have some 2,800 people working for you, we should have to send 
2 "gumshoeing junketeers" over there to find out about this lecturer? 
Mr. Kaghan. I don't know the man is a Communist. He has been 
denounced as one. Maybe he is, and maybe he is not. I don't know 
what the man was saying or what the story is. 


Senator Mundt. Did you not testify that you knew he was talking 
in favor of Malenkov and the Kussian position ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, I testified that I had heard that he had said some- 
thing in favor of Malenkov. 

Senator Mundt. The point is not whether he is a Communist or not. 
The point is whether he is talking in favor of the Communists. That 
is the point; is it not? 

Mr. Kaghan. Absolutely, sir. 

The Chairjvian, Mr. Kaghan, is it true that HICOG had a man 
follow my investigators at all times in Europe and report by phone 
to your office? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; it is not true. 

The Chairman. It is not true ? 

Mr. Kaghan. They had an escort officer provided all VIP's. I don't 
think he followed tliem except respectfully. 

The Chairman. You saj'' you call him an escort officer? 

Mr. Kaghan. An escort officer; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Just for the record, Mr. Cohn, you informed the 
officials over there that you wanted no State Department official with 
you, that you were doing your own investigating ; is that right ? 

Mr. Cohn. That is right, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. So that this escort you are talking about did follow 
the two men? Is that right? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I don't believe he followed the two men. I 
did not know anything about their not wanting an escort officer. I do 
not believe he followed them. And the men didn't work for me, 

The Chairman. Now, do you know Mr. Slocum ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I know Mr. Slocum ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did Mr. Slocum work for you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, he does work for me. John Slocum. 

The Chapman. What is his title? 

Mr. Kaghan. He is Chief of the Public Liaison Branch. 

The Chairman. And what is the name of this escort officer you 
talked about? 

Mr. Kaghan. Monteconi. 

The Chairman. Pardon? 

Mr. Kaghan. His name is Monteconi. 

The Chairman. And he works 

Mr. Kaghan. He works for the Executive Director's office. 

The Chairman. How do you spell that ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Monteconi, M-o-n-t, I think it is, e-c-o-n-i. 

The Chairman. Now, did Mr. Slocum tell you that he got periodic 
reports from this man Monte — whatever you call him ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Monteconi ; "Monte" is what we call him. 

The Chairman. Did Mr. Slocum tell you that he was getting long- 
distance reports on the activities of Mr. Cohn and Mr. Schine? 

Mr. Kaghan. Mr. Slocum didn't tell me he was getting long- 
distance reports, sir. He occasionally said he had ascertained some- 
thing from Monteconi ; yes. 

The Chairman. Did he report to you each day ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I assume he did, during the period of their presence 
in Germany. 


The Chairman. And did he tell you whom Mr. Cohn and Mr. 
Schine had interviewed? where they had lunch? what time they ate? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; he did not. 

The Chairman. What did he tell you about, then? 

Mr. Kaghan. Mr. Slocum? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Kaghan. Mr. Slocum did no more than tell me where they were, 
as far as I can recall. 

The Chairman. Did you think that was a proper expenditure of 
public funds to hire someone to tail two committee investigators ? pay 
for his expenses while he was following them? pay for his long- 
distance phone calls for reporting in? Do you think that was a 
proper expenditure of x^ublic funds? 

Mr. Kaghan. I couldn't say, sir. The escort officer did not belong 
to my office at all. He was an escort officer who was available to take 
care of the needs of VIP's who come over there and want to know 
what is going on and need some assistance. And I believe he was 
there to assist them. 

Senator Mundt. Let me inquire : Is it a practice over there to attach 
a so-called escort officer to all official American visitors whether they 
want him or not ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not to my knowledge. I believe that is done only 
if they are wanted. 

Senator Mundt. Did you request that that be done, Counsel? 

Mr. CoHN. We requested it so much. Senator Mundt, that after 
this escort officer would keep walking in and discovering the identity 
of every confidential informant we were talking to, we made a formal 
protest to the Acting High Commissioner of German, and asked that 
this man be taken away immediately, because it was impossible to 
continue our work as a result of the exposure of the names of wit- 
nesses we were seeing, the printing of questions we asked them in the 
newspapers the next day, and various things along those lines. So I 
think it could hardly be said that he was of assistance to us. 

Senator Mundt. I am not trying to assume that you were respon- 
sible for that because it was done, as I understand it, under the orders 
of somebody else. Who did request this escort officer ; do you know ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I assumed that Mr. Wolfe, who was the executive di- 
rector, assigned him to Mr. Cohn and Mr. Schine. 

Senator Mundt. It just occurs to me that HICOG had been living 
so close to Moscow for so long that they have adopted some of the 
Moscow practices because when I was in Russia, I had an escort officer 
assigned to me that I did not want, but I could not get rid of him. 

Mr. Kaghan. I am sure, sir, if you came to Germany and you said 
you did not want an escort officer you would not have one. 

Senator Mundt. Should not that same thing hold true for official 
committee investigators ? 

Mr. IC^GHAN. I should think so. 

Senator Mundt. I would, too. 

The Chairman. Yesterday you told us that one of the reasons why 
you had this tail put on our investigators was so that 3'ou could let the 
press Imow where they were at all times. Is that still your story, as 
one of the reasons? 

Mr. KAGHAN. No, sir, if I could put those in the words I think I 
used, Mr. Slocum's business is to assist the American and the German 


and foreign press in Austria — or in Germany — to get information 
about the United States operation in Germany. And when two in- 
vestigators come over, the American press is interested in who they 
are, what they are, where they are going, and so on. Mr. Slocum does 
his best to protect the interests of the United States and serve the in- 
terests of the American press. And his interest was to be able to an- 
swer questions about Mr. Cohn and Mr. Schine insofar as possible. 

The Chairman. In other words, it is true that Mr. Slocum wanted 
this information as to where they were going and what they were 
doing so that he could keep the press informed. Is that correct? 

Mr. Kaghan. He would want to know their schedule, so that he 
could keep the press informed. 

The Chairman". I may say that we have a number of investigators 
on the committee. How many is it ? Twelve or thirteen ? And they 
travel all over the United States. And we do not have any Govern- 
ment department tailing them, as far as we Imow. In other words, 
the State Department does not tail our investigators in this country. 
It seems very unusual that you would feel justified in spending public 
money to put a tail on our investigators so that you would know where 
they were at all times. It is interesting, to say the least. 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't believe we put a tail on them, sir. 

The Chairman. An unwanted escort ? 

Mr, KLvghan. As I said yesterday, investigators in this country 
probably don't get reported on, but they probably don't give press 
conferences every time they get off and on a plane. 

The Chairman. Do you think that you should censor our investiga- 
tors, tell them when they should talk to the press? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, I do not think I should say when they should 
talk to the press, but my responsibility in Germany is to keep the 
prestige of the United "States Government and the United States 
Senate as high and as clean as possible, and when two young men come 
over and make that difficult and cast reflections on the United States 
Senate and on the United States, I take a personal interest. 

Senator Mundt. In other words, it is possible, Mr. Kaghan, that the 
fact Mr. Slocum was notifying the European press every place they 
were going to go made it easier for them to hold press conferences. 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, I think it was unnecessary for Mr. Slocum to 
notify anybody where they were going to go. 

Senator Mundt. Were you contributing to what you were consider- 
ing an evil, that is, these press conferences, by saying they were going 
to be in Hamburg, going to be somewhere else, so that they were 
alerted? You were, it seems, contributing to the very thing you 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't believe Mr. Slocum alerted them, sir. He was 
trying to answer questions from the press. And the American press 
did not follow them around Germany. They were not there. 

Senator IMundt. I do not care whether they were informed or 
alerted. Your testimony is that you think the expenditure was justi- 
fied as far as Mr. Slocum was concerned, so that Mr. Slocum could 
advise the press in response to their questions where they were going 
to be next. It would certairJy make it easier to hold a press conference 
than if the press did not know. Is that not right ? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is right. 


Senator Mundt. So you were contributing to the very thing you 
criticized. I do not know whether they held press conferences, but I 
do know that you made it easier for them to hold press conferences 
by telegraphing in advance where they were going to be. 

Senator McCleu.an. I question whether it is necessary for them to 
hold any press conferences if they are over there doing an investigat- 
ing job as an agency of the committee. I have some doubt about the 
wisdom of their holding press conferences and giving out information. 
Because it is primarily the responsibility of the committee to give 
out information. 

Mr. KagHx\n. The result, sir, of their press conferences was a raft 
of press comment and cartoons throughout the German press, which 
misinterpreted, misconstrued, and cast aspersions on the whole opera- 
tion of the committee here, which I do not think did the United States 
any good. 

Senator McClellan. I did not ask you for your comment on that. 
I just expressed my own view. I do not know what the necessity was 
or what the wisdom was in giving out press conferences. There may be 
some. But I want to know one thing. Was this man, Slocum, under 
your employment and direction, and did you give him instructions to 
perform the duties or the services that he did perform in this 
connection ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He is under my supervision and instruction. I did not 
inform him to keep track of these people. 

Senator McClellan. What directions did you give him ? Wliat in- 
structions did you give him ? 

]\Ir. Kaghan. To give whatever assistance these people needed in the 
way of meeting the press if they wanted to meet the press. 

Senator McCleli.an. After you gave them those instructions, and 
you ascertained that, and you ascertained that they did not want his 
services, did you take him off that duty? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not know the}'^ didn't want his services. I was 
not so informed. And Mr. Slocum did not follow them around. He 
was on his own, so far as I was concerned, after he was advised or 
instructed to give them whatever services they lacked. 

Senator McClellan. Do you know whether he did follow them 
around after that ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; he did not follow them around. 

Senator McClellan. Wlio did follow them, if Slocum did not? If 
someone did, who was it ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Mr. Monteconi was their escort officer and went with 

Senator McClellan. At all times? 

Mr. Kaghan. As far as I know. But he did not report to me, so I 
do not know whether he was with them at all times. 

Senator McClellan. Did Mr. Monteconi report to you that they no 
longer required his services, or did not want his services? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; he did not report anything to me. 

Senator McClellan. You say he did not report anything to you? 

Mr. I\L\ghan. No, sir; he was not responsible to me. He didn't 
report to me. 

The Chairman. I would like to say, just to clear this up for the 
benefit of the other Senators: I have eone over this in detail Avith the 


two investigators. We do know that what Mr. Kaghan says here is 
correct, in that Slociim kept the press fully informed as to where they 
were going, their train schedules, what information centers they were 
to visit. The press naturally followed them. They followed them 
through some of the libraries. Mr. Slocum, through Mr. Kaghan or 
someone else, gave the German press the names of the informants that 
these young men talked to, gave the questions and answers asked in 
many cases, and it was impossible for these young men not to answer 
the questions asked by newsmen when the newsmen were following 
them all over. I do not blame the newsmen. They were looking for 
news, and they were told where they would be at all times. It comes 
with rather bad grace from you, Mr. Kaghan, to object to their answer- 
ing the pressmen, when you tell us one of the reasons you had a tail 
on them was for ISlr. Slocum to keep the press informed as to where 
they were. I would like to make that clear. 

And I have no criticism whatsoever of these two investigators for 
having answered the questions by the press. As far as I know, there 
was no formal press conference, but when 5 or 10 newsmen contact 
investigators and say, "What are you doing? Where are you go- 
ing?" — they cannot very well stand mute. 

Mr. Cohn, did you have some questions ? 

Mr. CoHX. I wanted to just clear up this one point, Mr. Chairman. 
When we made this formal complaint to the Acting High Commis- 
sioner of Germany, before that we spoke to this" so-called escort 
officer, and he continuously denied to us that he was following us. He 
kept saying he merely happened to be riding on the same conveyances 
and staying in the same hotels, because he was on his way to meet some 
Congressman who he kept missing at every stop, and going on with us 
to the next place. So the thing finally got to the point where he would 
walk into the room each time we were talking to a witness whose iden- 
tity we did not care to have disclosed and we had to call the Acting 
High Commissioner a second time, saying we would leave Germany 
at once unless this man was withdrawn. Following that, he was with- 
drawn. But, as I say, the papers would carry the names of witnesses 
with whom we talked, and the questions we asked them. And, of 
course, that was a serious handicap. 

Senator McClellan. Did you give that information out to the press, 
or did the press obtain it from other sources? 

Mr. CoHN. We certainly did not. The press obtained it through 
other sources, and could only have obtained it, in a number of cases, 
through sources at HICOG. And we at no time revealed the name of 
any witness with whom we talked or any step being taken in the course 
of the investigation. 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, may I state at the press conference you gave in 
Bonn, you told the press you had talked to Hoofnagel, who had briefed 
you in public affairs. 

Mr. CoHN. Well, I am not going to get into a running commentary. 

The Chairman. The picture is quite clear on that now. 

Mr. Kaghan, just going back to some of your statements, do you 
say all the books for your libraries are purchased in Washington ? 

Mr. IvAGHAN. No, sir. There are some purchased in Germany. 
Very few. 


The Chairman. Have you made any attempt to get the names of the 
individuals who were responsible for putting- the Communist works 
on your shelves ? 

Mr. Kagiian. I personally have not ; no, sir. 

The Chairman. If you would get his name, and if you had the 
power to fire him, would you fire him. 

Mr. Kagiian. If I found somebody was putting Communist books 
on our shelves, I would fire him. 

The Chairman. If you found the man who had been putting them 
on the shelves, previous to the Dulles order, would you fire him? 

Mr. Kagiian. Yes; I would have to look in the circumstances, sir. 
I could not fire anyone outright, without first inquiring as to why he 
did what he did and what the purpose was. 

The Chairman. Mr. Reed Harris was quoted as saying the other 
day on a program that there were only 6 Communist books in the in- 
formation libraries, and that those were there solely for the informa- 
tion officers. If he was correctly quoted, would you say that was a 
true statement, or a false statement ? 

Mr. KiVGHAN. I am sorry, sir. Could I have the question repeated ? 

The Chairman. Mr. Eeed Harris was quoted as saying that there 
were only 6 books in our information libraries by Communist authors, 
and that they were not there for the general public but merely for 
the information officers. Is that a correct statement? 

Mr. Kaghan. I couldn't judge that statement, sir. 

The Chairman. You could not ? Is that a correct statement of the 

Mr. Kagiian. I find it difficult to answer that, because I assume that 
all the books on the shelves of the American Houses are for the gen- 
eral public. 

The Chairman. So that as far as you know, there were a sizable 
number of books by Communist authors on the general shelves for the 
general public ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; I do not know that there was a sizable 

The Chairman. Well, you said the works of some dozen Communist 
authors were there. 

Mr. IvAGHAN. I said I though that possibility by this time a dozen 
authors may have been removed. There may be fewer. I remember 
4 or 5 that I heard about. 

The Chairman. So you do know there were the works of at least 4 
or 5 Communist authors on the book shelves available to the general 
public ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes ; I know that 4 or 5 authors were ordered removed 
from the shelves. 

The Chairman. Let me ask you : Did you write a play, Beyond 

Mr. Kaghan. The name is familiar ; yes. 

The Chairml\n. Does this play consist largely of a series of con- 
versations between a father and son ? 

Mr. IL^^GHAN. Sir, I don't remember what that play was about. 

The ChxUrman. Well, I will refresh your recollection, then, if I 
may. Here is one of the speeches made by the son to the father. And 
this consists largely of a running argument, the father trying to con- 

33616' — 53 — pt. 3 5 


vince the son he should not be a Communist, the son trying to con- 
vince the father that he should be a Connnunist. Let us take the 
finale of this play. The son says : 

Well, that's a fine how-do-you-do. It isn't enough that my father has to be a 
capitalist, but he's got to come out openly and betray his employees, just like 
all the other dirty capitalists. Do I have to come here and tell my own father 
that he is a slavedriver, an exploiter of labor, an enemy to civilization? 

And the father, finally, in the close, has this to say. He says : 

Peter, Peter, for God's sake listen to me, Peter. You were right, do you hear, 
you were right ! I have been all wrong, Peter. 

Would you say that that would make good anti-Communist propa- 
ganda ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. It sounds pretty corny, now. 

The Chairman. Is it merely cornj^'? Is not that the Communist 
Party line right down to the last period ? 

Mr. Kaghan. One of those statements would be the Communist 
Party line, yes. One of the characters that said that, apparently 

The Chairman. What part of this would not be the Communist 
line? The son arguing with the father that he should be a Com- 
munist, pointing out that the father is a dirty capitalist, an exploiter 
of labor, and the father ending by saying : "You were right, do you 
hear, you were right! I have been all wrong, Peter." 

Is that not Communist propaganda ? 

Mr. Kaghan. That would be Communist propaganda if that is what 
the whole play ends up with and is about. I don't recall what the 
play is about. 

The Chairman. Would you like to review that play and give us 
your view of it ? 

Mr. Kaghan. If you wish ; yes, sir. 

The Chairjsian. Yes; I would like to have you do it. 

I think this is what we will let you do. We will be going over your 
plays. Just so there will be no claim that we have taken the material 
out of context, I believe j^ou should review these plays of yours and 
come back here tomorrow morning, and tell us which ones you con- 
sider are Communist-line plays and which ones are not ; whether you 
think w^e have been unfair to you in reading the excerpts that we have. 

Now let me ask you this question. If you today felt the same as you 
felt in 1939, would you think that you were a proper man to head this 
information program ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Highly improper, would it not be? 

Mr. Kaghan. If I had any ideas of signing any Communist peti- 
tions, I would be highly improper for this job. 

The Chairman. You claim that the whole State Department was 
justified in hiring you because you convinced them that you had 
actuallv changed or reformed ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I was not hired by the State Department, sir, in those 
days. I was hired by the Office of War Information. 

The Chairman. Well, j'ou were finally hired by the Acheson State 
Department to head up its information program; were you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. Finally; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And you claim they were justified in hiring you 
and putting you into this important position because some place in 
between, before 1939, the time they put you on the payroll, you had 
proven that you had reformed. 


Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. They had the word of Gen. Geoffrey Keyes, 
the High Commissioner in Austria, under whom I worked, who said : 

I consider that your organizational ability, competent supervision, journalistic 
talents, and sound judgment are chiefly responsible for the tirm establishment 
and oi>eration of this paper during the past S^^ years. Furthermore, under your 
^idance, we have initiated and fuUilled the responsibility placed upon us by 
the Department of the Army for the conduct of a positive public-infoi'mation 
program in Austria. As you linow, the formulation and implementation of our 
policies in this critical location have required the most serious consideration of 
their effect on local and world opinion. Your judgment and recommendations 
on these matters have been invaluable to me. 

Signed, "Lt. Gen. Geoffrey Keyes, United States High Commis- 
sioner in Austria." 

I think on the basis of that, the State Department was probably 
justified in hiring me for Germany. 

The Chairmax. Subsequent to that time, were letters of charges 
filed on you under the loyaltj?^ program? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir; they were. 

The Chairmax. And that was in connection with your application 
to get a job with the Voice of America ? 

Mr. Kagiiaxt. No, sir ; I do not know it was in connection with any 
application to get a job under the Voice of America. 

The Chairmax. Did you not learn, that you have flunked that 
security-loyalty investigation ? 

Mr. Kaghax. I learned it in the newspapers. 

The Chairman. Pardon? 

Mr. Kaghax. I read that in the newspapers. Wliether it is true or 
not, I do not know. I could not be flunked, sir, because I have had 
clearance officially from the State Department's Loyalty and Security 

The Chairmax^. Do you think, as of today, that you are the proper 
man to run the job there? 

Mr. Kaghax. Yes; I do. 

The Chairmax. We do not have permission to sit, so we will have 
to recess. 

Mr. Kaghan, I think you should have sufficient time to dig up those 
editorials which you say are available in the State Department, that 
you wrote at some time or other, and you should have sufficient time 
to review these various plays. I do not think you would have time 
between now and 10 : 30 tomorrow morning. We will give you the 
entire weekend for that. Will that give you sufficient time ? 

Mr. Kaghax. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax^. I think we have a hearing for Monday. We will 
give you until Tuesday morning. That will give you plenty of time; 
will it not ? 

Mr. Kaghax". Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. I may say you are free to put in the record anything 
that you think will be of benefit to the committee and anything which 
will create what you consider the correct light on your position, any 
letters from any of your associates, reports, editorials, et cetera, 
O. K.?^ 

Mr. KaghxVX^. Next Tuesday morning, sir? 

The Chairmax. At 10 : 30. 

Mr. Kaghax. Thank you. 

( WHiereupon, at 12 : 05 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 10 : 30 a. m., Tuesday, May 5, 1953.) 


TUESDAY, MAY 5, 1953 

United States Senate, 
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on IN^^ESTIGATIONS 

OF THE Committee on Go\T!;rnment Operations. 

Washington^ D. G. 

The subcommittee met (pursuant to S. Kes. 40, agreed to January 
30, 1953) at 10: 30 a. m., in room 357 of the Senate Office Building, 
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, chairman, presiding. 

Present: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, Republican, Wisconsin; 
Senator Karl E. Mundt, Republican, South Dakota: Senator Everett 
McKinley Dirksen, Republican, Illinois ; Senator Henry M. Jackson, 
Democrat, Washington; Senator Stuart Symington, Democrat, Mis- 

Present also : Roy M. Cohn, chief counsel ; G. David Schine, chief 
consultant; Daniel G. Buckley, assistant counsel; Ruth Young Watt, 
chief clerk. 

The Chairman. The hearing will come to order. 

We are to hear from Mr. Kaghan this morning. However, before 
Mr. Kaghan testifies we have several other witnesses who have testi- 
mony they want to give in regard to Mr. Kaghan's operations. 

I think, Mr. Kaghan, you should hear them first. You will want 
to answer them, also. 

Mr. CoHN. Mr. Julius Epstein, please. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand, Mr. Epstein? In 
this matter now in hearing before the committee, do you solemnly 
swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Epstein. I do. 

The Chairman. Mr. Cohn. 

Mr. Cohn. Give us your full name, please, Mr. Epstein. 


Mr. Epstein. Julius Epstein. 

Mr. Cohn. And do you reside in New York City ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

Mr. Cohn. Mr. Epstein, are you a journalist by profession? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Cohn. Presently employed as such ? 

Mr. Epstein. I am a foreign correspondent for the Industrie- 
Kurier, Dusseldorf, Germany. I am also writing for some Ameri- 
can publications and newspapers. 



Mr, CoHN. And in addition to your activities as a journalist, are 
you the author of some books ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes, sir. 

Mr, CoHN, And have you been employed by the United States 
Government ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes, I vras employed by the Office of War Informa- 
tion during the war from 1942 to 1944. 

The Chaikman, May I interrupt ? 

Is the press having difficulty hearing this witness ? 

The newsmen behind you would like to hear what you are saying, 
Mr, Epstein, and I am having difficulty, sitting here in front of you, 
in hearing all that you have to say. 

Will you ask that question over again ? 

Mr. CoHN. You are a journalist, Mr, Epstein, and an author, and 
you have been employed by the United States Government, having 
been an editor with the Office of War Information during the war ; is 
that correct ? 

Mr, Epstein, That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. And as a consequence of your journalistic activities, 
and representing German newspapers that you do, are you familiar 
with the newspaper situation in Germany ? 

Mr, Epstein, Yes, I am familiar to a certain degree. 

Mr, CoHN, Are you familiar particularly with a newspaper known 
as Neue Zeitung ? 

Mr, Epstein, Yes, sir ; I am familiar with the history of the Neue 
Zeitung, and its editor. 

Mr, CoHN, Its editor is a man named Hans Wallenberg; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

The Chairman. I think the record should show at this point that 
Neue Zeitung is a paper which the Information Services of HICOG, 
the High Commissioner of Germany, are presently running in Ger- 
many. Is that correct ? 

Mr. CoHN, Yes, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Kaghan has testified that 
Neue Zeitung is the official newspaper of the United States Informa- 
tion Service, of which Mr, Kaghan is Acting Deputy Director, and 
that he himself has been partially responsible for the operation of that 
paper. That is one of the main activities under the information pro- 
gram, of which he is Acting Deputy Director, and he has testified, too, 
about Mr, Wallenberg who, under Mr, Kaghan and his colleagues, is 
editor of that newspaper. 

Now, I want to ask you this, Mr. Epstein. Do you know Hans 
Wallenberg, who is editor of this official newspaper of the United 
States Information Service? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. sir. I know Hans Wallenberg. 

Mr. CoHN. Has Hans Wallenberg, to your knowledge, ever been 
active in the Communist movement ? 

Mr, Epstein, Hans Wallenberg was, in the years 1939 and 1940, the 
executive secretary of the German- American Writers Association, a 
Stalinist and Communist-front organization of German refugee 
writers in New York. 

Mr, CoHN. And were you personally familiar with some of Mr. 
Wallenberg's activities in that organization ? 


Mr. Epstein. Yes, I am personally familiar with his activities as 
executive secretary of that organization. 

Mr. CoiiN. Were j'oii present at a meeting of that organization 
when a resolution was introduced seeking to condemn Stalin at the 
time of the Hitler-Stalin Pact? 

Mr. Epstein. They never condemned Stalin, After the outbreak 
of the war, they made a press release accusing Hitler. When I read 
this, I asked the directors and officers of the German-American Writers 
Association to call a meeting for all members, and I complained about 
the method and I complained about the fact that they did not accuse 
and did not mention Stalin, who was an ally of Hitler. And I moved 
a resolution to that purpose. But they didn't vote upon my reso- 
lution, and Hans Wallenberg sided, with the Stalinist majority. 
Then I left the organization. I resigned immediately and left the 
I'oom of this meeting, in October, September or October. 1939. in New 

The Chairman. You say at that time Wallenberg was with the 
Stalinist majority? 

]\[r. Epstein. Yes. 

The Chairman. Would you say that he was actively in the Com- 
munist movement at that time? 

Mr. Epstein. I do not know whether he was activelj^ a member of 
the party or not, but the German American Writers Association was 
a subsidiary of the Schutzverband Deutscher Schriftsteller in Paris. 
That is only the German title of the same organization in Paris. And 
this organization was closed and dissolved by the French Govern- 
ment, because an investigation had shown that it was a purel}' Com- 
munist agency. It was closed by order of the Seine tribunal in Paris. 

The Chairman. Do you have any information to the effect that 
Wallenberg might have at some time later broken with the Commu- 
nist movement ? 

Mr. Epstein. I have no such information. 

The Chairman. Pardon me. Go ahead. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, Mr. Epstein, I want to come to some of Mr. T\ al- 
lenberg's later activities. What is particularly relevant to us is Ais 
activities when he became the editor of Neue Zeitung, and became 
active, first, witE the United States Information Program and their 
newspaper in Germany. When did Mr. Wallenberg become con- 
nected with Neue Zeitung ? 

Mr. Epstein. As far as I know. Mr. Wallenberg became connected 
with the Neue Zeitung already in 1945, when Hans Habe was the 
first editor in chief of the Neue Zeitung. Hans Habe brought to 
Munich Stefan Heym, a Communist writer, who a few days ago sent 
back to President Eisenhower his Bronze Star and his .^Vnierican Army 
commission and fled to Eastern Germany. 

The Chairman. I am having a lot of difficulty following you on 

Will you, Mr. Cohn, try and recap what the witness said ? 

Mr. CoHN. ]Mr. Epstein, do I understand your testimony to be that 
following Wallenberg's association with Neue Zeitung, in 1945, the 
paper was headed by Hans Habe, that Wallenberg was there, and 
that Stefan Heym was actually working for our paper in Germany? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes; he was an editor and contributor to the Neue 
Zeitung, and the editor in chief was Hans Habe. 


Mr. CoHN. Was Mr. Wallenberg with Neue Zeitung at that time ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

The Chairman. May I interrupt? For Senator Symington's bene- 
fit, this is Mr. Epstein, who is a journalist, who has written books, has 
worked for the United States Government. He has testified that Mr. 
Wallenberg, who is the editor of the paper run by the Information 
Service in Berlin, a paper that is costing us about $3 million a year — 
is that right ? 

Mr. CoHN. Yes. 

The Chairman. Mr. Wallenberg was editor and active in a Com- 
munist-dominated organization in the early 1940's during the Hitler- 
Stalin pact. At that time this organization was willing to condemn 
Hitler but not Stalin, and Wallenberg was part of the Stalinist ma- 
jority. That is essentially the testimony so far, I believe. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, you tell us that Mr. Wallenberg's connection with 
Neue Zeitung began in 1945, that Hans Habe was then the editor, 
Mr. Wallenberg was on the staff, and Stefan Heym was also on the 
staff of our newspaper there. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, did there come a time when Mr. Wallenberg be- 
come editor of Neue Zeitung ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. I think it was in 1946, when Mr. Wallenberg 
became the editor in chief of the Neue Zeitung in Munich. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, tliis is very important, Mr. Epstein. Can you tell 
us whether, while Mr. Wallenberg was editor of the United States 
Information Service program newspaper in Germany, he employed 
any Communists to write for that newspaper? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. When I made a research in the Library of Con- 
gress and went to Washington and asked for the volumes of the Neue 
Zeitung edited by Mr. Wallenberg, I found amongst the contributors 
to Wallenberg's Neue Zeitung a row of card-carrying members of the 
Communist Party, among them the most prominent writers of the 
German and Czech Communist Party. 

Mr. CoHN. This was as of what time? 

IMr. Epstein. This covered the year 1946 and 1947. 

Mr. CoHN. And Mr. Wallenberg, during that period, was the 
editor ? 

Mr. Epstein. He was the editor of the Neue Zeitung. 

Mr. CoHN. The official newspaper of the United States information 
program ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. And his name appears on it. 

Mr. CoiiN. And that' was the official newspaper of the United 
States Government? 

Mr. Epstein. This was the only daily newspaper owned by the 
American Government. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, would you name for us those Cormnunist Party 
members who were writing for Neue Zeitung under Mr. Wallenberg s 
editorship ? 

Mr. Epstein. Well, there was Stefan Heym, as I mentioned before. 
I found articles by Johannes R. Becher, B-e-c-h-e-r, one of the most 
prominent Communist writers, brought back from Moscow to Berlin 
to conduct the Communist propaganda in Germany. 

The Chairman. You say this man was brought from Moscow to 


Mr. Epstein. Yes; Becker lived as a refugee during the war in 
Moscow, and was one of the cofounders of the Free German Com- 
mittee in Moscow. After the war the Russian Government sent 
Johannes R. Becher to Germany, and he became Commissar for Cul- 
tural Affairs in Germany, and he is still there. 

The Chairman. His name was 

Mr. Epstein. Johannes R. Becher, B-e-c-h-e-r. 

Mr. CoHN. Where is Mr. Becher now ? 

Mr. Epstein. Mr. Becher is now in Berlin. 

Mr. CoHN. In the American Zone ? 

Mr. Epstein. In the Soviet Zone. 

Mr. CoHN. In the Soviet Zone. 

Mr. Epstein. Yes, and he is one of the high officials of the German 
Soviet Government. 

Mr. CoHN. And this man was writing for our newspaper in 
Germany ? 

Mr. Epstein. This man was writing for Hans Wallenberg's news- 
paper. I also found a whole series of articles written by F. C. Weis- 
coph, W-e-i-s-k-o-p-f, a very well known Communist writer, who 
3ecame, after the Communist coup d'etat in Prague, counsel to the 
Czech Embassy in Washington and later Ambassador for the Czech 
Government in Sweden and Peiping. I found articles in Hans 
Wallenberg's Neue Zeitung written by Anna Seghers, one of the most 
prominent women writers in the party. 

Mr. CoHN. Would you give us the spelling of her name? 

Mr. Epstein. Anna Seghers, S-e-g-h-e-r-s. 

Mr. CoHN. Have you named the five? 

Mr. Epstein. Pardon? 

Mr. CoHN. Let me see if I understand this. You say under Wal- 
lenberg's editorship of our newspaper in Germany, five Communists 
were employed and used as writers for this paper. You have named 
Stefan Heym, who, of course, within the last few weeks has gone 
over to the Soviet side. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. And you have named a man by the name of Becher, 
B-e-c-h-e-r ? 

Mr. Epstein. Becher; yes. 

Mr. CoHN. Is that right ? And you say he is now one of the Com- 
munist leaders in the Soviet zone ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes; that is right. He is one of the oldest members 
of the German Communist Party. He became a member, already, 
in 1919, 1 guess. 

Mr. CoHN. Then you named a woman, Anna Seghers. That was 

Mr. Epstein. S-e-g-h-e-r-s. 

Mr. CoHN. And where is she now ? 

Mr. Epstein. She is in the Eastern Zone, in the Soviet Zone of 

Mr. CoHN. And who are the other two? 

Mr. Epstein. The other two? F. C. Weiskopf, W-e-i-s-k-o-p-f. 
He became the first Czech Communist Ambassador to Sweden, and 
later to Peiping, and he worked as a consul at the Czech Communist 
Embassy in Washington. 

33616 — 53 — pt. 3 6 


Mr. CoHN. And who is the fifth ? 
Mr. Epstein. Stefan Heym. 

The ChxVIRman. I think you only named four so far. 
Mr. Epstein. I named Stefan Heym, Johannes R. Becher, F. C. 
Weiskopf, and Anna Seghers. 

Mr. CoHN. There were 4. Right? I kept saying "5." I am sorry. 
In other words, your testimony is that these four Communists were 
and continue to be active functionaries of the Communist Party while 
writing for our official newspaper in Germany under the editorship of 
this Mr. Wallenberg, who is still the editor of that newspaper. Is 
that correct ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, do you know the employment arrangement Mr. 
Wallenberg had with these people ? 
Mr. Epstein. No ; I don't know. 

Mr. CoHN. All you knoAv is that they were writing for our news- 
paper. Is that right ? 
Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, did there come a time, Mr. Epstein, when it came 
to your attention that Mr. Wallenberg was being considered for 
an even higher post in the United States information program, 
namely, a post with the Voice of America ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. Hans Wallenberg came back from Germany in 
1947, and he was slated to become a top adviser with the Voice of 
America in New York. 

Mr. Cohn. Who was about to appoint him to that job ? 
Mr. Epstein. This was Mr. Charles Thayer, at that time the head 
of the Overseas Branch of the Voice of America in New York. 

The Chairman. Charles 

Mr. Epstein. Thayer. T-h-a-y-e-r. 

The Chairman. Is that the Mr. Thayer who has recently been dis- 
charged by Mr. Dulles ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, when it came to your attention that Mr. Wallen- 
berg had come back and was about to become a top adviser to Charles 
Thayer, did you make an objection to this appointment? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. Wlien I heard about it, I wrote an article, "Hans 
Wallenberg and the Voice of America." 

Mr. CoHN. In that article, did you set forth names, dates, and 
places concerning Wallenberg's Communist record and the use of 
these Communists? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. I exposed his pro-Communist and pro-Stalinist 
background in this article, which appeared under my name. 

Mr. CoHN. And after you wrote this in public print, without any 
immunity, did Mr. Wallenberg bring a libel suit ? 

Mr. Epstein. Well, first the State Department investigated Mr. 
Wallenberg, and the security investigator came to New York and 
questioned Mr. Wallenberg. And I had the opportunity to talk to 
this investigator. He told me, in the presence of another witness, 
"Wallenberg admitted every fact Epstein has written." So this man 
wrote a report, which probably is now in the security files of the 
State Department. 

The Chairman. May I say in fairness to Mr. Wallenberg that he 
would not be expected to bring a libel suit necessarily. If I brought 


a libel suit against everyone who libeled me, I would do nothing else 
but be in court all the time. But he did bring a libel suit? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. But this was much later. He brought a libel 

suit after 1 year. <. v • 

Mr. CoHN. He brought the libel suit just alter the statute ot limi- 
tations had run. Is that right ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is right. 

Mr. CoHN. And this was in 1949 ? 

Mr. Epstein. This was in 1949. 

Mr. CoHN. And is it a fact that since that suit was brought, Mr. 
Wallenberg has done nothing to press that suit? 

Mr. Epstein. Nothing to my knowledge. I am still waiting for my 
day in court. 

Mr. CoHN. And that suit has not been pressed. Did it come to your 
attention that the State Department had denied security clearance to 
Mr. Wallenberg for this post with Mr. Thayer? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

Mr. CoHN. I might state, Mr. Chairman, that we have checked 
with the Department of State and have been advised that Mr. Wallen- 
berg was in fact denied security clearance on that occasion, although 
apparently on a subsequent occasion there was a reopening of the 
case, in an attempt to seek security clearance for him, and we are 
awaiting further report from the State Department on that situation. 

Now, following the denial of the security clearance, do you know 
whether or not Mr. Wallenberg went back and resumed his activities 
as editor of Neue Zeitung? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

Mr. CoHN. Is he editor of Neue Zeitung today? 

Mr. Epstein. He is today editor in chief and publisher of the Neue 

Mr. CoHN. When did he go back to Germany? Do you know? 

Mr. Epstein. In 1949, late 1949. 

Mr. CoHN. Has he been continuously the editor, Senator Dirksen 
wants to know, since that period of time ? 

Mr. Epstein. Pardon ? 

Mr. CoHN. Has Wallenberg been the editor continuously since that 
period of time ? 

]Mr. Epstein. Yes. That is right. 

Mr. CoHN. Is he now the editor ? 

Mr. Epstein. He is now the editor. 

Mr. CoHN. I want to ask you this, Mr. Epstein. I know we called 
you to come down here on very short notice, and we have asked you 
to prepare some excerpts from Neue Zeitung under Wallenberg's 
editorship. You have told us you will prepare some, which we will 
check, and after we have checked them and checked the translations, 
I will ask the chairman for permission to insert them for the record. 

There is one quote which you did show us last night, and which we 
did have checked, and I wonder if you could give that to us now. 

I can read that. Would you identify it first, stating from where it 
comes ? 

The Chairman. I suggest that you read it and identify the source. 

Mr. CoHN. I will read this quote you furnished us from a writing of 
Wallenberg, and afterward I would like you to give us the date and 


give US the original article from Neue Zeitimg, which we can have for 
the record. 
The quote is : 

Between 1937 and 1946, there were 9 hard years, which, generally speaking, 
have proved Soviet policy right. Therefore it is no wonder that the victorious 
nation, aggrandized by the newly acquired countries of Latvia, Estonia, Lithu- 
ania, Karelia, the Carpatho-Ukraine, Ruthenia, Moldavia, Sakhalin, and East 
Prussia, votes exactly the same way as the threatened nation did. 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. Now, the words : "Between 1937 and 1946, there were 9 
hard years, which, generally speaking, have proved Soviet policy 
right" — you say those words were Mr. Wallenberg's in Neue Zeitung ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. Here is the original photostated. The date is 
February 15, 1946. 

Mr. CoHN. And that is the same Mr. Wallenberg who is now still 
the editor of that newspaper. Is that right ? 

Mr. Epstein. That is correct. 

Mr. CoHN. Our official newspaper. 

May that copy be received in the record, Mr. Chairman ? We are 
having one further translation checked, as I know you will want to 
have that done before you receive anything into the record. 

The Chairjman. I suggest that it be marked as an exhibit, rather 
than having it put in the record. It will be marked as an exhibit. 

(Material from Neue Zeitung, dated February 15, 1946, was marked 
"Exhibit No. 10," and may be found in the files of the subcommittee.) 

Mr. CoHN. Was this a signed editorial, do you know ? 

Mr. Epstein. This is an article, World Political Review, by Hans 

Mr. CoHN. This is a signed article by Mr. Wallenberg ? 

Mr. Epstein. It is. 

Mr. CoHN. I have no further questions of Mr. Epstein. 

The Chairman. Mr. Dirksen ? 

Senator Dirksen. Let me go back for a moment to Mr. Stefan 
Heym. Will you tell us what happened to him? What about this 
Army commission, and where is he at the present time ? 

Mr. Epstein. He has always been a Communist. He was a mem- 
ber of the Communist youth group in Germany, and I met him for 
the first time in 1933, in Prague, Czechoslovakia, when I came to 
Prague as a refugee from Germany. I met him again in New York, 
M^here he was editor of the German Communist weekly called Volks 
Echo, V-o-l-k-s E-c-h-o. And he entered the Army 

Senator Dirksen. Entered the Army where ? 

Mr. Epstein. During the war. 

Senator Dirksen. Here, or abroad ? 

Mr. Epstein. No, here. He became a member of the Army. 

Senator Dirksen. Did he serve in uniform ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

Senator Dirksen. Wliere did he serve, if you know ? 

Mr. Epstein. This I don't know. 

Senator Dirksen. Abroad, or at home? 

Mr. Epstein. Abroad. And he received the Bronze Star. 

Senator Dirksen. Was he an enlisted man, or an officer ? 

Mr. Epstein. He was an officer. 


Senator Dikksen. What rank ? 

Mr. Epstein. I don't know. 

Senator Dirksen. He received the Bronze Star ? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

Senator Dirksen. And I suppose he was in service until after V-E 

Mr. Epstein. Yes, certainly he was. 

Senator Dirksen. Now, then, what happened to him from that 
point on ? 

Mr. Epstein. Well, he wrote articles and books. As I was told, one 
of his anti-American books was printed in America and is now being 
reprinted in the Soviet Zone in Germany. . 

Senator Dirksen. "V\niat is the title ? 

Mr. Epstein. I don't know the title, but I can provide it for you. 

Senator Dirksen. How old is Mr. Heym ? 

Mr. Epstein. Mr. Heym is about, I would say, 39 or 40. 

Senator Dirksen. Do you spell his name with an "n" or "m" ? 

Mr. Epstein. H-e-y-m. 

Senator Dirksen. You said he sent his commission back to the 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. It was a news story, Senator, a few weeks ago, 
that he renounced his American citizenship. 

Senator Dirksen. Wliere did tliis story appear? 

Mr. Epstein. This story appeared in every newspaper. I read it in 
the New York Times, in the Herald Tribune, and in other papers. He 
renounced his American citizenship. He fled to the Soviet zone, be- 
cause he "couldn't endure the oppression in the American zone," and 
he sent back to President Eisenhower his Army commission and the 
Bronze Star he had received. 

Senator Dirksen. And he is presently, then, in the Soviet zone? 

Mr. Epstein. He is presently in the Soviet zone. 

Senator Dirksen. You do not know his activity at the present time? 

Mr. Epstein. No, certainly not. 

The Chairman. I am going to suggest to counsel that you obtain the 
public statement made by JVlr. Heym when he went behind the Iron 
Curtain. He had some rather vigorous statements to make about 
America at that time, and in praise of the Communist regime. I think 
it should be put in the record at this point, if you will get that. 

(The statement referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 11," and will 
be found in the appendix on p. 243.) 

Senator Dirksen. Do you have a copy of that dispatch, Mr. Ep- 
stein ? 

Mr. Epstein. I have it in my files in New York. 

Senator Dirksen. It is available? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. Certainly. It was about 2 weeks ago in every 

The Chairman. That will be put in the record. 

May I ask Mr. Cohn or Mr. Schine : Can you tell me how many of 
Mr. Heym's books are in our Information libraries now throughout 
the world? 

Mr. Schine. We do not know at this time, Mr. Chairman. We will 
check that information. They are in wide use. 

The Chairman. They are in wide use. 


Senator Dirksen. AVere you on the staff of the Neue Zeitung in 
Munich, Mr. Epstein? 

Mr. Epstein. The main editorial office is no more in Munich. I 
think it is now in Frankfurt. 

Senator Dirksen. And where were you on duty with this news- 
paper ? 

Mr. Epstein. I was never on duty with this newspaper. 

Senator Dirksen. I see. You were a sort of free-lance journalist? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes; I am a free-lance journalist and foreign corre- 

Senator Dirksen. How old are you? 

Mr. Epstein. I am 51. 

Senator Dirksen. How much time have you spent abroad? 

Mr. Epstein. I spent all my life, until I came to this country, 
abroad. I was born in Vienna, lived in Germany, and after Hitler 
came to power I went to Prague, later to Switzerland and France, and 
I came over to America on March 9, 1939. 

Senator Dirksen. And your present occupation now is that of a 
journalist and an author? 

Mr. Epstein. Yes. 

The Chairman. That is all, Mr. Epstein. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. Epstein. Thank you. 

The Chairman. You have one more brief witness, do you, Mr. 

Mr. CoHN. Just one more before Mr. Kaghan. 

Mrs. Utley? 

The Chairman. You have been previously sworn, Mrs. Utley. 

May I say that there are many things we would like to question you 
on this morning. We may not cover the entire scope of your testi- 
mony. We may restrict ourselves largely to the things connected 
with Mr. Kaghan, because we want to hear Mr. Kaghan this morning. 
If we do not hear you fully, you will be called back in the next few 
days to complete your testimony. 

I know about your trips through Europe that you made recently, 
and I think you have a lot of valuable information for the committee. 
We may not take all of that this morning. 

Mr. Cohn. Mrs. Utley, as the chairman indicated, this morning I 
want to ask you about two specific items which you discussed with 
Mr. Schine and myself before we went abroad. Now, first, as a matter 
of identification, you are Freda Utley, the author; is that correct? 


Mrs. Utley. I am. 

Mr. CoHN. And could you name your last two books ? 

Mrs. Utley. The China Story, and The High Cost of Vengeance on 

Mr. CoHN. And you are also the author of Lost Illusion; is that 

Mrs. Utley. Yes. 

The Chairman. May I interrupt? I think we should have the 
record complete now, as to the books which Stefan Heym wrote which 
are in the Information Program, their locations. 


No. 1, The Crusaders. The locations : ]Mexico, JMoutevideo, Stock- 
holm, Lisbon, and The Hague. No. 2, Les Croises. The locations: 
Algiers, Belgrade, Casablanca. A third one, entitled "The Hostages." 
Locations : Florence, Belgrade, Iloilo, Lahore, Palermo, Naples, Milan, 
and Turin. The fourth, Of Smiling Peace, is in the armed-services 
edition. It is impossible to know the com])lete whereabouts of that. 
That is apparently one printed by the armed services. 

You have verified this, have you, through the State Department? 

Mr. Buckley. Yes, sir. 

The CiiAiRMAx. In order that we may have you fully identified, 
you are an author, have written a number of books, and I understand 
about 25 or 30 years ago for a short period of time you were a member 
of the British Communist Party ^ 

Mrs. Utley. I was a member of the British Conmmnist Party from 
1928 to 1930 only. 

The Chairman. And you were a member from 1928 to 1930. 

Mrs. Utley. Actually, I went to live in Russia at the end of 1930, 
and did not apply to join the Russian Comnumist Party. 

Senator Symington. Your membership in the British Communist 
Party extended from 1928 until what date^ 

Mrs. L^TLEY. I lapsed out, and I ceased to be a member in 1931. 

The Chairman. I think Senator Symington's question was: You 
were a member of the British Communist Party from 1928 until when ? 

Mrs. Utley, Until 1930, or, to put it on the outside, the middle of 

The Chairman. 1930 or 1931. And then you went to live in Russia 
when ? 

Mrs. Utley. I went to live in Russia in September 1930. And, since 
I was disillusioned very rapidly, I did not apply to transfer to the 
Russian Communist Party ; and, therefore, ceased to be a member of 
the Communist Party. But I remained in Russia because I was 
married to a Russian, and he could not leave. 

The Chaiioian. Now, your husband, who was a Russian, was he 
liquidated? Was he killed by the Communist Party? 

Mrs. Utley. He was arrested in April 1936, condemned to a concen- 
tration camp without trial, and I have long presumed him dead. 

The Chairman. In other words, you went to Russia with your 
husband, and in April of 1936 he was arrested by the Conmiunists, 
and you say without a trial he was condemned to a concentration 
camp, and you have not heard from him since ? 

Mrs. Utley. Right. 

The Chairman. And let me ask you this. You have been active 
in writing books and articles that are definitely anti -Communist. Is 
that correct ? 

Mrs. Utley. I have been engaged in writing such books since 1939. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. CoHN. Mrs. Utley, as I say, we want to ask you this morning 
about two specific items concerning the information progi-am in Ger- 
many, in HICOG, which you talked to Mr. Schine and myself about 
before we went abroad, and which we were able to check on in some 
detail while in Germany. The first one is this. You spent a con- 
siderable period of time in Germany during the last year; is that 
correct ^ 

Mrs. Utley. Yes. I was there more than half of last year. 


Mr. CoHN. While yon were in Germany, did there come to yonr 
attention the fact that the United States information program had 
paid for and begnn to distribute a book which followed the Commu- 
nist line? 

Mrs. Utley. In November last, Mr. Cohn. the German papers were 
full of this scandal. And I think one of them, for instance, a Cologne 
paper, said, this is only typical : 

American officials in the Federal Republic embarrassedly admitted that they 
financed Communist propaganda when giving 200,000 deutschemarks — 

That is roughly $45,000, I think. 
Mr. Cohn. That is about $45,000. 
Mrs. Utley. Yes. 200,000 deutschemarks — 

to Anna and Louisa Peters to publish their Synchronoptical World History. 

Mr. Cohn. Synchronoptical World History. Was that the name 
of the book ? 

JNIrs. Utley. Yes. It is called Synchronoptische Weltgeschichte. 
And it also said that : 

Recalling that this so-called history book had been distributed to Amerika 
Hauses and reading rooms, papers stressed that it was only after more than a 
thousand copies of the book were already in circulation that the publishers were 
unmasked as Communists. 

That is actually a summary of what was being said in the German 
press, given out by the daily press review issued by HICOG. That is, 
our own people admitted it. 

Mr. Cohn. Do you have a copy of that book here in the hearing 
room with you ? 

Mrs. Utley. Here is the book. 

Mr. Cohn. Have you been able to go through that book in some 
detail ? 

Mrs. Utley. I have spent several days now going through that 

Mr. Cohn. How is the book set up? Could you tell us that? 

Mrs. Utley. Yes. It is a little difficult to explain. It is all done 
like a tremendous chart. It follows on page after page. They are 
all connected. And the book is divided up into historical person- 
ages, wars and revolutions, technical achievements, cultural develop- 
ments, and so on, in different sections, and different kinds of print, 
and different kinds of colors. You cannot exactly read it. You 
have to study it and look things up in it. 

Mr. Cohn. You say during the last several days you have made an 
intensive study of this book. Is that right? 

Mrs. Utley. I have. 

Mr. Cohn. Having examined this book, Mrs. Utley, can you tell us 
whether or not you believe the charge that it follows the Comnumist 
line is a well-founded charge? 

Mrs. Utley. I do believe it to be a well-founded charge, because this 
book is quite definitely historical materialism, without any doubt. 
That is, it is a Marxist history of the world. And secondly, it takes 
pains to always boost everything Kussian, just like a Soviet book does; 
even prerevolutionary Russia. They will give space to every little 
thing, like mentioning that a bell was cast in the Kremlin, while 
giving no space or very little space to really important world events. 


The Chairman. Have you, at the request of the committee, trans- 
lated several excerpts from this book? 

Mrs. Utley. Do you want me to read some ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

May I suggest, in view of the fact that Mrs. Utley has given you 
the excerpts, Mr. Cohn, and you have checked them, that it might 
expedite matters if you would read the excerpts and have Mrs. Utley 
identify them ? 

Mr. Cohn. I will read, first, Mrs. Utley, and I wish you would 
follow along, a quotation from this book, when the authors describe 
their version of Josef Stalin. Is that correct? 

Mrs. Utley. Right. 

Mr. Cohn. You follow along. Stalin: 

Soviet statesman * * * bound up the solution of national questions with the 
international class war. Created the first Socialist constitution ; realized 
planned economy with the First Five Year Plan, and built iip the Red iirniy 
as a people's army, thereby succeeding in saving the Soviet Union when attacked 
by the Fascist powers, and supporting the revolution in Europe and Asia. As 
the accepted leader of world communism he gave the teachings of Marx, Engels, 
and Lenin their pi-esent valid form. 

Is that right? 

Mrs. Utley. Correct. 

Mr. Cohn. That "he gave the teachings of Marx, Engels, and Lenin 
their present valid form" ? 

Mrs. Uti.ey. Of course, the key word is "valid."' 

Mr. Cohn. The key word is "valid.*' He says the teachings of 
Marx, Engels, and Lenin are valid. 

I think this is interesting. He goes on to describe Churchill. I 
wish you would follow along on this. 

Churchill : 

Son of an aristocratic English father and an American mother. After service 
as a colonial officer in the Boer War, prepared England by propaganda for war 
against Germany. After the defeat of Germany, he sought to overthrow the 
Soviet state by intervention and also fought in England against the rising 
Socialist movement. * * * in the Second World War he led England on the 
side of the Soviet Union and the United States to victory over Germany. Since 
then, he has tried to unite the state of Western Europe against the Soviet Union 
in dependence on the United States. 

Is that right ? 

Mrs. Utley. Mr. Cohn, may I just say there that it is also very 
significant, you see, that there is nothing else in about Churchill of any 
importance. The really great things that Churchill did are not in at 

Mr. Cohn. Right. 

He goes on and describe Mao Tse-tung, the Communist leader of 
China, as follows : 

Chinese statesman ; son of poor peasants. * * * When the Kuomintang under 
Chiang Kai-shek abandoned its Socialist aims he founded a Red army and con- 
tinued the revolutionary fight against great odds. Under his leadership, the 
revolution was fully victorious against the armies of Chiang Kai-shek supported 
by the United States. Since then he has labored, in close alliance with the 
Soviet Union, to construct a Communist economy and culture. 

He goes on and talks about the Russian revolution. By the way, 
he keys his whole passage on the Russian revolution as if the Bolshe- 
viks overthrew the Czar, and he makes no mention of Kerensky and 
the February revolution. 


Mrs. Utlet. I thought it was one of the most significant things in 
the boolv that there was no mention of Kerensky at all or of the really 
liberal government that was established in 1917. 

Mr. CoHN. I quote : 

The Russian workers and peasants victoriously overtlirew the Tsardom^ 
nobles, church, and bourgeoise, and maintained themselves against the counter- 
revolution and intervention which were supported by England, Germany, Japan,, 
and France. 

In talking about the Spanish civil war, he says : 

Fascists under Franco defeat, with help of Germany and Italy, the republican 
order supported by democrats of all the world, especially the Communists. 

Mrs. Utijsy. Yes. May I remark there, Mr. Cohn, that throughout 
the book the word "democratic" is used to cover communism, as if it 
was the same kind of democracy as ours. 

Mr. CoHN. And I think there is just one more. In talking of the 
Chinese revolution, it says: 

Rising of the Chinese peasants and workers against the government of Chiang 
Kai-shek caused by the increasing social contradictions and growing economic 
and political dependence on foreign countries. After long hopeless fights of the 
rebels the intervention of Japan brings decisive changes. The Communist rebels 
take an important part in fight against Japan and continue the revolutionary fight 
after the elimination of the aggressors. Under leadership of Mao Tse-tung they 
completely defeat armies of Chiang supported by United States. 

Mrs. Utley. Mr. Cohn, may I add one short one on Greece that I 
didn't put on this list, which is very significant? 
Mr. CoHN. Surely. 
Mrs. Utlet. It savs, on Greece after the war: 

Struggle of the Communists and republican forces of Greece against the mon- 
archy supported by the United States. 

Mr. Cohn. Yes. "the monarchy supported by the United States 
And we emphasize particularly, of course, the reference to Stalin, 
that "he gave the teachings of Marx, Engels, and Lenin their present 
valid form." 

Mr. Chairman, there are additional quotes. I would rather not go 

into them. 

Senator Muxdt. ^Mr. Chairman. I would like to ask Mrs. Utley 
whether this is her statement at the bottom of the last page. To me it 
seems rather significant. You say : 

As against the mention of every revolution, and of every revolutionary, the.v 
approve of, the authors exclude from their list of historical personages such, 
figures as Chiang, Woodrow Wilson, Hoover, Gladstone, Garibaldi, La Fayette, 
et cetera. 

Mrs. Utley. Those were just a few obvious ones. And I might 
add to that, Senator, that for instance they will dig up some obscure 
person in the past. Thev have a fellow called Kobad. for example, 
in the fifth century, and he is nobody anybody ever heard of, but he 
happened to say that private property was the root of all evil, so he 
gets a long, big line. 

Senator Mundt. Does this book you are talking about pui-port to 
be a liistory of all the important personages of the world? 

Mrs. Utley. Well, more than that. It is supposed to be a history 
showing the important personages, the wars, and revolutions, the tech- 
nical developments, the cultural developments, the writers, the poets, 



the thinkers, the philosophers, the industrial and technical develop- 

Senator Mundt. All the world leaders that have contributed to 
civilization, apparently. 

Mrs. Utley. Yes. 

Senator Mundt. It seems to be bi]:»artisan, however. It leaves out 
both Woodrow Wilson and Herbert Hoover. 

Mrs. Utley. The technical and cultural part is loaded up. Anna 
Seghers is in, and Jack Belden's Qiina Shakes the World. You won't 
find a single anti-Communist book mentioned in the cultural section. 

The Chairman. May I read two other quotes to you, Mrs. Utley ? 

Bernard Shaw : 

* * * saw in the capitalist system the real cause for the decline of morality 
in individual and community life, * * * fought for a new, Socialist world order. 

Is that the correct description of Shaw ? 

Mrs. Utley. Well, I think, personally, it is an exaggeration. 

The Chairman. I say : Is that the correct interpretation ? 

IVIrs. Utley. Yes. 

The Chairman. Let us take one other. 

St. Paul : 

* * * took the revolutionary content out of Christ's teaching and so prepared it 
for the conquest of the world without force. 

Is that the correct quote ? 

Mrs. Utley. That is a correct auote. 

Mr, CoHN. Now, Mr. Chairman, without going into further ex- 
cerpts from this book, I might say this : We checked on this in some 
detail over in Germany, and we have now received a full report on this 
incident from the State Department. If I may, I will summarize it. 

The official assigned by the State Department to read this book and 
render a report, one of the top people in the Division of Cultural 
Affairs of Hi -Cog, rendered the following report : that this book 
shows — 

A very definite and obvious pro-Communist, anti-democratic, anti-Catholic, and 
in a number of occasions anti-Semitic and antitheological prejudice. 

He states that — 

The tendentious editing is recognizable not only by statements along pro- 
Communist lines but also by the omission of important names and facts and the 
assignment of much space to items which would not deserve it under an objective 

He goes on to say that this was, in fact, financed by the United 
States information program at HICOG to the tune of some $50,000, 
I believe, slightly over the figure Mrs. Utley had; that after it was 
financed and printed, it was used in the United States information 
progi'am to this extent : 

The Public Affairs Division of HICOG, of which Mr. Kaghan has 
been Acting Deputy Director, uses 200 copies of it. They put 262 
copies of this book in the United States information centers in Ger- 
manj^ and in the mobile book kits we distribute in Germany, 720 of 
these books were distributed to education service centers, and 9 of these 
books w^ere distributed to Public Affairs field centers. 

In addition to the somewhat over 1,000 books that w^ere distributed 
under the information program, there were an additional 1,707 copies 
which were awaiting distribution, and I understand now that the State 


Department has ordered that th.ese books be not distributed in any 
further respect. 

The Chairjiax. Do I understand that you are reading now from a 
report which the State Department ffave you? 

Mr. CoHN. Tliat is correct, Mr. Chairman. 

Tlie Chairman. And this is a survey which Mr. Dulles had asked 

Mr. CoHX. That is correct. 

The CHAiRMAiSr. And is it also correct that Mr. Dulles has ordered 
or someone under ]Mr. Dulles has ordered the removal of this book 
from all of our libraries ? 

Mr. CoHN. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And an important question: Have they yet been 
able to tell you, Mr. Cohn, that they have removed the men responsible 
for spending some $50,000 on this Communist history ? 

Mr. CoHN. Our information, ISIr. Chairman, and I assume j^ou will 
want to ask Mr. Kaghan about this, is that the men responsible have 
not been removed. 

Senator Mundt. Have they been identified ? 

Mr. CoHN. In this report, Senator Mundt, which I would like to 
submit to you and the members of the committee, I think that they are 
very clearly identified. 

The Chairman. May I say that I think we cannot be too critical 
of the new leadership in the State Department. They have not had 
too long yet to clean house, and with some 40,000 people, and millions 
of books, it will take some time. 

I think this should be made part of the record. Have you extra 
copies so that we can give all the members of the committee a copy 
cf this? 

Mv. CoHN. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I do not know whether we can 
have the entire thing made part of the record. There are some por- 
tions which you may like to look at, which contain some security 
matter which perhaps should not go in, in this form. 

The Chairman. May I suggest that it be all made part of the rec- 
ord, but that you first check with the securitj^ officers to see if they ob- 
ject to any part being made part of the record. 

Mr. CoiiN. Very well. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 12," but the 
State Department advised the subcommittee that this report is clas- 
sified and therefore cannot be made available to the public.) 

Mr. CoHN. Now, one other thing you suggested that we check into 
before going was a situation concerning a newspaper known as the 
Fuldaer Volks Zeitung, F-u-1-d-a.-e-r V-o-l-k-s Z-e-i-t-u-n-g. 

Mrs. Utley. Excuse me. It is F-u-1-d-a. 

Mr. CoHN. I was reading the title of the newspaper. 

Now, with reference to this newspaper, published in Germany, 
you told us to check what ? What had you heard ? 

Mrs. Utley. I had heard about this scandal in a paper called 
the Kasseler Post last October. 

The Chairman. Mrs. Utley, the newsmen would like to hear what 
you say. 

Mrs. Utlet. I am sorry. 

The Chairman. When you rapidly name German papers, will you 
give us the spelling of the papers ? 


Mrs. Utley. It was reported in the K-a-s-s-e-1-e-r Post, the same 
as our Post, October 18, 1052, that the Fulda Volks Zeituii<^ had a 
publisher called Heinrich Kiersecke, K-i-e-r-s-e-c-k-e, and that this 
paper had received a 300,000 marks subsidy from the United States 
information authorities from HICOG; and that this JNIr. Kiersecke 
used the printing plant he acquired with this money to print Commu- 
nist literature, including the Communist l*arty's Parliamentary 

]^Ir. CoHN.' That was an official Communist Party publication ^ 

Mrs. Utley. Yes. 

Mr. ConN. And the allegation was, that you brought to our atten- 
tion that the United States information program, out of this revolving 
fund, had given some 300,000 marks to this newspaper; that they 
had purchased the printing plant and used that plant to print this 
official organ of the Communist Party ? 

Mrs. Utley. That is right. 

Mr. CoHN. I might state, JNIr. Chairman, we were able to check out 
those facts, confirm them, and yesterday morning a communication 
was received from the State Department advising us that there had 
in fact been a loan of 300,000 marks to this Fulda Volks Zeitung, and 
that after this loan was made, "It was discovered that the publisher^ 
Kiersecke, had begun printing Communist material with the printing 
plant purchased with our money." Following that, the loan was re- 
called, and further funds were withdraw^n from this newspaper. This 
was confirmed to us by the State Department as of Monday morning. 

Senator ]\Iundt. Were 3'ou able, Mr. Cohn, while you were in Ger- 
many, to determine by what process HICOG determined to whom it 
M'as going to make these loans ? 

It seems utterly unjustifiable to make a loan of that kind. There 
certainly was not a very careful check made. Who was responsible, 
and what kind of check did they tell you they made, and how is it 
that they spent this amount of the taxpayers' money in Germany sub- 
sidizing Connnunist plants? That, to me, is as utterly inexcusable 
squandering of public money. 

Mr. CoHN. Senator INIundt, they said that they have advised us that 
they have a publishers' committee, a committee consisting of German 
publishers, which acts merely in an advisory capacity, makes recom- 
mendations, but that the decisions as to which newspapers are to re- 
ceive financing by the United States are made by the Public Affairs 
Division in Hi-Cog. 

Senator IMundt. Who is in charge of that ? 

Mr. Cohn. The man in charge of that is Mr. Boerner, and Mr. 
Kaghan is his chief assistant at the present time. Prior to Mr. 
Boerner there was Mr. Shepard Stone. 

Now, Senator Mundt, we have the situation concerning this one 
newspaper. I might state, as the chairman wrote to the Secretary of 
State, we have in process of preparation a series of editorials and 
articles from many of these other newspapers, which are violently 
anti-American in tone and in content, with some rather pointed re- 
marks directed against Secretary Dulles and the President of the 
United States, against the United States as a whole, and against 
American policy. But that, I think, should be fully documented 
within the next few days. 


Senator Mundt. Mr. Chairman, there is some sentiment, as you 
know, in the Senate, that we have gone overboard on this business 
of foreign aid and are spending too much. I think we certainly are 
spending too much in foreign aid when we are giving part of it to 
the Communists. 

The Chairman. May I say I heartily agree? And while those 
papers certainly have a right to criticize America or Dulles or Mr. 
Eisenhower, I certainly question the wisdom of financing the papers 
so that they will be able to do that. If they were not being financed 
by us, they certainly should have complete freedom, and we cer- 
tainly should not try to tell them what to do, but it is inconceivable 
that Mr. Kaghan and his group over there should finance papers that 
are printing Communist material in their shops and making attacks 
on our Dej)artmeiit of State. We will want to ask Mr. Kaghan when 
he comes up about that. 

Pardon me, Mr. Colm. 

My. Cohn. I have nothing further of Mrs. Utley. 

The Chairman. I have much more material I would like to ques- 
tion Mrs. Utley about, but we told Mr. Kaghan that he could come 
here today, and we gave liim a week to prepare himself to answer the 
material that has been produced against him, and therefore I very 
much dislike taking up the entire morning. 

Mrs. Utley. May I say one short thing at the end, that I would 
like to call the attention of the committee to the fact that personally 
I am not trying to say, and I don't think the committee is, that such 
books as this should not be allowed to be published; but that the 
emphasis in my mind, and my interest in this, was that there was no 
need for us to publish Communist propaganda. It is not a question 
of saying the Germans may not publish anything they like. 

And on that point, there are two other things I want to say. The 
first is that I have already had a couple of letters from Germany, from 
people comiected with some of the best newspapers there, saying how 
happy they are that at long last this question of subsidies to lef twing 
papers in Germany is being undertaken as a matter of investigation. 
Because the best papers in Germany have always hated the very idea 
of subsidies and considered that it deprived them of a free press. 

The Chairman. Mrs. Utley, I think the committee M'ould agree 
with yau that we should not try to tell the German people what to 
publish. If they want to publish Communist books, it is their right. 

The sole question is. Should we pay for those publications ? 

Mrs. Utley. And, Senator, at the time the money was started being 
paid out for that book in 1948, I myself visited schools in the camps 
for expellees, where there wasn't enough money to provide children 
with textbooks, and everything had to be done on a blackboard. Yet 
this enormous amount of money is spent for an enormous amount of 
this nonsense. Excuse me for adding that at the end. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Mrs. Utley. 

We would like to have you come back in the future. I think that 
you, from your writings and from your study of this problem and 
concern with it, can be a very valuable witness on a number of other 

I do not want to take up, however, Mr. Kaghan's time this morning. 
We would like to get him on the stand. 


Thank you very much. 

Mrs. Utley, I would like to express for myself, and I think I can 
speak for the committee, our thanks to people like yourself, who 
spend 3 or 4 or 5 days a week studying the matters we ask you to study, 
at no compensation whatever, and doing it merely as a public service. 
I want to thank you very much. 

Mrs. XJtley. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan? 

You will be allowed, Mr. Kaghan, to place in the record or give us 
as exhibits any material which you think will explain any of the de- 
rogatory evidence which has come up in regard to you. 

1 might say there is one thing that concerns me very much and I 
think concerns all the other members of the committee, and I hope 
you will spend some time on this. We have, by your own admission, 
the evidence that you for a year's time, and part of it after the Hitler- 
Stalin pact, lived with a man that you knew w' as a Communist ; that 
you worked for a man you knew was a Communist, as a writer ; that 
you belonged to a group that you knew was Communist dominated; 
that you signed a petition for the Communist Party after the Hitler- 
Stalin pact, that primary election petition, in which you pledged to 
support the Communist candidate; that you wrote plays, which, as 
you said — I believe you denied that they followed the Communist line, 
but you said they w^ere acceptable to the Communists. 

The thing that concerns us now is any proof you have that shows 
that you have changed ; not that you may have changed in your own 
mind, but anything that would indicate to the people that hired you 
and gave you this important job that you had changed from your 
thinking in 1939. 

As you stated the other day, you thought you would be unfit for 
this job if you still felt the same way you did in 1939. Now, for you 
merely to come here and tell us that your thinking changed will not 
mean too much. We are concerned with what you positively did to 
convince your prospective employers that you shoiud head up this 
tremendous program, have control of the expenditure of some $61 
million last year to a great extent ; and if you could give us that proof 
positive, it would help the committee quite a bit. 


Mr. Kaghan. Thank you, sir. 

You asked me to look at my plays to see if the excerpts that were 
read here were a fair example of what they w^ere about. I haven't 
read those plays, sir, for 20 years. I wrote one 20 years ago and one 18 
years ago. I had a vague idea that they were not in favor of commun- 
ism, but I was not able to state so categorically, until I read those 

I have since read those plays, and I have some excerpts here which 
will show that not only did they not follow the Communist line, but 
they were a rejection of communism for the United States; not in 1 
line or 2, but in lines from the beginning to the end of these plays, 
which I have a few lines from, which I beg the permission of this 
committee to read. 

The Chairman. xVs you read them, will you identify the play and 
tell us whether it had been produced by a Comnmnist organization. 


and whether those were the plaj'S that you found acceptable to the 
Communists, or not acceptable ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. You quoted from Beyond Exile. Beyond 
Exile was a 3-act play that I wrote before I was 21, at the University 
of Michigan. It won a $250 Avery Hopwood award there. It was a 
play about a Russian revolutionary of 1904 who came to America in 
1906 in order to carrj- on his revolutionary work. 

Here is a scene where he has just arrived in the United States, has 
moved in with his Americanized relatives. He wants to know about 
American Bolsheviks. This is in the first or second scene in the play. 
And his American relatives say : 

No Bolsheviks here. We don't need 'em. We don't need no revolutions either. 

And his American uncle says : 

No, Michael. Here is different than in Russia. Here a workingrnan is free. 
He can become a capitalist himself if he vrants to. 

And later the Russian says: 

But there are people who do not have plenty to eat. They are my comrades. 

And his American uncle says : 

Where? Where are people who do not have plenty to eat? In the streets, the 
loafers, the bums, who won't work. They do not have enough to eat because 
they are too lazy to work. Anybody who wants to work can have plenty to eat. 

And later on, sir, and you will find all this from page 42 onward, 
his uncle tells him if he can't get him a job as a tailor he will make a 
butcher out of him in his own meat shop. He says : 

From a tailor to a butcher shouldn't be such a hard job, eh, Michael? 

Michael says : 

I would rather cut cloth than cut flesh. 

And his uncle says : 

See. You wouldn't make a good Bolshevik anyway. 

The Chairman. You claim this is an anti-Communist play? 

Mr. Kaghan. I claim this is a rejection of communism. 

The Chairman. I want to know whether you claim this is an anti- 
Communist play. Either you think it is or you think it is not. 

Mr. Kaghan. It is a play opposed to communism in the United 

The Chairman. It is opposed to communism ? 

Mr. Kaghan. It is opposed to communism in the United States. 

May I read further? 

The Chairman. Is it opposed to communism any place else? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. It doesn't take up the question of commu- 
nism any place else except in Russia. 

The Chairman. You say this is a play which is opposed to com- 
munism in the United States ? 

Mr. Kaghan. The thesis of this play is that communism has no 
place in the United States. And I can prove it, if you will let me 
read a few more lines. 

The Chairman. You may read as much as you wish. 

Mr. Kaghan. That is how he was introduced to America and thrives 
in America, and when his communistic sister comes from Russia and 


wants money for her Communist friends this same former revolu- 
tionary, now living in America, says : 

I will give no more money to you or your friends. Let them learn what it 
is to be Americans and fight for their country; and if they can't be Americans, 
let them go back to Russia. 

And in the last act, when he is a wealthy department-store owner, 
and his son has become a Communist in the 1930's, during the depres- 
sion, he talks to his son, and he says : 

Peter, you are talking like a child. You have been filled full of the commu- 
nistic propaganda that they give the peasants in Russia. * * * Where is your 
common sense? 

And the radical young son says : 

Don't worry about my commonsense. Commonsense tells me that the world 
is all wrong, and it is men like you who made it wrong. 

And the father, who used to be a revolutionary, says to his son : 

Maybe it is wrong, Peter. God knows it isn't right, but communism isn't the 
solution to the problem. 

And later on, when the rich man's son joins a Communist-led strike 
against his father, and the press interviews the father, who used to 
be a Communist from Kussia, the father says : 

* * * the radicals who have been sent here by the Russian Government and 
who are in the pay of the Soviet should be sent back to their own country. 
America can solve its own social and economic maladjustments without for- 
eign aid. 

That is in the nest to the last scene of the play. And that is what 
the Russian revolutionary learned about America. 

But when his son is killed in the last act, in the next to the last 
scene, in the strike riot, you read a line, sir, which supposedly indi- 
cated the man had been converted. He was stricken with remorse 
because his son had died. Certain lines were read. What was not 
read was the last line. 

The Chairman. Will you read the line I read ? 

Senator Mundt. Mr. Kaghan, will you identify these people by 
their names? You said "old man" and "son." Our transcript says 
"Peter," and so on. 

Mv. Kaghan. Michael is the young revolutionary who became the 
old man at the end of the play. Peter is his young son. 

Senator Mundt. Peter is Michael's son? 

Mr. Kaghan. Peter is Michael's son at the end of the play. There 
is another "Peter" at the beginning of the play. 

Senator Mundt. What is the name of the Russian revolutionary? 

Mr. Kaghan. IVIichael. 

Senator Mundt. Michael ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Michael ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Let us see if we can correctly describe the play. 
It consists largely of conversations between the father and the son. 
Is that right ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. It consists of a number of other things. I 
hope there is more action in it than conversations. It is a bad enough 
play as it is. 

The Chairman. Well, is it not largely dialog between Peter and 
Michael ? 

Mr. Kaghan. In one scene ; yes, sir. 


The Chairman. And your other actors ? 

Mr. Kaghan. There are dozens of other actors in this, sir. 

The Chairman. But does this not follow pretty much the line of 
one man trying to convince the other that communism is good and the 
other individual persuading him that it is bad? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. It is about a Communist who comes to 
America and finds this is no place for communism. He becomes 
a wealthy satisfied man w^hose son in the depression becomes a Com- 
munist and that old man tries to tell him not to make the same mis- 
takes he made. 

The Chairman. Was this play reviewed favorably by the Daily 
Worker also? 

Mr, Kaghan. I don't think it could have been, sir, and nobody in 
his right mind would have produced it. 

The Chair:man. I maintain that people who write these Communist 
plays are not in their right mind, 

Mr. Kaghan. Well, sir, I do not think this was a Communist play, 
and I would wish to put it in the record. 

The Chairman, May I read some of the passages to you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Please do. 

The Chairman. Let us take this one : 

For centuries the aristocracy have oppressed the workers and the peasants, 
driven them to the fields, chained them to the mills, buried them in the mines. 

Would you say that that is the Communist line ? 

Mr, Kaghan. That is the Russian revolutionary of 1904 in Eussia. 

The Chairman. Well, this was not prepared in 1904. It was pre- 
pared when? 1935? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is a quotation from a line spoken in 1904 in 
Russia — in Czarist Russia. 

The Chairman. Well, you were not quoting anyone. You made this 
up. These are fictionary characters. 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. I put those in the mouth of a man who was 
in Czarist Russia in 1904. 

The Chairman. So these are the words you put in your character's 
mouth ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I put those words in that character's mouth in 1904. 

The Chairman. Let us read some more. 

They have seized their wheat to make cake for their feasts. They have emp- 
tied the land of its food to stuff their gluttonous bellies. They have robbed the 
workers of their earnings to buy gold and diamonds for their fat wives and their 
bloodsucking mistresses. 

Pretty good anti-Communist stuff, is it not? 

Mr. Kaghan. Rotten, sir. Rotten. I don't believe anybody could 
get anywhere with it. 

The Chairman (reading) : 

They have taken everything for themselves and left nothing but misery and 
starvation. For centuries they have sucked the milk from the breast of our 
great mother while the rest of her children cried for food. 

For centuries they have kept the lower classes in ignorance and destitution 
for fear that a little knowledge, a little ease, would wake them up to the truth, 
would make them see the injustices of their terrible plight, as light shows the 
dirt and the vermin and the cobwebs in the dark corners of a peasant's hovel. 

Do you think we should use that today to fight communism? 
Mr, Kaghan. No, sir. I do not. 


The Chairman. Now, turn back to the end of the book, page 102. 
The old man is being lectured by his son, and he says this : 

Peter, Peter, for God's sake, listen to me, Peter. You were right, do you 
liear? You were rig:ht. I have been wrong all along, Peter. 

You have this dialogue between the father and the son, the son urging 
communism on the father, the father talking against it, but he ends up 
saying : 

You were right. I have been wrong all along. 

You say that is anti-Communist ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, I don't say that is anti-Communist. 

The Chairman. Is it taken out of context ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir, it is taken out of context. 

The Chairman. All right. Look at the book. Read whatever you 
want to, to explain that. 

Mr. Kaghan. I am afraid you have given me the wrong play. 

The Chairman. Page 1U2. 

Mr. Kaghan. This is a play that has not even been discussed here. 
The play is on microfilm. I read it at the Library of Congress. 

The Chairman. You do not have the play with you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not. 

The Chairman. Well, can you explain to what extent that is taken 
out of context ? 

Mr. Kaghan. It is taken out of context, in that the man is struck 
by the death of his son and believes that he has betrayed his oath that 
he made in 1904. So he goes back to Russia to relive his youth, and 
there the Soviet Stalinists throw him out. That is the end of the play. 
He is not converted to communism in the United States. He goes back 
to Russia, where he thinks he can practice it, and he finds he can't 
practice it there, either. 

The Chairman. You think this is anti-Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. I don't think it is pro-Communist. I don't 
think any Communist organization could possibly produce it. 

The Chairman. Well, let me read some more from it, and see if you 
think a Communist organization could produce this. 

We must undermine the foundation which holds up this regime, this regime 
of the aristocracy, by destroying the ignorance of the people and substituting 
communism as a foundation upon which we, the masses, can build our workers' 
state. It is a slow and dangerous process. Comrade, this destruction, but it 
must be done. We must show the people why they have no bread, why they 
starve, crying to know for whom they sweat and toil in winter and summer, 
day and night, year after year, endlessly giving their very blood so that that 
imbecile Duchess may give her dog cream to drink out of a silver platter. 

Would you consider that anti-Communist propaganda ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; that is not anti-Communist propaganda, but 
I don't think it will do the Communists any good, either. 

The Chairman. Let me read another passage. 

I know the Communists can rely on you to your last breath. You have much 
to lose, the odds are great, but. Comrade, we can win, we must win. The fate 
of millions of i>eople depends on us. And when the great day arrives, the dead, 
weeping with joy, as well as the living, will bless their emancipators for the 
sacrifice they have made for the resurrection of Russia. 

Would you say that is Communist Russian propaganda ? 
Mr. Kaghan. It could have been in 1904. 
The Chairman. Would it be today ? 


Mr. Kaghan. I don't think it would be good Communist propa- 
ganda today ; no, sir. 

The Chairman. How about 1935, when you wrote it? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't think it could have been. They were talk- 
ing about the peasants in Russia, sir, in 1904. The Communists did 
not produce this play. Nobody wanted such a play. 

The Chairman. You say the Communists did not produce it? It 
was produced by a man who was living with a Communist, who be- 
longed to a Communist organization. Is that right ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not produce it, sir. I wrote it. 

The Chairman. Or it was written, then, by a man who was work- 
ing for an organization headed by a known Communist. It that 

Mr. Kaghan. It was written by a man who — well, I assume he was 
a Communist, as I testified. It was written about communism. You 
cannot write plays about communism without quoting some Com- 
munist lines. 

The Chairman. You said it was written by a man you assumed was 
a Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. No ; it was written by me, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you assume that you were a Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I do not. 

The Chairman. Then what did you mean when you said it was 
written by a man you assumed was a Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. It was a slip of the tongue, an unfinished sentence. 
You asked me about a man I lived with who was a Communist. 

The Chairman. Who helped you write this play ? 

Mr. I^ghan. I think I wrote that play entirely by myself, unless 
one of my instructors at the University of Michigan may have helped 
me a little bit in polishing, which I doubt. It is a very bad play. I 
would not like to blame anybody for helping me write it. 

Senator Dirksen. Mr. Kaghan, did you say this won the Avery 
Hopwood prize at the University of Michigan ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, one of those prizes; when I was not yet 2'1. 

Senator Dirksen. Did you know Avery Hopwood? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I did not. 

Senator Dirksen. Do you know what plays he wrote? 

Mr. Kaghan. I think he wrote The Bat. 

Senator Dirksen. I think he wrote Up in Mabel's Room, which 
was popular on the stage. 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. He made a lot of money, and when he died 
he left it to the University of Michigan to encourage young play- 

Senator Dirksen. And did he not write another play, called Get- 
ting Gertie's Garter, which was popular on the New York stage? 
This does not sound much like Hopwood to me. 

Mr. Kaghan. It was to encourage playwrights that he left this 
money, and it was not the kind of play Hopwood made money on, sir, 
and neither did I. 

The Chairman. Do you know who voted you this award ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall who the judges were. 

The Chairman. Do you know that Robert Morse Lovett was one 
of the men who voted you this award ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall who the judges were, sir. 


The Chairman. Do you know how man}^ fronts for the Communist 
Party Robert Morse Lovett belonged to ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; I do not. 

The Chairman. May I ask counsel : 

Have you checked that with the Un-American Activities Committee, 
and do you know how many fronts he has belonged to ? 

Mr. CoHN. Approximately 50 fronts, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. I think it might be well to get a report from the 
House Un-American Activities Committee and put that in the record, 
a report as to the number of fronts that Eobert Morse Lovett be- 
longed to and also the number he belonged to at the time of the award. 

Mr. CoHN. I might say there were other judges who awarded vari- 
ous prizes to Mr, Kaghan for this and other plays who have Commu- 
nist fronts almost as imposing as Mr. Lovett's. I think one other has 
been named under oath as a member of the Communist Party. Can 
we get a documentation on all of that and attach it as an exhibit? 

The Chairman. I think it might be well to get the names of those 
who made the awards to Mr. Kaghan and then give their record. 
I believe the House committee can give you a lot of dope on that. 

Mr. Kaghan, you belonged to the New Theater League, did you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't remember whether I belonged to it. I worked 
with it. I worked for it for a time, I think. And I associated closely 
with it. 

Senator Mundt. Did they produce that play, Mr. Kaghan? 

Mr. Kaghan. They did not produce that play, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you know, when you were working for the 
New Theater League, that the head of it was a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Kaghan. I assumed that he was ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In fact, you lived with him, did you not? 

Mr. Kaghan. I lived with him for a year or less, sir. 

Senator Mundt. Is that Mr. Irwin ? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is Mr. Irwin. 

Senator Mtindt. You have already testified you knew he was a 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes ; he was helping me get into the theater, I thought, 
and that is why I stuck around. 

The Chairman. "When you wrote this play Beyond Exile, were you 
then working for the New Theater League ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; I was in the University of Michigan as a 

The Chairman. Mr. Kaghan, when we asked you a question the 
other day — I have discussed this with a number of the Senators since 
then — we asked you to name some of the other men whom you asso- 
ciated with during those years, at the time you were living with this 
man you say you assumed was a Communist, when you were writing 
for this Communist organization ; the names of some of the other men 
that you at that time or now think were members of the Communist 
Party. Your memory was extremely bad. You could not think of 
a single individual except Irwin, who had been exposed as a Com- 
munist. May I say that you certainly will not convince me and I do 
not think you will convince any other individual here that you have 
actually broken with the Communist Party unless you come forth now 


very freely and give us the names of the other individuals with whom 
you were associated. You have testified, for example, that there were 
meetings held at the home in which you lived, lived with a man you 
knew to be a Communist. Your memory is bad. You cannot think 
of a single one of their names. I am sure there is not a single person 
in this room but what would remember some of the people he was 
associated with in 1939 or 1938; and, especially in view of the fact 
that you were selected by Mr. Acheson or someone in the old State 
Department to lead the fight against communism in Europe, it seems 
your memory should be good enough so that you could think of one 
name of someone who has not been exposed already as a Communist. 
Is your memory still as bad as it was the other day ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, the implication that I had any Communist Party 
to break with is one I reject. I was never a member of the Communist 
Party, as I testified. I have shown here I was not even as close to 
communism as you had me thinking for a while. I didn't have to 
move to break away from anything. I just moved away from the 
associations. And I have here a letter from the people with whom 
I worked in that period. 

The Chaikman. Well, will you answer my question? You signed 
a petition in which you pledged to support a Communist candidate. 
That was after the Hitler-Stalin Pact. You have lived with a Com- 
munist. My question is now : Can you give us the name of one indi- 
vidual that you thought then or think now was a Communist? You 
said you attended, I believe, roughly a dozen meetings, Comm.unist 
meetings. I would like to know who was there, and whether you 
went to the FBI and gave the FBI the names of the members who 
attended those meetings. I know many of them attended under false 
names, but even then it would help. You have not done that, have 
vou ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not remember the names of those people. If I 
saw them, I miglit remember I knew them. 

Tlie Chairman. Is it correct that a Communist organization pro- 
duced some of your plays ? 

Mr. Kaghan. A Communist-front organization apparently pro- 
duced one of my plays, which was a one-act play. 

The Chairman. Will you say that was a rejection of communism? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; I would not say it was a rejection of commu- 
nism. I would say that play probably aided the Communists, because 
it glorified the Abraham Lincoln Brigade which was fighting Fascists 
in Spain, and the Communists were using antifascism as a cover. I 
regret that it helped them, if it did help them any. That is the one 
play that a Communist- front organization produced. 

But you quoted from another play. Can I quote a few lines back 
from that other play ? 

Senator Jackson. Would you be willing to give a list of names 
of people that you knew at these meetings in executive session, so 
that the names will not be made public, until an opportunity is had to 
examine them ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, I don't recall enough meetings. I don't believe 
I admitted I went to a dozen meetings, and most of those meetings 
were large meetings, and I don't remember the names of people who 
were at them. I wasn't that much interested. 


Senator Jackson. Would you supply that information in executive 
session, so that no individual might be named who might be innocent 
in any wise, so that the committee can investigate the names based on 
description or some other means that we could turn over to the FBI, 
and run it down, and find out who they are ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, if the committee could provide me in executive 
session with a list of names of people they suspect as being Commu- 
nists that I might have known, and if I remember any of those names, 
I will be glad to identify them. I do not recall them. 

The Chairman. Xow, Mr. Kaghan, the committee cannot give you 
a list of the names. We were not at those Communist meetings. You 
were there. You told us that 3'ou did not know whether it was more 
or less than 12 meetings. You told us they were meetings in your 
home. Now, I do not think you can get any reasonable man to believe 
that you cannot think of a single name, of all those individuals you 

Senator Jackson. If you cannot supply the names in executive ses- 
sion, would you try to provide a description of some of the individuals, 
what their background might have been and what they were doing, 
without regard to their names, so that we may have some general 
information, if nothing else? 

Mr. Kaghan. I couldn't give you a list of names. 

Senator Jackson. That is not my question. 

Mr. Kaghan. I beg your pardon. 

Senator Jackson. My question is pretty clear, I think. 

Mr. Kaghan. The only way I could be of any assistance would be 
to say that the people who worked in the New Theater League might 
have been leftists, might have been deluded as I was, might have been 
Communists. I don't know. But if you will look at the cast of char- 
acters, of people who played in the play that that organization pro- 
duced, you might find somebody that I will remember. I don't re- 
member anybody who played in that. 

Senator Jackson. My question is very simple. Would you be will- 
ing to supply to the committee in executive session a description of 
one or more of these people who attended these 7 or 8 meetings that 
you attended, something that you can identify them with, background, 
information ? How many people were in these meetings ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Some of these meetings were large meetings, that 
probably may have been controlled by the Communist Partj^ 

Senator Jackson. Is it not true that some of the meetings in the 
apartment were small ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I did not say there were meetings in my apartment, 
or his apartment. I said there were people in, and I do not remember 
their names. 

Senator Jackson. Can j^ou describe them, something about their 
background, what they did or where they came from? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. I do not remember any of them. I was not 
that intimately associated with his friends who came on such occasions. 
I had one-half of the apartment, and he had another, and I was not 
always there. 

I am willing to go over a list of names of people that I associated 
with in the New Theater League, whose names I, at this moment, do 
not remember, and check off those that might be of some assistance to 
the committee. 


Senator Jackson. "Wliat other group besides the New Theater 
League might provide a clue? 

Mr. KLA.GHAN. I don't know that I belonged to any other groups. 

Senator Jackso];^. I do not mean that you belonged to; that you 
might have attended. 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall what I attended, under what group, 
or under what auspices. 

Senator Mundt. You mentioned the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 
Do you recall one of them? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall that I ever attended an official meeting 
of the brigade, or that I joined. I remember that I contributed funds. 
I remember that I had a pin. I don't recall any specific meeting. 

The Chairman. Were you ever solicited to join the Communist 

Mr. Kaghan. I may have been. I do not recall that I was. 

The Chairman. You do not recall whether you were or not? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. It is entirely likely. I went to a lot of 
meetings where all kinds of papers were passed around. I could have 
signed something that was. I don't know. 

The Chairman. In other words, you do not want to say at this 
time that you did not sign an application for membership in the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No. sir ; I may have. 

The Chairman. But you mean that was so unimportant to you 
that you would not remember whether you had applied for member- 
ship in the party ? 

Mr. Kaghan. In the days of this so-called united front, I could 
have signed a number of things, and one of them could have been 

The Chvirman. You are talking about the united front. Let us 
talk about after the Hitler-Stalin pact had been signed. You would 
not call those days, days of the united front, would you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I beg your pardon? 

The Chairman. You were talking about what you might have done 
during what you call the united front. What do you mean by that? 

Mr. Kaghan. Oh, there was a lot of psychological warfare being 
waged here by the Soviets to get the United States to be sympathetic 
to Soviet Kussia. 

Senator Jackson. The united front ended in August of 1939, did 
it not? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know, sir. I couldn't give you a date. 

Senator Mundt. On another point, Mr. Kaghan, one of the things 
that you were going to try to find for us between the hearings was 
some 'documentary evidence demonstrating that you had had a change 
of attitude between these days when you were associated with the 
united front and the time when you were first employed by the Govern- 
ment; not afterward, not in 1946, when you were fighting communism 
in Austria. We have those letters, those testimonials. We are curious 
to find out how much laxity there was on the part of the Government 
in those days in employing people. And by your own testimony, you 
had a great number of associations with the Communist Party, with 
the Communists, and you lived with a Communist in 1939. You went 
to work for the Government, as I recall, in about 1944: ? 

Mr. Kaghan. 1942, sir. 


Senator Mundt. 1942, You were going to try to find, and tliought 
maybe you could, some articles you had written, some statements you 
had made, something documentary, which would have been good evi- 
dence to the Government at the time they hired you that you had had 
this change of heart? 

Mr. KLA.GHAN. I have found something. It is not something I wrote. 
But I went to work in the Tribune in 1939, on the war desk, and I was 
in intimate and daily association with various people on the war desk, 
which was a political operation and a war operation. And I have a 
letter here from the man with whom I was most closely associated on 
that desk, of the Herald Tribune, and with your permission I would 
like to read what he says about what I thought. 

In response to the request from the Senate subcommittee 

The Chairman. "V\rhat is the date of the letter ? 
Mr. Kaghan. The letter is dated Ma}' 2. 
The Chairman. 1953? 

Mr. Kaghan. 1953. I asked him if he remembered what I was like 
in those days. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Kaghan. And he comes up with this : 

* * * I can certainly attest that during our close working and social relation- 
ship during a good part of that period your views, as expressed in lengthy con- 
versations between us, bore no resemblance whatever to the line followed by 
the Communists on the major issues of the time. 

We first met in September 1939, when you joined the cable desk of the Herald 
Tribune, where I was already working. I don't recall the date of our first 
meeting away from the office on a social basis, but I suspect it was about a year 
later, since it began with a visit to introduce our wives at your apartment in 
Jackson Heights. In any event, there was ample opportunity from September 
1939 to my departure in June 1942, to discuss at length and with candor the 
international events with which we were dealing. 

Unfortunately, as it would now appear, a man does not normally keep a record 
of the bull sessions in which he engages with colleagues. Even without such a 
record, however, I recall the identity of our views on issues which would seem 
to be pertinent to the question raised by the subcommittee. For example, I can 
remember clearly your genuinely indignant attitude toward anyone who thought 
it was possible to strike a bargain with the Nazis after they had started into 
Poland and failed to realize that our interests were very closely tied in with 
those of the British. And you certainly were as jubilant as anyone around the 
oflSce over the destruction of the Graf 8pee by the British Navy, an event which 
I remember because the critical part of the action occurred on my birthday, 
and we were both handling copy on the story. 

You also were as outspokenly bitter as any of us at the cold brutality of the 
Russian attack on Finland. All this was during an era when the Communists 
and their apologists were crying loudly about the "imperialist war" and arguing 
frantically to keep us out of it. Certainly, if you were with them, it seems to 
me that you could not have helped giving some sign of it in the many animated 
conversations with your friends, and you would not have been able to laugh 
as hard as you did at the Communist flip when Hitler attacked Russia. 

On the basis of these recollections, I can repeat my strong personal feeling 
that you neither sympathized with nor followed the Communist line during the 
period under question. I hope that this may help both the subcommittee and 
yourself in clarifying the point. 

This is signed by Kenyon Kilbon, K-i-1-b-o-n, a former cable editor 
of the Herald Tribune. 

Senator Mundt. What is he doing now, Mr. Kaghan ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He is working in the Department of State, sir. 

Senator Mundt. I am trying to find out something that could have 
been brought to the attention of your employers in the Government to 


show that there had been a change, from the time when you signed 
this Communist petition. Quite obviously a letter dated this month 
would not have been available to them then. 

Mr. Kaghax. No, sir, but those people were available to them that 
knew how I talked and how I thought. And there is a letter here 
signed by another man, signed by a man on the war desk of the Tri- 
bune, who is presently still on the Tribune as a telegraph editory. 

Senator Mundt. Were either of these men interrogated before you 
accepted employment with the Government ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know, sir. 

Senator Mundt. Could you find out ? It is quite possible they did 
talk to them. 

Mr. Kaghan-. That would be a security matter. I am afraid I 
could not find out, I could ask them. 

Senator Mundt. They would know ? 

Mr. Kaghan. They would know. I don't know whether they were 
asked or not. I am sure somebody on the newspaper must have been 

Senator Jackson. Did you edit anything during that period? 

Mr. Kaghan. I edited everything that was given to me to edit. I 
edited all kinds of copy coming from abroad. 

Senator Jackson. I mean that is presently identifiable. 

Mr. I^AGHAN. No, sir. I edited news of every description from 

The Chairman. May I ask you a question ? You just said that you 
attended some meeting with your wife and the wife of some man on 
the desk. Our file reflects only one marriage. That was in 1950. I am 
wondering how you could attend a meeting with your wife in 1942. 

Mr. Kaghan. I was previously married, sir. I was married in 
1949, and that accounted in part for my moving away from my pre- 
vious associations. 

The Chairman. I am not interested in going into the marriage. 

Mr. Kaghan. You asked me about it. 

The Chairman. I was just curious to know: Our file shows you 
were only married in 1950. I was curioi\s when you said you had 
attended a meeting with your wife in 1942. But you were married 

Mr. Kaghan. I was married. My wife died. You will find it in 
the record. 

The Chairivian. What is her name ? 

Mr. Kaghan. What was her name ? Her name was Isabelle Dudley. 

The Chairman. She liVed at 605 West 112th Street? 

Mr. Kagil\n. Yes ; she did. 

The Chairman. Did you know a Willa Gray Martin who lived at 
that address ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I recall the name ; yes, sir. 

The Chairiman. She lived with your wife before you married her? 

Mr. Kaghan. She lived in the same building. 

The Chairman. Did you attend Communist meetings with Willa 
Gray Martin ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not to my knowledge. 

The Chairman. Did you attend meetings with Willa Gray Martin ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not recall any meetings. I may have gone to 
some meeting with her. I do not recall. 


The Chairman. You do not know whether you did or not? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know whether I did or not. 

The Chairman. Would you say positively now that you did not 
attend any meetings you knew were Communist meetings with Willa 
Gray Martin ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, I would not say that. I do not remember 
any kind of meeting that I may have gone to. I will admit I may 
have gone to meetings with her. 

The Chairman. Let us get it down to the question. Do you say 
now under oath that even though you may have attended meetings, 
you never attended a meeting with her which you knew at that time 
was a Communist meeting ? 

Mr, Kaghan. I cannot say that under oath. I may have done it. 

The Chairman. Do you know how many meetings you attended 
with Willa Gray Martin ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not, sir. 

The Chairman. The other day you told us you were not a man who 
normally liked to go to meetings; that you disliked that activity. 
Therefore, I assume that you did not go to meetings too freely. 
You must have had some reason to go to these meetings with Willa 
Gray Martin. Can you tell us what that reason was? 

Mr. Kaghan. I couldn't remember what that specific reason was, 
but in those days there were a lot of interesting things going on, and 
I probably went to some meetings about various matters going on in 
the Avorld. 

The Chairman. I think Mr. Jackson asked you an excellent ques- 
tion, and that was whether you could describe the background of some 
of these individuals who attended some of those meetings to the extent 
that it might be of some help to the FBI. But I understand now the 
only people you are willing to describe are the list of the members 
of the New Theater League. Or could you follow Mr. Jackson's sug- 
gestion and try to give the description or the background of some of 
these people, where the}^ were, Avliat they did ? Is your memory bad 
on that, too ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I would have to see the names, and then I might 
remember something about them. 

The Chairman. Unless we give you the names, you cannot remem- 
ber them ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Unless you give me something to start with, I don't 
think I can recall the background or the names. The name of Willa 
Giay Martin I have not heard for years. I remember the name now 
that you mention it. 

The Chairman. You could not give us one name from that time? 

Mr. I^GHAN. No, sir. 

The Chairman, Did you know a Gladys Kutli Green? 

Mr. Kaghan, I don't recall that name. 

The Chairman. Did you know a lady named Grace? 

Mr. Kaghan. It is likely. 

The Chairman. Did she not attend some of the meetings in the 
apartment shared by you and 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know who Grace is. 

The Chairman. Well, if we identify her as a close friend of Ben 
Irwin's, will that help you ? 


Mr. Kaghan. No, sir; not unless I had a picture of her face in 
front of me. 

The Chairman. You do not recall any of these meetings held in 
the apartment — we will call them gatherings — when one of tlie women 
rather active in the meetings was a woman called Grace? 

Mr. Kaghan. It is likely, sir. I do not say it isn't so. I don't 
remember her. 

The Chairman. Do you remember a member of the Communist 
Party who was referred to in the meetings as Grace ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't recall, sir. 

The Chairman. Did Mr. Irwin ever tell you that the Communist 
Party members had names other than their own which they are known 
by as members of the party ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't remember that he ever told me that, but I 
assume some people did. 

The Chairman. Did you ever discuss with Ben Irwin liis Com- 
munist activities ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not in detail. I don't recall any specific discussion of 
anything he did within the party. He didn't, as I recall, go into his 
party activities. He talked about the things surrounding it. 

The Chairman. You say you never did discuss the Communist 
Party with Irwin ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Oh, I must have discussed the Communist Party with 
Irwin; yes, sir. His activities within the party I don't recall that 
he discussed with me. 

The Chairman. Did Irwin ever ask you to join the party? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not recall that he did. He may have. 

The Chairman. He may have? 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman, But you are not sure? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. I think it is probably likely, but I am not 
sure that he did. 

The Chairman. Did you ever contribute any money to either Mr. 
Irwin or to the Communist Party or to any Communist front? 

Mr. Kaghan. I probably did contribute some money to Communist- 
front organizations. I don't recall giving any money directly to 
the Communist Party, and if I gave Irwin any money I don't recall 
it. It isn't unlikely. But he had a steady job, and I didn't, so it isn't 
likely that I gave him any. 

The Chairman. Let me ask you this, Mr. Kaghan. Let us forget 
for the time being that your name is Kaghan. Let us say that you had 
the job of hiring a man to work in the Government, and you had 
your record up to 1939 as it is. And nothing between 1939 and 1942, 
yet, which shows that you had any change in your thinking. Would 
you hire a man like Kaghan ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, my thinking shows, from the plays I read, that I 
was not in favor of communism in the United States. 

The Chairman. In other words, you would hire someone to fight 
communism on the basis of these plays ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. I would have tried to find out if the man 
knew that coimnunism was an international conspiracy and not just a 
political movement, which I thought it was. 

The Chairman. Well, if he were so naive that he did not know what 
communism was, would you hire him to combat communism ? 


Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. I would not. I was not hired for that pur- 

The Chairman. In 1942 you were hired. You got a job in the 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. If you were doing the hiring, would you have hired 
a man with a record like Kaghan had ? 

Mr. Kaghan. After security check I could have; yes. I wouldn't 
say that I wouldn't hire myself. I was interested in figliting totali- 
tarianism, sir, and that is what the Government hired me for. 

The Chairman. Well, you say "after security check." If the secu- 
rity check showed all the Communist activities that you had indulged 
in, and showed no positive action that indicated that you ever were 
against communism, would you have hired Kaghan ? 

Mr. Kaghan. That is a difficult question, sir. At that time, sir — I 
can't project myself back into those days when the war was against 
the Germans. 

The Chairman. How well did you know Joe Barnes? 

Mr. Kaghan. I would not call Joe Barnes an intimate friend of 
mine. He was an associate. 

The Chairman. How well did you know Joe Barnes ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I beg your pardon, sir? 

The Chairman. How well did you know Joe Barnes? Did you 
meet him socially ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I think I may have met him once socially. 

The Chairman. Did 3'ou visit at his home? 

Mr. Kaghan. I think I went to his home once, but I wouldn't be 
prepared to swear to it. 

The Chairman. Can you swear it was no more than once ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No; I cannot swear to it that it was no more than 
once, but I don't recollect any more than one visit, in a place that may 
have been his home. I remember him without his coat on. That is 
all I can think of. 

The Chairman. Did he ever visit in your home? 

Mr. Kaghan. Not that I can recall. 

The Chairman. Did you meet him in other people's homes ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not think so. It is possible, but I do not recall it. 

The Chairman. Did he get your job for you on the desk of the 
Herald Tribune? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know how much he had to do with it, sir. I 
was interviewed by the city editor. 

The Chairman. Did you talk with him about the job before you 
got it? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not remember whether I did. I don't think I 
knew him. 

The Chairivian. Did you consider Barnes a member of the Commu- 
nist Party? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir. 

The Chairman. You did not? 

Mr. Kaghan. It never occurred to me. 

The Chairman. When did it first occur to you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. It never occurred to me. 

The Chairman. Do you know that a number of witnesses have iden- 
tified him under oath as a member of the Communist Party ? 


Mr. Kaghan. If it is in the record, sir, and you say so, I am pre- 
pared to believe it. I don't know, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you not ever heard about that? 
Mr. Kaghan. I have heard things about Joe Barnes. I have seen 
his name in the papers. I don't recall specifically whether he was a 
member or accused of being a member. 

The Chairman. You have a great deal of material you want to 
put in, there? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir, only if I am asked. 
The Chairman. You may put in anything you care to. 
Mr. Kaghan. You talked about another play. Unfinished Picture, 
which takes the same line, and I ask that it be made a part of the rec- 
ord. It shows throughout that communism has no place in America. 
It is also about the problem of communism. 

Senator Jackson. What is the date of that play? 
Mr. Kaghan. That play was produced in 1935. 
The Chairman. Do you say that is an anti-Communist play? 
Mr. Kaghan. I would say this play would not help the Communists 
at all, and I would like to read a couple of lines from it. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether it was favorably reviewed 
by the Communist press? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know. I know it was reviewed by the Univer- 
sity of Michigan. 

The Chairman. Have you made any search so that you can find out 
which of these plays were favorably reviewed by the Daily Worker 
or any other Communist paper? 

Mr. Kaghan. You told me that 

The Chairman. Did you hear my question ? I said, have you made 
any search so that you can tell me which plays were favorably re- 
viewed by Communist publications or produced by Communist fronts? 
Mr. Kaghan. I have not searched Communist publications, sir. 
No, sir. I have no way of doing that. I have looked at the plays, 
and find they are not favorable to communism, and couldn't have been 
approved by the Communists. 

The Chairman. You tell us today under oath that this play, Un- 
finished Picture, is not favorable to the Communist cause ? 

Mr. Kaghan. In my interpretation of it, it is a rejection of com- 
munism for the United States. 

The Chairman. You would like to have that marked as an exhibit? 
Mr. Kaghan. I would like to have the entire play put in as an 
exhibit, sir. 

The Chairman. It Will be received. 

(The play. Unfinished Picture, was marked "Exhibit No, 13," and 
may be found in the files of the subcommittee.) 

Senator Jackson. What is the part you have reference to ? 
Mr. Kaghan. I have lines from the beginning to the end, but only 
a couple of pages of it. 

Senator Jackson, I mean the part you said was anti- Communist. 
Mr, Kaghan, Well, the father talking to his daughter, who has 
joined the Young Communist League. He says: 

I suppose you think communism is a blessing? Ask your Aunt Gertrude, why 
don't you. She's been to Russia. She knows what communism is. 


And later on, when he is still talking to his daughter, trying to dis- 
suade her from these associations, he says : 

You're all wrong. There are other ways to get out of the depression, better 
ways. We need a little sane thinking, that's all, more careful planning, a few 
far-sighted men in the right places would do the trick. All we need is a little 
readjustment of wealth in this country. It's got to be an American plan, not a 
crazy foreign idea. Communism wasn't meant for this country. All it would 
get you is trouble. 

This is a father talking to his daughter. 

The CiiAiKMAN. I think to keep from taking it out of context, you 
should read what the daughter said abo. 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't have what the daughter says, sir. You read 

The Chairman. I do not think I did read what the daughter said 
in this place. I may have. But since you are reading what the 
father said, let us see what the daughter had to say, and who won 
the argument. She says: 

To see? To see what? What is there for them to see in all that bourgeois 
article? It tells them to lie down and be satisfied. It takes the blood out of 
their veins. They need art that says, Rise up. Do something. Be a man. 
Throw off yoiar chains. 

Mr. Kaghan. There is an answering line to that, sir. 
The Chairman. Then, again: 

This is supposed to be the land of equal opportunity. Maybe it was once, 
but it isn't any more. Everybody is owned by somebody. 

Senator Jackson. Who wins the arginnent? 

The Chairman. xVs usual, the Communist wins the argument. The 
last words, by the mother — I guess it is the mother ; somebody there 
by the name of Alice — are : 

Go down and lie among your ruins. Smell the dust and the ashes. Why don't 
you start burning the whole mess now? Why do you leave me to look at the 
wreckage? Why don't you burn it? What are you waiting for? 

And here is the f adeout : 

Gketrude. There is not enough wreckage yet, my child. We have to wait. 

Mr. Kaghan. Yes. And that fade-out is spoken by an old aunt who 
is a retired, disappointed, disillusioned anarchist, the one who will 
have nothing to do with communism, as is described ]H'eviously in the 
play, the one who is identified as having gone to Russia and been 
disillusioned. And she is not talking about political philosophy. She 
is just wailing in disappointment. 

But the answer to wlio won the argument, sir, comes when the 
son tells the sister and her Communist friends : 

* * * you're fooling yourselves every day when you think you can start a 
revolution in this country. America isn't Russia. This country has everything 
it needs. A little depression, or even a big one, doesn't mean a revolution. Amer- 
ican psychology and American traditions are different from Russia's. We'U get 
along without importing any crazy schemes from other countries. 

And again : 

You Communists get your ideas from Russia. The Russians don't know any- 
thing about the way people are here. They can't do things here the way they 
do them in Russia. The American people would never stand for communism. 

That is the son arguing with the daughter and her Communist friends. 
The Chairman. Do you claim you were anti-Communist when you 
wrote that ? 


Mr, Kaghan. I claim I was unwilling to accept communism as a 
way out for America. And I have always been, and still am. 

The Chairman. Well, were you against communism, as a world 
movement ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I didn't understand communism, sir, as I discovered 
later. To me, communism then was a political movement. I now 
know it is an international conspiracy. 

The Chairman, Could you tell us how you could write these bril- 
liant anti-Communist plays if you did not understand communism and 
did not understand it was a danger ? AVliat impelled you to write what 
you call these strong anti-Communist plays? 

Mr, Kaghan, I didn't call them strong anti- Communist plays, as 
I recall, sir, I said they were a rejection of communism. They were 
about the subject of communism, about the subject of what was going 
on here in the United States in the 1930's, during the depression, when 
a lot of people were talking about communism. 

The Chairman. Then you wrote these plays in 1935 and 1936 ; and 
in 1939, you swear to a petition saying, "I intend to support at the 
coming election the Communist candidate." 

This is in 1939. I am wondering how you were against communism 
in 1935 and if something happened so that you got a little soft toward 
it in 1939. 

Mr. Kaghan. Sir, I was associating with people I knew to be Com- 
munists. I had a case of political chickenpox which I think you are 
trying to make into a case of incurable political disease of some kind. 

The Chaieman. Mr. Kaghan, I am not trying to make it into any- 
thing. I find a man who seems to have followed the pattern of the old 
State Department that you were working in, a pattern of a man with 
a background of Communist associations. Communist connections, 
who says, "But I have reformed," It seems he claims to have reformed 
sometime after he got in the State Department. 

Mr, Kaghan. I could not claim to have reformed, sir. 

The Chairman. I find you holding an extremely important job over 
in Germany, spending $61 million. You seem to object to our check- 
ing into your background, finding out whether you still believe the 
way you did, 

Mr. Kaghan. I thank you for checking into my background, I 
thank you for the opportunity I have had to check into it myself. 

The Chairman. Pardon me for interrupting. I think you were 
putting more material in the record. 

Mr. Kaghan. You want to know why the Department hired me. I 
was hired not by the Department of State but by Mr. John McCoy 
and Mr. Kalph 'Nicholson, who were in Germany at the time, Mr. 
Nicholson came and hired me, and Mr. Nicholson sent me this telegram 
last night. It is very short. 

I have continuously believed in your loyalty and your effectiveness in com- 
bating communism from tbe time of our first meeting in Vienna in 1949, where 
I went to persuade you to come to Public Affairs, HICOG, of which I was director. 
Throughout our association, your performance was most satisfactory in every 
respect. You lived up to your splendid reputation — 

which was for fighting communism — 

and justified my confidence and high regard. 

That is signed, "Kalph Nicholson, president and publisher, Char- 
lotte Observer." 


That was not a State Department man, although he was working 
under that. 

You talked about the Neue Zeitung, sir. We put out a Neue Zeitung 
in Berlin. Here is a sample of the Neue Zeitung we put out in Berlin. 
Here is the Neue Zeitung. It is that big [indicating]. It is a weekly- 
put out for distribution behind the Iron Curtain. If you roll it up, 
it is no bigger than a cigarette. That is one of the things the Neue 
Zeitung does, and that is one of the things I am doing in Germany. 

We put out pamphlets by all kinds of people who will be familiar 
to YOU. There is Huth Fischer, Igiiazio 8ilone. Koestler, Sidney 
Hook. Things like that are what we are doing in Germany now to 
fight communism. 

The Chairman. You said the Neue Zeitung was a weekly ? 

Mr. Kaghan. This is one of the weekly editions. It is a daily in 
Berlin, and in Frankfurt it has another form. This is its regular 
form, which comes out daily 6 days a week. This is the one that is 
edited by Hans Wallenberg, who was mentioned here before. 

This one is put out by Mike Fodor up in Berlin. 

The Chairman. Let's stop at Wallenberg, for a minute. Do you 
consider him a Communist? 

Mr. Kaghan. I consider him a very loyal and able American who 
is doing a tremendous job in Germany. 

The Chairman. Now will you answer the question? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not consider him a Communist. 

The Chairman. Had you heard that he was a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Kaghan. I have just heard some stuff here. 

The Chairman. Before today? 

Mr. Kaghan. That he was a member of the Communist Party? 
No, sir. 

The Chairman. You say "a member of the Communist Party." 
Let us not draw any fine lines. Had you heard before today that he 
was a Communist; that he followed the Communist line? I do not 
refer to joining the party. Had you heard that? 

Mr. Kaghan. I had heard some derogatory information about him; 
yes. He told me there was some derogatory information, and I may 
have heard it from somewhere else. 

The Chairman. By "derogatory information," you mean deroga- 
tory along the line of Communist activity ? 

Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; it wasn't in that form. 

The Chairman. Well, what form was it in, then? 

Mr. Ivaghan. It was in the form of being not anti-Coimnunist, or 
not having been anti-Conmiunist, or something like that. It was 
nothing as definite as being a Communist. 

The Chairman. And you sav that he told you that his files showed 

Mr. Kaghan. He didn't tell me that; no, sir. 

The Chairman. What did he tell you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. He once mentioned that somebody was presenting 
derogatory information about him and he wanted to do something 
about it. 

The Chairman. Were you aware of the fact that all these well- 
known Communists mentioned by the previous witness were writing 
for the Neue Zeitung? 


Mr. Kaghan. No, sir ; that was before I got there. But there are 
two editors of the Xeiie Zeitung who were there at the time, one in 
Munich, where we published an edition, and one in Frankfurt, where 
we published another edition, who are in this room now and will be 
prepared to testify in rebuttal of the testimony this morning. 

The Chairman. Is it your statement that they will testify that 
those Communists were not hired on the paper ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I do not know what they will testify. I was not 

The Chairman. You said they will testify in rebuttal. Have you 
talked to them ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I was told they would like to testify in rebuttal about 
the charges brought up this morning against Mr. Wallenberg. 

The Chairman. Who told you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Who told me ? 

The Chairman. Yes. You said you were told. 

Mr. Kaghan. One of the men told me. 

The Chairman. Let us get their names. If they want to testify, 
they will be allowed to. 

Mr. Kaghan. One is Mr. Alfred Jacobson. 

The Chairman. And he told you he would like to testify ? 

ISh'. Kaghan. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And who is the other one ? 

Mr. Kaghan. Mr. Max Kraus. 

The Chairman. And they are in the room today ? 

Mr. Kaghan, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They will be allowed to testify. 

Mr. Kraus and Mr. Jacobson, you will consider yourselves under 
subpena. Are you here in the room ? 

Mr. Jacobson. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do I understand you both want to testify ? 

Mr. Jabobson. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And Mr. Jacobson? 

Mr. Kraus. This is Mr. Jacobson. I am Mr. Kraus. 

The Chairman. Which is Mr. Kraus ^ 

Mr. Kraus. I am Kraus. 

The Chairman. We will be glad to hear from you. We will not be 
able to hear from you today. We have Mr. Wechsler in executive 
session in about an hour and a half. So, we will not be able to hear 
from you today, but counsel will arrange a hearing at the earliest 
convenience. Are you merely in the United States temporarily ? 

Mr. Jacobson. Pardon, sir? 

The Chairman. Are you here merely temporarily ? In other words, 
how much inconvenience will it be to you if you are kept here for 
several days? 

Mr. Jacobson. I am living in Washington, sir. No inconvenience 
at all. 

The Chairman. Are you working in the State Department? 

Mr. Jacobson. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And you are living in Washington also ? 

Mr. Kraus. Yes. sir. I am also working in the State Department. 

The Chairman. In other words, it will not inconvenience you if you 
are not called tomorrow or the next day, because you will be here 
right along. 


Mr. Kraus. That is right, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you contact the staff of the committee at the 
earliest convenience, in room 101 ? 
Proceed, Mr. Kaghan. 

Mr. Kaghan. There was some question here previously, sir, as to 
my loyalty and the status of it, and I wish to put into the record a 
letter I have from the Deputy Under Secretary, the former Deputy 
Under Secretary, Mr. Humelsine, who says that "There is no reason- 
able doubt as to your loyalty to the Government of the United States, 
and you do not constitute a security risk to the Department of State." 
The Chairman. May I say, Mr. Kaghan, that the fact that you 
read letters into the record will not be considered as a precedent to 
other witnesses. Normally, if someone wants to appear and testify 
in your behalf, he must do that under oath and not by letter. How- 
ever, we will allow you to put in those letters you have, in view of the 
fact that you were not notified on that. 

What is the date of that letter, incidentally? 
Mr. IVAGHAN. October 27, 1952. 

The Chairman. October 27, 1952. What was the occasion of your 
getting that letter ? 

Mr. K.VGHAN. Tlie occasion was interrogatories based on the ma- 
terial which gave rise to the questions that I have been asked here. 
The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Kaghan. There was some question also, sir, about the kind of 
anti-Communist material I produced in Austria, which led the State 
Department to hire me in Gerniany. Would you care to have some 
excerpts from the material I wrote then'^ 

The Chairman. You will have complete freedom to put anything 

you care to into the record. If the material is too voluminous 

Mr. Kaghan. It is rather voluminous. 

The Chairman. We will mark it as an exhibit instead of putting 
it into the record. You may put in anything you care to. 

Mr. Kaghan. I also have in pamphlets here material which we 
are producing in Germany. I was brought to Germany, and organized 
this pamphlet operation. 

The Chairman. I wonder if you would have Ruth, here, mark 
those. Mark all the exhibits that you want to olfer. Will you pass 
those over to her ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I will pass them over to her. May I straighten them 
out later, sir ? They are rather mixed up. 

The Chairman. Why don't you do this? Why don't you go down 
and see the young lady this afternoon in room 101 and give her 
everything you want marked as an exhibit? May I say, if there are 
some excerpts that you feel strongly should be in the record instead 
of merely being an exhibit, we will try and accommodate you on 
that. But it would be impossible to have all that nuiterial in the 
record. However, all will be received as exhibits. 

Mr. Kaghan. Most of these are anti-Communist, exposing Com- 
munist control of the youtli, exposing the fraud of the Stockholm 

peace petition 

The Chairman. And you say you put those out ? 
Mr. Kaghan. I say I am responsible for getting this whole setup 
organized to put these out, and get them behind the Iron Curtain 
through underground means; 300,000, 200,000, some of them 500,000. 


The Chairman. Then you are responsible for all of the books that 
are put out ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I am not responsible for all. I was not at the time 
I did this. I am, as Acting Deputy Director, responsible for anything 
that goes on in the Office of Public Affairs. But that book that was 
mentioned this morning was before my time. 

The Chairman. Very well. Have you checked to find out who 
was responsible for putting out those books by Communist authors? 

Mr. Kaghan. I have not personally checked, but an investigation 
was made while I was in Germany, and the results were given to the 
security people. 

The Chairman. So that the people responsible for putting out the 
Communist books as far as you know are still working under you? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know that, sir. I don't know who was re- 
sponsible for it. 

The Chairman. Is Mr. Riedel still working in your Department? 

Mr. Kaghan. Who, sir? 

The Chairman. Dr. John Kiedel. 

Mr. Kaghan. Kiedel, I think, sir, is the name. 

The Chairman. Is he still working in your department? 

Mr. Kaghan. He was still at work when I left Germany. I under- 
stood he had resigned. 

The Chairman. So as far as you know, the people responsible for 
putting out this Communist publication may or may not be still work- 
ing for you ? 

Mr. Kaghan. I don't know how much responsibility any particu- 
lar person had. I have not seen a complete report. 

The Chairman. If you have finished your oral testimony, we will 
adjourn now and allow you to add whatever material you care to in 
the record. 

(Material subsequently filed by Mr. Kaghan was marked as "Exhibit 
No. 14," and may be found in the files of the subcommittee.) 

The Chairman. We will have a public hearing tomorrow morning 
at 10 : 30 in room 318. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 35 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 10 : 30 a. m., Wednesday. May 6, 1953.) 



Exhibit No. 11 

United States Writer Givex East Zone Asylum — Heym Calls America 
"Warlike axd Fascist — Takes Family to His Native Gebmany 

Berlin, April 15. — Stefan Heym. a naturalized Ameiicau author who won a 
Bronze Star fighting in the Battle of the Bulge, has taken his family to Communist 
East Germany, where he was born, and has asked for asylum there, the official 
East German news agency ADN reported tonight. 

It quoted him as having said : "The warlike and fascistic policy of the present 
American Government makes it impossible for an honest man to be an author in 
America and publish his works there." 

Mr. Heym, who has written several books, among them The Eyes of Reason, 
Hostages, The Crusaders, and Of Smiling Peace, was said to have given as an 
added reason for having left the United States the fact that he had faced a call 
to active duty as an Army officer. 

He did not want to serve in the Army, the statement said, because it was recruit- 
ing "convicted Nazi war criminals" and employing bacteriological weapons. He 
said he had sent his Bronze Star and his Army commission to President 

ADX said the East German Government had restored Mr. Heym's former 
German citizenship. He was born in Chemnitz, now in the Soviet Zone of Ger- 
many, in 1913. 

In the statement Mr. Heym asserted that he hoped to find in East Germany 
those "personal rights" that, he said, were lacking in the United States. 

successful writer in united states 

From the time that Stefan Heym emigrated to the United States from Prague, 
Czechoslovakia, in 1935, he won a good reputation here as an author and journalist. 

Granted a graduate scholarship at the University of Chicago, he received his 
M. A. degree there in 1936, and in the next year accepted the editorship of a small 
German anti-Nazi weekly, Deutsches Volksecho. published in New York. He 
helped expose the activities of the Nazi Bund in America and in 1938 he published 
a pamphlet, Nazis in the U. S. A. 

From 1939 until the publication of Hostages in 1942. he worked as a printing 
salesman. The reviewers agreed on the whole that Hostages was a hair-raising 
and "terrifying effective narrative." The New York Times reviewer, Orville 
Prescott, called it the best novel he had seen about life under the Nazis. 

In 1943. Mr. Heym entered the Army as a private and later was a lieutenant in 
psychological warfare. His latest book, The Crusaders, published here in Sep- 
tember 1948, was dedicated to liis wife Gertrude, who wrote for magazines as 
Valerie Stone. 

The Heyms lived in Peter Cooper Village in late 1948. One of his literary 
associates here reported yesterday that he went to France about 3 years ago. 




No. 1 

Information from the files of the Committee on Un-American Activities, United 

States House of Representatives. 
Date: May 7, 1953. 

P"or : Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. 
Subject : Robert Morss Lovett. 

Public records, files, and publications of this committee contain the following 
information concernins: Robert Morss Lovett. This report should not be con- 
strued as representing results of an investigation by or findings of this committee. 
It should be noted that the subject individual is not necessarily a Communist, a 
Communist sympathizer, or a fellow traveler unless otherwise indicated. 

Following is an excerpt from the American Peace Crusader for May 1951 
(p. 2) , a publication of the American Peace Crusade : 

"Chicago. — Illinois assembly of American Peace Crusade is taking its role 
as host to the peace congress seriousl.\'. Thousands of ballots are in circulation. 
An Illinois peace assembly, with Professor Lovett and Rev. Joseph Evans as 
honorary cochairmen, launched." 

The Illinois peace assembly has never been cited as subversive or Communist 
by this committee or by any other official investiiiative agency ; however, the 
Committee on Un-American Activities cited the American Peace Crusade as an 
organization which "the Communists established" as "a new instrument for 
their 'peace' offensive in the United States" and which was heralded Ity the 
Daily Worker "with the usual bold headlines reserved for projects in line with 
the Communist objectives." ( Statement on the March of Treason, February 19, 
1951, and H. Rept. No. 378 on the Communist Peace Offensive, released April 1,. 


The Daily Worker of March 6, 1951 (p. 4), reported that "Prof. Robert Morss 
Lovett, prominent educator and former Governor of the Virgin Islands, has an- 
nounced the formation of a Chicago committee of the American Peace Crusade. 
The committee will send a delegation of 250 Chicagoans to participate in the na- 
tional 'pilgrimage for peace' in Washington, D. C, March 15. The committee was 
formed at a supper meeting of 40 ministers, labor leaders, and others. * * * It 
was sponsored b.\ Professor Lovett, Rev. Joseph M. Evans * * * ail national 
sponsors of the American Peace Crusade." 

The Daily People's World of March 16, 1951 (p. 1) , reported that Robert Morss 
Lovett led a delegation of the American Peace Crusade to Washington, D. C. 
In its report on the Communist "peace" offensive, the Committee on Un- 
American Activities devoted several pages to the activities of the American 
Peace Crusade, from which the following excerpts are quoted : 

"Two projects adopted almost immediately by the new front organization 
were a 'peace pilgrimage' to Washington, D. C, and a nationwide 'peace poll.' 
Both boldly called for American surrender to Communist aggression, and for 
betrayal of American boys fighting in Korea. As announced in the Daily Worker 
of February 1, 1951, the 'peace pilgrimage' was scheduled to descend upon Wash- 
ington in March to demand from' Congress and the executive agencies of the 
Government that the Americans 'abandon the futile conflict in Korea' and recog- 
nize the 'right' of the Chinese Communists to sit in the United Nations. * * * 

"The 'peace' pilgrimage concluded with a public rally. * * * A militant call 
to treason was clearly sounded at this rally, which was addressed by such indi- 
viduals as * * * Prof. Robert Morss Lovett * * *" (pp. 52 and 53). 

Other references to Mr. Lovett in connection with the American Peace Crusade 
appear in the following sources: He sponsored a contest of the organization, 
advancing the theme of world peace (Daily Worker of May 1, 1951, p. 11) ; 
sponsor, American People's Congress and Exposition for Peace. Chicago, 111. 
(as shown on the call to that congress) ; elected cochairman of the American 
People's Congress * * * (Daily Worker, July 3, 1951, p. 2) ; announced speaker 
at meeting of active peace workers on January 11 in Chicago, under the auspices 
of the American Peace Crusade (Daily Worker of January 7, 19.52, p. 2) ; signed 


the organization's petition calling on President Truman and Congress to seek 
a big-power pact (Daily Worker, February 1, 1952, p. 1) ; honorary chairman of 
the Illinois assembly, American Peace Crusade (letterhead dated April 12, 1951). 

The Daily People's World of March 3, 1952 (p. 4). reported that Dr. Lovett 
was one of the sponsors of the delegation that marched on Washington, D. C, 
April 1, of the National Delegates Assembly for Peace, identified in the Daily 
People's World (March 21, 1952, p. 2), as a meeting of the American Peace 
Crusade. The Daily Worker of March 24. 1952 (p. 2). named him as Illinois 
State cochairman of the American Peace Crusade and guest of honor at the 
organization's banquet, March 8, in Chicago. He signed the organization's open 
letter to the President of the United States, demanding immediate cease-fire in 
Korea with prisoner issue to be settled later ; he was identified in this source 
(Daily Worker of March 11, 1953, p. 8), as former Governor of the Virgin Islands, 
professor emeritus of English literature at the University of Chicago. The 
Worker (Sunday edition of the Daily Worker) reported on March 22, 19.53 (p. 4), 
that Dr. Lovett welcomed 76 delegates to a national policy meeting of the Ameri- 
can Peace Crusade which met in Chicago March 14 and 15. 

The Daily Worker of November 3. 1936 (p. 4). reported that Robert Morss 
Lovett participated in a Communist Party meeting which was held in Madison 
Square Garden. 

From 1934 until 1939 Robert Morss Lovett was associated with the American 
League Against War and Fascism, later known as the American League for 
Peace and Democracy, as shown by the following : He signed the call for a 
United Front Conference on February 19-11. 1934, Chicago, 111., held under the 
auspices of the American League Against War and Fascism (Fight magazine 
for February 1934, p. 15) ; he w'as chairman of the Second United States Con- 
gress Against War and Fascism (a letterhead of the group dated August 30, 
1934) ; he signed the call to the second congress which was held in Chicago, 
September 28-30, 1934. In 1935, Dr. Lovett was named on a letterhead of the 
American League Against War and Fascism, dated August 22, 1935, as a member 
of that organization's national executive committee. Fight magazine for Sep- 
tember 19.35 (p. 13), named him as vice chairman of the group. He was a mem- 
ber of the Chicago executive committee of the League, as shown on their letter- 
head dated May 16, 1936 ; he contributed to Fight magazine for August 1936 ; 
he was vice chairman of the league in 1937 (Fight magazine for November 1937, 
p. 3: and July 1937, p. 3; also the March 19.37 issue, p. 3: and a letterhead 
of the group dated November 3, 1937). He was a member of the national execu- 
tive committee of the People's Congress for Democracy and Peace, as shown on 
a letterhead dated November 3. 1937 ; vice chairman of the organization in 1938 
(Fight magazine for February 1938) : one of the national vice chairmen in 1939 
(letterhead of the American League for Peace and Democracy dated March 24, 
1939 : the Call to Action of the American Congress for Peace and Democracy, 
January 2-8, 1939, Washington, D. C. : a pamphlet entitled "7^2 Million * * *" 
(p. 34). 

The American League Against War and Fascism was "established in the United 
States in an effort to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy 
adapted to the interests of the Soviet Union" : it was also cited as subversive and 
Communist (the Attorney General of the United States in press releases of 
December 4, 1947. and September 21, 1948, respectively). The special commit- 
^pg * * * cited the American League * * * as "completely under the control 
of Communists" (report of March 29, 1944; also cited in reports of January 3, 
1939 ; January 3. 1940 ; and June 25, 1942) . The American League for Peace and 
Democracy was established in the United States in 1937 as successor to the 
American League Against War and Fascism "in an effort to create public senti- 
ment on behalf of a foreign policy adapted to the interests of the Soviet Union" ; 
it was also cited as subversive and Communist (the Attorney General in press 
releases of June 1 and September 21, 1948, respectively). The special commit- 
tee cited the American League for Peace and Democracy as "the largest of the 
Communist 'front' movements in the United States" (reports of January 3, 
1939; March 29, 1944; January 3, 1940; January 3, 1941; June 25, 1942; and 
January 2, 1943). 


Mr. Lovett was a member of the advisory board of the American Committee 
for Protection of Foreign Bora ( letterhead of April 27, 1938 ; letterhead of Jan- 
uary 1940; and the call to the third annual conference of the organization) : he 
was a sponsor of the organization, according to a letterhead summarizing the 
1946 work of the group ; a letterhead of the fourth annual conference in Wash- 
ington, D. C, March 2-3, 1940 ; a booklet entitled "The Registration of Aliens" 
(back cover) ; letterheads of December 11 and 12, 1948, and 1950; and the Daily 
Worker of February 12, 1948 (p. 6). He was a sponsor of the national con- 
ference of the organization in Cleveland, Ohio, October 25-26, 1947, as shown 
on the call for the conference and the printed program ; and was cochairman of 
that conference (Daily Worker of August 20, 1947, p. 4). He signed the organ- 
ization's letter in behalf of Communist deportation cases (Daily Worker of 
March 4, 1948, p. 2) ; he signed its statement in behalf of Gerhart Eisier (Daily 
W^orker of December 21, 1948, p. 4) ; and signed a statement against denaturali- 
zation (Daily Worker, August 10, 1950, p. 5) . 

The call to a Midwest conference to defend the Bill of Rights and for the 
 defense of foreign born, May 18, 1952, in Chicago, 111., issued by the Midwest 
Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, named Hon. Robert Morss Lovett as 
one of the sponsors of that conference. The Daily Worker of February 25, 1953 
(p. 8), reported that the American Committee for Pi'otection of Foreign Born 
announced that the Honorable Robert Morss Lovett was one of "29 prominent 
Americans (who) joined yesterday in a demand to Attorney General Herbert 
Brownell, Jr., that he use his power to grant bail to Sam Milgrom, hospitalized 
Walter-McCarran victim, it was announced by the American Committee for Pro- 
tection of Foreign Born. Milgrom, executive secretary of the International 
W^orkers Order, was jailed without bail on Ellis Island on October 24, 19.52." On 
April 8, 1953, the Daily W\)rker reported that Dr. Lovett had signed an open 
letter of the American Committee * * * , calling upon the United States Congress 
to repeal the W^alter-McCarran law. 

The American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born was cited as sub- 
versive and Communist by the Attorney General of the United States (press 
releases of June 1 and September 21, 1948) ; the special committee * * * cited it 
as "one of the oldest auxiliaries of the Communist Party in the United States" 
(report of March 29, 1944; also cited in report dated June 25, 1942). 

Professor Lovett was one of the sponsors of the Cultural and Scientific Con- 
ference for World Peace, arranged by the National Council of the Arts, Sciences, 
and Professions and held in New York City, March 2.5-27, 1949 (from the call 
to the conference and the printed program). A letterhead of the national coun- 
cil * * * dated July 28, 19-50, and a leaflet entitled "Policy and Program Adopted 
by the National Convention, 1950," named him honorary chairman of the 
national council * * *. He signed the organization's statement for negotia- 
tions with the U. S. S. R. (Daily Worker of August 7, 19.50, p. S), and supported 
a rehearing of the case of Communist leaders before the Supreme Court (We 
Join Black's Dissent, a reprint of an article from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch of 
June 20, 1951, by the national council) * * *. The Daily Worker of June 2, 
1952 (p. 3) , reported that he had endorsed the national council's resolution calling 
for a hearing of Tunisia's demands in the United Nations ; a letterhead of the 
national council * * * dated December 7, 1952, named him as honorary chair- 
man of the group. 

A mimeographed letter, dated December 1, 1950, named Dr. Robert Morss 
Lovett as a member of the American Sponsoring Committee for Representation 
at the World Peace Congress. The Daily Worker of November 9, 1950 (p. 2), 
reported that he was a delegate to the World Peace Congress. A handbill entitled 
"Destination Peace," dated January 12, 1951, named him as an initiating sponsor 
of the Chicago Welcoming Committee for the Delegates to the World Peace 

The Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace was cited as a Com- 
munist front which "was actually a supermobilization of the inveterate wheel- 
horses and supporters of the Communist Party and its auxiliary organizations"; 
the National Council of the Arts, Sciences and Professions was cited as a Com- 
munist-front organization ; and the World Peace Congress was cited as a Com- 
munist front among the "peace" conferences which "have been organized under 
Communist initiative in various countries throughout the world as part of a cam- 
paign against the North Atlantic Defense Pact" (from the committee's report 
of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, released April 19, 


Robert Morss Lovett signed the open letter for closer cooperation with the 
Soviet Union, as shown in Soviet Russia Today for September 1939 (p. 2;")). "In 
September 1939. 1 month after tlie siyning of the Xazi-Soviet pact, a group of 
Communist Party stooges issued an open letter * * * it should be emphasized 
that the United States and the Soviet Union were not at that time collaborating 
for the crushing of the Axis military might. On the contrary, the Soviet Union 
was collaborating with the Nazis" (from a x-eport of the special committee * * * 
dated June 25, 1942). 

A letterhead of the medical bureau, American Friends of Spanish Democracy, 
dated November 18, 1936, contained the name of Robert Morss Lovett in a list 
of members of that group ; he was a sponsor of the same organization according 
to the Daily Worker of March 5. 1937 (p. 2) ; he was named on a letterhead of 
the organization dated July 6, 1938, as a national sponsor and a member of the 
Chicago committee (letterhead dated April 12, 1938). 

During 1937 and 1938, the Communist Party campaigned for support of the 
Spanish Loyalist cause, recruiting men and organizing so-called relief groups 
such as American Friends of Spanish Democracy (from the siiecial committee's 
report of March 29. 1944). 

Ml'. Lovett was a sponsor of the Conference on Constitutional Liberties in 
America, at which the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties was 
established (pi-ogram entitled "Call to a Conference * * *" June 7, 1940, p. 4). 
He also sponsored the National Action Conference for Civil Rights which was 
lield in Washington, D. C, April 19-20, 1941, as shown on the call issued by the 
national federation * =■• * The Attorney General of the United States cited the 
national federation as subversive and Communist and as an organization "by 
which Communists attempt to create sympathizers and supporters of their pro- 
gram" (the Loyalty Review Board's press releases of December 4, 1947, and 
September 21, 1948; and the Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 7687. 
respectively). The special committee cited the national federation as "one of 
the viciously subversive organizations of the Communist Partv" (Rept. 1311 
of March 29, 1944; also cited in reports of June 25, 1942, and January 2, 1943). 
The Committee on Un-American Activities cited the national federation as 
"actually intended to protect Communist subversion from anv penalties under 
the law" (Rept. 1115 of September 2. 1947). 

New Masses for May 3, 1938, contained an article by Professor Lovett; he 
signed New Masses' letter to the President of the United States, as shown in the 
April 2. 1940, issue of that magazine (p. 21). The Attorney General cited New 
Masses as a "Communist periodical" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, 
p. 7688). It was cited as a "nationally circulated weekly journal of the Com- 
munist Party * * * whose ownership was vested in the American fiuid for Pub- 
lic Service" (special committee in Rept. 1311 of March 29. 1944). 

A pamphlet entitled "Fight War" (p. 4). published by the Student Congress 
Against War. named Professor Lovett as a member of the organization's na- 
tional committee ; he was a member of the Advisory Board of the American 
Student Union, as shown on their pamphlet entitled "Presenting the American 
Student Union" ; and was a member of the National Advisory Board of the 
American Youth Congress (Youngville, U. S. A., p. 63). 

"During the Christmas holidays of 1932, the Student Congress Against War 
was convened at the University of Chicago. This gathering was held at the direct 
instigation of the (Amsterdam) World Congress Against War. The Chicago 
congress was completely controlled by the Communists of the National Student 
League" (special committee's report dated March 29, 1944). The American 
Student Union was a Communist-front organization, "the result of a united front 
gathering of young Socialists and Communists" in 1937. The Young Communist 
League took credit for creation of the union (special committee in reports of 
January 3. 1939: January 3, 1940; June 25, 1942; and March 29, 1944). The 
American Youth Congress "originated in 1934 and * * * has been controlled by 
Communists and manipulated by them to influence the thought of American 
youth"; it was also cited as subversive and CommunLst (the Attorney General 
in the Congressional Record. September 24, 1942. p. 7685 ; and press releases 
of December 4. 1947. and September 21. 1948. respectively). 

The November 1937 issue of Soviet Russia Today (p. 79), published a page 
of signatures from the Golden Book of American Friendship With the Soviet 
Union, sponsored by the American Friends of the Soviet Union and "signed 
by hundreds of thousands of Americans. The Golden Book will be presented 
to President Kalinin at the 20th anniversary celebration." A facsimile of 
Robert Morss Lovett's signature appears on the page, which is entitled "I hereby 


inscribe my name in greeting to the people of the Soviet Union on the 20th 
anniversary of the establishment of the Soviet Republic."' 

The Golden Book of American Friendship With the Soviet Union has been cited 
as a "Communist enterprise" signed by "hundreds of well-known Communists 
and fellow travelers" (special committee's report of March 29, 1944) ; Friends 
of the Soviet Union, sponsors of the Golden Book, has been cited by the Attorney 
General as Communist (press releases of December 4, 1947, June 1, and Septem- 
ber 21, 1948) ; the special committee called it "one of the most open Communist 
fronts in the United States" (reports of January 3, 1939; January 3, 1940; 
June 25, 1942; and March 29, 1944). 

In a report dated June 25, 1942, prepared by the Special Committee on Un- 
American Activities, the open letter to American liberals was cited as having 
been published in "March 1937" by "a group of well-known Coniiuuuists and 
Communist collaborators * * * (which) was a defense of the Moscow purge 
trials." Soviet Russia Today (March 1937, pp. 14-15), named Professor Lovett 
as having signed the open letter to American Liberals. 

Professor Lovett was a member of the National Committee of the AU-Amer- 
ican Anti-Imperialist League, as shown on their letterhead dated April 11, 
1928. The All-American * * * was cited as a Communist-front organization by 
the Attorney General in re Harry Bridges (May 28, 1942, p. 10), and as a 
Communist enterprise (special committee in renort of March 29, 1944). 

The call to the fourth American Writers Congress which was held in New York, 
June 6-8, 1941, was signed by Professor Lovett, as shown on the leaflet entitled 
"In Defense of Culture" ; he also signed a statement In Defense of Peace, pre- 
pared by the League of American Writers (the Worker of September 22, 1940, 
p. 7) . The League of American Writers was founded "under Communist auspices 
in 1935 * * * (and) in 1939 began openly to follow the Communist Party line as 
dictated by the foreign policy of the Soviet Union" : it was also cited as sub- 
versive and Communist (the Attorney General in the Congressional Record of 
September 24. 1942, pp. 7685 and 76S6 : and press releases of June 1 and Sep- 
tember 21. 1948. respectively). The special committee cited the league as a 
Communist-front organization (reports of January 3. 1940; June 25, 1942; and 
March 29, 1944). 

The Daily Worker of February 13, 1937 (p. 2), named Mr. Lovett as having 
signed a cable of the Prestes Defense Committee, cited as a "Communist or- 
ganization * * * defending Luiz Carlos Prestes, leading Brazilian Communist 
and former member of the executive committee of the Communist International" 
(special committee in report of March 29, 1944). 

A leaflet of the Committee to Defend America by Keeping out of War (p. 2), 
named Robert Morss Lovett as one of the sponsors of the Emergency Peace 
Mobilization; a letterhead of the same organization, dated August 10, 1940, 
contained his name in a list of the committee's sponsors. "After Stalin signed 
his pact with Hitler, the Communist-led Committee to Defend America by Keep- 
ing Out of War * * * came forth to oppose the national-defense program, 
lend-lease, conscription, and other 'war-mongering' efforts." It initiated the 
American Peace Mobilization (special committee * * *in report dated March 

In 1929 Professor Lovett was a member of the national committee of the Inter- 
national Labor Defense, as shown on a letterhead of that organization dated 
February 18. 1929 : a branch of the ILD in Chicago is named for Robert Morss 
Lovett (Daily Worker of May 16. 1936, p. 3) ; he signed a petition of the or- 
ganization addressed to the Japanese Ambassador (Daily Worker, March 19 
1938, p. 2). 

The International Labor Defense has been cited as subversive and Communist, 
and as the "legal arm of the Communist Party" (Attorney General, press releases 
of June 1 and September 21. 1948 : and the Congressional Record of September 
24. 1942, p. 7686, respectively) ; the special committee cited the ILD as "essen- 
tiallv the legal defense arm of the Communist Party of the United States" 
(reports of January 3. 1939; January 3. 1940; June 25. 1942; and March 29, 
1944) ; the Committee on Un-American Activities cited the ILD as "part of an 
international network of organizations for the defense of Communist law- 
breakers" (Rept. 1115 of September 2, 1947) . 

The Civil Rights Congress was formed in 1946 as a merger of two other 
Communist-front organizations, the International Labor Defense and the Na- 
tional Federation for Constitutional Liberties, and was "dedicated * * * 
specifically to the defense of individual Communists and the Communist Party" 
(Rept. 1115 of the Committee on Un-American Activities) ; the Attorney Gen- 


eral cited the Civil Rights Congress as subversive and Communist (press releases 
of December 4, 1947, and September 21, 1948). The Daily Worker of December 
15, 1948 (p. 11), reported that Mr. Lovett was one of the sponsors of the 
Freedom Crusade of the Civil Rights Congress; he was a sponsor of the Bill 
of Rights confei-ence of the congress which was held in New York City, July 
16-17, 1949 (call to the conference, p. 9) ; he was one of the sponsors of the 
national conference of the congress which was held in Chicago (Daily Worker, 
October 21, 1947, p. 5 ; November 19, 1947, p. 6 ; Daily People's World of October 
28, 1947, p. 4) ; he was one of the sponsors of the congress' protest of the 
indictment of the 12 Communist leaders (Daily Worker of December 31, 1948, 
p. 3). Dr. Lovett was 1 of those who signed the open letter to J. Howard 
:McCTrath on behalf of the 4 jailed trustees of the bail fund of the Civil Rights 
Congress of New York (advertisement in the Washington Evening Star of 
October 30, 1951. "paid for by contributions of signers"), and he was also a 
member of a delegation to Attorney General McGrath to secure the release 
of the 4 trustees (Daily Worker of September 21, 1951, p. 1). He spoke at a 
free Nelson rally of the Civil Rights Congress, September 19, in Chicago, held 
in conjunction with the Amnesty Committee for Smith Act Victims (Daily 
Worker of September 23, 1952. p. 2). 

The Daily Worker of December 31, 1951 (p. 3), reported that Robert Morss 
Lovett would speak at a rally in New York City, January 4. 1952, to "smash the 
Smith Act": the Daily People's World of February 27, 1952 (p. 2), named him 
as a sponsor of an emergency conference dedicated to the defense of Com- 
munists arrested under the Smith Act, which conference was to be held in New 
York City, March 16. Professor Lovett signed a telegram of greeting to Eugene 
Dennis on his 4Sth birthday: the greeting was prepared and dispatched by 
the National Committee To Win Amnesty for Smith Act Victims. (See Daily 
Worker of August 11, 1952, p. 3.) He signed an appeal to the President of 
the United States, requesting amnesty for leaders of the Communist Party who 
were convicted under the Smith Act (Daily Worker. December 10, 1952, p. 4). 

Professor Lovett was an advisory editor of Champion magazine, official organ 
of the Young Communist League (as shown in Champion for August 1936 p. 2) ; 
he contributed to the December 1936 issue (p. 6). The Young Communist League 
has been cited as a subversive. Communist organization which seeks "to alter 
the form of government of the United States by unconstitutional means" (the 
Attorney General of the United States in press releases of June 1 and September 
21, 1948') . 

The Federated Press has been cited as a Communist-controlled organization 
financed by the American Fund for Public Service and the Robert Marshall 
Foundation, both principal sources of funds for Communist enterprises (special 
committee * * * in Rept. 1311 of March 29, 1944). On a letterhead of 
the Federated Press League dated April 9, 1921, Robert Morss Lovett is named 
as president. The letter explained that the Federated Press League had been 
organized for "immediate support" of the Federated Press and contributions 
were solicited for that purjjose. 

A letterhead of Friends of the Soviet Union, dated June 28, 1932, named Robert 
Morss Lovett as contributing editor of Soviet Russia Today ; he spoke at a meeting 
of Friends of the Soviet Union in Chicago in 1930 (Daily Worker, March 17, 
1930, p. 1). Friends of the Soviet Union was cited as subversive and Communist 
by the Attorney General of the United States (press releases of June 1 and 
September 21. 1948) : it was "one of the most open Comnmnist fronts in the 
United States" whose purpose was "to propagandize for and defend Russia and 
its svstem of government" (special committee reports of January 3, 1939; 
January 3. 1940 : June 25, 1942 : and March 29, 1944). 

The magazine, Soviet Russia Today, was cited as a Communist-front publica- 
tion in reports of the special committee and the Committee on Un-American 
Activities (special committee's reports of June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944; 
and a report of the Committee on Un-American Activities, dated April 26, 1950). 
With the March 1951 issue, Soviet Russia Today changed its name to New World 
Review. Mr. Lovett reviewed Margaret Graham's book. Swing Shift, in an article 
entitled "An American With a World View," in the June 1952 issue of New World 
Review (p. 61). The Daily Peoples World of February 17, 1953 (p. 7), reported 
that Professor Lovett contributed an article entitled "Back to John Milton," 
to the New World Review for February 1953. 

Professor Lovett was a national sponsor of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 
Committee, as shown on their letterhead dated Aligust 2, 1944; he signed a state- 
ment of that committee, defending its executive board members (Daily Worker of 


October IS, 1948, p. 4). The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee was cited as 
subversive and Communist by tlie Attorney General of the United States (press 
releases of December 4, 1947, and September 21, 1948) ; the Special Committee on 
Un-American Activities cited the oi'gauization as a Communist front (Kept. 1311, 
datetl March 29, 1944). 

Professor Lovett was a member of the advisory board of both Films for De- 
mocracy and Film Audiences for Democracy, as shown in Films for Democracy 
for April 1939 (p. 2), and Film Survey for June 1939 (p. 4), respectively. Both 
the P^ilms for Democracy and Film Audiences for Democracy were cited as 
Communist-front organizations by the special committee in a report dated March 
20, 1944. 

The Daily Worker of July 1. 1937 (p. 2), revealed that Professor Lovett was one 
of the sponsors of the Mother (Ella Reeve) Bloor birthday celebration ou the 
occasion of her 75th birthday ; the same information appeared in an undated 
letterhead concerning the anniversary celebration. Mother Ella Reeve Bloor 
was an outstanding woman Communist leader in this country. 

The June 1933 issue of the Struggle Against War (p. 2), named Professor 
Lovett as a member of the American Committee for Struggle Against War ; the 
same publication, in the August 1933 issue (p. 2), disclosed that he was a member 
of the arrangements committee for the United States Congress Against War. 
The American Committee for * * * was cited as a Communist-front organiza- 
tion which was formed in i-esponse to directions from a World Congress Against 
War which was held in Amsterdam in August 1932 under the auspices of the 
Communist International (from the special committee's report of March 29, 

A letterhead of Russian Reconstruction Farms, Inc., dated March 20, 1926, 
contains the name of Robert Morss Lovett in a list of members of that organiza- 
tion's advisory board. Russian Reconstruction Farms, Inc., has been cited as a 
Communist enterprise directed by Harold Ware, son of the well-known Commu- 
nist, Ella Reeve Bloor (special committee's Rept. 1311 of March 29, 1944). 

Professor Lovett was a member of the board of sponsors of the National 
Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights (press release of February 23, 
1940), cited as a Communist-front organization by the special committee and 
by the Committee on Un-American Activities (Rept. 1311 of March 29, 1944; and 
Rept. 1115 of September 2, 1947). 

A letterhead of the Xon-Partisan Committee for the Reelection of Congressman 
A^ito Marcantonio, dated October 3, 1936, named Robert Morss Lovett as one of 
the members of that organization, cited as a Communist front in Report 1311 of 
the special committee. 

Robert Morss Lovett was a member of the National Committee for the Defense 
of Political Prisoners (letterhead dated October 31, 1935), and a member of the 
National Committee for People's Rights (letterhead of July 13, 1938. and News 
You Don't Get, dated November 15, 1938). The Attorney General cited both the 
National Committee for the Defense of * * * and the National Committee for 
People's Rights as follows : The National Committee for * * * "substantially 
equivalent to International Labor Defense, legal arm of the Communist Party," 
which changed its name in "January 1938 to National Committee for People's 
Rights * * * No substantial change was made in its setup or functions." The 
special committee cited both organizations as Communist-front groups. (See 
Congressional Record, September 24. 1942, p. 7686 ; and the special committee's 
reports of Juue 25. 1942, and March 29, 1944, respectively. ) The Attorney Gen- 
eral later cited the Natio'nal Committee for the Defense of * * * as Communist 
(press releases of December 4. 1947, and September 21, 1948). 

Professor Lovett signed a statement sent to the Assistant Secretary of State, 
urging him to save anti-Fascist refugees in France ; the statement was prepared 
by the United American Spanish Aid Committee, as shown in the Daily Worker 
of July 23, 1940 (p. 3). The United American Spanish Aid Committee was one 
of the organizations set up during 1937 and 1938 when the Communist Party 
campaigned for the Spanish Loyalist cause (Rept. 1311 of the special committee). 

A letterhead of the Refugee Scholarship and Peace Campaign, dated August 3, 
1939. contained the name of Robert Morss Lovett in a list of sponsors of that 
organization, cited as a Communist front by the special committee (report dated 
March 29. 1944). 

The Daily Worker of April 10, 1950 (p. 2). reported that Robert Morss Lovett 
signed a statement in support of Pablo Neruda, a Chilean Communist, and the 
Daily People's World of May 12, 1950 (p. 12), named him as having signed a 
statement on behalf of ^,he Communist leaders, addressed to the United Nations, 


He signed a statement on behalf of the so-called "Hollywood Ten" (Daily Worker 
of May 12, 1950, p. 3) ; and he also signed a petition to the Supreme Court of the 
United States for a reconsideration of its refusal to hear the appeal of the 
Hollywood Ten (advertisement in the Washington Post of May 24, 1950, p. 14). 
The fc>lk»wiug reference to the Hollywood Ten appears in the report of the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities released December '.M, 1948 (p. 9) : "Each of 
these witnesses refused to aflirm or deny membership in the Couuuunist 
Party, * * * in each case the committee presented voluminous evidence to show 
affiliations with Communist organizations and a copy of the witness' Communist 
Party registration card." 

All Our Years, written by Robert Morss Lovett, was recommended by the 
Worlver of December 19, 1948 (p. 10 of the magazine section) . The Worker is the 
Sunday edition of the Communist Daily Woi-ker. 

As shown in the Daily Worker of June 9, 1948 (p. 7), Professor Lovett spoke 
at a meeting in Chicago in opposition to the INIundt anti-Communist bill ; he signed 
a statement to the President of the United States, opposing the McCarran bill 
(Daily Worker of September 17, 19.~)0. p. 3: September 21, 1950, pp. 1 and 9; and 
September 24, 1950, pp. 8 and 6) . These sources gave his address as Oak Terrace, 
Minn. The Daily Worker of June 12, 1952 (p. 6), revealed that the Honorable 
Robert Morss Lovett had requested a new trial for the Rosenbergs and Morton 
Sobell ; the request was sponsored by the National Committee to Secure Justice 
in the Rosenberg Case ; the Daily Worker of October 15, 1952 ( p. 3) , reported that 
he had protested the death sentence imposed upon Julius and Ethel Rosenberg ; 
in this source he was identified as former Governor of the Vii'gin Islands. The 
Daily W^orker of January 14, 1953 (p. 7) , i-eported that he had protested the death 
penalty for the Rosenbergs ; his photograph appeared in connection with the 

On March 12, 1953, the Daily Worker reported (on p. 7) that "Leading Marxists 
and non-Marxists united in spirited defense of 'The Right to Teach and Learn 
Marxism' at the recent Ninth Annual Dinner at the Jefferson School of Social 
Science * * * Before an audience of 400 guests, including about 100 students of 
the Jefferson School, speakers from the university campus, the trade-union hall 
and the most active political battlefronts joined together in denouncing the Smith 
Act, the McCarran Act, and McCarthyite congressional 'witch hunts' as war- 
inspired efforts to stifle independent thought ; and they all, with varying emphasis, 
reaffirmed America's need for Marxist teachings. 

"Prof. Emeritus Robert Morss Lovett, of the University of Chicago, following 
an illuminating address on the role of Marxist thought during the past century, 
electrified his audience by asking everyone to stand in tribute to two famous 
Marxist leaders of the United States working class — Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and 
the late Mother Bloor. * * *" The Jefferson School * * * was cited by the At- 
torney General of the United States as an "adjunct of the Communist Party" 
(press release dated December 4, 1947) ; the special committee reported that "at 
the beginning of the present year (1944), the old Communist Party Workers 
School and the School for Democracy were merged into the Jefferson School of 
Social Science" (Rept. 1311 of March 29, 1944). 

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn was convicted under the Smith Act on charges of con- 
spiring to overthrow the United States Government by force and violence (Daily 
Worker of January 22, 1953, p. 1). 



Acheson, Mr 228 

Baribaldi 216 

Barnes, Joe 1S3, 235, 23(3 

Barrett, Edward » 184 

Becher, Johannes R 20(>-20S 

Belden, Jack 217 

Bentley, Elizabeth 185 

Boeruer, Alfred 171, 187, 219 

Chambers. Whittaker 185 

Churchill, Winston 215 

Clucas, Mr 188, 189. 

Dudley, Isabelle 232 

Dulles, John Foster 189, 199, 208, 218-220 

Eckstein, Mr. J. E 188, 189 

Eisenhower, President 205, 211, 220 

Engels 215,216 

Epstein. Julius, testimony of 203-212 

Figi. Chancellor 179 

Fischer, Faither 239 

Fodor, Mike 239 

Frankfurter, Justice 185 

Gladstone 216 

Grace 233, 234 

Green, Gladys Ruth 233 

Habe, Hans 205, 206 

Harris, Reed 199 

Heym, Gertrude (alias Valerie Stone) 243 

Hevm, Stefan 205-208, 210-212, 243 

Hitler 205, 206 

Hiss. Alger 185. 186 

Hoofnagel 198 

Hook, Sidney 239 

Hoover, Herbert : 216. 217 

Hopwood, Avery . 226 

Humelsine. Mr . 241 

Irwin. Ben 172-174, 183, 227, 233. 234 

Jacobson, Alfred 240 

Kaghan. Theodore .^ 203, 204, 212. 217, 220. 221 

Testimonv of 171-201, 221-242 

Kai-shek, Chiang 215. 216 

Kerensky 215. 216 

Keyes. Gen. Geoffrey ^ 179. 180, 181. 201 

Kiersecke. Heinrich 219 

Kilbon. Kenyon , 231 

Kobad 216 

Koestler 289 

Kraus, Max 240. 241 

Ladue. Col. Lawrence . 181. 182. 186. 187 

La Fayette 216 

Lenin 215, 216 

Lovett, Robert Morse 226,227 

Malenkov 187, 188, 194 

Martin, Willa Gray ^ 2.32, 233 

Marx 215,216 

McCoy, John 2.38 




Monteeoni, Mr 194, 197 

Nachrichten, Salzburger 179 

Nicholson, Ralph 238 

Peters, Anna 214 

Peters, Louisa 214 

Reed, Justice 186 

Riedel, Dr. John 242 

Seghers, Anna 207, 208, 217 

Shaw 217 

Silone, Ignazio 239 

Slocum, John 194-198 

Stalin 205, 206, 215 

Stone, Shepard 219 

Thayer, Charles 208, 209 

Tse-tung, Mao 215, 216 

Utley, Freda, testimony of 212-221 

Wallenberg, Hans 204r-210, 239, 240 

Wechsler, Mr 240 

Weiskoph, F. C 207,208 

Wilson, Woodrow 216, 217 

Wolfe, Mr 195