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Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by 

in the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States, in and 
for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 


1102 & 1104 Sansom Street, Philadelphia. 


FROM the smallness of the State of Delaware, both 
in population and territory, and the few (even of 
Delawareans) who manifest any interest in its affairs, 
the author has been compelled to issue this work in 
numbers of thirty-two pages each, at thirty cents per 
number, supposing in that manner it would be placed 
more easily within the reach of a greater number of 
subscribers. They will be issued about every three 
weeks, and can be procured either of the author, at 
Wilmington, Delaware, of Mr. John Campbell, No. 
740 Sansom Street, Philadelphia, or of the book 
stores in the City of Wilmington. 

By forwarding the money by mail to the under 
signed at Wilmington, Delaware, the numbers will be 
sent in any direction free of postage. Back numbers 
will always be furnished. The usual discount made 
to dealers. 

As many of the subscribers to the work appended 
their names about four years ago, expecting to be sup 
plied with the History at that time, it may have es 
caped the memory of some of them. Should any 
wish to cancel their subscription from this cause, they 
will please, by some means, inform the author. 




THE author has no other apology to make for un 
dertaking the present work, than that in the course of 
two hundred and thirty-eight years, (the period of 
time that has elapsed since the first settlement was 
attempted of the territory that now constitutes this 
State,) no other person has thought proper to write it 
before him. Delaware has a history that every citi 
zen should be proud of. It is many years older than 
that of her great sister, Pennsylvania. Yet how few 
Delawareans there are who can tell who settled or 
governed it, who fought its battles in the Revolution, 
who passed its laws, what they were, or the circum 
stances under which they were enacted, or the social 
and political changes that have from time to time oc 
curred within their State. The want of a relation of 
these transactions in a book easy of reference, has 
made this ignorance of our State affairs a general ig 
norance. This work is designed to remedy this, and 
to place it in the power of all Delawareans to obtain 
a knowledge of the past occurrences of their State, 
that may desire it. All the author aims at, is to plainly, 
truthfully, and succinctly, detail what has transpired, 


or may in any way relate to the history of Delaware, 
in a manner that may be understood by all. 

The difficulties of writing a correct History of Dela 
ware can hardly be conceived by any who have not 
undertaken it. In addition to the extreme lack of 
historical interest in relation to their State manifested 
by many, even of our best citizens, no care has been 
taken of our records. In 1722 they were all de 
stroyed by the burning of Major John French s house, 
at New Castle. In 1777 they were captured and 
carried to New York by the British after the battle of 
Brandywine. Many of them were never returned, 
and what were, were stowed away in an outhouse, 
and afterwards nearly all burnt by a gentleman s 
servants, (to light fires,) who were ignorant of their 
value. Others have been lost by the carelessness of 
our different state and county officers. In moving 
the Kent county records from the State House in 
Dover (where many of the officers of Kent county 
were) to the newly erected county buildings a few 
years since, a large quantity of valuable matter that 
would have thrown light on our State history was 
carted away, and cast out as rubbish. A number 
of valuable letters and manuscripts belonging to 
Thomas M. Rodney, Esq., consisting of letters of his 
great uncle, the celebrated Csesar Rodney, in relation 
to the days of the Revolution, were stolen some few 
years since. Many of our former most distinguished 
families have now no representative left in the State, 
and their papers that would have thrown light on our 
local history are not to be found. The descendants 


of others who reside here have parted with every manu 
script and letter, having in many cases presented them 
to New England autograph collectors, amongst whom 
such things are preserved and valued. No care has 
ever been taken in our public libraries to preserve any 
works in relation to this State, and every rare work, 
not purchasable, the author has been compelled to pro 
cure from the libraries of Philadelphia and New York. 
From this our readers can imagine the difficulties 
there will be in writing a history of our State ; espe- 
pecially after its grant by the Duke of York to Wil 
liam Penn a few years after which grant we first had 
an independent government and our affairs ceased to 
be registered anywhere out of our own limits. 

This State having been first discovered by the 
Dutch, and the first settlement made by them and 
the Swedes, its early history must necessarily be 
found in those languages. These two nations inha 
bited the Delaware between them, and struggled for 
mastery, until finally the former reduced the latter to 
subjection. The Dutch officials on the Delaware sent 
a regular account to New York of every matter of in 
terest. The New York officials sent copies of those 
accounts to Holland. The Swedes on the Delaware 
sent accounts to Sweden. These several accounts, 
both Dutch and Swedish, have many of them been 
preserved either in the original manuscripts, or by re 
cord in books, and it is from these records andcotem- 
porary works, written by Dutch and Swedish authors, 
that we are enabled to get a minute and circumstan 
tial account of our early history. 


The Dutch records by the liberality of the State of 
New York have been translated into English, by 
Broadhead and O Callighan, and published in thirty 
large volumes. Among these records are the letters 
of Hudde and Beekman, both of whom minutely 
record the occurrences on the Delaware. The corres 
pondence of the latter, who was governor of the ter 
ritory of the northern side of the Christiana, is espe 
cially valuable, containing, as it does, a succinct record 
of the events in the territory that now comprises this 
State from 1659 to 1664. The Swedish documents, 
from which we extract our principal information in 
relation to Swedish affairs, were furnished by Mr. 
Russell, our former minister to Sweden, to the 
American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia. They 
were translated and published several years ago in the 
Register of Pennsylvania. One of the most useful 
(though also, in some instances, one of the most inac 
curate,) of Swedish works is that entitled, A Short 
Description of the Province of Neiv Sweden, by Tho 
mas Campanim, of Holme" printed at Stockholm in 
the year 1702, under the patronage of Charles the 

Delaware, from the time of the subjugation of the 
Swedes, in 1655 to 1682, (when it was conveyed to 
Penn,) being but a sub government to New York, her 
history up to that time, as well under the English as 
under the Dutch, must be looked for mainly in the 
records of that State. Nicholas, Lovelace and An- 
dross, the deputy governors under the Duke of York, 
(who was the proprietor of this State, and afterwards 


granted it to Perm,) had regular accounts sent on to 
them of the affairs on the Delaware, where they were 
carefully recorded. Our own records (with the ex 
ceptions of a few deeds and wills) do not extend fur 
ther back than 1674, when Andross was governor. 
They are contained in three books in the Prothono- 
tary s office at New Castle, and at least one of them 
is a copy from the records of New York. 

The author designs that this work shall contain a 
narrative of Delaware events from its first discovery 
until the end of the year 1869. The plan of the 
work will be to give every public event, the essence of 
all important laws passed, the names of the governors, 
the legislators, and other important public officers. 
The different census, and the number of votes cast, 
and the majorities at the various elections, and the 
principles and objects of the various political parties 
that have existed in the State. With this decla 
ration of the object of the work, he issues his first 
volume, which is now written in hopes it will meet 
the approbation and patronage of the citizens of Dela 
ware. As the second volume is not yet written, he 
should be. pleased if any who have any letters, manu 
scripts, documents or books, that will throw any 
light on the past history of Delaware, would loan them 
to him for a perusal. They will be faithfully returned. 

Since the above was written the author has added 
two chapters to the work, more than he at first in 
tended. The first giving an account of the bound 
aries of the State and its Counties, and their extent, 
as well as a short description of its surface, harbors, 


bays, rivers and creeks ; the other, a description of its 
geological formation. He has clone this, supposing 
that the information conveyed would cause the his 
torical portions of the work, when they came to be 
read, to be better understood. 



The Radii from New Castle Mason and Dixon s Line Jurisdiction 
over the Delaware for Twenty-four Miles Latitude and Longi 
tude Counties of the State Its Hundreds Estimated Extent of 
its Territory Boundaries of Counties Northern Part Hilly 
The Ridge Cypress Swamp The Forests, White, Black, Span 
ish Oak, the Bark Game Mocking Birds The Rivers, Harbors 
and Streams Naaman s Creek, Brandywine, Christiana, White 
Clay and Red Clay, Mill and Bear, Red Lion, St. Georges, St. 
Augustine, Silver Run, Duck and Little Duck Creeks Kent and 
Kelley s Islands Dona River Port Mahon, Little Jones , Mis- 
pillion, Broadkiln and Lewes Creek Lewes Creek filled up 
Cape Lewes Rehoboth and Indian River Bays Indian River 
Inlet Lewes, Middle, Herring and Guinea Creeks Long Neck 
Burton s Island Pepper, Vine and White Creeks Kedging of 
the Shallops Fresh Pond Salt Pond Manufacture of Salt 
Assawaman Bay Fenwick s Island Assateague Island Fish 
and Water Fowl of the State, the Crocus, the Sheephead, the 
Drum, the Man-nin-nose, the King Crab, the Curlew The Nan- 
ticoke, Broad and Pokomoke Rivers Rivers rising in the State 
flowing into the Chesapeake. 

THE boundaries of the State of Delaware are as 
follows : first, a circle drawn in a radius of twelve 
miles from the Court-house at the centre of the town 
of New Castle, commencing (we will say) at low wa 
ter mark on the shore of New Jersey, north of New 
Castlej thence extending over the Delaware, and fol- 


lowing its circumference until it again touches the 
shore of that State south of its radius of twelve miles 
from New Castle. This circular boundary on the 
north gives Delaware sole jurisdiction over the Dela 
ware River and Bay from low water mark on the Jersey 
side, over a mile north of where Naaman s Creek, on 
the western or Delaware side, flows into the Dela 
ware, extending southward twenty-four miles to a 
place a short distance north of where Silver Run 
Creek enters the Delaware from this State, or about a 
mile south of where Alloway s Creek flows into it from 
the Jersey side. Within these boundaries are com 
prised the islands of the Pea Patch, on which is 
erected Fort Delaware, and Reedy Island. Below 
this circle the jurisdiction of the State extends to the 
middle of the bay, as far as Cape Henlopen, where it 
flows into the Atlantic Ocean. It then extends along 
the Atlantic Ocean to a point at Fenwick s Island, in 
about 28 20 north latitude. The line of the State 
then extends westwardly thirty-four miles, three hun 
dred and nine perches (being exactly half the dis 
tance between the ocean and the Chesapeake Bay). 
The State boundary then runs by a right line nearly 
due north at a tangent until it reaches the western 
part of the periphery of the circle, twelve miles from 
the Court-house at New Castle. It contains within 
its limits 2002*6 square miles. The State is situ 
ated in latitude from 38 28 to 39 47 north, and 
from longitude from 74 56 to 75 46 west from 
Greenwich. Its physical boundaries are as follows : 
on the north by Pennsylvania and the Delaware River, 


on the south by Maryland, on the east by the middle 
of the bay and river to twenty-four miles from the 
State s northern boundary, from thence by a line of 
low water mark on the Jersey shore to the radius of 
twelve miles north of New Castle ; and on the west 
by Maryland, and by Pennsylvania to the periphery of 
the circle from New Castle, where she connects with 
the State of Maryland. This circular boundary of 
Delaware causes the entrance of Pennsylvania be 
tween Delaware and Maryland in the shape of a long 
narrow wedge. The length of the State is ninety-five 
miles. At its southern boundary it is nearly thirty- 
five miles in width, which width is hardly diminished 
for about twenty-six miles, or to Cape Henlopen. But 
from Cape Henlopen to its northern boundary, from 
the Delaware flowing in a southwest course, it dimin 
ishes in width until it reaches its narrowest part in 
the neighborhood of Red Lion Creek, in New Castle 
county, (where its breadth is not over ten miles,) when 
it again widens until it reaches the breadth of twelve 
miles from New Castle Court-house. The line that 
divides Delaware from Maryland is a part of the cele 
brated Mason and Dixon s line, run by Charles Ma 
son and Jeremiah Dixon in 1762, (of which we shall 
speak more hereafter in its proper place,) to separate 
the territories of Lord Baltimore and Thomas and 
Richard Penn, sons of William Penn. This Mason 
and Dixon s line was popularly supposed to be the 
boundaries between the free and slave states. But 
this was a popular error. Slavery existed in Dela 
ware, which is west of this line, until abolished by 


the fourteenth amendment to the constitution. The 
mistake occurred, we suppose, from the line when it 
passes the periphery of the circle from New Castle 
and reaches the boundary between Pennsylvania and 
Maryland, instead of running north and south, as be 
tween Maryland and Delaware, runs due west. So 
that Mason and Dixon s line was the boundary be 
tween slavery and freedom when it ran east and west, 
between Pennsylvania and Maryland, but not when 
it ran north and south, between Maryland and Dela 

The State is divided into three counties, viz : New 
Castle, Kent and Sussex, and each of these counties 
are subdivided into hundreds. Hundreds are the old 
English subdivisions of counties, and Delaware is the 
only State, it is alleged, in which they exist in the 
United States. They were supposed to have origi 
nated with Alfred the Great, one of the old Anglo- 
Saxon kings who ruled in England A.D. 877, or 992 
years ago. But they are now known to have been 
in existence before his time. They derive their 
name from having originally, when instituted in Eng 
land, contained one hundred families. New Castle 
county contains ten hundreds, viz. : Brandy wine, 
Christiana, Wilmington, (the city of Wilmington, 
which, by law, is a hundred in itself,) Mill Creek, 
White Clay Creek, Pencader, New Castle, Red Lion, 
St. Georges and Appoquinimink. It contains 424.02 
square miles. New Castle is the county town. 

Kent county contains seven hundreds, viz. : Duck 
Creek, Little Creek, Kenton, Dover, North Murderkill, 


South Murderkill, Milford and Mispillion. 1 It contains 
613-06 square miles. Dover is the county town, and 
capital of the State. 

Sussex county contains eleven hundreds, viz. : 
Cedar Creek, Broadkiln, Georgetown, Nanticoke, 
North West Fork, Broad Creek, Little Creek, Dags- 
boro , Baltimore, Indian River, and Lewes and Reho- 
both. It also contains 964 08 square miles. George 
town is the county town. 

There are various statements published of the size of 
Delaware, nearly all of which differ ; but the account 
we have given is based on the last survey made by 
D. G. Beers, for the publication of the State Atlas of 
Pomeroy & Beers, in 1868. The survey of Rea & 
Price for the State Map in 1850 gives the area of the 
State at 2,221 square miles. But they vary in their 
own calculation, for they give the number of acres 
contained in the counties of the State 1,300,250; this, 
divided by 640, the number of acres in a square mile, 
would make the State, according to their estimate, 
consist of little over 2,031 square miles. Again, they 
make New Castle county, in their statement, contain 
271,490 acres, and 619 square miles. When 271,490, 
divided by 640, would only bring 420, or make that 
county 195 square miles less by their report in acres 
than by their report in miles. The American Ency 
clopaedia gives the area of the State at 2,160 square 

1 Murderkill was divided into two hundreds by Act of Legislature 
of March 20, 1867. Kenton hundred was formed from parts of Little 
Creek and Duck Creek hundred, by Act of Legislature, February 3, 


miles. Huffington, of the Delaware Register, esti 
mates it at 2,070. Mitchell s Atlas makes it 2,120 
square miles. So far there has been no official sur 
vey of the State to verify what it contains. 

Each of the counties take up the whole breadth of 
the State. New Castle and Kent are divided from 
each other by Duck Creek, and a line running from 
its northern branch about due west to the Maryland 
line. Kent is divided from Sussex by the Mispillion 
Creek and the Tan Trough Branch, one of its tributa 
ries ; thence southwesterly to a small branch of the 
Nanticoke, down this branch to the southward end of 
a beaver-dam, and thence by a line due west to the 
State line. 

The accounts of most of the natural features of our 
State will be given under the head of its geology in 
the succeeding chapter. But as little mention of 
its rivers, streams and bays have there been made, 
and as it is necessary to know them, to comprehend 
the events hereafter to be related, a slight sketch is 
accordingly given of them and the other geographical 
features of the State. 

The extreme upper portion of the State of Dela 
ware (as will be found hereafter stated in our descrip 
tion of its geology) is composed of a mass of beauti 
fully rounded hills, nowhere more than five hundred 
feet in height, situated on a sub-stratum of rock. Be 
low the White Clay Creek, a distance of about seven 
miles from our quadrantal boundary, the land be 
comes level, the rock generally ceases, and a low 
sandy ridge, nowhere more than seventy feet high, 


passes through the State. This table land abounds 
in swamps, in which most of the rivers and streams 
of the State have their source. At the southern 
border of the State is a great morass, called the Cy 
press Swamp, about twelve miles in length, the 
whole of which is a high level basin. It contains 
nearly fifty thousand acres. About one half of this 
great swamp lays in Sussex county, Delaware ; the 
other half in Maryland. It contains a great variety 
of trees and plants, mostly cypress trees, (called by 
the residents cedars,) and an immense quantity of 
huckleberry bushes, and is infested with wild animals. 
The deer and the bear, it is alleged, yet remain 
there. Below its surface are found immense trunks 
of cedar trees, the remains of giants of the forest long 
since gone. The residents of the locality probe 
through the morass with rods, to find where they are 
situated, and then raise them, and turn them into 
shingles for market. This whole swamp can be rea 
dily drained and made good land. The soil of the 
State is fertile. It has long been celebrated for its 
wheat. All the small fruits that grow in the tempe 
rate zone flourish here. It appears to be the natural 
home of the peach. Cotton was formerly grown in 
Sussex county. The noblest forests of white and 
black oak, yellow pine, cypress or cedar, tulip poplar, 
Spanish oak, gum, and other magnificent trees still 
exist in the State, although they are being rapidly 
cleared away. Its white oak, it is conceded, is the 
finest in the United States. Trees of this description 

in the Blackbird, Kenton, and other forests of the 



State, are often three feet in diameter across the 
stump, and from forty to sixty feet in height. Logs 
are often sawed from them of thirty feet long. The 
black oak produces the best quercitron bark in the 
Union, and it brings a higher price than any other in 
the Liverpool market. It is ground principally at 
Milford and Smyrna. The Delaware Spanish oak 
furnishes the best known bark for tanning, and its 
bark brings a higher price, both in the foreign and 
domestic market, than any other. The forests of 
pine are principally in Sussex county. Sumach, 
which is worth from $50 to 60 a ton, grows wild in 
immense quantities. All the ordinary game birds, 
such as the snipe, the partridge, the old field plover, 
(a bird a little larger than a partridge,) abound in the 
State. The mocking-bird, rarely, if ever, observed 
north of our boundary, can be seen in numbers in 
Kent and Sussex, and the lower part of New Castle 

Its principal rivers, streams, and harbors are, first, 
the Delaware, which, for twenty-four miles from our 
northern boundary, is a part of our State. It is so 
well known as not to necessitate any description. 
Naaman s Creek, which flows into the Delaware about 
a mile from our northern border, is the most northern 
stream in the State. The Shelpot Creek, which flows 
into the Brandywine a short distance before it joins 
Christiana. The mouth of this stream is now dammed 
up. The Brandywine, which rises in Pennsylvania, 
and flowing through the State, dividing Brandywine 
from Christiana hundred, enters the Christiana within 


the limits of the city of Wilmington, about a mile and 
a half from where that river enters the Delaware. 
The Brandywine is navigable for about two miles 
from its mouth for sloops and schooners. From the 
termination of its navigation to the Pennsylvania line, 
it is mostly rocky, with several falls, which affords 
magnificent water power, from the city of Wilmington 
to the Pennsylvania border. Its banks are lined on 
both sides with mills and factories. The Christiana, 
which flows through the State in a northeast course 
from Maryland, and empties into the Delaware at 
Wilmington. This river is of sufficient depth to be 
navigated by vessels drawing 14 feet to the city of 
Wilmington, and sloops to the village of Christiana, 
about ten miles further. Red Clay Creek, Mill 
Creek, and Bear Creek, are large streams flowing into 
the White Clay Creek (a confluent of the Chris 
tiana) from the northern hundreds. They were once 
navigable, but are now valuable, mainly, for their 
water power. Red Lion Creek, formerly navigable, is 
now dammed up. St. George s Creek is now turned 
into the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal, except a 
portion of it which empties into the bay partially 
through a new channel. St. Augustine s and Silver 
Run are small creeks which flow into the bay in St- 
George s hundred, below Reedy Island. Appo- 
quinimink is an important creek, and is navigable for 
sloops to Odessa, about seven miles from its mouth, 
and for steamboats to Thomas Landing, about two 
miles and a half from its mouth. Blackbird is a na 
vigable creek, which flows due east and north until it 


empties in the bay. Duck Creek, is an important 
creek, which divides New Castle from Kent county. 
It is navigable for seven or eight miles to within a 
mile of the important town of Smyrna, for whose ex 
ports it is the outlet. It is also navigable for several 
miles for steamboats, having water from twelve to 
fourteen feet to Hay Point Landing. It flows into 
the bay north of Bombay Hook, through a made 
channel called the Thoroughfare. Little Duck Creek 
is a creek navigable for sloops for several miles from its 
mouth to the town of Leipsic, the commerce of which 
it bears upon its waters. Dona River is a small river, 
the head of which connects with Little Duck Creek. 
For about three miles it flows with a broad channel, 
and enters the bay below Little Bombay Hook 
Island. This river and Little Duck Creek forms 
Kent Island, a large marshy island several miles in 
extent. It is navigable for steamboats for about two 
miles to Dona Landing. It was the place originally 
intended for the terminus of the Delaware Railroad. 
About two miles before Dona River reaches the bay, 
it is divided into two channels, one of which, (called 
Mahon River,) tearing itself a passage through the 
yielding marsh, and flowing southerly for about four 
miles, forms itself into a bay or harbor, and enters the 
Delaware. In conjunction with Dona, it forms Kelley s 
Island, another large marshy island, in which there are 
several ponds. This bay or harbor is called Port 
Mahon, and is esteemed the best harbor for coasters 
on the Delaware. Little Creek is a small creek, na 
vigable for about three miles from its mouth for sloops 


and small schooners. It is the channel for the com 
merce for the town of Dover, the capital of the State, 
which hauls its exports four miles to a place upon it, 
called Little Creek Landing. It flows into the Dela 
ware about a mile below the mouth of Port Mahon. 
Jones Creek, which runs back of the town of Dover, 
is navigable for small sloops and schooners to Forrest 
Landing, about nine miles from its mouth. Forrest 
Landing is where the produce of the town of Camden 
is shipped. This creek is about twenty miles long, 
and flows in a southeasterly direction until it reaches 
the bay. Murderkill is a navigable creek, which 
flows in a northeast direction until it enters the bay 
about a mile below the mouth of Jones Creek. Sloops 
and schooners can go up to the town of Frederica about 
ten or twelve miles from its mouth. Mispillion is 
a large creek, upon which the town of Milford is situ 
ated. It is navigable to Milford for large sloops and 
schooners, and steamboats have ascended it. It is 
the outlet for the commerce of that town. Mis- 
pillion is also the boundary between the counties of 
Kent and Sussex. Cedar Creek is a small navigable 
creek, flowing into the Delaware. It has also an arti 
ficial outlet into the Mispillion. Draper s, Slaughter s 
and Primehook Creeks are small unimportant streams 
flowing into the bay at various distances between the 
mouths of Mispillion and Broadkiln and Lewes Creeks. 
Broadkiln Creek is a stream navigable for sloops and 
schooners to the town of Milton, a distance of about 
twelve miles from its mouth. It flows in an easterly 
course/ and enters the estuary of Lewes Creek about 


two miles from its junction with the Delaware Bay. 
Lewes Creek, from where it flows to the Delaware, to 
the town of Lewes, a distance of about six miles, is 
separated from the bay by Cape Lewes, a cape about 
six miles long, and varying from an eighth to three 
quarters of a mile in width. Large coasters used to 
sail up the creek, but it is now only navigable for 
boats. Its navigation was destroyed by what is 
known as the " Great Storm." The waters of the 
bay washed over the narrow cape, and filled the bed 
of the stream with sand. The navigation of Lewes is 
now through a canal from a small creek, called Canary 
Creek, to Mill Creek, and from there to Broadkiln 
Creek. Two small creeks, called Wolfe Creek and 
Old Creek, flow into it from the neighborhood of 

Rehoboth Bay and Indian River Bay are two large 
shallow bays, which are separated from the Atlantic 
Ocean by a narrow ridge of sand, which is from a 
quarter to half a mile in width, and about nine miles 
in length. Through this ridge the waters of the two 
bays have united, and torn a passage, called Indian 
River Inlet. This inlet rarely ever contains more 
than three feet water, and after a great easterly 
storm its mouth is generally stopped up by sand 
washed into it from the workings of the ocean ; after 
which the waters of the bays again tear themselves a 
passage, and wash the sand which has filled up the 
inlet into the ocean. These large bays, each, con 
tain about twenty-five square miles of surface, and at 
their deepest part do not exceed five feet. Their 


general depth is from three to five feet. Rehoboth, 
the most northerly of these bays, is nearly square in 
shape, and extends parallel with the ocean, separated 
from it by the ridge before mentioned for about six 
miles. It is probably six miles long by about five 
broad. Love Creek, Middle Creek, Herring Creek, 
and Guinea Creek flow into it. All of them shallow 
streams. It is separated from Indian River Bay by 
a neck of land called Long Neck, and several marshy 
islands, (now called Burtons,) but in the old maps 
called Staten Islands, where it is mentioned as abound 
ing in oysters and terrapins. It is at this time, how 
ever, too salt for oysters to live in, and consequently 
none can be found there. Indian River Bay is about 
eight miles long, and from two to four broad. It only 
fronts about three miles on the Atlantic, from which 
it is separated by the narrow ridge before described. 
It extends lengthwise nearly due west into the State. 
Indian River, on which is situated the town of Mils- 
boro , a broad shallow stream flowing due east, 
and of which it is a continuation, enters it. Pepper 
Creek, Vine Creek, and White Creek, streams of no 
importance, (although making a great show in the 
map,) flow into it. On Pepper Creek is situated the 
town of Dagsboro, and on White Creek that of Frank- 
ford. The small depth of water at the mouth of In 
dian River Inlet creates the necessity of forcing the 
shallops over the bar by kedging. This causes a thump 
ing of the vessel s keel on the sand, which drives the 
bilge water into the hold, and spoils much of the grain, 
which is the general cargo of these vessels. 


Fresh Pond and Salt Pond are the names of two 
remarkable ponds in Baltimore hundred, situated 
on the Atlantic coast, a few miles south of Indian 
River Bay. Fresh Pond is about half a mile long by 
one or two hundred yards wide, and about twenty- 
five or thirty feet deep. It has no outlet, and ap 
parently no streams flowing into it. It contains 
beautiful fresh water, and a few fish. The ridge of 
sand between it and the Atlantic is not more than an 
eighth of a mile wide. Great storms sometimes wash 
away a portion of this ridge, and let the salt water 
into the pond. But the ocean again forms the ridge, 
and restores things to the condition they were in 

Salt Pond is another body of water about the size 
of Fresh Pond, and situated within about three miles 
to the south of it. It is probably one-half of a mile fur 
ther from the ocean than Fresh Pond, and the Atlan 
tic does not break through its banks and encroach on 
its waters, as in the case of Fresh Pond. It, like 
Fresh Pond, has no outlet. Its waters are very salt, 
far more so than those of the ocean from which it is 
separated by such a slight barrier. Indeed, it is so 
salt that no fish can live in it. Salt works were once 
erected on its banks, and a great deal of salt extracted 
from it. Salt is still manufactured from its waters 
by the citizens of the neighborhood for their own use. 

Assawaman Bay is the last body of water in Dela 
ware. The head of it is formed by Jefferson Creek, 
which flows into it from the north. It is a long shal 
low bay about seven miles long from one to one-half a 


mile broad, and from four to five feet deep, navigable 
only for boats. It is separated from the Atlantic by 
a long narrow ridge of land, from a mile to three 
quarters of a mile wide, called Fenwick s Island. It 
flows into St. Martin s Bay, in the State of Maryland, 
which is about fifteen miles long, and which has its 
outlet in the Atlantic through an inlet formed by the 
termination of Fenwick s Island and the Island of 
Assateague. After passing Fenwick s Island it takes 
the name of Sinepuxent Bay. Williams Creek, a 
shallow stream, flows into Assawaman Bay. Fenwick s 
Island is not an island, but a long narrow cape and 
rirjge of land, generally from half a mile to a mile wide, 
and about twenty-three miles long, covered with oak, 
scrub-oak and pine, about one-third in Delaware, and 
the other two-thirds in Marjdand. It, with the 
islands of Assateague, Chincoteague, Wallop s, and 
other islands form a series of shallow sounds stretch 
ing from the southern boundary of our State to Cape 
Charles, at the head of the Chesapeake Bay. On this 
island, at the Atlantic, the southern boundary line of 
the State of Delaware commences. Hence the say 
ing of Delawareans when they wish to express the 
utmost limits of the State, "from Naaman s Creek 
to Fenwick s Island," similar to the expression of 
the Israelites, of from Dan to Beersheba, or that of the 
Britons, from Land s End to John Groats. 

This finishes our list of creeks and harbors on the 
Delaware River and Bay. This noble bay, which, 
with the Atlantic, forms our eastern boundary, 
abounds with fish and fowl. Outside of the capes, 
on the Atlantic, milletts are caught in immense quan- 


titles by angling. Within the Assawaman, Indian 
River, and Rehoboth Bays fish and terrapins abound ; 
the fish are mostly rock, flounders, perch and eels. 
Around the Breakwater are caught immense quan 
tities of black-fish and lobsters. Within the bay 
are taken the perch, the trout, the alewive, the sea 
crocus, (better known by the name of the spot,) the 
sheepshead, as well as the drum and the eel. Terrapins 
abound on the shore, and oysters are found in im 
mense quantities in various portions of the bay, and 
in Mispillion, Broadkiln, Port Mahon, and other 
rivers and harbors of the State. Shad and herring 
are found in the bay, river, and all the principal 
streams. The man-nin-nose, a delicious shell fish, 
(shaped something like a clam, only with a soft shell,) 
is dug up from under the sand. 1 The kingcrab is cast 
up in untold numbers every tide by the waters of 
the bay, and although not fit for food, serves a valua 
ble purpose by being fed to hogs, and ground up into 
what is now called " cancerine," and placed upon the 
land, where it has proved a most valuable fertilizer. 
The crocus, (or spot,) the sheepshead, and the drum 
are particularly plenty, and are by some thought to 
be peculiar to the Delaware. The crocus, or " spot, 7 
derives its name from a little black spot on each side 
of its head about as big as a five-cent piece. The 
sheepshead have a mouth and teeth exactly like a 
sheep, and are nearly as broad as long. The drum 
fish are caught principally on Mispillion (generally 

1 I do not know whether the name of this fish is spelt correctly. I 
have never seen it either written or printed, and never heard of it 
out of Delaware. 


called by the residents Mushmellon) Flats, in the bay 
opposite the mouth of the Mispillion. They get their 
name from, when swimming under water, making a 
noise like a drum. They are caught with a hook 
and line, and often weigh twenty pounds. From 
their weight there is often difficulty in hauling them 
in. In addition to wild ducks and geese, the curlew 
and crane frequent the shores of our State. There are 
but few of the latter, however, to be seen. 

Although several streams flowing into the Chesa 
peake Bay have their rise in Delaware, yet the only 
three of any importance are the Nanticoke, the Broad 
Creek and the Pokomoke. The Nanticoke is naviga 
ble for large schooners and steamboats to the impor 
tant town of Seaford. The Broad Creek, to a village* of 
a few houses, named Portsville, about three miles 
from the town of Laurel. The Broad Creek flows into 
the Nanticoke eight or nine miles below the town of 
Laurel, and about the same distance from the town of 
Seaford. The Pokomoke River, which flows through 
and past the Cypress Swamp in a southerly direction, 
is navigable for small vessels. The principal streams 
which take their rise on the ridge in this State, and 
flow into the Chesapeake, are the Back Creek, the 
Bohemia, and the Sassafras, in New Castle county. 
The Chester, the Choptank, and the Marshy Hope, 
in Kent county, and the Wicomico, in Sussex county. 
The Marshy Hope derives its principal importance 
from being deepened and arranged as a drain for the 
celebrated marsh of that name in Kent county. All 
the above mentioned streams expand when they reach 
Maryland into large and important rivers. 


Geology of the State Its Northern Boundary Curved Underlaid by 
Beds of Rocks north of Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore 
Railroad High Hills Depth of Soil Rocks composed of Gneiss, 
Feldspathian Rock, Limestone, Serpentine, Granite Decompo 
sition of Gneiss in Christiana and Mill Creek Hundreds Depth 
of Deposits Garnets Granite fused into Rock Magnetic Iron 
Ore in Christiana Hundred Feldspathian (blue rock) from Wil 
mington to Naaman s Creek Hardness of the Rock Shellpot 
Hill composed of it Limestone in Mill Creek and Christiana 
Hundreds, of excellent quality Serpentine Rock, abounds in 
Feldspar Spar Quarries Asbestos Chromic Iron Hematic 
Iron Ore and Kaolin in Mill Creek Hundred Rock overlayed by 
Deposits of Sand and Gravel Soil of Upper Hundreds tenacious 
and heavy Second, Tertiary and Recent Formations Table 
Land of the State The Ridge Red Clay Formations Clay un 
der New Castle, Christiana Village, Red Lion Hundred Iron 
Hill and Iron Ore Red Clay Formation extends over Hundreds 
of New Castle, Red Lion and Pencader Green Sand or Marl 
Formation extends over St. George s Hundred Value in 
Agriculture Analysis of Marl in Deep Cut of Canal, Organic 
Remains, Amber, Ammonite, Lignite, Tertiary Yellow Clays 
of Appoquinimink Blackbird Hill, the Levels and Ponds in 
them, Petrified Wood Lower Part of Appoquinimink Loamy 
Geology of Duck Creek Hundred, Rock Soil of Kent County 
Geology on Murderkill Creek Shells, Clays and Sands of Kent 
Bog Ore Springs at Dover Neck Lands of Kent Marsh Lands 
of the Ridge in Kent Soil Burns like Coal Recent Formations 
Clay and Sand of Sussex, Clay Predominates Soil of Sussex 
County, Stiff Clays and Blowing Sands Medium Texture in 
Northwest Fork Hundred and the Neck Course of the Clay Bed 
Iron Ore in Sussex Sands of Sussex Soil Blown away by the 
Winds Sand Hills River Deposits Neck Lands of the State 
formed by them Blue Mud Salt Marshes of the State, can be 
embanked Chalybeate Springs and Water in the City of Wil 
mington and over the whole State. 


THE geological formation of the State is as follows : 
the surface of its northern or curved boundary to a 
line crossing it at a little north of the Philadelphia, 
Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and containing 
about one hundred square miles of territory, (com 
prising the hundreds of Brandywine, Christiana, 
Mill Creek, and part of White Clay Creek,) is com 
posed of a comparatively confused mass of beautifully 
moulded hills, with a bold and rounded outline, 
always elevated, and often rising several hundred 
feet above tide water, and affording an outlet to the 
waters of rain, springs and creeks, through deeply 
cleft valleys, with rounded or abrupt rocky sides. 
These hills, however, nowhere exceed five hundred 
feet in height. The whole of this district is un 
derlaid by continuous beds of primary rock, 1 which, in 
many cases, may be observed cropping out of the 
ground. The soil, though varying in particular locali 
ties, is generally uniform in its character, being argil 
laceous, 2 and mingled with a greater or less quantity 
of gravel, while an alluvial 3 deposit of a similar charac 
ter covers the rocks to the variable depth of from 
one to sixty feet, and perhaps still more. Of these 
rocks there are five different kinds, called by geolo 
gists gneiss, 4 feldspathic 5 rock, limestone and serpen- 

1 Rock supposed to be first formed. 

2 Composed of clay. 

3 Composed of matter deposited by the water. 

* A stratified primary rock, generally composed of quartz, feldspar 
and mica. Mica is a transparent glistening mineral. 

6 A eilicious or flinty rock. The constituent parts of which are 
silica, alumina and potash. 


tine. 1 The remainder is of a granitic character. Nearly 
the whole (or T 9 ^) are gneiss and feldspathic rock, of 
which the former (gneiss) composes about three- 
fourths of this portion of our State. The mica is more 
prevalent in it than its other constituents. This 
gneiss is of various degrees of hardness, in some in 
stances it can be cut by a knife, and then again the 
steel itself is abraded by it. This decomposition of 
the gneiss may be observed chiefly in the southern 
portion of Christiana and Mill Creek hundreds, and 
along the Newport Pike, in the neighborhood of New 
port. In some places the deposits above the rocks of 
this decayed stone are from twenty to thirty feet, 
and how much more has not been determined, although 
it is believed the solid rock does not lay far beneath. 
In the northern portions of Brandywine, Christiana, 
and Mill Creek hundreds this stone becomes hard in 
its character. In many places, amongst the north 
west portions, the two former hundreds, the common 
red garnet 2 is diffused amongst it. On the Kennett 
Pike, about five miles from Wilmington, the quartz 
has the appearance of having been ejected or fused in 
a liquid state into this rock. Magnetic iron ore is 
occasionally found in the northwest portion of Chris 
tiana hundred. 

The feldspathic rock, better known by the common 
name of blue rock, occurs chiefly along the Delaware, 

1 A species of rock or mineral crystallized and massive, and also 
fibrous and foliated or leaved, and composed chiefly of hydrous sili 
cate of magnesia. 

2 A mineral or gem of a red color. 


from Naaman s Creek to Wilmington, and from thence 
may be observed at intervals to the western State line, 
being projecting masses of the solid bed, 
or by huge b&lilders, upon whose sharpened outline 
the atmosphere appears to have had no effect. This 
rock extends over one-fourth of the primary portion of 
our State, the gneiss occupying nearly the other three- 
fourths. It is composed generally of crystalline 
masses of smoky feldspar and quartz, with occasional 
plates of mica, and more rarely veins abounding in 
hornblende. 1 The feldspar is the most abundant, 
sometimes constituting the entire rock. This rock is 
found also along the Brandywine and the Concord 
Turnpike. Shellpot Hill is supposed to be entirely 
composed of it. It abounds on the top of the hill 
skirting the Brandywine near Riddle s Factories, 
although there it is of so light a color as hardly to 
merit the name of blue. In blasting, enormous masses 
of this rock are frequently heaved from the solid bed, 
and are capable of being split in wedges in any re 
quired direction. 

Limestone, although occupying an unimportant ex 
tent of country, in comparison with the gniess and 
feldspathic rock, occurs in great abundance near Pike s 
Creek, and near Hockessin Meeting House, in Mill 
Creek hundred, where it is extensively quarried. It 
also occurs about two miles w r est of Centreville, and 
at Smith s Bridge, in Christiana hundred, and where 
the Brandywine enters the State. It is generally 

1 Having the ingredients of silica, magnesia, lime and iron. 


pure marble, essentially composed of lime, magnesia, 
and carbonic acid. It lays in heavy beds. This 
lime is unequalled for agricultural and building pur 

Serpentine occurs about six miles northwest from 
Wilmington, where it exists in its greatest extent on 
a ridge of about one mile in length, with a breadth of 
about half a mile. At one place it rises in a green 
rock, abruptly from a meadow near Green Hill School- 
house, in Mill Creek hundred. It is traversed by a 
granitic vein so rich in pure feldspar as to originate 
the " Dixons Spar Quarries," in order for its employ 
ment in the manufacture of porcelain. Asbestos 1 can 
be found there in large quantities, as well as other 
minerals incidental to it, amongst which is chromic 
iron, a mineral of some value. But it has not been 
detected in any quantity, although diligently sought 
after. Another body of serpentine exists near the 
State line, and where the Brandywine enters the 
State, generally of a light green color, and containing 
hematitic iron ore of a good quality. It is this ore 
that gives it its green color. 2 

The granite found in Delaware is principally in a 

1 This is a fire-proof mineral ; can be woven in connection with 
cotton, tow or other textile fabrics, and fire-proof garments made 
from it. It is a common practice to cleanse garments of asbestos by 
throwing them in the fire. 

2 Grace Church, in the City of Wilmington, the most magnificent 
Methodist Church in the United States, is built of serpentine. It was 
obtained near Chadd s Ford, the site of the Brandywine battle 
ground, about three miles beyond the Delaware line. It is part, how 
ever, of the same bed with that in Delaware. 


vein traversing the serpentine rock. It is charac 
terized by its abundant contents of very pure white 
feldspar, unusually free from oxyd of iron, a circum 
stance from which it derives its principal value. It 
also contains numerous minerals. Indeed, the ser 
pentine and granite together, offer the finest mineral 
locality contained in the State of Delaware. When 
feldspar undergoes decomposition it forms a species 
of clay known under the name of kaolin, which pos 
sesses great value in the manufacture of china ware 
and porcelain, especially, when free from oxyd of 
iron. This substance has been found in a few locali 
ties, but being deposited in small brooks, it is too 
limited to demand attention. A large deposit exists 
just across the Pennsylvania line, from Mill Creek 

Overlying the primary rocks of our State is a 
diluvial deposit of clay, sand and gravel, arising from 
the uneven surface of the rocks, and amounting at 
times to at least sixty feet in depth. On the south 
eastern edge of this rocky region, it consists of a dark 
red clay, embodying in places a large proportion of 
gravel, as may be seen more strikingly in the cuttings 
of nearly all the roads through that region, in the 
neighborhood of Wilmington. This deposit of clay 
has a necessary influence in rendering the soil of the 
upper hundred tenacious and heavy. 

South of the Christiana and White Clay Creek the 
geology of the State undergoes a change, and instead 
of rocky or primary formation, we have what is called 
upper secondary, tertiary, and recent formation. It 



presents a comparatively level country, or table land, 
generally sloping east and west towards the Dela 
ware and Chesapeake Bays from an elevated strip of 
land several miles in breadth, on which the streams 
flowing east and west take their rise in swamps and 
morasses, and cut their channels through the yielding 
soil. The name of water-shed or dividing ridge is 
applied to this narrow track, which extends through 
the whole length of the State. From the boundary 
of the primary or rocky region to the southern boun 
dary of New Castle county is a series of clays, sands 
and gravels, which are called upper secondary forma 
tions. But all the tracts bordering on the Delaware, 
from New Castle to Sussex, has an argillaceous or 
clayey soil. This upper secondary formation is called 
by Booth, 1 the geologist, from whom we extract our 
information, the 


from their being composed of a series of clays, in 
which the red color predominates, although inconsider 
able veins of white are mixed with it. The rod clay 
is often covered with heavy beds of sand and gravel, 
although it may often be seen cropping out of the 
ground, and again may be observed where cuttings 
have been made for the roads. It underlies the town 
of New Castle, where beds of it have been penetrated 
at one instance to the depth of seventy feet, and in 

1 James C. Booth, who was appointed for that purpose by the Le 
gislature, made a geological examination of the State in 1837 and 


another case of one hundred and eighty feet. At one 
place below this town, on the Delaware shore, how 
ever, the white clay predominates, where it is found 
in great abundance and purity, and has been used for 
the manufacture of crucibles for making glass and 
other valuable articles for near seventy years. The 
neighborhood of Christiana village affords the best 
place for studying this red clay formation, which pre 
sents excellent sections in the banks of the creek, and 
on the road cuttings, the upper portion frequently 
lying from sixty to eighty feet above tide-water. The 
red clay may also be observed in numerous places in 
New Castle, Pencader, and Red Lion hundreds. 
Along Red Lion Creek and its tributaries it crops out 
of the sides of the hills, and generally constitutes the 
beds of the streams. Iron pyrites 1 are sometimes 
abundantly contained in it, which accounts for the 
frequent occurrence of iron stone and ferruginous 
bands. From Newark to Summit Bridge, on the 
dividing ridge, the soil is argillaceous, composed of 
white and yellow clays, with a bed of gravel and sand 
below, which rests on another bed of clay. From the 
track of what used to be the French town Railroad to 
the Summit Bridge the geology is little else than soil 
and gravel. In the vicinity of White Clay Creek 
there are several outlying spurs of considerable 
height, of which Iron Hill is the most important. 
This elevation, rising abruptly from, and traversing 
far above the plain, consists of clays, sand and gravel, 

1 These pyrites are of a yellow color, shine like, and have the ap- 
peaiance, of gold. They are frequently called "fool s gold." 


and derives its name from the abundance of iron, 
stone and ferruginous 1 quartz scattered over its 
flanks, the latter of which was probably at one time 
of good quality, but through exposure to atmospheric 
agents has been rendered valueless. An excavation 
has been made on the summit for the extraction of 
iron ore to the depth of forty to fifty feet, which en 
ables us to estimate the character of this singular hill. 
The mass of earth is highly argillaceous loam, inter 
spersed with large and frequent masses of yellow, 
ochry clay, some of which are remarkable for fine 
ness of texture, not unlike lithomarge, 2 and consists 
of white, yellow, red, and dark blue clays in detached 
spots. Nodules of iron ore are abundantly distributed 
through the whole formation. Large quantities of 
this ore has been exported. The depth of the red 
clay formation is estimated at 250 feet. 

Towards the southern border of the red clay for 
mation, which extends over the hundreds of New 
Castle, Red Lion and Pencader, and which conse 
quently possess a soil of a heavier nature than usual, 
a deposit of yellow sand begins to appear, in elevated 
situations, and becomes gradually thicker as the red 
clay sinks below it, until we approach the Delaware 
and Chesapeake Canal, where it takes up, and in 
cludes in it, the celebrated green sand or marl, which 
has added so much to the fertility of the lands in the 
neighborhood. This has been denominated the 

1 Partaking of the nature of iron. 
a A mineral used for drying paint. 



These two sands in combination occupy the whole 
of St. George s hundred. The yellow usually pre 
ponderates over the other, sometimes presenting bluffs 
fifty feet in height, whilst the green sand rarely 
exceeds thirty feet in thickness. There appears to be 
two principal deposits of green sand, the upper and 
lower, which rarely unite to form one stratum, and are 
often separated by twenty or thirty feet of yellow sand. 
The lower stratum is chiefly confined to the canal, 
whilst the upper, although visible at the Deep Cut in 
the canal, first assumes importance several miles to 
the southward. Both deposits derive their character 
from a green substance with which they abound, and 
which being in the form of small grains, received the 
name of green sand, but this granular form being the 
only property in common with ordinary silicious sand, 
the two should not be confounded together ; for 
whilst the latter contains principally one ingredient, 
silica or flint, the green sand is composed of five or 
six, amongst which are potassa and lime, two sub 
stances of the highest value in agriculture. The soil 
on the neck lands and dividing ridge of St. George s 
hundred is rather argillaceous and heavy, but through 
the rest of the hundred the yellow sand, rising to the 
surface, assumes the character of a loam, that can 
scarcely be excelled for the well proportioned mixture 
of fine sand and clay, and proves itself capable of the 
highest degree of improvement. An analysis of the 
two descriptions of marl are as follows, viz. : in one, 
carbonate of lime, 20; green sand, 38; silicious sand, 


32; clay, 10; total, 100. In the other, silica, 58-10; 
p^tassa, 7 55; protoxide of iron, 22*13; alumina, 
5-14; lime, a trace water, 8 22 ; total 101-13. The 
quantities of these constituents, however, differ in 
various degrees in the different localities. The fol 
lowing shows the strata of the State at one place, 
through the deep cut of the canal, at about one- 
quarter of a mile west of Summit Bridge, viz. : soil, 
ferruginous gravel and sand, 9 feet ; black tenacious 
clay, 7 feet; ferruginous brown sand and clay abounding 
in ammonites, 1 baculites, 2 lignites 3 , and amber 4 for 23 
feet. Blue micaceous sand and clay, with same organic 
remains as above for 11 feet. Ferruginous sand and 
clay of a dull green color for 62 feet. White silicious 
sand and lignite abundant for 5 feet. Total, 61 i 
feet. This reaches the bottom of the canal, and with 
two others, within a quarter of a mile of it, are the 
deepest diggings made into the soil of Delaware. 
Exactly at the Summit Bridge the depth of the cut 
to the bottom of the canal is, however, 74 feet, and 
they bored three feet below the bed of the canal. In 
this they found iron crusts, and numerous organic 
remains which extended as far as the boring. Nu- 

1 The shell of an extinct shell fish like a coiled snake, called snake 
stone. Called so for ornaments like it being on the chair of the statue 
of Jupiter Ammon. 

2 A shell similar to the ammonite. 

3 Petrified wood. 

4 A beautiful gum, belonging to trees long extinct, used for mouth 
pieces of pipes, &c. A piece of amber was also found thirty or forty 
years ago on the farm of Mr. S. Higgins, on the State Road near the 
canal. This is the only place in which amber has been found in this 
State, save in the deep cut of the canal. 


merous springs flow into the canal from this deep cut, 
holding in solution so great a quantity of sulphate of 
iron (copperas) as to kill all the fish and the barna 
cles on the bottom of vessels passing through it. All 
the springs nearly of the deep cut give evidence of 
copperas in their taste, and make irony deposits at 
their point of issue. Iron pyrites constantly abound 
through the sands and clays. 

Between St. George s hundred and the lower part 
of Kent county the geology of the State again un 
dergoes a change. Between these points exists a 
series of beds of clays and sands, comprising two 
narrow belts abounding in organic remains, which are 
different from upper secondary, and therefore the ap 
pellation of 


has been applied. When the green sand or marl 
reaches Appoquinimink hundred it descends below a 
yellowish clay or loam, which underlies this hundred, 
from which it is separated by a ferruginous sandstone, 
sometimes six feet in thickness. At these points the 
clay is not more than fifteen feet thick, but when it 
reaches Blackbird it constitutes a hill thirty feet in 
height, and occasionally alternates with deposits of yel 
lowish sand. This contains a large quantity of silicious 
sand, and in many localities rises nearly, or quite, to 
the surface, and imparts to the soil of a large portion 
of this region a considerable degree of tenacity, and 
consequently difficulty of working. The neck lands, 
however, as well as the western part of this hundred, 


offer a soil of superior quality. The latter, known as 
the Levels, has long been celebrated for fertility. 
The soil is a fine loam, and capable of retaining more 
moisture in consequence of the yellow clay at no 
great distance below the surface. Indeed, the prox 
imity of this clay, combined with the level character 
of the country, proves an annoyance to farmers from 
ponds of water forming in the fields, which often lie 
long enough to injure the crops. This yellow clay 
abounds in fragments of petrified wood, belonging to 
an ancient species of pine, the only specimen of or 
ganic remains hitherto detected in it, one of the best 
localities of which is on the road from Odessa to 
Blackbird, between half and three-quarters of a mile 
from the former place, where it is profusely distri 
buted in the gravel, and plowed up in the fields, in 
masses sometimes weighing thirty pounds. From 
the nature of the clay it is supposed that they have 
been transported in the state of wood to this place, 
when it was below the surface of the water, imbed 
ded in the fine mud, and there have been converted 
into stone, the vegetable matter having been replaced 
by silica and alumina. Similar petrifactions occur 
at intervals lower down the State. In some of the 
streams of this hundred are found conglomerated 
masses of gravel cemented by oxyd of iron. In the 
lower part of this hundred are found at times the 
light loam and sands of Kent county} 

1 In digging a well some years since on the farm of Mr. Benjamin 
Dennis, near Townsend, in this hundred, the laborers came to a hard 
bed of sand of the consistency of stone, which could be lighted by a 
candle or match, and would then burn brilliantly. 


In the northern part of Kent county, on Old Duck 
Creek, about four miles from Smyrna, and other 
places in that vicinity, a strong crust is observed top 
ping out of blue clay, containing abundant casts and 
impressions of shells. Crossing the dividing ridge, at 
the head of the Choptank, near the mill, there is a 
blue clay resembling that of Old Duck Creek, and 
which is supposed to be a continuation of it, excepting 
in the absence of shell impressions. From these clay 
deposits emanate a quantity of copperas. Near that 
branch of the same creek, lying immediately south of 
Smyrna, are found large masses of silicious rock, 
which, from its extreme hardness and toughness, could 
scarcely be supposed to have had its birth in this 
region of soft clays and light sands, had it not been 
found in place in one locality. So numerous and 
large were the blocks on a farm belonging to the late 
Mr. Cloak, on the State Road, on the south side of 
the branch, that it was found necessary to sink them 
in order to the better cultivation of the land. They 
consist of coarse sand and gravel cemented by sili 
cious matter, containing frequent casts of shells. 
Large blocks of the same substance were found on 
other farms in the vicinity. Silified shells are found 
abundantly on the Kenton Road, five miles from 
Smyrna. Although the soils of the northern part of 
Kent county are very valuable, yet we may distin 
guish three things which are most prevalent, viz. : 
those of the neck lands of a heavy character, but sup 
posed to be the most fertile in the State ; those of 
the dividing ridge, consisting of very heavy bottoms, 


not always productive, with occasional light sand 
hills ; and lastly, those intermediate between them in 
position, and occupying a much greater space. They 
are light loams easy of culture, which, by the energy 
of the farmers, are being brought up to the highest 
degree of fertility. 

Crossing the middle sections of Kent the tertiary 
is found more fully developed on the streams of Mur- 
derkill Creek. The lowest stratum is visible at the 
head waters of this creek. It is blue clay, closely 
resembling that at Duck Creek. It abounds in im 
pressions of shells in a soft clayey state, and is separated 
from an overlying white sandy bed by a hard ferru 
ginous crust, containing similar organic remains. This 
white sandy bed is a half-hardened mixture of sand 
and clay, consisting almost wholly of shell casts, con 
taining but in a solitary instance a trace of lime, 
which was a shell found unaltered. Twenty-five feet 
is the greatest ascertained depth of the tertiary. Its 
clearest indications are observed at Spring Mills, on 
a fork of the Murderkill of that name, near Frederica. 

In addition to the tertiary there are in Kent 
County, for a distance of about twenty miles, a series 
of beds of clays and sands, the lowest of which is 
clay, observable on nearly all the streams, varying in 
color and texture in the same locality, but generally 
of a yellowish shade, and of medium fatness or rich 
ness, and the upper consisting of ferruginous sands or 
gravel. Indications of these formations may be seen 
on the branches of Little Creek; at Dover, where the 
sandy nature of the upper beds, and the upper level 


of the clay, are indicated by the numerous springs of 
excellent water which issue from the foot of nearly 
every declivity. Below the entrance of the Tydbury 
Branch into Jones Creek, at Forrest Landing, where 
the clay rises some ten feet above tide-water. On 
one of the head branches of Jones Creek, near 
Rashe s Cross-roads, beds of solid iron bog ore, of 
four-tenths inches in thickness, was found for the dis 
tance of a mile. From the similarity of soils through 
out a great part of Kent county, in the same relative 
situation they may be classed as was done with those 
in New Castle county, viz. : with the exception of 
the marshes bordering on the bay, all that low land, 
known as the neck lands, is of a heavy argillaceous 
character, and naturally remarkably fertile, although 
some of them have been subject to more than a cen 
tury of excessive tillage. As we rise, the country to 
the westward, and meet the tertiary deposits, the 
soil becomes more loamy, corresponding with the 
subjacent deposits, and as these become covered by 
loose sand towards the ridge, the surface necessarily 
partakes of the same character. Proceeding from 
north to south through this middle section, the amount 
of loose sand increases in depth and breadth, so that 
much of the land in the lower part of Kent county 
has a sandy soil. On the ridge we find the same 
alternations of light sand hills and heavy clay bottoms, 
which was noticed in New Castle county, but which 
in Kent are more strongly contrasted. In addition, 
however, to these is a vegetable soil too remarkable 
to be passed over by a simple notice, viz. : the marsh 


lands, situated in the southern and western part of 
Kent, and on the ridge, in Sussex. They are situ 
ated on the branches of the several streams, which, 
having their source in the Delaware, usually flow to 
wards the Chesapeake, and which, originating from 
rains and springs in the midst of extensive forests, on 
a broad and very flat surface, with a clayey substra 
tum impervious to water, and becoming clogged and 
dammed up by fallen trees, leaves, and other brush 
wood, naturally expand into broad basins termed 
marshes. The luxuriant growth of trees, shrubs, and 
smaller plants, and their constant dilapidation and 
decay in the shallow waters of the sluggish streams 
during the lapse of ages, has generated a black vege 
table mould, averaging three feet in depth, being 
rarely less than six inches, and sometimes exceeding 
six feet, being composed throughout of the same mate 
rials. It was not until the close of the past or the present 
century that effectual means were resorted to for re 
covering this land from almost constant inundation, 
since which time nearly all the great marshes have 
been drained by the excavation of ditches, or, more 
properly, canals, in the natural bed of the stream, and 
a large amount of the most fertile soil of the State 
brought under cultivation. One of these great 
ditches increases from twelve to twenty-four feet in 
width from its source to its mouth, a distance of nine 
miles, and throws off a sufficient quantity of water in 
spring to float a moderate sized vessel. The Colbreth, 
Cow, Herrington, and Tappaannah marshes, on the 
west of Kent county, are the main feeders of the 


Choptank, and Marsh Hope, in the south, forms a 
main source of the Northwest Fork River. Heron- 
town Bog, another of the great marshes of Kent, was 
drained through the energy of the late ex-Governor 
Tharp and Alexander Johnson, Esq. This land, which 
had for ages been the roost of herons, when cultivated 
produced from ninety to one hundred bushels of corn 
to the acre. The principal and several minor branches 
of the Nanticoke have also been subject to drainage, 
besides many smaller streams in Sussex. When all 
the water courses shall have been confined in a similar 
manner, in their proper channels, which, from the 
constant improvements going on in the State, will not 
be long, a very large amount of fertile soil will be 
brought under the plow, and the noxious exhalations 
of marshy lands will cease to produce disease, to 
which their inundated state renders them subject. 
The soil of these marshes, when drained, are rarely 
so light and spongy as not to admit of the growing of 
grain after a little cultivation. The quantity of or 
ganic matter in them is so great that during a dry 
season the soil which was accidentally fired continued 
to burn like coal, and was only extinguished by rain. 
The remains of such fires have been observed in seve 
ral instances, when the carbonaceous matter having 
been burned out, left the earthy constituents converted 
into a substance resembling brick by the heat of the 

To the southward of the lower tertiary, and as far 
as the southern limits of this State, containing the 
hundreds of Mispillion and Milford, in Kent county, 


and the whole county of Sussex, the geology of Dela 
ware undergoes another change, and what are called 


or land supposed to be recently formed by nature, 
occur. They consist of a deposit of clay and sand, 
with a preponderance of the former, to which no date 
can be assigned, except in a few instances, in conse 
quence of the absence of organic remains, and the 
impossibility of drawing any conclusion relative to 
their age from their mineral character. Thus the blue 
clay on Murderkill Creek could not be distinguished 
from similar clay on the shores of the bay, which is 
quite recent in its origin, except by comparing the 
ordinary bay shells of the latter with tertiary shells in 
the former. In few cases where shell beds have been 
found, there are no indications of tertiary fossils, 
the shells being referable only to the same genera arid 
species which now inhabit the waters of the bay. 
The surface of the country of this lower part of Kent, 
and county of Sussex, is much more level than the 
other portions of the State, and less scooped out in 
ravines. The soil is also more variable, offering the 
two extremes of stiff clays and blowing sands. But 
in several instances, as in Northwest Fork hundred, 
and on the neck lands, it is of medium texture, and 
endowed with superior fertility. The greatest thick- 
nerss of the clays is forty feet. The lowest stratum 
is a yellowish clay, at times of a light lead color, 
alternating with thin seams of sand, and superimposed 
by yellowish and nearly white sand of very variable 


thickness, amounting at times to twenty feet. On 
the Mispillion Creek, in the vicinity of Milford, and 
to the west of it, the uppermost stratum is of loose 
sand, with an occasional argillaceous bed, below which 
is a heavy bed of clay, extending below the water 
level. On Mill Branch, about a mile from Milford, 
the upper stratum is a loose yellow sand, which is 
underlaid and stratified by a white clay, below this 
is a fat yellow loam reposing on white sand. On 
Cedar Creek below Milford, the clay lies at a lower 
elevation, whilst the superimposed sand is of con 
siderable thickness. From the abundance of super 
ficial loose sand, the soil of this region derives its 
character ; but where this has been partially removed 
there are basins, with a substratum of clay, which, 
being impervious to water, constitute ponds, that 
are sometimes a convenience, but oftener an annoyance 
to the farmer. At Milton the clay rises to the height 
of forty feet above tide-water. Proceeding westward 
to Lewes the same beds of clay present themselves at 
Cool Spring. The same clay crops out at the beach, 
three miles south of Cape Henlopen, where it has 
been uncovered by the gradual encroachment of the 
ocean, and although no traces are found of it at the 
head of Cypress Swamp, the supposition is that this 
clay underlies the whole country between Indian 
River and the Nanticoke, constituting the bases of 
the swamp, for it is well developed in the vicinity of 
Laurel, and on nearly all the branches of the Nanti 
coke, rising from five to twenty feet above tide- water. 
Under the town of Seaford are a series of clays of 


yellow and white colors, with occasional seams of 
sand, and intervening crusts of iron stone, the whole 
rising fifteen or twenty feet to the sandy soil. Small 
nests of shells are found in digging on the banks of 
the Nanticoke, between Seaford and Concord, near 
Cannon s Ferry, and at various other places. Iron 
ore of the bog variety is found in several parts of 
Sussex county. Amongst them at Little Creek, and 
on Broad Creek, about two miles east from Laurel ; 
a few miles northwest of Georgetown, on Deep Creek ; 
on Green s Branch, eleven miles west of Millsboro ; 
on Burton s Branch, one mile from the same town. 
At one time there were a number of forges and fur 
naces that manufactured this ore into iron, and the 
county of Sussex was mostly supplied with that ma 
terial from its own works. A great deal of iron ore 
was also exported from Sussex. But the furnaces 
are all now idle, and but little, if any, of this material 
is now sold abroad. 

To the traveller who for the first time passes 
through Sussex county, the formations would appear 
to consist almost entirely of loose white and yellow 
sands, but a more thorough investigation shows the 
fallacy of such a conclusion, and proves that in refer 
ence to geological deposits the clayey greatly pre 
dominates over the sandy, forming the substratum of 
the whole county, but that the latter, overlying and 
capping the clay over a large proportion of the sur 
face, communicates the well known sandy character 
to the soil. These two upper sands probably cover 
one-half or two-thirds of the county, are of variable 


thickness, sometimes yellowish and more tenacious, 
at other times nearly white, and so loose as to be rea 
dily transported by the winds. This sand is of so 
loose a nature, that when the sod has been removed 
in an exposed situation, the action of the wind roots 
it out to the depth of several feet, distributing it 
around the surrounding soil, or heaping it against a 
bush fence or other obstruction. This sand is some 
times blown into steep hills, in several parts of the 
county. These sand hills, however, must not be con 
founded with the hills partly of sand and gravel which 
exist and which is due to the action of the waves, when 
the State was covered by water, and which was formed 
in a similar manner to the bars now formed in the 
bay. The most striking of these hills is one lying to 
the south of Milton, and between Georgetown and 
Lewes. It is a ridge of variable breadth, and not 
more than fifty feet in height, apparently in a north 
west and south-east direction, composed of fine gravel 
and sand, and a sufficient mixture of clay to render it 

There is another branch of the geology of Delaware 
which comes under the name of 


by which the lands bordering on river and bay, called 
cur neck lands, have been formed. The Delaware 
has been engaged for ages in transporting sand and 
clay from the northward, by means of which the sand 
banks and shoals of the bay have been raised, and the 

heavy soils on the neck lands deposited. A large 


number of these shoals are, in all probability, rem 
nants of the land which united Delaware and New 
Jersey prior to the wearing away of its channel by 
the river, but they have been increased, and many of 
them entirely formed by the detritus brought down 
by the river. A boring made on the island, on which 
Fort Delaware is situated, by Booth, the geologist, 
proved it to have been wholly formed by the river 
deposits. This deposit is generally known by the 
name of blue mud, and it is this blue mud which gives 
the neck lands of our State their great fertility. These 
neck lands are those tracks which border on the De 
laware from New Castle to Sussex. The most cele 
brated among these are Raymond, Little Creek, Prime 
Hook, and Slaughter Necks. Raymond s Neck is sup 
posed by many to contain the best land in the State. 
It is supposed that the noblest forest in the State 
exists at Prime Hook Neck, in Sussex county, con 
sisting of tulip poplar, black walnut, and black oak, 
remarkable for their enormous size and flourishing 

From the upper part of the State to its southern 
boundary, on the Delaware River and Bay, and the 
sea-coast, are skirted by marshes of varying breadth, 
(better known by the name of salt marshes,) some 
times exceeding two miles, subject at times to inun 
dations, consisting of flat and dark colored vegetable 
mould, and clothed with a luxuriant growth of reeds 
and grasses. These marshes are supposed to contain 
between one and two hundred thousand acres. This 
marsh, it is supposed, could be embanked, and the 


land brought into cultivation. In the upper portions 
of the State this has been successfully done. Un 
doubtedly the whole of this land will finally be re 
covered from the water, as the substrata of the 
marshes from the town of New Castle to the southern 
boundary of our State are similar. 

We shall close our description of the State by 
stating that in many parts are chalybeate springs 
of excellent qualities, and great medical virtues, 
amongst them, are the celebrated Brandy wine Springs, 
about three miles from Wilmington; others near 
Brackenville, in Mill Creek hundred ; on the Bran 
dy wine Creek, about a quarter of a mile from Wil 
mington ; in Duck Creek hundred, not far from 
Smyrna; at Spring Branch, near the Town of Fre- 
derica ; near the Town of Laurel, in Sussex, and va 
rious other places too numerous to mention, in all the 
counties of the State. In nearly every quarter of 
the City of Wilmington, chalybeate water is reached 
by digging wells. A pump of this water used to be 
in operation near the corner of Sixth and Spruce 
Streets, now covered by buildings. Another is yet 
used within the city limits, on the Newport Pike. 


Description of the State before the Arrival of the White Man Fruit 
and Corn Grow Wild Diminishing of the Streams Disappear 
ance of Christina Harbor Diminished width of the Christiana 
Cherry Island Marsh Overflowing of the Marshes Diminishing 
of Clement s Run Shellpot Creek Encroachment of Wilming 
ton on the Christiana Bars formed at Blackbird and Mispil- 
lion Creeks Disappearance of Stone Wharf Creek and Syna- 
<puxent Inlet Dimunition of Lewes Creek Loss of its Trade 
Description of Lewes Creek from a Manuscript in the British 
Museum Encroachments of the River, Bay and Ocean on the 
State Destruction of Graveyard at New Castle Port Mahon, 
Duck Creek, Dona River, Bombay Hook Island, the Thorough 
fare Destruction of the Sand Hills on the Atlantic Hen and 
Chicken Shcal and Island Increase of Beach near the Break- 
wa ter Extension of Cape Henlopen Abundance of Fish Law 
passed forbidding the Erection of Dams across the Brandy- 
wine Wild Animals, Bears, Wolves, Wild Cats Water Fowl, 
Disappearance of the Brant. 

WHEN the white man first discovered the territory 
now known as the State of Delaware, it was covered 
almost entirely with a large growth of forest trees ? 
many of them more than one hundred feet high. Indian 
corn, various kinds of fruits, and vines, especially the 
grapevine, were found growing luxuriantly and without 
cultivation. The latter grew so thick on the site of the 
town of New Castle, that it was first named Grape 
vine Point. The country was much better watered 
than at present, for the clearing off of the woods and 
draining of the swamps has caused many streams, 
some of which were navigable, to disappear entirely, 


and others that once floated vessels that bore the 
original settlers across the ocean, to so diminish in 
depth that they will now hardly float the smallest 
kind of boat without grounding. The harbor or 
lake back of Fort Christina, at the foot of Seventh 
street, (within the limits of the City of Wilmington,) 
where the Key of Kalmer lay that brought the first 
Swedish settlers over, together with the creek that 
connected it with the Christiana, was more than forty- 
nine years ago filled up, and workshops are now 
situated on its site. The Christiana was then over 
three hundred and fifty feet wider above Wilmington 
than at present. All the ground, from the foot of 
Seventh street to the Delaware, now known as 
Cherry Island Marsh, was under water at high tide, 
save a small island in the middle, which was covered 
with cherry trees, from which the marsh derives its 
name. The marsh opposite the city, on the southern 
side of the Christiana, was also overflowed at high 
tide, and the rocks, where the late John K. Kirk- 
man s ship-yard is now, and the Old Ferry Point op 
posite the foot of Third street, (close to the new 
Third street Bridge, where the Townsend Iron 
Works are now built,) were then denominated the 
Capes of the Christiana, and so inscribed on the re 
cords of the county. Between those two points and 
the Delaware, at high tide, was nothing but a waste 
of water, save the small spot named Cherry Island. 
A large stream that eighty-five years ago turned a 
wheel for sawing marble at the westerly corner of 
Second and Orange streets, flowed into the Chris- 


tiana at the foot of Shipley street, and vessels as 
cended it, and boys bathed in it for some distance 
above Front street. This stream has now disap 
peared. The bowsprits of large vessels eighty-five 
years ago extended over Water street, and the Li 
berty, a ship of three hundred and sixty tons, was 
built at the southwest corner of Market and Front 
streets. 1 Clements Creek, the little stream that 
crosses the Newport Pike about a hundred yards 
from Front street, (or as laid down in the map of the 
city, at the junction of Justison and Sycamore streets,) 
that now would not float a batteau, was formerly as 
cended by vessels to a wharf near the turnpike to 
take in wood for the Philadelphia market. Vessels 
ascended the run that flowed down Poplar street, 
since culverted over, and the great freight house of the 
Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad 
Company, at the foot of Poplar street, is built on the 
site of Mulberry Dock, where vessels loaded and un 
loaded their cargoes not more than forty-five years 
ago. Shellpot, (or Skillpot, as it was formerly called,) 

1 Ferris Original Settlements on the Delaware. This was a useful 
and valuable work, written by Benjamin Ferris, an old and esteemed 
citizen of Wilmington, a member of the Society of Friends. It was 
published by Wilson & Heald, booksellers of Wilmington, in 1846. 
It gave a minute historical account of the first settlements on the De 
laware, and graphically described the manners and customs of its 
earlier inhabitants. It also contained an excellent history of Wilming 
ton. Benjamin Ferris died on the 9th of November, 1867, at the good 
old age of 89 years and 2 months, respected and esteemed by all who 
knew him. This was the first work ever published devoted mainly 
to the historical affairs of this State. In 1838 Mr. Huffington pub 
lished the Delaware Register at Dover, but it was as much of an agri 
cultural and literary as an historical work. 


which flows into the Brandy wine about three-quarters 
of a mile from the built up portions of Wilmington, 
that now would hardly float a longboat, was stated 
by William Penn to be large enough to contain the 
whole navy of England. 

A similar diminution of the navigable rivers and 
streams has taken place over the whole State. Every 
creek between the Christiana and Cape Henlopen has 
had its navigation injured, and has become much 
shoaler within the memory of men still living. A bar 
has been formed at the mouth of Blackbird Creek, in 
New Castle county. A bar has also been formed at 
the mouth of Mispillion Creek, in Kent county, 
which extends near two miles out in the bay, which 
injures greatly its navigation, and both creeks are 
much diminished in depth. Stone W r harf Creek, up 
which the British brought the stone from England (in 
vessels which sailed from there) to build what is 
known as the Big Light House on the Atlantic Coast, 
about a mile from Cape Henlopen, and the brick to 
erect the dwelling for the keeper, is now, by the ac 
tion of nature, filled up, and wagons and carts drive 
over what was once its bed. The site of Synapux- 
ent Inlet, in Sussex county, near Lewes, that used 
to be navigable for large vessels, can now be drove 
over with a horse and wagon. In this inlet a French 
war ship, during the Revolution, took refuge, and 
landed a quantity of money and arms for the use of 
our soldiers, as the British then had control of the 
bay, which were taken up the State on wagons, es 
corted by a body of Delaware troops under the com- 


mand of Colonel David Hall. Now not a vestage of 
it is to be seen. Lewes Creek has also diminished 
greatly in depth. Thirty years ago large coasters 
used to winter in this creek, where is now hard and 
fast land. The place where a large British ship lay, 
that was captured and brought up this creek during 
the Revolution, is now a mowing marsh. Lewes for 
merly had a great deal of trade with New York. 
Large quantities of grain was shipped from there, and 
the Creek at certain seasons was filled with vessels 
waiting to convey it to that city. This trade has been 
lost from the creek becoming too shallow. Most of 
the people resident in the neighborhood were formerly 
engaged in navigation, but the rivers, creeks and in 
lets diminishing in depth so that they would not 
float vessels of sufficient size to navigate the ocean, 
has changed the occupation of the citizens, and they 
are now cultivators of the ground. Lewes Creek 
more than one hundred years ago had begun to di 
minish in depth. We copy the following account of 
it from Smith s History of New Jersey, a book pub 
lished in 1765. It was then called the Hoerenkill. 1 
The account of this shallowing of the creek, it will be 
perceived, is derived from a manuscript in the British 
Museum. It is also given the credit of being the best 
harbor in the Delaware Bay. 

" Two leagues (says the manuscript in the British 
Museum) from Cape Cornelius, on the west side of 
the river, near its mouth, there is a certain creek 
called the Hoerenkill, which may well pass for a 

1 This creek was afterwards called by the English Whorekill. 


middling or small river, for it is navigable a great 
way upward, and its road is a fine road for ships of 
all burthens, there being none like it for safety and 
convenience in all the bay, the right channel for sail 
ing up the bay passing it. 

" A certain person who, for several years together 
had been a soldier in the Fort, informed us about the 
month of June, 1662, being then but lately come from 
thence, concerning the Hoerenkill, or Harlot s Creek, 
that along the seashore it was not above two leagues 
from the cape, and that near the fort, which is at the 
mouth of it, it is about two hundred paces broad, and 
navigable and very deep to about half a league up 
wards, the pilots say generally about six feet of water 
in going in, but the canoes can go about two leagues 
higher. There were two small islands in it, the first 
very small, the last about half a league in circumfer 
ence, both overgrown with fine grass, especially the 
latter, and are about half a league distance asunder, 
and the latter about a league from the channel s mouth. 
The two islands are surrounded with muddy ground, 
in which there grows the best sort of oysters, which 
said ground begins near the first island, for the mouth 
of the channel has a sandy bottom, being also very 
deep, and therefore there are no oysters there. Near 
the smaller island, and higher up, it is as broad again 
as at the mouth. Near the said fort the channel for 
a good way runs at equal distances from the sea, 
having the breadth of about two hundred paces of 
high downy land lying between them. Near the fort 
there is a glorious spring of fresh water. A small rill, 


rising in the southeast part of the country, and falling 
from a rising hill, runs through this downy land into 
the mouth of the Hoerenkill, or Harlot s Creek, is 
for its goodness and fertility named for the very best 
of New Netherland." 1 

Smith, speaking of the above manuscript, says : 

" Soon after English possession it get the name of 
Lewistown, by which it is mostly called. It is situate 
at the mouth of Delaware Bay, and is a general re 
sort for pilots waiting to convey vessels up the river. 
Where the creek is described as deep and sandy is 
now a mowing marsh. The channel, also, by the 
Whorekill, then used for vessels to pass, is diminished 
to about a hundred yards breadth at the mouth. The 
two islands, one very small, and the other half a 
league in circumference, are now, the first, supposed 
to be ten, and the last thirty, times as large as there 
described, and this alteration in about a hundred 

Such is the description of Lewes Creek, variously 
over one hundred, and two hundred, years ago. The 
islands still exist. They are now several hundred 
acres in extent. One is now called Green Island. 

But though the land has gained on the navigable 
streams by the narrowing and shallowing of their 
channels, and the filling of them up altogether, so 
that vegetation now grows where once large vessels 
floated, the river, bay and ocean, that bounds the 

1 This was the name of Delaware at that time. The Dutch were 
then the inhabitants, and our State was part of New York, which was 
known by the same cognomen. 


State, has washed away a large portion of its coast, 
and the State is now many square miles smaller than 
when the white man first landed on its shores. It is 
probable that it is in some places half a mile, and in 
others two miles, narrower from these encroachments 
than when first settled. From ten to fifty feet of the 
State is washed away every year the fast land be 
coming marsh, the marsh sand, and the sand becoming 
covered with water. This is owing to the North 
easterly storms. In the neighborhood of New Castle 
old residents can point to the foundations of houses, 
nearly a quarter of a mile out in the Delaware, and 
in the limits of the same town, after every storm, 
from the enroachments of the river, the bones and 
skulls of those buried in a graveyard bordering on it are 
exposed to view scattered along the beach, and swal 
lowed up by its waters. The lighthouse at the 
mouth of Mahon s River, in Kent county has within 
forty years had to be rebuilt three times from the en 
croachments of the Delaware. The foundation of that 
first erected is now nearly a quarter of a mile out in 
the bay. More than half a mile of the point of land 
that now forms the harbor of Port Mahon is washed 
away within the memory of the older residents. It 
is also within the memory of people now living when 
Duck Creek, and Old Duck Creek, had but one mouth, 
both flowing into Dona River, which had but one 
channel at the south end of Little Bombay Hook 
Island. Bombay Hook was then a part of New Cas 
tle county, connected with it by fast land, instead of 
an island, as now. Duck Creek now flows in a chan- 


nel at the north of Great Bombay Hook and the main 
channel of Old Duck Creek, and Little Creek is to 
the north instead of the south of Little Bombay Hook 
Island. The old channel at the south of Little Bom 
bay Hook is fast filling up. Both these new chan 
nels, viz. : the channel to the north of Great Bombay 
Hook, and the channel to the north of Little Bombay 
Hook Island, were made by men for the convenience 
of getting their boats into the bay. These channels 
were then washed out and deepened by the force of 
the current, so that the commerce of the towns of 
Smyrna is carried through the former, and of Leipsic 
through the latter. The channel to the north of 
Great Bombay Hook is known by the name of the 
Thoroughfare, and is now part of the boundary be 
tween New Castle and Kent counties. The old 
channel is now so filled up that it cannot be used by 
the vessels employed in the commerce of those towns, 
and is now only navigated by boats. 

On the coast of Sussex county, especially where it 
it bounded by the Atlantic Ocean, still greater en 
croachments have been made upon our State, but in 
some instances, as will be related hereafter, the State 
has encroached upon the bay. 

High hills of sand, from forty to fifty feet high, 
used to front the bay and ocean, from Grove Bank, 
near Lewes, in front of Lewes, and extending along 
the Atlantic Coast to the boundary of the State into 
Maryland. They extended probably half a mile in 
land, and were covered with grass and pines. The 
great storm that about forty years ago devastated our 


coast, swept down all these hills on the ocean side, 
made them level, and washed away a great portion of 
the ground. From this storm the Atlantic encroached 
on our State about half a mile, and made what was 
before fast land part of the ocean. During this storm 
several hundred acres of the farms of Wm. Newbold 
and John Rhodes were washed away, and many people, 
and a great number of cattle w r ere drowned. The same 
storm so encroached on the shores of Rehoboth and 
Indian River Bay as to change the nature of their 
waters, and to make them so salt as to destroy the 
oysters that before abounded there. 

The shoals called the Hen and Chickens, situated 
in the ocean, near Cape Henlopen, now miles out in 
the sea, it is supposed, was once connected by the 
fast land with our State. The oldest citizens of the 
nighborhood recollect it as an island covered with 
trees. The waters of the Atlantic now roll over it. 
At extreme low tides the stumps of trees may be seen 
miles out in the ocean, showing how it has encroached 
on Delaware, and washed away its shores. At the 
lowest calculation two miles of the State, where it 
fronts the Atlantic, and one mile from New Castle to 
the Cape Henlopen, which was once fast land, is now 
covered by water. The contrary of this is, however, 
the case in that portion of the State opposite the 
Breakwater. This bank of stone, protecting it from 
the storm, the beach has encroached on the bay, and 
is now about half a mile nearer the breakwater than 
it was before that great work was erected. So much 
so, that the pilots avoid taking vessels out of the 


channel between the breakwater and Cape Henlopen, 
and it is thought that in time the beach will so pro 
ject as to connect itself with the breakwater. Cape 
Henlopen is also extending itself into the ocean. It 
now reaches out more than a mile further than it did 
a hundred years ago. The Big Light, built by the 
British, to mark the entrance to the Delaware before 
the Revolution, is laid down in the old charts as being 
one cable length, or 12 fathoms, (730 feet,) from 
this point of the cape. Several vessels sailing by this 
chart, and endeavoring to enter the bay by that dis 
tance from the light, were wrecked on the cape. A 
new light has now been erected on the extreme end 
of the cape. The distance between the new and old 
lighthouses is about a mile and a half, so that by this 
extension of the cape over a mile of land has been 
won from the ocean. This is a small gain, however, 
in comparison with what it has robbed us of. But 
even should its stormy waves in the lapse of event 
ful time totally destroy our State ; wash away both 
hill and plain, and leave not a vestige of its terri 
tory, save what was covered by its waters, Delaware 
would still live in history and the minds of men; 
from the glorious deeds of her sons in the Revolution, 
and from her being the first to adopt the constitution 
of what will be the greatest and mightiest nation 
the world has ever seen, which now known as the 
United States of America, may hereafter be the 
United States of the world. The mortal body of our 
State may be destroyed, but its soul will live, " till 
time is old, and hath forgot itself." 


Baltimore hundred, in Sussex county, now so 
populous and well cultivated, was originally a track 
of worthless land, a mere outlying part of the Cypress 
Swamp. It has been drained and made valuable. 
Other great swamps and bogs, such as the Tappahana 
and Heronton Bogs, have been also drained, thus ma 
terially altering the surface of the State. 

Every stream, when the Swedes and Dutch first 
landed here, abounded in shad. They ascended the 
Brandywine to its head, and were caught in quanti 
ties above the City of Wilmington. An act of the 
Legislature was at one time passed forbidding the 
erection of dams across the Brandywine, (after the 
State had been conveyed to Penn,) because such dams 
would prevent the shad ascending the stream, and 
thus cause dissatisfaction among the Indians, who, 
in its season, lived principally upon this fish. 

The woods everywhere abounded with deer, bear, 
wolves, opossums, hares, squirrels, wild turkies, phea 
sants, wild pigeons, and many other kinds of animals 
and birds. There was also the wild-cat and the rat 
tlesnake. Wolves were so numerous as to prove a 
great annoyance, and to cause repeated public efforts 
to be made for their destruction. Near the margins, 
and on the surface, of the rivers and creeks, were 
found beavers, otters, muskrats, terrapin, and other 
aquatic animals, whilst swans, geese, ducks, brant, 1 
cranes, and other water fowl were in great variety 
and abundance. The shores of the bay were covered 

1 The brant was a water fowl about the size of a duck. There are 
none now. It totally disappeared about thirty years ago. 


with king crabs. So great was the quantity of swans 
in the bay that the first Dutch settlers named that 
portion of Sussex county, near Lewes Creek, Swanen- 
dale. The cultivation of the ground, and the clearing 
away of the woods, and draining the marshes, having 
destroyed the harbor for these animals, they are 
either entirely extinct, or exist in far lessser numbers. 
The last wolf has long since gone. Bear and deer, 
it is still alleged, exist in the Cypress Swamp, al 
though they are rarely seen, whilst there is not a 
tithe of the wild fowl, fish, or animals there formerly 
were. They have receded with the Indian before the 
advancing civilization, and given place to the domes 
tic animals, who are more under the dominion of man. 


The Aboriginal Inhabitants Leni Lenape or Delawares They Drive 
off the original Indians The Minquas The Nanticokes The last 
Indian leaves Delaware Bones found at Laurel Their Govern 
ment Hereditary Their Councils Punishments Retaliation for 
Murder by other Tribes Their Weapons Mode of War Cruel 
Treatment of their Prisoners, they burn them alive and scalp 
them Cannibalism Their Hunting Their Money Their Man 
ufactures Their Boats Their Dwellings Their Hospitality 
Their Food Their Marriage They Practice Polygamy Their 
Children Their Religion Supposed Tradition of Christ Their 
Medicine Their Heaven Mode of Burial Customs thereat 
Character of the Indians Reason why they were conquered by 
the Whites They hold a Council to see whether they Massacre 
the Swedes, decide against it The only recorded Council of the 
Aborigines of this State. 

THE aboriginal inhabitants of Delaware, at the time 
the European settlers came amongst them, were 
known by the name of Leni Lenape, meaning in our 
language, original people. They were called by the 
English, Delawares, after Lord Delaware, from whom 
the state and the bay also derives its name. The 
tradition is that they and the five nations, both emi 
grated from beyond the Mississippi, and by uniting 
their forces, drove off and destroyed the primitive resi 
dents of the country. Their settlements extended 
from the Hudson to the Potomac, and their descend 
ants finally became so numerous that near forty tribes 
honored them with the title of grandfather. 1 These 

1 Thatcher s Indian Biography. 


three tribes were in process of time subdivided into 
many others, as location and convenience required. 
There were twelve Indian tribes resident within the 
limits of this State around New Castle. The two 
most prominent thit ruled in Delaware were the 
Minquas and the Nanti cokes. There were probably 
many others, but history does not record their names. 
The Minquas inhabited the banks of the Christiana 
and Brandywine. The Nanticokes the lower end of 
the State, and the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The 
last of the Nanticokes took their departure from the 
Delaware in 1748. (The last Minqua had left long 
before.) They were then residents of the neighbor 
hood of Laurel. They dug up the bones of their 
principal chiefs and carried them with them. The 
bones of the rest of their dead they re-interred in the 
same vicinity, where they were found by digging 
about fifty years ago. 1 Each tribe of Indians had a 

1 Huffington s Delaware Register. This Register was a monthly 
magazine, published by William Huffington, at Dover, in 1838, and 
printed by Samuel Kimmey. It was one of the best publications of 
the day, and one of its objects, as stated by the editor in his address in 
the first number, was, "in a series of numbers, to collect and combine in 
a sensible form all that can be rescued from the dust of oblivion, from 
which, at a future day, a history of our State may be written." It 
is to be regretted that it did not succeed in a pecuniary point of view, 
for it contained matter of much value, both as regards the history and 
agriculture of the State. Its publication ceased at the end of the year, 
and but few copies of it exist. It is, however, found bound in two 
volumes in the libraries of some of our citizens. The publication of 
this magazine was the first attempt to preserve and make known our 
history. Mr. Huffington was a lawyer, a man of refined mind and a 
good writer. He, at different times, held several important offices. 
He had been Clerk of the House of Representatives, a member of the 


ruler, whom they called a sachem. The office was 
hereditary, but on the mother s side, in order that no 
illegitimate children could be placed at the head of the 
nation. " When a king died, it was not his children 
who succeeded him, but his brother by the same 
mother, or his sisters, or her daughter s male children, 
for no female could succeed to the government." 
Each king had his council, and nothing of importance 
was undertaken, such as war, peace, and the sale of 
land, without being first discussed in council, to which 
not only were the counsellors called, but also the 
common people. When they made any treaty of 
peace or friendship, they gave to those with whom 
they made it a pipe to smoke, which finally sealed the 
agreement, as they believed if any one should break it, 
they would be afterwards visited by some great misfor 
tune. Their punishments generally consisted of fines. 
If a man committed murder, " he may be forgiven on 
giving a feast or something else of the same kind ; 
but if a woman be killed, the penalty is doubled, 
because a woman can bring forth children, and a man 
cannot." Murder was very uncommon among them 
until " the white man came, when, under the influ 
ence of intoxication from the liquor they sold them, 
several were committed by the Indians. When they 

Legislative, and Mayor of the City of Wilmington in 1848 and 1856. 
He died at Wilmington in 1800. Samuel Kimmey, the printer, was a 
man who took great pride in his art, and the typography of the Regis 
ter was, pe/haps, equal to any publication in the country in its day. 
lie was also the printer of the "Revised Code" in 1852. There are 
few specimens of the typographical art of the time superior to this. 
He died at Djver, October, 1854, in the fifty-second year of his age. 


committed murder under those circumstances, they 
excused themselves by saying it was the liquor that 
did it." "When any one of them was condemned to 
death, which seldom happened, the king himself 
would go out after him," and as they had no prison 
to confine the criminal, he generally " fled to the 
woods-." When they find him, " the king first shoots at 
him, and afterwards those who accompanied him in 
like manner shoot at him until he was dead." If an 
Indian kill another Indian of a different tribe, those 
of the tribe to which the murdered man belonged 
would send one of their men to kill one of the other 
tribe, and thus "wars were kindled between them. 
Otherwise there was no law amongst them, though 
they generally exercised the law of retaliation." 1 

Their weapons were stone hatchets and bows and 
arrows, in quivers made of rushes. Their bows were 
made of the limb of a tree of above a man s length, 
and their bow strings of the sinews of animals. Their 
arrows were made of reeds a yard and a half long. 
At one end was fixed a piece of hard wood about a 
quarter length, at the end of which they made a hole 
to fix in the head of the arrow, which was made of 
black flint stone, or of hard bone or horn, or the teeth 
of large fishes or animals, which they fastened in with 
fish glue in such a manner that the water could not 
penetrate. At the other end of the arrows they put- 
feathers. The flint and stone arrow heads and stone 
hatchets are still often plowed up in our fields, and 

1 Campanius description of Indians. 


are all that remain to remind us that another race 
than our own (now extinct) were once lords of our 
soil, save a few of our streams, that yet retain their 
Indian names, such as Naaman s, Appoquinirnink, and 
Nanticoke Creeks. 

When they went to war, each provided himself 
with a bow and sufficient quantity of airows, and 
placed on his head a red turkey s feather, as a sign 
they were going to shed blood. After they had car 
ried their wives and children to an island, or other 
place of safety, they proceeded on their way in a cer 
tain order, and when they met their enemies attacked 
them with great outcries. They thought they had 
made a great battle when ten or twelve men remained 
dead on the field. Those who had gained the victory 
took off the scalps of the enemies they had killed, 
and carried them away as a warlike trophy. They 
were very cruel in the treatment of their prisoners. 
They would cut and slash them alive ; cut off their 
ears, their noses, their tongues and their lips, also 
their fingers and toes. They also cut off flesh from 
different parts of the body, and then strewed ashes 
over the wounds to prevent the blood from flowing, and 
that their victims might not die too soon. Such an 
example occurred in the year 1646, when Campanius, 
the chaplain to Printz, one of the Swedish governors 
of this State, was in the country. The Indians resi 
dent of the Christiana and Delaware had taken one 
of the Mingoes, and bound him to a tree. They 
made a large fire round him, and when he was half 
roasted let him loose. Giving him a fire-brand in 


each hand, and taking one in each hand themselves, 
they challenged him to fight, and when at last he 
could no longer stand, but fell down, one of them 
sprang upon him, and with his nails cut the skin of 
his forehead open, and tore off his scalp. The Min- 
goes and Minquas were often at war. They were 
also in the habit of eating the flesh of their enemies 
after boiling it. Campanius also relates that some 
Indians once invited a Swede to go with them to their 
habitation in the woods. When he arrived there they 
treated him to the best the house afforded, and 
pressed him to eat, which he did. There was broiled 
and boiled, and even hashed meat, of all which the 
Swede ate with them. But it did not agree with his 
stomach, for he threw it up immediately afterwards. 
The Indians did not let him know what he had been 
eating, but it was told him afterwards by some other 
Indians that he had been fed on the flesh of an Indian 
of a neighboring tribe with whom they were at war, 
and that that was the broiled, boiled and hashed meat 
with which he had been treated. 1 

They had a system of fortification, which was by 
surrounding their villages with palisades. The Min- 
ques or Mincks (probably the Minquas) had a fort on 
a very high mountain, very difficult to climb, about 
twelve miles from New Sweden, 2 which was the 
name this State was first known by. This mountain 
was, probably, Iron or Chestnut Hills, ne;ir Newark. 
The usual employment of the Indians, were fishing 

1 Campanius, 122. 2 Ibid. 127. 


and hunting, and shooting with the bow and arrow. 
Lindstrom, the engineer, who came over with Gov 
ernor Printz, and who improved the fortifications at 
Christina (now Wilmington), and at Fort Cassimir 
(now New Castle) , in a manuscript treatise written 
by him, says: 

" As soon as the winter is over they commence their 
hunting expeditions, which they do in the most in 
genious manner. They choose the time when the grass 
is high, and dry as hay. The Sachem collects the 
people together, and places them in a circumference 
of one or two miles, according to their numbers ; they 
then root out all the grass around that circumference, 
to the breadth of about four yards, so that the fire 
cannot run back upon them ; when that is done, they 
set the grass on fire, which of course extends all round, 
until it reaches the centre of the circumference. They 
then set up great outcries, and the animals fly toward 
the centre, and when they are collected within a small 
circle, the Indians shoot at them with guns and bows, 
and kill as many as they please, by which means they 
get plenty of venison. When the grass has ceased to 
grow, they go out into the woods and shoot the ani 
mals which they find there, in which they have not 
much trouble, for their sense of smelling is so acute 
that they can smell them like hounds. Their Sachem 
causes a turkey to be hung up in the air, of which the 
bowels being taken out and the belly filled with money, 
he who shoots the bird down gets the money that is 
within it." 1 

1 Campanius, 128. 


The money of the Indians was called wampum. It 
consisted of beads neatly cut out of white or brown 
cockle, muscle or oyster shells, through which they 
bore a hole and string them together on a thread like 
pearls. Each fathom of wampum was worth five 
Dutch guilders, reckoning four beads for every stiver. 
The brown beads were more valued than the others, 
and brought a higher price. A white bead was of the 
value of a piece of copper money, a brown one was 
worth a piece of silver. 

Speaking of the money of the Indians, the engineer 
Lindstrom, says : " Their money is made of shells, 
white, black, and red ; worked into beads, and neatly 
turned and smoothed. One person, however, cannot 
make more in a day than six or eight stivers. When 
these beads are worn out so that they cannot be strung 
neatly and evenly on the thread, they no longer con 
sider them as good. Their way of trying them is to 
rub the whole thread full on their noses. If they find 
it slides smooth and even, like glass beads, then they 
are considered good ; otherwise, they break and throw 
them away. Their manner of measuring their strings, 
is by the length of their thumbs, from the end of the 
nail to the first joint makes six beads, of which the 
white ones are worth a stiver, or piece of copper money , 
but the black, or blue ones, are worth two stivers or 
a piece of silver." 1 

When the Europeans first came, the Indians had no 
instruments or tools made of iron, but still there was 

1 Campanius, 132. 


mechanical talent among them. They could tan and 
prepare the skins of animals, which they afterward 
painted. They adorned skins and bed covers with 
various colored feathers, binding them with a kind of 
net-work, which, says Campanius, " was very hand 
some, and fastened the featners very well." They 
also made light, and warm clothing and covering for 
themselves of the same material. With the leaves of 
Indian corn and reeds, they made purses, mats, bas 
kets, and everything else they wanted. They also 
" made very handsome and strong mats of fine roots, 
which they painted with all kinds of figures. They 
hung their walls with these mats, and made excellent 
bed-clothes of them." 

The women spun thread and yarn out of nettles, 
hemp, and some plants unknown to the white men. 
Campanius said, Governor Printz had a complete 
suit of clothes, with coat, breeches, and belt, made by 
these barbarians, with their wampum, which curiously 
wrought with the figures of all kinds of animals, and 
cost some thousand pieces of gold." Their tobacco 
pipes were made out of reeds, a man s length. The 
bowl was made of horn, but sometimes of clay. 

Their boats were made of the bark of cedar and 
birch trees, bound together and lashed very strongly. 
They also made boats out of cedar trees, which they 
burnt inside, and scraped off the coals with sharp 
stones, bones, or muscle shells. 

The dwellings of the Indians were made of the 
branches of trees, twisted together with bark, covered 
with mats, made of the leaves of the Indian corn matted 


together. They first put a pole in the centre, and 
then spread their mats and branches around it, and 
then cover it above with a roof made of bark, leaving 
a hole in the top for the smoke to pass through. In 
the pole they fixed hooks to hang their kettles on, 
and a large stone to protect themselves from fire, and 
around it they spread the mats and skins on which 
they slept, Their principal furniture was the kettle 
in which they cooked their food. They had no seats, 
but sat on the ground. The Indians not being ac 
customed to it, could not sit on chairs. Accordingly, 
when they visited white men, the tables were 
always uncovered at the lower end, so that the In 
dian at meals could get on the table, and sit and eat 
what was set before him cross-legged. When a white 
man visited an Indian, he spread his best mats on the 
ground, and laid before him Indian bread, deer, elk, 
or bear s meat ; fresh fish, and bear s fat, instead of 
butter. These attentions the Indians expected to be 
received with thankfulness, otherwise, their friend 
ship would be turned to hatred. 

The food of the Indians, was the kind of wild ani 
mals which abounded then in the State, which they 
shot with their bows and arrows. Also fish, which 
they shot with the same weapons. When the waters 
were high, the fish run up the creeks and returned at 
ebb-tide ; so that the Indians could easily shoot them 
at low water, and drag them ashore. They also made 
bread out of Indian corn, which they crushed between 
two stones and a large piece of wood. They then 
moistened it with water, and made it into small cakes, 


which they wrapped up in corn leaves, and baked in the 
ashes. When they were traveling or laying in wait 
for their enemies, they took with them a kind of bread 
made of Indian corn and tobacco juice, which, says 
Campanius, "is a very good thing to ally hunger 
and quench thirst, in case they have nothing else at 

Polygamy was practiced amongst the Indians, and 
marriage was early. As soon as an Indian was seven 
teen or eighteen years of age, he took one, two, or 
three wives, according to his ability to maintain them. 
The woman was expected to be in constant attendance 
upon her husband. Should she be guilty of infidelity 
or otherwise misbehave, her husband would at once 
turn her out with blows, and take another wife in her 
place. They considered it disgraceful to get married 
until they had, by some exploit in hunting or war, 
given proof of their manliness. The girls remained 
with their mothers, and assisted them in the care of 
the household, such as making mats and carrying 
small bundles. When they wanted to get married, 
which generally happened when they were thirteen or 
fourteen years of age, they were accustomed to cover 
their breasts, and wear something upon their heads, 
by which it was understood that they were ready for 
a husband. When a warrior or sachem married, his 
wife wore her clothes for a year, completely covered 
with strings of wampum, in various figures, with 
with which her hair, her ears, her arms, and her 
waist, even down to her knees, were decorated. Her 
hair was greased and her face painted with all sorts 


of colors, which gave her a shocking appearance. At 
the same time the husband s person was similarly 
adorned. No care was taken of the women when 
bearing children. She merely laid down behind a 
bush or tree, and immediately after the birth, both the 
mother and child would bathe in the water, and the 
day after be as fresh and well as before. They would 
then fasten the child with a deer skin to a board, a 
little longer than itself. From this board it was not 
detached for many months the mother always carry 
ing it and suckling it attached in that manner, until it 
was freed from it, to learn it to walk, which it generally 
did at nine months old, at which time they gave it a name 
taken from anything that they thought best suited 
to it. 

The Indian religion acknowledged a supreme being, 
who made both the heavens and the earth. It also 
acknowledged an evil spirit, a manetto, manitto or 
devil. They, however, in contradistinction to the 
white man, worshipped the evil spirit. Their reason 
was as follows : 

"The Great Sachem in heaven," they said, "is not 
bad. He does us neither good nor harm, therefore we 
cannot worship him." " The evil spirit," they said, 
" is bad, and if we don t do something to please him, 
he will hurt or kill us, therefore we must worship 
him." They accordingly offered sacrifices to the evil 
spirit, in woods. They would erect an altar, and offer 
upon it meat, fish and tobacco, and all sorts of fruit. 
This they do whenever they prepare to go into or 
return from a war. In performing their sacrifices 


they uttered lamentable cries, with strange contor 
tions of their bodies. One portion of their religion 
was dancing in circles, with songs and joyful cries. 
Two of them stood in the middle running to and fro, 
holding in their hands a hollow reed, or dried skin. 
The Indians gave to Lindstrom the following account 
of a portion of their religion, from which he appeared 
to think they had some notion of " Christ and his 
apostles." They received it by tradition from their 

"Once upon a time," (Lindstrom said) they informed 
him, " one of your women came among us, and she 
became pregnant in consequence of drinking out of 
a creek. An Indian had connection with her, and he 
also became pregnant, and brought forth a son, who, 
when he came to a certain size, was so sensible and 
clever that there never was one that could be com 
pared to him, so much and so well he spoke, which 
excited great wonder ; he also performed many mira 
cles. When he was quite grown up, he left us, and 
went up into heaven, and promised to come again, 
but he never returned. Afterwards there came a big 
mouth, (meaning an eloquent man), with a large 
beard, like your big mouths (preachers). There was 
also another big mouth among us, in former times, but 
he also went off (pointing to heaven ) ; he promised 
to come back, but never returned." 

When the white men first came amongst the In 
dians in this State, they were not in the habit of com 
mitting excesses in eating or drinking. They lived 
upon the animal and vegetable productions of the 


country, and drank nothing but pure water. There 
fore they generally lived to an advanced ; many 
of them to over,a hundred years. What sickness they 
had was trifling, and having a knowledge of the cura 
tive properties of many herbs, what diseases occurred 
amongst them readily yielded to their treatment. 
Campanius says : " They have a cure for the bite of 
the large poisonous snakes with which their country 
abounds, which is truly wonderful. It is a kind of 
root which they call snake root ; they chew it and 
mix it with their spittle when fasting, and lay it upon 
the wound. It almost immediately reduces the swell 
ing, and soon effects a complete cure." 1 

When an Indian died, his relations and friends 
brought precious and valuable articles to his grave, in 
order that he might be provided with everything that 
he might want when he arrived at the Indian heaven, 
which they believed laid far to the west, where peo 
ple w r ent after their death. A country, they said, 
which abounded in game, and fish, and with every 
thing that might be wished for. 

They made their graves round, and lined them 
with logs, and for their great men with planks arid 
boards. The corpse was placed in it in a sitting pos 
ture, and by it was laid its shield and the weapons 
that belonged to it in life. They tied its hands to 
gether, one on each side of its head, and then laid 
planks or boards underneath it to support it; then 
filling the grave with earth, they push planks or logs 
upon it to keep it from the wild animals, and fixed in 

1 See Campauius, 142. 


the middle a long painted pole in remembrance of the 
deceased, on the top of which, if he was a good hun 
ter, they put the figure in wood of some wild animal; 
if he was a fisherman, that of a fish. For three 
months afterwards the relations and friends would 
daily visit the grave, and ask him, with cries and 
lamentations, why he left them so soon, and why he 
could not stay longer amongst them, and whether he 
had not good meat, good drink, and everything else he 
could wish. They then kept their faces blackened for 
a year. They were very attentive of their graves, 
that they might not fall in or be overgrown with 
grass or bushes, lest the memory of the dead should 
be forgotten. 

Such were the habit, custom, and character of the 
Indians who inhabited this State, of whom it is be 
lieved not one of their descendants now remain alive. 
They were orators, counsellors, and warriors. Equal 
in morals and general intelligence to the w r hites, and, 
we believe, considering the circumstances, in truth, 
honor, and honesty their superiors. But they were 
ignor/int of letters; they violated God s law, of not 
being willing as a race to "earn their bread by the 
sweat of their face." They were hunters, not agri 
culturalists, and as all wealth, all science, all knowl 
edge depends upon labor, and those nations or races 
who employ in that labor their brightest and most 
acute intellect are the most successful and the most 
powerful, so notwithstanding the many natural high 
qualities of the Indian, because his labor w r as done by 
his women, who were from the nature of things, weak 


and ignorant, he was defeated, driven back, and ex 
terminated by the white man, whose labor was per 
formed by the. strength of body and intellect of the 
males of his race, instead of the necessary weakened 
physical and mental organization of the female. The 
letters and books from which the white man derived 
his instruction, the ships which brought him over, the 
iron of which his cannon and muskets and swords 
and bayonets were made, and the forts which protected 
him, and the implements with which he tilled the earth, 
producing from a small space a large crop, were all 
the results of male labor. It was the possession of 
these things that enabled him to conquer his red 
brother. Without them he would have been as help 
less as the Indian. Without labor he could not have 
had them. Therefore, the real cause of the fall of 
the Indian, in his conflict with the white race, was 
his contempt for labor, and placing it upon his women. 
As the white man cleared the woods and plowed the 
fields, the game having no cover, retreated from his 
advancing footsteps. The Indian, depending mostly 
on game, went back with the animals, which the white 
man drove to the receding wilderness. So that even 
had there been no war between the races, the Indians 
must have been driven to the wilderness as the white 
man advanced, which every day was, and is now, re 
ceding to the westward. 

These accounts of the Indian we have got mainly 
from Campanius, as he is the only writer that has 
dwelt at any length upon those of that race who in 
habited the territory now comprised in the boundary 


of Delaware. There was probably but little difference 
in character between them and the other Indians that 
inhabited this Continent; but as his description apply 
especially to the Indian inhabitants of this State, and 
those residing in our immediate vicinity in Pennsyl 
vania and New Jersey, we prefer his description to 
any other. 

Although the following council of Indians might 
have been more appropriately introduced under the 
events of 1645, yet we relate them here, as illustrating 
the character of the Indians. As regards the place 
where the council was held history does not inform us. 
Printz was governor, of what is now our State, at the 
time. It was called by the head sachem Matta Norn, 1 
to know whether the then inhabitants of Delaware, 
principally Swedes (though there were some Dutch) 
should be destroyed. The sachem calls his son, 
Agga Horn, and a dialogue occurs between them, as 
follows : 

Father Matta Horn. Where are the Swedes and 
the Dutch? 

Son Acjga Horn. Some of them are at Fort Chris 
tina, and some at New Gottenberg. 

Father. What do the Swedes and the Dutch say 

Son. They say, why are the Indians so angry with 
us ? Why do they say they will kill all of us Swedes, 

1 This Sachem owned the territory on -which the city of Wilmington 
is built. The grounds on which Fort Christina was built was pur. 
chased from him, and on that ground was his wigwam. He is some 
times called Matta Hoon. 


and root us out of the country ? The Swedes are very 
good. They come in large fast sailing ships, with all sorts 
of fine things from Swede s country, or old Sweden. 

F. Go round to the other chiefs and to the com 
mon men, and hear what they say. 

$ m They say, you Indians and we (Swedes and 
Dutch and English) are in friendship with each other. 
We are good men. Come to us. We have a great 
deal of cloth, kettles, gunpowder, guns, and all that 
you may want to buy. 

F. I understand. What do you say about this, 
Agga Horn, my son ? 

S. I say that I think it best not to fall upon them, 
because the Swedes are skillful warriors. 

F. My son, you must go about here and there, to 
our good friends, the officers and common men, and 
engage them to come immediately here to me, that 
we may consult together as to what we shall do. 

S. It is well, I will go. 

F. Do that, but don t be long away. 

The son comes again and salutes his father. 

S. My father, Matta Horn (that is), Good bye, 
father, Matta Horn. 

F. Yes, here I am my dear son, Agga Horn. 

S. Father Matta Horn, I have done what you or 
dered me. 

F. Well, my son, what answered the officers. 

S. They answered that they would come here to 
us, the day after to-morrow. 

F. You, my son Agga Horn, may go with the men 
to shoot some deer in the woods. Perhaps the good 
gentlemen may be hungry when they come. 


&. I understand that well, I will go immediately 
out hunting. 

After being hunting, he returns with venison. 

F. Have you been hunting ? 

. Yes, I have. 

F. What have you done ? 

S. We have killed two elks, and as many deer as 
will be wanted. 

F. Have you shot no turkeys ? 

S. I shall have also, twelve turkeys. 

F. Enough, enough. 

The people are now assembled in Council. 

Sachem. Are you here, good friends ? 

Warriors. Yes, we are. 

Sachem. That is well, you are welcome. Set down 
and rest. 

Warriors. With pleasure, for we are much tired. 

Sachem. Are you also hungry ? 

Warriors. Yes, may be we are hungry. 

Sachem. I know you have gone a great way, so 
you must be very hungry. We shall have meat pres 

Warriors. That will do for us. 

Sachem. Here, you have to eat. Eat all, ye good 

Warriors. Yes, we will do our best. Give us meat. 

Sachem. Do you also want drink ? 

Warriors. Yes, give us drink. This is sweet and 
good water. We are now well satisfied. Thanks, 

Sachems Speech to the Warriors. My good friends, 


all of you don t take it amiss that my son has called 
you to this place. The Swedes dwell here upon our 
land, and they have many fortresses and houses for 
their habitation. But they have no goods to sell to 
us. We can find nothing in their stores that we want, 
and we cannot trade with them. The question is, 
whether we shall go out and kill all the Swedes, and 
destroy them altogether, or whether we shall suffer 
them to remain ? Therefore, I am glad that you came 
here, that we may consult together on this subject. 
You chiefs and warriors, what advice do you give ? 
What shall we do with the Swedes ? They have no 
cloth, red, blue, or brown. They have no kettles, no 
brass, no lead, no guns, no powder. They have nothing 
to sell us ; but the English and Dutch have got all 
sorts of merchandize. 

Some of the Chiefs answer. We are for the Swedes, 
we have nothing against them. 

Another Chief answers. It would be well to kill all 
the Swedes ; for they have nothing in their stores, 
for which we can trade with them. 

Tne Common Warriors answer. 

A common warrior says : Wherefore, should we kill 
all the Swedes, and root them out of the country ? 
They are in friendship with us. We have no com 
plaint to make of them. Presently they will bring 
here a large ship full of all sorts of good things. 

Others ansiver. You talk well, we common warriors 
agree with you. Then we shall not kill all the Swedes, 
and root them out of the country. 

Others reply. No, by no means. For the Swedes 


are good enough, and they will shortly have here, a 
large ship full of all sorts of goods. 

The King s decision. Right so. We, native Indians, 
will love the Swedes, and the Swedes shall be our 
good friends. We, and the Swedes, and the Dutch, 
shall always trade with each other. We shall not 
make war upon them and destroy them. This is 
fixed and certain. Take care to observe it. 

The whole meeting answers. 

We all agree it shall be fixed and certain. 

Now, we are going home. 

Yes, farewell. 

Whither are you going ? 

To our plantations. 

I understand. 

The maize is now fully ripe. 

Yes, it is certainly ripe. 

Now then, fare ye well. 1 

Such is the account given by Campanius of the 
council held by the Indians, to decide whether they 
should attempt to massacre the first settlers of Dela 
ware. It is the only recorded proceedings in exist 
ence, of any council held by the Indians who inhabited 
this State, or of any meeting of theirs, that had any 
relation to its inhabitants. This council will be al 
luded to in our history, hereafter. 

1 See Campanius, 153, 154, 155, 156. 


FROM A.D. 1492 TO 1606. 

Discovery of America by Columbus Of the Continent by John 
Cabot Sebastian Cabot sails from Labrador to Virginia Passes 
the Southern Boundary of Delaware Makes several other voy 
ages Made Grand Pilot of England Verrazani touches the Conti 
nent in the latitude of Wilmington Grant to Sir Humphry 
Gilbert He touches the Continent near the Kennebec No grant 
of Delaware Lost on his return to England Grant to Sir Walter 
Raleigh He has the right to Delaware when he discovers it He 
does not do it He assigns the right to merchants in London 
James I. claims the land between the 34th and 45th degrees of 
latitude Grant to Xorth Virginia, from 41st to 45th degree of 
latitude To South Virginia 34th to 38th degree Delaware not 

P14921 ^ scover J f ^ ne Western hemis 

phere was made by Christopher Columbus, 
a Genoese, who was employed by Ferdinand and Isa 
bella (the King and Queen of Spain) to discover a 
new route to the Indies. He sailed from Palas, in 
Spain, on the 14th of August, 1492, old style, 1 and 
landed at St. Salvador, or Cat Island, on the 12th of 
October following. This discovery of Columbus was 
the cause of the settlement of this State by its pre- 

1 There are nine days difference between the old and new styles, the 
new style being nine days later. English and Swedish date op to 
1752 are old style, and nine days must be added to them to corres 
pond with our present mode of reckoning. Dutch dates are new style,, 
or dates now in use. They adopted the new style about 1600. The 
English did not adopt it until 1752. 


sent people. As the discoveries by him incited the 
enterprise of the citizens and navigators of England 
and Holland, the former of whom in subsequent voy 
ages discovered the continent of which our State is a 
part, and the latter the river, on the banks of which 
it is situated. In May, 1497, or about five 
years after Columbus saw the first island of 
the New World (as the Continent of America is 
called), John Cabot, a Venetian, under the authority 
of the English King Henry VII., discovered the con 
tinent. On the 21st of June he first saw what was 
supposed at that time to have been the Island of New 
foundland, but what is now thought to have been the 
coast of Labrador. He soon afterwards returned to 
England. The following year his son Sebas- ri 400-1 
tian Cabot, who was with him on his first 
voyage, and born in Bristol, in England, and there 
fore an Englishman, made a second voyage, and ex 
plored the continent from Labrador to Virginia, and 
some say to Florida. He thus sailed past the south 
ern shore of this State, on the Atlantic. After several 
other voyages he returned to England, during the 
reign of Edward VI., and as a reward for his services 
was appointed grand pilot of the kingdom. Several 
other voyagers made discoveries in America, but it is 
not our purpose to allude to any but those that have 
in some manner been connected with the State of 
Delaware. In 1524, or twenty-seven years ri KO^-I 
after Sebastian Cabot had sailed past it on 
the Atlantic, John Verrazani, a Florentine of cele 
brity, in the employment of the French, discovered 


the continent in the latitude of Wilmington, in this 
State. He must therefore have touched or observed 
it at what is now called the Long Beach, in New 
J erse y? near ^ ne town of Tuckerton. In 1578 
Queen Elizabeth of England gave to Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert an open or patent letter for "all 
such remote heathen and barbarous lands as he should 
discover in North America, and of which he should 
take possession ; these lands not having been occupied 
before by any other Christian power." She vested in 
him and his heirs the right of property, and guaran 
tied that all who should settle there should enjoy the 
privileges of free citizens and natives of England. He 
was to acknowledge the sovereignty of England, and 
pay one-fifth of all the gold obtained. Under this 
patent he made several voyages during the year 1579 
and 1583, and touching at the Island of New Found- 
land, sailed as far south as the Kennebeck, but it does 
not appear that he had himself any grant, or was in 
any way connected with Delaware, though some geo 
graphers place down the whole territory between 
Florida and New Brunswick as being the " Remote 
and Heathen Lands" patented by Queen Elizabeth to Sir 
Humphry Gilbert in 1578. This map is so laid down 
in Willard s History of the United States. This 
grant would, of course, include Delaware, but as the 
patent granted only included such lands as he dis 
covered, and he did not sail further south than the 
mouth of the Kennebeck River, in Maine, he could 
have never had any jurisdiction over our territory. 
However, upon the death of Gilbert, (a noble, gallant 


and Christian sailor, who was lost at sea in a little vessel 
of ten tons, called the Squirrel, on his return to Eng 
land,) a patent was granted by the same queen to the 
celebrated Sir Walter Raleigh, his brother-in-law, for 
all the land he should discover between the 33d arid 
40th degree of north latitude. This gave him the 
right to all the territory, tvhen he found it, from a 
short distance south of the Santee River, in South 
Carolina, to a point a few miles north of Tom s River, 
in Ocean County, New Jersey, and also a mile or so 
north of Philadelphia, at a point between Philadelphia 
and Germantown. Raleigh sent several vessels to 
America, which discovered Albermarle and Pamlico 
Sounds, in North Carolina. He there established a 
colony on Roanoke Island, which was destroyed. But 
it does not appear that either he, or any of those 
under him, ever sailed as far north as Delaware Bay, 
and all his connection with this State was a right to 
discover and possess it; a right which he never exer 

Soon after Raleigh assigned his patent to ri CCOT 
a company of merchants in London. Seven 
years after this assignment to the London merchants 
James I. of England, claiming all the land ripQp-i 
between the 34th and 45th degrees of north 
latitude, (or from Cape Fear River, within a mile or 
two of the southern boundary of North Carolina, to 
the St. Croix River, which divides the northern 
boundary of the United States at the State of Maine 
from the British Colony of New Brunswick,) divided 
it into two districts, which he called North and South 


Virginia. North Virginia included from the 41st to 
the 45th degree, and contained the whole of New 
England, nearly the whole of the State of New York, 
a small part of New Jersey, and that portion of Penn 
sylvania north of a line drawn through it from east to 
west, from about Stroudsburg, in Monroe County, on 
its eastern border, to New Castle, in Lawrence 
County, on its western border. This he granted to 
the Plymouth Company, composed of " knights, gen 
tlemen and merchants." South Virginia included 
from the 34th to the 38th degree of latitude, and con 
tained the territory between the mouth of the Cape 
Fear River, near the boundary of North and South 
Carolina, and the boundary of Virginia and Maryland. 
This was granted to the London Company, composed 
of "noblemen, gentlemen and merchants," mostly 
resident of the City of London. The intermediate 
district, from the 38th to the 41st degree, comprising 
the States of Delaware and Maryland, and the largest 
part of Pennsylvania, nearly the whole of New 
Jersey, Manhattan Island, on which the present city 
of New York stands, together with Staten and nearly 
the whole of Long Island, was open to the settlement 
of both companies, but neither was to come within 
one hundred miles of the other. These grants were 
thus made three years before the discovery of Dela 
ware River, by either the English or any other nation. 
Under these companies both Virginia and New Eng 
land were settled. The Plymouth or North Vir 
ginia Company, however, fourteen years afterwards, 
succeeded in getting their charter modified, and their 


territory extended, by an additional grant of one de 
gree of latitude from the 40th to the 41st degree, 
thus bringing under their dominion the whole of New 
York and nearly the whole of Pennsylvania, and 
near two-thirds of New Jersey. 


FROM 1600 TO 1614. 

Employment of Henry Hudson by the Dutch East India Company, to fin J 
a Northeast passage to China Sailed from Texel, in the yacht 
" Half Moon" His Discovery of Cape Cod Supposed Discovery 
of Chesapeake Bay Discovery of Delaware Bay Log of Robert 
Jewett, Hudson s Mate Discovery by Capt. Argall Visit of Lord 
De-la-war, in the Bay from which it derives its Name Aban 
donment of Hudson by his Mariners in Hudson s Bay Sketch 
of the Life of Hudson Recorded Names of Crew of Half Moon 
Samuel Purchase. First Writer on Delaware. 

Hudson? an Englishman, in the 
employ of the Dutch East India Company, 
belongs the honor of first discovering the State of 
Delaware. He certainly never landed, but sailing 
into the Bay from which the State derives its name, 
he undoubtedly obtained a sight of our shores. He 
was engaged by the East India Company to find a 
Northeast passage to China. That measure at that 
period, obtaining a large portion of the attention of 
the scientific and commercial portions of the civilized 
world. Accordingly, he was engaged by that Com 
pany, as captain and supercargo of the ship or yacht 
"Halvemann," (or Half Moon,) 40 lasts or eighty 
tons burthen. She left the Texel, April 9, 1609, 1 
and sailing toward the Northeast, endeavored to make 
a passage to China in that direction, but changed his 

1 Broadhead s Address, N. J. Historical Col. 


course owing to the ice, and stood over toward what 
then was called New France, now. the British pos 
sessions of North America. He passed the Banks of 
Newfoundland, in latitude 43 23 . He made the land 
in latitude 44 15 , and went on shore at a place where 
there were many of the natives with whom, as he 
understood the French came every year to trade. 
This place is supposed to be the mouth of the Penob- 
scot, or a small French settlement, now Annapolis. 

From thence he took his course to the South, run 
ning S. S. W., and S. W. by S., where he again made 
land, in 41 43 , which he supposed to be an island, 
and gave the name of New Holland, but afterward 
discovered that it was Cape Cod. Pursuing his course 
toward the South, he again saw land in 37 15 . The 
coast was low, running North and South, and opposite 
to it lay a bank or shoal, within which was a depth 
of 8, 9, 10. 11, and G fathoms, with a sandy bottom. 
This he called Dry Cape (supposed to be Chesapeake 
Bay, and Cape Charles). Changing his course to the 
northward, he ngain discovered land in latitude 38 9 , 
where there was a white sandy shore, and within ap 
peared a thick grove of trees, full of green foliage. 
His direction of the coast was N. N. E., and S. S. W., 
for about 24 miles, then North and South for 21 miles, 
and afterward S. E. and N. W., for 15 miles. They 
continued to run along this course to the North, until 
they reached a point from which the land stretches to 
W. N. "VV., where several rivers discharge into an open 
bay. Land was seen to the E. N. E., which Hudson 
at first took for an island, but it proved to be the 


main land, and the second point of this bay, in lati 
tude 38 54 . This was, without doubt, Cape May, 
now laid down in latitude 38 57 . varying only three 
minutes from the observation of Hudson; the re 
mainder of the description applies well enough to the 
Delaware Bay and River, now, first discovered by 
the Dutch. Standing in upon a course N. W. by E., 
they soon found themselves embayed, and encoun 
tered many breakers, and stood out again to the 
S. S. E. Hudson supposed that a large river dis 
charged into the bay, from the strength of the cur 
rent that set out, and caused the accumulation of 
sands and shoals. Convinced that the way to China 
did not lay in that direction, they then continued 
along the coast toward Sandy Hook. 1 

^ e fH wm 8 i g fr m the log-book of Rob 
ert Jewett, the mate, who gives the follow 
ing account of the discovery of Delaware Bay. 

" Friday, Aug. 28. Fair, and hot weather, wind 
S. S. W. In the morning, at 6 o clock, we weighed 
and steered away north 12 leagues until noon, and 
came to the point of the land ; and being hard by the 
land in five fathoms, on a sudden we came into three 
fathoms, and we bore up and we had but ten feet 
water, and joined to the point. Then, as soon as we 
were over, we had 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, and 13 
fathoms. Then we found the land to trend away N. 
W., with a great bay and river. But the bay we 
found shoal, and in the offing we found ten fathoms, 

1 De Laet s Description, N. Y. His. Col. 


and had sight of beaches and dry sands. Then we 
were forced to stand back again, so we stood back 
S. E. by S., three leagues, and at 7 o clock we an 
chored in eight fathoms of water, and found a tide set 
N. W. and N. N. W., and it rises one fathom, and 
flows S. S. E. And he that will thoroughly explore 
this great bay, must have a small pinnace, that must 
draw but four or five feet water, to sound before him. 
At 5 in the morning we weighed, and steered away 
to the eastward on many courses, for the more north 
ern land is full of shoals ; we were among them, and 
once we struck, and we went away and steered away 
to the S. E., so that we had 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 
fathoms, and so, deeper and deeper." 1 

From this it will be seen, that Hudson was the 
first person that discovered this State, and that the 
28th day of August, 1609, was the first time its 
shores were seen by civilized man. One year later, 
it is alledged, that Sir Samuel Argall, 2 after- 
ward Governor of Virginia, visited the Dela 
ware Bay, and named it Cape Delaware, after Lord 
De-la-war, the Governor of Virginia. In his report 
he states, that he caught halibut, cod, and ling fish 
in the Bay. 3 The year afterwards, Lord De- ri gi i n 
la-war himself visited the Bay, on his voy 
age homeward. It was after this called by the English 
Delaware Bay. The Indians called it Chickohockie. 4 

1 N. Y. His. Col. 

2 It was Argall that seized on Pocahontas, as a hostage for the good 
conduct of her father, the Indian chieftain, Powhattan. 

3 Strachey. 4 Anderson s History of Colonial Church. 


To Hudson, therefore, is due the honor of its first dis 
covery, and although his name is not applied to it, it 
still lives in that of the great river, on the banks of 
which is seated the great metropolis of this continent, 
and the great bay of the North, which has proved 
both his u tomb and his monument." 1 In other words, 
Hudson River, on which the great city of New York 
is situated, and the great Hudson s Bay, in the Brit 
ish possessions of North America, where he was 
abandoned by his treacherous sailors, and never 
afterward heard of. 

The Delaware Bay (and consequently the State of 
Delaware), was discovered by Hudson six days be 
fore he entered the Hudson River. As we have before 
said, the 28th of August, he sailed in and explored 
the waters of the great Bay, from which this State 
derives its name ; whereas the Half Moon did not 
anchor within Sandy Hook until the evening of the 
3d of September. New York, to use the words 
of an eminent descendant of Delaware, is accord 
ingly, Delaware s younger sister. 2 

Of the birth, parentage, home, boyhood, and early 
days of the manhood of the discoverer of Delaware ; 
nothing is known prior to the 19th of April, 1607, 
when he suddenly appears upon the stage of action 
as a captain in the employ of the Muscovy Company, 
an English Company, of which another Henry Hudson 

1 Bancroft, 265-275, 19th Edition. 

2 Lecture delivered by Jno. Meredith Read, before the Historical 
Society of Delaware, October 13, 18G4, on the life of Hudson. Pub 
lished by the Historical Society of Delaware. 


(supposed to be his grandfather 1 ) was one of the 
founders, formed for the purpose of trading between 
England and Russia. The original name of the 
family was supposed to be Hodgson (derived from 
Hodge s son the original, bearer of the surname 

t - O 

being the son of Hodge), and thus changed to Hodg 
son, and from thence to Hudson by various modes 
of spelling. He first commanded a ship called the 
Hopewell, in which he was sent to discover a route 
to China by the way of Spitzbergen and the North 
Pole in April, 1607. In 1608 he made a second 
voyage for a similar purpose, for the same company, 
which resulted in making known a portion of Nova 
Zembla. In 1609, in the service of the Dutch East 
India Company, he discovered New Netherlands (a 
part of which was the State of Delaware). His mate 
desired that he should winter in Newfoundland and 
search for a northwestern passage. But as his crew 
were mutinous, and had savagely threatened him, and 
as many of them were ill and sickly, they returned 
homeward. On their voyage they put into Dartmouth 
in England on the 7th of November. Hudson and 
the other English were here commanded not to leave 
England but serve their own country. 2 The Half 
Moon 3 returned to Amsterdam after eight months de 
tention. 4 

In the preceding month of April, Hudson sailed 

1 Lecture by John Meredith Read. 2 Purchase s Pilgrimages. 

3 This vessel, the first that ever entered the Delaware, was wrecked 
at the Island of Mauritus in 1015. Broadhead i., 43. 

4 Stowe fi Chronicle, 509, 510. 



under English auspices again to search for a north 
west passage. lie wintered in latitude 52, and sailed 
up to latitude GO along the western shore of the Hud 
son Bay. Here his crew mutinied. They had been 
absent from home ten months, with provisions for 
only eight, and during their whole voyage they had 
met with but a single man, an Indian armed v.ith a 
cris or poinard. He brought them an animal which 
they a,te, but having badly treated him, he went away 
and never returned. Now, although, " he had divided 
even with tears his last bread with his men, yet on a 
midsummer s day in 161 1, his ungrateful crew thrust 
him into a frail boat with his son," 1 John Hudson, 
and left them to their fate. The crew then returned 
by the way they had come, and reached their home 
in September, 1611, where they were thrown into 
prison. Three ships were fitted out and sent in search 
of Hudson by the King, the Prince of Wales, and some 
merchants, but the unfortunate discoverer of Delaware 
was never heard of more. 

All published accounts 2 of Hudson are derived from 
" Purchase s Pilgrimages ; or, Relations of the World," 
an unfinished work giving an account of the voyages 
of the early navigators. 3 

1 Bancroft. 

2 J. M. Read, Jr. 

3 The Rev. Samuel Purchase was a London clergyman. He is en 
titled to the honor of being the first author who wrote of our State. 
He was a philosopher, historian and theologian, widely known for his 
writings, especially for his large volumes pertaining to the East and 
West Indies. The publishing of his works brought him in debt, but 
he died not in prison, as stated, but in his own house. 


Besides Hudson, Robert Juet and John Coleman, 
are the only recorded names of the crew of the Half 
Moon that visited Delaware Bay. Hudson s manu 
scripts are lost, and the only written account of his 
visit to the Delaware, is that of Juet, who lived at 

Delaware Bay and River has received different 
names from the various nations who have at different 
times inhabited it. By the Indians it was called 
Pontaxat, Chickohockee, Mariskitten and Moherish- 
kisken, and Lenape Whittuck. The Dutch called it 
Zuydt or South River, Nassau River, and Prince 
Hendrick s or Charles River ; the Swedes, New 
S wed eland Stream ; the English, Delaware ; Heylin, 
in his Cosmography, calls it Arasapha. It has also 
been known as Newport and Godyn s Bay. 


FROM 1614 TO 1G21. 

Passage of General Edict by States of Holland in favor of Discoverers 
of New Lands Terms of the Edict Fitting out of vessels under 
it Building of Block s vessel the Fortune Building of the 
Yacht Restless, the first vessel built in the United States 
Naming of Cape May from Capt. Cornells Jacobsen Mey Re 
turn of the vessels to Holland Hendrickson sails up the Dela 
ware to the Schuylkill Hendrickson the first who Landed in the 
State of Delaware He purchases Indians from the Minquas 
Block, May and the rest form a Company and Petition the State 
General for Confirmation of the Privileges promised to Discoverers 
by their Edict Their Petition granted Death of Lord Delaware 
from whom the River and State derives its Name His antecedents 
and Family. 

AFTER the discovery by Hudson in 1609, 
no steps were taken by Europeans to settle 
the shores of the Delaware until 1614, at least none 
known at the present day, as the document relating 
to events between those periods were destroyed in 
Holland. In that year in consequence of petitions 
being presented to the States of Holland by " many 
merchants interested in the maritime discovery" to 
what, in the terms of the petition, were called the "High 
and Mighty States General of Holland," a general 
edict was passed in favor of all persons who should 
discover " any new courses, havens, countries, or 
places, of the exclusive privilege of resorting to and 
frequenting the same for four voyages? If any vio- 


lated the provisions of the edict, they were to forfeit 
their vessels and be fined 50,000 Netherland ducats, 
which were to be given to the discoverer whose rights 
they had infringed upon. The discoverer in fourteen 
days after his return was required to deliver to the 
State "a pertinent report of his discoveries." If one 
or more companies were to discover the same coun 
tries " within the same time, then they were unitedly 
to enjoy the privilege of the four voyages, the time 
when they shall cease to be determined by the States, 
who were also to settle any differences arising." 1 

Under this edict, there were five vessels fitted out 
by merchants of Amsterdam, viz., the Fortune belong 
ing to Hoorne, by Captain Cornelis Jacobson Mey ; 
the Tiger, commanded by Captain Hendrick Cortien- 
son ; the Fox, Captain De With ; the Nightingale, 
Captain Volkersten, and another vessel, named the 
Fortune, commanded by Captain Adrien Block. These 
vessels sailed to the mouth of the Manhattan River, 
where Block s vessel was unfortunately destroyed by 
fire. To supply the place of his burnt ship, he built 
at a small island, near the mouth of Long Island 
Sound, on the coast of Rhode Island (and now named 
after him Block Island), a yacht of 38 feet keel, 44 J 
feet long, and 11 feet wide, which he called the 
" Onrest" or Restless. She was when finished about 
16 tons burthen. This was the first vessel built in 
this country by Europeans. With the exception of 
the Fortune, Captain Mey, all these vessels sailed to 

1 Hist. Doc., translated by O Callighan. 


the eastward. Captain Mey sailed south and arrived 
at the Delaware Bay, and it is from him that the 
eastern cape of the Delaware derives its present 
name of Cape May. The southern cape was named 
after his first name Cape Cornelius, but it was after 
wards changed to Cape Henlopen, the name it at 
present bears. Shortly after this all the vessels re 
turned to Holland, with the exception of the yacht 
Restless, which was placed under the command of 
Captain Hendrickson. She was left to make a more 
minute examination of the country, and was the first 
vessel to explore the Delaware Bay and River. 
In it Hendrickson sailed up the river as high 
as the Schuylkill. He was consequently the first 
whom it is known, beyond a doubt, discovered this 
State and landed on our shores. Hudson had merely 
a view of our coast, from where our southern bound 
ary touches Worcester County, Maryland, to about 
where the town of Lewistown now stands. There is 
no evidence that either Argall or Delaware went on 
shore. But Hendrickson landed on our soil, and 
made purchases of some prisoners taken in battle 
from the Minquas who inhabited the banks of the 
Christiana. Therefore, to him, we think, belongs the 
real honor of being the first discoverer of the State 
of Delaware. In his report, which is among the Hol 
land Documents, and which, however, gives but little 
information, he speaks of " having discovered and ex 
plored certain lands, a bay and three rivers, situated 
between 38 and 40 degrees, in a small yacht of six 
teen tons burthen, named the "Onrest" (Restless), 


which had been built at Manhattan. He also states, 
that "he bought three native inabitants from the Ma- 
quas (Minquas) and Mohicans, who held them in 
slavery, for whom he gave in exchange kettles, beads 
and merchandise." He also furnished a very curious 
map (a fac simile of which is now at Albany, N. Y.) 
drawn on parchment, about two feet long and eighteen, 
inches wide, and " executed in the most elegant style 
of art," showing "very accurately the coasts from 
Nova Scotia to the Capes of Virginia. Hendrickson 
applied to the States of Holland for the privileges 
promised by the edict passed by them, and on the 
faith of which, he made his discoveries, but from 
some cause he was unsuccessful in his application. 1 
The bay and rivers, spoken of by Hendrickson as 
discovered by him, were undoubtedly the Delaware 
Bay and River, the Christiana and the Schuylkill. 
The Delaware was the river on which he sailed. The 
Christiana the one from which he purchased the slave 
Indians from the Minquas who inhabited its banks, 
and the Schuylkill, the one that marked the limit of 
his voyage up the first mentioned river. 

After Block, Mey, and their fleet returned to Hol 
land, they formed themselves into a company, and on 
the llth of October they petitioned the States General 
for a special edict in their favor, agreeable to the 
terms of the general ordinance of the 27th of March. 
They stated that at great expense and heavy damages 
to themselves, arising from loss of vessels during the 
last year, they had, with five ships owned by them, 

1 L roadhead, 18 ; Hist. Doc., 59 ; O Callighan, 18. 


discovered and explored certain new lands lying in 
America between New France and Virginia, in the 
latitude from 40 to 45 degrees, which they called 
" New Netherlands." They also presented a map of 
the newly discovered country, which amongst other 
things, contained a faithful delineation of the Hudson 
River as far as Albany, which was made within five 
years after the discovery of that river by Hudson (a 
fcie simile copy of which is also preserved amongst 
the records of New York). The State General after 
hearing the report and examining their map, granted 
to Captains De With, Block, Volkersten and Mey, 
the discoverers, now united into one company, 1 with 
the privilege " exclusively to navigate to the said 
newly discovered lands lying in America between 
New France and Virginia, the coast of which is 
situated in latitude from 40 to 45 (now called New 
Netherlands), for five voyages, within the period of 
three years, commencing the first day of January, 
1615." None others were allowed the privilege of 
navigating to or trading with those countries under 
penalty of the confiscation of the vessels and cargoes, 
and a fine of 50,000 Netheiiand ducats for the 
benefit of the discoverers. This decree was dated 
at the Hague, October 11, 1814. They thus granted 
to these navigators, what King James the First had 
claimed eight years before, and granted the most of 
it, viz., between 41 and 45 degrees, to the North 
Virginia Company, in 160G. We have no evidence 
that the vessels of this company ever traded on the 
Delaware. Their privileges expired by their own 

1 Broadhead Address. IL.lland Doc. 


limitation in 1618. An application for their renewal 
was partially granted and for limited periods. 1 The 
same year the company s privilege expired. 

Lord De-la-war from whom the bay and rifn on 
State derives its name, died. Some say, off 
the Capes of Delaware ; others, off the Western Isles. 
He was on a voyage from Virginia to England. It 
has been asserted that he was poisoned. 2 This, how 
ever, we do not believe. There were three hundred 
persons on board the vessel with him at the time, 
sixty of whom also died. 

Lord De-la-war s real name was Sir Thomas West 
(West being the family name of the De-la-wars). He 
was the third son of Lord De-la-war, and we suppose, 
out of courtesy, received the title of his father. In 
1602 he married the daughter of Sir Thomas Shirley. 
The name of Shirley, the ancient seat on James River, 
Virginia, may be traced to this source. He was the 
first Governor of Virginia, and one of the best. His 
name first appears in a commission appointed in the 
reign of James the First, "for inquiring into the cause 
of all such persons as should be found openly opposing 
the doctrines of the Church of England." Persons 
descended from the West stock are yet to be found 
in Virginia bearing the name. West Point in that 
State derives its name from this source. Earl Dela 
ware, who lived in England a few years ago (and prob 
ably may be yet living) is a descendant of his. All, 
however, that he had to do with our State, was the 
honor of giving us a name. 

1 Holland Document. 2 Beverly s Virginia. 


FROM 1621 TO 1629. 

Charter of the Dutch West India Company, the United Company of 
the -United Netherlands Licenses granted to Trade with New 
Netherlands, its Boundaries, which included Delaware English 
hear of Dutch Trading on the Delaware Vessel sent by them 
runaway with by her crew Information of Dutch Trading sent 
to England English Ambassador remonstrates with the Dutch 
Government Sailing of an Expedition for the South (Delaware) 
River with Colonists Building of Fort Nassau Arrival of Gov 
ernor Minuit New Amsterdam William Usselincx presents 
the plan of a Swedish West India Company to Gustavus Adol- 
phus Granting of the Charter, its principal features, delight of 
the Swedes at the enterprise, they eagerly subscribe, their attempt 
at Settlement stopped by the War Birth of Queen Christina, in 
whose reign the State was first settled. 

["16211 P r ^ v ^ e S es of the first company, or ori 

ginal discoverers of Delaware and other por 
tions of this continent, having expired by limitation, 
and the trade thus becoming free to all, the celebrated 
West India Company was chartered, under whose 
auspices the first settlements were made on the banks 
of the Delaware, and within the limits of this State. 
The charter provided that for the space of twenty- 
four years no native inhabitants of the United Nether 
lands should be permitted to sail to or from the said 
lands, or to traffic on the Coast of Africa, from the 
tropic of Cancer to the Cape of Good Hope, nor in 
the countries of America or the West Indies, begin- 


ning at the south end of Terra Nova by the Straits 
of Magellan, La Maire, or any other straits and pass 
age situate thereabout, to the Straits of Anian, as 
well on the North Sea, as on the South Sea; nor any 
islands situate on the one side or the other, or between 
both, nor on the western or southern countries, 
reaching, lying, and between both the meridians, from 
the Cape of Good Hope, in the east, to the east end 
of New Guinea, in the west, but in the name of the 
United Company of these United Netherlands, " under 
penalty of forfeiture of goods and ships found for 
sale on the above coasts and lands. The charter to 
operate from the 1st of July." 

The company may in the name and authority of 
the State make alliances, contracts, &c., with the 
natives of the countries mentioned, build forts, "ap 
point and discharge governors, equip armies," appoint 
" officers of justice, and other public officers, &c. ;" 
" they must advance the peopling" of these countries, 
&c., and transmit a report of such contracts and alli 
ances, and " the situation of the fortresses, &c. 
taken by them. The States to approve of instruc 
tions to governors," and to grant the commissions, 
with various other regulations of their internal con 
cerns. 1 

The company had five branches, or chambers, in 
different sections ; but the principal was at Amster 
dam. The board governing consisted of nineteen 
members, which was usually denominated the Col 
lege of nineteen, of which Amsterdam furnished 

1 Hazard s Historical Collection. 


eight members, the State General one, and Zealand, 
Maeze, Friesland, the North Department and Groen- 
ingen the remainder. 

The West India Company did not commence opera 
tions under their charter for some time after its grant. 
Licenses were, however, granted to several persons to 
send out two vessels to truck and trade with the 
natives in newly discovered countries between lati 
tudes 40 and 45, called " New Netherlands," and 
to the adjacent territories, together with a great river 
lying between 38 and 40 degrees of latitude. 1 The 
great river ivas undoubtedly the Delaware, as it is the 
only great river lying between those two degrees. 
These vessels were bound to return with their cargoes 
before the following 1st of July. We have no ac 
count of their visit to Delaware. But information 
from several hands had reached the Virginia Com 
pany that the French and Dutch carried on a very 
profitable trade with the Indians on Delaware and Hud 
son Rivers, which they supposed " were within their 
grant, and then esteemed parts of Virginia. The 
Company therefore this year resolved to vindicate 
their rights, and not to permit foreigners to run away 
with so lucrative a branch of their trade. One Cap 
tain Jones was accordingly sent upon the voyage, but 
by the wickedness of him and his manners, the adven 
ture was lost, and the whole project overthrown," 
after having been supported by the Earl of South 
ampton and Sir Edward Sandys, who each subscribed 
200. 2 

1 Holl. Documents. 2 Stith s History of Virginia. 


Confirmation of this attempt of the Dutch to trade 
with and occupy territories on this continent was 
immediately sent by the Virginia Company to the 
English Government, who at once directed their Am 
bassador at the Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton, " to bring 
the subject of the Dutch Plantations in North Ame 
rica to the special notice of the State General." The 
English Privy Council say, "Whereas, His Ma 
jesty s subjects have many years since taken posses 
sion of the whole precincts, and inhabited some parts 
north of Virginia, (by us called New England,) of all 
which countries his Majesty hath in like manner, some 
years since, by patent granted the quiet and full 
possession unto particular persons, nevertheless, we 
understand that the year past, the Hollanders have 
entered upon some part thereof, and have left a 
colony, and have given new names to the several 
ports appertaining to that part of the country, and 
are now in readiness to send for their supply six or 
eight ships ; whereof his Majesty being advertised, 
we have received his royal command to signify his 
pleasure that you should represent these things to the 
States General, in his Majesty s name, who jure pri- 
mae occupationis, (by right of first occupation,) hath 
good and sufficient title to these parts, and require 
of them that as well as those ships, as their further 
prosecution of that plantation may be presently stayed." 

This remonstrance of the English Privy rip .1-1-1 
Council was made on the 15th of December, 
(0. S.) Sir Dudley Carleton appears to have delivered 
the remonstrance to the State of Holland the follow- 


["16991 y ear * ^ e i n f rms the Council "that 

about four or five years previously, two com 
panies of Amsterdam merchants began a trade to 
America, between 40 and 45, to which they gave 
the name of New Netherlands, North and South Sea, 
c., and had ever since continued to send vessels of 
60 or 80 tons at most, to fetch furs, which is all their 
trade," and have factors trading with the savages ; 
" but he cannot learn that any colony is as yet planted 
there, or intended to be." He, however, held an 
interview with the States, and presented a memorial 
dated Feb. 9th, of the subject of which they pre 
tended to be ignorant, but promised on the 16th of 
March to write for information " to the participants 
of the trade in New Netherlands." 1 There is at pre 
sent no written evidence of the result of this remon 
strance to the Dutch, though a reply to it is inform 
ally referred to many years later. From this, as well 
as other evidence, it will be seen from the first, the 
right of the Dutch to the territories of New York, 
New Jersey and Delaware (which they claimed under 
the name of New Netherlands) was disputed by the 
English. It was never acknowledged, but constantly 
denied until their expulsion in 1664. 

^ e West India Company having made 
arrangements to fulfill the objects of its char 
ter, viz. : to trade with the natives and settle the 
country, fitted out a vessel called the New Nether 
lands, and appointed Captain Mey (from whom Cape 
May was named) and Adriaen Joriez Tienpont to be 

1 O Callagan. London Docs. 


directors of the expedition. Colonists, stores, provi 
sions, and everything necessary were placed on board 
the vessels, and Mey and his companions took their 
departure for the Delaware, but which they called 
Zuydt or South, and also Prince Hendrick s River. 
They arrived safely and ascending the river for about 
fifteen leagues, immediately commenced the erection 
of a fort, which they named Fort Nassau. This was 
the first known building erected by civilized man on 
the banks of the Delaware. It was supposed to have 
been situated on the most northerly branch of Timber 
Creek, in New Jersey, not far from where the town 
of Gloucester now stands, a short distance below 
Philadelphia. On the map in Campanius 1 work it 
is placed between the two branches of Timber Creek. 
But although the site is not certainly known, there is 
proof enough to show that it was within a short dis 
tance of Gloucester Point. We have no information 
as to how long Mey staid, or when he took his depar 
ture. It is supposed that he remained for some time, 
and carried on a trade with the natives for skins and 
furs, and that when he left he bore with him their 
affection and esteem. This, however, is all conjec 
ture. Fort Nassau, after his departure, it is said by 
some writers, was abandoned, and the savages took 
possession of it. This was the case in 1633, when 
it was visited by De Vries, (who was the first that 
made an attempt at settlement within the limits of 
the State of Delaware,) and that it was then in the 
possession of a few savages, who wanted to barter 

1 The History of the Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 


furs. 1 But it must have been occupied the same year, 
as there are accounts of Arens Corson, a commissary, 
and a clerk residing there, who made purchases on the 
Schuylkill for the erection of another fort. As Van 
Twiller became Governor of New Amsterdam (now 
New York) this year, it is more than probable that 
hearing of its decayed condition, that he had it put 
in repair. In 1635 the English made an unsuccessful 
attack upon the fort. 

rifi941 Peter Minuit 2 or Minewa arrived at New 
Amsterdam as Director of New Netherlands. 
He became afterwards the Governor of Delaware. 
He generally receives the credit as being the first 
who ruled in the State, and his name is always placed 
in all publications first on the list of our chief magis 
trates. But Giles Osset, who administered the affairs 
of the Dutch Colony, massacred at Lewistown, was 
really our first Governor. Minuit, however, was the 
originator of the first permanent settlement both in 
our State, and on the banks of the river and bay, 
from which it derives its name. 

The same year William Usselincx, a merchant of 
Antwerp, the original projector of the Dutch West 
India Company, presented a plan to Gustavus Adol- 
phus, King of Sweden, for the formation of a Swedish 
West India Company, from which plan originated the 
settlement of the present State of Delaware. Usse 
lincx, for some reason, became dissatified with the 
Dutch West India Company, of which he had for a 
long time been a director. He accordingly visited Stock- 

1 De Vries. 2 O Callaghan. 


holm, and proposed to the renowned Gustavus Adol 
phus, then the champion of the protestant interest in 
Europe, a plan for the organization of a trading com 
pany to extend its operations to Asia, Africa and 
America. Usselincx, in a written description, gave a 
glowing account of the advantages to be derived from 
this enterprise. In eloquent terms he represented 
such an establishment would be the means of planting 
among the heathens the Christian religion. That by 
it his Majesty s dominions would be greatly extended, 
his treasury enriched, his people s burdens at home 
diminished, and the nation not only relieved, but 
made prosperous by the establishment of a lucrative 
trade. The eloquent description of Usselincx had 
the desired effect. A company called the i-i^p-i 
Swedish West India Company was formed 
and a charter granted them by Gustavus Adolphus. 
It was dated Stockholm, June 14, 1626, (old style). 
The following were its principal features. 

Gustavus Adolphus (the King of Sweden) in 
granting it says : 

" Finding it serviceable and necessary to the wel 
fare and improvement of our kingdom and subjects 
that trade, produce and commerce should grow within 
our kingdom and dominions, and be furthered by all 
proper means, and having received of credible and 
experienced persons good information that in Africa, 
Asia, America and Magellanica, or Terra Australis, 
very rich lands and islands do exist, certain of which 
are peopled by a well governed nation, certain others 
by heathens and wild men, and others still unin- 


habited ; and others not as yet perfectly discovered, 
and that not only with such places a great trade may 
be driven, but that the hope strengthens of bring 
ing said people easily, through the setting on foot 
commercial intercourse, to a better civil state, and to 
the truth of the Christian religion," concluded " for 
the spread of the holy gospel and the prosperity of 
our subjects," to erect "a general company" or "united 
power of proprietors of our own realm, and such 
others as shall associate themselves with them, and 
help forward the work ; promising to strengthen it with 
our succor and assistance, providing for, and founding 
it with the following privileges :" 

The exclusive right for twelve years to trade beyond 
the Straits of Gibraltar, southward in the lands of 
Africa, and in America and Magellanica, or Terra 
Australia, reaching the coast of America at the like 
latitude as said straits, viz., 36 ; also, with all lands 
and islands between Africa and America in same lati 
tude. The vessels and goods of others than the com 
pany, who infringe those rights, to be confiscated. 
The government vessels of war, because not traders, 
to be exempted. 

The company to be considered as commencing May 
1, 1627, to continue for twelve years, during which 
none of the company have the power to withdraw 
the funds embarked in it, and no new members to be 
during that time admitted. If at the end of twelve 
years the company wish the term extended, it may 
be granted at the pleasure of the king. 

Accounts are to be settled every year, at which 


every person interested 1,000 scudis or thalers may be 
present. Every six years there shall be a final esti 
mate of all accounts, and a new account begun. If 
then it appears to the majority of the stockholders 
that the profits or usefulness of the company do not 
justify its continuance, it may be dissolved. 

Residents or landholders in Sweden may become 
members until the 1st of March, and those beyond 
the sea until the 1st of May next, after which none 
can enter the company either for small or large sums. 
The money to be paid in instalments, one-fourth on 
subscribing, and the remainder in three annual pay 

After the time for subscription shall expire, there 
shall be an election for regents or directors, in pro 
portion to one for every 100,000 thalers subscribed. 
If, however, the subscribers of 100,000 thalers wishes 
it represented by two directors, it may be so, but the 
two only to receive the salary of one. 

The directors to be chosen by a majority of the 
votes of stockholders, none to vote unless owning 
1,000 thalers, and none to be a director who does not 
hold 2,000 thalers, and which sum while a manager, 
he cannot divest himself of. 

The directors first chosen to continue in office for 
six years ; after this, two-thirds to be newly elected, 
and one-third to be taken from the largest stock 
holders ; this to be observed every two years until 
the expiration of the charter. 

All countries, cities, and individuals who bring 
100,000 ihalers shall be entitled to appoint a director, 


and for this, all nations who have signed the agree 
ment and transmitted the funds to some person in 
whom they may confide, and each individual subscri 
bing shall declare the nation to whom he wishes to 
belong, and place his money. 

Foreigners who decide to reside in Sweden, and 
contribute 25,000 thalers, 1 to enjoy the same privi 
leges as citizens, and be free from every tribute, and 
as they carry on no trade, may depart at pleasure. 

The directors to be all equal in power and autho 
rity, take oath of fidelity, administer justice without 
fear or affection, not deal in merchandise or own 

They are to have a salary of 1,000 thalers per 
annum. In case of traveling for the company, be 
sides their carriage, they shall receive six Swedish 
marks per day. The secretary and other servants to 
be paid out of the funds of the company ; the direc 
tors of each chamber to be responsible for them. 

If any damage result to the company from any of 
the directors, it shall attach to the chamber to which 
he belongs, and be refunded out of the funds contri 
buted by it to the company. 

Neither the directors nor their goods shall be liable 
for the company s debts. 

All funds invested in the company shall be free 
from confiscation, even in the event of war of the 
King of Sweden with the nation of which the sub 
scribers are a part. 

Cities convenient for navigation, whose merchants 

1 About 74 cents. 


contribute 30,000 thalers or scudi, shall constitute a 
chamber, or different cities or countries may unite 
their funds and agree upon the location of the cham 
ber convenient to the company. 

The company s vessels about departing from the 
different ports shall unite in a fleet at Gottenberg, 
and take their departure from thence, and at the end 
of the voyage return thither with their cargoes, which 
shall be unloaded, and thence transported, wind and 
weather permitting, without injury to the company. 

If one chamber has goods, which another requires, 
they shall be furnished, so as to keep up a similar 
assortment in each. 

There shall be one or more superintendents, who 
shall examine the accounts closely and consult with 
the directors on important matters connected with the 
interests of the company, and in elections of superin 
tendents, captains, &c., required, stockholders shall be 
preferred, if equally capable. 

Superintendents may be removed from one chamber 
to another, and every chamber shall have a represen 
tative at Gottenberg, and be informed within two 
months after the sailing of the vessels of the matters 
connected with the voyages, and every three months 
furnished with an account of goods sold. 

When necessary there shall be held a diet or meeting 
of all the chambers, to take place alternately, at dif 
ferent chambers, in the order of the largest subscrip 
tions, the object being to discuss all the general in 
terests of the company, voyages, freights, prices, &c. 

To each diet, twelve managers shall be sent from 


each chamber, and the government to be entitled to 
one vote, making thirteen, or casting vote ; every 
chamber having a vote in proportion to its furnished 
capital ; a chamber furnishing half has six votes, one 
third four votes, and a majority to decide. 

On all imports or exports to or from Sweden, a 
duty to be paid of four florins per cent., which pay 
ment entitles them to be transported freely thereafter 
through the whole kingdom. 

The company to be under the royal protection, in 
the free exercise of its trade, the use of its vessels, 
and defence against all attempts to injure it in war or 
in peace. 

The government to furnish vessels of war, forts, 
soldiers, guns, &c., at its own expense. All vessels, 
&c., taken by the company from pirates, &c., shall be 
for the company s benefit, except where they are 
assisted by the government vessels, in which cases 
the prizes to be divided equally. 

The government not to use the vessels of the com 
pany, nor their funds or merchandise, even in war, 
without its consent. 

The company shall be entirely at liberty, within 
the aforesaid limits, to make treaties with foreign 
chiefs or people in their own name ; to build cities, 
castles, fortresses ; occupy desolate places, and make 
them habitable ; operate and procure what they can, 
of use to, and for the convenience of the company ; 
but not to commit violent hostilities against the inhabi 
tants of the country, nor, unless so tempted, do any 
other thing against the subjects of the King of Spain, 


nor exercise commerce in places with their subjects 
without their express license, under pain of penalties 
against transgressors of the King s orders and dis 
turbers of the public peace. 

In case of ill treatment in the use of its trade, or 
by force or fraud, the company is at full liberty to 
avenge itself on its enemies as against pirates and 
robbers, &c. 

In order to manifest the desire of the government 
to aid and improve the company, it will contribute 
and put at equal risk with others, 400,000 Swedish 

The government, besides the four florin per cent, 
duty, will receive one fifth of ores, silver and other 
minerals, which may be transported from the mines, 
and one tenth of the fruits of the country, in recom 
pense for its aid, privileges, &c., granted. The mer 
chandise, and metals received from merchandise, to 
be exempted and remain for the country. a And, 
whereas, William Usselincx, of Brabant, Antwerp, 
has spent much time of his life in seeking out 
said ports, and by the testimony of the State of 
Flanders, and Maurice, Prince of Orange, he is stated 
as the chief inventor in Holland of the West India 
Company, and by him, its administration has been 
much aided, and having already resolved to establish 
in Sweden, hits promised faithfully to exert himself; 
therefore, to recompense him, the Company are to pay 
him one florin per 1000, of the merchandise which 
the company shall import or export during its traffic 
within the limits of its charter. " 


The company to constitute a council, which, with 
its officers, shall attend to the administration of justice, 
preservation of good laws, continuation of war; ap 
point soldiers, governors, directors and judges ; build 
castles and cities ; accommodate differences between 
the citizens of the country and the natives, as well 
as between directors or chambers, and finally preserve 
everything in good condition, and under good order. 

This council must consist of the chief stockholders, 
and attend to the business and consignments on com 
mission and others, furnish information of the ships 
and advices received, and decide on operations. The 
number of council to be determined by circumstances 
and the judgment of the company. 

If any chief community, city, or company, con 
tribute 500,000 to the company, it may appoint an 
agent with full powers to negotiate about things neces 
sary to be done. 

If the company requires alterations in the condi 
tions and of the charter, not contrary to the laws 
and welfare of the republic, they may be conceded 
to it. 1 

The eloquent description of Usselincx, and the 
granting of the charter, created a perfect furore 
amongst all ranks in Sweden. The historian of the 

1 Hazard s Annals. It was translated for this work from, " A urgu- 
nautica Gustaviana," printed in Frankford, 1633, a very rare work, 
the only copy known to be in this country is in the valuable library of 
Harvard College, to whose librarian Hazzard was indebted for the use 
of the work. It is in the German language. The charter is also to 
be found in the Italian language, in the fourth edition of Harte s Life 
of Gustavus Adolphus. 


life of Gustavus 1 says, " It is not to be described, how 
much all these new schemes delighted the Senators, 
particularly that relative to the establishment of the 
West Indies (as America was then called), to which 
all people subscribed readily and generously, in con 
formity to the example set them by the king." 
Another writer 2 says that the plan was supported by 
the king s mother, by Jno. Cassimer, Prince Palatine 
of the Rhine, who had married the king s sister, by 
the members of his majesty s councils, by the prin 
cipal nobles, general officers, bishops, clergy, burgo 
masters, councillors of cities, and the greatest part of 
the common ility, and that a time was appointed for 
bringing in the amount subscribed in Sweden proper, 
in Finland, Sivonia, and elsewhere. The "ships and 
all necessaries were provided ; an admiral, vice-ad 
miral, officers and troops, commissaries, and mer 
chants, and assistants were appointed. The work 
was ripe for execution, when the German war, and 
afterward the king s death prevented it, and rendered 
the fair prospect fruitless." Others assert, that a 
squadron was fitted out and sailed for America, 3 but 
this is not well authenticated. Campanius asserts 
that "the designs of Gustavus could not be carried 
into full effect, because he was engaged in a war with 
six powerful enemies, and because the ships for that 
purpose ivere stopped and detained b?/ the Spaniards in 
their voyage (to America), which zvas done in order to 
favor the Poles and emperor of Germany r , then engaged 

1 Harte. 2 Campanius. 

3 Campanius and Ilarte, Life of Gustavus Adolphus. 


in a war against us." But documentary evidence 
shows great doubt on this. Campanius was an unre 
liable writer. And the received opinion amongst his 
torians is, that no attempt was at that time made by 
the Swedes to settle America. But, that the purpose 
then formed, was afterwards carried into effect, some 
twelve years later, viz., in 1638, when the first per 
manent settlement on the Delaware was formed within 
the present limits of the city of Wilmington. The 
archives at Stockholm showed that preparations were 
at that time made to settle this country, but did not 
record the failure, and hence, the error of many early 
historians, in their relation of the early settlements 
on the banks of the Delaware. Gustavus Adolphus, 
to whom, in no small degree is owing the first settle 
ment of the State, was afterward killed at the battle 
of Lutzen, in the year 1632. The expedition that 
finally did make permanent lodgment in Dalaware, 
did not sail until five years afterwards, in the reign 
of his daughter Christina, who was born the 9th day 
of December (0. S.), or about six months after the 
grant of the charter, for the settlement on the banks 
of the Creek, which long bore her name, but which 
was afterward corrupted into Christiana. 


FROM 1629 TO 1633. 

Delaware a part of the Dutch Colony of New Netherlands Charter 
of the Assembly of XIX to settle New Netherlands Features of 
the Charter Grant to Herr Samuel Godyn of lands in South (Dela 
ware) River First Land Grant in Delaware Sale of land by 
the Indians, to Godyn and Blommaert First deed in Delaware 
Godyn and Blommaert form a partnership to settle this State 
Peterson De Vries Sailing of a Colony from Holland for Dela 
ware under De Vries They settle at Hoornkill (Lewistown) 
They build Fort Oplandt Name the place Swanendale De Vries 
leaves for Holland Delaware Bay called Godyn s Bay Massa 
cre of the Settlers by the Indians Arrival of De Vries in the 
Delaware Interview with the Indians Their account of the 
Massacre Asserted relinquishment of the Delaware by the Eng 
lish to the Swedish Ambassador Governor Minuit recalled to 
Holland Grant to Lord Baltimore His death Death of Gus- 
tavus Adolphus, through whose influence Delaware was first 

FOR the purpose of promoting the settle- rig 99-1 
ment of what the Dutch called New Nether 
lands, then consisting (according to the Dutch claim) 
of the present State of Delaware, New Jersey, New 
York and part of Connecticut ; the Assembly of XIX, 
on the Tth of June, granted a charter of " Freedoms 
and Exemptions, to all such as shall plant colonies in 
New Netherlands." This gave the privilege to mem 
bers of the company to send to New Netherlands in 
the company s ships, on certain terms, three or four 
persons to view the country, for the purpose of select- 


ing lands. Those, who after four years notice to the 
company, planted a colony of fifty souls, over fifteen 
years of age, were to be entitled to the dignity of 
being made patroons. They were allowed to have 
the privilege of selecting lands for four Dutch miles 
(about sixteen English) along the shore on one side 
of any navigable river, and as far into the interior of 
the country as their situation would permit. If they 
selected their lands on both sides of a navigable river, 
they had only two Dutch or eight English miles in 
length. The company reserved the right to the land 
between the limits of the colonies to themselves, 
under the general rule, that no person should be 
allowed to come within thirty-two English miles of 
them without their consent. The jurisdiction of the 
river was reserved to the States General or Company. 
The patroons were to enjoy and possess over the 
lands within their limits, fruits, rights, minerals, 
rivers, and fountains ; have " chief command and 
lower jurisdiction," fishing, fowling, and grinding, ex 
clusively. They had also the privilege of found 
ing cities, appointing officers and magistrates, be 
sides other powers and privileges. 1 It was, in 
fact, transplanting the feudal system of Europe to 
the shores of America. Under this grant, " The Herr 
Samuel Godyn (a merchant of Amsterdam), and 
Samuel Blommaert, on the 19th of June, obtained 
a grant of land on the west side of South River Bay, 
extending from Cape Henlopen inland thirty-two 
miles, and two miles in breadth. They had pre- 

1 O Callighan, N. Y. Documents. 


viously sent persons to examine it, and purchased it 
from the Indians. This was the first grant of land 
made to any European in the State of Delaware, or 
on the banks of the river and bay of that name. An 
Indian village then stood somewhere in the neighbor 
hood of Lewistown, possibly on the ground on which 
that town now stands. Moulton speaking of this pur 
chase says, " One of three ships sent over by the de 
partment of the West India Company, this year (1629), 
visited the Indian village on the Southwest corner of 
Newport, May, or Delaware Bay, and that the pur 
chase was then made from Cape Hindlop to the mouth 
of the river." What river we are left to infer. But 
as in the deed (in Moulton) speaks of the extent of 
the grant being eight large miles, and as the Dutch 
mile measures in length that of four English miles, 
therefore the extent of the Indian grant to the Dutch 
would be thirty-two English miles along the coast of 
our State from Cape Henlopen northwards. 

The river alluded to therefore, must either be 
Jones or Murderkill Creeks, or Mahon River. It is 
more than probable the latter. For as the Dutch 
(judging from the usual course of the dealings of 
the white man w r ith the Indian) would be more apt 
to over than under measure their purchase, we may 
safely judge that the Mahon, which is over thirty- 
eight English miles as the crow flies, from Cape Hen 
lopen, would be more likely to be the one alluded to, 
than the Jones or Murderkill, which are hardly twenty- 
six miles. 

This grant therefore, comprised nearly the whole 


bay front of Kent and Sussex counties. The deeds 
of this land has been happily preserved in the New 
York State Library, and as it is the first deed ever 
given for land in Delaware, or on the banks of the 
Delaware we have published it entire. It is as 
follows : 

"We, the Directors and Council of New Netherlands, 
residing on the Island of Manhattan and in Fort Amster 
dam, under the authority of their High Mightinesses 
the Lord s State General of the United Netherlands, 
and of the Incorporated West India Company Chamber 
at Amsterdam, hereby acknowledge and declare, that 
on this day, the date underwritten, came and appeared 
before us in their proper persons, Queskacous and 
Entquet, Siconesius and the inhabitants of the vil 
lage, situate at the South Cape of the bay of South 
River, and freely and voluntarily declared by special 
authority of the rulers, and consent of the common 
ality there, that they already on the first day of June, 
of the past year 1629, for, and on account of certain 
parcels of cargoes, which they previous to the passing 
hereof, acknowledged to have received and got into 
their hands and power, to their full satisfaction, have 
transferred, ceded, given over, and conveyed, in just, 
true, and free property, as they hereby transport, 
cede, give over, and convey to and for the behoof of 
Messrs. Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert ab 
sent; and for whom, We, by virtue of our office under 
proper stipulation, do accept the same, namely, the 
land to them belonging, situate on the south side of 
the aforesaid Bay, by us called the Bay of the South 


River, extending in length from Cape Hinloffin, off 
into the mouth of the aforesaid South River, about 
eight leagues (groote mylen), and half a league in 
breadth into the interior, extending to a certain marsh 
(lieyte) or valley, through which these limits can clearly 
enough be distinguished. And, that with all the action, 
right, and jurisdiction, to them in the aforesaid quality 
therein appertaining, constituting and surrogating the 
said Messrs. Grodyrig and Blommaert, in their stead, 
state, zeal, and actual possession thereof; and giving 
them at the same time, full and irrevocable authority, 
power, and special command to hold in quiet posses 
sion, occupancy and use, tanquam Actores et Pro- 
curatores in rem propriam the aforesaid land, acquired 
by the above mentioned Messrs. Godyn and Blomm 
aert, or those who may hereafter obtain their interest ; 
also, to so barter and dispose thereof, as they may do 
with their own well and lawfully acquired lands. 
Without the grantors having reserving or retaining 
for the future, any of the smallest part, action, right, 
or authority, whether of property command or juris 
diction therein ; but now, hereby forever and a day, 
desisting, retiring from and abandoning, and renounc 
ing the same, for the behoof aforesaid, promising 
further, not only to observe, fulfill, and hold fast, 
steadfast and unbroken, and irrevocable, that their 
conveyance and whatever may be done in virtue 
thereof, but also the said parcel of land to maintain 
against every one, and to deliver free of controver 
sies, gainsays, and contradictions, by whomsoever 
instituted against the same. All in good faith, with- 


out guile, and deceit. In witness this confirmed with 
our usual signatures, and with our seal dependant 
therefrom. Done at the aforesaid Island, Manhattan, 
this 15th July, xvi. and thirty. 1 

PETER MINUIT, Director, 
JAN LAMPE, Sheriff" 

It would be impossible at this day, to find out the 
grant by these landmarks, which the deed says, 
" through which by thes^ limits can clearly enough be 
distinguished" The valley does not now (if it ever 
did) exist in Kent county. If the changes in the 
country by the encroachments of the bay has not de 
stroyed the hills, the landmarks the deed alludes to, 
must have been in New Castle county. The term 
marsh is very indefinite, as with but few intervals of 
fast land (such as at Kett s Hammock, in Dover hun 
dred, Bower s Beach, in South Murderkill hundred, 
Kent county, and Thorn Point, in Cedar Creek hun 
dred, Sussex county), the whole bay coast between 
Mahon River and Le wist own, is marsh. 

1 A photographed copy of the original of this deed, was presented to 
the Historical Society of Delaware, by General Meredith Reed. This 
is the first time it was ever published. This deed, as given by Moul- 
ton, is published in Hazard s Annals, page 23. The name, however, 
of Blommaert, is not inserted in that deed. There are no signatures 
to it, and the name of the Indian grantors are given as Queskakous, 
Esanques, and Sickonesgris. 


After the grant of this land to Godyn and Blom 
maert, they formed a partnership with several others 
to attempt a settlement, also with a view of engaging 
in the whale fishery, " whales being plenty in those 
regions, and fish oil being 60 guilders per hogshead " 
in Holland. Previous to forming this partnership, 
however, he met with David Pieterszen De Vries, of 
Hoorn, a port in North Holland, "a bold and skilful 
seaman, and master of artillery in the service of the 
United Provinces." He had about two months pre 
viously returned from the East Indies. An offer of 
a " commander ship " was made to him by Godyn, or 
Blommaert, or both, and employment as " second 
patroon," such as granted by the State, and by the 
19th Article of the West India Company s Charter. 
This he declined to accept, unless he was made equal 
in all respects to the others as patroon, which, being 
readily agreed to, a patroonship was formed by enter 
ing into formal articles of association on the 16th of 
October. Those who composed it were Samuel 
Godyn, William Van Rensselaer, Samuel Blommaert, 
Jan De Laet, and De Vries, to which several others 
were afterwards added. Preparations were made 
immediately for the expedition, a ship and yacht 
were fitted out, thirty colonists placed on board, with 
material for whaling and for planting tobacco and 
grain, and thus equipped, on the 12th of December, 
under command of De Vries, they sailed from the 
Texel, to make the first attempt at settlement in the 
State of Delaware. 1 

1 De Tries, N. Y. His. Collection. 


When De Vries expedition arrived in the 
-I Delaware is not certainly known, but as he 
sailed in December, taking the usual length of pas 
sages at that time as a criterion, he must have arrived 
in the Delaware Bay in the March or April of the fol 
lowing year. After passing Cape Cornelis, he entered 
a deep creek, abounding with oysters, which he named 
Hoornkill or Hoorkill, probably after Hoorn, the 
place of his residence in Holland, and kill, the Dutch 
name for creek. In other words, Hoorn Creek, after 
wards called Whorekill. 1 It is the present Lewes 
Creek in Sussex county. Here he erected a house, 
and surrounded it with palisades instead of parapets 
and breastworks, which served the purpose of both 
trade and defence. He named it Fort Oplandt. The 
weather was fine, and no inconvenience was suf 
fered from it. From the number of swans which he 
had seen, he named the place Swanen.dale, or " Valley 
of Swans." De Vries sailed some time in the course of 
the year for Holland, leaving the colony in command 
of Gillis Hossett, the commissary of the expedition. 
Either before or after the departure of De Vries, a 
purchase was made by Gillis Hossett from the Indians, 
for Godyn and Blommaert, for a tract of land, on the 
east side of Delaware Bay, or Cape May, in the 
present State of New Jersey. Both sides of the 

1 Several writers have said that this name was given from the bad 
conduct of the Indian women. But there is no just reason for this 
statement. The Dutch always called it Hoornkill. It was not until 
after the arrival of the English that it was called Whorekill. Until the 
arrival of Penn, Whorekill was the name given to the whole of Sus 
sex county. 


river were now named Swanendale. The purchase 
was made on board the " Ship Walrus," or Whale, 
before Peter Heysen, skipper, and Gillis Hossett, 
commissary. This ship Walrus was probably the 
yacht that came over with De Vries for the purpose 
of whaling. Hossett, who may be called the first 
governor of Dclaivare, as he governed the colony of 
Swanendale, had formerly been agent for the pur 
chase of lands around Fort Orange (now Albany, 
N. Y.) for Van Rensselaer. The bay was at this 
time called Godyn s Bay. 

Some time after the departure of De Vries, this 
unfortunate colony (the first settlers of our State) 
were all massacred by the Indians. The setttlers 
under Mey had at this time abandoned Fort Nassau, 
and the only white residents on the Delaware were 
the colonists at Swanendale. The account, as learned 
by De Vries on his second visit, was as follows : 

The Dutch, according to their custom, had erected 
a pillar, on which was a piece of tin, on which was 
traced the coat of arms of the United Provinces. One 
of the chiefs wanted to make it into tobacco pipes, 
and not knowing that it was improper, took away the 
tin, which gave the officers in command much dis 
satisfaction, so that the Indians did not know how to 
make amends. They went away and killed the 
chief who had taken the tin, and brought a token of 
it to those who commanded at the house, who told 
them that they had done wrong ; that they ought to 
have come with him to the house, and they would 
have told him not to do so any more. They then 


left, but the friends of the murdered man resolved to 
be revenged. They attacked the Dutch when they 
were working in the field, leaving but a single sick 
ma,n in the house, and a large bull dog, which was 
chained out of doors. The man who had command 
of the house stood near the door. Three of the 
boldest Indians who were to perpetrate the deed, 
came and oifered him a parcel of beavers to barter, 
and contrived to enter the house. He went in with 
them to transact the business ; that being done, he 
went to the garret where the stores were. Coming 
down, one of the Indians cleaved his head with an 
axe, so that he dropped dead on the floor. They 
then murdered the sick man, and then went to the 
dog, which they feared most, and shot at least twenty- 
five arrows at him, before they killed him. They 
then went in a treacherous manner to the people in 
the field, approaching them with the appearance of 
friendship, and murdered one after another. " Thus," 
says De Vries, "terminated our first colony, to our 
great loss." 1 Thus also perished the first white in 
habitants of the State of Delaware. 
r De Vries by some means had heard of the 

destruction of his colony before he left the 
Texel, which was in the latter part of the year. 
The news had more than probable been carried by the 
Walrus (which appears to have been an appendage to 
the colony for the purpose of whale fishing) or some 
other vessel, to New Amsterdam, and from there to 
Holland. Long before he saw the land, he knew he 

1 DC Tries, N. Y. His. Soc. Coll., vol. 1. X. S., p. 5l>. 


was near the coast, "by the odor of the under 
wood, which at this time of the year is burned by 
the Indians, in order to be less hindered in their 
hunting." On the third of December he saw the 
entrance of the bay, on the 5th sailed within the cape, 
having a whale near the vessel, and on the 6th ran 
with the boat up the Hoornkill, having first put them 
selves in a proper state of defence in case of a hostile 
attack from the Indians. They found their dwelling 
house and store had been burnt to the ground, and 
their fortification utterly destroyed. The ground was 
bestrewed with the heads and bones of the murdered 
men, but he saw no Indians. Supposing that they 
might be attracted by the sound of a gun, he went on 
board the vessel and ordered the guns to be fired. 
On the 7th the Indians appeared near the destroyed 
house; afraid to approach, they wished the people 
from the vessel to come on shore, which" De Vries 
resolved to do next day, in the yacht, that he might 
" have a shelter from their arrows." Accordingly he 
went in the yacht up the creek to the house. The 
Indians were on the shore, but at first they would 
not go on board ; at last, however, one entered the 
vessel. De Vries gave him a cloth dress, and told 
him he desired to make peace with them. Others 
then went on board, expecting also a dress, but he 
gave them only trinkets, adding that the dress was 
given to the first as a reward for his confidence in 
venturing to enter the boat. They were desired to 
come on board with their chief, called Sakimas, for 
the purpose of making a satisfactory peace. One 


Indian, however, remained on board all night in the 
yacht, and from him De Vries, upon inquiry, received 
the account which has already been given of the 
murder of the colonists. On the 9th the Indians, 
with their chief, came. They sat down in a circle, 
and concluded peace. Presents were made them 
of duffels, bullets, axes, and Nuremberg trinkets, 
with which being well pleased, and with promises of 
reciprocal benefits, they departed joyfully, no ven 
geance having been taken for the previous cruelties. 
De Vries now made preparations for the fishery, and 
for boiling oil, by forming a lodging place of some 

About this time it is said that upon the application 
of John Oxensteirn, the Swedish Ambassador, King 
Charles I. relinquished to the Swedes all claims to 
to this part of the country by reason of discovery. 
There is -no documentary evidence to support this 
agreement. Acrelius refers to this circumstance, 
but places it at a later period. 1 

During this year Director Minuit, who afterwards 
commenced the settlement at Fort Christina, and was 
the first governor of Delaware after its permanent 
settlement, (or by any portion of the ancestors of the 
present people of this State,) was recalled to Holland. 
He embarked from New Amsterdam in the spring. 

On the 20th of June, 0. S., Cecilius, Lord Baltimore 
received the grant for the present State of Maryland. 
His intention was to settle in Virginia, but being a 
Catholic, and finding himself uncomfortable on account 

1 Hazard s Annals, 


of his religion, he departed for England, and obtained 
a patent for the land between that of the North and 
South Virginia companies. There he died before his 
return. The next year his son had his patent con 
firmed to himself. The terms of his grant included 
not only the present State of Maryland, but the whole 
of Delaware, and that part of the State of Pennsyl 
vania from the Delaware line a short distance north 
of Philadelphia, including in its limits the present 
city of Philadelphia, and a great proportion of the 
counties of Chester, Delaware, Lancaster, York, 
Adams, Franklin, Fulton, Bedford, and Somerset. 
The following description will show the extent 
of the grant : l 

" By letters patent of this date reciting the petition 
of Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, for a certain country there 
inafter described, not then cultivated and planted, 
though in some parts thereof inhabited by a certain bar 
barous people, having no knowledge of Almighty God, 
his majesty granted to said Lord Baltimore all that 
part of a peninsula lying in the parts of America 
between the ocean on the east and the bay of Chesa 
peake on the west, and divided from the other part 
thereof by a right line drawn from the promontory or 
cape of land called Watkins Point (situate in the 
aforesaid bay, near the river of Highco) on the west, 
unto the main ocean on the east, and between that 
bound on the south, unto the part of Delaware Bay 
on the north which lieth under the 40th degree of 
north latitude, from the equinoctial where New 

1 Beverly, 47, 48 ; Barkes Virginia, 11, 39 ; Bosnian s Maryland. 


England ends ; and all that tract of land between the 
bounds aforesaid, i. e. passing from the aforesaid 
bay, called Delaware Bay, in a right line by the 
degrees aforesaid promontory, or place called Wat- 
kins Point." 

This grant was a consequence of many disputes, 
both with the Dutch, the Duke of York, and Penn. 
Under it Baltimore claimed possession of Delaware. 
This matter will be found treated of more at length 
in another portion of this history. 

Gustavus Adolphus lost his life at the battle of 
Lutzen, the 16th of October. A short time before 
his death, whilst at Nuremberg, he drew up a scheme 
of a company, which was ready for his signature, but 
which was prevented by his death. It was however 
the next year submitted to the people by his chan 
cellor, Oxensteirn. It was in a great degree to the 
exertion of this renowned prince that Delaware owed 
her first permanent settlement. 1 

1 Statement of Penn s cases, by Murray. Reg. Penn., vol. 2, p. 204. 


FROM 1G33 TO 1637. 

De Tries sails up the Delaware to Fort Xassau He is -warned 
by an Indian woman of treachery Massacre of English boat s 
crew Indians warned to go on shore They make peace with 
Do Tries De Tries sails for Virginia Is informed the English 
claim South Iliver Is told the murdered boat s crew belonged 
to Virginia De Tries returns to South Iliver Bad success of 
whale fishing lie returns to Europe War between the Timber 
Creek Indians and the Minquas Publication of the Charter of 
the Swedish West India Company by Chancellor Oxensteirn 
Grant to Sir Edward Plowden by Charles I. Sale of the colony 
of Swanendale to the Dutch West India Company. 

DE VRIES, whom we made mention in the 
previous chapter as having concluded a peace "- 
with the Indians, remained some time in the neigh 
borhood of Lewes Creek, during which interval it is 
supposed he engaged in whale fishing, proceeded in 
his yacht up the Delaware, to procure beans from the 
Indians. At the mouth of the river he saw a whale. 
When opposite Fort Nassau, he found a few Indians 
disposed to barter some furs, but wanting only Indian 
corn, and having disposed of most of his articles at 
Swanendale, he had none to trade for furs. The 
Indians advised him to proceed to Timmerkill (now 
Timber Creek). But he was prevented by the kind 
interference of an Indian woman, to whom he had 
given a cloth dress to induce her to communicate 


what she knew. She belonged to the " Sankitans." 
She informed De Vries that they had murdered the 
crew of an English boat that had ascended the Count 
Earnest (Delaware) river and would undoubtedly attack 
them. On the Gth, he weighed and stood before Tim- 
merkill (Timber Creek) fully prepared for the Indians 
if they intended to harm him. They soon approached 
the boat, and about forty-two or forty-three entered 
the yacht. Some began to play on reeds, so as to 
induce no suspicion of their designs, but, being only 
seven in number, the crew were upon their guard, 
and when De Vries thought they had been long 
enough on board, he ordered them ashore, threaten 
ing to fire if they refused to depart. The sachem 
offered beavers for sale, which were declined, but the 
Indians were again ordered on shore, and given to 
understand that Manito, their devil, had advised 
them of their evil designs. They then went on 

These Indians were said to be " Roodehoeks or 
Mantes." They were partly dressed in English 
jackets, which created suspicion, and confirmed the 
story of the Indian woman. On the 8th, De Vries 
returned to his position before the fort, which was 
now crowded with Indians, and their numbers in 
creasing. A canoe with nine chiefs from different 
places came off, amongst them the man who had 
appeared with the English jacket, which, however, 
he did not now wear. They sat down in a circle, and 
said they had discovered that De Vries people were 
in fear of them, but they came to conclude a perma- 


nent peace, and presented ten beaver skins, with a 
distinct ceremony with each. De Vries, upon the 
receipt of each article, offered some presents, such as 
axes, adzes, or small knives, &c., which they re 
fused, saying " they did not make these presents to 
receive others in return, but to make peace." They 
replied, " these must be given them on shore." De 
Vries, on the 9th and 10th obtained from them in 
barter some Indian corn and furs. 

De Vries failing to obtain corn in the South (Dela 
ware) River, sailed for Virginia. Upon his arrival 
there, he was met by the governor, attended by some 
officers and soldiers, who crave him a cordial welcome. 


Upon inquiring from whence he came, and being in 
formed from South River, the Governor invited him 
to his house, and treated him to a glass of wine. He 
then told him that South River belonged to the 
British, and was by them named Delaware Bay, after 
Lord Delaware, who some years ago had taken pos 
session of it, but not supposing it navigable owing 
to the sand banks, he did not ascend the river. De 
Vries informed him he was mistaken. That the 
Dutch had built a fort there many years ago, called 
Nassau, of which he appeared never to have heard 
before, and that it was a fine navigable river. The 
governor spoke of a small vessel that he had sent, 
some time before, to the Delaware, which had not re 
turned, and he supposed was lost. De Vries then 
related the circumstance mentioned by the Indian 
woman of the murder of an English boat s crew, and 
that he had seen an Indian wearing an English jacket, 


which he had concluded belonged to his boat s crew, 
which had been sent there to make discoveries. The 
governor gave him six goats for his new colony ; he 
then purchased some provisions, and returned to 
South Bay. He there learned that in his absence 
they had only taken seven whales, which yielded 
32 cartels of oil. Finding that the fishing here was 
too expensive in proportion to the profit, and the fish 
poor, he returned to Fort Amsterdam, and from there 
to Europe." 1 

The Timber Creek Indians at this time were at 
war with the Minquas on the Christiana. The name 
of the sachem belonging to the former tribe was Zuee 
Pentor. 2 

The Chancellor Oxensteirn, on the 10th of April, 
published the proclamation which had been left un 
signed by Gustavus Adolphus. The chancellor also 
added : 

" Though the above declaration and amplification 
of the before mentioned privileges of his majesty of 
glorious memory could not have been signed on 
account of the multifarious and incredible affairs of 
the war, I cannot, in consequence of my duty and 
good personal knowledge, but certify that the same 
has been the highest desire and wish of his royal 
majesty ; therefore I, by the crown of Sweden, and 
plenipotentiary minister general, have signed it with 
my own hand, and affixed my seal to it at Hilebrum, 
April 10th, 1633." 

The chancellor also published an address, in which 

1 De Tries, N. Y. His. Coll. 2 De Vries. 


be asserted that it was the desire of Gustavus Adol- 
phus that there should be a " general commercial 
and navigation company" in Sweden, and that " free 
and open commerce should he carried on in every 
part of the world where the greatest advantages might 
be derived." He also stated that " the work was 
almost carried into operation," but was delayed by 
the absence of the king in the crusades, in Prussia 
and Germany, and from other causes. He appointed 
as first director of the company, W. Usselincx, the 
indefatigable Antwerp merchant, through whose ex 
ertions it was the first settlement was made in this 

On the 21st of June, a patent was granted 
by King Charles the 1st to Sir Edward L 1 
Plowden. It is said under this grant that a settle 
ment was made on the banks of the Delaware. Many 
writers suppose it was within the limits of this State. 
Huffington was of this opinion. 1 But the courses and 
distances in the grant do not seem to apply to 

The grant to Plowden was from " Cape May, 
and from thence to the westward for the space 
of forty leagues, running by the river Delaware, and 
closely following its course by north latitude, unto a 
certain rivulet there, arising from a spring of the 
Lord Baltimore and the lands of Maryland, when it 
touches, joins and determines in all its breadth, from 
thence takes its course to a square leading to the 
north by a right line for forty leagues, &c. ; thence 

1 Iluffington s Delaware Register. 


likewise by a square inclining to east in a right line 
for the space of forty leagues," and from thence by 
various other courses and distances, mentioned in the 
grant, to the place of beginning, at Cape May. This 
region was called New Albion. But as it runs by 
the course of the Delaware, and as following the 
course of that river from Cape May, would lead in a 
northwest direction, the grant to Plowden, was from 
all the evidence that can be procured, from Cape 
May to about Trenton, from there to the neighbor 
hood of Jersey City, opposite Long Island, and in 
cluding that island to Cape May again. Thus this 
grant of Plowden appertained exclusively to New 
Jersey, 1 and had no relation to Delaware. 

On the 7th of February the two colonies 
of Swanendale, one heretofore described, 
comprising that portion of Kent and Sussex which 
fronts on the bay, the other on the opposite coast of 
New Jersey, were sold by the patroons to the West 
India Company for 15,600 guilders, or 6,240. This 
was the first land sale made by white men in the 
State. There appears to have been a difficulty 
between the patroons and the company, as in the 
grant it was stipulated that " the right of neither 
party in a suit depending between the patroons and 
the company at Amsterdam w T as to be impaired." 
The purchase-money was to be paid in installments 
on the 27th day of each of the months of May, 
August, and November, 1635. The outstanding 

1 In 1G4S a pamphlet was published, giving a description of New 
Albion. It may be seen at length in Smith s History of New Jersey. 


accounts between the settlers and the Company to he 
considered as discharged, and they not subject to 
duties on an export cargo of timber. 1 

No other event is recorded in any manner relating 
to the State until 1637. 

1 See the agreement a t length in O Calli^an. 


FROM 1637 TO 1G3S. 


Peter Minuit Embarkation of the Swedes from Gottcnberg for Dela 
ware, under Minuit Voyage Arrival at Jamestown, Va. 
Letter of Governor of Virginia in relation thereto English claim 
the country They arrive at the Delaware They land between 
Murderkill and Mispillion Creeks Name it Paradise Point 
Sail up the Delaware, enter Minquas Creek, and land at the Hocks 
Appearance of the Country Build Fort Christina Change the 
name of Minquas to Christina Creek Build Christnaham 
Purchase land from Indians Dutch object to Swedish settle 
ment Protest of Director Kieft Cruelty of Kieft to Indians 
Purchase from Cape Ilenlopen to Trenton Review of rights of 
Dutch and Swedes Remarks thereon. 

j--, ,,0^-1 THIS year the energy of Usselincx, the pro 
jector both of the Dutch and Swedish East 
India Companies, to which is owing both the settle 
ment at Manhattan (New York) and the South River 
or New Swedeland stream (the Delaware) as it was 
named by the Swedes, bore fruit. Gustavus Adol- 
phus, the renowned King of Sweden, had been killed 
five years before at the battle of Lutzen, and his 
infant daughter, Christina, was now seated on the 
throne of Sweden. Peter Minuit, who had been ap 
pointed as Director-General of New Netherlands, in 
1624, and who had been recalled in 1632, had quar 
reled with the compairjr who had employed him, and 
offered his services to the crown of Sweden. The 


Dutch West India Company had been engaged in 
disputes with the patroons, or large landholders pos 
sessing feudal powers, and their interest was opposed 
to the monopoly of trade enjoyed by the Company. 
Minuit appears to have been a man of integrity, who 
endeavored to maintain the legal right of the com 
pany, or in other words, their monopoly of the com 
merce between New Netherlands (as the Dutch pos 
sessions in this continent were called) and the mother 
country. lie was undermined, by interested state 
ments made to the directors, and probably smarting 
under what he considered their injustice, laid before 
the celebrated Chancellor Oxenstiern a plan for the 
settlement on the Delaware, and offered to conduct 
the enterprise. His offer was accepted. He was 
appointed governor of the expedition, and accordingly 
some time in the fall of the year it is supposed (for 
the true date of the sailing of this expedition has 
never been ascertained), he set sail from the port of 
Gottenberg on the west coast of Sweden. The expe 
dition consisted of two vessels. One was an armed 
ship, called the " Key of Kalmar," named after a town 
in Sweden, the other a transport ship, named the 
" Bird Grip," or Griffin. The expedition, it is sup 
posed, numbered about fifty persons, many of whom 
it is said were criminals, as it was the custom of the 
Swedish as well as other governments at that time to 
transport convicts and laborers to the colonies, where 
they were sold as indented servants. 1 They were 
well supplied with provisions for the colony, and 

1 Acrelius, 408. 


arms and ammunition for defence, with merchandise 
for trade, and with presents for the Indians. They also 
brought over with them Reorus Torkillus, a clergy 
man, who died in 1643. This was the first clergy 
man that ever preached on the banks of the Dela 
ware. He was buried, it is supposed, in the grave 
yard of the old Swedes Church in Wilmington. They 
sa ^ ec ^ ty ^ ne Wa 7 f the West Indies. On 
their route they touched at Jamestown, Vir 
ginia, and made known to the English authorities 
there that they were bound to the South River. The 
English desired a copy of their commission, but this 
was refused, unless they were allowed free trade in 
tobacco to carry to Sweden. This was not complied 
with, as being contrary to the English king s instruc 
tions. The vessel remained at Jamestown for about 
ten days, to refresh with wood and water, and then 
proceeded on their destination to the Delaware, 1 where 

1 The following letter from Jerome Ilawley, Secretary of Virginia, 
to Mr. Secretary Windebanke, gives an account of this visit of the 
Swedes. It is copied from Broadhead s London Documents, at 
Albany, vol. 1, pp. 57 and 58 : 


" RIGHT HON. Upon the 20th of March last I took the boldness to 
present you with my letters, wherein I gave only a touch of the 
business of our Assembly, referring your honor to the general letters 
then sent by Mr. Kemp, from the governor and Council. Since which 
time have arrived a Dutch ship, with commission from the young 
Queen of Sweden, and signed by eight of the chief lords of Sweden, 
the copy whereof I would have taken to send to your honor, but the 
captain would not permit me to take any copy thereof, except he 
might have free trade for to carry to Sweden, which being contrary 
to his majesty s instructions, the governor excused himself thereof. 
The ship remained here about ten days, to refresh with wood and 


they arrived in the month of April of the same year. 
As the expedition entered our beautiful Bay at the 
time all nature was shining forth in verdure, they 
came to a point of laud jutting into the broad ex 
panse of its waters, on which they landed for obser 
vation and refreshment. It was situated between the 
present Murderkill and Mispillion Creeks, in what is 
at present Kent county. They were so struck with 
its beauty that they named it Paradise Point. It 
was only a few miles from where De Vries colony 
had been massacred by the Indians. 

After refreshing themselves a brief time at Para 
dise Point, they weighed anchor and sailed up the 
Delaware, and passing the point where New Castle 
now stands, at the distance of four miles above it, 
they found the land on the left to trend away towards 
the west and northwest, forming a cove about three 
miles long, and varying in width from one furlong to 
one or two miles. They sailed on until they entered 
Minquas Creek, (the Christiana,) and proceeding up 
it for about two and a half miles, cast anchor at the 

water, during which time the master of said ship made known that 
both himself and another ship of his company were bound for Dela 
ware Bay, which is the confines of Virginia and New England, and 
there they pretend to make a plantation, and to plant tobacco, which 
the Dutch do so already in Hudson s lliver, which is the very next 
river northward from Delaware Bay. All which being his majesty s 
territories, I humbly offer the consideration thereof unto your honor, 
and if his majesty should be pleased to think upon any course, either 
for removing them, or preventing others from settling upon his 
majesty s territories, I humbly conceive it may be done by his 
majesty s subjects of these parts, making use only of some English 
ships that resort hither for trade yearly, and be no charge at all upon 
his majesty." 


Rocks. . These rocks form a natural wharf of stone, 
and are situated at the foot of Sixth street in the 
city of Wilmington, and the site of which was until 
recently occupied as a ship yard, and at that time 
were one of the capes of the Christiana. The 
other was the old Ferry Point, where the Townsend 
Iron Works now stand. The marshes on the south 
and east on both sides of the Christiana, on the south 
and east of the city of Wilmington, known as the 
Cherry Island, Holland s, Middleborough, and Deer 
Creek marshes were then at high tide under water, 
save a small island known as Cherry Island, which 
gave the former marsh its name. Therefore between 
the Rocks, the old Ferry Point at high tide, and the 
the Jersey shore opposite, was a waste of waters, the 
Delaware then washing their shores. These rocks are 
the termination of a vein of hard blue rocks, which 
" issue from our loftiest hills." This ledge, passing 
across the country in a southerly direction, sometimes 
dipping beneath the surface, sometimes just showing 
itself above it, at length arrive at the shores of the 
Brandywine, a short distance below the mills. There 
it presents a high, bold point, and then sinks beneath 
the channel of that river. After passing under it, and 
a narrow strip of meadow land on its south side, it 
immediately rises in large naked masses, and pro 
ceeding onwardly, mostly below the soil, at length ter 
minates abruptly on the margin of the Christiana, 1 
and forms the rocks, the natural wharf above des 
cribed. The land covering this ledge from the point 

1 Ferris Original Settlements. 


of rocks toward the north rises with a gentle, continual 
swell, widening as it recedes from the Christiana, and 
standing high above the meadows on either side. It 
extends in that direction about six hundred yards, 
and then gently declines towards the Brandy wine. 1 
At this time it "formed a beautiful promontory, 
jutting far out into the cove of waters, presenting on 
all sides extensive scenery, bounded only by the 
Jersey shore and the natural forest of the country. 2 
It was also enclosed in a magnificent semi-circle of 
high hills, whose tops, covered with trees, reared 
their beautiful heads to heaven, forming one of the 
most splendid landscapes the world has ever produced. 
On these rocks the Key of Kalmar and the Griffin 
landed their passengers and freight. They at once 
commenced the erection of a fort and trading house, 
which they named in honor of their young queen 
Fort Christina. They also changed the name of the 
creek to Christina Creek. 3 A small town, named 
Christinaham, or Christina Harbor, was also erected 
behind the fort. Lindstrom, an engineer who came 
out in 1652, left a plan of this town and fort. 4 It 
was butlt close to the point of rocks, its southern 
rampart being within a few feet of the creek. 5 On 

1 Ferris Original Settlements. 2 Ibid. 

3 It was afterwards corrupted to Christiana its present name. 

4 See the plan in Campanius Work. 

5 Various discoveries and relics have been made at different times 
in digging at the site of the fort. In 1745 a Spanish privateer threat 
ened to land on the Delaware, and fears being entertained that they 
would attack Wilmington, attempts were made to place the old fort 
in repair. In digging the ground for that purpose, they found several 


the eastern side of the fort, immediately under its 
walls, was a small cove or basin, called the " Harbor, 7 
in which their vessels might lay out of the current of 
the Christina, and without danger from the floating 
ice, on the breaking up of winter. " This basin is 
now filled up, and the cattle are browsing where their 
ships were once moored, but its original outline and 
form are yet distinctly visible, coinciding precisely 
with the representation made by Lindstorm," over 
two hundred years ago. 1 An Indian sachem, named 
Mattahoon, lived near the fort, from whom Minuit 
bought the land, for which he gave him a copper 
kettle, and some other small articles. He also bought 
of the same Indian as much land as was contained 
with "six trees." For this, the Indian afterwards 
stated, Minuit promised him half the tobacco 
which would grow upon it, which, however, the 
sachem said he never gave him. 2 This Mattahoon 
was undoubtedly the sachem Matta Horn who called a 
council in 1645, to consider whether the Indians 
should destroy the Swedes. 3 

The arrival of the Swedes was almost instantly 
known to the Dutch who inhabited Fort Nassau, as 

pieces of money, with Queen Christina s stamp upon it. On the 31st 
of March, 1755, on taking up by chance some pieces of the walls, 
there were found many cannon balls, granadoes, and other similar 
things, which had been kept carefully concealed since the surrender 
of the fort by Rising. Five pieces of cannon (according to Acrelius) 
were kept mounted there previously, as at the treaty of Aux la Cha- 
pelle, in 1046, an English salute was fired from them, in honor of the 
governor, who was going to meet the Legislature at New Castle. 

1 Ferris Original Settlement, p. 43. 

2 O Calligan, vol 1. 3 See ante p. 81. 


on the 28th of April the assistant commissary of that 
fort wrote to New Amsterdam that Minuit had " sent 
his ship below the fort, and afterwards wanted to 
send her up again, but this we prevented." The com 
missary of Fort Nassau also sent Peter Mey to Minuit 
to see his license and commission, but this he refused 
to show. Jan Jansen, the clerk, was ordered to pro 
test in proper form, in case Minuit did any thing to 
their disadvantage. As to whether Jan Jansen pro 
tested or not, history is silent. But the following 
formal protest was almost immediately made by 
Director Kieft/ from Fort Amsterdam : 

1 The character of Kieft stands out darkly in comparison with that 
of Peterson De Tries, who first attempted to settle this State. He 
thus describes the massacre of the Indians at Pavonia, now Jersey 
City, opposite Xew York, under the orders of Kieft : 

" It was on the nights," he says, " of the 25th and 26th of Febru 
ary, 1643, that they executed these foul deeds. I remained that 
night at the governor s and took a seat in the kitchen near the fire. 
At midnight I heard loud shrieks. I went towards the parapets of 
the fort, and looked towards Pavonia. I saw nothing but the flash of 
the guns, and heard nothing more of the yells and clamor of the 
Indians, who were butchered during their sleep. About day the 
soldiers returned to the fort, having murdered eighty Indians. And 
this was the feat worthy of the heroes of old Rome, to massacre a 
parcel of Indians in their sleep to take the children from the breasts 
of their mothers to butcher them in the presence of their parents, 
and throw their mangled bodies into the fire or water. Other suck 
lings had been fastened (by their mothers) to little boards (according 
to the Indian manner of nursing very young infants) and in this 
position they were cut to pieces ! Some were thrown into the river, 
and when the parents rushed in to save them, the soldiers prevented 
their landing, and let the parents and children drown together ! 
Children of five or six years old were murdered, and some aged, de- 
crepid men cut to pieces. Those who had escaped these horrors and 
found shelter in bushes and reeds, making in the morning their ap 
pearance to beg some food to warm themselves were killed in cold 


" I William Kieft, Director-General of New Nether 
lands, residing on the Island of Manhattan, in New 
Amsterdam, under the sovereignty of their High 
Mightinesses the State General of the United Nether 
lands, and the privileged West India Company s de 
partment at Amsterdam, make known to the Hon. 
Peter Minuit, who calls himself commissioner in the 
service of her royal majesty of Sweden, that the 
whole South River, in New Netherlands, has been in 
our possession many years, and has been secured by 
us with forts above 1 and below, 2 and sealed with our 
blood, which has happened even during your direction 
of New Netherlands, and is well known to you. 
Whereas you now do make a beginning of a settle 
ment between our forts, and are building there a fort, 
to our prejudice and disadvantage, what we shall 
never endure or tolerate, and which we are persuaded 
it never has been commanded by her royal majesty 

blood, and thrown into the fire or water. Some came running to us 
in the country with their hands cut off. Some had their arms and 
legs cut off. Some who had their legs cut off were supporting their 
entrails with their arms. Others were mangled in other horrid ways, 
in fact too shocking to be conceived/ 

Do Vries, in his remonstrance against the above massacre : ll Con 
sider, sir, what good will it do? We know that we lost our settle 
ment at the Hoorn Creek (Lewestown) in 1630, by mere jangling 
with the Indians, when thirty-two of our men were murdered by the 
Indians, and now lastly at Staten Island, where my people were des 
troyed, occasioned by your petty contrivances in killing the Indians 
at Raritan, and mangling the brother of their chief for a mere baga 
telle." De Tries, notwithstanding all his losses by the Indians, had 
a good opinion of them. He says of them, " they will do no harm if 
no harm is done to them." 

1 Fort Nassau. 

2 Fort Oplandt, at Lewes, where De Vries men were massacred. 


of Sweden, to build fortresses on our rivers, and along 
our shores, so is it that we, if you proceed with the 
building of forts, and cultivating the lands, and trad 
ing in furs, or engage further in any thing to our 
prejudice, protest against all expenses, damages, and 
losses, and will not be answerable for any mishaps, 
effusion of blood, troubles and disasters which your 
company might suffer in future, while we are resolved 
to defend our rights in all such manner as we shall 
deem proper. Done in the year 163S." 1 

No attention was paid to this protest by Minuit, 
who went quietly to w r ork to finish Fort Christina, 
and was submitted to by the Dutch. Shortly after 
wards the Swedes purchased all the lands from the 
Indians from Cape Henlopen to Santickan, or what 
is now known as the Falls of Trenton, and there fixed 
up stakes and marks. The original deeds for these 
lands, with the marks of the Indians, were sent to 
Sweden, and preserved in the archives of Stockholm, 
where they, as well as a map of the country, made 
by Magnus Ivling, their surveyor, was seen by Israel 
Helm, and a copy of the map made and brought over 
by a clergyman who arrived here in 169 7. 2 Part of 
this land, supposed to extend from Cape Henlopen to 
Mahon River, had been sold eight years before to 
Godyn. 3 It was on this land that De Vries colony 

1 This document is dated Thursday, 6th of May, 1638, in Acrelius 
History of New Sweden. At the records in Albany, N. Y., Monday, 
the 17th day of May. The Swedes used the old, the Dutch the new 
style ; hence the difference of days. The reader must keep this in 
mind in regard to dates. 

2 Rudman s notes, in Clay, p. 17. 3 See ante p. 127. 


was massacred. The Indians thus sold to the Swedes 
what they had previously conveyed to the Dutch. 
We must not judge them harshly for this, for the 
Dutch had to all appearances abandoned the territory, 
and without doubt they were not aware they were 
committing any injustice or wrong in selling it over 
again. It was impossible for them to be acquainted 
with European rules in relation to real estate con 
veyances. To them the land was hunting ground, 
free to all. It will be seen hereafter they even 
denied to the Dutch the selling of the land to the 
Swedes, and sold it to the Dutch a second time. 
This leaves the matter a question of veracity between 
the Swedes and Indians. 

As to who had the best right to the Delaware, the 
Dutch or the Swedes, we think that hardly any can 
did person will deny that, according to the European 
rule of right, the better claim lay with the former. 
According to the claim set up by the European mari 
time nations, the right of first discovery gave the dis 
coverer the paramount right of occupancy and pos 
session, and of purchasing from the Indians. Accord 
ing to this rule, the Dutch had a prior right to the 
Swedes, as they had discovered the Delaware in 
1609, sailed up it as high as the Schuylkill, and 
built Fort Nassau, and afterwards Fort Oplandt, on 
the sight of or near Lewistown, in Sussex county, in 
this State. But before this the English had sailed 
past and discovered the shores and it is said mapped 
them out and three years previous to the Dutch 
discovery of the Delaware, had laid claim to the 


territory, and granted it to companies for settlement, 
who had settled portions of it under that grant. So 
that according to these rules, neither Dutch or Swedes 
had a right, but only the English. But according to 
natural right, the Swedes had a better claim than 
the Dutch, at least to Fort Christina, and the places 
they occupied, if not to the territory from Mahon 
River to the Trenton Falls. For the Indians were 
an independent people, lords of the land, had a per 
fect right to make sales to whoever they chose ; and 
if they sold the Swedes the land, as the Swedes 
claimed they did, they had a better right than either 
the Dutch or English, who really had no right at 

The probable reason of the Dutch submitting so 
quietly to what they considered the usurpations of 
the Swedes, was that the charter of the West India 
Company prohibited their declaring war or com 
mencing hostilities either with a foreign State or the 
native Indians, without the consent of the States 
General of the United Netherlands ; and in case a 
war should be waged against the company or its 
settlements, the States were only bound to furnish 
one half the means for equipping and manning a 
squadron for the occasion, and after it went into ser 
vice the expense of maintaining the armaments were 
to be paid wholly by the company. Again, Sweden 
was then a great military power, and considered the 
champion of Protestantism in Europe, at the time 
when the feeling between it and Catholicism was 
most intense, and there was a struggle between them 


not only for dominion, but on the part of the former 
almost for existence. 

Ferdinand II., Emperor of Germany, a cruel and 
despotic prince, had determined to extirpate the 
Protestant religion from every part of his extensive 
dominions. Gustavus Adolphus, supported by other 
European powers, determined to invade Germany. 
In the year 1630, he crossed the Baltic, arid, after 
gaining several brilliant victories in a short time, 
took three hundred strong towns and fortresses in 
the German empire, and gained possession of the 
extensive tract of country extending from the borders 
of Hungary and Silesia to the banks of the Rhine, 
and from the Lakes of Constance to the Black Sea, 
This success having prevented the execution of Fer 
dinand s designs against the Protestants, we can 
imagine, caused a fraternal feeling between the Swedes 
and the Dutch, who but a few years before had 
separated from Spain, on account of their religion, 
the main cause of the Dutch revolt being, that whilst 
they held the Protestant, the Spaniards held the 
Catholic faith. Therefore, in addition to the blood 
and treasure which might be spent, were an attempt 
made to dispossess the Swedes by force of arms, 
there was the rupture of good feeling that would 
occur between two Protestant nations, a feeling 
which was much stronger then than now, when reli 
gious persecutions are unpopular, and wars between 
nations on account of their faith unknown. It was 
from these causes, and not from any want of courage, 
that the Dutch submitted to the usurpations of the 


Swedes on the Delaware. Both, however, in the end 
succumbed to a stronger and more numerous race, 
who now inhabit the land for which they disputed, 
and whose rule, language, manners and customs may 
possibly hereafter extend over the globe. 


FROM 1038 TO 1642. 

Departure of Minuit for Europe The return Complaints of Dutch 
Company against residents for infringing on their trade Em 
ployees of Company forbidden to trade Slavery on the Delaware 
Dutch Company complain of the heavy expense of Fort Nassau, 
and of injury to their trade by the Swedes Dutch forbid powder 
and ball being sold to Indians They forbid any vessel to sail 
in South River Penalty Swedes think of abandoning Delaware 
and going to New Amsterdam Prevented by the arrival of the 
ship Fredenburg with succor Arrival of Ilollendarc The 
Dutch settlement under the Swedish rule Their Charter Jost 
de Bogart, their Governor It is supposed they settled at St. 
Georges and Appoquinimink Hundreds Complaint by the Dutch 
of injury to trade and outrage from the Swedes English settle 
on the Delaware Kieft s protest against them Death of Peter 
Minuit, the first governor of Delaware New Sweden the name 
of Delaware. 

ABOUT three months after Minuit entered the Dela 
ware, and probably directly after the Fort was 
finished, he sailed again for Europe, with the two 
vessels, leaving twenty-four men in the fort. But he 
returned soon afterwards. 1 There is, however, little 
left to tell us of the actions of the first governor of 
our State. 

The Dutch West India Company made great corn- 
plaints, on the 7th of June, of the frauds committed 
against them in the fur trade by parties resident in 
New Netherlands, whom they asserted " embezzled 

1 Hazard s Annals, p. 48. 


and appropriated to themselves the largest and 
choicest assortment of furs, exchanging their worst 
skins for the best skins of the company." They com 
plained grievously of the expenses of vessels and 
forts, and forbid any merchandise being sent, without 
the consent of the Company, to New Netherlands. 
They also forbid any person from trading without 
their consent, under penalty of loosing all their 


At this early period there appears to have ri gom 
been slavery on the Delaware. As one 
Coinclisse was " condemned, on the 3d of February, 
to serve the company with the blacks on South River 
for wounding a soldier at Fort Amsterdam. He was 
also to pay a fine to the fiscal, and damages to the 
wounded soldier." 1 On the 22d, a witness testifying 
in the case of Governor Van Twiller, (the governor 
of New Netherlands before Kieft,) who was charged 
with neglect and mismanagement of the company s 
affairs, said that " he had in his custody for Van 
Twiller, at Fort Hope and Nassau, twenty-four to 
thirty goats, and that thr~e negroes bonylit by the 
director in 1686, were since employed in his private 
service." 2 Thus it will be seen that slavery was in 
troduced on the Delaware as early as 1636, though 
probably not in this State, as the Dutch at that time 
had no settlement here. By another witness in the 
same case, we find that a large house was built at 
Fort Nassau, which was much decayed. The direc- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 2, p 10. 

2 Albany Records, vol. 1, p. 85. 


tors in Holland severely condemned Van Twiller for 
these expenses. The mention of these matters are 
necessary as showing beyond a doubt the continued 
occupancy of this river by the Dutch. The directors 
also complain that Fort Nassau is a heavy burden to 
them as regards the garrison, provisions, and the 
vessel. They say, however, they cannot reduce it 
on account of the Swedes, who, being but five Dutch 
miles (twenty English) have done 30,000 florins 
worth of injury to their trade. They however con 
soled themselves by the thought the Swedes would 
soon have to break up if they received no succor. 1 

Thus early had the arrival of the Swedes in this 
State injured the Dutch trade on the Delaware. They 
had been very successful in their trade the first year 
after their arrival. They had exported thirty thousand 
skins, having managed, in their dealings with the 
Indians, to undersell the Dutch. 

On the 31st of March, the Dutch made several 
rules in relation to the South (Delaware) Elver. 
Amongst them was one prohibiting the selling of 
powder and guns to the Indians, under penalty of 
death. Also one prohibiting any one sailing with boats 
or vessels on the South River without license, under 
the penalty of the confiscation of the vessel and 

["16401 Notwithstanding the excellence of their 

trade, the Swedish settlers at fort Christina 

became discouraged, and in the spring had determined 

1 Holl. Doe., vol. 8, pp. 52, 53. 


to abandon their settlement, and remove to New Am 
sterdam. 1 Every preparation had been made for their 
removal, and they were to have started the next day, 
when, to their great joy, a vessel arrived with suc 
cor from Sweden. This, of course, caused them to 
abandon their intention. She proved to be the Fred- 
enburg, Captain Jacob Powelson. She was a Dutch 
vessel, and her crew and passengers were Hollanders, 
though sailing under the Swedish flag. She had left 
Holland in January, and arrived in the South River 
some time previous to the 1st of May. She was 
laden with men, cattle and everything necessary for 
the cultivation of the country. They brought with 
them a letter from the two Oxenstierns (the chan 
cellor and his brother), directed to the commissary or 
other inhabitants of Fort Christina, in New Sweden, 
commanding that no obstacle should be placed in their 
way by the Swedish inhabitants, and that for their 
own advantage and safety, they should be on good 
terms with them. The same letter informed them 
that two more vessels would be sent out to them in 
the spring. 2 In this vessel it is said arrived Peter 
Hollendare, who succeeded Minuit as Governor of 

This settlement of Hollanders was made under a 
charter first given to Gothardt de Redden, William 
de Horst and Fenland, but it was afterwards 

1 Holl. Doc., vol. 8, pp. 53, 54. 

2 See Register of Penn. vol. 4, 179, where are published from docu 
ments furnished to the American Philosophical Society, by Jonathan 
Russel, whilst minister to Sweden. 



assigned (for what reason, at the present day is not 
known), to Henry Hockhammer, &c., they, as the in 
strument states u having the intention of establishing 
a colony in New Sweden." As what now constitutes 
the State of Delaware was then entirely under the 
dominion of the Swedes ; what Dutch there were 
being settled in Pennsylvania or New Jersey, we 
may consider New Sweden, (although its boundaries 
were undefined,) as being the appropriate name of 
Delaware at this time. The principal features of this 
charter were, that provision was given them under 
royal protection, to depart from Holland at their own 
expense, with two or three vessels, with "men, cattle 
and other necessaries to form a settlement, at least 
five German miles below Fort Christina, on both 
sides of South River, and take up as much land as 
they could place in actual cultivation in ten years." 
In addition to. the fullest power over the land, if one 
part did not suit them they were allowed to choose 
another, with the consent of the Governor of the 
country. They were to pay to the Swedish crown as 
an acknowedgment of its authority, three florins for 
each family established in the territory. They had 
the right of exercising high and low justice, of found 
ing cities, villages, and communities, " with a certain 
police, statutes and ordinances, to appoint magistrates 
and officers, to take the title and arms of their colony 
or province." " It being," the charter says, " under 
stood that they and their descendants shall receive of 
us and our successors, that jurisdiction, and these 
royal rights, as an hereditary fief, and that they must 


conform themselves in this case, to all which concerns 
the ordinary justice of fiefs." Their statutes and or 
dinances were to be communicated to the governor 
for approbation and confirmation. They were allowed 
to exercise "besides the Augsburg confession," the 
"pretended reformed religion" but " in such a manner, 
that those who profess the one or the other religion, 
should live in peace, abstaining from every useless 
dispute, from all scandal and all abuse." They were 
" to be obliged to support at all times as many minis 
ters and school-masters as the number of inhabitants 
shall seem to require," and " to choose for this pur 
pose, persons who had at heart the conversion of the 
pagan inhabitants to Christianity." They were allowed 
to establish all sorts of manufactories, and to " engage 
in all commerce, in and out of the country, with the 
coast of the West Indies and Africa, belonging to 
friendly powers, but only with vessels and yachts 
built in New Sweden, under promise of the govern 
ment s assistance. Gottenberg was to be the depot of 
all merchandise transported from New Sweden to 
Europe. The merchants were not required to pass 
the sound, if they wished to go to some other part 
of the kingdom. They were not to enter foreign 
ports not dependant upon the crown of Sweden, 
except in cases of necessity, and they were then to 
proceed to Gottenberg, to show the reasons that com 
pelled them to enter the foreign port, to pay duty on 
the merchandise they had sold elsewhere, and to equip 
their vessels anew. They were to be exempt for ten 
years, from all impost and duty (except the three florins 


on each family). After the ten years they were to 
pay five per cent, on all goods that should be imported 
or exported from New Sweden, and contribute to the 
pay of officers and support of fortresses. No one was 
allowed to take a servant from his or her master, be 
fore the term of service was ended, nor employ them 
without express permission of the master or governor, 
who was required to support the master in his rights. 
Whoever discovered mines, minerals, or precious 
stones, were to have the right of working them for 
ten years, with the consent of the governor, 1 after 
that to have the preference, upon the payment of an 
annual sum to be determined. Property was to be 
exempt from confiscation, and no fines, whatever be 
the offence, w r ere to exceed one hundred florins of the 
empire, or forty rix dollars. 2 There were various 
other matters in the charter, but these appeared to be 
its principal features. 

From the above it appears that a separate Dutch 
colony was formed, (within the present limits of this 
state), under the Swedish rule. Jost de Bogardt it is 
believed was appointed their governor, at a salary of 
500 florins or 200 rix dollars per annum, with the 
promise of an increase of 100 florins to his salary, 
" if" (as his commission says,) " in future we have 
new proofs of his attachment, and of his zeal to pro 
mote our welfare, and that of our crown. 3 As to 

1 From this sentence it would seem that the consent required was 
that of the Dutch governor, appointed over these particular settlers, 
and not the Swedish governor. 

2 Swedish Documents in Register of Pennsylvania, vol. 4, p. 170, 

3 Reg. of Penn. Acrelius. 


how Jost de Bogardt acted, or whether he got an in 
crease of his salary, history is silent. This Dutch 
settlement it is supposed, was in the neighborhood of 
St. Georges and Appoquinimink hundreds in New 
Castle county. The instructions to Governor Prince, 
which it is supposed alluded to this colony, says, 
" that those of the Dutch nation who have gone to 
New Sweden, and are there established under Swed 
ish protection, and under commandant Jost de Bo 
gardt, the governor must show them all good will, 
seeing that they comply with the conditions stipu 
lated, and also obey the orders signified to them this 
year ; that being established too near to Fort Chris 
tina (report says only three miles distant), they must 
abandon it, and occupy a place more distant from the 
fort; but the governor may remove them or suffer 
them to remain, as he finds convenient. 

The Dutch at this time made most grievous com 
plaints to the directors in Holland, of the injury 
done to their trade, and outrages by the Swedes on 
the South River. Director Kieft, in a letter dated 
October 15, said, "we shall treat the Swedes with 
every politeness, although they commenced with 
many hostilities forcibly to build, attack our fort, 
trading, threatening to take our boats, &C." 1 

At this time, we have the first authentic information 
of the attempt of the English to settle on the Dela 
ware. The different records do not exactly agree, but 
enough can be extracted from them to render it cer 
tain that Captain Turner, as the agent of several 

1 Holl. Doc., vol. 8, pp. 53, 54. 


citizens of New Haven, embarked from there for the 
Delaware, and when he arrived, purchased several 
tracts on both sides of the river, for the purpose of 
settling it with English families from that place. On 
their way they called at New Amsterdam, and Di 
rector Kieft made a protest against their visit. But 
upon representation that they had " express direction 
not to meddle with anything that the Dutch and 
Swedes had a right too." He wrote to John John 
son (Jan Jan sen in Dutch), the Dutch agent at Dela 
ware to hold "good correspondence with them," 
which accordingly at first he did, and showed them 
how far the Dutch and Swedish title reached. The 
rest he told them was free for them to purchase, and 
offered them his assistance. 1 Trumbull in his history 
of Connecticut, says, " A large purchase, sufficient 
for a number of plantations was made by Captain 
Turner, agent for New Haven, on both sides the 
Delaware Bay and River. This purchase was made 
with a view to trade, and for the settlement of 
churches in gospel order and purity." 2 
P16411 Early in the year, the English made their 
attempt to settle on the lands purchased by 
Turner on the Delaware. A bark or catch was fitted 
out at New Haven, by Mr. Lamberton, under the 
command of Robert Cogswell. They stopped at 
Fort Amsterdam, when Director Kieft hearing of 
their intention delivered them the following protest : 

1 Records United Colonies in Hazard s Historical Collection, vol. 
2, p. 213. 

2 TrumLull, vol. 1, p. 116. 


" I, William Keift, Director General, &c., make known 
to you Robert Cogswell, and your associates not to 
build nor plant on the South River, lying within the 
limits of New Netherlands, nor on the lands extend 
ing along there, as lawfully belonging to us, by our 
possessing the same long years ago, before it was fre 
quented by any Christians, as appears by our forts 
which we have thereon; and also the mouth of the 
rivers sealed with our blood, and the soil itself, most 
of which has been purchased and paid for by us, 
unless you will settle under the States and the noble 
West India Company, and swear allegiance, and be 
come subject to them, as the other inhabitants have 
done. Failing whereof, we protest against all dam 
ages and losses which may accrue therefrom, and 
desire to be holden innocent thereof." 1 

The English however, assured the Governor, that 
it was not their intention to interfere with any settle 
ment already made, and if none could be found free 
from claims they would return. They accordingly 
proceeded to South River, and commenced erecting 
trading houses or Varkens, or Farkenskill, near the 
present town of Salem, N. J., and it is supposed also 
on the Schuylkill. This settlement consisted of sixty 
persons, 2 comprising twenty families. 3 

About this time died Peter Minuit, the first Gov 
ernor of New Sweden. He is usually placed in our 
annals, as the first Governor of Delaware, although 

Holl. Doc., vol. 9, p. 205. 

2 Instruction to Swedish Governor, Reg. Pcnn. vol. 4, p. 219. 

3 Winthrop. 


that claim rightly belongs to Peter Hosset. To his 
exertions our State owes its first permanent settle 
ment. He was buried it is supposed, in what is now 
the graveyard of the Old Swedes Church, in the City 
of Wilmington. There his bones rest, in company 
with those of Reorus Torkillus, the first clergyman. 
Thus, the first chief magistrate and the first minister 
of Delaware, sleep side by side, with no stone or 
insignia to mark their resting place. 

It is supposed, that the Old Swedes Church is 
built on the site of the old graveyard, used by the 
first Swedish settlers to inter their dead. This is 
inferred from the following circumstances : Fort 
Christina served the purpose both of a church and 
fortification, as in it the Swedes held their public 
worship. In the rear stood the village of Christina- 
ham, the ancestor of the modern Wilmington. On 
the w r est side of Christinaham being near to the vil 
lage, a few hundred yards from it, was the present 
cemetery of the Old Swedes Church. For many 
years the great body of the settlers clustered in their 
habitations round the fort. All the rest of the country 
at that time was wild and uncultivated. It is not to 
be supposed, that a people so religious as the Swedes, 
would be without a burial place. No other graveyard 
was ever known at that time to be laid out in the 
vicinity. The contract for the erection of the Old 
Swedes Church said " that it was to be built in and 
upon the churchyard at Christeen." This proves it 
was a burial place before building the church. There 
fore, judging from these circumstances the probabili- 


ties are, that the churchyard of the Old Swedes 
Church, was the first cemetery in Delaware, and 
that there was buried Peter Minuit and Reorus 

Minuit appears to have been an energetic, just man. 
Acrelius says, " he did great service to the first Swed 
ish colony, during three years he protected this small 
fort (Christina), which (in his time) the Dutch never 
attempted. Vanderdonk, in his description of New 
Netherlands, quotes of a letter of Minuit s whilst 
Governor at New Amsterdam, which shows his con 
cern for the agricultural interests of the colony. He 
tells us " that Mr. Minuit writes that he has sown 
canary seed, and that it grew and yielded well," but 
he adds, " that the country is new, and in a state of 
beginning ; and that the time of the cultivators should 
not be spent in such experiments, but to the raising of 
the necessaries of life ; of which, God be praised, there 
is plenty and to spare for a reasonable price. And 
we begin to supply provisions and drink in common 
with our Virginia neighbors, to the West Indies, and 
to the Carribbee Islands, which we expect will in 
crease from year to year, and in time become a fine 
trade, in connection with our Netherlands and Brazil 
commerce." And again, " Commander Minuit testi 
fies that cremmin seed, canary seed, and the like 
have been tried, 1 and succeed well, but are not sought 
after." 1 But little however is known of him, save a 
few detached items which we get from the corres 
pondence of the period. 

1 Vanderdonk s N. Y. His. Coll., pp. 156-160. 



FROM 1642 TO 1643. 

Peter Hollendare succeeds Minuit as Governor of New Sweden, (Dela 
ware) lie returns to Sweden Made Governor of the Naval 
Arsenal English expelled from Schuylkill by the Dutch Col. 
Jno. Printz appointed Governor of Now Sweden His instruc 
tions in relation to the government of the country In relation to 
the English They were to be removed if possible The Dutch 
right to the South Iliver denied They are not to be allowed to 
stop the Swedes from trading above Fort Nassau If they use 
force, they are to be repelled by force Savages to be treated 
with humanity To be instructed in the Christian religion 
Goods to be sold them lower than by the Dutch and English 
Fortifications to be erected to shut up or command the South 
River Offences to be punished Death inflicted in some cases 
Fisheries to be established Salt and oil made Timber exported 
Religion to be according to the Augsburg Confession Dutch 
allowed to hold the reformed faith Expenses of government of 
New Sweden. 

F16421 AFTER the death of Minuit, Peter Hollen 
dare became Governor of the Swedes on the 
Delaware. He was an officer of the Swedish army. 
Of his character as a governor nothing is known. He 
held his office for about one year and a half. He 
then returned to Sweden, and was made commander 
of the Naval Arsenal at Stockholm. But little is 
known of his acts. 1 

The Dutch at New Amsterdam, now determined to 

1 Acrelius, p. 410 ; O Calligan, vol. 1, p. 366 ; Clay, p. 17. 


expel the English from the Schuylkill, the settlement 
at Varken s kill or Salem, they appear at this time 
not to have interfered with. The Director General 
and Council at their meeting passed a resolution 
which says, that "having received unquestionable 
information, that some English had the audacity to 
land at South River, opposite to our Fort Nassau, 
where they made a beginning of settling on the 
Schuylkill, without any commission of a potentate, 
which is an affair of ominous consequence, disrespect 
ful to their High Mightinesses, and injurious to the 
interests of the West India Company, as by it their 
commerce on the South River might be eventually 
ruined:" Resolved, " that it is our duty to drive 
these English from thence, in the best manner pos 
sible." Accordingly on the 22d of April, they 
issued instructions to their commissary or governor 
on the South River, Jan Jansen Van Ilpendam (called 
by the English John Johnson), that as soon as the 
yacht Real and St. Martin should arrive at the South 
River, he was to embark in either of the two yachts, 
(or, if he thought best in both of them,) with such a 
body of men as he could collect together, and proceed 
towards the Schuylkill, disembark there directly, and 
require from the English to show him by what au 
thority they acted, and how they dared to make such 
an encroachment upon " the Dutch rights and privi 
leges, territory, and commerce." If they could show 
"no authority or royal commission to settle within," 
the Dutch " limit," or " an authentic copy of such a 
commission," then then they were to be compelled 


- to depart directly in peace, to prevent effusion of 
blood." If they would " not listen or submit," then 
" their persons" were to be secured and brought to 
New Amsterdam. He was instructed to be on his 
guard, to remain master, not to be surprised, and to 
" maintain the reputation of the High Mightinesses 
and the noble Directors of the West India Company." 
If the English left the spot, or made their escape 
then he was to destroy their improvements, and level 
them " on the spot." Whilst he was to take care 
that the English were not injured in " personal prop 
erty," but that "in their presence" an accurate inven 
tory should be made of the whole. 1 

Jan Jansen appears to have carried out his instruc 
tions, and have expelled the English from the Schuyl- 
kill, for the Dutch chronicles are silent as regards the 
attack on the English settlers. The complaints of the 
latter, however, are made known in the English 
records at New Haven. They say that notwith 
standing the purchases of the English on both sides 
of the river, to which they affirm neither the Dutch 
or Swedes had any just title ; Governor Kieft, with 
out protest or warning sent armed men and by force, 
in a hostile manner burnt their trading house, seized 
and for some time detained the goods in it, not suffer 
ing their servants so much as to take an inventory of 
them. He also seized their boat, and for a while kept 
their men prisoners, for which treatment they could 
not up to 1650, get any satisfaction. They also as 
sert that they " attempted to seize Mr. Lamberton s 

1 Albany Records, vol. 2, pp. 162, 164, 165. 


vessel, or drive him out of the river/ but being on 
his guard, he at that time mrdntained the right and 
honor of the English. As he was returning from 
Delaware, the Dutch Governor at Manhattan com 
pelled Mr. Lamberton, who was the agent at New 
Haven, " by threatenings and force, to give an ac 
count of what beaver he had traded for within the 
English limits at Delaware, and pay recognitions for 
them, against which a protest sent from New Haven 
was of no avail." The damages done to the English 
at Delaware was estimated at ^lOO 1 sterling. 2 

At this time a great sickness and mortality pre 
vailed among the settlers on the Delaware. It 
affected both Swedes and English. 3 

On the 16th of August, John Printz, a Lieutenant- 
Colonel in the Swedish army, was appointed Gov 
ernor of New Sweden. He was the third Governor 
of Delaware. His instructions were dated Stockholm, 
the 15th of August, 1642, or one day before his ap 
pointment. His commission was as follows : " Our 
faithful subjects having commenced visiting the West 
Indies, and having purchased in form, and already 
occupied a considerable part of that country, which 
they have named New Sweden, in consequence as 
their laudable project, the navigation which they have 
undertaken, and the cultivation which they are dis 
posed to make, cannot but increase and facilitate com 
merce to give them more vigor and extent, not only 

1 About $500. 

2 Hazard s Historical Collection, vol. 2, pp. 162, 210. 

3 Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 76. 


have we approved their design, and taken the country 
and its inhabitants under our royal protection, but 
again to favor and strengthen the work which they 
have commenced, we have given to the country and 
inhabitants, our subjects, a Governor, and have named 
as we do here, by virtue of his Better patent, our very 
faithful subject, the above named Lieutenant of Cav 
alry, John Printz for Governor of New Sweden. He 
engages to administer and govern said country, and 
to defend its inhabitants against all violence and for 
eign attachment, and to preserve above all, that coun 
try in safe and faithful hands. He must preserve 
amity, good neighborhood and correspondence with 
foreigners, with those who depend on his government 
and the natives of the country ; render justice with 
out distinction, so that there shall be injury to no 
one. If any person behave himself grossly, he must 
punish him in a convenient manner ; and as regards 
the cultivation of the country, he must in a liberal 
manner regulate and continue it, so that the inhabi 
tants may derive from it their honest support, and 
even that commerce may receive from it a sensible 
increase. As to himself, he will so conduct his gov 
ernment, as to be willing and able faithfully to answer 
for it before God, before us, and every brave Swede, 
regulating himself by the instructions given to him." 
The inhabitants are required to acknowledge and 
obey him as Governor. 1 

His instructions, which he received a day. earlier, 

1 MS. Doc. American Philosophical Society, Reg. of Perm. vol. 4, 
p. 200. 


were as follows : After reciting the advantages ex 
pected to result from " the conquering and purchas 
ing the territory of New Sweden, and the extension 
of commerce thereby," and that " for this laudable 
end, two vessels named the Stork and the Re 
nown, have been furnished," he was instructed to go 
to Gottenberg, to embark from there, to consult with 
the captain and council as to the manner of the voy 
age, the course he should take, &c. When he arriyed 
in Xcw Sweden, he was to take care, according to 
the contract with the savages, " that the frontiers of 
the country extend from the borders of the sea to Cape 
Henlopen, in returning southwest towards Godyris Bay, 
and thence towards the Great River, as far as Minquas 
kitty ivhere is constructed Fort Christina, and from thence, 
again toiuards South River, and the whole to a place 
which the savages called Santickan, which is at the 
same time the place where are the limits of New 
Sweden. This district or extent of country may be 
in length about thirty German miles ; as to width in 
the interior, it has been stipulated in the contracts, 
that the subjects of her majesty and company may 
take as much of the country as they wish." The 
boundaries claimed by New Sweden, were thus, from 
Cape Henlopen unto the city of Trenton, N. J., com 
prising the whole of Delaware and part of Pennsyl 
vania, including the ground on which Philadelphia 
now stands. 

As .regards the English settled on " Ferkin s kill," 
as the agents of the Company, as her majesty s sub 
jects had bought from the Indian owners, the whole 


district from Cape May to Raccoon Creek, with a view 
to unite these English with the Swedes; the gov 
ernor was faithfully to perform the contract. His 
instructions also say, that "she (the Queen), suggests 
that these people are disposed to submit as a free 
people to a sovereign who can protect and defend 
them, and advises a conciliatory course/ as yet, as 
her majesty judges it will be better and more advan 
tageous for Sweden, for the -crown, and for those in 
terested, to be able to disembarrass themselves of it 
honestly, she leaves it to the governor s discretion, to 
endeavor to find this point, and for it to work under 
stand as much as possible, with good manners and 
with success. 

As regards the Dutch. The instructions after re 
citing their claims to South River, and stating that 
they (the Dutch), lay no claim to the "western part 
of which the Swedes are in possession." After also 
asserting that " they undoubtedly wish to appropriate 
to themselves the lands possessed by the English, 
and certainly all the eastern part of the great South 
River," and have endeavored to prevent the Swedes 
from ascending above Fort Nassau, he was instructed 
"to comport himself towards them with mildness 
and moderation," as the Swedes "only sought to 
open a free communication for commerce," and had 
" bought from the natives that which they possessed 
and cultivated." If, however, contrary to all hope, 
the Dutch should " show any hostile intentions, the 
instructions say, " it would be very very proper to 
be on your guard, and repel force by force," " at so 


great a distance the government leaves it much to 
the Governor s discretion." If the Dutch did not 
"trouble him, he was to maintain amity and good 
neighborhood with them, also with those who in- 
Imbited Manhattan or New Amsterdam,, and likewise 
with the English who inhabited Virginia, especially as 
the latter had began " to procure for the Swedes all 
sorts of necessary provisions, and at reasonable prices, 
both for cattle and grain." 

As to the Dutch who had gone to New Sweden, 
and were there established under Swedish protection, 
under Commandant Jost de Bogardt ; the government 
must show them all good-will, seeing that they comply 
with the conditions stipulated, and also obey the 
orders signified to them this year, that being estab 
lished too near Fort Christina (report says only three 
miles distant), they must abandon it, and occupy a 
place more distant from the Fort; but the governor 
may remove them or suffer them to remain as he 
finds expedient. 

He was instructed to treat " the savages with hu 
manity and mildness and see that neither violence 
nor injustice was done them," but " must labor to in 
struct them in the Christian religion, and the divine 
service, and civilize them." He was to " bring them 
to believe that the Swedes have not come there to do 
them injustice, but rather to procure them what they 
need, in order to live reciprocally in common, and sell 
and exchange provisions." He was instructed "to 
sell to them at lower prices than the Dutch at Fort 

Nassau, or the English; so as by this means to disen- 


gage them from these people, and accustom them more 
to the Swedes. 

He was also instructed to choose his residence 
where convenient. To erect fortifications at Cape 
Henlopen, James Island/ or any other favorable 
position. The fortress erected was to be able " to 
shut up the South Iliver," or it must be commanded 
by it. If, however, he could protect himself with 
Fort Christina, he was instructed to turn his attention 
especially to agriculture, sowing enough grain for 
their support. He was to attend to the culture of 
tobacco, to raise sheep and cattle, to improve the 
breed by procuring from the English or others, and 
increasing their number. He was to have " commis 
saries to inspect the trade with the Indians, and pre 
vent others from trading with them." The manufac 
ture of salt was recommended, also examinations for 
" metals or minerals." He was to reflect on what 
was to be done with the superfluous wood, whether it 
could not be used for ballast, whether oil could not 
be procured from the nut trees by pressure. Whether 
fisheries, especially for whales, could not be estab 
lished as they were especially numerous in Godyn s 
(Delaware) Bay, whether silk and silk worms might 
not be produced to advantage. 

Justice was to be done in the name of " her ma 
jesty." "Detailed and perfect instruction (the in 
structions say) cannot be given, therefore it is left to 
the instruction of the Governor, according to circuni- 

1 A part of Camdon was formerly an island, and called Jaines 
Island. See Mickle, p. 85. 


stances." Controversies were to be decided by the 
" laws and customs of Sweden." He had power to 
punish for offences, " great offenders by imprison 
ment, and even with death, according to the crime, 
after legal forms and sufficient examination by the 
most noted persons, such as the most prudent as 
sessors of justice that he can find and consult in the 
country/ but " before all," he was " to labor and 
watch that he renders in all things to ALMIGHTY GOD, 
the true worship which is his due." Divine service was 
to be " performed according to the true Confession of 
Augsberg, the Council of Upsal, and the ceremonies 
of the Swedish Church." The Dutch residing in 
Swedish territory, were not to be disturbed in the 
exercise of the reformed religion. 


Governor Printz was appointed for three years, 
after which he was allowed to return, leaving a suc 
cessor or viceroy in his place, or he might be re- 
appointed. He was allowed 1200 silver dollars per 
annum, to commence January 1, 1643. 1 

The Swedish government at the same time passed 
an ordinance appropriating 2,619 rix dollars to be 
collected each year, from the excises upon tobacco 
for the expenses of New Sweden. The following 
were the expenses of the military department, viz. : 
governor, 1200 silver, or 800 rix dollars, half silver 
and half excise ; lieutenant governor, 16 rix dollars 
per month; one sergeant-major, 10 rix dollars; one 
corporal, 6 rix dollars ; one gunner, 8 rix dollars ; one 
trumpeter, 6 rix dollars ; one drummer, 5 rix dollars ; 

1 MS. American Philosophical Society, Reg. of Perm., p. 219. 


twenty-four soldiers, at 4 rix dollars ; one paymaster, 
10 rix dollars; one secretary, 8 rix dollars; one 
barber, 1 10 rix dollars ; one provost, 6 rix dollars, and 

one 4 rix dollars ; making 185 rix dollars per 

month, or 3020 rix dollars per annum. 

Surgeons were then called barbers. 


FROM 1642 TO 1643. 

Governor Printz sails from Stockholm, for New Sweden, in the ships 
Renown and Stork Arrival in the Delaware Storm in the Bay 
The Renown runs aground Arrival at Fort Christina Rev. 
Jno. Campanius He builds Fort Gottenburg A mansion and 
church on Tinicum Island He builds Fort Elfsberg De Tries 
compelled to strike his flag at Fort Elfsburg Great size of Printz 
Drunkenness of Swedes Printz expels the English from Salem 
Creek Takes Lamberton prisoner Persuades Lamberton s men 
to accuse Lamberton of exciting Indians against Swedes Lam 
berton s men refuse to do so They are placed in irons Lamberton 
pays beaver to get his liberty Printz abuses the English Dutch 
assist the Swedes in expelling the English Lamberton complains 
to the Court at New Haven Governor Winthrop requested to write 
to Swedes and Dutch Vagabonds and malfactors sent to New 
Sweden They are prevented from landing Mortality among 
them on their return Erection of Fort Schuylkill Fort King- 
sessing Fort Korsholm by the Swedes at Passyunk They stop 
the trade of the Dutch on the Schuylkill. 

Ox the IGth of August, Governor Printz sailed 
from Stockholm, for New Sweden, in the ship Re 
nown, 1 accompanied by the Stork. They took a 
southerly route, sailing by the Portugese and Bar- 
bary coast, passing the Canary Islands, arriving at 
Antigua on the 20th of December. There they spent 
their Christmas holidays, and were well entertained 

1 Campanius calls it the Fame. We have preferred to go by the 
instructions to Printz, and call it the Renown. Other writers speak 
of the two vessels as the Fame, and the Charitas. 


Governor s house. 1 On the 3d of Janu 


ary they left Antigua, and sailing by way of 

St. Christopher, St. Martin s and other West India 
Islands, on the 24th of the same month found bottom, 
and on the 25th saw land on their left. On the 26th 
they were in the bay off the Whorekill (Sussex county), 
and on that and the 27th experienced a severe storm, 
accompanied with snow, when the Renown was run 
aground and lost three large anchors, a spritsail, and 
the mainmast, and experienced other damages. On 
the 15th of February they arrived at Fort Christina. 
They were five months or 150 days on their passage, 
from the time they left Stockholm, until they arrived 
at Fort Christina. With this expedition came a 
clergyman named John Campanius Holm, more gene 
rally called Campanius ; rendered celebrated from 
being the first to translate Luther s catechism into the 
Indian language. Also from keeping a journal of 
his visit to New Sweden, from which his grandson 
Thomas Campanius Holm, wrote his celebrated " De 
scription of the Province of New Sweden." 2 

1 Campanius. * 

2 John Campanius Holm was born at Stockholm, on the 15th of 
Angust, 1001. His father was Jonas Peter, clerk of the congrega 
tion of St. Clara. He went through his studies with great reputation, 
and was for a long time preceptor in the Orphan s House, at Stock 
holm. On the 3d of February, 1642, he was called by the govern 
ment to accompany Governor Printz to America, where he remained 
six years pastor of the congregation there. On his return home, he 
was made first preacher of the Admiralty, and afterwards was pastor 
of Frost Hultz and Herenwys Uplandt, where he translated Luther s 
catechism, with other things, into the American Virginia (Indian) 
language, a work which he had begun in America, and which he 


Governor Printz, soon after he landed, agreeable to 
his instructions, selected a site for his residence, and 
commenced the erection of fortifications to command 
the river. At a place called by the Indians Tena- 
cong (now called Tinicum), a short distance above 
where Chester now stands, lying between Darby and 
Crurn Creeks, he found a beautiful piece of land, with 
a hi<rh bold shore. It is now the Lazaretto, used to 

O s 

quarantine vessels bound for Philadelphia with infec 
tious diseases on board. It was then, as now, an 
island, having the Delaware on ths east, Darby Creek 
on the south and west, and on the north, a sound or 
branch passing across a morass, and connecting Darby 
Creek with the Delaware near Fort Mifflin. 1 Here 
Printz built a fort which he named Fort Gottenberg, 
also a mansion. The fort was constructed by laying 
very heavy hemlock logs, the one on the other, and 
was " pretty strong." 2 The mansion for himself and 
his family, was " very handsome" ; there was likewise 
a fine orchard, a pleasure house, and other conveni 
ences. He called it " Printz Hall." On this island, 
the principal inhabitants (afterwards) had their dwel 
lings and plantations. A church was also erected 
there, which, on the 4th of September, 1646, Dr. 
John Campanius consecrated for divine service, and 
also its burying place. 3 

here perfected. He died on the 17th of September, 1G83, at the age 
of 82. and was buried in the church of Frost Hultz, where a hand 
some monument was erected in the choir to his memory. Campanius. 

1 Ferris, p. 62. 

2 Hudde s Report, N. J. His. Society Mem., p. 420. 

3 Campanius, p. 79. Ferris says, this hall stood more than 120 


This fort controlled the access of the Dutch to 
Fort Nassau. The same year he erected another fort 
at Varkenkill, afterwards called by the English, Salem 
Creek. It was called Elfsberg or Wootsessung, 1 after 
wards known by the name of Elsinburg or Elsinboro. 
It was erected at the south side of the creek at its 
junction with the Delaware. 2 Hudde says, " It was 
usually garrisoned by twelve men, commanded by a 
lieutenant. It had eight iron and brass guns, and one 
potshoof. 3 

The main object of this fort was to visit the Dutch 
vessels, and oblige them to lower their colors as they 
sailed up the Delaware, which greatly "aifronted 
them." 4 Peterson De Vries, the energetic projector 
of the unfortunate colony at Lewestown, was fired at, 
as he sailed up the Delaware, in the month of October 
of this year, and was ordered to strike his flag. He 
says the fort was commanded by Captain Printz, 
" who weighed upwards of four hundred pounds, and 
drank three drinks at every meal." He describes 
the Swedes " as not very sober, as they bought from 
the captain of the vessel, a good quantity of wine and 
sweetmeats, and that neither here nor in Virginia, 
was intoxication punished by whipping. 5 

Either shortly afterwards or previous to building 
this fort, Printz succeeded in expelling the English, 

years, and was at last burnt down by accident, since the commence 
ment of the present century, p. 70. 

1 Campanius. 2 Ferris. 

3 Iludde, p. 429. * Acrelius, p. 412. 

5 De Vries, p. 273. Hazard thinks this was not Governor Printz 
but a relative. Hazard s Annals, p. 73. 


who were settled on Varkenkill, under Lamberton. 
He attacked them and burnt down their trading 
house, and by surreptitious means, succeeded in mak 
ing Lamberton a prisoner. 1 Lamberton was in his pin 
nace named the " Cock," at anchor about three miles 
above Fort Elfsberg, when a letter was brought by two 
Swedes from Printz, (" Tim, the barber, and Godfrey 
the merchant s man,") stating that the Indians had that 
day stolen a gold chain from his wife, and that those 
Indians were about trading with Lamberton, and that 
he desired his good offices to get it back. He also 
desired Lamberton " to stay on board until the next 
morning," affirming, that " he would know the Indian 
that stole it by a mark that he had on his face." No 
Indians however, came on board. Lamberton after 
wards calling at the Swedish fort, where, it is sup 
posed, he went in obedience to a request from a 
second letter from Printz, was arrested, in company 
with Jno. Woollen, his Indian interpreter, and John 
Thickpenny, and placed in prison. Woollen was put 
in irons. Printz himself fastening them on his legs. 
It is asserted that Printz wife, and Timothy the bar 
ber (surgeon), endeavored to get Woollen intoxicated, 
by giving him a quantity of wine and beer to drink, 
and that immediately after drinking the liquors, he 
was conveyed to Printz, who, " with professions of a 
great deal of love to him, making many large prom 
ises to do him good," endeavored to get him to say, 
" that George Lamberton had hired the Indians to cut 
off the Swedes." Woollen denied that Lamberton had 

1 Rudman, Swedish Records at Wicaco. 


any such intention. The governor then " drunk to 
him again/ and said, " he would make him a man, 
give him a plantation, and build him a house, and that 
he should not want for gold and silver," provided he 
made the accusation against Lamberton. But Woollen 
still refusing to accuse Lamberton, the governor was 
much enraged, and stamped with his feet, and calling 
for irons, " he put them upon Woollen with his own 
hands, and sent him down to prison." It is also as 
serted, that the watchmaster and Gregory, the mer 
chant s man, endeavored to get John Thickpenny to 
accuse Lamberton of plotting with the Indians to cut 
off the Swedes. 1 But Thickpenny refused to make 
any such accusation. 

Lamberton before he regained his liberty, had to pay 
a " weight of beaver" to Printz. Printz also expelled 
all the English that would not take the oath of alle 
giance to the crown of Sweden. He also railed at the 
English in a very intemperate manner. He cursed, 
swore, and reviled at them, calling them English rene 
gades. The Dutch assisted the Swedes in the expul 
sion of the English from Varcken s (or Cohansey) 
Creek. Complaint of these outrages were made by 
Mr. Lamberton, to the court of New Haven, which met 
on the 2d of August. They were substantiated by the 
oath of John Thickpenny, one of Lamberton s sailors. 
The Court requested the President Governor Win- 
throp, to write to both the Dutch and Swedish gov 
ernors, expressing particulars, and requiring satisfac- 

1 Deposition of John Thickpenny, New Haven Colonial Records, 
rol. 1, pp. 97-99. 


tion ; and professing, that as they would not wrong 
others so, they may not desert their confederate in a 
just cause. 1 A commission was also given to Mr. 
Lamberton, to go and treat with the Swedish govern 
ment, about those injuries and damages, and to agree 
with him about settling their trade and plantation. 

On the 7th of September, Reorus Torkillus, the 
first preacher in this State, or on the Delaware, died. 
He was born in West Gothland, in the year 1608. 
After going through his studies, he was made pro 
fessor of a college at Gottenberg, and was afterwards 
chaplain to the superintendent, Andrew Printz, who 
was probably a relation to Governor John Printz. 
He fell sick on the 23d of February. 2 He married 
one of the residents of New Sweden (Delaware), 
by whom he had one child, whose descendants may 
possibly still be living amongst us, under an anglicized 
name. His death and burial have been before men 

About this time, a number of robbers and malefac 
tors were sent from Sweden, to settle on the Dela 
ware. Campanius speaking of them, says : " The 
generality of people who went or were sent over from 
Sweden to America, were of two kinds. The princi 
pal of them consisted of the company s servants, who 
were employed, by them in various capacities; the 
others were those who went over to that country to 
better their fortunes ; they enjoyed several privileges ; 
they were at liberty to build and settle themselves 

1 Hazard s His. Coll., vol. 2, p. 11. 

2 Campanius. 


where they thought proper, and to return home when 
they pleased. By way of distinction, they were called 
freemen. There was a third class, consisting of vaga 
bonds and malefactors; these were to remain in slavery, 
and were employed in digging the earth, throwing up 
trenches, and erecting walls and other fortifications. 
The others had no intercourse with them, but a par 
ticular spot was appointed for them to reside upon." 
" In the beginning of Governor Printz s administra 
tion, there came a great number of those criminals, 
who were sent over from Sweden. When the Eu 
ropean inhabitants perceived it, they would not suffer 
them to set their foot on shore, but they were all obliged 
to return, so that a great many of them perished on 
the voyage. It was after this forbidden, under a 
penalty, to send any more criminals to America, lest 
Almighty God should let his vengeance fall on the 
ships, and goods, and the virtuous people that were 
on board ; it was said, that there was no scarcity of 
good and honest people to settle that country ; but 
such a great number of them had gone thither (as 
engineer Lindstrom says), that on his departure from 
hence, more than a hundred families of good and hon 
est men, with their wives and children, were obliged 
to remain behind, as the ship had taken as many on 
board as she could hold, and yet these honest people had 
sold all their property, and converted it into money, 
not imagining that they could be so disappointed." 1 

1 Campanius, pp. 73, 74. He says, " This was related to me amongst 
other things, by an old trustworthy man, named Nils Matson Utter, 
who, after his return home, served in his majesty s life guards. 


On the 2d of November, John Papegoy, who had 
previously been to New Sweden, received a letter of 
introduction to Governor Printz, from the Swedish 
government. The letter recommended his employ 
ment, protection, and advancement. He afterwards 
marrried Printz s daughter, and succeeded Printz as 
governor of New Sweden, until the arrival of John 
Claudi Rising. On the 6th of November of the same 
year, Queen Christina granted New Gottenberg or 
Tinicum Island to Printz. 

In pursuance of his plan to fortify all important 
points on the Delaware, and " shut up the river," 
Printz erected a fortification on the Schuylkill. This 
river was so named by the Dutch. In their language 
it means " hidden creek, or Sculk Creek," from the 
retired and hidden situation of its mouth. This fort 
was built on an island in that river, within gunshot 
of its mouth. Ferris says: "At that time, all the 
great meadows extending from the high point of land 
at Bartram s Botanic Garden, (this garden does not 
now exist,) in a southerly course to the Delaware, 
were under water. When the tide was at its highest 
point, vessels drawing four or five feet water, could 
sail from Fort Gottenberg, or Tinicum Island, across 
the meadows to the mouth of the Schuylkill; which, 
at that period, opened just below the said garden, the 
south point of which was one of its capes. Just 
above the elevated point, on which stands Bartram s 
old mansion house, and through which, by a deep cut, 
walled on both sides, the Philadelphia, Wilmington 
and Baltimore Railroad passes ; there is, on the pre- 


sent margin of the Schuylkill, a cluster of rocks, con 
siderably elevated above the water, and partly covered 
with earth and forest trees. Between these rocks 
and what was once the shore, close by the railroad, 
there is a piece of meadow land more than two hun 
dred yards wide ; which, in Governor Printz s time 
was under water, and constituted part of the river 
Schuylkill. That cluster of rocks and the earth con 
nected with them, formed the island on which Printz 
built the fort as aforesaid. 1 This fort was named 
Fort Manayunk, or Schuylkill. It was a handsome 
little fort, built of logs, filled up with sand and stones, 
and surrounded with palisades, cut very sharp at the 
top. It was mounted with great guns." 2 He also 
built a fort, or " strong house" at " Chinsessing," 
(Kingsessing.) This was called the " New Fort." " It 
was not properly a fort, but substantial log houses, 
built of good strong, hard, hickory, two stories high, 
which was sufficient to secure the people from the 
Indians." " In this settlement there lived five free 
men, who cultivated the land and did very well." 3 
This fort was situated a little below the former fort, 
He also built a fort named " Korsholm," at Passa- 
yunk, in the same neighborhood. The tract of land 
on which this fort was built, was granted by the 
Swedish crown to lieutenant Swen Schute, who after 
wards surrendered Fort Trinity, or rather Fort Cassi- 
mer to the Dutch. He was its commandant. " After 
Governor Printz s departure for Sweden, it was aban- 

1 Ferris Original Settlements on the Delaware, pp. 70, 7L 

2 Campanius, p. 80. 3 Ibid. 


doned by the Swedes, and afterwards burnt and de 
stroyed by the Indians." 1 Printz also constructed 
about half a mile in the woods, at " Karakung," other 
wise called the Water Mill Stream, a " fine mill, which 
ground both coarse and fine flour." This was the 
first mill erected on the Delaware. " There was no 
fort near it, but only a strong dwelling house, built 
of hickory, and inhabited by freemen. This mill, 
Ferris supposes, was on Cobb s Creek which flows 
into Darby Creek. The site, it is supposed was on 
some rocks, just above the bridge where the Phila 
delphia road crosses that stream." The Dutch com 
pany s carpenter assisted the Swedes in the erection 
of one of these forts. One of the trading houses of 
the Swedes, was also built right before the Dutch 
Company s fort of Beversreede, not being a rod from 
the gate. 2 

From the above, we should judge the Dutch Com 
pany s employes were unfaithful to their interests. 
The conduct of the Swedish governor was also ex 
tremely insolent and tyrannical. 

The erection of these forts, enabled the Swedes 
effectually to control the trade of the Schuylkill, the 
only remaining avenue for them to trade with the 
Minquas, without which trade, says the Dutch com 
missioner, Hudde, (who then had command of the 
Dutch fort on the Delaware,) this (the Delaware) 
river is of little value. 3 

1 Campanius. 2 Holl. Doc., p. 32, 50. 

3 Hudde -s Report, p. 429. 


FROM 1643 TO 1648. 

Winthrop writes to Printz, complaining of the treatment of the Eng 
lish settlers Printz denies the bad treatment Expresses good 
feeling Mr. Eaton asserts that English can settle on Delaware, 
on securing new commission Expedition from Boston to Dela 
ware to discover Lake Lynconnia Jealousy of Dutch and Swedes 
Drunkenness of the English captain Swedish vessel from 
Delaware compelled to pay duty in Holland Birth of William 
Penn Queen Christina assumes the government of Sweden 
Capture of an English vessel and murder of her crew Removal 
of the Dutch governor, Jan Jansen Appointment of Andreas 
Iludde Destruction of Fort Gottenberg Dutch vessel driven 
from the Schuylkill Protest of Hudde- Dutch endeavor to as- 

| cend the Delaware above the falls Are prevented by Indians 
through machinations of the Swedes Grant of land opposite 
Reedy Island in Delaware President Eaton of New Haven com 
plains to Kieft of outrages to English on the Delaware Dutch 
purchase land from Indians on site of Philadelphia Erect 
Dutch arms upon it They are pulled down by the Swedes, who 
protest against the purchase Hudde s counter protest Insult 
to the messenger Bad treatment of Dutch by Swedes George 
Lambert drowned Stuyvesant appointed Governor of New 
Netherlands He writes a complimentary letter to the Governor 
of Massachusetts and New Haven Claims of the Dutch Quar 
rels between Swedes and Dutch Swedes accused of inciting 
savages against the Dutch Vulgar language of Printz to Hudde 
He takes powder and shot from a Dutch vessel Vessels arrive 
from Sweden Swedish tobacco ordinance Swedish vessel re 
fuses to show her colors at Fort Nassau Swedes build on Schuyl 
kill Dutch receive grant of land from Indian sachems Sachems 
tell Swedes they have no right to the land, but the Dutch have 
Dutch attempt to build Are driven off by the Swedes Com 
missioners sent from New Amsterdam Their impolite treatment 


by Printz They protest against the Swedish outrages on the 
Schuylkill Further outrages by Swedes They drive away 
Dutch citizens, and threaten them with beating Swedes build 
a house in front of Dutch fort of Beversreede Murder of Swedes 
by Indians. 

AGREEABLE to the instructions of the court, 
held at New Haven, Governor Winthrop ^ 
wrote to Printz in relation to his treatment of Mr. 
Lamberton. Printz wrote back, denying the whole 
matter, "using at the same tim; large expressions" of 
his "respect" to the English, and particularly to the 
" New Haven colon?/" He also sent copies, on oath, 
of the " examination taken in the case, with a copy 
of all the proceedings between them " and the English 
who had settled on the Delaware from New Haven. 
These letters 1 were laid before the Court of the United 
Colonies of New England, which met at Boston on 
the 7th of March. It was also stated by Mr. Eaton 
that Printz requested to be shown a copy of the New 
England patent, and that he told the agent of the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies that upon a 
new commission from them he would allow the Eng 
lish to go on with their plantations on the Delaware 
Bay and River. This commission was granted. 2 

An expedition was sent from Boston to the Dela 
ware to discover the great lake Lynconnia, which it 
was supposed laid northwest of the New England 
patent, and could be reached by sailing up the Dela 
ware Iliver. It was supposed that the great beaver 
trade "from the eastern and southern ports" 

1 No copies of these letters are now in existence. 

2 Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 257. 


from thence. They intended to sail in their pinnace, 
which was well manned and supplied with provisions 
and " trading stuff/ " as high up as they could go, 
and then some of the company under the conduct of 
Mr. William Aspinwall, a good artist, and one who 
had been in these parts, to pass, by small skiffs or 
canoes, up the river as far as they could." They 
took with them letters both to Printz and Jan Jansen, 
the Dutch governor. The Dutch allowed them to go 
up, telling them, however, they would have to pro 
test against them for their own interests. But the 
Swedes brought them too by a shot from one of their 
forts. Aspinwall at once landed, and remonstrated 
with the Swedish governor, who " acknowledged he 
had acted ill, and promised all favor." Both the 
Swedish and Dutch governors allowed them to pro 
ceed up the Delaware, but neither would allow them 
to trade, and each appointed a pinnace to attend 
theirs. " But the master of the vessel proved such a 
drunken sot, and so complied with the Dutch and 
Swedes, that they feared that when they had left the 
vessel to have gone up to the lake in a small boat, he 
in his drunkenness would have betrayed their goods 
to the Dutch, whereupon they gave over and returned 
home." The Swedish lieutenant made them pay forty 
shillings for the shot he fired at them before they 
left the river. 1 

Both the Swedes and Dutch were extremely 
jealous of the pertinaceous attempts of the English to 
settle on the Delaware ; and both used their utmost 

1 Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 101, 179, 1ST. 


endeavors to prevent them. They were between the 
English of Virginia on the one side, and New England 
on the other, both swarming with population. They 
knew that the English claimed the Delaware, and 
that if they once got a foothold they could not be 
expelled. Hence the not unnatural desire to prevent 
them making any permanent lodgment. 

The ship Fame (or Renown), that brought Printz 
over, and the Key of Calmar. the first vessel that 
brought the Swedes to settle at Fort Christina, sailed 
from the Delaware for Sweden with valuable cargoes. 
From some cause they were compelled to put into the 
province of Friedland, where duties were demanded 
from them by the Dutch, as sovereigns of the terri 
tory in which New Sweden was situated. A long 
correspondence took place between the Swedish 
minister at the Hague, and the State General in re 
gard to the claims of both parties to South River. 
The cargoes were finally liberated by the payment of 
an impost duty of eight per cent, under protest. 
These vessels had on board 2,127 packages of beaver, 
and 70,421 pounds of tobacco. 1 

On the 14th of October, William Penn, who re 
ceived a grant of the State of Delaware from the Duke 
of York, and who was the founder of Pennsylvania, 
was born in London. Queen Christina also assumed 
the government of Sweden this year. 

The English at Boston, undeterred by the bad suc 
cess of the expedition under Mr. Aspinwall, again 
fitted out ah expedition to the Delaware, which ended 

1 O CaL, vol. 1, p. 371. 


still more disastrously. They had procured a good 
supply of beaver, when some Indians who were trad 
ing with them suddenly drew out hatchets from under 
their coats, and killed the master and three others, 
and took away a man and a boy. The man saved 
was named Redman, and he understood their language. 
The Indians gave him a large portion of the goods. 
He lived amongst them for five or six weeks, when 
Printz got Indians to go and fetch him, and then sent 
him to Boston, where he was tried for betraying his 
companions, but acquitted. 1 

Jau Jansen Van Ilpendan, the Dutch 
C J governor on the Delaware, was, on the 12th 
of October, removed upon the charge of fraud, and 
Andreas Hudde appointed in his place. Jansen ap 
pears to have neglected the Dutch interests, and 
played into the hands of the Swedes, as instanced by 
his allowing his carpenter to assist in building for the 
Swedes the fort that cut off the Dutch trade. 2 

In December, Fort Gotten berg was destroyed by 
fire, and all the powder and goods blown up. It 
happened by a servant leaving a candle burning in 
the night r whilst he fell asleep. 

This year commenced a series of disputes 
between the Dutch and Swedes, which finally 
ended in the overthrow of the Swedish power on the 
Delaware. Andreas Hudde was now the Dutch 
commissary or governor on the Delaware, a more 
active, energetic, and pertinaceous man than Jan 
Jansen, as well as far more faithful to the interest of 

1 Winthrop, vol. 2, p.. 237. 2 Albany Records. Acrelius. 


his employers. Determined to get some of the trade 
of the Minquas on the Sehuylkill, he ordered Captain 
Blancke, the commander of a sloop that had just 
arrived from Manhattan, to ascend the Schuylkill for 
the purpose of trading with the natives. Blancke 
was immediately warned off by the Swedes. Refus 
ing to go, the next day Printz sent a minister of the 
gospel to Hudde (probably Campanius) who informed 
him that if the bark was in the Schuylkill, " he 
should compel her to leave it." Hudde claimed the 
right to trade in any part of the Delaware, and pro 
tested against any losses or hindrances that might 
arise from the proceedings of the Swedes. After an 
angry altercation between Hudde and some Swedish 
officers sent by Printz, in which Hudde remarked that 
" he would remain and see who would be so daring as 
to drive" him " away," Printz sent a letter to Captain 
Blancke, ordering him to leave the Schuylkill, " and 
seek the spot where sloops are usually accustomed to 
trade," under penalty of forfeiting both his vessel and 
cargo. The Dutch captain therefore left, 1 as he was 
ignorant of the causes of the dispute between the 
Dutch and the Swedes, and, being a private person, 
if his vessel and cargo were forfeited it would be a 
difficult task to recover them. 

Hudde now infused great activity into the Dutch 
affairs, and appears to have made every endeavor to 
extend the Dutch influence and dominion. He en 
deavored to ascend the Delaware above the falls, in 
obedience to instructions from Manhattan to look for 

1 See Iludde s Report, Albany Records, vol. 1, pp. 429, 451. 


minerals, but was prevented by the Indians, who 
told him that the Swedes had informed them that the 
Dutch were coming from Manhattan with two hundred 
and fifty men to kill all the savages below the river, 
and erect a fort that would prevent the savages above 
from coming to their assistance. In proof of this they 
said the Swedes had also told them that the Dutch 
"would first come up in a small vessel and explore 
the spot, and then kill two savages as a pretext, but 
that Printz would never permit it." Iludde was 
therefore compelled to return. 1 

The Dutch governor at Manhattan, William Kieft, 
granted one hundred morgans of land opposite Reedy 
Island (called by the Dutch the little island of K 
Vogelssant) in the neighborhood of what is now Port 
Penn, in New Castle county, to Abraham Planck, 
Simon Root, Jan Andriessen, and Peter Harmensen. 2 
But the men never came and took possession. 3 

President Eaton, of New Haven, under date August 
12, wrote a letter to Governor Kieft, of Manhattan, 
complaining of the outrages suffered by the English 
on the Delaware. 4 

On the 7th of September, Iludde received orders 
from Manhattan " to purchase some land from the 
savages situated on the west shore, about a mile distant 
from Fort Nassau to the north! In obedience to this 
order, on the 25th of the same m;nth, Huclde pur 
chased it from the Indian proprietor, and erected the 
arms of the Dutch West India Company upon it, upon 

1 Hudde s Report. * Albany Records, vol. 1, p. 153. 

3 Acrelius, p. 417. 4 Hazard s Historical Col., voL 2. 


a pole. As one Dutch is four English miles, this 
must have been part of the land upon which the city 
of Philadelphia now stands. The Swedish commis 
sary, Hendrick Iluygen, at once pulled down the 
the arms, which caused fresh protests to be made by 
Hudde, Printz also protested against the purchase, 
and claimed that the land belonged to the Swedes. 1 
This brought forth a counter protest by Hudde, who 
complained grievously of the insulting manner in 
which the arms of the company were torn down, 
besides the many "bloody menaces" w r hich were re 
ported to him from time to time. This last protest 
was made on the 22d of October. It was sent to 
Printz in charge of a sergeant. Printz (the sergeant 
said) received it contemptuously, throwing it on the 
ground to one of his attendants, and saying, " take 
care of it." The attendant picked it up, and the 
sergeant was kept there waiting. Printz then de 
parted to meet some Englishmen just arrived from 
New England. After some interval the sergeant asked 
to see the governor to obtain an answer, when he was 
thrown out of doors, and Printz (perhaps exasperated 
by the interruption of the sergeant) " took a gun 
from the wall to shoot him, as he imagined, but was 
prevented from his leaving the room." 

This treatment Hudde complained of, as being very 
common on the part of Printz. " Freemen," he said, 
" as well as servants, when arriving at where he re 
sides, are in a most unreasonable manner abused, so 

1 The Swedes had before purchased all the lands from the falls of 
Trenton to the Whorekill. See ante p. 153. 


that they are often, on returning home, bloody and 
bruised." 1 

George Lamberton. who endeavored to set- 
n P A ^"i 

J tie on the Delaware, and with such bad suc 
cess, was lost at sea whilst on a voyage to England. 

Peter Stuyvessant arrived at New Amsterdam on 
the llth of May as governor of New Netherlands in 
place of Kieft. Pie commenced his administration on 
the 17th of May. Shortly after his arrival he wrote 
complimentary letters to the Governor of Massachu 
setts and New Haven, desiring to be on friendly terms 
with them, but at the same time asserting the right 
of the Dutch to all the land between the Delaware 
and Connecticut rivers. The Dutch called the Dela 
ware the South River, the Hudson the North River, 
and the Connecticut the Fresh River. 

The quarrels between the Swedes and the Dutch 
on the Delaware still continued. The Armewsick 
savages, one day at noon, attempted to surprise the 
Dutch, but they by some means got information of 
the attack. This, and a misunderstanding amongst 
the savages, rendered the attempt abortive. Hudde 
insinuated it was by the machinations of the Swedes 
that this attack was made. " Printz," he says, 
" leaves nothing untried to render the Dutch sus 
pected by both savages and Christians." Printz, 
both from English and Dutch accounts, appears to 
have been a violent abusive man. Upon Hudde 
urging the older claims of the Dutch to the Delaware 
he told him " that the devil tuas the oldest possessor of 

1 Iludde s Report, N. Y. Hist. Coll., vol. 1, p. 435, 436. 


hell, lut that he sometimes admitted a younger one" 
" This/ said Hudde, " he declared at his own table, 
on the 3d of June, in presence of me and iny wife, 
and many other equally vulgar expressions, serving 
and attended for the same purpose." Printz was also 
charged with tampering with the Maquas Indians, 
who lived near the Dutch possessions at Manhattan, 
(New York) and furnishing them with guns and 
powder. 1 Printz also stopped a Dutch vessel called 
the Siren, examined the goods, and tumbled them, 
and took from her a quantity of powder and shot. 2 

Several vessels arrived from Sweden this year 
with merchandise and settlors. They w r ere the Swan, 
the Black Cat, the Key, 3 and the Lamb. 

On the 20th of January, an ordinance was 
passed in Sweden, granting one-third of the 
excise on confiscated tobacco to the support of New 
Sweden, it having been found that the grant of the 
excise in 1642 did not produce half the sum expected. 
If this third of the excise did not prove sufficient, 
the balance was to be made up from the revenues of 
the crown. Goods from Holland landed at Gotten- 
berg, but not intended to be sold in Sweden, were 
allowed to pass to New Sweden without duty. 

The dispute between the Dutch and Swedes still 
continued on the Delaware, the Swedes being ex 
tremely arrogant, and appearing to pay no respect 
whatever to the Dutch or their authority. The 

1 Albany Records, vol. 3. p. 248. 2 lloll. Doc., vol. 8, p. 48. 

3 Probably the Key of Kalmer, the first vessel that brought over 
the Swedish settlers. 


Swedes apparently desired to pick a quarrel with 
them, and drive them from the river. 1 A vessel, on 
the 2d of April, sailed past Fort Nassau without 
showing her colors, so that Hudde was doubtful as to 
what she was. Two guns were fired from the fort, 
but the vessel paid no respect to them. Hudde sent 
a boat with eight men after her, but the weather 
being fair, he was unable to overtake her. In two 
or three days she returned, with her colors flying. 
It proved to be a Swedish bark. Iludde then asked 
the skipper (Claret liuygen) why he " passed the 
fort without showing his colors, by which it might be 
known who the master was, though he had colors 
with him, as was evident, since they were now 
flying." The Swedish captain answered him very 
contemptuously, " that if he had known this would 
have come into consideration, he would not have done 
it now, but that he certainly should do so in the 
future, if it was to irritate, and a mark of his con 
tempt." Iludde, who was extremely sensitive as to 
any thing concerning Dutch honor and authority, 
immediately sent a protest to Printz in relation to 
this conduct. In it he stated that it was contrary to 
an arrangement made between them, viz., that the 
vessels of each were to stop at the forts of the other, 
even when it was sufficiently known from where they 
came," Hudde very justly says, " so that neither your 
subjects and ours might be exposed to any mishap, 
whilst it was to be feared that otherwise, that under 

1 MSS. American Philosophical Society, Register of Perm., vol. 4, 
p. 315. 


this cover, one or other foreign nation, to our great 
injury, might pass by." 1 

During the whole winter the Swedes in the neigh 
borhood of Schuylkill. had been gathering logs with 
the evident intent of building. Hudde, who kept a 
sharp watch over all their proceedings, supposed they 
were going to build near the place where the vessels 
usually laid at anchor. The correctness of his sup 
positions were soon made evident. On the 4th of 
April, some of the sachems from "Passayunk" called 
on Hudde, and inquired "why he did not build on 
the Schuylkill, as the Swedes had already done so." 
Upon inquiry, he found this to be the truth, and " in 
some places, too, of the highest importance." Ac 
cordingly Hudde commenced preparations to build 
too. He obtained a grant of land near the Schuylkill, 
in the neighborhood of Fort Nassau, and on the 27th 
of April went there with the necessary timber. He 
also called on the sachems who had granted him the 
land, and stated his intention of building on it. They 
sent a message " to the Swedes, who lived there 
already, and commanded them to depart, insinuating 
they had taken possession clandestinely, and against 
the rule of the sachems." That they (the sachems) 
had ceded it for the present to the Dutch," and that 
Hudde "should build there too." Then "Martt 
Hoock and Wissemenets, two of the chief sachems, 
planted with their own hands the colors of the Prince 
of Orange, and ordered that Hudde should fire a gun 
three times in token of possession." " This was done, 

1 Iludde s Report, p. 427. 


and the house raised in presence of the chiefs. 
Towards evening," Henry Huygen, the "Swedish 
commissary arrived, with seven or eight men, and 
asked Hudcle with whose permission or order he had 
raised that building." He answered, " By the orders 
of my masters, and the previous consent of the sava 
ges." Huygen asked if Hudde " could show any 
order of his master, and not letters of some freemen." 
Hudde answered, " Yes, and was ready to produce 
them, when he (Huygen) had shown by whose order 
he made that demand." " The sachems then told 
Henry Huygen that they should grant" the Dutch 
" that tract," and they " should settle there," and 
asked "by what authority the Swedes had built 
there," and " if it was not enough that they were in 
possession of Mattenehonk, the Schuylkill, Kingses- 
sing, Kankanken, Upland, c., possessed by the 
Swedes, all which they had stolen from them. That 
Miriuit, now about eleven years past, had no more 
than six small tracts of land up Pagahacking. pur 
chased to plant there some tobacco, of which the 
natives, in gratitude, should enjoy one half of the 
produce." They wished to know if the Swedes, 
" when purchasing one tract of land, should take 
those next adjoining it, as they had done, and yet 
continued to do." 

They were greatly surprised that the Swedes, who 
had only lately arrived on the river, should prescribe 
laws to those who were the original and natural pro 
prietors of the land, as if they might not do with 
their own as they wished. That the Swedes who 


had only lately arrived on the river had taken a great 
deal of land from them, whilst the Dutch had never 
taken any from them, though they had dwelt there 
for " thirty years." 1 

Such was the speech of the Indian sachems to the 
Swedes, at least so Hudde wrote to Stuyvessant at 
New. Amsterdam, for we have no Swedish accounts. 
But it had no effect on their determination to stop 
the Dutch from building on the Schuylkill. Hudde 
commenced the erection of palisades around the house, 
because, said he, the Swedes had before destroyed 
the house which the company possessed on the 
Schuylkill, and built a fort in its place, and they per 
haps might do the same here. 

Whilst Hudde was thus engaged, " Moens King, 
lieutenant of the fort on Schuylkill, arrived," with 
twenty-four men, fully armed, with charged muskets, 
and bearing maces, and marching in ranks. The 
Swedish lieutenant " commanded his soldiers to lay 
down their muskets, and each take his axe in hand 
and cut down every tree which stood near and around 
the house." They "destroyed even the fruit trees" 
which Hudde "had planted there." 2 

This outrage of the Swedes was soon reported at 
Kew Amsterdam. The council on there, on hearing 
of it, sent S. Van Dincklage and La Montague to in 
quire into the affair. They arrived on the 7th of 
June. 3 They met the sachems on the 10th, and re 
ceived a formal transfer of the land from the Indians. 

1 Hudde, p. 440. 2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid. 


This Land had fifteen years previously been transferred 
to the Dutch by the Ind : ans in 1633. The convey 
ance was to Arent Corssen, the Dutch Commissary, 
that year at Fort Nassau, and was then called Armen- 
veruis. The Dutch had erected Fort Beaversreede 
upon it. 1 The Indians had been paid in part, but not 
in total. This grant must therefore have been the 
final execution of the bargain previously made. 
After finishing this business they sailed from New 
Gottenberg, where they were received by Commissary 
Huygen and Lieutenant Papeogya, u who left them 
about half an hour in the open air, and a constant 
rain." After they were admitted to an audience with 
Printz, " they delivered him a solemn protest against 
his illegal occupation of the Schuylkill, to which he 
promised a reply before their departure." 2 

It is unnecessary to mention in detail the numer 
ous disputes that took place between the Dutch and 
Swedes as they principally occurred in the country 
in the neighborhood of the Schuylkill. They belong 
more to the history of Pennsylvania than to Delaware. 
It will be sufficient to state, the Dutch continued to 
grant land on the disputed territory, that they 
several times attempted to build, but that they were 
in every instance driven off by the Swedes. And 
that Hudde, having no other mode to oppose Printz s 
violence, still pertinaciously protested, copies of which 
he always forwarded to New Amsterdam, and thus 
made the injuries matter of record, which record is 

1 Holl. Documents, p. 32, 50, 55, 56. 

2 Iludde s Report, p. 440. 


now of the greatest service in elucidating the past 
history of this State. 

The following are a few of the many outrages per 
petrated : Hans Jackson made an attempt to settle in 
July. His buildings were destroyed by the son of 
Governor Printz, who threatened that if he came 
there again and attempted to build, he would give 
give him a "good drubbing." Thomas Broen at 
tempted to settle at a place which he gave the name 
of New Holme. The Swedes, under Sergeant 
Gregory Van Dyck, pulled down his buildings, and 
told him if he did not leave they would beat him. 1 
In this state of affairs Hudde left for Manhattan, 
when Printz, on the IGth of September, built a house 
in front of the Dutch fort of Beversreede, of twenty 
feet broad, and from thirty to thirty-five feet long, 
the back gable of the house being within twelve feet 
of the fort, entirely cutting it off from a view of the 
water. Simon Root and others endeavoring to build 
near Fort Beversreede were driven away by Lieutenant 
Swen Schute, and their buildings pulled down. 
Thus the quarrel went on, until the Dutch gathered 
up their strength, exasperated at the repeated injuries, 
and finally destroyed the Swedish power on the 
Delaware. Of which, however, more hereafter. 

Two Swedes, who, with seven or eight guns, some 
powder and balls, went to trade with the Manquas, a 
tribe of Indians residing near Fort Nassau, were 
killed by them. This is the first recorded instance 
of any Swedes being killed by the Indians. 2 

1 Hudde s Report, p. 440. 2 Albany Records, vol. 5, p. 71. 


FROM 1049 TO 1053. 

English complaints laid before the United Colonies of New England 
Their action They write to Stuyvessant Stuyvessant meets 
them at Hartford An arbitration agreed upon The New Eng- 
landers claim between the fortieth and forty-eighth degrees of 
north latitude All the land claimed by the Dutch wanted by 
the English Stuyvessant not ready with his proofs They are 
in Holland The arbitrators award both parties to settle on the 
Delaware on the lands they had purchased Stuyvessant visits 
the Delaware Endeavors to settle boundaries with the Swedes 
Swedish claims Their proofs in Sweden Dutch allege Indians 
did not sell lands to Swedes Stuyvessant meets the Indians 
Buys from them the land between Fort Christina and Bombay 
Hook Builds Fort Cassimer The name Supposed origin 
Abandonment of Fort Nassau Stuyvessant returns to New 
Amsterdam Printz protests against the erection of Fort Cassi 
mer English from New Haven call at New Amsterdam on their 
way to Delaware Stuyvessant arrests them Threatens to for 
feit their goods and send them to Holland The English com 
plain to the United Colonies United Colonies promise them aid, 
if they send expedition They accuse Stuyvessant of breaking 
the agreement Write to their agent in London Captain Mason 
applied to, to go to the Delaware He declines Commissioners 
from United Colonies visit New Amsterdam Complaint of 
English against Stuyvessant Stuyvessant threatens to prevent 
English settlement on Delaware by force of arms. 

PI fUQl ^ n J ur ^ es ^ one ^0 the English on the 

Delaware by the Dutch, and their claims to 
the territory on that river, were brought to the notice 
of the United Colonies of New England at the meet- 


ing of the Commissioners at Boston, by Governor 
Eaton of New Haven. Th^ Commissioners, however, 
declined to encourage, " by any public act," the settle 
ment of the Delaware, as they could not spare the 
men, the English plantations in New England not 
having a sufficient supply of hands. 1 They, however, 
caused a letter to be written to Stuyvessant on the 
10th of August, in which they (alluding to a former 
letter from the Manhattan authorities) stated that 
the answer they received in relation to the letter 
written, complaining of injuries received by the 
English on the Delaware Bay, was not satisfactory. 
They asserted the right of the English to the tracts 
on the Delaware, and that whilst the people of New 
Haven w r ould neither encroach nor in any way dis 
turb the peace of the Dutch, they must not fail in 
maintaining the rights and interests of the English 
there. 2 

To settle the difficulties in relation to 
Delaware, between the Dutch and English L 
of New Haven, Stuyvessant agreed to meet the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies at Hartford. 
This meeting was brought about at the solicitation of 
the commissioners. Stuyvessant arrived at Hartford 
on the 23d of September. The correspondence 
between them it was decided should be in writing, to 
avoid the inconvenience of speaking. After settling 
as many points as possible in this manner, there were 
others that could only be arranged by disinterested 

1 Hazard s Coll.. vol. 2, p. 127. 

2 Trimilmll s Conn., vol. 1, p. 184. 


friends of each party, therefore an arbitration was 
agreed upon. Two commissioners were appointed by 
each party. Stuyvessant appointed Captain Thomas 
Willett and Ensign George Baxter. The United 
Colonies appointed Simon Bradstreet and Thomas 
Prence. Stuyvessant gave his arbitrators full power 
to settle " any differences between the two nations," to 
end and determine them, as they " might deem just and 
right, with power to enter into such terms of accord for 
provisional limits and leagues of love and union betwixt 
the tivo nations in those parts as to them should seem 
just and right." The New England arbitrators had 
similar instructions. 

The New Englanders claimed by their patent all 
the territory between the forty and forth-eighth de 
gree of north latitude. In other words, all the terri 
tory between a point a short distance north of Phila 
delphia, and another at the mouth of Chaleur Bay, 
near the river St. Lawrence, including not only what 
is within the present limit of the United States, but 
also the present British possessions of Nova Scotia 
and New Brunswick. This was according to the 
grant of the North Virginia Company in 1606 and 
1620. Between the thirty-eighth and fortieth degree 
of north latitude, north of the Potomac, had already 
been granted to Baltimore. * Thus every foot of land 
professed to be owned by the Dutch in America was 
claimed as being granted by the English government 
to English citizens. 

The arbitrators met, and the colonies of Connecticut 
and New Haven kid these complaints before them. 


As most of the injuries suffered were done by Gover 
nor Kieft, Stuyvessant was not prepared to make 
answer to them. They therefore made no judgment 
on them until Stuyvessant could lay the matter before 
the West India Company. Stuyvessant, however, 
still asserted this claim of the Dutch to the Delaware, 
and protested against any other claim. The English 
also claiming the right, and as Stuyvessant advanced 
no proofs, all the commissioners could do was to 
award that both parties were to remain in statu quo 
prius, (that is, in the same state as they were before,) 
and that they were " to plead and improve their just 
interests on the Delaware for planting and trading," 
only that "all proceedings were to be carried on in 
love and peace." This award, which settled nothing 
and amounted to nothing, was duly signed by the 
four arbitrators, in the presence of all the commis 
sioners, and Stuyvessant promised to abide by their 

decision. 1 

Stuyvessant then visited the Delaware, 
and attempted to have a settlement betwen *- 
the Dutch and the Swedes, as regarded their limits 
and boundaries. But this could not be done as though 
Printz " determined the Swedish limits ivide and broad 
enough, yet without any justification or proper proofs," 
giving as an excuse that all the papers relating to the 
purchase of the lands were not at hand, but deposited 
at the chancellery at Stockholm. 

Stuyvessant asserted, in his report to the Dutch 
West India Company, that this reply of Printz s was 

1 Hazard s Historical Collection, vol. 2, p. 171, 172, and 218. 


not true, as he tried to purchase from the Indian 
sachem Waspang Zewan the lands that the Swedes 
were then settled on. But that the sachem refused to 
sell the land because the Swedes " had for a long time, 
and against his inclination, and with a forcible hand ? 
kept possession of a part of said lands, without ever 
having given him the least consideration for them." 
" This," said Stuyvessant, " the chief declared verbally 
and in writing to the director, in presence of several 
reliable persons." The same sachem, Stuyvessant 
also asserted, gave the Dutch " authority, in a proper 
manner, to inherit and possess forever," all the land 
between Racoon Creek and the Minquas, or Christina, 
on both sides of the Delaware. 

Stuyvessant, for further security, summoned to 

meet him on the 19th of July all the Indian sachems 

who lived near the Delaware, and all the owners of 

land in the neighborhood. He then questioned the 

Indians in regard to the land they sold to the Swedes. 

The Indians denied " ever having sold any land to 

the Swedes," as they pretended, excepting the ground 

on which Fort Christina was situated, and some 

ground around it for a garden to plant tobacco in. 

They then granted to the Dutch all the land between 

Fort Christina and Bombay Hook, (called by them 

Neuwsings,) on condition they should repair the gun 

of the chief Pemmennatta, when out of order, and 

give them a little maize when they required it. 1 

Stuyvessant immediately prepared to erect a fort 
to secure his newly acquired purchase. Accordingly, 

1 O Call., vol. 2. p. 106. 


on the spot where New Castle now stands, a short 
distance north of the present town, he erected Fort 
Cassimer. We have no knowledge of the reason of 
the name. The directors of the East India Company 
were themselves surprised at it when they were in 
formed of it, as it is more Swedish than Dutch. It 
was probably from John. Duke of Casimir, a Swedish 
noble, who was instrumental in aiding the first 
Swedisli settlement on the Delaware. Stuyvessant, 
after having thus fortified his purchases, returned to 
New Amsterdam, first abandoning Fort Nassau, and 
removing the garrison to Fort Cassimer, and having 
several conversations with Printz, " wherein they 
mutually promised to cause no difficulties or hostilities 
to each other, but to keep neighborly friendship and 
correspondence together, and act as friends and 
allies." 1 Printz, however, protested against the erec 
tion of the fort. 

Supposing that according to the terms of the agree 
ment with Stuyvessant, that their right to settle on 
the lands they had purchased on the Delaware was 
conceded, Jasper Graine, William Tuttell, and other 
inhabitants of New Haven and Sotocket, to the number 
of fifty, hired a vessel, and sailed from there for that 
purpose. On the 14th of September, on their way 
they stopped at New Amsterdam, and informed 
Stuyvessant of their intention. He asked to see their 
commission. It was shown to him, and he then re 
fused to give it up, placed the master of the vessel 
and four others in prison, and refused to let them out 

1 Holl. Documents, vol. 8. p. 32-50. 


until " they pledged themselves under their hands" 
that they would not go to Delaware, and at the same 
time informed them that if any of them were after 
wards found there, he should forfeit their goods, and 
send them prisoners to Holland. He also, on the 
llth of April, wrote to the Governor of New Haven, 
affirming the Dutch right to the Delaware, and 
threatening to prevent any English settlement there, 
" with force of arms and martial opposition, even unto 

The ill-used Englishmen made prompt complaint 
of the Dutch treatment at the next meeting of the 
commissioners of the United Colonies, who were ex 
tremely indignant at the act of Stuyvessant. They 
passed a resolution affirming that " they did not think 
it meet to enter into any present engagement against 
the Dutch, choosing rather to suffer injuries and 
affront (at least for a time) than in any respect to 
seem to he too quick," but that if they should at any 
time within twelve months, at their own charge, trans 
port one hundred and fifty (or at least one hundred) 
able bodied men, with arms and ammunition and 
vessels " fit for such an enterprise," and the same was 
approved by the magistrates of New Haven, then if. 
while they " carried themselves peaceably," they met 
Avith any hostile opposition from the Dutch and 
Swedes, and they required any further aid or assist 
ance, then the United Colonies should furnish them 
with a sufficient number of soldiers for their defence, 
they paying the expense, and their lands there and 
trade with the Indians, to be answerable until it was 


paid. They also wrote a severe letter to Stuyves- 
sant, complaining of his breaking his agreement with 
them, telling him he showed at their meeting " no just 
title to the Delaware, and asserting that, by the agree 
ment made between the arbitrators, the English 
settlers were to be allowed to settle on their lands. 
They also wrote to Mr. Edward Winslow, the agent 
in London, complaining of the conduct of the Dutch, 
of the dishonor placed upon the English nation by 
submitting to such outrages, and of their duty to pre 
serve English title to so considerable a place as Dela 
ware." They also claimed that the Dutch should be 
compelled to make satisfaction to the English they 
had injured in their persons and estates, and requested 
information from him as "to ivhat esteem the old 
patents for that place (the Delaware) have with the 
Parliament or Council of State, where there hath 
been no improvement hitherto made by the patentees ; 
whether the Parliament hath granted any late patents, 
or whether, in granting, they preserve not liberty and 
encouragement for such as have or shall plant upon 
their formerly duly purchased lands." 1 

The people of New Haven, determining to main 
tain the rights to the Delaware, applied to Captain 
Mason, a man of known courage and military skill, 
to remove with them to Delaware, and take the 
management of the company. He was inclined to go, 
but his services at home being deemed essential by 
the General Court at Connecticut, they unanimously 
requested he would abandon all thought of going to 

1 Hazard s Historical Collection. 


Delaware, to which he yielded, and the design was 
abandoned. 1 

But little was done by the English of New Haven 
or the United Colonies for two years, when, at the 
request of Stuyvessant. three commissioners were ap 
pointed by the United Colonies to visit New Amster 
dam, but without any result. From some cause the 
commissioners left suddenly, greatly to the surprise 
of Stuyvessant. On the 2d of May, the New Eng 
land commissioners again wrote to Stuyvessant in 
which they reiterated all their previous complaints, 
and say " that to this day they have received nothing 
but dilatory exceptions, offensive affronts, and un 
pleasant answers, as well in the South River Bay, 
called Delaware, as upon the Fresh River, called 
Connecticut." This letter brought an answer from 
Stuyvessant, in which he says he could not admit of 
any settlements on the Delaware River as being con 
trary to his express orders, and that he done nothing 
in warning and preventing the settlers from New 
Elaven from continuing their voyage to Delaware, but 
what was proper, and thus forewarn and advertise 
them from " all damage or bloodshedding," which 
might result therefrom. This letter showed to the 
United Colonies that Stuyvessant had thrown off the 
mask, and was determined that no English settlement 
should be made, if he could prevent it, on the banks 
of the Delaware. 2 

1 Trimibull, vol. 1, p. 298. 

2 Hazard s Historical* Collection, pp. 256, 260, 268, 270. 


FROM 1653 TO 1054. 

Swedes request Dutch to take them under their protection Stuyves- 
sant refuse* Reason Writes to Holland in relation to it Per 
mission to take them if they apply again Printz returns to 
Sweden John Pappegoya appointed Governor Affairs of New 
Sweden placed in hands of College of Commerce Jno. Amund 
sen Besh Rising appointed governor His salary His instruc 
tions Grant of land to Rising Privileges to settlers by the 
College of Commerce Rising embarks for New Sweden in the 
shi o Aren. with two or three hundred people Arrive in the 
Delaware Attack and capture FortCassimer Bikker, the Dutch 
commander, censured He takes the oath of allegiance to the 
Swedes Rising rebuilds the fort The engineer Lindstroem 
Dutch think of giving up Fort Cassimer Decide to hold it 
Rising makes a treaty with the Indians Naaman s speech 
The English write to Rising, informing him of their claim to 
land in Delaware Population on the Delaware Its increase 
Rising wants a wife Death of Chancellor Oxcnsteirn Abdica 
tion of Queen Christina Charles Gustavus, King of Sweden 
Peace between England and Holland Dutch capture the Golden 
Shark Offer to restore her if Fort Cassimer is given up Rising 
refuses Correspondence between Rising and the United Colo 
nies on English claim Indignation in Holland at capture of 
Fort Cassimer Stuyvessant commanded to expel Swedes from 
Delaware He makes preparations to do so Expedition to Dela 
ware discussed in meeting of United Colonies Two magistrates, 
Eaton and Neuman, propose to lead it New Sweden has the 
monopoly of exporting tobacco to Sweden expenses and garri 
son of New Sweden for 1655. 

FOR some time before the building of Fort 
Cassimer, there had been no arrival of succors 
from Sweden, and the Swedes becoming discouraged, 
made a request to Stuyvessant for him to take them 


under his care, they at the same time promising to 
become subject to the Dutch. Stuyvessant, to pre 
vent trouble that might ensue, declined to receive 
them, being unwilling to undertake so important a 
step without consultation with the powers at home. 1 
He accordingly, on the 6th of October, wrote to the 
directors, who gave him permission to exercise his 
judgment. In their reply they said that " population 
of the country, that bulwark of every state, ought to 
be promoted by all means, so that the settling of free 
men ought not to be shackled, but rather encouraged, 
by all honest means ; all such, therefore, who are 
willing to obey our laws and statutes, ought to be 
protected in their rights of citizenship to the utmost 
of our power." 2 

Governor Printz, who had long been desirous of 
returning home, it is supposed either in October or 
November of this year, returned to Sweden. His 
torians differ in regard to the correct time of his de 
parture. Some place it in the year 1652. But one 
paper at least is extant dated " New Sweden, October 
1, 1653." 3 It is more than probable this was his last 
official act. A letter from Sweden, that arrived at 
Delaware after he had left on his return home, said 
"that they should extremely regret his immediate 
departure, before" they could make arrangements "in 
regard to his successor, and for the government of the 
country; if, however, this should be imposing too 
much upon him, and their service would be equally 

1 Holland Documents, vol. 8, p. 32. 2 Ibid. p. 154. 

3 Sec Plymouth Records, vol. 2, part 1, p. 87. 


well performed by those whom he might leave in the 
country, he was at liberty to return home." 

Printz was more than probably mortified at the 
strength of the Dutch whom he had before so imposed 
upon when under the command of Hudde, but whom, 
under a Stuyvessant, a soldier equally as fierce and 
determined as himself, he was bound to treat with re 
spect, as instanced in his inability to prevent the 
erection of Fort Cassimer. Printz was ungentlemanly, 
unjust, and unreasonable, both in his treatment of the 
Dutch and English. Rudman says, that becoming 
weary of delay, and apprehensive of danger from the 
near vicinity of the Dutch Fort Cassimer, being only 
five miles from Christina, he went back to Sweden. 
The same writer also informs us that he had become 
unpopular by a too rigid authority. Printz, after his 
return home, was made governor of Joukeoping. 

Printz appointed John Pappegoya, his son-in-law, 
to take charge of affairs. He ruled Delaware on the 
interim between the departure of Printz, and was 
the fourth governor of Delaware. His term of office 
was about eighteen months. 

The " press of business and other obstacles" pre 
venting the government of Sweden from regulating 
the affairs of New Sweden " as the utility of the 
company and the interests of the government de 
manded," the management of the affairs on the Dela 
ware was placed in the hands of the " General College 
of Commerce." They accordingly, in November, 
commissioned John Anundsend (or John Anundsen 
Besh, as he is sometimes called) a captain of the 


navy, who was about to embark on board a galliott, 
to take command of the seamen in New Sweden. 1 
His duty was to u consist principally in performing 
with fidelity and zeal all the duties that appertained 
to a captain of the navy in endeavoring to procure 
every species of advantage to the benefit of her 
majesty and the Company of the South ; and should 
he, by the grace of God, arrive in New Sweden, to 
superintend carefully the construction of vessels, in 
order that they may be faithfully and diligently built, 
&c." He was to conform in all things to the instruc 
tions of the governor, and to receive such annual 
compensation "as his capacity of captain" would 
" entitle him to." In future he was " to count with 
certainty upon the favor of her majesty, and to obtain 
from the country a more elevated employment." The 
government was required to receive him with the 
rank of a captain in the navy. 

The College of Commerce, on the 12th of December, 
also nominated John Rising 2 (by some called John 
Claudii Rising) under the title of commissary, to 
take charge of affairs in New Sweden. The letter of 
his appointment stated " to aid for a certain period 
our present governor" of New Sweden. He was 
therefore only intended as a lieutenant-governor, but 
as Printz had sailed before he arrived, and he had the 
full charge of Swedish affairs in this country, we may 

1 MSS. American Philosophical Society, Reg. of Pennsylvania, vol. 
4, p. 374. It is not certain from the language whether Anundsen 
was to command the seamen of the galliott or of New Sweden. 

2 This name, like all the names of this period, is spelt many differ 
ent ways. 


consider him the fifth governor of Delaware. He 
was allowed one thousand two hundred dollars in 
silver per annum in addition to what he may receive 
from the Company of the South, also one thousand rix 
dollars for his equipment for the voyage. His in 
structions in effect were to be as follows : 

He was told to fortify and protect a harbor that 
had been established; to extend the Swedish posses 
sions on both sides of the river, as far as possible, 
without, however, causing any " breach of friendship 
with the English and Dutch." He was to induce, if 
possible, the Dutch to abandon Fort Cassimer, by 
" arguments and serious remonstrances," but " without 
resorting to any hostilities. It is better," says his in 
structions, " that our subjects avoid resorting to hos 
tilities, confining themselves solely to protestations, 
and suffer the Dutch to occupy the said fortresses, 
than that it should fall into the hands of the English, 
wlio are more powerful, and of course the most dangerous 
in that country. But it is proper that a fortress be 
constructed lower down the river, towards the mouth; 
employing, however, the mildest measures, because 
hostilities will in no degree tend to increase the 
strength of the Swedes in the country, more particu 
larly as. by a rupture with the Dutch, the English may 
seize the opportunity to take possession of the aforesaid 
fortress, and become, in consequence, very dangerous 
neighbors to our possessions in said country." Thus 
early was perceived by Swedes, as well as the Dutch, 
the danger that the English would finally conquer 
and occupy the whole of the territory. 


Rising s instructions also recommended "employ 
ing every means to facilitate commerce, as the most 
likely course to benefit the country, such as not 
exacting more than two per cent., or even allowing 
to enter free, merchandise arriving or departing, if 
sold to or to be employed in trade with the savages. 
The same was to be exempt from duty in Sweden, 
provided it belonged to Swedish subjects, but foreign 
ers were to be compelled to pay a duty, and were not 
to be permitted to ascend the Delaware with their 
vessels, but were only allowed to trade with the com 
pany. The duties and excise levied on foreigners or 
subjects, were " to be employed for the defence of the 
country, and profit of the Company." 

" Purchasers of land from the Company or savages, 
and becoming subjects," were " assured of being admit 
ted into the Company," and enjoying all privileges and 
franchises. No one was, however, to enter without 
consent of the government. 

Before Printz left the country he was to render to 
Rising a full account of the situation of affairs. He 
was to place all that related to military affairs and the 
defence of the country in the hands of John Amund 
sen, establish a council formed of the best instructed 
and most noble officers in the country, of which 
Rising should be the director, in such a manner that 
neither Rising in his charge, nor Amundsen as gover 
nor of the militia in his, should decide or approve of 
any thing, without directly consulting with each other. 
Printz for the present was to give them written 
directions for their guide. Should he remain in the 


country longer, he was to accept Rising as commis 
sary and assistant counsellor, and in the council those 
whom he should think most proper. They also 
granted to Rising as much land as could be cultivated 
by twenty or thirty peasants. 

Various privileges were also at the same time 
offered by the College of Commerce, for the more ex 
tensive settlement of the country. Swedes sailing in 
their own vessels, had the liberty of trading in the 
interior of New Sweden, " as well with the savages 
as Christians, and the Company itself, without paying 
any greater tax than two per cent." They also had 
the privilege of importing " merchandise procured in 
trade on the river into any port belonging to Sweden 
free of duty, but foreign vessels were prohibited from 
trading on the river with savages or others, but with 
the Company alone." All Swedes were allowed " to 
establish on the lands of the Company as many coli- 
nies as they may be able at their own expense to 
keep on said lands, and employ them on plantations 
of tobacco, or in any useful manner during certain 
years of franchises, and under good conditions." 
Those who purchased lands from the savages or the 
Company were to have the same forever. These and 
various other similar regulations were made by the 
College of Commerce, for the guidance of affairs in 
New Sweden. 

Resing embarked for New Sweden from n - -, 
Gottenberg in the ship Aren, Captain Swen- 
sko. -The precise day of his sailing is not known, 
neither is that of his arrival. It is more than proba- 


ble he sailed in December, and according to his own 
account he arrived in the Delaware, or South River, 
as it was then called, a few days before the 27th of 
May. He brought with him, besides a body of officers 
and troops, Peter Lindstrom, a military engineer, a 

clergyman named Peter , and a number of 

settlers, in all numbering some two or three hundred 
souls. They sailed up the South River until they 
came near Fort Cassimer, and were perceived by 
the Dutch, on (as they allege) the last day of 
May. Gerritt Bikker, the commandant of Fort Cas 
simer, immediately sent Adriaen Van Tienhooven, 
accompanied by some free people, to see who they 
were. The next day they returned, informing the 
commandant that it was a Swedish ship with a new 
governor, and that they desired possession of Fort 
Cassimer, which .they said was lying on the Swedish 
government s land. About two hours afterwards, 
Captain Swensko and about twenty soldiers were sent 
from the Aren in a boat. They landed at Fort Cas- 
.simer, and were civilly received on the beach, near 
the gate of the fort by Bikker, who supposed they 
would inform him, if they had any intention to com 
mit hostilities. But contrary to this, they hurried 
through into the fort, (the gate being open,) and some 
immediately went to different parts of the bastions. 
They then demanded, at the point of the sword, the 
surrender of the fort as well as the river. 

This transaction was so hurried as hardly to give 
time enough for the Dutch to send two commissioners 
on board the Aren to demand of Rising his comuiis- 


sion, and some little time for consultation ; but before 
the commissioners had got on board, there were two 
guns fired over the fort, charged with ball, as a signal. 
The Dutch soldiers were then deprived of their side 
arms, and aim taken on them ready to fire because 
they did not deliver up their muskets, which were 
immediately snatched from their hands. In the mean 
time the commissioners who had been sent on board 
the Aren returned, and brought information that 
" there was no desire to give one hour s delay ;" that 
the commission of Rising was on board the vessel, 
and that the Dutch would immediately perceive the 
consequences of it. The Dutch soldiers were then 
chased out of the fort, their goods taken possession 
of, as was likewise the property of Bikker, the 
commandant. The Swedes confiscated every thing 
in the fort. Bikker, in his letter to Stuyvessant, 
giving an account of the affair, says : " I could hardly, 
by entreaties, bring it so fir as to bear that I with 
my wife and children were not likewise shut out 
almost naked. All the articles which were in the 
fort were confiscated by them, even the corn, having 
hardly left as much as to live on, using it sparingly, 
&c. The governor pretends that her majesty has 
license from the state general of the Netherlands, that 
she may possess this river provisionally." 1 

This was the first fortress captured by civilized 
men on the Delaware. This treacherous capture of 
the Dutch fort, as will be seen in the sequel, was re- 
talliated on the Swedes, by the capture of all their 

1 lloll. Doc., vol. 8, p. 85. 87. 


possessions on the Delaware, and the overthrow of 
their power there forever. 

Fort Cassimer was captured, according to Swedish 
accounts, on Trinity Sunday, and they accordingly 
named it Fort Trinity. 1 According to Dutch 
accounts, it was captured on the 31st of May. 2 The 
Dutch garrison only numbered some ten or twelve 
soldiers. Bikker was severely censured by Stuyves- 
sant and the West India Company for his easy sur 
render of the fort: Stuyvessant spoke of it as a 
" dishonorable surrender," and the Company as " a 
cowardly and treacherous surrender." Bikker s ac 
count of the affair sent to Stuyvessant was unsigned 
by him. He remained with the Swedes, and took 
the oath of allegiance. 3 

Rising immediately after the capture of the fort, 
wrote to Stuyvessant, giving an account of the affair. 
In his letter he alleged " that it was a matter of too 
great importance to settle between him and Stuyves 
sant," but that " the sovereigns on both sides would 
have to compromise the matter." He also had the 
fort rebuilt and made much stronger, under the direc 
tion of Peter Lindstroem, the engineer. Lindstroern 
also prepared for the Swedish government a large 
map, embracing both sides of the Delaware River 
to Trenton. The original was destroyed with the 
palace of Stockholm, in 1697, but a copy pre- 

1 Acrelius, p. 114 ; Campanius, p. 82. 

2 The difference in dates is more than probable the difference 
between the old and new style. Therefore, old style, the fort would 
be captured on the 21st of May ; new style, the 31st of May. 

3 Holl. Documents, vol. 8, p. 89. 


viously taken still remained among the royal archives 
in 1834. 1 

On the 2d of June, Stuyvessant had made a propo 
sition to the council at New Amsterdam to abandon 
Fort Cassimer. It was, however, decided still to 
continue the garrison there. The reason for the pro 
position, it is supposed, was the threatened appear 
ance of danger from the English. The news of the 
Swedish attack on the fort had not then reached New 
Amsterdam, although it was in the Swedish posses, 

The Dutch residing near Fort Cassimer had already 
taken the oath of allegiance to become subjects to the 
Swedish crown. Rising accordingly prepared to 
make a treaty with the Indians. On the 17th of 
June, a meeting was held at Printz Hall, on Tinicum 
Island, of ten of the Indian sachems or chiefs, and 
there " a talk was . made to them," in which it was 
offered on behalf of the Queen of Sweden, to renew 
the ancient league of friendship that subsisted between 
them and the Swedes, who had purchased of them 
the land which they occupied. The Indians com 
plained that the Swedes had brought much evil upon 
them, for many of them had died since their coming 
into the country. 2 A number of presents were made 
and distributed amongst them, on which they went 
out and conferred for some time amongst themselves, 

1 A copy of this map is in the possession of Thompson Westcott, 
Esq., author of a valuable series of articles on the history of Phila 
delphia, now being published in the Philadelphia Sunday Despatch. 

2 This year the Indians held a council to consider whether they 
should destroy the Swedes. See ante pages 81, 82, 83, 84 and 85. 


and then returned, and addressed the Swedes. Their 
principal spokesman was a chief named Naaman, whose 
dominions were on the creek of that name. This 
(Naamnn s) creek is the most northerly of our streams, 
and flows into the Delaware, a little more than a mile 
from the Pennsylvania line. Naaman made a speech, 
in which he rebuked the rest for having spoken " evil 
of the Swedes," and done them an injury, and told 
them he " hoped they would do so no more, for tne 
Swedes were very good people." " Look," said he, 
pointing to the presents, " see what they have brought 
to us, for which they desire our friendship." So say 
ing, he stroked himself three times down his arm, 
which among the Indians is a token of friendship ; 
and afterwards he thanked the Swedes on behalf of 
the people, for the presents they had received, and 
said that " friendship should be observed more strictly 
between them than it had been before ;" that " the 
Swedes and the Indians had been in Governor Printz s 
time as one body and one heart, (stroking his breast 
as he spoke,) and that thenceforth they should be as 
one head ;" in token of which he took hold of his head 
with both his hands and made a motion as if he were 
tying a strong knot. And then he made this com 
parison, that " as the calabash was round without any 
crack, so they should be a compact body without any 
fissure ;" and that if " any one should attempt to do 
any harm" to the Indians, the Swedes should imme 
diately inform them of it, and, on the other hand, the 
Indians would " give immediate notice to the Chris 
tians of any plot against them, even if it were in the 


middle of the night." On this they were answered 
that this would indeed be a true and lasting friendship, 
if every one would agree to it, on which they gave 
a general shout in token of consent. Immediately 
upon this the great guns were fired, which pleased 
them extremely, and they said, "Poo, hoo, hoo; 
mockiricJc pickon;" that is to say, " hear and believe 
the great guns are fired." Then they were treated 
with wine and brandy. Another of the Indians then 
stood up and spoke, and admonished all in general, 
that they should "keep the league and friendship 
which had been made with the Christians," and in 
" no manner to violate the same," nor do them " any 
injury, or their hogs or cattle," and that if any one 
"should be guilty of such violation, they should be 
severely punished, as an example to others." The 
Indians then advised some Swedes to settle at Passy- 
unk, where there lived a great number of Indians, 
that they might be " watched and punished if they 
did any mischief." They also expressed a wish that 
the title to the lands which the Swedes had purchased 
should be confirmed, on which the copies of the agree 
ment (for the originals were sent to Stockholm) were 
read to them word for word. When those who signed 
the deed heard their names, they appeared to rejoice ; 
but when the names were read of those that were 
dead, they " hung their heads in sorrow." 

" There was then set upon the floor in the great 
hall two large kettles, and many other vessels filled 
with sappaun, which is a kind of hasty pudding, made 
of maize or Indian corn. The sachems sat by them- 


selves, the other Indians all fed heartily and were 
satisfied." 1 

The English still persisted in their claims to the 
Delaware, and having heard of the arrival of Rising, 
at a court held at New Haven, July 5th, it was 
ordered that a letter should be written to him, in 
forming of the "propriety which some of the New 
Haven colony have to large tracts of land on both 
sides of the Delaware, and desiring a neighborly cor 
respondence with the Swedes both in trading and 

The Dutch and Swedish population on the Dela 
ware was at this time, according to a letter of Rising 
to Sweden, dated the lith of July, three hundred and 
sixty-eight persons. When Rising arrived, there were 
only seventy persons. So that in a few months, by 
various arrivals, the population had increased more 
than five fold. The same letter desired the officer to 
whom it is written to " look out for a zvife" for him. 
Rising s residence was in the fort at Christina. 2 In 
the same letter he recommended John Poppegoya as 
Schuten. John Amundsen, who was appointed to 
command the militia on the Delaware, as well as the 
seamen, it is more than probable never came to Dela 
ware, as there is no mention of him in any proceed 
ings taking place there. 

In August, Axel Oxensteirn, the Chancellor of Swe 
den, who did so much for the settlement of Delaware, 
died. Christina, Queen of Sweden, (who may be reck- 

1 This account is copied from Campanius, pages TO, 77, 78. 

2 Translated from a French MSS. 


oned also Queen of Delaware,) abdicated the throne in 
favor of her cousin, Charles Gustavus. On the 16th 
of July, peace was celebrated between England and 
Holland, who had been at war. The hostilities between 
those nations were confined to Europe. Notwith 
standing the matters in dispute, there were no hostili 
ties between them on this continent. 

The unprovoked assault of the Swedes on Fort 
Cassimer, and the capture of the same, was now re- 
talliated on them by the Dutch. On the 27th of 
September, a Swedish ship, called the Golden Shark, 
commanded by Hendrick Van Elswyck, bound to 
South River, by mistake or ignorance of the pilot, or 
from some other cause, put into the North River, and 
got behind Staten Island. On discovering his error, 
the captain dispatched a boat to Manhattan for a pilot 
to take him to South River. Stuyvessant at once ar 
rested the master and seized the vessel, and brought 
it up to New Amsterdam. The crew of the Shark 
(which was described by the Dutch as an old and 
leaky fluyt of forty to forty-five tons burthen) were 
allowed to stay on board the vessel, whilst Elswyck 
was sent on to the South River, to invite Rising to 
visit Manhattan, and arrange the difference between 
them. Stuyvessant agreeing that if Fort Cassimer 
was restored to the Dutch, that they in return would 
restore to the Swedes the Golden Shark and its cargo. 
The rudder was, however, taken from the vessel, and 
two Dutchmen placed on board. Elswyck accordingly 
went to the South River, but Rising refused to visit 
Manhattan, preferring to hold on to Fort Cassimer, 
and let Stuyvessant have the vessel. 


The Commissioners of the United Colonies met at 
Hartford, and on the 23d of September addressed a 
letter to Rising, again urging the claims of the New 
Haven Englishmen to land on the Delaware. Rising, 
it appeared, had written to them on the 1st of August, 
in which he spoke of " a treaty or conference before 
Mr. Endicott, wherein New Haven s right was silenced 
or suppressed," and asserted the right of the Swedes 
to the. " land on both sides the Delaware Bay and 
River from the Capes." " This," said the letter of the 
commissioners, "is either your own mistake or at 
least the error of them that so inform you. We have 
perused and considered the several purchases our con 
federates of New Haven have there made, the conside 
rations given, acknowledged by the Indian proprietors 
under their hands, and confirmed by many Christian 
witnesses, whereby their right appeareth so clear to 
us, that we cannot but assert their just title to said 

In the meantime, Stuyvessant, who, with the ex 
ception of the seizure of the Golden Shark, had quietly 
endured the outrage of the seizure of Fort Cassirner 
by the Swedes, had received information in regard to 
that affair from Holland. The directors of the West 
India Company were greatly exasperated, and in a 
letter to him, dated November 16th, issued orders 
to Stuyvessant "to exert every nerve to revenge the 
injury," and not only to recover the fort, and " restore 
affairs to their former situation," but to drive the 
Swedes from " every side of the river." Only that 
those "who desired to settle under the Dutch govern- 


ment should be allowed to." They also desired Stuy- 
vessant, if possible, to get the Swedes to settle in 
other places within the Dutch district, as they " would 
be more gratified if the borders of the river w r ere 
settled by Dutchmen." " No means," said they, 
" ought to be neglected in case of success, which God 
may grant for its accomplishment, either by encourag 
ing Dutch settlers, by bounties, or other more power 
ful luring motives." They promised him " succors, 
both in vessels, materials, and soldiers," and ordered 
him to " press any vessels into his service that might 
be in New Netherlands." They informed him that 
he had nothing to fear from any other enemy, being 
at peace with the English, so that he could " take all 
the soldiers at New Amsterdam." He was also in 
structed to accept the services of all persons who 
might offer their services," as the citizens of New 
Amsterdam were fully strong enough to protect that 
city during his absence on the expedition to Delaware. 
They also instructed him. to apprehend Gerrett Bikker, 
the late commander of Fort Cassimer, who, "from 
documents and private information, they are compelled 
to conclude, had acted very unfaithfully and treacher 
ously." That he should be punished, " as an example 
to others who had shared more or less in that shame 
ful transaction." 1 

Agreeable to these instructions, Stuyvessant went 
silently though actively to work to prepare a fleet 
and armament. For some months previously there 
had been protesting by the Swedes and counter pro- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 4, pa^es 107, 150. 


testing by the Dutch in relation to the seizure of the 
Shark, in which the title of both to the South River 
were again and again gone over. But this was now 
stopped, and whilst the Swedes were lulled into secu 
rity, and made no preparations for defence, the Dutch 
were quietly and energetically pushing forward their 
armaments to expel them from the Delaware by force 
of arms. 

The English in New Haven still continued to dis 
cuss at their meetings at the court at New Haven, 
and of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 
their right to Delaware, and the .best means of obtain 
ing the same. On the 27th of November, the court 
at New Haven met, and amongst other things in rela 
tion to it discussed the propriety of purchasing the 
right of the English proprietors for the lands they 
claimed there. They agreed to take three hundred 
pounds for it. Several declared their willingness to 
go if they had the right leaders. It was proposed to 
two of the magistrates, Samuel Eaton and Francis 
Newman, who agreed to take the matter into conside 
ration. Another court was held at New Haven, 
December llth. Eaton and Newman both made 
similar answers as regards taking the lead of the 
colony to Delaware. Eaton answered that " it was 
necessary there should be some leader to such a work, 
but for his part, this (New Haven) jurisdiction having 
an interest in him, which he must have respect to, 
but if it appears that God called him thereunto, he 
should be willing." Newman answered that "if a 
meet number for quality and quantity were ready 


to go, he was willing to accompany them in the 

spring." 1 

Charles Gustavus. King of Sweden, (also, therefore, 
King of Delaware,) granted by a decree to the Swedish 
West India Company, on the 23d of December, the 
right of importing tobacco into Sweden. The decree 
states that it hoped that " not only New Sweden will 
be able to support itself and prosper, but also that our 
nation w r ill have greater opportunity and facility for 
accustoming itself to the navigation and commerce of 
America." 2 

The following were the estimated expenses for New 
Sweden for the year 1655, viz. : One commandant, 
75 silver dollars per month ; one captain, 36 ; one 
lieutenant, 24; one ensign, 18; one sergeant-major, 
15; three gunners, 8, each of whom is to have charge 
of the magazine in his redoubt ; one corporal, 9 ; one 
drummer, 7i ; thirty-six soldiers at 4 dollars each; 
one provost, 9 ; one executioner, 6 ; 3 priests, 10 ; one 
superior commissary who shall also be book-keeper, 
20 ; one fiscal, who shall also be adjutant to the com 
mander, 12 ; one barber, (surgeon,) 15 ; one engineer, 
who is also secretary, 12; one sub-commissary placed 
at the river Hoernkill, (Lewistown Creek,) 12; total, 
550? dollars per month, 6,606 dollars of silver per 
annum, or 4,404 rix dollars. 3 

1 Xcw Haven Records, pp. 160, 161. 

2 Register of Perm., vol. 5, p. 15. 

3 Penn. Register, vol. 5, p. 15. 


Petition of Jno. Cooper and Thos. Munsen to General Court of New 
Haven Desire of magistrate to accompany expedition To loan 
them guns and powder To assist with money Answer of Xew 
Haven Court Delaware and New Haven to be under one juris 
diction Governor to reside one year at Delaware and one at 
New Haven Second meeting of New Haven Court Swedes 
supposed to be too numerous to allow of English settlement 
Party to go and treat with the Swedes English attempt to settle 
Delaware appears to be abandoned Dutch make preparations 
for the conquest of the Delaware Send ship-of-war Balance from 
Holland French privateer hired Day of fast appointed Sail 
ing of the expedition They reach the Delaware It captures 
Fort Cassimer Terms of surrender Those who took the oath of 
allegiance to the Dutch allowed to stay Twenty Swedes take it 
Rising considers the surrender dishonorable Swedish detach 
ment captured Rising sends Elswyck to remonstrate with Stuy- 
vessant He endeavors to persuade him not to attack Fort Chris 
tina Fort Christina besieged Arrest of Swen Hook as a Spy- 
Capture of Fort Christina Terms of surrender Outrages by 
Dutch Stuyvessant offers Fort Christina to Rising, who refuses 
it Rising plundered His departure Swedish preuchcrs ex 
pelled The name of the State New Netherlands Original 
names of rivers and places Cooper s Island First manufactory 
in Delaware Names of Swedish families Dwelling places of 

r THE General Court met at New Haven on 

J the 30th of January, again to take into con 
sideration the matters in relation to Delaware, when a 
petition was presented from John Cooper and Thomas 
Munsen in behalf of some fifty or sixty that were 
desirous of settling in Delaware Bay. They desired 


that Samuel Eaton and Francis Newman, two of the 
magistrates, should be allowed to visit Delaware, and 
examine into affairs there, to see what chances of suc 
cess there would be for an English settlement there ; 
and that if they did not desire to pay their expenses, 
they should be paid by New Haven. They also re 
quested that two great guns and powder might be 
granted them, that the lands of those going might be 
freed for a time *from rates and public charges, and 
that a sum of money might be raised in that jurisdic 
tion, " either to buy a small vessel that should attend 
their service, or otherwise, as should be thought meet." 
The court, in answer to the petition, allowed Newman 
and Eaton, and such others as might choose to follow 
them, to go to Delaware. Instructed them " either 
to take the propriety of all the purchased lands into 
their own hands, or grant it to such as should under 
take the planting of it." Desired " that it should re 
main part of New Haven jurisdiction." Provided for 
its future government, by declaring that it (the Eng 
lish plantations on Delaware) should become greater 
in population than New Haven. That their " due 
consideration should be taken for the ease and con 
venience of both parts," so that the governor might 
be one year on the Delaware and another at New 
Haven. That the court for making laws should be 
ordinarily but once a year, and at the place of the 
governor s residence. That if the plantations should 
increase in Delaware and diminish in New Haven, 
that possibly in that case the governor might reside 
constantly in Delaware, and the deputy governor re- 


side at New Haven. But the lesser part of the juris 
diction was to be promoted and eased by the greater 
part, " both in rates and otherwise." In relation to 
the lending or granting of any thing, they promised to 
propound it to the several plantations, " and promote 
the business for procuring something in that way." 1 

In the meantime John Cooper, one of the peti 
tioners, went to Delaware, and a special court of New 
Haven was called on the 16th of March to hear his 
report. He stated that he found " little encouragement 
in the bay; but few were willing to engage in the settle 
ment at present." During the debate on the subject, a 
Mr. Goodyear said, " Notwithstanding the discourage 
ment from the bay, if a considerable number appear 
that will go, he would adventure his person and estate 
to go with them, in that design, but a report that 
three ships had come to the Swedes, seems to make 
the matter more difficult." After debating the case, 
it was voted that New Haven should be at twenty or 
thirty pounds charge, and that Mr. Goodyear, Ser 
geant Jeffery, and such others as they should think 
fit to take with them, might go to Delaware with a 
letter for the commonwealth, and " treat with the 
Swedes about a favorable settlement of the English 
on their own right; and then, after harvest, if things 
be cleared, the company may resort thither for the 
planting of it." 2 

Another court was held at New Haven on the 9th 
of April, in relation to this matter. Several citizens 

1 New Haven Records, pp. 83 and 85. 

2 New Haven Records, p. 165. 


of New Haven being willing to go, it was ordered that 
they should still belong to the jurisdiction of New 
Haven. That their families should not be compelled 
to employ watchmen in their absence. That such of 
their lands and houses as lay unimproved, should be 
free from all rates for one year. They also agreed 
to lend them two guns belonging to the town, (if they 
could get permission of the jurisdiction for it,) half a 
hundred shot, a proportion of musket bullets, and a 

barrel of powder. 1 

This is the last account we have of the attempt 
of the English of New Haven to settle on the Dela 
ware. Probably the great strength and energy ex 
hibited by the Dutch in the overthrow of the Swedish 
power deterred them from carrying out their inten 
tions. The United Colonies were not inclined cr pre 
pared to go to war with the Dutch for such purposes, 
and New Haven itself would have been too weak 
alone to engage in such an enterprise. The desire of 
New Haven, moreover, appeared to have been rather 
to have such a settlement made by the private enter 
prise of her citizens, than to engage in it as a com 

In the meantime, extensive preparations were being 
made both in Holland and Manhattan to recover Fort 
Cassimer, and overturn the Swedish power on the Dela 
ware. In Holland, the drum was beaten daily for 
recruits. A ship of war, called the Balance, under 
command of Captain Frederick de Koninck, was sent 
over, as well as two or three vessels, amongst which 

1 Xew Haven Records, pp. 166, 167. 


were the ships Great Christopher and King Solomon. 
Gunners, carpenters, and powder were also sent from 
Holland. In New Amsterdam, every exertion was 
made to procure volunteers. Stuyvessant being sick, 
Vice-Director Mathias De Stille, Attorney-General 
Tienhooven, and Captain Frederick de Koninck were 
appointed to superintend the fitting out of the expedi 
tion. A French privateer, named the L Esperance, 
Captain Jean Flamand,that happened to be at New Am 
sterdam was also hired for the occasion. After hiring 
and pressing many vessels into the service that hap 
pened to be in the harbor of New Amsterdam, and 
getting supplies of men, provisions, and ammunition 
from others, the expedition, by the 5th of September, 
was prepared to sail. They had, however, previously, 
on the 25th of August, held "a general fast, thanks 
and prayer day," according to their language, to "im 
plore the only bountiful God that it may please him 
to bless the projected expedition, only undertaken for 
the greater security and extension and consolidation 
of this province, and to render it prosperous and suc 
cessful, to the glory of his name." The director and 
council prohibited "all usual exercises, as plowing, 
sowing, mowing, fishing and hunting on that day, and 
all other amusements and plays, all tippling and in 
toxication, under penalty of arbitrary correction." 1 

On Sunday, the 5th of September, accordingly the 
expedition sailed. It consisted of seven vessels, 
having on board six or seven hundred men. Stuyves 
sant was accompanied by De Stille, the vice-director, 

1 Albany Records, vol. 9, pp. 31, 32. 


by Captain de Koninck, who commanded the naval 
part of the expedition, and the Rev. Mr. Megapolinsis, 
his chaplain. The next day (the Gth of September) 
they arrived in the bay of South River. The weather 
being fine, they met with no accident. Owing to "a 
profound calm and inconvenient tide, they did not 
reach Fort Elsingburg, which was then abandoned 
and in ruins, until the day following. Here Stuyves- 
sant divided the force into five sections, each under 
its own colors. Making their preparations, took them 
some days. On the next Friday morning, they 
weighed their anchors and came opposite Fort Cassi- 
mer, about eight or nine o clock, and anchored a short 
distance above the fortress. Stuyvessant sent Lieu 
tenant Smith with "a drummer towards the fort, to 
claim the restitution of (to use the Dutch language) 
their own property" 1 

The Swedes had been informed some time before 
this, by the savages, of the intentions of the Dutch, 
and Rising had caused Fort Cassimer to be supplied 
with men and ammunition, to the best of his ability, 
and had instructed, in writing, 2 Captain Swen Schute, 
to defend the fort if it was attacked. He also ordered 
him to send on board these ships when they ap 
proached, and demand of them whether they came as 
friends, and in any case not to run by the fort, upon 
pain of being fired upon, (which in such case they 

1 We follow, in the account of this expedition, Dutch dates, which 
differs ten days from the Swedish. 

2 Stuyvessant s letter to the directors of the West India Company. 
Albany Records, vol. 13, p. 348. 



could not reckon but as an act of hostility). On the 
contrary, if they were minded to treat with them " as 
friends concerning their territories and boundaries, he 
was to compliment them with a Swedish national 
salute, and assure them that they were well disposed 
to a fast friendship." Schute, however, disobeyed his 
instructions, and allowed the Dutch ships to pass the 
fort without firing a single shot. 1 

Upon the demand to surrender the fort, Schute re 
quested time for consideration, and until he should 
communicate with Governor Rising. This was re 
jected. In the meantime, all the passes leading from 
the fortress to Christina were occupied by fifty of the 
Dutch soldiers. They even placed their forces as 
high up as Christina Creek. Schute was then a sec 
ond time warned to surrender to save bloodshed. He 
answered this second summons by soliciting an inter 
view for negotiation, which being acceded to, he met 
the Dutch in a valley about midway between the fort 
and a newly constructed battery. He then requested 
to be allowed to dispatch an open letter to Rising, 
after it was shown to the Dutch, which proposal was 
at once rejected. He then left the Dutch, dissatisfied, 
on which they approached the valley in sight of the 

In the meantime, after the Dutch had raised their 
breastworks to a man s height, the surrender of the 
fort was demanded for the third and last time. 
Schute (the Dutch say) then humbly supplicated a 

1 Rising s official report, New York Historical Coll., vol. 1, pp. 
443, 448. 


further delay, until early the next morning, which 
was granted, because they would not be ready with 
their battery, to approach yet nearer the fort under 
protection of their guns. The next morning, the llth 
of September, Schute went on board the ship Weigh 
Scales or Balance, and signed the capitulation of Fort 
Cassimer on the following conditions, viz. : 

" 1. The commander shall, whenever it may please 
him, or when he obtains an opportunity, by the 
arrival of the Croon, or by any other private vessels, 
be permitted to transport from the Fortress Cassimer, 
all the artillery belonging to the crown, either large 
or small guns, as they were designed by the commis 
sioner, 4 iron guns of 14 Ib. balls, and five pieces, viz., 
4 small and 1 large one. 

" 2. Twelve men, with their full arms and accou 
trements, shall be permitted to march from the fort 
with the commissioner as his life-guard, the remainder 
only with their side arms, provided that the guns and 
muskets belonging to the crown shall remain at its 
disposal, or that of the commissioner, to transport 
them from the fortress whenever the commander may 
have an opportunity of bringing it to its execution. 

" 3. To the commander shall be delivered in safety 
all his personal property and furniture, which he may 
either carry with him or send for, when it shall please 
him, and so, too, all the goods of all the other officers, 
provided that the commander remains obliged to sur 
render, this day, the Fortress Cassimer to the director 
general, with all its guns, ammunition, and imple 
ments of war, and other effects belonging to the 


general privileged West India Company. Done, con- 
eluded, and signed by the combatants on the llth of 
September, A. D. 1665, on board the man-of-war 
Weigh Scale (or Balance) at anchor in the neighbor 
hood of Fort Cassimer. 



After the surrender of the fort, an offer was made 
to the effect that all persons who would take the oath 
were permitted to remain as freemen of South River, 
whilst those who had any conscientious scruples 
against taking it were to be allowed to dispose of 
their goods to the best advantage, and have a free 
passage out of the country. Twenty of the Swedes 
at once took the oath, of whom, however, only seven 
wrote their names. Swen Schute, the commander, 
also afterwards took the oath of allegiance and re 
mained in the country. Those of the Swedish garri 
son that did not take this oath were transported to 

Rising, in his official report of this affair, severely 
censures Swen Schute for the surrender of the fort 
ress. He blames him for allowing the Dutch ships 
to pass the fort without firing a gun, whereby he 
says " they gained command of the fort and the whole 
river, and cut off communication between the forts by 
posting troops between them as high up as Christina 
creek. He also calls the surrender a " dishonorable 
capitulation," in which " he forgot to stipulate a place 

1 Albany Records, vol. 13, pp. 349, 350. 


in which he, with his people and effects, might retire." 
He also complains of his " subscribing the capitulation 
not in the fort, or in any indifferent place, but on 
board a Dutch ship." But the world and impartial 
minds will justify Schute s surrender. The Dutch 
force was so overwhelming, that resistance was hope 
less, and it could only have resulted in the shedding 
of human blood, without any possible benefit. Rising 
himself afterwards surrendered with the main forces 
to the Dutch with scarcely any more resistance than 
that made by Schute. The only hope of the Swedes 
to have defended themselves successfully, would have 
been in the concentration of their forces at some one 
point, either at Christina, Cassimer or Tinicum, where 
they might for a time have successfully withstoood a 
seige, and possibly tired the Dutch out, who were 
not prepared for operations that required length of 
time. But it is very doubtful if even this course 
would have been successful, so great was the power 
of the Dutch in comparison with that of the Swedes. 
The whole population of the Swedes the year before, 
including Hollanders, (who of course could not be 
relied upon to fight against their own countrymen,) 
men, women, and children, only numbered 368 per 
sons, whilst the Dutch force numbered between 600 
and 700 armed men. 

Fort Cassimer had fallen so suddenly that Rising, 
ignorant of its surrender, had sent nine or ten of his 
best men to strengthen the garrison. This detach 
ment crossed the Christina Creek early in the morn 
ing of (according to Swedish accounts) the 1st of 


September, at the place, a few years since, known as 
the Old Ferry, but at present occupied by the 
Diamond State Iron Works. As soon as they arrived 
at the opposite bank, the Dutch, to the number of 
fifty or sixty strong, attacked them, and summoned 
them to surrender, but they put themselves in a pos 
ture of defence, and, after skirmishing with the Dutch, 
were all taken prisoners, except tw T o, who retreated to 
the boat, and were several times fired upon by the 
enemy without being killed or wounded. Upon this 
the Swedes fired upon the Dutch from the fort, 
whereupon they retired into the w 7 oods, and after 
wards harshly and cruelly treated such of the Swedes 
as fell into their hands. 

The same day the factor Elsnyck was sent down 
by Rising from Fort Christina to Stuyvessant to de 
mand an explanation of his conduct, and to dissuade 
him from further hostilities, as Rising asserted he 
" could not be persuaded that Stuyvessant seriously 
purposed to disturb the Swedes in their lawful do 
minions." Stuyvessant at first threatened to detain 
Elswyck as a spy. However, upon his asking him 
the reason and intention of the arrival of the Dutch, 
u with the orders of the principals," Stuyvessant in 
formed him the Dutch " claimed the whole river and 
all the Swedish territory thereon." He then re 
quested the Dutch to remain satisfied with Fort 
Cassimer, and endeavored to dissuade them from 
advancing any further on Swedish territory, or prose 
cuting any further hostilities against Fort Christina, 
using " extremely courteous language, now and then 


intermixed with threats." But Stuyvessant was 
neither to be frightened nor persuaded from his pur 
poses, arid accordingly Elswyck went back to Rising, 
and Stuyvessant prepared to move with his fleet and 
army to besiege Christina. 

When Rising was informed of the ill success of 
Elswyck s mission, he collected all the people he could 
for the defence of Christina, and labored night and 
day in strengthening the ramparts and filling gabions. 1 
The next day (the 2d of September 2 ) the Dutch 
showed themselves in considerable strength on the 
opposite of Christina creek, but attempted no hostile 
operations. On the morning of the 3d they hoisted 
their flag on a Swedish shallop which lay drawn up 
on the beach, and established themselves in a neigh 
boring house. Rising then sent Lieutenant Swen 
Hook with a drummer to demand " what they pur 
posed," and for what purpose they posted themselves 
there, and (as if there could be any doubt on the 
the matter) as to whether the Swedes should view 
them as friends or enemies. When he had nearly 
crossed the creek, he asked the Dutch whether he 
might " freely go to them ?" They answered, " Yes." 
And whether, after " discharging his commission, he 
might freely return." To which also the Dutch 
answered " Yes." So the drummer rowed the boat 
ashore, without beat of drum, (as a drummer could 
not well row a boat and beat a drum at the same 

1 Baskets, filled with earth. 

2 We are now following Swedish records, and have to give Swedish 


time). The lieutenant was met by an officer, and 
conducted to a house at some distance off, which the 
Dutch had taken possession of. He was then sent 
down to Stuy vessant, who, believing him to be a spy, 
arrested him, and threw him into the ship s hold. 
Thus asserted Rising : " They treated our messengers 
contrary to the laws and customs of all civilized 

On the 4th of September, the Dutch planted 
gabions about the houses on the opposite shore of 
Christina Creek, in the neighborhood of where the 
Townsend Iron Works are now, and afterwards threw 
up a battery under cover of them, and intrenched them 
selves there. Rising supposed this indicated, as the 
purpose of the Dutch, to " claim and hold all the 
territory from Bombay Hook to the south bank of the 
Christina," which the Dutch had some time purchased 
of the Indians, and that they intended to construct a 
fort there to hold those possessions. Rising did not 
believe that the Dutch would commence hostilities 
against him until they had made some claim or pro 
mulgated some protest, as he had "received from 
them. neither message nor letter assigning any manner 
or cause of complaint." Rising appears to have 
forgot that he himself had set the example of com 
mencing hostilities, without warning, by his attack 
and capture of Fort Cassimer. 

On the 5th they sent their transport ships up the 
Brandywine, then called the Fish Kill, or Fish Creek, 
to Tredie Hook, which means the third point or 
promontory. This was an elevated piece of fast 


land on the north side of the Brandywine, below 
the present railroad bridge, and below a brick house, 
which is still standing, and which used to be known 
as Vandever s brick house. Here they landed their 
men, and marching up the point a short distance, 
crossed the low valley which at that time was over 
flowed at flood tide, and made what was until a few 
years ago the farm on the eastern side of the railroad 
bridge, an island. It was called " Timber Island," 
and was formerly in the tenure of the Vandever 
family. 1 It was a few years ago purchased by the 
Christiana Improvement Company, who have divided 
it mostly up into lots, and laid out streets through it. 
Claymont and Heald, and Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth 
and Thirteenth streets, when they cross the Brandy- 
wine, now cover its site. The army having now got 
possession of this island, passed over the west side of 
it, and threw up a battery, on which they planted four 
cannon, all pointing towards Fort Christina, and 
within effective gunshot of it. Leaving there two 
companies of troops to man the battery, they marched 
up the creek, and then crossed over the " Stoor 
Fallet" (Great Falls) meaning the Brandywine, more 
than probable at the place " T here the old ford used to 
be, at the foot of the old King s Road, below the first 
dam across the Brandywine, and which road is yet 
used, from Delaware Avenue to that stream, forming 
the western boundary of the cemetery. 

1 A number of the descendants of this family now reside amongst 
us. It is one of the oldest in Delaware. They are descended from 
one of the old Dutch settlers, 


Having crossed the Brandywine, they marched 
eastwardly again, until they came to a place between 
the burying ground of the Old Swedes Church, and 
the Diamond State Iron Works, about what is now 
the neighborhood of Church and Fourth streets. At 
that time this was a high bank, and here they erected 
a battery, which they mounted with three cannon. 
They also erected another, within the present grave 
yard of the Old Swedes Church, near its south wall. 
These batteries were manned with four companies. 
They also planted a battery of five cannon within the 
village of Christinaham, whose site was more than 
probable on what is now covered by the lower por 
tions of Sixth. Seventh, and Eighth streets, and But- 
tonwood street and the railroad, where they come in 
juxtaposition. This battery was placed immediately 
behind the fort, in which they placed the largest 
body of their force, consisting of six companies. This 
was formerly high ground, but it is now 7 leveled and 
almost entirely covered with buildings. They also 
had a battery erected on the fast land, on the opposite 
side of the Christina, of four guns, manned by three 
companies. This was about where the Townsend 
Iron Works now stand, at what used to be the old 
ferry, on the southern shore of the Christiana, where 
travellers crossed the Christiana before the erection of 
the present bridge at the foot of Market street. 

Thus the fort was now invested on every side, 
except towards the southeast, in which direction there 
was nothing but low morass, which at high tide lay 
four or five feet under water. Through this low 


morass the channels of the Christina and Brandy wine 
then pursued a serpentine course, but in different 
directions, but at length were united in one stream 
about half a mile southeast of Fort Christina. That 
the investment might be complete, the Dutch now 
brought up their armed ships,, and anchored them in 
the mouth of the Brandywine. 

The Dutch had about finished their preparations, 
without any molestation from the Swedes, when the 
latter burnt a little powder in a couple of their guns 
to scale them. The Dutch fired several shots over 
their heads from Timber Island, where they had taken 
post in a house. They also announced to the Swedes 
they had taken up a position on the west side by 
several volleys. Rising continued to make the best 
defence which his strength would allow, if he should 
be attacked, for he was not yet satisfied as to the in 
tention of the Dutch, when a circumstance occurred 
that left him no longer in any doubt, for an Indian 
arrived with a letter from Stuyvessant, in which he 
claimed the " whole river," and required Rising and 
all the Swedes either to evacuate the country, or to 
remain there under Dutch protection, " threatening 
with the consequences in case of refusal." Rising 
answered by letter " that he would reply to this ex 
traordinary demand by special messengers," and sent 
him back his answer by the same Indian. He then 
held a general council of war as to what should be 
done if the Dutch assaulted him by storm or battery, 
at which it was determined that the Swedes should 
in any case remain on the defensive, and make the 


best resistance they could, but not to commence or 
provoke hostilities, on account of their weakness and 
and want of supplies. That they should wait until 
they were fired upon, or the Dutch began to storm 
their works, and then defend themselves as long as 
they could, and leave the consequences to be re 
dressed by their superiors. 

The Dutch now began to make still further encroah- 
ments upon the Swedes. Rising, in his official report 
says : " They killed our cattle, goats, swine, and 
poultry, broke open houses, pillaged the people with 
out the sconce of their property, and higher up the 
river they plundered many, and stripped them to the 
skin. At New Gottenberg they robbed Mr. Poppe- 
goya s wife of all she had, with many others who had 
collected their property together there." The Dutch 
in the meantime continued to advance their approaches 
to Christina, which was a small, feeble work, and lay 
upon low ground, and could be commanded from the 
surrounding heights, all of which hostile acts, injuries 
and insults we were, to our great mortification, com 
pelled to witness and suffer, says Rising, " being 
unable to resist them by reason of our want of 
men and of powder, whereof our supply scarcely 
sufficed for a single round for our guns." Rising, 
however, seeing he was unable to make any defence, 
still determined to try negotiation. He sent messen 
gers to Stuyvessant, (who was staying at Fort Cassi- 
mer,) with a written commission, to dissuade him 
from further hostilities, again protesting against the 
invasion of Swedish territory, without assigning 


causes, or denying as far as they could the Swedish 
right to the river. Rising also suggested to Stuy- 
vessant the jealousy that would undoubtedly ensue 
between their respective sovereigns, and other momen 
tous consequences that might arise from his acts, as 
the Swedes were determined to defend their right to 
the utmost of their strength. That Stuyvessant 
would have to answer for all the consequences that 
might ensue. The message finally required him to 
" cease hostilities and retire with his people from Fort 
Christina: But all this availed nothing. Stuyves 
sant had received his orders from Holland to take the 
Swedish fortresses, and he was determined to obey 
them. So he simply answered Rising s letter by re 
affirming the Dutch right to the Delaware ; spoke of 
the Swedish claim as a usurpation, and never for an 
instant relaxed in his preparations to take the fort 

The garrison of Rising consisted only of about 
thirty men. With this small force he was unable to 
make any sorties to prevent the Dutch from taking 
any position they desired. They had command of 
the fort so completely, that not a man could stand on 
the ramparts with security. Besides, some of the 
Swedes were sick, some ill-disposed, some had de 
serted, provisions were scanty, and all the men nearly 
worn out with watching. From these considerations, 
and from fear of a mutiny, when Stuyvessant, who 
had heretofore been at Fort Cassimer, but had now 
came up to Fort Christina, peremptorily summoned 
him, on the 12th of September, to capitulate, with 


the threat of giving no quarter, the Swedes proposed 
to Rising to go out and have another conference with 
Stuy vessant, and endeavor to " bring him to reason." 
On the 13th of September, accordingly, Rising, ac 
companied by the factor Elswyck, went out to the 
most advanced work of the Dutch. He was met by 
Stuyvessant and De Stille. The place of meeting 
was then an elevated spot behind the fort, but was 
cut down and levelled with the grade of the street, 
to fill up wharves constructed on the western side of 
where the fort once stood. Here, in presence and in 
full sight of both the hostile combatants, the repre 
sentatives of the Swedes and Dutch commenced their 

Rising again protested to Stuyvessant against his 
proceedings, and again went over the argument in 
favor of the Swedish claim. But all this, as might 
be expected, produced no impression on Stuyvessant, 
who would listen to nothing but the surrender of the 
fort and the whole river. To this Rising replied that 
he would defend the fort to the last. The conference 
was then broken off, and Rising and Elswyck retired 
within the ramparts, and encouraged his men to make 
as manly a defence as they were able. 

On the 14th, the Dutch having completed their 
works, "formally summoned Fort Christina with harsh 
messages, by drummer and messenger, to capitulate 
within twenty-four hours." Rising then assembled a 
general council of the whole garrison, who, as there 
was a want of powder and munitions, and no hopes 
of relief, decided unanimously to surrender, which 


was therefore done on the 15th of September, (old 
style, but new style, or present mode of reckoning, 
the 25th of September,) on the following conditions, 
viz: 1 

1. All guns, ammunition, implements, victuals, and 
other effects belonging to the crown of Sweden and 
South Company which are in the fort and its vicinity, 
shall remain in full, property to the crown and com 
pany, whilst it shall depend upon the Governor 
either to take all these with him, or deliver them to 
the Director General, Peter Stuyvessant, on condition 
that all, when demanded, shall be returned without 
any delay whatever. 

2. Governor Rising, with all field officers, and sub 
altern officers, ministers and soldiers, shall march out 
of the fort with beating of drums, fifes, and colors 
flying, firing matches, balls in their mouths, with their 
arms, first to Timmer Isle, (Building or Timber 
Island), w r here they all, at their arrival from the fort 
shall be lodged in the houses, with security, till the 
departure of the Director General w T ith the man-of- 
war, the Weigh-Scales, w r hich shall convey, at longest, 
within fourteen days, the Governor, with his people 
and goods, so far as the Sand Point, about five miles 
from Manhattan, in full security. Meanwhile it is 
permitted to Governor Rising and his factor Elswyck, 
with four or five servants, to remain so long in their 
houses in the fort till they may arrange their private 

1 The account of the surrender of Fort Christina is derived from 
Rising s official statements. See X. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. vol. 1, pp. 
443, 448. 


3. All papers, letters, documents, and acts belong 
ing to the crown of Sweden, the South Company 
or private individuals, discovered and obtained in Fort 
Christina, shall be delivered unopened and unsearched 
to the late governor, to be distributed at his discretion. 

4. No person belonging to the crown of Sweden, or 
the South Company, officers, soldiers, ministers or free 
men shall not be compelled to stay, but permitted to 
accompany the government wherever they may deem 

5. All the high and low ministers of Sweden or of 
South Company, ministers, officers, soldiers and free 
men shall be maintained in the undisturbed posses 
sion of their individual property. 

6. If any servant or freeman desires to leave this 
country, and now could not be ready to depart with 
the Governor and his people, all such shall be per 
mitted to dispose of their real and personal property 
during the period of one year and six weeks, pro 
vided they take the oath of loyalty for the time they 
intend to remain on this river. 

7. If there are any Swedes or Fins who do not 
wish to depart, then it shall remain free to Governor 
Rising to admonish them, and if they upon such ad 
monition are inclined to follow him, then all such shall 
not be prevented by the Director General from doing 
so, while they who voluntarily are resolved to remain, 
and desire to search for their sustenance in this coun 
try, shall enjoy the liberty of the Augsburg Confes 
sion, with a minister to instruct them in this doc 


8. The Governor, John 1 Rising, the Factor Elswyck, 
with all the other high and low officers and soldiers 
and freemen, who now wish to depart with their per 
sonal property, shall obtain from the Director Gene 
ral a convenient vessel, which at Sand Point shall take 
them in, and transport them farther to the Texel, and 
from there further with a Boeyer, galliot, and other 
good ships, to Gottenberg, free from expense, provided 
that such ship or galliot shall not be molested or de 
tained at Gottenberg, for which the aforesaid Governor 
remains responsible. 

9. If Governor Rising, Factor Elswyck, or any 
minister of the aforesaid crown or South Company 
have contracted any debts, they shall not be subject to 
arrest within the government of the aforesaid general. 

10. Governor Rising is permitted to inquire unmo 
lested, how the late Commander Schute, officers and 
other soldiers have conducted themselves in the sur 
render of the fortress at Sand Point. 

11. Provided the Governor engages to march out 
of the Fortress Christina on this day, being the 25th 
of the month of September, with all his men, and to 
surrender it to the Director General. Done and 
signed on 25th of September aforesaid, on the paved 
place between Fort Christina and encampment of the 
Director General. 


Director of the Country of Xew Sweden. 

1 In some documents he is called Jno. Clandii Rising. In others, 
John Fusing. His name is also spelt Risingh. 


There was another article of this treaty, by which 
it was agreed that the skipper, with whom Governor 
Fusing and the Factor Elswyck shall depart, shall be 
expressly commanded to land them either in England 
or France, and that Stuyvessant should advance to 
Rising 300 Flanders, which sum Rising agreed to 
pay in six months, at Amsterdam. In the meantime, 
the property surrendered to Stuyvessant was to be 
forfeited if the money was not paid at the stipulated 
time. The money was never paid, and therefore 
Stuyvessant kept the goods. Thus, after about 
seventeen years rule, fell the Swedish power on the 
Delaware. 1 

After the surrender, the Dutch were accused of 
committing many outrages on the inhabitants. Some 
writers affect to disbelieve them, but the evidence is 
such as leaves but little doubt of their truth. Rising, 
in his remonstrance to Stuyvessant, accuses the Dutch 
of u plundering Tennakong, Uplandt, Findlandt, 
Printzdorp, and several other places." At Fort 
Christina, he says, "women were violently torn from 
their houses, whole buildings destroyed, and they 
dragged from them : yea, the oxen, cows and swine, 
and other creatures were butchered day by day; even 
the horses 2 were not spared, but wantonly shot, the 
plantations destroyed, and the whole country left so 
desolate that scarce any means are remaining for the 

1 The articles of surrender are from Dutch authorities. See Albany 
Records, vol. 13, pp. 353, 359. They of course have new style 

2 This is the first mention of horses on the Delaware. 


subsistence of the inhabitants." Acrelius says "the 
Swedes suffered great hardships from the Dutch. 
The flower of their troops were picked out and sent 
to New Amsterdam ; though under the pretext of 
their own choice, the men were forcibly carried aboard 
the ships. The women were ill treated in their houses, 
their goods pillaged, and the cattle killed. Those who 
refused allegiance were watched as suspicious." 

After the surrender, a tender was made of Fort 
Christina to Rising, but it was refused, the Dutch 
say, " under pretence that the affair was not complete, 
and he would rather hold himself to the capitulation 

On the evening of the 28th of September, a mob 
of Dutch assaulted Rising and some of his men in 
the fort, and plundered them of all the goods they 
could find, much of which was Rising s private pro 
perty. Rising and Elswyck were finally conveyed to 
Manhattan in the man-of-war Balance, when a sharp 
correspondence took place between Rising and Stuy- 
vessant, Rising accusing the latter of breaking the 
terms of the capitulation in several particulars. 

There is but little doubt that the Swedes after 
their surrender were disgracefully plundered, although 
it was probably against the wish or desire of Stuy- 

Rising and the rest of the Swedes finally took their 
departure for Europe in the ships Spotted Cow and 
Bear, but were compelled to put into England, where 
he o;ave the first information of the overthrow of the 


Swedish power on the Delaware, to the Swedish Min- 


ister. Thus terminated the short career of this rash 
and injudicious man, who in defiance of his instruc 
tions commenced a war which ended in the over 
throw of himself and nation on this continent. The 
last heard of Rising was a report made to the Dutch 
authorities that " Hendrick Huygen had said that in 
September, 1660, Rising had been arrested in Swe 
den, but that after long entreaties it was at length 
consented to grant him an armed vessel for the recov 
ery of South river." 

"Two out of the three Swedish clergymen, it is said, 
were expelled the country ; and the one left was of 
godless and scandalous life." 1 

The Swedish rule thus being ended by their being 
conquered by the Dutch, New Sweden ceased to be 
the name of our State. From the fall of the Swedes 
until its capture by the English, it was part of the 
Dutch territories of New Netherlands, and conse 
quently went by that cognomen. The boundaries of 
New Netherlands were never accurately defined. 
The Dutch, however, at this time exercised jurisdic 
tion over the settled parts of the State of Delaware, 
(which extended from Lewes to our northern circular 
boundary at the Pennsylvania line), and up the Dela 
ware as high as Trenton, on both sides of that river, 
over the whole of the State of New Jersey, and both 
sides of the North, or Hudson river. They claimed 
the right of jurisdiction over the Connecticut, which 
they called the " Fresh river," but the English citi 
zens of New Haven held it in conjunction with them, 

1 O Call. vol. 2, p. 290, 318. 


and finally expelled them. They also struggled with 
them for the possession of Long Island. New Neth 
erlands, of which our State was then a part, may be 
said to consist of the State of Delaware, Pennsylva 
nia, New Jersey, and New York, and part of Con 
necticut. They named the great rivers of this terri 
tory as follows : The Connecticut, the Fresh river, 
(from being composed of fresh water) ; the Hudson 
river, the North river ; and the Delaware, the South 

The following were the names given by the Swedes 
to the various streams and places in our State. They 
are derived principally from the map made by the 
Engineer Lindstrom, 1 who has set them down both in 
Swedish and French. This map takes in the Dela 
ware from Trenton to the Capes. The first name of 
a place is the Swedish, the second the French. 
Naaman s creek is named " Naanian," (the same as 
now), and " La Revier de Naaman." The creek to 
the South of Naaman s, and which we believe is the 
creek which flows into the Delaware near Hollyoak 
Station, on the railroad, was named "Naaman s Fal- 
let," (or Falls), or the "Cataract de Naanian." The 
land between Naaman s and this creek, on the Dela 
ware shore, was named " Windrufwe Udden," " Le C< r t p 
des Raisins." Udden appears to have been the Swedish 
name for "Cape." The French translated into Eng 
lish means Cape of Grapes. It is more than probable 
that grapes in the early settlement of the State grew 

1 We are ^indebted to Thompson Westcott, Esq., of Philadelphia 
for the perusal of this map. 


there in great plenty, and probably " Windrufwe" is 
Swedish for grape. Shelpot creek was named " Skil- 
paddle Fallet," or " La Cataracte des Tortues," or in 
other words, Turtle Falls. This was first corrupted 
into " Skillpot," which was the name it bore in the 
time of Penn, and afterwards into Shelpot, its pre 
sent name. The Brandy wine was called the " Fiske 
Fallet," or " La Cataracte des Poisons," in other 
words Fish Falls, or Fish creek, or river. Cataract 
or Fallet being applied to its rougher parts. The 
Shelpot and the Brandywine then, according to the 
map of Lindstrom, had mouths, which carried their 
streams into the Delaware, as well as into the Chris 
tiana. The Brandywine, it is alleged, received its 
present name " in consequence of the loss of a vessel 
in its waters laden with brandy," in the Dutch lan 
guage called Brand-wijn. This account is confirmed 
by the report of a number of old persons, who declared 
that the remains of the vessel were frequently pointed 
out to them in early life by their ancestors, with the 
assurance that those remains were parts of the ship 
whose loss gave rise to the name of the river. 1 

At the mouth of the Shelpot and Brandywine was 
formerly an island named " Rylflacht," or " Plaines 
des Rosseau." This was a beautiful little island, con 
taining a few acres of land, studded with lofty forest 

1 See Ferris, p. 196. He also says : Frederick Craig, a very worthy 
citizen, and remarkable for a clear, retentive memory, who lived to 
eighty-five years of age, and died in 1841, has been frequently 
heard to say that the wreck of the ship which gave a name to the 
Brandywine, had often been pointed out to him in early life by the 
old people of that day. 


trees, and called by the Indians " Manathan." This 
spot was inhabited in the time of the Swedes by two 
Dutch families, with their workmen, who followed the 
business of ship carpenters, boat builders, and coopers. 
Here they built yachts, a kind of fast sailing trading 
vessel, with which they could run up the creeks and 
inlets along the shores of the river, to trade with the 
natives. They also built boats and galleys, and made 
casks and tubs. From this it was named " Coopers 
Island." This was the first workshop or mechanical 
establishment we have any record of as being carried 
on in this State. They occupied the island, accord 
ing to Campanius, when Governor Printz first came 
over. After the country became more thickly set 
tled, they abandoned their solitary home to reside 
amongst the planters. Being left again to the care of 
nature, unassisted by man, the cleared parts of the 
island were soon covered with the wild plum, or 
mountain cherry, which grew up spontaneously, and 
was the cause of its taking the name of "Cherry 
Island." By the embankment of the meadows, the 
island lost its insular character, but the name was 
retained, to give a distinctive appellation to the land 
around it, which is still called Cherry Island Marsh. 1 
At the mouth of the Christiana there was also a 
marshy island, on one side of which the Brandywine 
flowed into the Christiana, and on the other into the 
Delaware. This was also embanked, and has lost 
its name in that of Cherry Island Marsh. Amongst 
other names, it was then called " Rylflaett s Plaines," 

1 See Ferris Original Settlements. 


or " Campagne des Rosceaux sont Marques pas des 
Points." The ground on which the main part of the 
city of Wilmington stands, was named " Hiort ad 
Cap de Corp." Clements creek, a small stream which 
flows into the Christiana west of the Harlan & Hol- 
lingsworth Works, near Justison street, was called 
"Liblefals Kylen," or "La Reveire de la Petit Cat- 
racte." There was a large island in the Christiana, 
in the neighborhood of where the town of Newport 
is now, which was called "Nootebohms," or " He de 
Codraie." The land between the Clements creek and 
the White Clay creek, on the north side of the Chris 
tiana, was called "Huis Kakamense," while Bread and 
Cheese Island, near Stanton, had the name of " Kees 
und Tvrodts a eller Rodoleaus oen ke da Fromage et 
du Paine," or in the main, the same names it has now 
in the English instead of in the French and Swedish 
language. The Christiana, before its junction with 
the White Clay creek, was called " Sickpeckons Sip- 
punck," or "Tasswagers Kyi," whilst the land on the 
south bank of the Christiana from the city of Wil 
mington to where the White Clay creek flows into it 
was named "Tura Udden," or u De Cap des Pins." 
On the same side of the Christiana, but east of Fort 
Christina, it was named " Kojaca Salung." It was 
also called " Tenacongs." On the river shore of New 
Castle hundred, between what is now the town of 
New Castle and the mouth of the Christiana, were six 
considerable streams, probably made so by the influx 
of the tide. These streams cut the ground up into 
necks or capes, the principal of which were named 


"Grane Udden," or "Le Cap des Cruces ;" " Strand- 
wick," or " Bale de Rivage," and "Nieu Clareland." 
From New Castle to St. Georges, the land was known 
by the name of " Ackan Marnangaha Tusockhoc- 
kung." The Appoquinimink was called the "Appo- 
quonema ;" the north point of Bombay Hook, " Eager 
Udden," or " Le Cap des Herons," (Cape of Herons) ; 
whilst Bombay Hook was called " Bomtes Udden. 
Duck creek was called " Aucke Kyhlen," or the " Re- 
viere des Canards," or in other words, its present 
name anglicized into that of Duck river or creek. 
Jones creek was then called "Warge Kyghlen," or 
"La Riviere des Loups," translated to English, Wolfe 
river. Murderkill was named " Mordare Kylen," or 
" La Riviere des Assassins ;" the name in English it at 
present bears. South of the Murderkill was called " Pa 
rades Udden," or " Le Cap de Parades," in English, 
Paradise Cape, promontory or point. From the above 
it will be seen that many places in our State still 
bear the old Swedish names, although many have 
been translated into English, and the idiom of some 
has been altered. 

The Swedes that remained within the present 
boundaries of this State, generally settled near Fort 
Christina. Before the arrival of Penn, none of them 
resident within the limits of Delaware, lived more 
than a Swedish mile from the fort. A body of them 
clustered around Printz s house (afterwards occupied 
by his daughter, Armgardt Pappegoya,) and Fort 
Gottenburg, at Tiriicum Island, where they built a 
small village called Printzdorp. The Fins, a distinct 


people from the Swedes, had their settlement in Penn 
sylvania, a few miles north of our boundary line, be 
tween Marcus Hook and Chester. The Swedes and 
Fins on the Delaware generally devoted themselves 
to husbandry, the Dutch to commerce. A great many 
of our most respectable families owe their descent to 
the Swedes, but their names have generally been an 
glicised. Amongst them the Rambos ; the Justisons 
and Justises, whose original name was Gostafsson, 
the Boons whose name was formerly Bond, the Iloff- 
mans whose names were formerly Hoppman, the Coles- 
berry s changed from Kalsberg, the Wheelers from 
Wihler, the Yocums from Joccom, the Dalbows from 
Dahlbo, the Sinexes from Seneca, the Johnsons from 
Johansson, the Poulsons from Paulson, the Culins 
from Von Culen, the Vannemans from Van Neman, 
the Kings from Konigh, and the Keens from Kyn. 
The Walravens spelt their names with two Ts. The 
Hendricksons are changed from Hindrickson, the 
Stidhams from Stedham. The Petersons, the Stal- 
cops, the Matsons, the Talleys, the Andersons, and 
Walravens have their names spelt nearly as formerly, 
save in some cases the consonants are doubled, but 
the sound of the name is not changed by the spelling. 
The Vandevers, were spelt as Van der Weer, but 
their ancestors were Dutch, not Swedish, although 
they intermarried with the Swedes. 


FROM 1656 TO 1657. 

Appointment of Perk Smidt as Governor Departure of Stuyves- 
sant Indians assault Fort Cassimer Jews on the Delaware 
Jno. Paul Jaquette appointed Governor The Council Rules to 
govern the inhabitants Swedes not to be allowed in the Fort 
Vessels not to go above Fort Cassimer Suspicion of the Swedes 
Duties laid Laying out of the town of New Amstel (New Castle) 
Interview with Indians Demand higher prices for their wares 
Answer of Jaquette Present given to them Attempt to remove 
the Swedes into the villages They remonstrate First brick made 
in Delaware Company object to written capitulation of Fort Cas 
simer Swedish Ambassador demands restitution of New Swe 
den Receives no satisfaction Arrival of the Mereurius with 130 
Swedes Jaquette forbids her landing Pappegoya petitions Coun 
cil of New Amsterdam to let the Swedes settle on South river 
They refuse; Mereurius runs past the batteries Lands her pas 
sengers at Marcus Hook Man-of-war Balance sent to South river 
Mereurius sails for Manhattan Is allowed to sail for Europe 
Pappegoya leaves the country His wife left at South river Set 
tlers from New Amsterdam arrive at South river Build New Ain- 
stel (New Castle) Lots granted Territory between Christina and 
Bombay Hook transferred to city of Amsterdam First bridge 
built in Delaware Tobacco raised Regulations Inspectors ap 
pointed Aldricks appointed Governor of Delaware "NValdenese 
expected Stuyvessant ordered to purchase between North and 
South rivers Fears New Amsterdam settlers will remove to South 
river Fineness of the river. 

AFTER the conquering of the Swedes, the extend 
ing Dutch power over the Delaware, and the annex 
ing our State to New Netherlands, Stuyvessant de 
parted for the Manhattans, first appointing Captain 


Derk Smidt as Commandant or Governor of Delaware. 
He was the first Dutch Governor of our State, and 
the sixth in succession from Minuit, the first Swedish 

After the departure of Stuyvessant, late in the 
fall, Fort Cassimer was assaulted by more than five 
hundred Indians. The Dutch thought they were 
incited to this attack by the Swedes. 1 

At this early date we have an account of Jews on 
the Delaware, as in November, Abraham Lucenna, 
Salvador de Andrade and Jacob Cohen of that reli 
gion petitioned at Manhattan for the privilege of 
trading on South river. The petition was granted. 

On the 29th of November, John Paul Jaquette 
(the ancestor of the celebrated Major Jaquette who 
fought so gallantly in the Delaware line in the Revo 
lution,) was appointed the seventh Governor of De 
laware. 2 He was to be assisted by a Council com 
posed of Vice Director Andreas Hudde and Elmer- 
hysen Klein. His instructions were as follows : 

" If the affairs to be taken into consideration were 
purely military, or to relate to the company exclu 
sively, they were to be assisted by two sergeants ; 
but if purely civil, between freemen and the com 
pany s servants, then two freemen were to be chosen 
instead of the two sergeants. 

"All meetings of the Council were to be called by 
him. He was to propose to them all matters relative 
to police, justice, and commerce. Things were to be 

1 Lambrechten, p. 109. 

8 Albany Records, vol. 10, p. 174. 


decided by a majority of votes ; the Governor was to 
have the casting vote. 

" Hudde was to be the Secretary and Surveyor ; 
he was to keep the minutes of the Council. 

" They were strictly to observe the regulations re 
specting the sale of brandy, &c., to Indians, plunder 
ing gardens and plantations, running through the 
country, in town, and drinking on the Sabbath, its 
profanation, &c. 

"No officers and soldiers were to be absent from 
the fort at night ; no freemen, especially no Swede, 
living in the country to stay in the fort at night ; 
Fort Cassimer not to be visited too often by them or 
the savages, much less the fortifications examined. 
In this respect, pay particular attention on arrival of 
any foreign vessel, yatchs or ships. 

"No vessel to go above or below Fort Cassimer for 
trade with savages or Christians, but such as remain 
at the fort at anchor, and well near the shore. All 
on guard to be kept in good order, the fort to be kept 
in good repair, and its fortifications in a proper state 
of defence ; but permission may be granted to plant 
on taking the oath to assist the fort, or be trans 
ported in case they refuse to take the oath. 

fci In granting lands, above all things, to take care 
that a community of at least sixteen or twenty per 
sons reside together, or so many families, and to pre 
vent coveting lands, require for the present, instead 
of one-tenth to be paid per morgan, 1 only twelve stivers 
per annum. 

1 About 7 acres. 


"Grant no houses or lots on the side of the meadow 
of Fort Cassimer, viz. : between the creek and the 
fort, nor behind the fort, that land to be reserved for 
fortifying and outworks of the fort ; for favoring the 
dwelling together on the south side of the fortress, 
lay out a convenient street behind the houses already 
erected, and lay out convenient lots on the same, 
about forty or fifty feet broad, by one hundred feet 
long, and the street at least four or five rood broad. 

" Take very good notice of the behavior of the 
Swedes, and in case any of them should be found not 
well affected to the honorable company, and the state 
of our native country, to prevent further trouble, all 
such, with all imaginable civility, were to be caused 
to depart, and, if possible, sent to New Amsterdam." 

Jaquette took the oath "to be loyal, and faithfully 
administer justice and maintain the laws, and main 
tain and protect the reformed religion, as learned and 
instructed, and in conformity with the Synod of Dor 
drecht, and to promote it as far as his power may 
extend, and to secure and defend the fort." 1 

This laying out of lots, &c., was the first commence 
ment of the town of New Amstel, now New Castle. 
For a long time it was the most important town on 
the banks of the Delaware. New Castle is therefore 
the oldest town either in Delaware or Pennsylvania. 

On the 20th of December, the following duties 
were imposed on liquors by Jaquette, viz.: On a 
a hogshead of French wine, 20 guilders ; on an anker 
of brandy or distilled water per ton, 6 guilders ; on 

1 Albany Records, vol. 10, pp. 174, 186, 191. 


Holland or foreign beer per ton, 4 guilders. It was 
also forbidden to sell liquor to the Indians. Jaquette, 
previous to his administration on the Delaware, had 
for some years been a resident of Brazil. 

On the 28th of December, several Indian sachems 
arrived at Fort Cassimer and demanded to be heard, 
which being granted in the presence of the Council 
and citizens. They stated that from the late com 
mander (Delmetz ?*) they were promised an exten 
sion of the trade, and at higher prices. Jaquette re 
plied, "that having but lately arrived, he did not 
know what was done before, but his wish was to live 
in peace and amity with them, and that if anything 
promised had been neglected through ignorance, it 
ought to be overlooked." 

They asked an alteration in trade, "using a vast 
volubility of words," and demanded for two deer, a 
dress of cloth, or things in proportion. Jaquette re 
plied, "that his principal s custom was not to dic 
tate ; but that each was at liberty to act his pleasure, 
and might go where his purse and the wares best 
suited," to which they assented. 

They then stated that according to previous custom 
presents were made to the chiefs at the confirmation of 
a treaty. Jaquette answered " that goods were now 
very scarce, and though as much inclined as ever to 
give proofs of friendship, they would do however 
what they could." Accordingly, a subscription was 

1 Derk Smydt is undoubtedly meant. The records make sad work 
of iiumes. Every prominent man s name has Leen spelt two or three 
different ways. 


taken up amongst the traders of New Amstel, to 
which the company, and Jaquette also, subscribed 
liberally. Eighty-nine guilders was collected, with 
which presents were purchased and given to the chiefs. 
Two traders, Israel and Isaac Van der Zee refused to 
contribute, preferring "to depart the river and aban 
don the trade, rather than assist with the other in 
habitants to maintain the peace and tranquility of the 

P.. ~r p -, Attempts appear to have been made in the 
beginning of this year to remove the Swedes 
by the Dutch, and settle them in villages according to 
the plan proposed previously, as on the 19th of Jan 
uary the "free people of the Swedish nation residing 
on the second corner above Fort Cassimer," appeared 
before the Council and solicited that they might re 
main on their lands, as they had no inclination to 
change their place of abode, or build in .the new vil 
lage, but claimed the promise made to them by Stuy- 
vessant of being allowed to remain one year and six 
weeks, the time allowed by the capitulation. At the 
end of that time, they said they would conclude what 
to do. 

At this time, it appears that bricks were made in 
this State, as "Jacobus Crabbe," on the 5th of Feb 
ruary presented a petition to the Council "respecting 
a plantation near the corner, where brick and stone 
are made and baked." His petition was to be granted 
after the place was inspected. 1 

On the 13th of March. Stuyvessant received news 

1 Albany Kecords, vol. 10, p. 411. 


from Europe, in answer to his despatch announcing 
the conquest of the Delaware. In reply they say, 
" We do not hesitate to approve of your expedition 
to the South river, and its happy termination. While 
it agrees in substance with our orders, however, we 
should not have been displeased that such a formal 
capitulation of the surrender of the forts had not 
taken place, but that the whole business had been 
transacted in a similar manner, as the Swedes set us 
an example of when they had made themselves mas 
ter of Fort Cassimer; our reason is, that all which 
is tvrittcn and copied is too long preserved, and may 
sometimes, when it is neither desired or expected be 
brought forward, whereas words not recorded, arc by 
length of time forgotten, or may be explained, construed 
or exercised as circumstances may require. But as all 
this is passed by, our only object in making this ob 
servation, is to give a warning if similar opportuni 
ties might present themselves in future. You will 
take care that said Fort Cassimer is in every respect 
well provided, and placed in a state of defence, but 
do not mind the Fort Christina, leaving only to ascer 
tain its possession, three or four men in it, soliciting 
some individuals to establish themselves there." 1 

The news of the conquest of New Sweden had by 
this time reached the Swedes. Accordingly on the 
22d of March, H. Appleboom, the Swedish resident 
at the Hague, delivered a strong protest to the Dutch 
government respecting it. In it he asserted that the 
Swedish company had the best title to the territory; 

1 Albany Records, vol. 4, p. 204. 



that they had purchased it from the natives. He 
desired speedy redress, and that the Swedish com 
pany should be restored undamaged. The States 
General received the memorial, and passed a reso 
lution on the 24th of March, that it should be ex 
amined, together with an extensive memorial on the 
"same business by the deputies of Amsterdam, Rot 
terdam and Hoorn." and a speedy answer made to 
the Swedes. 1 But nothing was ever done to give 
satisfaction to the Swedes, and it continued to be a 
subject of complaint on the part of the crown of 
Sweeden to the State General for many years. In 
this correspondence the Delaware is called "the South 
river of Florida." 

Before the news of the conquest of their posses 
sions on the Delaware had reached Sweden, they 
had despatched a vessel from there called the Mer- 
curius, with 130 people for South river. She arrived 
about the latter end of March. Jaquette prohi 
bited her landing her crew and passengers, not 
withstanding the request of Pappegoya and Sweri 
Schute, who remained after the departure of Rising, 
and who were no doubt glad to see the arrival of 
friends and countrymen from fatherland. Word was 
immediately sent to Fort Amsterdam. The Council 
there met on the night of the 28th of March, and 
passed a resolution confirming the action of Jaquette 
in prohibiting the landing of her crew and passen 
gers, but allowing her to revictual and depart for 
Sweden. Two days after the passage of this resolu- 

1 MSS. in N. Y. Hist. Soc. 


tion a letter was received by the Council at New Am 
sterdam from Pappegoya requesting that those that 
came from Sweden should be allowed to settle in this 
country. Hendrick Huygen, the captain, also wrote 
to the Council, making the same request. In his let 
ter complaining of the hardship that would be the 
result if the colonists in his vessel were not allowed 
to land, he said, "beside the immense loss they would 
suffer, many good farmers would be ruined, parents 
separated from children, and even husband from wife." 
From this it appears that many that came over in the 
Mercurius were portions of the families of those 
already resident on the Delaware. The Dutch de 
sired them to settle at New Amsterdam. But the 
captain, Huygen, very properly remonstrated against 
his countrymen " being compelled to reside among a 
foreign nation whose language they could not under 
stand, and whose manners were unknown to them." 
This remonstrance also had no effect upon the New 
Amsterdam Council, who at a meeting on the llth of 
April more peremptorily insisted that the crew and 
passengers of the Mercurius should not land on the 
South river. 

The Dutch were greatly alarmed at this accession 
to the strength of the Swedes, and it was resolved at 
the same Council to send the man-of-war Balance to 
the South river to bring the Mercurius to Manhattan. 
But the Captain arriving overland to hold personal 
communication with the Council, to save expense, 
this part of their resolution was rescinded, although 
it was resolved to keep her at New Amsterdam until 


the Mercurius arrived there. In the meantime ru 
mors came to them through the savages that there 
had been difficulty between the Swedes and Dutch. 
On the strength of these rumors, twelve or fifteen 
armed men, under command of Ensign Smith, were 
at once sent to the South river overland. Informa 
tion, however, soon afterwards arrived that John 
Pappegoya and a number of Indians and resident 
Swedes had gone on board the Mercurius and sailed 
past Fort Cassimer, both in defiance of Dutch orders 
and Dutch cannon, and landed her cargo and passen 
gers at Marcus Hook. The Dutch, it is said, did not 
like to fire on the ship for fear of injuring the Indi 
ans. In the Mercurius came over a Swedish clergy 
man named Matthias. He stayed here about two 
years, and then departed for Europe. 

The Dutch were much incensed at this action of 
the Swedes, and despatched the man-of-war Balance, 
whose previous order for sailing to the South river 
they had rescinded, to bring the Mercurius to New 
Amsterdam. This was done, but it appearing upon 
examination that the Captain had nothing to do with 
running past the Dutch Fort, but that Pappegoya and 
the resident Swedes were the only ones to blame in 
the transaction, he was allowed to return to Europe 
with his vessel upon paying the duties on the cargo. 
Pappegoya about this time must have returned to 
Sweden, leaving his wife, Armigard, the daughter of 
Governor Printz, behind him, as on the 3d of Au 
gust, in her own name, she petitioned the Council at 
New Amsterdam to be allowed to take possession of 


Printzdorp and Tinnakonk, which she had been for 
bidden to do by Jaquette. Her petition was granted. 
Printzdorp, it is supposed, was situated on Tinicum 
Island. It is more than probable the reason for Pap- 
pegoya s leaving the Delaware was the part he took 
in running the Mercurius past the batteries. It is 
believed he never returned to Delaware, as no men 
tion is ever made of him afterwards in any record in 
relation to the affairs of this State. Frequent men 
tion, however, is made of his wife Armigard. 

In the spring a number of settlers came from Fort 
Amsterdam and settled at Fort Cassimer. The Gov 
ernor and Council then commenced giving deeds for 
lands. By August they had given seventy-five, 
mostly for lots in the town of New Amstel, around 
the fort. A yearly rent of twelve stivers for every 
morgan of land was required. 1 Within the Swedish 
districts, which were principally on both sides of the 
Christina and Brandywine creeks, in New Castle, 
Brandywine, and Christiana hundreds, in New Castle 
county, no deeds were given at this time, but a tax 
of five or six gilling was laid on every family agree 
able to the project of the Schoute. 2 

From various causes, the Dutch West India Com 
pany now found themselves much in debt. To re 
cover the South river from the Swedes, they had to 
receive aid from the city of Amsterdam. To relieve 
themselves from this embarrassment they on the IGth 
of August agreed to transfer to that city all the lands 

1 Acrelius. A stiver is a Dutch coin, in value about two cents. 

2 Acrelius, p. 420. 


on the west side of the Delaware, from the south 
side of Christina creek 2 to Bombay Hook. This was 
called the Colony of the City. All the land above 
Fort Christina, extending up the river as far as the 
limits of the Dutch settlement was called the Colony of 
the Company. Acrelius has the matter exactly con 
trary, giving the Colony of the Company jurisdiction 
below the Christiana, and that of the city above, or 
north of it; and Ferris, in his "Original Settlements," 
follows his authority. But a copy of the original 
grant is extant, and republished in the Holland Docu 
ment. The transfer, however, was not concluded 
until April 12, 1657. The following was the agree 
ment entered into between the Burgomasters of Am 
sterdam and the intended settlers of the Colony of 
New Amstel, (now New Castle,) that they were to 
transport from that city to the Delaware. 

They were to be transported, with their families, 
furniture, &c., in vessels to be procured by the city, 
who were to advance the freight money, to be after 
wards refunded. The city engaged to provide them 
a fruitful soil, healthy and temperate climate, watered 
by and situated on a fresh water river, on which large 
ships may sail, having made an agreement with the West 
India Company to this effect, for a place at their dis 
posal, to which no other persons have any claims. 
The city was there to lay out on the river side a suit 
able place for their residence, and fortify it with a 
trench without and a wall within, and divide the in 
closed lands into streets and lots for traders, mechan- 

1 The Indians also called Christina creek, Suspencough. 


ics and farmers, and have a market, all to be at the 
expense of the city. The city was to find a school 
master, and provide for him, who should also read the 
Holy Scriptures in public, and set the psalms. 

The city was also to provide for one year, clothing, 
provisions and garden seeds ; to build a large store 
house to contain their goods, clothing and provisions ; 
to keep a factor there with all necessaries, and sell 
them at Amsterdam prices to the colonists. The com 
pany s toll was to be employed in building and sup 
porting public works, under direction of those author 
ized by the West India Company and city. The po 
lice of the town and city, as well as administration 
of justice was to be as in Amsterdam. A schout, or 
head justice was to be appointed in the names of their 
"High Mightinesses and West India Company," by 
deputies of Amsterdam, who were to give the director 
a power of attorney. Three burgomasters were to 
be appointed by the common burghers, from the 
" honestest, fittest, and richest" of the inhabitants, 
and five or seven schepens, of which the burghers 
were to nominate a double number, from which the 
director, by attorney, were to select. When the town 
contained two hundred or more families, they were 
to choose a common council of twenty-one persons, 
to meet with the burgomasters and schepens, and 
consult on matters relating to government of the 
city ; once established, the council were to supply 
vacancies by a new election, by a plurality of votes. 
They were annually to choose burgomasters, and 
nominate a double number, out of which to choose 


schepens. The schepens were to decide causes for 
all sums under one hundred guilders 1 ($60) ; over that 
sum appeal was to be allowed to the Director General 
and Council of New Netherlands. The schepens to 
pronounce sentences in criminal cases, subject to ap 

The city of Amsterdam was to agree with a smith, 
wheelwright, and carpenter to live with the colonists. 

The city agreed to divide the lands about the town 
into fields, for plough, meadow and pasture, and allow 
for roads. Every farmer was to have " in free, fast 
and durable property" as many morgans of land as 
the family could improve, and for grazing, which was 
to be under cultivation in two years, or they were to 
be forfeited. No poundage, horn or salt money was 
to be required for ten years from the first sowing or 
pasturing ; at the end of ten years they were to pay 
no other tax than the lowest paid in any other dis 
trict of the West India Company. They were to be 
free from tenths for twenty years, from the first sowing; 
at the end of twenty years the tenths were to be 
given to the city of Amsterdam, half of which tenths 
were to be applied to the support of the public works 
and of persons employed in the public service, so also 
of poundage and other charges whenever paid. 

The ships sent from Holland by the city of Am 
sterdam were to load and bring over corn, seeds, 
merchandize and wood. The colonists were at liberty 
to charter private ships; but they were to be con 
signed to the city of Amsterdam, who were to provide 

1 A guilder is about 60 cents. 


for them storehouses and sell the goods, and return the 
proceeds as ordered, deducting only two per cent, for 
commissions, and one tenth of net proceeds for dis 
bursements by the city for the freight and passages 
of the colonists, and their goods, which were to cease 
when the disbursements were refunded. 

The colonists were allowed to take what they re 
quired from the city s warehouse, at a fixed price, 
the account to be sent with their goods and to be de- 
ducted therefrom. 

The colonists were allowed to cut what wood they 
require for building houses and vessels, from any 
forest in the district not granted to private persons, 
free of cost, and were allowed also freely to hunt in 
the woods, and fish in any waters not private pro 
perty, under regulations to be made by the com 
pany, &c. The burgomasters of Amsterdam, as foun 
ders and patrons, were to appoint secretaries, messen 
gers, and other inferior officers, and the city of Am 
sterdam were to see that all tools and implements 
were transported free and without recognitions. 
The discovery of minerals, crystals, precious stones, 
marbles, &c., were allowed to keep them as their own 
for ten years, free of duty or imposition ; after ten 
years they were to pay to the company one-tenth of 
their proceeds. The city of Amsterdam was to pro 
vide a warehouse for all the goods it should send to 
New Netherlands, to be visited by any person ap 
pointed by the directors of the West India Company, 
under the inspection of a person appointed by the 
city, and marked with the marks of the city and 


company ; the recognition was to be paid to the 
company, according to the list. These goods might 
then be laden with the knowledge of the company, 
in any vessel they could obtain. If the city was to 
ship any goods or freight to New Amsterdam, they 
were to submit to the same regulations as others ; 
but if the city of Amsterdam sent its own or char 
tered vessels, laden only with its own goods, the 
vessel was to go to its own city or colony, but all 
the goods on board were to be advertised in the city 
warehouse, under the inspection of any one of the 
company appointed for that purpose, to whom the 
letters and commission from the company were to be 
delivered; and vice versa of goods that were im 
ported from the city s colony into Amsterdam. Duties 
to the country and to the company were to be 

All materials, &c., for farming or trades were to 
be free from recognitions ; all produce of New Neth 
erlands on importation was to be free of duty ; so 
also was salted or dried fish taken there. Peltry, 
such as beavers, otter, &c., had to pay eight per cent. 
Besides the duties above paid in Amsterdam, there 
was also to be paid in New Netherlands 4 per cent, 
in light money, reckoning the rix dollar at 63 sti 

vers. 1 

On the 4th of November, a bridge was ordered to 
be built over the creek near Fort Cassimer. This 
was the first bridge that we have any account of as 
being built within the limits of this State. 

1 Hazard s Historical Collections, vol. 2, pp. 543, 547. 


It appears that tobacco was at this time one of the 
most important productions raised by the Dutch in 
this State. On the 9th of November the inhabitants 
of New Amstel were summoned to nominate four 
persons, out of whom to elect two expert persons as 
tobacco inspectors. 

On the 12th of December a placard was posted up 
stating "that it is ascertained that this river has be 
come renowned for its tobacco, and persons are daily 
encouraged to settle within its limits ; if this pro 
duce is managed as it ought to be, and properly cured 
and packed, and all sorts of fraud, which might be 
used, is carefully avoided ; and whereas, all this can 
not well be effected except it is examined and in 
spected before reported, arid whereas expert and 
faithful persons are required for this inspection, &c. 
Meenes Andriessen and William Maunts are selected 
for the nomination as inspectors/ They were to in 
spect all the tobacco before it was exported. Ja- 
quette commanded that no tobacco should either be 
delivered, received or exported without being in 
spected. For each hundred weight of tobacco, six 
stivers were to be paid by the receiver, and four sti 
vers by the seller, under penalty of fifty guilders for 
the first offence, and for the second and third in pro 
portion. The informer was to receive twenty guilders, 
and his name was to be kept secret. 1 

In the latter part of this year, Stuyvessant re 
ceived information of the sale of Fort Cassimer and 
the territory in our own State, from Christina to 

1 Albany Records, vol. 10, pp. 448, 450. 


Bombay Hook, to the city of Amsterdam. The 
name of Fort Christina was then changed to Altona. 
He was also informed that Jacob Alricks (now spelled 
Alrich,) was appointed Director or Governor of the 
City s Colony. The numerous and respectable family 
of Alrich in this State are descended from the nephew 
of this Governor. One of them now occupies the land 
which has been successively inherited in unbroken 
succession from his ancestor, this nephew, who was also 
a governor of Delaware. Stuy vessant was instructed 
to garrison the different forts of Altona, New Got- 
tenberg and the Island of Hattenberg, with eight or 
ten soldiers. The directors also informed him that 
"to all appearance a large number of the exiled Wai- 
deneses" would flock to Delaware as an asylum. They 
promised to endeavor to induce them to do so. They 
also sent him orders " to endeavor to purchase, before 
it could be accomplished by any other nation, all that 
tract of land situated between the South river and 
the corner of the North river." The directors also 
express their fears to him that the establishing of the 
new colony at Delaware, and the consequent cheap 
ness of goods and taxes may prove an injury to New 
Amsterdam, by the migration of its citizens there. 
In a Holland document, written this year, reference 
is made to the Delaware as being considered " the 
finest river of all North America, being wide, deep, 
and navigable ; abounding in fish, especially an abund 
ance of sturgeons, of whose roes a great quantity of 
cavejaar might be made." 1 

1 IIoll. Documents, vol. 8, pp. 32, 50. 


FROM 1657 TO 1659. 

Meeting at New Amstel to regulate the price of furs The penalty 
for its violation Trading with Indians forbidden The city of 
Amsterdam sends settlers to Delaware Wreck of the Prince Mau 
rice Arrival of Alrick Governor of New Amstel, of D Hinoyossa, 
of Martin Krygier Formal cession of New Amstel to city of Am 
sterdam Deed of grant Arrival of Alricks at New Amstel, 
settlers and soldiers Van Sweringen Removal of Jaquette 
Twelve Indian Nations. Attempt to get the Swedes to settle in 
villages They have their own officers Murder of Laurens Ilan- 
sen by Indians City Hall and 100 houses built at New Amstel 
Its government Seven City Councillors elected Schepens ap 
pointed Salt Works on Delaware Bricks at New Amstel. 
Sickness Alricks uses the company s negroes and oxen Cows 
purchased English wrecked at Cape Ilenlopen Ransomed 
Settle in Delaware Jealousy of the West India Company No 
more English to settle First Church and Schoolmaster Forts 
New Amstel and Altona Food scarce Bad state of affairs 
Council at New Amsterdam on affairs of Delaware Frauds of 
merchants and inhabitants Stuyvessant visits Delaware Swedes 
take the oath of allegiance Privileges granted them Subsidies 
from the Swedes to be neutral in war between Sweden and Hol 
land Jealonsy of English Stuyvessant instructed to purchase 
land between Bombay Hook and Cape Ilenlopen Sickness at New 
Amstel Distress for bread Arrival of ship Mill with settlers 
Sickness amongst them Beekman, Governor of Altona His in 
structions First tailors, shoemakers Expenses of garrison at 
New Amstel. 

ON the 10th of January, a meeting was r-iazr i 
held at New Amstel to fix the price to be 
given to the Indians for their skins and furs. Com 
plaints were made that some persons did not hesitate 


to spoil the trade with the Indians by increasing the 
price of deer skins one-third, which price it was 
feared would continue to be increased to the " great 
loss of the lower classes." Those "who made their 
living by their hands, it was stated, would have to 
pay a higher price for several articles than they could 
sell them for again." This inconvenience was thought 
to be small, compared to " what might be apprehended 
when the spring trade in beavers was opened. In 
which case the inhabitants residing in the neighbor 
hood might be utterly ruined." Jaquette, who called 
this meeting, stated that "serious complaints had 
been made to him in relation to the matter, but he 
saw no mode to avert the evil, save by calling a meet 
ing of the community and determining on a price 
which should be adopted as a rule in trading. He 
promised that all orders the community should de 
cree should be promptly executed by him and the 
Council." Accordingly they adopted the following 
rules, " and promised by their signatures, on their 
honor and oath" to maintain them. If they broke 
them, they desired to be considered perjured men. 
For the first violation, the penalty was to " forfeit 
the privilege of trading for a whole year." For the 
second such penalty as the community might inflict. 
For the third violation they were to be expelled from 
the river. The prices agreed upon were as follows : 

For a merchantable beaver, two fathoms of sea- 

For a good bear s hide to the value of a beaver, 
two fathom. 


For an elant s (moose) hide the value of a 

For a deer skin 120 seawan. 

Those of foxes, ratelaplan, hispans, and others in 
proportion. This was signed by about thirty-six 
persons, of whom about a dozen made their marks. 1 

On the 10th of January Jaquette issued a placard 
complaining of the great abuses by the inhabitants 
running after the savages, and detaining them, when 
they have articles for sale, and orders " that in future 
no person shall go to the Indians by land or water 
to trade with them, or offer them by gifts by sailing 
up and down the river ; nor meet the Indians when 
they approach their dwellings to hire and coax them, 
or call them in their houses, but permit them to use 
their pleasure," under penalty of the forfeiture of the 
furs thus obtained, besides arbitrary correction. 

In the meantime the city of Amsterdam prepared to 
send out settlers to their colony in Delaware. They 
fitted out four vessels, which sailed from Amsterdam the 
latter part of 1656 or beginning of 1657, and arrived on 
our coast in the early part of March. They were the ship 
Prince Maurice, which had one hundred and twelve 
persons on board, besides a crew of sixteen officers 
and sailors ; the Bear, which had thirty-three per 
sons, and the Flower of Gelder, which had eleven, 
being in all one hundred and sixty-seven souls, who 
intended to settle in this State. There was also a 
vessel called the Beaver, the number of whose pas 
sengers -is not given. They all arrived safely but the 

1 Albany Records, vol. 10, p. 455. 


principal ship, the Prince Maurice, which was wrecked 
a few days previous to the 12th of March, on Long 
Island, near the present town of Islip, near Fire 
Island Inlet. The crew and passengers were saved. 
In the Prince Maurice came the new Governor for 
the City s Colony, Jacob Alricks, and a company of 
fifty soldiers, commanded by Captain Martin Kry- 
gier, and Lieutenant DTIinoyossa. The ship proved 
a total loss, although a great portion of the cargo was 
saved. D llinoyossa afterwards became Governor of 
the State, and Martin Krygier held several important 
offices, and remained here after the conquest of the 
State by the English. Alricks wrote an account of 
the disaster to Stuyvessant, who promptly sent him 

In addition to the former mentioned vessels, the city 
of Amsterdam also sent over a few months later, the 
man-of-war Balance, (which by this time had arrived 
in Amsterdam), with colonists, and a sloop called the 
Golden Mill, with merchandize. 

On the 12th of April, Stuyvessant made a formal 
session of the 1 ands on the Delaware, heretofore 
mentioned as purchased by the city of Amsterdam, 
to Jacob Alricks, 1 who immediately afterwards em- 

1 The following is the grant : 

"I, Peter Stuyvessant, in behalf of the high and mighty Lords, 
the States General of New Netherlands, and Lords Directors of the 
privileged West India Company, Director General of New Nether 
lands, &c., declare that on this day, in conformity with the orders and 
letters of the Directors, dated December 19, 1650, I made a transfer 
and cession to the Honorable Jacob Alricks and Commissary General 
of their Colony on South river, in New Netherlands, the Fortress 
Cassimer, now named New Amstel, with all the lands dependant on 


barked on the Gilded Beaver for New Amstel, the 
future seat of his government. He took with him 
one hundred and eighty people, of which seventy-six 
were women and children, and sixty soldiers. They 
reached New Amstel after a passage of five days, 
about the middle of April, when he assumed the 
government of that portion of Delaware from the 
southerly side of the Christiana, to what is now known 
as Little Duck creek. Jaquette remained governor 
of that portion of the State on the northern side of 
the Christina, comprising the city of Wilmington and 

it, in conformity with our first purchase from, and transfer by the 
natives to us, on the 19th of July, 1651, beginning at the west 
side of the Minquas, or Christina Kill, (named in their language 
Suspencough), to the mouth of the bay or river included, named 
Sompjeshockj (Tree s Corner), in the Indian language Canarasse, and 
this so far in the country as the limits of the Minquas land, with all the 
streams, hills, creeks, harbors, bays and plains belonging to these ; 
of all which lands, with their appendages and dependencies, we now 
make a cession and transfer in the name and behalf of the Lords 
Directors, patrons to the aforesaid, the lion. Jacob Alricks, in behalf 
of the Honorable Burgomasters and rulers of the city of Amster 
dam, making a cession of all our actual and real possessions, pro 
perty, right and privileges, and all that on such conditions as between 
the aforesaid Directors, and the Burgomasters and rulers of the city 
of Amsterdam, have been sanctioned ; appointing, therefore, in our 
place, and constituting the aforesaid lion. Jacob Alricks in that 
quality, in behalf as before proprietor, in our place, without reser 
ving to our place in our former quality any action or pretension, 
promising, therefore, to hold sacred this our transfer. In truth 
whereof we have signed this, and confirmed it with our usual signa 

" Done in Fortress Amsterdam, New Netherlands, April 12, 1657. 

Albany Kecords, vol. 15, pp. 124, 125. 


the hundreds of Brandywine, Christiana, White Clay 
creek, and Mill creek, together with the portions of 
Pennsylvania that were then settled. Gerritt Van 
Sweringen, afterwards one of the governors of this 
State, was the supercargo of the Gilded Beaver. 

Jaquette held his office as governor of the northern 
portions of Delaware but a few days after the arrival 
of Alricks, for complaints having been made to Stuy- 
vessant of his " delaying and declining to administer 
justice, obstructing legal arrests, of arbitrary execu 
tions on his own authority, without the shadow of any 
legal process, but by acts of violence, of taking pos 
session of lands, and cultivating those which were 
granted to other persons ;" for these, and various other 
alleged breaches of law and right, Stuyvessant, on 
the 20th of April, removed him from office, and in 
structed him to deliver all the effects of the company 
into the hands of Andreas Hudde, Jan Juriansen and 
Sergeant Paulus Jansen. He was also instructed to 
prepare for his defence. He at the same time sent 
Captain Martin Krygier overland to Delaware, to re 
ceive what goods Jaquette had had in his possession. 
On the 23d of May, Attorney General Nicatius De 
Sille arrested Jaquette. In asking authority for this 
course he asserts that Jaquette "vexed the commu 
nity, tyrannized over the inhabitants, and made the 
soldiers lot nearly insufferable." Great complaints 
were also made by the farmers against him. On the 
18th of June Jaquette appeared before the Council, 
where the main body of these charges do not appear 
to have been inquired into, but instead, some disputes 


with Jacob Swenske, as to " who violated the arrest 
of a certain Neil Swarsen," received the attention of 
the Council. As to the result of the trial of the seventh 
governor of Delaware, history makes no mention. 

Alricks soon after his arrival made inquiries in re 
lation to the number of the Indian nations in his 
vicinity he found there were twelve of them. 

Attempts were again made to get the Swedes to 
settle in villages. They appear at this time to have 
had their own officers. Gregorious Vandyke was 
their sheriff. 

On the 10th of August, Laurens Hansen, described 
as a captain of armes, one of the garrison at Altona, 
(now Wilmington), went with Alexander Boyer on a 
trading expedition to the Minquas, and was mur 
dered by the savages, and robbed of some seawan, 
and a few other articles which he had with him. The 
Minquas chief, who resided in the next fort to Altona, 
recovered some of the articles from the murderer and 
restored them to the Dutch. It does not appear that 
any punishment was ever inflicted on the Indian 
murderers (whoever they were) for this offence. 1 
This was the first Indian murder in New Castle 
county, and with the exception of the massacre at 
Lewis town, the first murder known to have been 
committed in the State. 

In the meantime the building and improvement of 
New Amstel went on energetically. About the be 
ginning of September, lots were granted to the colo 
nists. A magazine was erected, the fort repaired, a 

1 Albany Records, vol. 12, pp. 424, 425. 


guard-house, bake-house and forge built, together with 
residences for the clergymen and other public officers. 
A city hall, for the burghers, was also erected. It 
was a log building, two stones high, and twenty feet 
square. The whole of the public buildings were en 
closed within a square. At the end of the first year 
New Amstel was a handsome little town of about one 
hundred houses. 1 It was therefore nearly one-half 
its present size. Alricks, in a letter written about 
this period, thus speaks of the government of New 
Amstel. He says : 

" I found the government to consist of a military 
council over the soldiers, who were here of old. The 
differences between the old settlers, who consisted of 
about twelve or thirteen families, were decided by 
the commander and two persons acting as schepens, 
and a secretary appointed from among the inhabi 
tants, by the general, on the part of the West India 
Company. These expressed a desire now that the 
place had changed hands, that a burgherlike gov 
ernment should be continued, according to the condi 
tions, as it was under the Director General and the 
West India Company. So it was that they continued 
to decide all differences between burgher and burgher. 
All affairs appertaining to the city and military mat 
ters were disposed of by me and the Council, and 
differences between the city s servant, soldiers and 
trainsbands and freemen, until the arrival of the 
Balance, when seven city councillors were elected, 
and from them three new schepens were chosen ; an- 

1 Holl. Documents, vol. 15, pp. 12, 213, 225, 227, etc. 


other secretary and schout were also appointed, two 
elders, and two deacons for the management of church 

np )>1 


Salt works are referred to in the records at this 
period. Bricks for Delaware appear to have been 
brought from Fort Orange, now Albany. Things did 
not appear to go on well at New Amstel either. On 
the 15th of September, complaints were made that 
Alricks used the company s oxen and negroes. In 
the latter end of October, there was also a great deal 
of bilious fever at New Amstel. Alrick s wife and 
three or four children were sick. Forty cows were 
at the same time introduced in the colony, which 
were purchased by Alricks at prices ranging from 
128 to 130 guilders per head. 2 This would make 
the price of a cow at that time about $78 80. 

About this time two boats, with fourteen English 
men ran on shore at Haverkill. 3 The Dutch des 
patched a vessel to save them, but did not succeed in 
their attempt, though they lost an anchor. They 
however managed to ransom six of them from the 
savages, and brought them to New Amstel. Alricks 
immediately sent information to the Governor of Vir 
ginia, as he supposed 4 they belonged to that place. 
They however settled at New Amstel. When the 
news of this affair reached Amsterdam, it caused a 
great deal of uneasiness to the Dutch. They were 
afraid that the English were endeavoring to get pos- 

1 Holl. Doc. vol. 2, p. 337. 2 Ibid, p. 437. 

3 This place appears to have been near Cape Henlopen. 

4 Albany Records, vol. 12, p. 437. 


session of the country. They accordingly wrote to 
Stuyvessant to instruct Alricks if these men were 
fugitives from labor from Virginia, he was to return 
them. If they were freemen, he* was to get rid of 
them the best way he could, without giving offence, 
but on no account to let any more English settle there, 
"much less to allure them by any means whatever." 
From subsequent accounts, it appeared that the whole 
fourteen were ransomed from the savages, and that 
all finally settled in this State. 

At the latter end of this year there appears to 
have been further troubles at New Amstel. At any 
rate, Alrick s letters from there were filled with com 
plaints. Several residents of New Amstel who had 
purchased goods of the company, and mortgaged their 
houses and lots as security, sold them, and moved to 
Altona without satisfying the company s debt. On 
the 15th of December, the company issued a warning 
to purchasers that such sales were null and void, and 
cautioned them not to make payment unless with the 
company s consent. 1 Fort Cassimer he represented 
as in sad condition; the expenses heavy, the means 
gone, no magazine to save victuals, the walls and for 
tifications crumbled down so that it was as easy to 
pass them through the walls as through the gate. 
Another gate, he said, was required, to make some 
outward appearance of defence. Some parts of the 
fort had been washed away by encroachments of the 
river. He also represents Fort Altona (Christina) as 
decaying, and stated that it had had no garrison for 

1 Albany Records, vol. 12, p. 437. 


a long time. He complained of the scarcity of food 
for the garrison, and of his want of means to get any. 
Complaint had also been sent to Stuyvessant in rela 
tion to his administration by Ensign Smith and Henry 
Iluygen, 1 which gave him additional grounds of dis 

The Delaware was about this time frozen over op 
posite New Amstel, in one night, so that deer could 
run over on it, which the Indians relate had not hap 
pened before in the memory of man. 2 

On the 25th of April, Evert Pietersoh, whose offi 
cial position was that of schoolmaster and comforter 
of the sick, landed at New Amstel. He is the first 
schoolmaster of whom there is any record on the 
Delaware. He at once commenced keeping school, 
and had 25 scholars on the 10th of August following. 
In a letter of his to the Commissioners of Amster 
dam, he states that " wharves were already laid out" 
at New Amstel, "and almost built." He also says 
that he "found 20 families, mostly Swedes," in the 
City s Colony, (that portion of Delaware south of the 
Christina), "and not more than five or six belonging 
to our (the Dutch) nation." 3 

In the spring things were still backward 
in New Amstel on account of the prevalence 
of the bilious fever in the fall. Building was slow, 
as from the desponding letter of Alricks giving an 
account of affairs on the South river, we learn that 

1 Alrick s letters, in Albany Records, vol. 4, p. 283. 

2 Canpanius, p. 55. 

3 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 1, p. 7. 


there were only "four or five carpenters" at New 
Amstel, "and they were usually poor workmen, 
without experience or ingenuity." They were also 
short of provision, but a few heads of cattle arrived 
from Virginia, and that somewhat revived them. 1 

On the 20th of April, the Council met at New 
Amsterdam, and took into consideration the affairs of 
South river. It was decided that there must be a 
change of management, as owing to the removal of 
Jaquette there were many irregularities. Stuyves- 
sant stated he was advised of great frauds by mer 
chants of this city, (New Amsterdam), and others on 
South river, in non payment of imports and ex 
ports. " That those who did not pay, could sell 
cheaper than those who did." That several persons 
of New Amstel asked permission to settle near Alto- 
na, "there to begin plantations." Regulations, it was 
said, were necessary among the Swedes. It was de 
cided that Stuyvessant and Peter Tonneman should 
proceed to the South river. 2 This they accordingly 
did. They were met at Tinicum by the officers of 
the Swedes, viz., Gregorious Van Dyck, the Sheriff, 
Oloff Style, Mathys Hanson, Peter Rambo, and Peter 
Cock, Magistrates ; Swen Schute, Captain ; Andrier 
D Albo, Lieutenant, and Jacob Swensen, Ensign. 
They renewed their allegiance, and presented a peti 
tion for the following measures, viz. : 

For executions they asked a Court Messenger. 

Stuyvessant told them "the jailor could perform 
this duty, as he was then employed by the sheriff 

1 Alrick s letter, in Albany Records, vol. 4, p. 285. * Ibid. 


and commissioners to make summons, arrests and ex 

They asked for "free access to the soldiers at Alto- 
na, in case they wished their aid for execution of re 

Stuyvessant commanded " the provisional commis 
sary to furnish them if solicited by the sheriff." 

They asked that "no person should leave their 
limits without the knowledge of the magistrates, 
much less male and female servants, that when they 
leave without a discharge, or try to run off, they may 
be arrested." 

Stuyvessant ordered " that no person should 
leave without the consent of the commissary. Con 
sent, however, was first to be obtained of the Di 
rector General and Council, as usual in New Nether 
lands ; and if any Swedes were to depart, the sheriff 
was to order him to return, and in case of refusal, to 
arrest him, and inform the Director." 

Some subsidies being required, the sheriff and com 
missary, were directed to inquire " where they could 
be obtained with the least incumberance to the Swed 
ish nation," who are styled " our good and faithful 
subjects, whom, we promise that we cordially desire 
to favor as much as any of our own nation." 

The Swedes after taking the oath of allegiance, 
demanded that if there arose a difference between 
Sweden and Holland in Europe, that " they might be 
allowed to remain neutral, and side with neither 
party." -This request was granted by Stuyvessant. 

The Directors at Amsterdam were still haunted 


with visions of English encroachments on the South 
river, and fearing they might endeavor to purchase 
the lands in the State between Bombay and Cape 
Henlopen, then called the Hoernkill. On the 1st 
of June, they sent instructions to purchase it from 
the Indians, on the account of the Colony of the City, 
who pledged themselves to erect a redoubt for its de 
fence. They further informed Stuyvessant they in 
tended to place buoys in the bay for the security of 
vessels which might arrive on the coast. 

In the fall of this year, New Amstel was again 
badly afflicted with the " fall" or " bilious fever/ and 
to add to the calamity, the barber (surgeon) died. But 
few old people died, the mortality being chiefly among 
the children. Amongst the sick were Hinoyossa, and 
Rynvelt, the commissary, who afterwards died, and 
all the schepens. Christian Barents, whom he had 
employed to build a Ptoss Mill, also died. The num 
ber carried off by this sickness amounted to about 
one hundred, or one-sixth of the population. As the 
population of the Colony of the City was then according 
to a letter of Alricks to the Commissioners, appointed 
by the City of Amsterdam, six hundred souls. The 
colony was also in great distress for the want of bread 
and corn. The harvest proved a failure. The worm 
appeared in vast quantities, and injured the crops and 
gardens. It also suffered from drought, and then 
again from excessive rains. It did not even produce 
its seed, as where nine hundred sheples were sown, 
only six hundred sheples were produced. Rye was 
sold at nine guilders the sack ; peas at seven or eight 


guilders per gallon. Again there was not a single 
merchant in New Amstel that sold provisions. The 
feeding for one year, also from the company s stores, 
had caused many of the people to neglect work. 
Alricks, in one of his letters, says : " Many come 
here poor as worms, and lazy with all, and will not 
work unless compelled by necessity." 

Several children were sent at this time from the 
Almshouse of the City of Amsterdam to New Am 
stel. They were bound out by Alricks for two and 
three years. 

On the 27th of September, the ship Mill arrived 
from Amsterdam, with one hundred and eight set 
tlers on board. Owing to the long voyage, scurvy 
broke out amongst them, and ten of her passengers 
died. Three more died after their arrival. She 
brought no provisions, and so many more mouths 
being added to consume the slight stock of provi 
sions on hand, caused additional distress. 

Notwithstanding the general distress, Alricks 
greatly improved the town of New Amstel by the 
erection of several buildings and enlargement of 
others. He built a barracks adjoining the fort, of 
119 feet long, by 16 or 17 feet wide ; a public store 
of 27 feet long, and 51 feet wide; a bake-house 
roofed with tiles imported from Holland, 18 feet 
wide, and 31 gr 32 feet long. This house was built 
in the Square, (more than probable the square where 
the public buildings stand in New Castle), and a 
house for the commissary. He also purchased and 
enlarged a building to be used for a church, also a 


house for the minister. This is the first mention 
made of any building used solely for religious pur 
poses in this State. 1 We have no evidence in regard 
to the place in which it was situated. The erection 
of the barracks were for the soldiers who had wives. 
Most of the soldiers were married, and had servant 
girls, and drew rations for themselves, their wives, 
and servants, from the company. The position, there 
fore, of a soldier, must have been better in those 
early days than now. Many of the settlers, Alricks 
complains, were "weavers, shoemakers, buttonmakers, 
and tailors. Farming/ he alleges, "was too hard for 
them. They did no work, but loaf about." 2 

On the 28th of October, William Beekman, a 
Schepen and Elder of New Amsterdam, was ap 
pointed Vice Director and Governor of Altona, in 
place of Jaquette. He was to be supreme com 
mander in that part of our State, both in civil and 
military affrirs. His salary was the same as Ja- 
quette s, viz,, 50 guilders per month, and 200 guild 
ers per annum for board, in all 480 guilders per year. 
His residence was for the present to be in the dwell 
ing house at Fortress Altona, but he was instructed, 
as soon as possible, to have his permanent residence 
at or near New Amstel, and to hire a house or rooms 
for that purpose at the expense of the company. 

1 This was undoubtedly the commencement of Emanuel Church at 
New Castle. 

2 Albany Records, vol. 12, pp. 467, 476. Broadhead. vol. 1, pp. 

49, 56. 


Delaware was therefore at this time divided into two 
States, with two governors. 

He was, amongst other matters, instructed on the 
arrival of any vessels or yachts of any nation (or 
at least before their unloading), to be in or near Fort 
New Amstel, to attend carefully to their loading and 
unloading. To allow no goods to be laden or unladen 
without his examination, and to see that all duties 
were paid. To prevent smuggling, he was always to 
have a guard of the company at New Amstel, under 
his orders. He was to seize all smuggled goods, and 
have a share of those confiscated, and prosecute the 
smugglers before the Council. From their decision 
there was an appeal to New Amsterdam. He was 
also to have all the powers possessed by the com 
pany in Altona, to administer justice both in civil 
and military affairs, and in criminal cases of minor 
grade. He was also instructed to find out the owners 
of land between Bombay Hook and Cape Henlopen, 
if their demands were reasonable, to enter into an 
agreement for their purchase. He was to take the 
advice of Alricks in his purchase, and if he had an 
opportunity before winter, to erect a fortification at 
Henlopen or the Hoernkiln. 1 

The wages for labor at this time in Delaware, ac 
cording to A] rick s letters, were for laborers three 
guilders a day, for mechanics four guilders a day. 

The estimated expenses of the garrison of Fort 

1 Beekrnan s Letters, which have been preserved amongst the Re 
cords at Albany. They form the most valuable history of the early 
settlement of this State bv the Dutch. 


Cassimer were as follows : Captain, 50 florins per 
month ; lieutenant, 30 ; ensign, 25 ; two sergeants, 
30 florins; one captain of arms, 10 florins; two 
corporals, (12 florins each), 24 florins; six cadets, 
(each 10 florins), 60 florins; two drummers, ( flo 
rins each), 18 florins; forty-four soldiers, (each 8 flo 
rins), 352 florins. Total pay per month, 599 florins. 
The expense in addition for rations was for the cap 
tain for the year, 150; the lieutenant, 120; the en 
sign, 100; each sergeant, 80; and each soldier 60 
florins. The estimated expense of the garrison of 
New Amstel was 11,018 florins per annum. 


A. D. 1659, 

Ravages of fever at New Amstel Death of Alrick 1 s wife Despond 
ing letter of Alrick West India Company suspicious of the 
Swedes Disapproves of their arming and appointing their officers 
Wish them settled among the Dutch Alterations of the agree 
ment with settlers emigrating Consternation and dismay of the 
Colonists thereat Emigration to Maryland and Virginia Sickness 
and bad harvests at New. Amstel Scarcity of food Provisions 
shipped for New Amstel ran away with Deaths among the citi 
zens Purchase of land between Bombay Hook and Iloernkiln 
Swedish minister forbid to preach Descriptions of settlers of New 
Amstel First elders and deacons Dutch soldiers desert to Mary 
land Council of New Amstel request Marylanders to return 
them Baltimore claims South river Utie sent by Maryland to 
demand it Letter from Josiah Fendall, the Governor Continued 
flight to Maryland and Virginia of settlers and soldiers Stuyves- 
sant disapproves of Alrick s course Arrival of Utie at New Am 
stel Demands the South river Answer of Alricks and Beekman 
Utie s threats Firm and conciliatory answer of the Dutch Infor 
mation sent to Stuyvessant He blames Alricks and Beekman for 
not arresting Utie as a spy Appoints Martin Krygier and Van 
Kuyven to regulate affairs on South river Krygier appointed Cap 
tain of the troops Sixty soldiers sent from Manhattan Com 
manded to arrest Utie as a spy Augustus Herman and Resolved 
Waklron Ambassadors to Maryland Their instructions Arrival 
of Van Ruyven and Krygier at South river They censure Alricks 
Report of the deplorable condition of New Amstel Tyranny of 
Alricks Citizens refuse to enlist under him Manhattan dissatis 
fied at sending soldiers to defend New Amstel Complain of the 
number at the Whorekills Directors in Holland disapprove of 
Alrick s conduct Think it will ruin the colony Again recommend 
disarming the Swedes, and compelling them to reside among the 


pi proi THE unfortunate town of New Amstel still 
suffered from the ravages of the fall fever, and 
to add to the misfortunes of Alricks, his wife died from 
the disease. In a letter describing the distressing con 
dition of affairs, he said, " Winter early and long, and 
unexpected, caused great distress ; the previously 
long continued rains prevented the collection of fod 
der for the creatures, and continued sickness curbed 
us all so far down, that all the labor in the field and 
agriculture was abandoned ; the guns are rusty, not 
having any proper place to keep them in. One rea 
son for the want of victuals is that the lands are new. 
I did see from the first, that from the New Nether 
lands settlers, who actually resided here at our arri 
val, scarce one obtained during our residence one 
schepel of grain ; those who came with us hither, or 
emigrated afterwards to this place, did not much more, 
nor could effect anything better, as the time in the 
first year was spent in building houses and making 
gardens, in which small compass of garden each indi 
vidual, as well in clearing soil, in building and carry 
ing the materials, was so busily engaged that the 
summer was passed without having sown much seed 
in the ground ; beside this, was then obstructed by 
the general prevailing sickness during two successive 
years, while the immoderate hot weather was another 
impediment." 1 

The desire of the Swedes to remain neutral in case 
of a war between Holland and Sweden, appears to 
have excited the distrust of the West India Coni- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 12, pp. 480, 483. 


pany. Accordingly, on the 13th of February, they 
wrote to Stuyvessant approving of all his orders ex 
cept the appointment of Swedish officers. They said 
the Swedes were not to be trusted." They told 
him "that it would have been preferable to have dis 
armed the whole nation, than to provide them with 
officers, and place arms in their hands which they 
might use against them, not only by the arrival of 
any Swedish succor, but on any other occasion." 
They told him " not only to remove the Swedish 
officers, and replace them with Dutch officers, but on 
the first favorable opportunity, to disarm them at the 
least symptom of disaffection." He was also in 
structed to endeavor to separate them, and induce 
them to settle amongst the Dutch inhabitants; and 
to admonish Alrick from time to time of his duty, 
and particularly to assist Beekman, who was con 
tinued custom-house officer and auditor of the colony 
of the city on the South river. 1 

At this time there were several alterations made in 
the conditions upon which the colonists had agreed to 
emigrate, by the Burgomasters of the city of Amster 

The principles were as follows : 

Provisions were only to be distributed from the 
public magazines, amongst those who had left Hol 
land prior to December 1658. Merchandize was to 
be sold only for cash, and the city of Amsterdam was 
no longer obliged to keep supplies in their magazines. 
Exemptions from tenths, instead of continuing for 

1 Albany Records, vol. 4, pp. 291, 292. 


twenty years, were to cease in 1678; and poundage, 
horn and salt money, ten years earlier than stipu 
lated, "when taxes were to be imposed by the 
director according as the enclosed lands are situated 
near or at a distance." Goods in future were to be 
consigned exclusively to the city of Amsterdam, 
whereas the West India Company allowed all traders 
on South river to export whatever they pleased, ex 
cept beavers and peltry, the monopoly of which was 
still retained by the city. 

The promulgations of these new regulations caused 
intense consternation and dissatisfaction amongst the 
citizens of New Amstel, and this was not a little in 
creased by the alleged tyranny of Alricks. A writer 
describing the effect it had upon the citizens of New 
Amstel at the time, says : 

"Many poor folks, whilst they had anything left 
wherewith to pay for their passage, had offered it to 
Alricks, and besought him with clasped hands to ac 
cept it in payment for their debts, but he declined, 
saying, Ye are bound to remain four years. We 
have spent in our hunger and wretchedness and mis 
ery all that we hove saved from our small pittance. 
We have nothing left wherewith to pay, was their 
reply. You must pay first, and then go, was the 
answer of Alricks." 

Numbers fled to Virginia and Maryland, where 
they spread the news of the weak and desperate 
condition of New Amstel. 1 

Stuyvessant, in a letter dated 4th of September, 

1 O Call. vol. 2, p. 376, 377. 


complains of this conduct of Alricks to the com 

The following fragment of a letter from Alricks to 
Stuyvessant, show some of the causes operating 
against the colony of New Amstel. He says : 

u That prevailing violent sickness, which wasted a 
vast deal of goods and blood from one year to an 
other, arid which not only raged here, but everywhere 
throughout this province, and which consequently re 
tarded not only our progress in agriculture, but threw 
a damp over the other undertakings. Besides that, 
in the ship Mill, which only lately arrived, a very 
short time before the severe cold weather, were em 
barked more than two hundred souls, besides those 
who last spring arrived, and bringing, as ap 
peared by the. lists, about five hundred souls, without 
bringing any victuals with them, which baffles in this 
respect all our measures. It is true that we received 
by said ship a small cargo, about 3000 guilders worth 
for the purchase of victuals. The ship Mill arriving 
late, the harvest, by the unfavorable season being 
collected late, the little grain that was not drowned 
by the heavy incessant rains, but remained stifled in 
its growth, was sold at such excessive prices that it 
often could not be purchased where it was necessa 
rily wanted. We were not permitted to go to Vir 
ginia, nor to the Xorth, so that our bread magazine, 
our pantry room, our only refuge is to Manhattan." 

Alricks despatched a galliott to Manhattan for food, 
but it was frozen up. A supply, however, Avas sent by 
Stuyvessant in the yacht Brigantine, consisting of 


pork, beef and maize, but she was run away with by 
her captain, Lumis Obbes, and the supply never 
reached the suffering colonists at New Amstel. Obbes 
went privateering. In the meantime the sickness 
still raged there. Alricks in his letter says, "sick 
ness and death pressed upon us with such unabated 
violence, that a large number of men, and not a small 
number of our cattle perished." 1 

Agreeable to instruction, Beekman purchased from 
the savages the land from Bombay Hook to Cape 
Henlopen, named the Hoernkill. He departed for 
that purpose in company with D Hinoyossa, on the 
24th of May, and by the 14th of June had succeeded 
in completeing the purchase from the Indians. This 
was the third time that the Indians had sold the 
most of this land. They had first disposed of it to 
Godyn and Blommaert, and it w r as under the title from 
this sale that the settlement was made by the unfor 
tunate first settlers of Delaware, who were massacred 
at Lewistown. They then sold it to the Swedes, and 
now they again sold it to Beekman and D Hinno- 

About this time one of the Swedish ministers at 
tempted to preach in the City s Colony in the town 
of New 7 Amstel. The commissioners -of the colony 
would not permit this on account of the difference 
between the religious faiths of the Dutch and Swedes. 
In a letter to Alricks they say : " The bold under 
taking of the Swedish parson to preach in the colony 
without permission does not greatly please us. No 

1 Albany Records, vol. 12, pp. 484 ? 485. 


other religion but the reformed, can or may be toler 
ated there, so you must by proper means put an end 
to, or prevent such presumption on the part of other 
sectaries." 1 

In a letter dated August 16th, to the Commission 
ers at Amsterdam, Alricks gives the following unflat 
tering account of the settlers at New Amstel: 

"In the Prince Maurice," said he, " were 35 colo 
nists, free handicraft s men, amongst them some work 
men, but the major part tradesmen, who did not learn 
their trades very well, and ran aw r ay from their mas 
ters too early, in consequence of their own vicious- 
ness. Also 47 soldiers, 10 civil servants, 76 women, 
children and maid servants. Those who arrived in the 
vessels De Waig, De Sonne, De Meulen, were of no 
good repute, scarcely three good farmers among the 
whole lot. The total was 137 tradesmen and ser 
vants, 70 soldiers and civil servants, 300 women and 
children, and the maid servants of the married women 
and children, &c., who came here as single women." 

Alricks objected to this description of colonists, 
and desired " stout growing farm servants," and that 
the " women and children be omitted for the present, 
as agriculture could not be advanced without good 
farmers and strong laboring men." 2 

Two elders and two deacons were elected at this 
time in New Amstel. These were the first elders or 
deacons we have any account of in this State. 3 

1 Broadhead and O Calligan, vol. 2, p. 61. 

2 X. Y. Doc. ; Broadhead and O Calligan, vol. 2, pp. 68-71. 

3 Ibid. 


The Dutch were now alarmed by the encroach 
ments of the English from a new quarter. Hereto 
fore their trouble was from the English of New 
Haven. It was now to commence with the English 
from Maryland. Amongst the many Dutch that had 
fled from New Amstel to Maryland, were six soldiers, 
who had deserted from the Dutch service. The Coun 
cil of New Amstel held a meeting on the 20th of 
June at which it was resolved to request Josiah Een- 
dall, the Governor of Maryland, to send these sol 
diers back. Being ignorant of the governor s address, 
on the 25th of June they sent the letter to Colonel 
Nathaniel Utie, (called by the Dutch Jude IT tie), 
who was the chief of the Maryland magistrates, who 
resided, according to Dutch accounts, on Bearson 
Island, and solicited him to forward the letter. This 
Utie agreed to do, but at the same time informed the 
messenger that he had a " commission in his house to 
go to New Amstel," but that "in the meantime Lord 
Baltimore had arrived, and had commanded that the 
lands between the degrees of his grant should be re 
viewed and surveyed, and when ascertained, be re 
duced under his jurisdiction, without the intention 
of abandoning any part of it." 

This being reported at New Amstel, together with 
the rumor that intruders on Baltimore s land were to 
be warned off, caused great anxiety amongst the in 
habitants. Business operations were discontinued, 
and many prepared for flight. 1 

In accordance with this determination of Balti- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 13, p. 49S. 


more, a meeting of the Council of Maryland was held 
on the 3d of August, (old style), at Anne Arundel. 
Those present were Josiah Fendall, the governor, 
Philip Calvert. brother to Lord Baltimore, the Secre 
tary, Col. Utie and Mr. Edward Lloyd. According 
to the minutes of the Council, " Then was taken into 
consideration his Lordship s instruction and command 
to send to the Dutch, in Delaware Bay, seated within 
his Lordship s province, to command them to be gone, 
and ordered that Colonel Nathaniel Utie do make his 
repair to the pretended governor of a people seated 
in Delaware Bay, within his Lordship s province, and 
that he do give them to understand that they are 
seated within his Lordship s province, without notice 
given to his Lordship s lieutenant here, and require 
them to depart the province." 

" That in case he find an opportunity, he insinuate 
into the people there seated, that in case they make 
their application to his Lordship s governor here, 
they shall find good conditions, according to the con 
ditions of plantations granted to all comers into this 
province, which shall be made good to them, and that 
they shall have protection in their lives, liberty and 
estates which they shall bring with them. 


The following letter was addressed to the "Com 
mander of the people on Delaware Bay." From the 
tenor of it, it would appear to be in reply to one 
written to the governor by Alricks ; the date of 
neither is* given. But by the records of Maryland it 
is inserted under the proceedings of August 3d it 


was, more than probable, written on that date. It 
says : 

SIR : I received a letter from you, directed to 
me as the Lord Baltimore s Governor arid Lieutenant 
of the Province of Maryland, wherein you suppose 
yourself to be the governor of a people seated in a 
part of Delaware Bay, which I am very well informed 
lieth to the southward of the degree of forty, and 
therefore can by no means own or acknowledge any 
for governor there but myself, who am by his Lord 
ship appointed lieutenant of the whole province lying 
between these degrees, 38 and 40, but do by these 
require and command you to presently to depart north 
of his Lordship s province, or otherwise desire you 
to hold me excused if I use my utmost endeavor to 
reduce that part of his Lordship s province unto its 
due obedience under him." 1 

In the meantime, the affairs of New Amstel were 
so badly managed by Alricks, and his strictness, or 
rather tyranny, so great, that numbers of the inhabi 
tants deserted the colony and fled to Maryland and 

The captain of an English ketch that had sailed 
from Boston with provisions, informed Stuyvessant 
that fifty persons, amongst whom were several fami 
lies, had removed from New Amstel to Maryland and 
Virginia within a fortnight. Alricks even endea 
vored to get Stuyvessant to return those who fled 
from New Amstel to Manhattan ; he was not even 
willing to accept pay and security for what they owed 

1 Maryland Records, Council, &c., II. H., 1656 to 1668, p. 43. 


the city of Amsterdam, but insisted on their return. 
Stuyvessant in his letters to Holland severely cen 
sured this conduct of Alricks, and refused to return 
the fugitives. 1 

la the meantime, the desertions from the unfortu 
nate colony of New Amstel to Maryland and Virgi 
nia still continued, until scarce thirty families re 
mained. Of the fifty soldiers originally sent there, 
nearly one-half deserted, and only about eight or ten 
of them Were garrisoned at New Amstel. The rest 
were sent to the Hoernkill. Thus, as Stuyvessant 
said, " leaving them in fear and peril of being massa- 
sacred by the cruel savages." 2 

Whilst the City s Colony was in this trouble, both 
soldiers and citizens deserting, Baltimore sent mes 
sengers demanding that the Dutch should abandon 
their settlement and jurisdiction on the South river, 
as they were within the limits of his grant, between 
the 38th and 40th degree of north latitude. The 
embassy was composed of six persons, viz. : Colonel 
Nathaniel Utie, his brother, his cousin, Major Jacob 
De Vrientz, and a servant. They brought with them 
four fugitives, of whom three were apprehended and 
one escaped. They arrived at New Amstel on Satur 
day, the 6th of September, and demanded an audi 
ence on the following Wednesday, which was con 
sented to. At this meeting both Alricks and Beek- 
man were present. 

Utie first delivered his letter to Alricks, and then a 

1 Albany Records, vol. 18, pp. 28-29. 2 Ibid, p. 445. 


copy of his instructions and his orders from the Govern 
or of Maryland. He told them that the South river was 
in Baltimore s jurisdiction, and commanded the Dutch 
" to leave it directly, or declare themselves subject to 
Lord Baltimore." He also told them that if they 
" hesitated to resolve upon it voluntarily he deemed 
himself not responsible for the innocent blood that 
might be shed on that account." 

The Dutch answered that his " communication ap 
peared very strange in every respect, as they had 
been in possession of the land so many years, as well 
by an octoroy of the State General and the Directors of 
the West India Company, which they had previously 

Utie replied that "he knew nothing about that." 
That " the land was granted to Lord Baltimore, and 
confirmed by the King himself, and renewed two 
years ago, and sanctioned by the Parliament to the 
extent of forty degrees." Utie then repeated again, 
" that he was innocent of the blood that might be 
shed, as Lord Baltimore was invested with the power 
of making war or peace without any man s control." 
He also said, " we ought to take hold of this oppor 
tunity, as the men had chiefly deserted New Amstel, 
and those who yet remained would be of little or no 
aid." He declared it was their " intention to take 
hold of this occasion, and not to let it pass," convinced 
as they were of the weakness of the Dutch. That 
"the present time suited them the best of the whole 
year, as the tobacco was chiefly harvested." Utie 
therefore demanded a positive answer, intimating at 


the same time it was indifferent to him how " they 
might resolve." 

Alricks and Beekman answered that they " could 
not decide the case, but that it must be left to the 
lords spiritual and temporal in Holland and Eng 

Utie replied that he did "not care anything about 

Alricks and Beekman then- answered that they 
" could do nothing without them, and were in duty 
bound to refer the case to Stuy vcssant, to whose gov 
ernment they were subject, and that it would require 
some time to consult him." 

Utie asked "what time would be required?" 

The Dutch proposed three weeks; on which Utie 
said. "I have no orders to give any respite, never 
theless, I will give you the required time." 

On the 9th, Utie was again summoned to the fort 
to receive the Dutch answer in writing, when seeing 
Beekman, he addressed him particularly, telling him 
he understood that he " was commander at Christina, 
that he too must depart from there, as it was situated 
within the 40th degree of north latitude." 

Beekman answered, " that if he had anything to 
say to him, he ought to appear at the place of his 

Utie replied, " I think it is sufficient, at all events, 
that I have made you this communication." 

They then delivered to Utie a written protest, in 
w*hich they state that the " instructions" (meaning the 
letter from the Council held at Annapolis on the 3d 


of August), given by Josiah Fendall, Lieutenant of 
Lord Baltimore, was without day, date or place, or 
where it should have been written, and was only 
signed by Philip Calvert, Secretary ; that all related 
in relation to the alleged claim of Baltimore was mi- 
authenticated, by a single document. That his deck- 
ration that in case the Dutch refuse immediately to 
depart, he would be unaccountable for the innocent 
blood that might be spilled, appeared to them as "un 
expected and strange treatment" by Christian and 
Protestant brethren, and near neighbors, with whom 
they desired and never solicited anything than a 
" sincere cultivation of harmony and friendship;" that 
they yet desire may be uninterrupted. They there 
fore requested at least an extract from the deeds and 
documents in relation to Baltimore s claim. In it they 
offered to show their title by grant from the State 
General, by transfer from the West India Company, 
and by payment made for the land and its actual 
possession. They desire that the differences might 
be settled by the States General and Parliament. 
They also protested against that part of Title s in 
structions in relation to ^ the favorable terms and 
agreements about some plantatations to the inhabi 
tants." They complained of the citizens of the South 
river being lured away to Maryland by promises of 
" protection and much liberty," some of whom were 
bound to their "lords and masters by oaths, and 
others who were in debt for considerable sums, by 
which their lords and masters are disappointed, aifd 
were frustrated to recover their debts." They pro- 


tested also against the losses and damages they had 
already suffered, and might thereafter sustain, with a 
view of recovering compensation for such injuries 
thereafter. They also pointed to the treaty of alli 
ance concluded on the 5th of April, 1654, between 
England and Holland, as well in America as Europe, 
" whereby they were charged and recommended to 
commit no hurt, hostility or injury against one an 
other, as expressed by the loth article." 

This protest 1 was signed by the Director Generals 
or Governors Alricks and Beekman, and by the Coun 
cil and Schepens, viz. : Alexander D Hinoyossa, John 
Williemsen, John Crato and Hendrick Hipp, and by 
Secretary G. Yansweringen. 

Immediate information was sent to Stuyvessant, 
overland, through the present State of New Jersey, 
of this visit and the demands of Utie, who in a letter 
dated the 23d of September, expressed his displea 
sure at w T hat he termed " the frivolous fabricated in 
structions, without date or place" of Nathaniel Utie, 
and the " not less frivolous answers and proceedings 
with him, of the Governors and Council of Altona and 
New Arnstel." He blamed them for allowing Utie " to 
sow," what he termed, " his seditious and mutinous 
seed among the community," during four or five days. 
Also for " for agreeing to give him an answer within 
three weeks, on his threatening expressions. This," 
Stuyvessant told them, " showed unquestionable 
proofs on their part of a want of prudence and 

1 Sec protest in full, in Albany Records, vol. 13 ; Hazard s Annals, 
p. 265 ; Holl. Doc. vol. 10, p. 117. 


courage." He informed them they should have ap 
prehended Utie as a spy," and to show his want of 
confidence in them, appointed Captain Martin Kry- 
gier, a Burgomaster of New Amsterdam, and Corne 
lius Van Ruyven, his Secretary, to " dispose of and 
regulate the affairs" on South river, in relation to the 
proceedings of Baltimore and Utie. He also ap 
pointed Krygier commander of all the militia and sol 
diers on South river, and sent with him a reinforce 
ment of sixty soldiers, to assist in protecting the 
Dutch settlements on the South river from invasion 
from Maryland. He also instructed them if Utie or 
any one else came back "for an answer for his frivo 
lous demand, or frivolous signed promise, (such were 
the words of Stuyvessant), they were to arrest him 
as a spf/y as not being entitled to an answer." unless 
" he exhibited a due qualification of a State Parlia 
ment or lawfully established government/ and in the 
meantime hold him as a hostage until the Dutch might 
be acquainted (in the language of Stuyvessant), as 
to " where, how, and on whom" they might " take 
satisfaction for the cost and expenses they had already 
been at, or yet to be at, in the maintainance and de 
fence of their own." 1 

At the same time two commissioners or ambassa 
dors were appointed to visit the Governor of Mary 
land. They were Augustine Hermans and Resolved 
Waldron. Herman (or Harman, as the name was 
afterwards changed to), was the first proprietor of the 

1 A. P. MSS. in lleg. of Perm. vol. 4, p. 1)8 : Hazard s Annals, im. 

207, 208. 


celebrated Bohemia Manor, consisting of eighteen 
thousand acres of land, which lays partly in St. 
Georges and Pencader hundreds, in New Castle 
county, and partly in Cecil county, Maryland. This 
land is supposed to be the best in Delaware. Her 
man 1 (from who in is descended several of the most 
celebrated families of this State, some of whom still 
possess the land, derived by descent from him), was 
originally from Bohemia, and when he came to New 
Amsterdam was clerk to John and Charles Gabry, of 
Amsterdam, in Holland. He was a man of great 
ability, and amongst his other qualifications, was a 
good surveyor and draughtsman. 

In 1647 he was appointed by the Director and 
Council of New Netherlands, one of the nine men, a 
body of citizens selected to assist the government by 
their counsel and advice. His first wife was Jan- 
neken Verlett, of Utrecht, whom he married in New 
Amsterdam, December 19, 1650. He was formerly 
opposed to Stuyvessant in the disputes that divided 
New Netherlands. 

Adrian Van Tienhoven, on the contrary, formerly 
Secretary of the Colony on the South river, was a 
firm supporter of Stuyvessant, whilst Herman and 
Van Dincklage, Govert Lockerman Van Derdonk, 
and others, formed a combination against him. Her 
man and Van Dincklage wrote several letters to 
Holland, severely condemning his conduct, The 
following is an extract from one of Herman s 

1 A more full account of him will bo found in the following por 
tions of the history. 


to Van Derdonk, 1 yet extant, dated September 20, 

" Govert Lockerman is totally ruined, because he 
will not sign that he knows and can say nothing of Di 
rector Stuyvessant but what is honest and honorable. 
I fear we too shall experience a like fate, whether we 
have safeguard from their High Mightinesses or not. 
Tis all alike. The Directors have written not to pay 
any attention to their High Mightinesses safeguard 
or letters, but to theirs ; and every one can see how 
prejudicial that is to us. We are turned out, and 
dare scarcely speak a word. In fine, matters are so 
situated that God s help only will avail. There is no 
trust to be placed in man. That infernal swaggerer 
(blassegust) Tienhoven, has returned here and put 
the country in a blaze. Things prosper, they report, 
according to their wishes, to which I know not what 
to answer, &c. The basketmaker s daughter, of 
Amsterdam, whom he seduced in Holland, on a pro 
mise of marriage, coming and finding that he was 
already married, hath exposed his conduct even in 
the public court. Your private estate is going all to 
ruin, for our enemies know how to fix all this, and 
attain their object. * There is no use in complaining. 
We must suffer injustice for justice. At present, that 
is our wages and thanks for our devotion to the public 
interests. Yet we will trust in God." 2 

1 Van Derdonk was banished from the Colon} for seven years, for 
abusing the Directors. 

2 The basketrnakers daughter was a girl named Lisbeth Van 
Hoogvclt, whom Tienhoven debauched and lived with as his wife, 
whilst in the Hague, having at the same time a wife in New Nether 
lands. This affair cast a stain on the character of Tienhoven. 


Van Dincklage also writing to Van Derdonk in a 
letter dated the 19th of September, 1G51, speaking 
of Stuyvessant, says : 

" Our great muscovy duck goes on as usual with some 
thing of the wolf. The older he gets, the more 
inclined he is to bite. He proceeds no longer by 
words and writings, but by arrest and stripes." 1 

The dissensions of which the above letters are ex 
emplifications, at this time must have been healed, or 
Herman would never been appointed to the respon 
sible station of ambassador by Stuyvessant. 

Herman and Waldron took with them a letter from 
Stuyvessant to the Governor and Council of Mary 
land, in which he expressed his astonishment at the 
arrival of Col. Utie at New Amstel, and the demand 
for the South river, and complained greviously of his 
conduct "in threatening the government, council and 
inhabitants of that place with blood," in case the ter 
ritory was not given up within three weeks ; and 
also of his "having sought to alienate and induce to 
rebellion from their lawful commander, the citizens of 
New Amstel." He at the same time instructed the 
ambassadors in a "friendly and neighborly way" to 
request the Governor of Maryland to deliver up to 
the Dutch " such free people and servants as for debt 
and other ways" had fled, and taken refuge in Mary land. 

If this was done, they were instructed to agree 
that all runaways and fugitives from Maryland, or 
South river, should also be delivered up to the Mary 
land authorities, and that they would in every way 

1 Broadhead and O Calligari, vol. 1, p. 453. 


" maintain good justice and neighborly duty." If 
the Governor and Council of Maryland refused this, 
the ambassadors were to inform them that the law of 
retaliation would be enforced, and that they in return 
would refuse to deliver up "all servants and negroes 
that might escape from Maryland to the South river." 

In relation to the demand made for the surrender 
of South river, through Col. Utie, they were to repre 
sent that " threats to invade by way of hostility, any 
possession of the Dutch on South river, was alto 
gether contrary to the 2d, 3d and 16th articles of the 
confederacy of peace made between the Republic of 
England and the Netherlands in 1654." 1 That the 
Dutch had had possession of the South river (by 
grant from the Lords State General, and by deeds 
of the natives), for over forty years. That by these 
articles of the treaty between England and Holland 
all questions in dispute were to be referred to their 
decision. The ambassadors were therefore by virtue 
of those articles of peace to demand of the Governor 
and Council of Maryland to give them reparation and 
damages against Nathaniel Utie for his "frivolous 
demands and bloody threatenings." 

Van Ryven and Krygier, who had embarked from 
Manhattan, with their troops in three barks, on the 
23d of September, arrived at the South river, oppo 
site New Amstel on the 28th. They found the peo 
ple in commotion and fear respecting the threatened 

1 The English government from 1649 to 1601 was Republican under 
the rule of Oliver Cromwell, styled the Protector of the Common 
wealth of England. 


English invasion. Upon examining into affairs, they 
saw much to condemn in the conduct of Alricks. 
They charged him as the cause "of all the misfor 
tunes in New Amstel." " In such bad name is this 
place," (New Ainstel), said they, "that the whole 
river cannot wash it out off, and would to God that 
it remained here, and that it was not openly pro 
claimed in our fatherland, and to the scorn of this 
whole province." They denounced him for oppress 
ing the people. For first refusing them liberty to 
leave New Amstel when they offered to pay the debts 
they owed the city, but insisting on their remaining 
four years, and afterward when their money was 
spent, and they were sick and hungry, not allowing 
them to leave until their debt to the city was satis 
fied. It was reported they said, "that many actually 
died by hunger." So unpopular had Alricks become 
that the citizens would not enlist under him for the 
defence of New Amstel, although they were willing 
to engage under Krygier. And when Utie was there 
making his demand for its surrender, and Beekman 
proposed to detain him, Alricks declined to do so, for 
fear of a revolt of the citizens. Van Ryven in 
writing to Alricks afterwards, charged him with 
making no effectual means to enlist men. " Did one of 
the city officers stir one single step towards this ob 
ject?" "Or shall it be urged that it was published 
by beat of drum: But no person enlisted?" wrote 
Van Ryven. " It was known beforehand that none 
could be obtained in this manner," he asserted, "at 
least not from the inhabitants, because the great ma- 


jority Avho yet remain in the city s service are dis 
satisfied with the magistrates of this colony, for what 
reason/ says Van Ryven," " must be best known to 
your honor." " These persons," said he, " ought to 
have been encouraged by favorable terms and salary, 
as is the usage in fatherland, and anywhere else, in 
such great distress." At this time the Dutch, in ad 
dition to their troubles with the Marylanders, ex 
pected a war with the Indians at Manhattan, and 
endeavored to get Alricks to enlist fifty men. 
They were dissatisfied at taking the soldiers from 
Manhattan to defend New Amstel, which they thought 
should be able to defend itself. They also condemned 
the sending of so many of the soldiers to Hoernkill. 

In speaking of this matter, Van Ry ven in a letter 
to Alricks says : 

"But what excuse can be made why the soldiers on 
the Hoernkills, as we were promised last September, 
were not commanded to march hither or have not 
arrived. It is indeed too absurd, that the Director Gen 
eral and Council should believe their own places of 
far greater consequence of the necessary soldiers, and 
send them hither for succor, and that you should not 
send for your own soldiers, but leave them to guard 
one or two houses, built apparently more for private 
views than for the welfare of the country, and employ 
sixteen or eighteen for this purpose." 1 

The Directors of the West India Company when 
they heard of the conduct of Alricks in relation to 
the oppression at New Amstel, expressed their dis 
approval in a letter to Stuyvessant. They considered 

1 See Van Ry yen s letter, vol. 18, p. 425, 426, N. Y. Records. 


" it a symptom which threatened a total ruin of the 
colony." and that gave no prospect of a return for the 
expenses that had been entered into. They laid the 
whole to the " too rigid preciseness" of Alricks, in not 
permitting the New Arnstel colonists to settle at Man 
hattan. Stuyvessant was instructed to try to divert 
Alricks from " this plan as soon as possible." He was 
told to show to Alricks that "at this critical moment 
it would be far preferable, if he would make volun 
tarily an offer to the remaining creditors to settle in the 
Manhattans, provided they gave bonds for the debts 
which they were yet owing." In " this case," say 
they, "their recovery may sooner or later be expected, 
which is utterly hopeless if they remove from the 
district of the company, and settle anywhere else." 
He was also instructed not to compel any New Am- 
stel colonist to return who had settled at Manhattan. 
Also to solicit the return of those who had settled in 
Virginia and other neighboring districts, and employ 
every feasible means to that end. They also informed 
him that they persisted in the sentiment that the 
Swedes should be separated one from another, and if 
possible amalgamated with the Dutch nation, and 
that they should be disarmed at the earliest opportu 
nity. Stuyvessant was recommended to do this before 
they (the Swedes) could make any alliance with the 
English to the disadvantage of the Dutch. The pos 
sibility of this alliance appears to have given consid 
erable uneasiness both to Stuyvessant and the Direc 
tors in Holland. 

The Indians about this time killed four of the 
Dutch settlers. On this account Alricks and Beek 


man had great difficulty in sending information of 
Baltimore s threatened invasion to Manhattan, no one 
being willing to cross through New Jersey from New 
Amstel to Manhattan by land. 

Alricks in a letter to De Graeff, Burgomaster of 
Amsterdam, who appears to have had the main charge 
of the affairs of the City s Colony says : " that there 
were one hundred and ten houses in New Amstel, and 
16 or 17 more on land belonging to our nation, and 
13 or 14 belonging to the Swedes." He does not 
mention whether these other houses are situated in 
the City s Colony, or the Company s Colony of Alto- 
na, north of the Christiana. But we infer from the 
tenor of his letter that he means that this number of 
houses were in New Amstel and its neighborhood 
alone. As he intended to give to the agent of the 
city of Amsterdam a description of their property, 
and not of that of the Company. He is incessant 
(in his letter to the New T Amsterdam Commissioners) 
in his demand for practical fanners. He especially 
desired 20 or 25 families of good agriculturists, and 
30 or 40 cows to each family. The cattle he recom 
mended should be furnished by the city of Amster 
dam, to be kept on shares, the family to have half, 
and the city half. He describes the poods as most in 
demand at New Amstel, as duffels, gray osnaburgs, 
and strong liquors. " Clearing lands," he says, " fur 
nishes considerable employment here. Plowing, sow 
ing, mowing and thrashing, requiring strong people, 
accustomed to labor, most of whom should, as far as 
possible be men." 1 

^roadhcad and O Calligan, N. Y. Doc. p. 76, 78, vol. 2. 


FROM 1659 TO 1660. 

Herman and Waldron leave as Ambassadors to Maryland Difficul 
ties in their way Threatened by two Fins Stop at Capt. Wick s 
plantation Are informed that the English believe the Dutch in 
cited the Indians to murder them Visit Secretary Calvert Con 
versation with Calvert on English and Dutch rights Meet Gov 
ernor Fendall and Maryland Council Claim for the Dutch the 
territory between the 38th and 42d degree of north latitude Re 
cite the Dutch claim Complain of Col. Utie Demand return of 
fugitives Deny claim of Maryland Mary landers justify Col. 
Utie Persist in their claim Endorse his instructions Mary- 
landers claim between 38 and 40 degrees latitude Extent of said 
claim Warmth of Col. Utie Discussion between him and the 
Ambassadors Marylanders demand to see the Dutch patent 
They have not got it The mountain The Ambassadors depart 
Herman goes to Virginia Dutch suspicious of plots Beekman 
sick Stuyvessant fears the English Urges population Disputes 
between the authorities of City and Company Recrimination be 
tween them Death of Alricks D llinnoyossa appointed his suc 
cessor Proposition to tax the Swedes. 

Ox the 30th of September. Herman and Waldron, 
the ambassadors appointed by Stuyvessant, left New 
Amstel for Maryland. They were accompanied by 
some guides, mostly Indians, and convoyed by a few 
soldiers. They travelled by land, taking the first day 
a course W. N. W. from New Amstel. They con 
tinued this course for 4i Dutch miles, (about 13 
English), when they took a due west course, and 
after travelling three more Dutch miles, the Indians 
refusing to proceed any further, encamped for the 


night. On the 1st of October they continued their 
travel, going W. by S., and then again directly South. 
The country at first was hilly, and then low. They 
soon arrived at a stream, which the Indians informed 
them flowed into the Bay of Virginia, the Chesapeake 
Bay. They followed this stream until they found a 
boat hauled upon the shore, and almost dried up. 
Dismissing four of their guides, and retaining only a 
man named Sandy Boyer, and his Indian, they pushed 
off, but were soon obliged to land again, as the boat 
became full of water, whereupon they turned the boat 
upside down, and caulked the seams with old linen. 
They thus made it a little tighter, but one was obliged 
to sit continually and bail out the water. Proceeding- 
down this stream, they soon reached the Elk river. 
Here they made a fire, and proceeded with the evening 
tide, but with great trouble, as the boat had neither 
rudder nor oars, but only paddles. Having rowed 
all night, on the 2d of October they reached the Sas 
safras river, and stopped at the plantation of a man 
named John Turner. Here they met a man named 
Abraham, (a Fin), a soldier of Altona, who had run 
away with a Dutch woman. They were offered a 
pardon if they would return to Manhattan or New 
Amstel within a month. The woman agreed to do 
this. She h:-d three months of her time to serve 
but the soldier refused ; he, however, made two oars 
for them. Here they set Sandy Boyer on shore for 
information, but they could get none, as the only in 
habitants were a few Fins and Swedes who had de 
serted from the South river, in the time of Governor 


Printz. They proceeded onward, but had scarcely 
left the shore when this Abraham and another Fin 
named Marcus, followed them in a canoe, and endea 
vored to stop their passage, claiming the boat as their 
own. Herman and Waldron desired to proceed, as 
suring them they should have the boat on their 
return ; but they endeavored to stop them by force, 
and Marcus drew a pocket pistol, and threatened to 
fire. They also had two guns with them. At last, 
with difficulty, they succeeded in getting rid of them. 
At the mouth of the Sassafras they came to Colonel 
U tie s, where they heard a "strong firing," supposed 
to proceed from fifty to sixty men. They supposed 
from this that an expedition was being prepared to 
visit South river. On the 3d of October they entered 
the Chesapeake B;iy, and in the evening arrived at 
the plantation of Captain Wicks, one of the three 
magistrates of Kent Island. Of him they endeavored 
to learn whether the English had laid any regular 
plan for attacking South river. Wicks informed them 
he understood "it belonged to Lord Baltimore, and 
that he was obliged to sustain him in his right and 
title." Herman and Waldron endeavored to prove 
the contrary, and informed Wicks that "he who would 
have it, must get it by force. That the Dutch had 
already sent one hundred men from New Amsterdam 
for the defence of South river, and that double that 
number were soon expected," but they hoped to be 
on friendly terms. 

The Butch here learned during the discussion with 
Captain Wicks that the English were informed that 


the Dutch at Hoernkill were stirring up the Indians 
in the war they were then engaged in against the 
English. That it took place thus : 

"A certain savage met a Dutchman at Whorekill, 1 
and told him he would kill a Dutchman, because 
his father had been killed by a Dutchman before. 
To which the Dutchman replied that his father had 
been killed by an Englishman, and therefore ought 
to take revenge on them. On which the savage went 
off and killed an Englishman. Thus the war, said 
one of the English, was aided by the Dutch in sup 
plying arms." 

Herman at first denied this, and then palliated it. 

Of Captain Wicks the embassy procured a boat, 
and sailing down the Chesapeake, on the 7th of Oc 
tober they arrived at Secretary Calvert s. They were 
quartered in the neighborhood, on a Mr. Simon Over- 
fee or Overzee. 

On the 8th of October they invited Calvert, the 
Secretary, to dine with them, when they had a familiar 
conversation on the affairs of South river and Mary 

Calvert during the conversation said he "wished 
happiness to Maryland and Manhattan." 

" This," the ambassadors remarked, " included the 
whole land, it having retained its ancient name from 
the tribe of savages among whom the Dutch made a 
beginning of the first settlement." 

1 This is spelt by tho Dutch Iloernkill and Hoerkill. When giving 
Dutch accounts, we shall spell it in the former way ; when English 
the latter. 


Gradually they struck on the point of the limits, 
which Calvert said of Maryland, was " between 38 
and 40 degrees of latitude along the sea, by which 
Delaware Bay was included, and then in a direct course 
to Paman s Island, and thence to the origin of Poto 
mac river." 

The ambassadors answered the 38th and 40th de 
grees ought to be understood of the Chesapeake Bay 
upward, and then the colony of Virginia reached, the 
same bay to the sea. 

Calvert replied " that it was not so ; but that it 
ought to meet the limits of New England." 1 

" Where, then," exclaimed Herman and Waldron, 
- would remain New Netherlands, if their limits were 
to join New England ?" 

Calvert answered, " he did not know." 

The ambassadors then said that they " knew for 
both of them together, that it was a mistake, and 
that New Netherlands was in possession of those 
limits several years before Lord Baltimore obtained 
his patent, and they actually settled those spots." 
The ambassadors further alleged that " Edmund Ploy- 
den had in former clays made a claim to Delaware 
Bay, and that the one pretension was not better sup 
ported than the other." 

To this Calvert replied " that Ployden had not 
obtained a commission, and was in England thrown in 

1 The charter for New England, granted in 1606, called originally 
for all thejand between the 41st and 45th degrees of latitude. In 
1620 the 40th degree was added, thus effectually granting away all 
the lands settled on by the Dutch. See ante pp. 89, 91. 


jail for his debts. That Ploy den had solicited from 
the king a patent for New Albion, but had been re 
fused, -on which he addressed the Viceroy of Ireland, 
of whom he obtained a patent, but that was of no 
value at all." 

The ambassadors, to use their own words, then 
said, "On this we entirely confounded him with his 
own words, by saying that it could not be known of 
my Lord Baltimore s pretensions, if he had any on 
the Delaware Bay, had obtained these by false or 
foreign representations. Neither could it be believed 
that the King of England, who once took notice of 
the Dutch plantations in New Netherlands, and who 
commanded those of Virginia and New England, as 
we could prove by their own English authors, ex 
pressly to remain at a distance of one hundred 
leagues from one another, determining nothing about 
it. It was therefore an unquestionable proof that he 
might reach the borders of New England, that it then 
was void, and of no value whatever." 

The ambassadors were not able to see the governor 
for several days, and accordingly on the 12th of Oc 
tober, Calvert was again invited to dine with them, 
when, after the cloth was removed, another discussion 
took place as to the relative claims of the Mary land 
ers and Dutch to the South river. Three maps were 
introduced. One printed at Amsterdam by direction 
of Captain Smith, the first discoverer of the Chesa 
peake Bay ; the second also printed at Amsterdam, 
about the time of Baltimore s patent. The other was 
in manuscript. They all differed from each other. 


By these maps, said Herman, "they endeavored to 
prove Lord Baltimore s claim, but we showed that the 
Bay of Chesapeake being so much to the northeast 
would come in our limits." 

" How can that be, as New England was discovered 
first ?" exclaimed Calvert. 

" On this." says Herman, the Dutch alleged " they 
were nearly three years earlier in their parts than the 
English were in theirs." 

Calvert replied, " they counted from Walter Ra 

- We," said Herman, " derived our right from 

C1 " 


Calvert in reply said, " the Dutch were then not 
a free nation." 

" Waxing warm," said Herman, " we took up other 

The ambassadors stopped at Mr. Overfees until the 
16th of October, when they were informed that Gov 
ernor Fendall would meet them at the house of Mr. 
Bateman, at Potusk. Two horses were sent for them. 
They arrived at Mr. Bateman s about 3 or 4 o clock 
in the afternoon. They were courteously received 
by the governor, and invited to dinner. After dinner 
the governor gave them an audience. Herman was 
placed on the left, Secretary Calvert on the right; 
then followed Waldron and the members of the Coun 
cil, who consisted of Captain William Stone, Thomas 
Gerrard, Luke Barber, Colonel Nathaniel Utie, Baker 
Brooke and Edward Lloyd. 

The ambassadors then made, or rather read, a com- 


munication, copies of which, in Dutch, were handed 
to the English, and afterwards rendered into English 
by Mr. Over fee. 

They first cited their claim as by grant from the 
States General of the land between the lines of lati 
tude of 38 and 42 degrees. The extent of this claim 
they do not appear to have been aware of. But it 
included the territory at present comprised in the 
Eastern Shore of Maryland, the State of Delaware, 
New Jersey, Connecticut and Rhode Island, and part 
of New York and Massachusetts, including the cele 
brated Plymouth Rock, the landing place of the pil 
grims. They claimed this right first from the Spani 
ards who were the first discoverers of America, and 
of whom they were at the time subjects, and who 
afterwards they alleged, (when Holland separated from 
Spain, and became independent,) " granted to them 
amongst other territories, that at present called 
New Netherlands, now also secured by the right of 
possession and discovery." After reciting the various 
claims of the English and French, based on the right 
of discovery (making, however, no mention of Sebas 
tian Cabot, who under the English flag was the first 
discoverer of the continent), they asserted that the 
boundaries of the possessions of the Christian Princes 
of Europe, were " by communication with each other s 
ambassadors agreed upon." That upon this agree 
ment King James of England, " commanded and re 
quired that Virginia and New England should remain 
asunder and not meet together within the space of a 
hundred leagues," which space they alleged "was 


alloted for the Dutch plantations, then called by the 
general name of Manhattans, after the name of the 
Indians, they were first seated by." They scouted 
the idea that the name of Manhattan applied only to 
the island upon which New Amsterdam was built. 
The South river, they alleged was in the primitive 
times possessed by the Dutch, and " a colony planted 
on the western shore, within the mouth of the South 
Cape, called Hoernkill." That they " built there a little 
fort, and established a colony, but that it was massa 
cred by the Indians." After this, in 1623, they " built 
the Fort Nassau, about fifteen leagues up the river, 
on the eastern shore, besides many other places built 
by the Dutch, and the Dutch Swedes." That they 
" thought it well to remove Fort Nassau downwards to 
the western shore, and there to fix a town," which 
they asserted " stood at this day, no man ever making 
any protestor claim from Maryland or Virginia against 
it." They also claimed " to have just right and title 
to the South river by lawful purchase from the In 
dians, the natural proprietors of the soil." They also 
alleged that from the " primitive time aforesaid, they 
had always held friendly and neighborly correspond 
ence with the English of Maryland and Virginia, 
without any claim, injury or molestation to one an 
other, until the 8th day of September, when Colonel 
Nathaniel Utie came into the town and fort of New 
Amstel, erected in the year 1650, and without any 
special commission or lawful authority from any state, 
prince, parliament or government, exhibited only by 
a piece of paper, or cartabel, by form of an instruction 


from Philip Calvert, Secretary, written without year 
or day, name or place, were neither signed or sealed 
by any state, prince, parliament or government, de 
manded in a manner, and required in a strange way, 
that the town and the country should be delivered up 
to the province of Maryland, as he said, for my 
Lord Baltimore ; going from house to house to seduce 
and draw the inhabitants to rebel and fall from their 
right and lawful lords, and threatening, in case they 
did not submit and deliver up possession of New Am- 
stel, to come again with force of arms, and fire and 
sword, and plunder them, and take their houses from 
them." Against this the ambassadors protested. 

This conduct of Utie they asserted was " not 
only against the law of nations, neighborly friendship 
and common equity, but also contrary to articles 2, 3, 
5, 6, 9, 10 and 16, of the treaty of 1654, between 
the two republics of England and the United Pro 
vinces. By the conduct of the said Nathaniel Utie, 
the said treaty of amity and peace was disturbed and 
interrupted, and they demanded justice and satisfac 
tion for the wrongs and damages they had suffered 
and might suffer, according to the 16th article of the 

They also demanded the sending back "of all Swedes 
and Dutch subjects, runaways and fugitives, who 
from time to time (especially the year 1659) had ran 
away from the South river. For the most part," they 
said "they were deeply indebted or delinquents." They 
declared that New Netherlands would also engage to 
return fugitives which might come into her jurisdic- 


tion. If not according to the leges faglionis (or law of 
retaliation). New Netherlands would hold itself "con 
strained, necessitated and excused to publish free 
liberty, access and recess to all planters, servants, 
negroes, fugitives and runaways, which from time to 
time might come into her jurisdiction." 

The ambassadors utterly denied that Baltimore 
under his patent had any right to South river whatever. 
They asserted they had had possession of the territory 
for forty years, whilst the patent of Baltimore was of 
no longer standing and settlement than twenty-four 
or twenty-seven years. That he had not even as 
much title as Sir Edmund Ployden. That even if he 
had had a title to the South river, according to the 
30th article of the treaty between England and Hol 
land, he should have made his claim known before 
the 18th of May, 1652, to the commissioner appointed 
by both England and Holland to determine such differ 
ences as might have occurred between the year 1611 
and the 18th day of May, 1652. In proof of the cor 
rectness of this, they stated that "New England having 
set up some claims to South river, arid the ships of the 
Lords Protector (Cromwell) having been sent there 
to subdue the province of New Netherlands, upon 
peace being concluded between Holland and England, 
the design of the conquest of New Netherlands was 
given us, and the ships of war were sent against the 
French." They also said that their " western limits had 
been questioned, and having thereupon observed arid 
suspected, the Bay of Chesapeake, in the uttermost 
part therefore winding so much to the northeast as to 


run about Sassafras and Elk river, in our (their) line, 
they therefore laid claim to those parts, until by due 
examination hereafter the truth thereof may be found 
out, or agreed and settled amongst us (them) otherwise." 
The ambassadors concluded by declaring that they 
never meant any " wrong or offence to the provinces 
of Virginia or Maryland," but on the contrary, still 
desired to continue in neighborly amity, confederacy 
and friendship; that they only demanded that "justice 
and satisfaction might be given." To prevent further 
mischief, they advised that three rational persons 
should be appointed from each province, to meet at a 
certain specified time, about the middle, between the 
Chesapeake Bay and South river, at a point which 
they described as "a hill 1 lying to the head of Sassa 
fras river and another river coming from our river, 
almost meet together," with full power to settle the 
bounds and limits between the provinces of Mary 
land and New Netherlands. If such a settlement is 
not possible, then to refer the matter in dispute to 
their sovereigns at home, the States of England and 
Holland. But that in the meantime " all further hos 
tility or infractions towards each other may cease," 
so that the soldiers that were sent to defend New 
Amstel might be sent home and no further expense 
be added, and that a fair correspondence might be kept 
up between them as heretofore. After desiring that 
what they had stated might be recorded, they wound 
up their address by the following : 

1 This hill, we think, must be Iron Hill, near the village of New 
ark, in New Castle county. 


" And so wishing the Lord God Almighty will con 
duct your honors both to all prudent results, that we 
may live neighborly together in this wilderness, to 
the advancement of God s glory and kingdom of 
heaven, amongst the heathens, and not to the des 
truction of each other s Christian blood, whereby to 
strengthen the barbarous Indians. Nay, m;iy we 
rather join in love, and league together against them, 
which God and our Saviour will grant." 

After this the commissioners 1 delivered a written 
copy and withdrew from the room. 

The ambassadors made no allusion to Hudson, who 
discovered both the North and South rivers. 

After their withdrawal, the Maryland Council took 
the matter into consideration, and resolved to have 
an answer ready by Saturday, the 8th, at 5 o clock 
P. M. They then adjourned until the next day, 
when they again met. and u after a long debate, it 
being considered that Baltimore s instructions and 
orders were only to give the Dutch warning to be 
gone, and that when they were able to beat them out 
they might not plead ignorance, it was resolved that 
an answer iu writing, by way of a letter, should be 
given, directed to the General of the Manhattans." 

In accordance with this resolution a letter was p e- 
pared, in which they acknowledged letters of cre 
dence by the ambassadors, containing u many expres 
sions of love and amity." It said they "felt them 
selves obliged to return them real thanks, in giving 
them (the Marylanders) an opportunity of unfolding 

Maryland Records, from the book entitled "Council. &c.. II. II." 


the causes that had been the reason of the Dutch 
astonishment and wonder." It said, it would give the 
Dutch that satisfaction which " with reason they could 
expect," and which they should likewise exact from 
them (the Dutch) as substitutes of Celius, Lord 
Baron of Baltimore, proprietary of that province, 
and that part lying on Delaware Bay, to them in 
trusted, and on which the Dutch had injuriously 
seated themselves, to the prejudice of Lord Balti 
more s right and title. In answer to the ambassadors 
demand made on them, they said that Colonel Na 
thaniel Utie w ? as by them "in pursuance of a com 
mand from Lord Baltimore, ordered to make his 
repair to a certain people seated on the Delaware 
Bay, within the 40th degree of north latitude, and 
let them know T they were residing in his Lordship s 
jurisdiction without his knowledge, and much more, 
without his license, and without grant of land from, 
or oath of fidelity taken to his Lordship, which were 
the conditions and laws on which he granted the plan 
tations to those within the jurisdiction of his grant. 
In case of their refusal he was instructed to let them 
know that all lawful means were to be used to reduce 
them to obedience, which all people within his terri 
tories were bound to yield to those entrusted with 
the province of Baltimore, who w r as sole and absolute 
lord and proprietary, by patents under the great 
seal of England, bearing date the 20th of June, 1632, 
and since confirmed by acts of Parliament," a copy 
of which w 7 as shown to the ambassadors. It said, 
"that as the ambassadors seemed to insinuate the 


colony on the Delaware was seated thereby and under 
the command of Stuyvessant, to whom the letter was 
directed as General of the Manhattans, they pro 
tested against him and all other persons, either prin 
cipals or abettors, in the said intrusion upon their 
bounds and confines." It also declared their inten 
tion of recovering in due time, and by all lawful 
means, damages and costs that they might have, or 
hereafter might have sustained from the Dutch occu 
pancy and injurious detention of the territory within 
their bounds and limits. 

The letter also asserted " the original rights of the 
Kings of England to these countries and territories, 
which it was their (the Maryland Governor and 
Council s) business to maintain, and not by any dis 
course to controvert, or in the least attempt to yield 
up. That they could accept nothing from any other 
power, nor could they yield up any authority with 
out the consent of the Kings of England and their 
successors. That the Dutch had no authority to ex 
ercise any jurisdiction on the Delaware by virtue of 
any grant from the State General, because the Stite 
General had no authority to make such grant, and 
if they did make one, it would be void and of no 
force and effect." 

In relation to the instructions to Colonel Utie, (so 
much insisted on by the Dutch), they said " were 
such as every person inhabitant of this province of 
Maryland ought to take notice of." It was signed by 
the Secretary of the province, and this was the usual 
and common mode of giving notice to the inhabi- 


tants of Maryland, and that they made use of no 
other. It stated that they did not believe that the 
State General " would own those people at Delaware 
Bay to be there seated by their authority, since they 
have heretofore protested to the supreme authority 
then in England, not to own their intrusion upon their 
territories and dominions." 

In relation to indebted persons, it informed the 
Dutch " that the Maryland Courts were open that 
their justice was speedy, and denied to none that 
should demand it, which they thought was as much 
as in reason could be expected of them. That they 
took the same course in relation to the neigh 
boring colony of Virginia, and only gave the 
Virginians and their brethren (the English) the same 

It wound up by saying : " Thus hoping that you 
will seriously weigh the consequences of your actions, 
we rest in expectation of such a compliance as the 
style you give yourselves imports, having taught 
us to subscribe ourselves your affectionate friends 
and neighbors." 1 

Notice was then given to the ambassadors " to 
attend on the next day for an answer." Accordingly 
Herman and Waldron attended, and presented a 
paper, which stated "that having viewed Lord Balti 
more s patent, in which they say they reserved only 
what the Governor and Council of New Netherlands 
might have to say against it; that they repeat their 
former declaration and manifestation of the 6th hist., 

1 X. Y. Historical Col. vol. 3, pp. 384, 385. 


and that Baltimore s patent, that he had petitioned 
the King of England for a country in the parts of 
America which was not seated and taken up before, 
only inhabited (as he saith) by a certain barbarous 
people, the Indians ; upon which ground his royal 
majesty of England did grant and confirm the said 
patent. But that the South river, of old called the 
Nassau river of New Netherlands, (by the English 
surnanied Delaware), was taken up, appropriated, 
and purchased by virtue of a grant from the State 
General, long before the grant to Baltimore. There 
fore the King of England s intention and justice was 
not to have given and granted that part of a country 
which before was taken in possession and seated by 
the subjects of Holland. So that the claim of Balti 
more to Delaware Bay or any part thereof was inva 

It was on these words of the grant Baltimore was 
was afterwards defeated by Perm, in his claim to this 
State otherwise the State of Delaware, the City of 
Philadelphia, the town of West Chester, and portions 
of Delaware, Chester, York, Adams, Franklin, Ful- 
tun, Bedford and Somerset counties, Pennsylvania 
would now be included within the limits of the State 
of Maryland. 1 

In addition to these formal letters and written 
speeches, considerable conversation relative to the 
South river and the conduct of Utie took place. The 
governor asked the ambassadors "if his letter by 

1 Maryland Records, copied by J. Leeds Borzinan for the Nc\v 
York Historical Society. 


Utie had been received by the Director General 
and Council ?" 

They said " no, they had received no letter. That 
they were informed on South river that Alricks had 
received a private one, in answer to one of his with 
out date, time, or place, of which he took no notice." 

Governor Fendall said "he had no intention to 
meddle with the government at Manhattan, but that 
the government and people who had settled on the 
Delaware Bay, were within their limits, and that he 
once sent Colonel Utie to them, and that he should 
have delivered his instructions, though only given to 
regulate his conduct, &c." 

The ambassadors replied " that the government and 
inhabitants on South river made separate government, 
but a sabaltern and subject, being only Vice Govern 
ors and Members of New Netherlands," &c. 

Fendall answered " that he knew no better, and 
had always understood that the General Director on 
South river, in Delaware Bay, did hold his commis 
sion from the city of Amsterdam, and had settled 
there with his people as a separate government," 

The ambassadors answered, " no ; but that the city 
of Amsterdam was in possession of that place as a 
colony, and a particular member of New Netherlands, 
in a similar manner as their colonies in Virginia and 
Maryland were subsisting ; and they had many simi 
lar colonies in New Netherlands, so that any injustice 
or injury committed against the colony of New Am- 
stel, was perpetrated against the whole State of New 


This answer of the ambassadors appeared to have 
offended Col. Utie, who said with great vehemence, 
" that they might take notice of all that had hap 
pened, but that all that he had done against the peo 
ple who had dared to settle within the province of 
Lord Baltimore, if the Governor and Council would 
renew his commission, he would do again." 

Herman and Waldron replied that " if he returned 
once more, and acted in the same manner as before, 
he would lose the name of ambassador, and be con 
sidered as a pertrubator of the public peace, because 
it was not lawful in an ambassador or delegate to 
attempt any other thing than to present in courteous 
manner his message to the magistrate or supreme 
chief to whom he was sent, but that it (his) was the 
language of open hostility, a language of war, to 
summons a place to surrender in such a manner as by 
fire and sword." 

To this Utie answered that "he had not done so, 
further than his instructions and commission justi 


The ambassadors replied " that they would only pay 
regard to the answer which they received in return, 
and therein he would clearly perceive in what man 
ner he made his." 

Utie further added " that he too had further under 
stood that they had threatened to transport him to 
Holland, which lie wished they had executed." 

They replied "that if he once more returned and 
acted in -that manner, perhaps that nothing better 
might be his lot." 


Utie then asked "in what manner he ought to have 
conducted himself; he had despatched two of his 
men before him," he said, " to notify his arrival, after 
which he took up his abode in the city, and if it then 
was not permitted to take a walk arid look at the 
place, and converse with the inhabitants, who invited 
him to enter their lodgings." 

The ambassadors answered " that it was permitted 
to do this, but not to stir up revolt and rebellion 
against the magistrates, and threaten them if they 
would not voluntarily surrender, that they were to be 
plundered and expelled, so that those altercations 
caused uneasiness on both sides." 

Utie at this (the ambassadors said), glowed? with 
rage, and was commanded by the governor to keep 
himself more reasonable. That they remained at full 
liberty to explain themselves without interrupting 
each other. 

The ambassadors " then appealed to what they had 
brought with them in answer from New Netherlands, 
which they declared they had made known, and which 
they solicited might be taken into serious considera 
tion, so that they might avoid any frivolous dis 

Fendall hinted to Herman and Waldron, amongst 
other points, that they had "arrived there without 
having demanded or obtained, as they ought to have 
done, a license." 

They remarked that they "were yet unacquainted 
with the forms of the government, but would con 
duct themselves in future in accordance to their cus- 


torn, or such as they should deem proper to estab 

On this Utie exclaimed that they " should have 
stopped at his island to inquire there whether they 
should be permitted to land." 

The ambassadors thought from this that if he had 
met them, or known anything about their embassy, 
he would have kept them there, and not permitted 
them to proceed further. But one of the council 
interrupting Utie, said, " that then they would have 
been accommodated with a better vessel," as Herman 
and Waldron had before told them they had arrived 
in an old and leaky boat, and that they could not 
wait to procure a better one. They however thought 
that if they had not exerted themselves to the utmost 
on the road to avoid Colonel Utie, he would have left 
nothing untried to disappoint them and frustrate their 

This was the end of this conference. 

At another time they had friendly discussions with 
the Governor and Council individually. They "pro 
posed to submit the matters to a committee of both 
nations, or enter into friendly correspondence for 
trade," &c. This, the ambassadors said they seemed 
to consent to, but they were inclined to defend 
their rights under the patent. 

They also held an interview with Governor Fen- 
clall after they had given their answer in relation to 
Baltimore s patent, when he told them that Balti 
more s patent was given by his majesty, with full instruc 
tions that Delaware Bay was to belong to the Eng- 


lish. He also required of them the Dutch patent for 
New Netherlands and the Delaware Bay. 

They answered that " they did not need to expose 
it at present, as they did not come for that purpose, 
but only lo prepare a day for a future meeting be 
tween both parties." 

Fendall then thought that he " ought not to have 
shown his." 

The ambassadors then replied they intended no 
other use for it than the Delaware." 

Fendall said that " Claiborne h-id before made the 
same objection regarding the Island of Kent, of which 
he had taken possession of before the patent, but it 
did not avail, as he had to implore Lord Baltimore to 
save his life." 

The ambassadors replied, " this was a different 
case; that they were not subjects of England, but of 
the Dutch nation, and had as much right to settle 
part of America as any others." 

On the 18th, the governor again demanded to see 
their patent for South river. 

The ambassadors replied they "had not had 
it with them, but they would show it at a future 

There were also some remarks made on soldier hos 
tilities, and that each must pursue his own course. 

The ambassadors replied that the}^ " should pre 
pare themselves for defence," but at the same time 
solemnly protesting against such attacks. They also 
said they knew they (the Marylanders) would not 
attack them (the Dutch) in a clandestine manner. 


To this the Council replied, " they would use their 
own pleasure. Payment for runaways," the Council 
informed them. " might be settled by their courts ; 
but they could not compel them to return, because 
they considered Delaware in their jurisdiction." 

At a further conversation between the governor 
and the ambassadors, the governor asked as to who 
was meant by the " Dutch Swedes" spoken of in their 

To this the ambassadors made an answer that was 
hardly a truthful one. They replied " that they had 
been partners and associates, residing for some time 
(or rather connived at) under the jurisdiction of the 
Company, but they became so insolent, that in a trait 
orous manner they surprised New Amstel, then called 
Fort Cassimer, by which the Director General and 
Council of New 7 Netherlands were compelled to 
cleanse that neighborhood of such a vile gang." 

The Swedes did indeed attack and take Fort Cas- 
sinier, but they were never (until conquered by Stuy- 
vessant) under Dutch jurisdiction, as the ambassa 
dors intimated. Fendall, it appears, was ignorant of 
the settlement of the Swedes, and the conquering and 
occupation of their territory by the Dutch, although 
how this could be, when there were so many Swedish 
refugees in Maryland, it is hard to imagine. 

Again, the ambassadors in their communication to 
the Marylanders, mistated the time of the destruction 
of Fort Oplandt and the murder of the first settlers 
of Delaware. They alleged it occurred previous to 
the building of Fort Nassau, in 1623. When this 


event took place, in 1631, or nine years later, 
and only one year previous to the grant of the 
State of Maryland to Baltimore, which was in 
1632. 1 

Fendall also inquired of the ambassadors with 
great anxiety in relation to the "mountain" they had 
mentioned as a place of meeting, from which (as the 
ambassadors said), "the Sassafras river, in Virginia, 
and the kill which emptied itself into South river, 
behind Reedy Island, seem to derive their origin." 
They said, " we had our passage over this mountain." 
This, we think, must have been either Chestnut or 
Iron Hills, near Newark, which w r ould have been in 
their course, more than probable the latter. They are 
situated in Pencader hundred, about two miles from 
the town of Newark, and about the same distance 
from the Maryland line. The Sassafras river and the 
Augustine creek, which flows into the Delaware back 
of Reedy Island, do not indeed take their origin there, 
as Herman and Waldron supposed, but Persimmon 
creek, which flows into the Christiana, and a branch 
of the Elk river, which takes its course through the 

1 Subsequent investigation has led the author to believe that the 
earlier historians who have written on the Delaware river, have been 
wrong in placing the scene of the massacre of the early settlers of 
Delaware at Lewistown. Paradise Point is laid down by Lindstrom 
as being on the southern bank of the Mordare Kylcn, or Murderer s 
Creek. Lindstrom arrived only 12 years after this massacre, and 
therefore, whilst it was fresh in men s minds. It was at Swanendale 
the unfortunate settlers built their fort. Therefore there is but little 
doubt that on the southern bank of the Murderkill Fort Oplandt was 
built, and that that creek derives its name from the tragedy enacted 
on its banks. 


Cat Swamp, have their rise within about half a mile 
of each other, near the Iron and the Chestnut Hills. 

The ambassadors also had some private conversa 
tion with the governor on the subject of establishing 
mutual trade overland between Maryland and Dela 
ware Bay. 

Herman assured him " that this could easily be 
carried on, as soon as this question was terminated, 
and the limits of both sides adjusted." 

This trade it was intended should have its course 
overland from the Bohemia river, in Maryland, to the 
Appoquinimink creek, in Delaware. It was intimated 
to Herman that this trade by land would be less 
likely to excite the jealousy of England than if it 
was conducted by sea. This hope of trade between 
these places was undoubtedly the reason that induced 
Herman to obtain the grant of the land now known 
as Bohemia Manor. 1 

On the 20th. the ambassadors departed. Waldron 
to the South river, with a relation of their proceedings, 
and Herman to Virginia, for the purpose, as he wrote, 
" of inquiring of the Governor of Virginia what was 
his opinion on the subject, and to create a division 
between them both (i. e. Maryland and Virginia), and 
to purge the Dutch of the slander of stirring up the 
Indians to murder at Accomac." 

Thus ended the embassy of the Dutch to Mary 

Herman in a letter to Stuyvessant recommended 

1 See Herman s account in Albany Records, vol. 18, pp. 337-364, 
and in vol. 2, Broadhead and O Callighan, pp. 80-98. 


the Board of Directors at New Amsterdam to appoint 
one of their number to visit Lord Baltimore "to see 
whether an agreement could not be made quietly." 
He also recommended the drawing of a corrrect map 
of the South river and Virginia, in which the lands 
and hills (creeks) should be laid down on an exact 
scale of latitude and longitude. 1 These things he 
wished done before complaints were made by Balti 
more to the English government. 

The Rev. Everardus Wclius, the first clergyman 
W 7 e have a record of as residing at New Castle, died 


on the 9th of December. 2 

At this time the following mechanics were em 
ployed at New Amstel. They are the first named us 
following these trades in this State, viz. : Andries 
Andriessen, a carpenter; Theunis Servaes, of Har 
lem, a cooper; Cornelius Theunissen, a smith; Wil 
liam Van Rnesenberg, a surgeon; Thys Jacobsen, a 
boy working at carpentering with Andries Andries- 
sen; he is the first carpenter s apprentice recorded. 
There were also Joost, of Amsterdam, and Antony 
Willimsen, of Vreedlandt, masons. 

In the meantime, the Dutch were still suspicious of 
the Swedes. Some concealed pOAvder was discovered 
in a desk, and they were afraid that some one who 
was working mischief was concealed amongst them. 

Beekrnan, the Governor north of the Christiana, 
became very sick, and things generally on the South 
river were in very bad condition. 

1 Broadhead and O Calli^han, vol. 2, pp. 99, 100. 

2 In 1657 or 1658, the Rev. John Polhemus organized a church at 
New Castle, whilst on his way to Brazil. 


Stuyvesant wrote to the Directors in Holland, 
giving an account of the disputes with the Mary- 
landers. He expressed the opinion that " they would 
take the first opportunity to expel" the Dutch from 
the South river. He urged the strengthening of 
that river, and at the same time informed them 
that " Governor of Maryland had already caused 
a survey to be made of the lands at the distance of 
about one or two miles 1 from Fortress New Amstel, 
and caused a distribution to be made of them amongst 
the inhabitants of Maryland. He desired informa 
tion if they took possession of these lands, what 
should be his course of proceedings." 2 

The City of Amsterdam found that the Colony of 
New Amstel was of great expense, and no profit 
to them. On the 30th of September they ap 
pointed a committee of their Council to confer with 
the West India Company in relation to surrendering 
it back to them on equitable terms. On the 8th of 
November no agreement could be concluded to that 
effect. 3 

In addition to other troubles that afflicted the un 
fortunate Dutch colonists of the South river, were 
petty disputes between the officials of Altona and 
New Amstel. The officials of the Colony of the 
City believed that those of the Company were per 
suading the settlers to desert their territory and re- 

1 The reader must bear in mind that in Dutch correspondence, 
Dutch miles are meant, which are three English miles. 

2 Albany Records, vol. 10. 

3 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 111. 




move to New Amsterdam. Several residents of New 
Amstel declared before their Council on the 14th of 
November that the officers of the Company, amongst 
them Cornelius Van Ryven and Martin Krygier, had 
held out inducements for them to desert New Amstel 
and remove to Manhattan. These declarations, signed 
by the parties, were sent to the Burgomasters of Am 
sterdam. 1 These disputes finally broke out in open 
quarrel between them in regard to a frivolous matter 
the cleaning of the Fort at New Amstel. Captain 
Krygier ordered a sergeant to assist in this work, 
who was one of the city s soldiers. He refused to 
obey the order, stating he was forbidden by Alricks 
and D Hinoyossa " to obey any other command than 
theirs." This, Krygier afterwards naively remarked 
in a letter to Stuy vesant, " sounded in our ears as 
an uncommon trumpet." Krygier, however, directly 
afterwards addressed himself to Alricks in presence 
of D Hinoyossa, expressing his surprise at the com 
mand, telling him " that he must know" by his " cre 
dentials and instructions with what high commission 
he was endowed, and that he wished to know if it 
was done with his (Alricks) knowledge." 

Both Alricks and D Hinoyossa then declared " that 
the City of Amsterdam s servants were not holden 
agreable to their oath to obey any further commands 
than those of the city." And D Hinoyossa further de 
clared that " no one, while he held commission, should 
hold command over him, or the soldiers of the city," 
and such other discourses, which, says Krygier in 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, pp. 103-6. 


his letter to Stuyvesant " should not be passed with 
out protest, yet we do it, as it might lead to discus 
sions, and to be avoided. We trace it, however, to 
the oath which had been taken, excluding the Direc 
tors of the West India Company." 1 Krygier proposed 
alterations in this respect. 2 Other matters of annoy 
ance also took place between them. Van Ryven 
and Krygier on the side of the West India Company 
finding constant fault with Alricks and D Hinoyossa, 
the officers of the City of Amsterdam, caused the 
latter to retort, and Alricks charged the company and 
its commissaries " with all the trouble that had been 
raised in the City s Colony by the desertion of its 
citizens and soldiers. In one of his letters Alricks 
alleged that if the " Colony of New Amstel, or any 
place depending on it, was lost or ruined, that they 
(Stuyvesant and the other company s officers) would 
be to blame for it." Alricks also protested against 
" recalling the garrison from the Hoernkill." Stuy 
vesant severely censured him for this. In a letter 
to the Company he denounced this latter charge in 
the protest of Alricks, of " absolutely commanding 
the recalling of the garrison from the Hoernkill as 
" impudent and false." 

On the 30th of December, Alricks, after a sickness 
of several months, died, having first appointed Alex 
ander D Hinoyossa as his successor, and Gerritt Van 
Gezel, secretary. 

Alricks appointment was unfortunate for the 

1 Albany Records, vol. 18. 

2 Ibid, p. 234. 


Colony, principally on account of his " too rigid pre- 
ciseness," as his strictness in collecting debts due the 
city of Amsterdam (and his holding the unfortunate 
emigrants from Holland to their agreement to stay 
four years), was called by Stuyvesant. But it must 
not be forgotten that he had a difficult task to per 
form, and that the records from which we mainly 
derived our information as to his character were 
written by those opposed to him. And again, the city 
of Amsterdam dispatched over vessel after vessel 
loaded with colonists, who were not agriculturalists, 
or men fully master of any mechanical art useful 
in a new country. In many cases they were of 
sedentary occupations (such as weavers, tailors and 
buttonmakers) unaccustomed to hard bodily labor, who 
however valuable in an old and thickly settled com 
munity were useless in an uncleared wilderness, which 
was then the condition of what is now the State of 
Delaware. Again many of those sent over were 
vagabonds, without any legitimate occupation, who in 
fested the streets of Amsterdam. With people of 
of this description, that city swarmed the colony of 
New Amstel, without sending sufficient food for their 

The ship Meul, with one hundred souls, arrived at 
one time without a mouthful of provision ; and then 
at another time the Indians destroyed their corn. 
In addition to other evils the settlers were attacked 
by the bilious fever, which disease is always preva 
lent in neighborhoods where wild lands are being 
cleared for cultivation. Delaware was no exception 


to this rule. Even in the memory of men still living 
this disease was very prevalent in what are now por 
tions of the city of Wilmington ; and in certain houses 
this malady annually entered, and struck down the 
inmates with sickuess and death. The old Whitehall 
property still standing near Church and Ninth streets, 
which at the time of its erection was considered one of 
the handsomest residences in Delaware, was especially 
noted for its unhealthiness. It was then the mansion 
of a farm or plantation. At a residence situated at 
Seventh and French streets, which was then the 
summit of a hill, the bilious fever would annually 
enter and prostrate the household. There were other 
houses in Wilmington where it was almost impossible 
to live and retain health, and where almost annually 
one of the family would be carried to the grave. In 
portions of Kent and Sussex it was especially fatal. 
Children were raised with difficulty; and nearly every 
family would have to mourn the loss of portions of 
their younger offspring. 

The clearing of the woods and draining the swamps 
and marshes has greatly ameliorated this disease in 
all portions of our State, and in some sections driven 
it away entirely. But it especially marred the efforts 
of Alricks, leaving him with a horde of sick and 
helpless people, whose energies were destroyed, with 
so little food to feed them, that it is alleged many of 
the unfortunate settlers of New Amstel died from 


FROM 1660 TO 1661. 

Dispute between D Hinoyossa and Secretary Van Gezel He flies 
to Altona to save himself from arrest His removal from office 
Appointment of Prato as Councellor Van Sweringen as Secretary 

Peter Alricks appointed commander at the Hoernkill Orphan 
house at New Amstel First Delaware orphan Murders of 
Indians They threaten revenge Information sent to Stuyvesant 

He urges punishment of the murderers Sends commission to try 
them Tried and sentenced previously by D Hinoyossa Payment 
made to the savages as a recompense Robbery of Hudde Fears 
of invasion from Maryland Fort Christina decaying Beekman 
attempts to move the Swedes They refuse Number of Swedes 
able to bear arms Swedes receive permission to stay Removal of 
Van Dycke the Swedish sheriff Runaway Maryland servants 
delivered up Horses on the Delaware First divorce case 
Criminal trial Stuyvesant writes a letter censuring D Hin 
oyossa Indian sachem visits Beekman Ferry at Hoernkill 
Utie agrees to inform on runaways Attorney for Baltimore de 
mands the delivery up of New Amstel from West India Company 

They refuse They lay it before the State General, who in 
structs their ambassador to lay it before King Charles Dispute 
between Beekman and D Hinoyossa D llinoyossa will not be 
commanded by Stuyvesant City of Amsterdam confirm D Hin- 

^oyossa as governor His conduct approved of The Rev. Mr. 
Laers Augustin Herman First roads in Delaware Founding of 
Appoquonome (Odessa) Amsterdam desires to give up New Am 
stel Agree to hold it. 

[16601 ^ HE ( ^ ea ^ 1 of Alricks and the appointment of 

D Hinoyossa as governor of New Amstel, it 

does not appear, worked more advantageously to the 

benefit of the settlers. The jealousy between the 


officers of the two colonies of Delaware (Altona and 
New Amstel) still continued. A dispute occurred 
between D Hinoyossa and Van Gezel, who was a 
nephew of the deceased governor Alricks, in relation 
to the latter s estate, and Van Gezel had to fly to 
Altona to save himself from arrest by D Hinoyossa, 
and request Beekman to protect him from his 
(Hinoyossa s) violence. Upon this D Hinoyossa 
removed him from his office of councellor and secre 
tary. John Prato he appointed to the former office, 
whilst the sheriff, Van Sweringen, acted as secretary. 
D lIinoyossM also, upon Van Gezel refusing when 
summoned to appear before him, entered his house 
and took therefrom a mirror and picture valued at 
twenty-five guilders. 

The government of New Amstel at this time con 
sisted of D Hinoyossa as governor, Van Sweringen 
and Prato as councellors, whilst they called to their 
aid on extraordinary occasions Williams, the surgeon, 
and John Block, the gunner. Peter Alricks was ap 
pointed as commander of the Hoernkill. 

Beekman, on the 1st of February, received a note 
from D Hinoyossa, without any address, making in 
quiries in relation to Van Gezel, and offering as an 
excuse for its want of direction, " that he had no time 
to ivrite the address ivithout breaking in upon his lazi 
ness" Of this Beekman sent on a rather sneering 
account to Stuyvesant. D Hinoyossa complained that 
Van Gezel had not rendered either his accounts as 
an auctioneer, or those of the orphan house. For 
at this early period had the Dutch an institution to 


provide for friendless children. The first child placed 
in this house was born on the Prince Maurice, wrecked 
on Long Island, whilst on her way to this country 
with settlers for New Amstel. Its father was named 
John Barneston. He was murdered by the Indians. 
Its mother died at Colonel U tie s. Its parents appear 
to have tied from New Amstel to Maryland. It was 
named by the Burgomasters of New Amstel " Amstel s 
Hope." " 

The first criminal trial we have any mention of 
now occurred in our State. Gerrit Herman and 
Govert Jansen having quarrelled, Jansen with his 
sword wounded Herman in the palm of the left hand, 
and cut off his finger ; he was sentenced to pay the 
account of Herman, also his surgeon s bill, sixty guil 
ders in money, and to work for six weeks at the 
spade and wheelbarrow in the fort at Altona. The 
sentence was signed by Beekman, and on the 31st of 
May approved by Stuyvesant. 

In addition to internal trouble, and the uncertain 
state of affairs with Maryland, the unfortunate Dutch 
settlers were now in danger of a war with the Indians. 
Three Indians were found murdered on the farm of 
Jacob Alricks, the deceased governor, near New 
Amstel, on the 21st of January. One of these was a 
Minqua, or one of those Indians who resided on the 
Christina river. The murder, it was alleged, was 
committed by two of Alrick s servants. The bodies 
were found in the underwood, in the marsh, by some 
Indians, who communicated the information of the 
murder to their tribe, who at once threatened to take 


revenge on the residents of New Amstel. The 
neighboring inhabitants, upon this, abandoned their 
residences, and fled to the fort for protection. Much 
indignation was excited against D Hinoyossa on this 
occasion, on account of his saying that " he would not 
contribute a farthing in the case of this murder, but 
that it must be borne by the community, and that he 
was " pretty indifferent whether the savages went to 
war or not." Beekman, however, endeavored to 
settle the matter peaceably with them, and sent for 
Van Dyke, the Swedish sheriff, to consult with the 
authorities of Altona and New Amstel, to devise 
means to prevent the threatened bloodshed. 1 The 
supposed murderers were apprehended, and informa 
tion sent to Stuyvesant, giving him a full account of 
the affair. He wrote back, urging the importance of 
the conviction and execution of the murderers. As 
he could not go himself to the South river, he sent 
his attorney-general, Nicatius de Stille, and Paulus 
Lindert Van de Graft, an old burgomaster of Amster 
dam, who, with Beekman, D Hinoyossa, Van Swer- 
ingen, Jacobus Backer, (acting schoepen,) and John 
Prato, were to inquire into the circumstances of the 
murder. They were instructed as follows : 

" When the inquiry is made, the delinquents dis 
covered, and by sufficient proofs and voluntary con 
fessions convicted, then prosecute them before the 
delegated Judge to make up his conclusion according 
to law, demand speedy and impartial justice, and 
execute the pronounced judgment there on the spot 
for others example. 

1 Albany Records, vol. 7, p. 29. 


" Shall invite the sachem and some other individuals 
to be present, and explain it as an object of frier dship, 
and that they may be made to do so when Indians 
kill whites." 

They also brought with them some other instruc 
tions, viz., to inquire into the case of a man named 
Becker, for selling rum to the soldiers, some of whom, 
whilst in a state of intoxication, had burnt a canoe 
belonging to the Indians. Becker was tried, con 
victed, and dismissed from his office of clerk for this 
offence. They were also to exhort D Hinoyossa and 
Alricks executors to peace, and to advise and assist 
Sergeant Andreas Laurens in the military serrice, 
whom they authorized to " enlist Swedes and Fins 
as soldiers at eight or twelve heavy guilders per 
month." 1 

Nicatius de Stille and Van de Graft arrived at New 
Amstel on the 8th of March, for the purpose of com 
posing part of the court to try the murderers of the 
Indians, but on the 10th of February, nearly a month 
previous, D Hinoyossa had tried, convicted, and sen 
tenced the murderers on his own responsibility. He 
solicited the attendance of Beekman at the trial, who 
at first declined to be present, but afterwards attended. 
Beekman asked him if he " supposed himself suffi 
ciently qualified to decide such cases." D Hinoyossa 
answered "Yes." He then requested Beekman to 
" take a seat near tke fire and hear the debate and 
decision." To this Beekman consented. The alleged 
murderers were convicted, but they appealed from 

1 Albany Records, vol. 24, pp. 108, 109. 


the judgment of D Hinoyossa to the director and 
council of New Netherlands at Manhattan, by whom 
it appears that the judgment of D Hinoyossa was 
reversed. This was the first trial for murder that 
took place in Delaware. 

On the 18th of August, payment was made by 
Beekman to the savages as a satisfaction for the 
murdered men, and a receipt signed by them given 
to him. Whilst this was being done, a band of Indians 
attacked and robbed Andreas Hudde, formerly di 
rector or governor of the Dutch possessions on the 
Delaware, at the time they were mainly in and around 
Fort Nassau, and on the site of the present city of 
Philadelphia. The Indian sachems, upon being in 
formed of this outrage, engaged that every thing 
should be returned. This, however, was never done, 
and poor Hudde, who had proved himself a faithful 
servant of the Dutch, was reduced to poverty. 

The Dutch were still alarmed by rumors that 
Baltimore would invade the South river. On one 
occasion, fearing an attack from the Marylanders, 
they pulled down an old house on Cooper s Island 
(which was situated on Cherry Island Marsh, now 
within the corporate limits of the city of Wilmington) 
to get timbers to repair Fort Christina, which was in 
a decayed condition. 

Attempts were still made by Beekman, in accord 
ance with the instructions from Holland to get the 
Swedes to change their habitations, but strong objec 
tions were made by them to moving from their settled 
and cleared lands, where they had already erected 


their dwellings, to others, wild and uncultivated, and 
destitute of buildings. The Swedes and Finns appear 
to have been much annoyed at this constant inter 
ference with their habitations, and some twenty 
families prepared to leave the company s colony of 
Altona and reside in the city s colony in New Am- 

At this time, according to the report of Van Dyke, 
the Swedish sheriff, to Beekman, there were one hun 
dred and fifty of the Swedes capable of bearing arms. 1 
The Swedes and Finns were two separate people, arid 
could not converse with each other on account of the 
difference in their language. Originally, the land 
between Marcus Hook and Chester, Pa., was called 
Finland, and here undoubtedly was the principal 
settlement of that people. Endeavors were made to 
get them to settle at Passyunk, a territory lying 
between the Wicaco and the Schuylkill, situated 
within the present limits of the city of Philadelphia, 
but they declined on one pretext and another. First 
soliciting a delay until after harvest, and at last per 
emptorily refusing to go. Attempts were then made 
to get them to settle at Esopus, now called Kingston, 
in the present State of New York, but as the Dutch 
were engaged in war with the Indians in that neigh 
borhood, they very properly declined to reside in a 
vicinity which was then the scene of massacre and 
murder. Eleven Indians at Esopus had just been 
slaughtered by the Dutch, and the whole of the 
Indian tribes there were banded together to revenge 

1 Beekman s Letters, vol. 17, p. 45 of Albany Records. 


the murder. Beekman thought " they were admon 
ished and encouraged by some of the principal leaders 
among them not to disperse, but to remain on the 
South river as closely united together as possible. 
They finally received permission from Stuyvesant to 
stay, but not until they informed Beekman that if 
compelled to go, " the?/ would depart to a spot where 
they might live in peace." Van Dyke was afterwards 
discharged from his office of sheriff, on the ground 
that he had influenced the Swedes against moving 
from their settled habitations to other places marked 
out for them by the Dutch. 

On the 2d of April, a Mr. Henry Coursay, a mer 
chant of Maryland, arrived at New Amstel, seeking for 
some runaway servants of his. D Hinoyossa at first 
refused to deliver them up, but finally agreed to do 
so, and they were given to him at the Hoernkill on 
the llth of April. Beekman thereupon sent to the 
governor of Maryland, to Colonel Utie and the magis 
trates residing on the Sassafras river, a complimentary 
letter, in which he " requested that if any Dutch 
soldiers deserted to Maryland, that he would arrest 
and imprison them, and inform him of it by express, 
at the expense of the company, in which case he 
would despatch with their permission, a sergeant, 
assisted by soldiers, to accompany them home." 1 

We have an account of the number of horses on the 
Delaware at this time. They appear to have increased 
but slowly. Beekman notifies Stuyvesant that the 
" horses are misused by the Swedes," so that he feared 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 49. 


there would be " no increase by them." He stated 
" that the mares were spoiled by drawing the whole 
moral ng heavy beams," and that " only three mares 
and two stallions were alive" of the number Stuy- 
vesant sent, "besides two young colts of two 
years." 1 

We have in the dispatches of Beekman this year 
some accounts of criminal trials, and also glimpses of 
the darker shades of social life in our State at that 
time. He says : 

" Amongst the Finns is a married couple who live 
together in constant strife. The wife receives daily 
a severe drubbing, and is expelled from the .house as 
a dog. This treatment she suffered a number of 
years ; not a word is said in blame of the wife, whereas 
he, on the contrary, is an adulterer. On all which 
the priest, the neighbors, the sheriff, appeal to me, at 
the "solicitation of man and wife, that a divorce might 
take place, and the small property and stock be 
divided between them." Beekman asked for orders. 
This is the first mention made of any divorce case in 

Beekman also gives an account of two other trials, 
one for marrying illegally, the other for assault and 
battery. In the one case, Oloff Stille, an influential 
Swede, was a prominent actor. He was the resident 
of a village named after him by the Swedish freemen 
" Stillensland," situated on the Delaware, not far from 
Chester, Pa. Stille had a thick black beard, from 
which the Indians gave him the name of " the man 

1 Albany Records, vol. 18, pp. 51, 58. 


with the black beard." He was the ancestor of the 
respectable Stille family now residents of Philadelphia. 
Beekman, in giving his account of the trial, 1 which 
took place at Altona, says : " Oloff Stille opposed 
himself to me pretty warmly in court, because I sus 
pected him, that he, without being authorized, had 
arrogated to himself to qualify the priest to marry 
a young couple without the usual proclamations, and 
against the will of the parents, on which I condemned 
the priest in a fine of fifty guilders, which said Stille 
too opposed, saying that it was not our province to 
meddle with this affair, it ought: to be done, if any 
interference was desirable, by the Swedish Consistory, 
and that we had nothing to do with the priest. Mr. 
Laerson 2 adopted the same opinion, as our court re 
lated to us, last November, on a summons, that we 
had no right to interfere with the rights of Christina, 
so that he did not appear before us. The case was 
this : Mr. Laerson had complained of assault and 
battery by Peter Mayer ; he was severely struck and 
wounded in his face, so that I never saw a worse, on 
which both were summoned to appear before us ; and 
before the court could meet, the affair was settled^ 
pretending the incompetency of the court. On the 
19th of August the court me:. There were twelve 
Swedish and Finnish nations summoned, and a default 
by the Jagers and other Dutchmen in the colony, 

1 Campanius. 

2 Laerson was the Swedish minister left by the Dutch, and spoken 
of as of" godless and scandalous life." He is named by some as " Lau 
rence Charles Lokenius. He is also called " Laers." 


when an order was issued that for each default, which 
was voluntarily and premeditated, and not brought 
forward by any extraneous or invisible obstacles, as 
through sickness, or on God s wind and weather, 
should be paid a fine of ten guilders, so that no per 
son should be delayed in his just pretensions, as there 
were annually only three or four courts, as circum 
stances might require. On the Tth of this month, 
being court, the priest and Mayer were again sum 
moned on the same affair by Sheriff Van Dyke ; and, 
further, that Peter Mayer treated another person in 
the insolent manner*, and Peter Mayer, deliberately 
occasioning default, after the eight intimations, to 
Jacob Van Vern, in whose behalf the assignment was 
made by the sheriff and commissaries for liquor re 
ceived ; on which Peter Mayer, coming to me, requested 
a receipt, making at the same time a great noise, that 
in this manner the costs were excessive, but that he 
too would not be at rest until he had legal security 
for his land. He told me, further, in pretty harsh 
language, that every year new commissaries ought to 
be appointed, as entitled, or that he and other free 
men were always to be treated as boys, so that con 
stantly we are to be ruled by madcaps, who did not 
understand reading or writing, and were to be pre 
ferred before him, who was acquainted with letters 
and penmanship, and that the affairs should be 
managed in quite different manner, if he should re 
main here; with many other similar insolent blubber- 
ings ; to all which I listened with patience, refuting 
him with solid arguments, and advised him to go to 


your honor and lay his complaints before you. 
A few days ago, when I sent him warning to deliver 
up his horse, his wife came here and made a horrible 
noise ; they could not spare the horse ; they were 
not accustomed to carry their wood on their necks, 
and they had a share in the property of the horse as 
well as I ; and, be it said with reverence, she did not 
care a groat about my orders, as they intended to 
leave soon this spot ; on which I menaced to send 
her to the guard house ; but having no wish to throw 
her in consternation, as being in her last stage of 
pregnancy, I let it pass by. In short, this people 
conduct themselves most despicably. Nevertheless, 
if they are resolved to move from here and reside in 
the colony, or any other part, I shall remind him of 
the fine which he yet owes for selling liquor to the 
savages. I am informed that the greater part of those 
now living separately do intend going to reside in 
Maryland with a few of the Finns." 1 

Stuyvesant appears to have severely censured the 
conduct of D Hinoyossa, the governor of New Amstel, 
as Beekman, in a letter to him of April 8th, says : 

" I copied your letter to the Honorable D Hin- 
oyossa, sealed it, and then directly conveyed it to 
him. He was, he said, much surprised at such a 
vulgar address, covering such bitter contents, and you 
might be assured that he would show it from the 
greatest to the smallest, and even forward it to the 
States. He said, further, he w r ould not do any thing 
contrary to your orders, but bear all things with 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 51, 58. 


patience, but remonstrated against it to his principals. 
He wished to be informed by me if the colony was 
again transferred to the company. He understood at 
least by your letter that a change was in contempla 
tion." 1 Beekman also complained of D Hinoyossa 
not restricting the sale of liquors to the Indians in 

On the 23d of May, the great chief of the Minquas 
visited Beekman, and showed him his poor coat. 
The hint was taken by Beekman, who thereupon pre 
sented him with a coat and piece of frieze in the name 
of Stuyvesant. On the 17th of June, a sachem 
arrived at Altona from Hackensack, with three or 
four other savages, among whom, it was said, was the 
brother of a sachem who was killed at Esopus by the 
Dutch. Accompanying these savages was the great 
chiefs of the Minquas, who informed Beekman that 
he intended visiting New Amsterdam the next night 
to see if he could make peace between the savages 
and the Dutch. As to whether the great chief of the 
Minquas visited Stuyvesant on that peaceful mission, 
or as to the result of that mission if he did, history is 

There appears to have been a ferry at the Hoernkill 
at this early day, as the records say the boat used for 
it was sunk. By the same record we learn Colonel 
Utie agreed to inform the Dutch of the runaways 
from the Delaware to Maryland. 2 

On the 1st of September, Captain Neal, the attor- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 51, 58. 

2 Albany Records, vol. 18, p. 80. 


ney of Lord Baltimore, in obedience to instructions 
from him, had an interview with the College of 19 
in Amsterdam, and asked the Directors (much to 
their surprise) to deliver up the Dutch Settlements 
on the Delaware, in the neighborhood of New Amstel 
and Altona to him. This claim was made (Neal in 
formed them) under the grant from Charles the 1st. 
If the demand of Neal was complied with, Baltimore 
agreed to give them indemnity for " all costs, damages 
and interests already undergone or to be yet incurred" 
They replied by asserting their " right by possession, 
under the grant of the State General for many years, 
without disturbance from Lord Baltimore, or any 
other person." They declared they were " resolved to 
remain in possession and defend their rights," and 
" if Lord Baltimore persevered and resorted to violent 
measures, they would use all the means God and 
nature had given them to protect the inhabitants," 
and " would be innocent of any blood which may be 
shed." 1 The College (or West India Company, by 
which name it is better known to our readers) on the 
5th of November following, laid the matter before the 
State General, and requested them to " represent, 
through their ambassadors in England, the situation 
of affairs with Maryland, and to complain of Lord 
Baltimore s encroachments and pretensions," and to 
desire that the English government should require 
that Baltimore should " desist from them until a 
boundary line could be run between the provinces of 
Maryland and the Dutch." The State General agreed 

Albany Records, vol. 8, pp. 294, 296, 301. 


to the request of the Company, " and all necessary 
papers were furnished to the ambassadors, who were 
instructed to direct the attention of King Charles the 
2d to the subject. 1 

The dispute between the jurisdiction of the com 
pany and the city appear to have continued through 
the whole of 1660, and Beekman made complaint of 
D Hinoyossa in every letter he wrote to Stuyves- 
ant. He complained of him for allowing liquor to 
be sold " to the savages, so that they behave shame 
fully ;" also " of his administration of the estate of 
Alricks." In one of his letters he says that he 
(D Hinoyossa) says that " he will not be commanded 
by your honor (Stuyvesant), as he does not acknow 
ledge any person his superior, except his principals 
in fatherland." 2 Again he wrote, (speaking of his 
administration on Alricks estate,) " D Hinoyossa is 
mentioned as conducting himself in a haughty and 
imperious manner, defaming and slandering the de 
ceased director (Alricks), and disregarding manda 
muses, and injuring the property of the deceased." 3 
But the conduct of D Hinoyossa appears to have 
met the approbation of the city of Amsterdam, as on 
the 27th of August the magistrates of Amsterdam 
appointed him as director, and John Prato and Gerritt 
Van Sweringen as assistants. They also resolved to 
continue their support to New Amstel, and approved 
of his conduct in seizing the property of Alricks. 

1 Holland Documents, vol. 9, p. 144; O Call. vol. 2, p. 461. 

2 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 92. 
5 Albany Records, vol. 18, p. 141. 


This intelligence arrived in New Amstel by way of 
Maryland, on the 24th of December. Beekman, in 
describing the arrival of the intelligence, says : " In 
short, the joy is here great, so that the seal of the 
letter was scarcely broken, than he commanded the 
cannon to be three times fired." 

After the death of the Rev. Mr. Welius, the only 
clergyman on the South river was the Rev. Mr. 
Laers, Lokenius, or Laerson, (for he is known by 
all three names). The Swedish or rather Finnish 
minister (for he was a native of the latter country), 
and his character was such that he could not com 
mand the respect of the Dutch. Four clergymen 
were expected to arrive at New Amsterdam from 
Holland. Beekman petitioned that one might be 
sent to Altona. 

Augustine Herman appeared to have remained and 
settled in Maryland, and at this time obtained the 
grant of Bohemia Manor. This grant was made to 
him on account of his making a complete map of Mary 
land and Virginia, which he dedicated to Charles the 
2d, King of England. In the Greenville Library is a 
copy of this map. It was made by Fairthorne, an 
artist distinguished for crayon portraits and copper 
plate engraving. On it is this statement, " Virginia 
and Maryland, as it is planted and inhabited this 
present year, 1670, surveyed and drawn by Augustus 
Hermann Bohemiensis." This map also contains a 
beautiful portrait of Hermann. 1 He was also instru 
mental in constructing a cart road which was made 

1 See Neill s Terra Mariae. 


about this time between the Bohemia river, in Mary 
land, and the Appoquinimink creek, in New Castle 
county, Delaware. The making of this road caused 
the building a village on the Appoquinimink creek, 
called Appoquoneme. 1 This village was the ancestor 
of the present thriving town of Odessa, formerly 
known as Cantwell s Bridge. Odessa is therefore the 
next town in our State in antiquity after Wilmington, 
New Castle, and Lewistown. This was the first road 
we have any account of, as being constructed in this 
State. He also endeavored to establish a village on 
the Bohemia river. Writing to Beekman, some time 
later, he says : " I am now engaged in encouraging 
settlers to unite together in a village of which I 
understand a beginning will be made before next 
winter. From there we may arrive by land in one 
day at San Hoeck (New Castle). * * * The 
Maquas (Christina) kill, and the Bohemia river are 
only one mile 2 distance from each other, by which it 
is an easy correspondence by water, which would be 
greatly encouraging to the inhabitants of New Nether 
lands." 3 This village is now called Port Herman, 
but it has dwindled to nothing. It has not thrived 
like its Delaware sister. Herman appears to have 
made successful efforts in softening the differences 
between the English and the Dutch, and rendering the 
intercourse between them pleasant. It was undoubt 
edly owing to his influence that the fierce Marylanders 

1 Journal of Bankers and Stuyter. See Memoirs of the Long 
Island Historical Society, vol. 1. 

2 A Dutch mile is three English miles. 3 Vol. 17, p. 111. 


were modified and induced (instead of marching with 
armed forces against the Hollanders) to open a trade 
with them that would tend to their mutual advantage. 
He wrote several letters to Beekman, advising him in 
relation to matters occurring between the citizens of the 
South river and Maryland, and appeared deservedly 
to have acquired the confidence of both Dutch and 
Mary landers. 

The colony of New Amstel had proved an expense 
to the city of Amsterdam instead of a profit, and they 
desired to convey it back to the company. They 
appointed a commission to see if arrangements could 
not be made for that purpose on the 30th of Sep 
tember, 1659. but no satisfactory terms could be 
agreed upon between them. To the 1st of January 
it had cost them 165,200 guilders, for which outlay 
there had been little return, and they had been 
dunned for the interest of the loan. On the 16th of 
March (as they could not get rid of it) their Council 
passed a resolution to retain the colony. The com 
mission they had appointed to inquire into its affairs, 
reported to them that amongst other causes tending 
to injure New Amstel was the interference of the 
company s officers with those of the city s colony. 
They were of opinion that this difference about juris 
diction might be remedied by the " company holding 
their director (Stuyvesant) to his duty, and sharply 
interdicting him from undertaking any thing contrary 
to the right of the city s colony." The commissioners 
also reported that the right of appeal to the Director 
General and Council of New Netherlands, in cases where 


the sums in dispute were over one hundred guilders, 
and of appeal in criminal matters, and the claiming of 
dues for anchoring in front of New Amstel, and com 
pelling vessels carrying goods for the South river to 
unload at New Amsterdam, were amongst the other 
things detrimental to New Amstel. The Council of 
Amsterdam accordingly conferred with the West 
India Company, who agreed that the courts of New 
Amstel should have jurisdiction in actions to the 
amount of 600 guilders ; that there should be no ap 
peal in criminal cases ; that the city of Amsterdam 
should have the appointment of sheriff; and that 
vessels should be allowed to proceed direct to New 
Amstel and discharge their cargoes, without touching 
at New Amsterdam. There were also other minor 
considerations and alterations made in the original 
compact between the company and the city. The 
city of Amsterdam 1 also issued proposals, inviting 
merchants and others to engage with the city in the 
planting and trade of New Amstel. The city had 
hopes of an increased prosperity of their colony from 
the opening of a trade with Maryland. They speak 
of a certain creek (in the report of their commissioners) 
that has been discovered, that is navigable with 
small boats, within a quarter of a mile of the English 
creek. The creek alluded to was undoubtedly the 

D Hinoyossa had, in a letter written at New 
Amstel the 12th of December, 1659, and received by 
the city commissioners the early part of this year, 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 172. 


offered, if the city of Amsterdam advanced one hun 
dred thousand guilders, to plant a thousand souls on 
the South river, and give them security for the money. 
He blamed the failure of the colony to Alricks. He 
accused him of " getting all he could gripe and catch, 
provided only it could be got on credit." This letter 
was written a few days before Alricks death, who 
believed to the last that D Hinoyossa was friendly 
to him. It undoubtedly encouraged the city of Am 
sterdam to persevere in the establishment of their 
colony, and caused them to believe that better man 
agement of the affairs of New Amstel would make it 
a profit to them, instead of a loss, which it had hereto 
fore been. 


FROM 1661 TO 1662. 

Murder of three Englishmen and a Dutchman by Indians Arrest of 
savages with their clothes in New Amstel They are let go Indig 
nation of the Marylanders thereat English suspect the Dutch of 
inciting the Indians to murder Indians alarmed at the English 
Hold a meeting at Passyunk Present seawant to Minquas to 
reconcile them Minquas present furs to Marylanders for that 
purpose They refuse Desire Minquas to form alliance to destroy 
the Indian murderers Minquas refuse Peace made between 
Marylanders and English near Appoquinimink Dutch to supply 
Marylanders with negroes for tobacco Grave of an Indian sachem 
violated and robbed Maqua and Seneca Indians at war Mary- 
landers assist the former Senecas destroy plantations in Mary 
land Effect on Swedes and Finns Catholics visit New Amstel 
and Altona Wish to settle Not encouraged Unpleasant con 
versation between them and Beekman Maryland Council decide 
not to press the rights of Maryland to New Amstel Do not know 
whether it is in latitude 40 Wait for the will of the proprietary- 
Send agent to lay claim for the West India Company to South 
river West India Company agree to give up Hoernkill S^uyves- 
ant censured in relation to New Amstel His defence First 
elopement in Delaware Laers marries himself Continued ill feel 
ing between Beekman and D Hinoyossa Beekman s letters on 
the subject D Hinoyossa makes vessels lower their colors pass 
ing New Amstel Refuses to see Beekman. 

ri661~l ^ J anuar y? some Indians who 

resided on the Delaware murdered four people 
who were travelling from New Amstel to Altona. They 
were three Englishmen and a Dutchman (the brother 
of a Dr. Herck) who had been at Altona only a few 


days on a visit. Two or three days after the committal 
of the murder, several savages arrived at New Amstel, 
who had with them some of the clothes of the mur 
dered men, which they offered for sale. It could not 
be ascertained whether they were the murderers, but 
two of them going to the house of a man named Foppo 
Jarison, were at once seized by him, assisted by William 
Hollingsworth, an Englishman, and Gerrit Ruster, an 
inhabitant of New Amstel. They immediately in 
formed D Hinoyossa of the seizure, who placed them 
in prison, the savages at the same time " uttering 
violent threatenings" against the inhabitants of New 
Amstel. After an examination they were set at 
liberty. The setting of these savages at liberty was 
very displeasing to Philip Calvert, who had succeeded 
Fendall as governor of Maryland, (and who was an 
illegitimate son of George Calvert, the first Lord 
Baltimore, by a lady who had accompanied him on a 
visit to Newfoundland and Virginia,) and excited sus 
picion in the rninds of the English, so much so, that 
Augustine Herman wrote in private to D Hinoyossa 
" that the English foster the opinion that the inhabi 
tants of New Amstel and the Hoernkill secretly in 
stigate the river savages to such misdeeds, which/ 
says Beekman, in a letter to Stuyvesant, giving an 
account of the affair, " is certainly an odious and 
wrong imagination." 1 Herman also wrote, a short 
time afterwards, to Beekman, in which he said : u It 
is much disliked, and had given offence that the 
apprehended Indian murderers, who murdered the 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 109, 


English, and carried their clothes to Sand Hoeck, (New 
AmsteL) have been set at liberty. The English 
require satisfaction from the murderers, or war, 
whichever they choose, on this point they are now 
quarelling with the Susquehannocks. It was desira 
ble that D Hinoyossa would write the governor in 
a manner to remove the broil, and conciliate his good 
will, as the English are inclined to live with us in 
harmony and friendship, and cultivate and promote 
commerce between the two nations, which they would 
not interrupt, unless compelled by force or necessity. 
I hope for a favorable answer. It is said here that 
the Susquehannock chiefs have been summoned to 
Sand Hoeck, and there is some suspicion that it re 
lates to the aforesaid business." 1 

The energy and determination of the English of 
Maryland in their demand for satisfaction from, or 
war with the savages for this murder greatly alarmed 
the latter. Accordingly, some time in the latter end 
of May, they held a meeting at Passyunk, and col 
lected a large portion of seawant to make presents of 
it to the Minquas to reconcile them to the English 
for these murders. The Minquas, had, some days 
before, endeavored to present to Calvert some furs, 
which he refused to accept, but requested them rather 
to unite with him and destroy the nation of the sava 
ges that committed the murder. This the Minquas 
declined to do. The Dutch at this juncture endeav 
ored to reconcile matters between them, and to get 
the Indians to send ambassadors to the Mary landers. 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 114. 


This they refused to do, being afraid to trust them 
selves in their power. They said to the Dutch, " the 
English killed some of us, and we killed some of them ; 
the one pays for the other." This answer, however, 
did not satisfy the Marylanders, but finally, on the 
6th of September, the Dutch succeeded in getting two 
chiefs of the savages residing on the South river to 
meet Calvert, in company with D Hinoyossa and 
Peter Alricks, to negotiate a peace. 1 This meeting, at 
which Calvert was attended by his council, took place 
at Colonel Utie s. 2 This, however, was only a pre 
liminary negotiation, as another conference was held 
in the month of October, between the head of the 
Appoquinimink creek (then called the Appoquinime) 
and the head of another creek that flowed into the 
Chester river. Only one savage chief was present on 
this occasion, and he was from the eastern side of the 
Delaware. A treaty of peace was here made between 
the Marylanders and the Indians, a solitary sachem 
acting for the latter; and, as the Dutch chronicle re 
marks, " had a joyful intercourse between them and 
D Hicoyossa." At this meeting the Marylanders 
offered to deliver annually to the Dutch two or three 
thousand hogsheads of tobacco, either at the Sassafras 
river or Appoquinimink creek, provided the Dutch 
could supply them with negroes and other commodi 
ties. Beekman, 3 in his letter to Stuyvesant, giving 
an account of the troubles arising from this murder 
by the Indians, gave utterance to the following pre- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 124. 2 Ibid, 137. 

3 Beekman s Letters, Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 142. 


diction, which in part was soon to be verified. II e 
said: * It is my humble opinion that if the English 
enter intn a war with the savages, it cannot be bur to 
injure the public welfare, and that the savr.ges will 
agnin claim and take possession of all the lands, or 

$tcs &*."~ This accounts for the anxiety of Seek mar- 
to preserve i^ace between the Marylanders an i the 
Indians. The Dutch had previously, in the beginning 
of January, fears of an attack from the Indians them 
selves. The grave of Hoppionewick. an In.ii\n 
sachem who w^s buried opposite the house of Captain 
Krieirer. had be^n violated, and some seawant. and 
thre-? or four rieoes of frieze, and some other 
that was buried wirh him had been stolen. At this 
the savages murmured, an I mischief was apprehended 
at New Arnstel. 

The Maqua and Seneca Indians were at this time 
at war. The Marylanders assisted the Maquas with 
nfty men in their fort. 2 The Senecas. in retaliation. 
it is asserted, destroyed several plantations of the 
Swedes and Finns who settled in Maryland. This 
was more than probablv the case, as Oloti Still-/, 
who left the Delaware with some Finns, to settle on 
the Sassafras river, in Maryland, (where several of 
their countrymen, who had also left the South river. 
had before settled, returned, and continued to resile 
on the South river. They found the position of their 
countrymen not as comfortable as had been reported. 

- B-r^jcr-in Letter?. Ale any FU^oris. vol. 17. p. lOv. 

i A^&sj Record*. TO!. 17. p. 9-x * Ibid. p. 11*. 


The return of these Finn-; was more than probable 
the result of actual or threatened raids from the 

The trouble and strife that at this time occurred 
between the Catholics and Protestants in Maryland. 
caused some of the Marylanders of the former faith 
to visit the South river, to see if they could settle 
under Dutch jurisdiction, without being delivered up 
to Maryland authority. On the 4th of February. 
Captain Wheeler and Ulrick Anthony, two Catholics 
from Maryland, visited both New Amstel and Altona. 
and proposed the question to Beekman. whether - if 
any resident of Maryland came to the South river 
the Dutch would give him up when demanded ? or if 
it was presumptive that he would defend them T 
Beekman pretended that "he was not obliged to 
answer, as. not being deeply enough versed in law. 
even if it was brought before him." He told them ii 
was a question too critical for him to decide; the 
more so as Maryland appeared deeply interested in 
it. as being in duty bound to defend the privileges 
of their citizens." They appeared to be mortified at 
Beekrnan s answer, and excused themselves for their 
arrival and departure from his house by saving that 
triey well knew how to show due respect, but in this their conscience would not permit it." Beek- 
m-n answered that his "conscience did not tolerate 
such a sect." In his letter to Stuyvesant relating. 
the meeting. Beekman says : If they remain quiet, 
and no others of the same creed shall arrive hither. I 

A .banv Record*., vol. 17. p. 104, 105. 


shall tolerate them till I have received your honor s 
further orders; but by an unexpected increase I shall 
command them to depart, in conformity to the orders 
of your honor." In a former part of the same letter 
he said : " Just as we were desirous to avoid making 
any encroachments upon the rights of our neighbors, 
it seems to me, in this question, with regard to us, 
every regard due to an independent State is lost." 1 

Some time in the month of May, the claim of 
Maryland to the Dutch possessions was again brought 
before the Maryland Council, when it was resolved 
that as it was a matter of doubt whether New Amstel 
lay below the 40th degree of north latitude, and as 
the West India 1 Company resolved to maintain their 
possessions by force, and there was no prospect of 
any aid from the other colonies, in any attempt 
which they might make to reduce them, all further 
efforts for their subjugation should be delayed until 
the will of the proprietary could be ascertained, and 
that in the meantime some effort should be made to 
determine whether the settlement was located within 
the limits of Baltimore s grant. An agent was also 
despatched to Holland to enforce upon the West 
India Company the claims of the proprietary to the 
territory in question, and to repeat the demand that 
it should be abandoned. Compliance with this de 
mand was again refused by the company, but it gave 
orders to its settlers to withdraw from the terrritory 
about Cape Henlopen, which they had purchased from 
the Indians. 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 104, 105. 


But New Amstel and the adjoining territory were 
still held in possession by the Dutch. 1 

The squabbles between the two settlements, the 
Company s Colony of Altona and the City of Amster 
dam s Colony of New Amstel accounts of which 
were undoubtedly sent to his employers (the City 
Government of Amsterdam) by D Hinoyossa caused 
the censure of Stuyvesant by the West India Com 
pany in Holland. D Hinoyossa appears to have com 
plained of the interference in the City Colony s affairs 
by the authorities of the Company, and the reversal 
of his judgments in the cases of the murderers of the 
Indians. In his letter of defence, written in July, 
Stuyvesant says : 

" If all our letters written since the death of Al- 
ricks written to his successor, D Hinoyossa, and one 
or two of his principals had been transmitted, it 
would, to all appearance, become evident that we in 
stituted no process whatever against the City s minis 
ters, much less that we sowed the seeds of discord 
amongst them ; to the contrary, it would evidently 
appear that we most sincerely recommended them 
peace and harmony, with the promotion of the com 
mon welfare. What regards the case or process men 
tioned by your honor relative to the estate of deceased 
Alricks ; our opposition against judgment on the mur 
derers of three savages, in a case of appeal, and our 
unwillingness to the judgment against Jan Garrettson 
and Van Marcker, it was our duty to inform you of 

1 See McMiihon, p. 25, who quotes Council Proceedings of Mary 


both, and all the circumstances of these affairs, and 
our own honor and character compels us imperiously 
to express our minds with all possible brevity." 

Then alluding to transactions connected with the 
estate of Alricks, and the petition of Van Gezel, Al- 
ricks declared heir and executor, he says : " Never 
was there an infraction upon arrest made by Pro 
visional Director D Hinoyossa in behalf of his prin 
cipals or the estate, or money coming from it, or con 
tracted for, which aforesaid remains responsible." 1 In 
this letter he speaks of Alricks as a man of discreet 

The inhabitants of the South river were at this 
time greatly excited by a case of elopement the first 
case chronicled as taking place within the State. On 
the 20th of September the wife of Mr. Laers, the 
Finnish priest, eloped with a man named Jacob Jongh. 
They departed in the night in a canoe, accompanied 
by an Indian. Messengers were despatched by Beek- 
man to Sassafras river and other parts of Maryland, 
with directions to arrest the fugitives, but without 
success. . Laers the night following went to the house 
of Andreas Hendriessen, a Finn, where Jongh resided, 
and broke open the door of Jongh s room, and also 
broke open his trunk, which was there. Laers, how 
ever, does not appear to have been inconsolable, or to 
have taken his loss much at heart, as in less than a 
month after (on the 15th of October) he solicited 
Beekman for his consent to marry again to a girl 
seventeen or eighteen years old. He wished to make 

1 Albany Records, vol. 18, p. 143. 


the proclamation on the 16th of October. Beekman 
delayed to give an answer until he should obtain 
Stuyvesant s approbation. On the 18th of November 
he again solicited Beekman s permission to get mar 
ried, as "the situation of his family," he said, "impe 
riously required it." 1 On the 15th of December he 
solicited from the Council a divorce from his wife, and 
obtained it. He did not get married, however, until 
the 31st of January following, when he married him 
self " a transaction," says Beekman in his letter to 
Stuyvesant, "in my opinion, under execution, entirely 
unlawful, and expect your honor s orders how to con 
duct myself in it." 

Laers afterwards got himself in trouble by this 
transaction. Jongh, it is supposed, went to New 
England, as his trunk, with several articles of Mr. 
Laers property, was afterwards found at Upland (now 

The ill feeling between Beekman and D Hinoyossa 
still continued, and almost every letter of Beekman s 
contained complaint of his conduct. In his letter of 
January 14, in describing D Hinoyossa s carnage upon 
his late appointment as Director or Governor of New 
Amstel, he says: "He feels himself again pretty high, 
and is strutting forward in full pride. He is boasting 
that he will recover all the effects of the deceased 
Alricks, and sings already another tune. He removed 
from office his secretary, Van Nas, because he did not 
flatter his whims in writing the records. " 2 On the 
Cth of September Beekman went to New Amstel to 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 142, 144. 2 Ibid, p. 00. 


converse with him in relation to his making vessels 
lower their colors as they sailed past Fort New Am- 
stel, when he was stopped at the door by Van Swer- 
ingen, who was ordered to prevent his entrance, al 
though D Hinoyossa was notified by Alricks of his 
arrival. A small boy afterwards brought word to 
Beekman from D Hinoyossa that " he could not speak 
with him with a good conscience, and advised him to 

go home." 1 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 135. 


FROM 1602 TO 1664. 

War between Minquas and Senecas Dullness of trade thereupon 
Trial of Laers, the preacher, for breaking open Jongh s room and 
marrying himself His marriage declared illegal He appeals to 
the Court First mill near Wilmington Grant of land at Iloernkill 
to Mennonists New Amstel fears an attack from Indians Alarm 
thereat Indian murders Friendly feeling of the Minquas Mo 
nopoly of trade of Iloernkill granted to Alricks Selling liquor to 
Indians forbidden Penalty Disputes between Beekman and 
D Hinoyossa Charges by the former against the latter D Hino- 
yossa abuses Stuyvesant and the Manhattans Sells guns to sava 
ges Other things to Maryland Does not keep a day appointed 
by Stuyvesant of fasting and prayer Chooses one of his own 
Desires no more orders from Manhattan Is censured by Stuyve 
sant Hanging of a runaway servant Meeting between D Hino 
yossa and Governor of Maryland Beekman continues to complain 
of D llinoyossa First protested bill of exchange Death of Pap- 
pegoya Small-pox among the savages First Frenchman in Dela 
ware The City of Amsterdam complain of their laborers being 
enticed from New Amstel by the Company s Colony First land 
grant in Wilmington Victory of the Minquas over the Senecas 
Pardon of Van Sweringen for killing a soldier Mary landers 
march on Iloernkill Dutch abandon it Duties levied at Iloern 
kill Baltimore invites settlers there He visits New Amstel 
Arrival of colonists from Holland Fort Altona decaying City of 
Amsterdam requests that Altona and the country above Christina 
Creek should be ceded to them The Company decline the con 
ditions Offer to cede Fort Christina They finally agree The 
deed of transfer to City of Amsterdam Laborers escaping from 
City s Colony to Manhattan to be given up City to send 400 colo 
nists over Farms, cattle, sheep and swine on South river Death 
of Hudde. 

THE war still continued to wage between pi** on 
the Senecas and the Minquas, which caused 


a stagnation of trade on the South river, as the In 
dians, whilst engaged in slaughtering each other, neg 
lected their hunting, and therefore the procurement 

of furs. 

On the 14th of April the Court at Altona tried Mr. 
Laers. the Finnish minister, for breaking open the 
room and trunk of Jacob Jorigh, who had eloped with 
his wife. lie was also accused of making an inven 
tory of Jongh s property, which ought to have been 
done by the vice-director and the court, and that by 
so doing it was alleged he "usurped," "suspended" 
and " vilified their authority." He was sentenced to 
make good to the Company what Jongh owed, viz. : 
200 guilders in coin, 40 guilders in beaver; besides a 
fine cf 40 guilders for having " vilified authority." 
He was also tried for having married himself, which 
the Court said " was directly contrary to the orders 
sanctioned about marriaere connections." His marriage 

O t_y 

was therefore declared "null, void and illegal." Laers 
sent in a statement to the Court, in .which he says 
he had been condemned to " heavy amends," which, 
in his " poor situation," he could by no means pay ; 
that he " paid already nearly 200 guilders," and now 
was again condemned to pay a fine of 280 guilders. 
He also alleged that he only broke open the door 
because he was informed his wife was concealing her 
self there, and found nothing but a few pairs of stock 
ings, which the fugitive raptor of his wife had left 
behind." He said it was his "submissive petition" 
that Beekman "would make a favorable and merciful 
intercession in his behalf," and pardon graciously what 


was committed "through ignorance," and to save his 
"reputation and condition as a minister not to inflict 
any punishment." With regard to his marrying him 
self he said : "I cannot discover anything illegal in 
it. I acted just in the same manner as I had done 
before in respect to others ; exactly as others do who 
are not prosecuted for it, and I can conscientiously 
assure you that it was done without any evil inten 
tion. Had I known that my marrying myself in this 
manner should have been so unfavorably interpreted, 
I should have submitted to the usage of the Reformed 
Church. But I did not know it. Wherefore I pray 
once more the honorable general that he will vouch 
safe me his aid, and "take into consideration my forlorn 
situation, so that I, without becoming a burden to 
others, may supply my daily w r ants." As to whether 
the Rev. Mr. Laers was pardoned, or had his fine re 
mitted, history is silent. 

But it is not silent in regard to the injustice and 
oppression of Beekman. He has condemned himself 
by his own writing. According to the 7th article of 
the terms of the surrender of Fort Christina, the 
Swedes and Finns remaining on the South river were 
to be allowed the liberty of their national religion, 
known as the Augsburg Confession. Laers was not 
compelled to conform to the usages of the Reformed 
Church in marriage ; but to his own. The breaking 
open of a room and trunk to see if his wife was in the 
one and- his own goods (of which he was robbed by 
an adulterer) in the other were acts liable to be com 
mitted by any man under such circumstances, and the 


assumption that Jongh had left behind him in that 
trunk goods enough to pay the debts of the Company, 
and that they had been taken and kept by Laers, was 
most unwarrantable. It should have occurred to the 
meanest intellect that if the adulterer had taken with 
him the goods of the husband whom he had wronged, 
he would also hardly have failed to have carried off 
those belonging to himself when they were portable 
enough to be contained in a trunk. It was one of the 
rankest cases of judicial injustice ever committed on 
the Delaware. 

At this time we see mention made of the erection 
of the first mill in this State north of the Christiana. 
It was situated on Turtle, or SKilpadle, creek (now 
called the Shelpot), about one and a half Dutch, or 
four and a half English, miles from Altona. John 
Staelcup petitioned for the land around the mill, so that 
he " could attend to it with greater safety." 

This mill stood in 1769, and was then carried on 
by a Swede, or Holsteiner, named Tapoeise. Bankers 
and Sluyter, the Labadists, visited it that year whilst 
passing through Delaware to visit Augustin Herman 
in Maryland. They describe Tapoeise as short in 
person, but u a very friendly fellow," having several 
children. He is the first miller in our State of whom 
history records a description. 1 

A grant of land at the Hoernkills was made to a 
party of Mennonists. The association was to consist 

1 See Travels of Bankers and Sluyter, in Memoirs of Long Island 
Historical Society. (The Labadists were a sect of Christians that 
lived at one time in Delaware and Maryland.) Also. O Calli^han. 
vol. 2, p. 466. 


of married males and single men who had attained 
the age of twenty-four years, who were not bound to 
service or indebted to the association. No superiority 
or office was to be sought for; but all persons were 
to obey the ordinances for the " maintainance of peace 
and concord." No minister of the gospel was to be 
allowed in the association, for being composed of per 
sons of various religious opinions, no one minister 
could preach in accordance with the sentiments of the 
whole of their community, and to get one of each sect, 
it was argued, would not only be impossible, "but an 
inevitable pest to all peace and union." The number 
that agreed to settle was thirty-five men, the principal 
of whom was Pieter Cornelioz Plockhoy, of Zierikzee. 
The City of Amsterdam agreed to loan each of them 
one hundred guilders. The whole community were 
to be security for this loan. Thus every man was 
surety for all the rest. It is not made manifest with 
any degree of certainty on the records, whether or 
not any of this association ever emigrated to Dela 

ware. 1 

In the early part of September, New Amstel was 
again alarmed by fears of an attack from the savages. 
An Indian came running into the town severely 
wounded, to the consternation of the inhabitants. 
He gave them to understand, as far as he could, that 
it was done by the Senecas. A short time afterwards 
an old man, named Jans Flons, whilst riding in the 
woods with his wagon and two horses, was shot and 

1 O Callaghan, vol. 2, p. 466. Broadhead and O Callaghan, vol. 2, 
pp. 176, 177. 


killed. The inhabitants immediately fled with their 
property to the fort. They apprehended an attack ; 
but they were not further molested. 

On the 17th of November a youth, the servant of 
John Stalcup, was murdered about four hundred rods 
from Fort Altona. His master had just left him. 
These murders, it was supposed, w r ere committed by 
the Senecas. A small house was at another time 
burnt by the savages, near New Amstel. 1 

On the 3d of December three Minqua chiefs visited 
Altona. They informed Beekman that the murderer 
of the youth was a young Seneca captive. They also 
informed him that as long as the Christians had re 
sided on the river, they had never in any manner 
injured or offended them (the Minquas); on the con 
trary, they showed them every mark of friendship, 
and were always willingly and cheerfully employed 
in reconciling differences between them and the other 
savages. They also told Beekinan that about three 
years ago one of their nation was murdered by Chris 
tians at New Amstel; but they did net resent it. 
That they expected ere long to their assistance about 
eight hundred Swedish Minquas, of whom about two 
hundred had arrived, so that the next spring they 
were resolved to go and make war on the Senecas 
and attack them in their forts. They solicited the 
Dutch to supply them with ammunition w r hen they 
paid for it. 

On the 29th of March D Hinoyossa granted the 
sole privilege of trading between Bombay Hook and 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 230, 245, 246. 


Cape Henlopen to Peter Alricks. The penalty for 
violating this privilege was forfeiture of goods. This 
order caused much discontent amongst the Swedes. 
He also prohibited the selling of liquor to the Indians 
under a penalty of 300 guilders. If any one sold 
the Indians liquor, they (the Indians) were to be 
allowed to rob them of it. 1 

^The disputes between Beekman and D Hinoyossa 
still continued. Beekman, in his letters to Stuyves- 
ant, constantly reiterated his complaints of the con 
duct of D Hinoyossa, w r ho insisted on vessels lowering 
their colors when they passed New Amstel, and 
threatened to examine their cargo. Beekman, claim 
ing the jurisdiction over the river, denied his right to 
do this, and in May summoned him to appear before 
him at Altona. This summons D Hinoyossa disre 
garded. Beekman further charged him with making, 
in a tavern, attacks on Stuy vesant. Also with charg 
ing the inhabitants of New Amsterdam with bringing 
the Swedes to South river by their ill treatment of 
Minuit, and threatening, if he could, to drown or poison 
the Manhattans. 1 

In a letter to Stuyvesant in June, he charges 
D Hinoyossa with taking away the palisades of the 
fort and burning them in his brewery; also, with sell 
ing to the savages the new city guns which arrived 
in the ship Parmeland Church; also, with selling to 
the English in Maryland the city millstones, brought 
in the same ship, for one thousand pounds of tobacco, 
and a small brewer s kettle for seven or eight hundred 

1 Albany Records, O Call., vol. 2, p. 465. 


pounds; also, with railing against the Manhattans 
and threatening vengeance. 1 These charges Beekman 
sustained by affidavits. 

In July Stuyvesant proclaimed a day of fasting 
and prayer in New Netherlands, and Beekman corn- 
plained that D Hinoyossa did not publish it in his 
jurisdiction, giving as a reason that his colony was 
not " especially mentioned." About the same time 
D Hinoyossa also issued a proclamation for fasting and 
prayer, but iu the name of the Director and Council 
of New Amstel (thus ignoring the power of Stuyves 
ant) ; but which, said Beekman, they " did not keep." 
D Hinoyossa also wrote to Beekman, informing him 
that he expected from them (Stuyvesant and the 
other officers of the company) " no more similar or 
ders or injunctions;" but that "in future" they 
" would take care of it" for themselves, and for that 
purpose they had " established a quarterly prayer 
day." 2 

In a letter written by Beekman in August he says 
" he cannot live on good terms with D Hinoyossa." 
Stuyvesant also severely censured his conduct in a 
letter to the directors in Holland. They had written 
to Stuyvesant. complaining " of certain proposed pro 
posals, and defence against the savages, and a di 
visional line by Maryland," which they said they 
never passed. Stuyvesant, in a letter dated July 15, 
in reply, said : "As to what passed between Mary 
land and D Hinoyossa remains a secret. Beekman 
gave, it is true, some communications that in conse- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 158, 159. Ibid. p. 195. 


quence of the murder of two or three English, going 
from New Amstel to Maryland, trouble and some war 
had arisen between them, which caused certain cor 
respondence, and some embassies sent vice versa by 
D Hinoyossa and the Governor of Maryland ; but all 
this without any action with us or Beekman, so we 
are ignorant about it. Daily occurrences prove that 
D Hinoyossa is either too ignorant or too great in his 
own eyes to consult your ministers on those or other such 
like affairs." 

In September there was a runaway servant hung, 
the first execution we have any record of in this 
State. From the loose structure of the language it 
is almost impossible to say who hung him or for what 
he was hung. It rather conveys the impression that 
he was hung by the Indians ; but a letter from the 
directors in Holland to Stuyvesant, written April 16, 
1G63, gives the impression that D Hinoyossa hung 
him for the crime of running away, though this it 
is difficult to believe. 

Beekman, writing to Stuyvesant, says : " On the 
I9th was hung, the head cut off and placed on a 
stake, in the presence of " French," one of the English 
runaway servants, and bought by Peter Alricks at 
Hoernkill from the savages. When these were to be 
conducted to New Amstel by some English, French 
made an attack upon them near Bompjes (Bombay) 
Hook, wounded two, when they fled out of the boat; 
but were again overtaken at New Amstel, where they 
were apprehended by orders of D Hinoyossa, when 
on the 3d the English masters departed ; but D Hin- 


oyossa refused to deliver French to them, because he 
committed, as he suspected, a delict in the distance 
of the colony. I sustained that the case belonged to 
your honor s jurisdiction, as the deed was committed 
on the river and not in the colony. Van Sweringen 
was sitting as judge in the case." 1 The directors in 
Holland, writing to Stuy vesant, say : " The com 
plaints which have been made against the director of 
this city, Alexander D Hinoyossa, and the sheriff, 
Gerritt Van Sweringen, and their proceedings there 
in executing and hanging a runaivay servant who resided 
before in New Netherlands, is strange! 1 

In November D Hinoyossa and Van Sweringen left 
suddenly in a shallop to meet Calvert, the Governor 
of Maryland, at the house of Augustin Herman. 
They went there in obedience to a request by letter 
from Calvert. They gave no information of this 
movement either to Beekrnan or Stuyvesant, The 
information in relation to this meeting was sent to 
Beekman by a Mr. J. Willems, who appeared to be 
a sort of spy in the service of Beekman at New Am- 
stel. Willems, like most spies, determined to earn 
his wages. He narrowly watched every action of 
D Hinoyossa and reported them all to Beekman. He 
described a meeting in the valley near Fort New Am- 
stel, where D Hinoyossa and several persons who 
were with him "lifted up their eyes towards heaven, 
laid their hands upon their breasts," and did several 
other unnecessary and unmeaning things, from which 
Willems suspected they were plotting evil to the com- 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 243, 244. 2 Ibid. 128. 


pmiy of the colony. This Willems died shortly 

Mrs. Pappegoya, the daughter of Governor Printz, 
who had since lived at her father s place at Tinnicum, 
where was situated the Finnish village of Printzdorp, 
sold it to Mr. LaGrange. A part of the purchase 
money was a bill of exchange, which was protested. 
Suit was entered on this bill of exchange before 
Beekman at Altona, who gave judgment against La- 
Grange. This was the first known protested bill on 
the Delaware, and the first case tried on any written 
obligation within the limits of the territory constitu 
ting this State. An appeal \vas taken, and Tinnicum 
island and the Printz property was afterwards the 
cause of a great deal of litigation between the Mrs. 
Pappegoya and others. There is some evidence to 
show that at this time her husband, Pappegoya, had 
died. Mrs. Pappegoya lived alone, and the fact of 
his decease is mentioned by the Labadists, Dankers 
and Sluyter, who visited Tinnicum in 1679. But 
history neither records the time, nor place, nor cir 
cumstances of the death of the fourth governor of 

The first letter written by Beekman this 
year was one filled with the usual complaints 
of the conduct of D Hinoyossa. " He sells every 
thing for which he can find a purchaser," says Beek 
man ; " even powder and musket balls from the 
magazine; I know that he sold a considerable quan 
tity to Augustin Herman, besides nails belonging to 
the city," &c. And again he says : " D Hinoyossa con- 


siders us his mortal enemies." He rejected a surgeon 
because he was a friend of Beekman. 

In the early part of February the small-pox ap 
peared amongst the savages on the South river. This 
is the first mention of small-pox on the Delaware. 
We have now, too, mention made of the first French 
man in Delaware. His name was Pickard. He 
owned a house and land in Altona, which he sold and 
then removed away. 1 

In February also the duty of four stivers on a 
beaver, levied on the trade of South river by the com 
pany, was abandoned, and left for the benefit of New 

The records, whilst they abound with the* com 
plaints of Beekrnan on the conduct of D Hinoyossa, 
show little or no complaint of D Hinoyossa against 
him. But from this it must not be supposed that his 
letters showed one mite more of satisfaction at the 
acts of Beekman, than those of Beekman did of him. 
Beekman s letters, which so minutely detail the his 
tory of the territory that now constitutes this State 
whilst under the rule of the Dutch, were written to 
Stuyvesant, in New Amsterdam, and are therefore 
preserved in the New York Archives ; whilst those 
of D Hinoyossa were written to the Burgomasters of 
Amsterdam, in Holland, and were not therefore as 
well kept, or so conveniently within our reach. It is 
more than probable they censured the conduct of 
Beekman as bitterly as those of Beekman did his. 
Now and then a complaint of D Hinoyossa was laid 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 260. 


by the Burgomasters of Amsterdam before the Direc 
tors of the Company. In a letter from them to Stuy- 
vesant, they allude to " the repeated complaints of 
the commissaries that the Company s government in 
New Netherlands seemed to make it a study to oppose 
the colony of the city to prevent its growth," and 
alleged, amongst other examples, that they "did pro 
tect the colonists who, from time to time, escaped 
from the city s colony, and hired by sinister means 
their best and ablest farmers from there." This, as 
they alleged, had actually been practised by one 
Brex Wolters. " Said commissaries entreated us 
most seriously, as they had again concluded to send 
there fifty laborers and twelve girls for the service of 
the colony, not only that similar measures might not 
again be put in practice, but farther, if any of them 
within three years might escape from the service in 
the colony to the Manhattans, they might be sent 
back again." 

On the 17th of May a grant of a small valley, 
situated on the west side of Fort Altona, together 
with some woodland, in all eight m organs, or fifty six 
acres, was made to Beekman by Stuyvesant. This 
is the first recorded grant of land to an individual 
within the limits of the city of Wilmington that we 
have an account of. From its description we should 
judge that it extended from Church street to Walnut 
street, and from the Christiana probably to near Ninth 
street, as- the grants generally at that time far ex 
ceeded the estimated measurement, and a great part 
of what is now firm land was covered by the Chris- 



tiana, as well at low as at high .tide. The hill that 
commences at Walnut street would form a valley be 
tween Fort Christiana and French street. 1 

In the early part of June a battle took place be 
tween the Minqua and Seneca Indians. " The Sene- 
cas, to the number of eight hundred, blockaded the 
Minquas in their fort whilst a large proportion of their 
number were out hunting. When the Senecas ap 
proached, three or four men were despatched to the 
fort with the offer of peace, while their force remained 
at a distance; but a Minqua returning from hunting 
discovered the Senecas, so that the next day those in 
the fort concluded to meet them with twenty or thirty 
men. The other Minquas at the same time, w 7 ith 
their forces, made an attack, put the Senecas to flight, 
and pursued them for two days, retaking ten persons 
and killing ten Senecas." The Governor o( Maryland 
assisted the Minquas with two cannon and four men 
to manage them. The accounts of this battle handed 
down to us are confused. It is more than probable 
the assistance rendered by the Marylanders contribu 
ted to the Minquas victory. The site of the battle 
is not definitely known; but it is supposed to have 
been within the limits of the State. Probably in the 
neighborhood of Iron or Chestnut Hill, near Newark, 
as the Minquas fort was situated on a high mountain. 
These hills answer best to the description given by 
Campanius as the site of the Minquas stronghold. 

Gerritt Van Sweringen, the sheriff and counsellor, 
had shot and killed an insolent soldier. On the 1st 

1 Albany Records, vol. 21, p. 108. 


of June a vessel arrived from Holland, pardoning him 
for the offence. 1 

About this time we are inclined to believe that the 
Governor of Maryland fitted out an expedition to 
attack the Dutch settlement at the Hoernkill. It is 
generally supposed to have taken place in 1661 ; but 
it was more than probable this year. As the Mary- 
landers advanced the Dutch settlers withdrew and 
abandoned the Hoernkill. Duties were also levied 
on the trade of the South river at the Hoernkill at 
this time, 2 and encouragement was given by Baltimore 
to those who desired to make settlements there, and 
Col. William Stevens was authorized by him to in 
duce emigrants to take up land in the vicinity. 3 

On the 9th of August Lord Baltimore visited New 
Amstel, with a suit consisting of twenty-six or twenty- 
seven persons. On the llth and 12th of August he 
visited Altona, where he was entertained by Beekman. 
Stuyvesant made him an offer, through Beekman, of 
a convoy and horses if he visited Manhattan. He 
returned his thanks for the offer, and promised if he 
visited Boston in the spring, a matter he had in con 
templation, to go by way of Manhattan. 

In August a vessel arrived at New Amstel from 
New Amsterdam with farmer s instruments of indus 
try and ammunition for the City s Colony. 4 This was 
probably the ship Jacob. 5 The same month Beekman 

1 Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 280. 

2 Griffith s Sketch of the History of Maryland, p. 22. 

3 NeilPs Terras Marise, p. 161. 

4 Smith s New York, p. 113. 6 Albany Records. 


informed Stuyvesantthat Fort Altona (Christina) was 
out of repair, that the palisades and the whole fort 
was in decay. 

The difficulties between the officers of the Com 
pany at Altona and the Colony of the City at New 
Amstel induced the City of Amsterdam to endeavor 
to get Altona assigned to them, and have the whole 
of the South river under their jurisdiction. They had 
made a proposition to the Director of the Company to 
that effect in February, in which, amongst other arti 
cles, they stipulated that when Altona should be 
assigned to them, their jurisdiction and property of 
the land should be from where the South river entered 
the sea to its head. Their property on the west side 
of the South river they desired should extend to 
Baltimore s line. On the east, or New Jersey side, 
they wnshed it extended from the river three miles 
into the country ; and that to this territory the Com 
pany " should renounce and quit every claim ;" that 
they (the City of Amsterdam) should have " all the 
rights of high and low jurisdiction which the Com 
pany possessed," provided that they paid to the Com 
pany " the recognitions which were actually paid from 
all imports and exports, without being obliged to bring 
their goods into the Company s magazine." They 
desired " not to be visited by the Company s commis 
saries ;" but " that the Company should remain satis 
fied with the declarations " of the City s " commissary 
or director," and that " nothing should be paid to the 
South river ;" neither should " the Company claim 
any authority upon it." The Company at first de- 


clined to grant the whole of the colony, although 
they offered to assign to the city Fort Christina. They 
also refused to agree to the non-bringing of the goods 
into the Company s magazines, and the non-visiting 
of the city s cargoes by the Company s officers, and 
the paying of nothing on the South river; also to 
some others of the articles. 

The dangers from the English, however, both north 
and south, finally induced them to cede the balance 
of the South river to the City of Amsterdam. Ac 
cordingly, on the llth of September the agreement 
between them was entered into, and on the 22d of 
December Stuyvesant made a formal transfer of Al- 
tona to D Hinoyossa, as the agent of that city. 
D Hinoyossa had left Holland some months pre 
viously, and on the 3d of September had returned to 
the South river, in company with Peter Alricks, with 
one hundred and fifty passengers, nearly all of whom 
were Swedes and Finns. There were thirty-two of 
the latter nation. 1 

In making this transfer of the remaining portion 
of the State of Delaware to the City of Amsterdam, 
the West India Company thought that that city would 
u prove a wall between them and the English of 
Maryland;" would increase the influence of New 
Netherlands with the States General and prevent the 
bickerings between the officers of the city and Com 
pany in relation to jurisdiction, as the city would 
thus have sole control of the South river, by which 
the remaining portions of our State, as well as other 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 233. 


territory, was transferred from the possession of the 
West India Company to the City of Amsterdam. It 
comprised all that portion of Delaware north of the 
Christina, and consisted of the City of Wilmington and 
the Hundreds of Brandywine, Christina, Mill Creek, 
White Clay Creek, and a small part of Pencader. 

The territory that constituted the State thus passed 
entirely under the control of the City of Amsterdam, 
with the exception of that portion that lies between 
Cape Henlopen and the Maryland line that fronts on 
the Atlantic ocean, and which was more than probable 
at this time under the jurisdiction of Baltimore. The 
following is a copy of the deed of grant : 

" Peter Stuy vesant, in behalf of their High, Mighty 
Lords, State General of the United Netherlands, and 
the Lords Directors of the Council, attest and declare 
how we this day, in conformity with their orders and 
letters of aforesaid Lords Directors of the llth of 
September, 1663, transported, surrendered and trans 
ferred to the Honorable Alexander D Hinoyossa, in 
behalf of the noble, great and respected Lords, Bur 
gomasters of the City of Amsterdam, Director in 
their colony on the South river, from the sea upwards, 
so far as that river extends itself, towards the country 
on the east side, three miles from the borders of the 
river, and towards the west side so far as the country 
is extending till it reaches the English Colonies, with 
all the streams, hills, creeks, harbors, bays, and parts 
relative to it, of all which land, with all its depen 
dencies, especially so of the Fortress of Altona, we ? 
in the name and behalf of the aforesaid Lords Direc- 


tors, make at this time a full cession and transfer to 
the aforesaid Alexander D Hinoyossa, on behalf of 
the noble, great, and respectable Burgomasters of the 
City of Amsterdam aforesaid, making to him a cession 
of all actual and real possession, property and privi 
leges ; and all this upon such conditions as have been 
agreed upon between the noble Lords Directors and 
others and the noble, great and respectful Burgomas 
ters of the City of Amsterdam, without reserving 
any actual or real pretensions, promising therefore to 
consider and keep this transfer inviolate in truth; 
wherefore we signed it and confirmed it with our seal 
in red wax, imprinted in the Fort Amsterdam, in New 
Netherlands, 22d December, 1663." 1 

The Company had agreed, before they resolved to 
transfer New 7 Amstel, not to admit within their juris 
diction "any colonists of the city, or its laborers," 
except they " could show their pass and prove by cer 
tificate that the city had received payment of her 
advance money." They instructed Stuyvesant to 
consider private debts as " personal matters." The 
City, in its agreement with the Company, agreed to 
settle on the South river four hundred colonists and 
other useful husbandmen, and held out the impression 
that they would send out a greater number. This, 
said the Directors, in a communication to Stuyvesant, 
" must contribute to our security against the English 
north." " Besides," said they, " we may expect a 
more powerful intercession of the city by our govern- 
in cut to obtain from the Crown of England the final 

1 Albany Records, vol. 21, p. 445. 


settlement of the long desired boundaries." In ob 
taining the assignment of Altona, the City of Amster 
dam " reserved to herself alone " the " exclusive com 
merce" of the South river. This alarmed several of 
the merchants of New Amsterdam, for fear the com 
merce of the Manhattans might be diverted to another 
channel. This fear, however, was without foundation, 
as the intention of the City of Amsterdam, by reserv 
ing the exclusive commerce of this river, " was only 
to insure cargoes for the ships which she sent over 
with the laborers and colonists." 

The West India Company could hardly have been 
aware of the extent of their grant to the city. It 
extended up the Delaware to near the Catskill Moun 
tains in New York, in latitude between 41 arid 42 
degrees ; and as Baltimore s grant did not extend be 
yond the 40th degree of north latitude, ihe City of 
Amsterdam would by this deed have obtained posses 
sion of nearly the whole of Pennsylvania and a large 
portion of the State of New York, and might even 
hare extended to the Pacific unless the Virginians 
had interfered with them in the progress westward. 

On the South river at this time, according to the 
report of the Commissioners of the City of Amster 
dam, the Swedes, Finns, and other nations had estab 
lished about 110 good boweries or farms, which had a 
stock of 2,000 cows and oxen, 20 horses, 80 sheep, 
and several thousand swine. It was recommended 
that no Hollander should be employed in agriculture ; 
but that Swedes, Finns, and other foreign nations 
should be induced to emigrate to the South river for 


that purpose. The city was to offer to lend such 
people sufficient to pay their passage and purchase 
agricultural implements. 1 

Most of the emigrants who arrived in the Parme- 
land Church with D PIinoyossa were Swedes and 
Finns, who were aided by the City of Amsterdam in 
this manner. 

The Dutch of Delaware at this time brewed a great 
deal of strong beer, which was sold to the Maryland- 
ers (who did not manufacture any) for tobacco. 

On the 4th of November Andreas Hudde, who 
figured so prominently in the early portion of our 
history, died at Appoquinimy, which was then the 
name of Appoquinimink. He had been a faithful 
servant of the Dutch for many years, and his services 
were appreciated by them ; but he had been robbed 
and all his property destroyed by the Indians, and he 
had sunk from the position of commissary, or gover 
nor, to that of clerk. He petitioned for his discharge 
as clerk, and it being granted, had left Altona on the 
1st of November and was going by way of Appo- 
quinimy to Maryland, where he intended engaging in 
the brewing business ; but he died before he reached 
there of an " ardent fever." His first service under 
the Dutch was as surveyor at Manhattan, 1642, from 
which station he was removed; in 1645 he was com 
missary of Fort Nassau, since which time he had 
been identified with the Dutch interest on the South 
river. 2 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan. vol. 2, pp. 210, 211. 
Albany Records, vol. 17, p. 309. 



Resignation of Beekman Absolves Swedes from their oaths They 
are summoned to New Amstcl to take a new oath They refuse 
Allowed eight days to leave or take the oath Farm offered to 
Beekman He declines He begs office of Stuyvesant Is made 
sheriff of Esopus D Hinoyossa sole governor of South river In 
tends building his capitol at Appoquiniminy (supposed to be Odes 
sa) Intends constructing dykes around valleys Appoints Alricks 
superintendent of fur trade Prohibits brewing and distilling 
All goods exported to pay recognitions Order of boundaries 
Swedes fit out an expedition to recover Delaware Vessels run 
ashore Expedition abandoned Grant of territory between the 
Delaware and St. Croix to Duke of York Under it no grant of 
Delaware Duke of York grants New Jersey to Berkley and Car- 
teret Swedes present memorial to States of Holland in relation 
to New Sweden Expedition fitted out under Col. Nichols Slaves 
for New Amstel arrive in New Amsterdam Capture of Manhat 
tan by Col. Nichols Name of New Amsterdam changed to New- 
York Narrow escape of New Amstel slaves Surrender of town 
of New Amstel to Sir Robert Carr Terms D Hinoyossa refuses 
to surrender Retires to the fort Storming of the fort Three of 
the garrison killed and ten wounded It is plundered Name of 
New Amstel changed to New Castle The South river to Dela 
ware Fort Altona to its old name of Christina Destruction of 
Fort New Amstel (Casimer) Slaves divided amongst captors- 
Murders by Indians Momentous consequences of fall of Dutch 
power in Delaware Author s prediction Destiny of Anglo Saxon 
race Plan of union of (note) Confiscation of property of D Hino 
yossa, Alricks and Van Sweringen D Hinoyossa and Van Swer- 
ingen retire to Maryland D Hinoyossa s letter Goes to Hol 
land, &c. 

[16041 ALTHOUGH Altona had been transferred to 
the City of Amsterdam, and it and New 


Amstel were both under the governorship of Alex 
ander D Hinoyossa, Beekman continued to act as 
Governor of Altona until the 5th of June, when the 
Swedes and Finns were summoned to appear at Fort 
Altona, and he then resigned his office. 

On the 9th of June the Swedish deputies and a 
great part of the Finns assembled at Altona, and at 
their request were absolved by Beekman from the 
previous oath they had taken. They were much 
dissatisfied at the change and made use of the ex 
pression : " We are now sold deliver us." A new 
oath was proposed to them by the directors and coun 
cil on the 8th of June, in the presence of Beekman, 
to be taken at New Amstel. This they unanimously 
refused to take, unless they received previously in 
writing a promise of " all such privileges of free trade 
and others as they lucre favored with under the Com 
pany s administration! Without this they said they 
would be " compelled to depart." Eight days were 
allowed them for consideration, when all who did not 
take the oath would be compelled to leave the South 
river. 1 

D Hinoyossa, under the City of Amsterdam, was 
now the sole governor of the whole South river, on 
both its eastern and western shores, and Beekman 
was out of office. Pie, however, offered to Beekman, 
if he would stay at Altona and take possession of the 
great farm in the vicinity of the fort, to provide him 
with some five or six men servants. This Beekman 
declined, as he could see no good that would result 

1 Albany Records. 


from it, "as in future," he said, " no freeman would 
be permitted to trade either with the English or sav 
ages, and the tobacco or fur trade was reserved for 
the city." 

He wrote pitifully to Stuyvesant for an office, tell 
ing him he " could not live " on the South river " as 
a freeman and support his family, and did not wish to 
go to Maryland." He wound up his appeal by saying, 
" take care of me, father." 1 

A short time after this Beekrnan took his departure 
for Esopus, of which place he was appointed sheriff. 
He was continued in office under the English govern 
ment, and afterwards became an alderman in the city 
of New York, where one of the principal streets 
(Beekman street) is named after him. He died in 
that city, at the age of 85, in the year 1707. He 
must have had a numerous family, as during his brief 
residence at Altona he had three sons born. A 
daughter of his married a son of Stuyvesant. In 
speaking of him, Acrelius says : 

" While the colonies were kept up, Beekman had 
a share in the administration ; but was little consid 
ered. This made him envious of D Hinoyossa, whom 
he aspersed in frequent letters to Stuyvesant." 

Many of his charges are, however, supported by 
evidence. His letters to Stuyvesant form a most 
minute history of affairs in this State at that time. 
After his removal to Esopus they, of course, ceased. 

D Hinoyossa, now the sole governor on the Dela- 

1 Letter from Wm. Beekman to Peter Stuyvesant. See Hazard s 
Annals, p. 355. 


ware, determined to take up his residence in Appo- 
quinimy, and there build his capital. Here it was 
determined to erect a large stone fort and promote 
trade with the English. 1 He resolved to construct 
dykes around several valleys in that vicinity, which 
Beekman, before he left, informed Stuyvesant " the 
savages would be much opposed to." He appointed 
Peter Alricks to superintend the fur trade and reside 
at New Amstel ; a man named Israel, a member of 
the Council, to reside at the upper end of Passajong 
(changed to Passyunk now part of the 1st and 26th 
Wards in the city of Philadelphia), and another mem 
ber of the Council to superintend the trade at the 
Hoerakill. He also prohibited brewing and distilling in 
the colony even for domestic use, and ordered that all 
goods and tobacco exported should pay recognition. 2 

The slave trade was now engaged in. The city of 
Amsterdam entered into partnership with the West 
India Company to engage in this traffic. On the 20th 
of January they made a contract with Lymen Gylde 
to bring from Loango, on the coast of Africa, in the 
ship Gideon, three hundred slaves. The city was to 
receive one-fourth of these slaves when they arrived 
for the use of the colony on the South river. 3 

On the 23d of January an order issued by the 
State General claimed that New Netherlands on the 
South river extended sixteen leagues south of Cape 

1 D Hinoyossa s capital was undoubtedly the present village of 
Odessa, at the end of Herman s Cart .Road. 

2 Albany Records, vol. 17, pp. 317, 318. 

3 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 222. 


Henlopen. The Swedes, who had apparently aban 
doned their possessions on the South river, now fitted 
out an expediti.n for their recovery. The Dutch, 
however, who seem to have had efficient spies in 
Sweden, were early informed of their intention, and 
in a letter dated the 16th of October, 1663, had given 
information of the matter to Stuyvesant. 

This expedition consisted % of a frigate called the 
Falcon, of thirty -two guns, and a yacht of eight or 
ten guns, manned, in addition to the customary crew, 
by two hundred or more soldiers, who were to be 
taken on whilst passing the Sound. This expedi 
tion was commanded by the Swedish Vice-Admiral, 
Hendrick Gerritson Lesselin, or Lechelm, who was 
well acquainted with New Netherlands, having been 
employed there in 1641 in the ship Neptunis, from 

Had it arrived at the South river, the Dutch 
would have been able to have made but a poor de 
fense, as both Forts Altona and New Amstel were in 
a state of decay, having but few pieces of cannon. 
The Swedes and Finns, too, on the Delaware, and 
who were dissatisfied with their rule, far outnumbered 
the Dutch inhabitants. Indeed, the latest emigrants, 
who arrived on the ship Parmeland Church, were 
nearly all Swedes and Finns, who could not be ex 
pected to fight against their own countrymen. This 
expedition, whilst on its way to New Netherlands, 
met with such disasters that it had to be abandoned. 
It first ran aground on the Landts Croon, situated 
near Heisselberg, in Denmark, at the north entrance 


of the Sound, and having miraculously got off and 
parsed the Sound, it again ran aground on what is 
supposed to be the Island of Anholt, where the small 
est vessel was wrecked, with all her stores. The 
Falcon unshipped her compasses and found it neces 
sary to run for Gottenberg, when she again went 
ashore and was so injured that she had to be dis 
mantled. Her crew were, therefore, discharged, and 
the expedition given up. Thus ended the last attempt 
of the Swedes by force of arms to recover their pos 
sessions on the South river. 

Stuyvesant did not think the City and Company 
exerted themselves sufficiently to resist this threatened 
attack. In writing to them in relation to this expe 
dition, he says: "It excites in ourselves strange emo 
tion that your Honors and the Worshipful Commis 
sioners over the City s Colony, w ? ho have had such 
long and particular knowledge and information of this 
meditated expedition, and did not, conjointly, imme 
diately and instantly request and apply to the Lords 
of the Admiralty residing at Amsterdam for a man- 
of-war sufficiently powerful and fit to counteract so 
ruinous a design." 1 

The Swedes, on the failure of their expedition, de 
termined to see what could be done by diplomacy. 
Accordingly the Swedish Ambassador, Harald Appel- 
boom, proceeded to address a series of energetic notes 
to the States General, demanding the restitution of 
New Sweden. In one of the 10th of June, on this 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, pp. 232, 23Q, and Albany 
Records, vol. 4, p. 466. 


subject, he requested " prompt expedition, reparation 
and satisfaction in the complaint so frequently made, 
and again repeated." He again, on June 27th, makes 
another demand, in which he recites the Swedish 
claim. In this he alleges the right of Sweden to the 
western side of the Delaware. He acknowledges the 
right of the Dutch to the eastern side. In this note 
he complains of the Dutch " debauching not only the 
Swedish inhabitants who happened to be" on the South 
river; "but even drawing and conveying from Film 
land and Old Sweden additional inhabitants to be 
employed in their service in New Sweden." lie states 
in one of these notes that "the Swedish people are 
more conversant with and understand better than any 
other nation the cultivation of pasture, wood and til 
lage land, fishing, hunting and fowling." 

This last complaint of Appelboom s must have 
alluded to the Swedes and Finns who sailed with 
D Hinoyossa in the Parmerland Church. 1 

Upon the receipt of these repeated remonstrances 
and demands for redress from the Swedish Govern 
ment, the States General referred the matter to the 
West India Company for information, and they on the 
9th of October made answer through their secretary, 
Michael Tenhove, that they had the best right to the 
South river. In this answer they recited their 
original discovery and possession, and the capture of 
Fort Cassimer and other outrages done to them by the 
Swedes. They also stated that having sold the ter 
ritory in dispute to the city of Amsterdam, they had, 

1 Broiulhead and O Callighan. vol. 2, pp. 239, 240, 242. 


therefore, no longer possession of the place. 1 This 
was the last demand of the Swedes for the possession 
of their American territories that history makes men 
tion of; for now occurred an event which was to ren 
der nugatory and futile all attempts of the Swedes, 
whether by arms or diplomacy, for the possession of 
New Sweden, and also all the enterprises of D Hino 
yossa for the benefit of the Dutch trade on the South 
river. This was the happening of what Stuyvesant 
had long feared and predicted, viz., the conquest of 
New Netherlands by the English. D Hinoyossa had 
scarcely enjoyed his power four months when it was 
wrested from him and he himself was expelled from 
New Netherlands. 

On the 12th of March 2 Charles, II., king of Eng 
land, granted to his brother James, Duke of York and 
Albany, a patent for all the land embraced between 
the river St. Croix (which is now the northern bound 
ary of the United States) and the east side of 
the Delaware bay. This grant really comprised what 
is now the New England States and the States of New 
York and New Jersey. It took in all of New Neth 
erlands belonging to the West India Company and 
the possessions of the City of Amsterdam on the east 
side of the Delaware; but it did not take in the City s 
Colony, or what was then known as New Sweden, 
which was situated on the west side of the Delaware. 
Nearly the whole of this, or from a point a little north 
of New -York, or Patterson, New Jersey, to the 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 259. 

2 English dates are old style. 



river St. Croix, had been granted in 1589 to the 
Plymouth or North Virginia Company by his 
grandfather, James I., 1 whilst the west side of the 
Delaware, from Philadelphia to the Virginia line, or 
from the 38th to the 40th degree of north latitude 
on the peninsula between the Chesapeake bay, the 
Susquehanna river and the Delaware, had been grant 
ed by his father, Charles I., to Cecilius, Lord Balti 
more. Yet, under this grant, whose metes and bounds 
are so distinctly defined, James, Duke of York, con 
quered and held possession of the territory now com 
prised in the State of Delaware, which was not men 
tioned in his deed, but which was distinctly mentioned 
and set forth in the grant of his father, Charles I., to 

On the 3d and 4th of July 2 the Duke of York 
granted the territory between the Hudson and Dela 
ware rivers to Lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret. 
The territory comprised in this grant now constitutes 
the State of New Jersey. 

When the grant of this territory was made to the 
Duke of York, war had not been declared by the 
English against the Dutch ; but it was soon after 
wards. On the 25th day of May (old style) an ex 
pedition sniled from Portsmouth, England, for the 
purpose of capturing all the Dutch possessions on the 
continent of North America known as New Nether 
lands. It consisted of four vessels, viz., the Guinea, 
a frigate of thirty-six guns, commanded by Captain 

1 See pages 90, 91, ante. 

2 The reader must bear in mind that English dates are old style. 


Hyde; the Elias, of forty-two guns ; a ship of eighteen 
guns, and a transport of fourteen or sixteen guns. On 
these vessels, in addition to their crews, were three 
hundred soldiers. The expedition was commanded 
by Colonel Richard Nichols, and with him came Sir 
Robert Carr, Knight ; George Cartwright and Samuel 
Maverick, Esqs., with extensive powers to visit the 
several English colonies and to hear a f nd receive, ex 
amine and determine all complaints and appeals in all 
matters, military, civil and criminal, and to provide in 
all things for "settling the peace and security of the 
country." They were also instructed that the first 
business to be done was the "reducing of the Dutch 
in or near Long Island, or anywhere within the limits 
of" the English "dominions, to an entire obedience." 
Their instructions recited that the Dutch colonies 
" were a receptacle and sanctuary for mutinous, sedi 
tious and discontented persons, who fly from justice 
as malefactors, and who run away from their masters, 
or avoid paying their debts, or who have other wicked 
designs." They also say that as soon as they (the 
Dutch) "grow to any strength or power," "their 
business is to oppress their neighbors and engross the 
whole trade to themselves " by any indirect, unlawful, 
or foul means. In proof of this the instructions re 
cited " their inhuman proceedings at Amboyna, 1 in a 
time of full peace and all professions of particular 
love and friendship." Reciting this, the instructions 

1 The English were cruelly massacred and tortured there by the 
Dutch, for which Cromwell afterwards compelled them to pay about 


say " it was high time to put them (the Dutch) with 
out a capacity of doing the same mischief" in America, 
" and reducing them to the same rule and obedience " 
with the English "subjects there." 

The Commissioners were instructed to use no more 
violence than was necessary to reduce them to obedi 
ence. No man who " would yield obedience " was to 
be "disturbed or removed from what he possessed." 
Those who would submit to English authority were 
to enjoy the same privileges as English subjects. 
They also said that they (the Dutch) had " no kind 
of right to hold what they were in possession of," as 
" they were King Charles unquestionable territories, 
which they were possessed of by an invasion of En 
glish right." 

The Dutch had received some information of the 
intentions of the English, yet they had made no ade 
quate preparations to counteract their designs. The 
English of Connecticut were pressing on the Dutch 
at Long Island. Several English villages were estab 
lished there, and in December a Captain John Scott 
had landed on that island, from Connecticut, with a 
troop of horse and foot, and took possession of part 
of it, and in some settlements displaced the Dutch 
magistrates and appointed English in their place. He 
and his men committed several outrages, amongst 
which was the beating of a son of Captain Martin 
Krygier (named after his father, Martin Krygier, 1 ) 
and several others. 

Stuyvesant appointed some commissioners to con- 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 483. 


fer with him, amongst whom was Cornelius Van Ruy- 
ven. On the loth of January, during a conference, 
he informed Van Ruyven that the Duke of York not 
only intended to reduce Long Island, but the whole 
of New Netherlands to obedience, and that he 
designed fitting out vessels for that purpose. 1 

Information had also been received by the West 
India Company of the sailing and destination of the 
expedition in June, and they immediately informed 
the Council of the City of Amsterdam and urged that 
city to use its influence with the States General to 
get them to send a force to aid in the defense of New 
Netherlands. This the City of Amsterdam resolved 
to do. However, as the English expedition was well 
on its way across the Atlantic, as will be seen in the 
sequel, New Netherlands fell before it would have 
been possible to have rendered it any effectual assist 
ance, even had the Dutch moved energetically in the 

On the 25th of August the frigate Guinea, the first 
ship of the expedition, arrived in the outer bay of 
New Amsterdam, information of which was immedi 
ately sent to Stuy vesant. The English at once issued 
a proclamation, offering protection to those who would 
submit. On the 27th they captured a sloop engaged 
in the service of Peter Alricks, the Commissary of 
the South river, who had come from New T Amstel, with 
twelve soldiers, for the purpose of purchasing cattle, 
which he had succeeded in doing in New England 
and having them brought to Manhattan, previous to 

1 Broadhead and O Callighan, vol. 2, pp. 400, 587. 


shipping them to New Amstel. Both the cattle on 
the vessel and those not yet shipped on the shore 
were captured by the English. 

A few days previous to this the ship Gideon had 
arrived at New Amsterdam from Africa with 290 
slaves of both sexes on board, one-fourth of which 
belonged to New Amstel. New Amstel s portion of 
them were hastily run in gangs through New Jersey 
overland to the South river by Alricks, and narrowly 
escaped capture by the English. The boat in which 
they crossed the North river, and some of its crew, 
was taken. 

This was the first introduction of slaves into Dela 
ware from Africa of which we have any record. 
Slaves were on the South river from its earliest set 
tlement ; but we have no account of the mode and 
manner by which they were brought to its shores. 

On the 28th the three other vessels composing the 
English expedition arrived in the bay of New Am 
sterdam. Stuyvesant in the meantime had placed the 
fort in the best posture of defence he could and sent 
to the various villages for assistance. The inhabitants, 
however, refused to come to his aid, giving as a reason 
" that they would not leave their wives and children 
a prey whilst aiding to defend another place." 

He also sent to the commanders of the expedition, 
by the hands of four commissioners, amongst whom 
were Cornelius Van Ruyven and the Rev. Mr. 
Megapolinisis, inquiring the object of their arrival 
and continuance in the harbor without giving notice 
of their design, which they ought to have done. 


The next day (the 30th) his commissioners reported 
to him that Colonel Nichols demanded the Fort and 
place ; that he said he would not argue the case in 
relation to the English or Dutch title ; but that he 
would attack Amsterdam in Holland if so ordered. 
He demanded a surrender of the place without debate. 
Several days in the meantime elapsed, and Stuyvesant 
on the 2d of September sent to the English a lengthy 
letter, in which the Dutch and English titles were 
elaborately gone into. 

On the 4th of September the English came nearer 
the Fort, when they were joined by Captain Scott, 
with his horse and foot, numbering about sixty men. 
Another demand was made to surrender, and two of 
the English vessels sailed above the Fort. At this 
Stuyvesant went up to his gunners as if to order them 
to fire, but the two Megapolinisises (father and son) 
took hold of him and led him away. 

The English had made a peremptory demand for 
surrender, and Stuyvesant had replied that he had 
determined to defend the Fort; but the commission 
ers requested further time for consideration and ces 
sation of hostilities, and Captain Hyde of the Guinea 
agreed not to fire on the town. 

On the 5th a meeting of the inhabitants was held 
and a remonstrance voted on and passed, which was 
handed to Stuyvesant signed by most of the citizens, 
imploring him as there was " no hope of relief," and 
as it was " impossible to make head against so power 
ful an enemy, to surrender," or else they " would call 
down on his head the vengeance of Heaven" for "all 


the innocent blood which should be shed" on account 
of his " obstinacy." 

The English commander having refused to give 
another day, and thus worked upon from all sides, 
Stuyvesant agreed to treat for a surrender. On the 
6th the terms were arranged and concluded ; on the 
8th they were ratified and exchanged ; and on the 
9th day of September New Amsterdam, its fort, and 
the whole of Manhattan were formally surrendered 
to the English. The Dutch marched out with all 
their arms, colors flying and drums beating, and the 
English marched in and took possession of the Fort. 

The Dutch soldiers were extremely anxious to fight, 
but were hurried off and placed on board the slave- 
ship Gideon before the arrival of the English. They 
demanded powder, and Captain Krygier promised to 
give it to them ; but instead, carried it to his own 
house, as it was feared they might attack the English 
if they had it. The burghers were suspicious of the 
soldiers. They had threatened to plunder the place, 
and exclamations were heard amongst them such as, 
" they knew where the booty was to be got, and where 
the young women were who wore gold chains," and 
that they now had " an opportunity of peppering the 
devilish Chinese who had made them smart so much." 1 
A crowd of them surrounded the house of Peter 
Meyer and attempted to plunder it, but were pre 
vented by the burghers. 

The terms of capitulation, amongst other articles, 
provided : That the people should be free citizens and 
enjoy their lands and goods ; those who desired should 

1 Chinese, a nickname applied to petty traders. 


be allowed to move away ; any one could come from 
the Netherlands and plant in the country ; ships 
should be allowed to go to the Netherlands and come 
to Manhattan for the space of six months ; the inhabi 
tants to be allowed to traffic with the English as with 
Indians ; inferior magistrates to remain in office ; the 
towns of Manhattan to choose deputies and to have 
a free voice in public affairs, and no Dutchman or 
Dutch ship to be pressed to serve in war against any 
nation ; every Dutch soldier staying in the country 
was to have fifty acres of land. 

Fort Amsterdam at the time of its surrender was 
totally untenable. It was built only as a defense 

against Indians, and was never intended to stand a 

<^ / 

siege against a civilized force. Not more than 300 
men could be raised capable of bearing arms in Man 
hattan ; there was not 600 pounds (or a day s supply) 
of powder in the fort ; there was little or no provisions ; 
the houses were built close up to the fort, and the 
bombardment necessary to reduce it would have de 
stroyed New Amsterdam and ruined its citizens, who 
expected to be pillaged, in the result of resistance, 
both by the English and their own soldiers. 

Again, the citizens were dissatisfied with the West 
India Company. On the 10th of November both they 
and Stuyvesant had informed the Company they had 
expected an attack both from the English and the In 
dians, and the Company had not deemed their com 
plaints worthy of an answer. Therefore the citizens, 
when discussing amongst themselves the question of 
the surrender, publicly exclaimed : " If the honorable 


Company give themselves so little concern about the 
safety of the country and its inhabitants as not to be 
willing to send a ship of war to its succor in such 
pressing necessity, or even a letter of advice as to 
what we may at present depend on and what relief 
we have to expect, we are powerless, and therefore 
will not defend the city, to imperil our lives, property, 
wives and children, without hope of any reinforce 
ment or relief, and to lose all after two or three days 
resistance." New Amsterdam at this time contained 
a population of about 1,500 people. 1 

The name of New Amsterdam was changed by the 
English to that of New York, by which name it is 
still known. It is now the largest city not only in 
the United States, but on the American continent, 
and will undoubtedly, in course of time, be the largest 
city in the world. 

After arranging affairs in New York, the English 
turned their attention to the South river, and a com 
mission was issued by the other three commissioners 
who came with the expedition, to Sir Robert Carr, as 
follows : 

Whereas, we are informed that the Dutch have 
seated themselves at Delaware bay, on His Majesty 
of Great Britain s territories, without his knowledge 
or consent, and that they have fortified themselves 
there and drawn a great deal of trade thither; and 
being assured that if they be permitted to go on the 

1 For the particulars of the surrender and the before mentioned 
circumstances, see Broadhead and O Callaghan, vol. 2, pp. 307, 36U. 
375, 410, 411, 483, 504, &c. 


gaining of this place will be of small advantage to 
His Majesty, we, His Majesty s Commissioners, by 
virtue of His Majesty s commission and instruction 
to us given, have advised and determined to bring 
that place, and all strangers thereabout, in obedience 
to His Majesty ; and by these do order and appoint 
that His Majesty s frigates, the "Guinea" and the 
William and Nicholas," and all the soldiers which 
are not in the Fort, shall, with what speed they con 
veniently can, go thither under the command of Sir 
Robert -Carr, to reduce the same, willing and com 
manding all officers, at sea and land, and all soldiers, 
to obey the said Sir Robert Carr during this expe 

Given under our hands and seals at the Fort in 
New York, upon the Island .of Manhattan, 3d day of 
September, 1664. 

(Signed) R. NICHOLLS, 



Sir Robert Carr was instructed when he came near 
the Dutch Fort to send his boat on shore, to summon 
the governor and inhabitants to yield obedience to 
His Majesty as the rightful sovereign of that tract of 
land, and let them know "that all the planters shall 
enjoy their farms, houses, lands, goods and chattels, 
with the same privileges and on the same terms upon 
which they do now possess them, only that they 
change their masters, whether they be the West India 

1 Register of Pennsylvania, vol. 1, p. 36, and New York Records. 


Company or the City of Amsterdam. To the Swedes 
you shall remonstrate their happy return under a 
rnonarchial government and His Majesty s good incli 
nation to that nation, and to all men who shall com 
ply with His Majesty s rights and title in Delaware 
without force of arms." 

That all cannon, arms and ammunition belonging to 
the government shall remain to His Majesty. 

Future trading to be regulated by rules of Parlia 
ment; right of conscience to be guaranteed; for six 
months all the present magistrates to continue in 
office, taking oath of allegiance, and their act to be in 
His Majesty s name. 

If Sir Robert finds he cannot reduce the place by 
force, nor upon these conditions, he may add such as 
he finds necessary ; but if both fail, he is, by a mes 
senger to the Governor of Maryland, to ask aid. 
After reducing the place, his first care is " to protect 
the inhabitants from injuries, as well as violence from 
the soldiers, which may easily be effected if you set 
tle a course for weekly or daily provisions by agree 
ment with the inhabitants, to be satisfied to them 
either out of the profits, customs, or rents belonging 
to their present master, or, in case of necessity, from 

The laws for the present to remain as to the admin 
istration of right and justice. 

He is to declare to Lord Baltimore s son and all 
the English concerned in Maryland, that this great 
expense to His Majesty, in ships and soldiers, has 
been incurred solely for the purpose of reducing 


foreigners in these parts to His Majesty s obedience ; 
but that being reduced at His Majesty s expense, he 
is commanded to hold "possession for His Majesty s 
own behoof and right, and that he is willing to unite 
with the Governor of Maryland in His Majesty s in 
terest on all occasions; and if my Lord Baltimore doth 
pretend right thereto by his patent (which is a doubt 
ful case), you are to say that you only keep possession 
till His Majesty is informed and otherwise satisfied." 

" In other things/ says the instructions, " I must 
leave you to your discretion and the best advice you 
can get upon the place." 1 

In compliance with these orders, Carr sailed from 
New York with the frigate Guinea, Captain Hugh 
Hyde, and the ship William and Nicholas, Captain 
Thomas Morley, and after a long and troublesome 
passage, prolonged by the ignorance of the pilots and 
the shoalness of the w r ater, arrived at Fort New Am- 
stel on the last day of September (old style). They 
passed by Fort New Amstel without notice, the better 
to satisfy the Swedes, who, notwithstanding the Dutch 
persuasions to the contrary, were soon the friends of 
the English. 

Carr then had a parley with D Hinoyossa and the 
Burghers of New Amsterdam. The burghers and 
the townsmen, after three days negotiation, agreed 
to give up the town of New Amstel to the English ; 
but D Hinoyossa and the soldiers refused to surren 
der, and -they retired into the Fort. The following 
were the terms of capitulation, viz : 

1 Register of Pennsylvania, vol. 1, p. 37 ; New York Records. 


"1. That all the burgomasters and planters will 
submit themselves to His Majesty s authority, with 
out making any resistance. 

"2. That whoever, of what nation soever, doth 
submit to His Majesty s authority, shall be protected 
in their estates, real and personal whatsoever, by His 
Majesty s laws and justice. 

"3. That the present magistrates shall be con 
tinued in the offices and jurisdiction, to exercise their 
civil powers as formerly. 

" 4. That if any Dutchman or other person shall 
desire to depart from this river, that it is lawful for 
him so to do, within six months after the date of these 

" 5. That the magistrates and all the inhabitants 
(who are included in these articles) shall take the 
oath of allegiance to His Majesty, and of fidelity to 
the present governor. 

" 6. That all the people shall enjoy the liberty of 
their conscience in church discipline as formerly. 

" 7. That whoever shall take the oath is from that 
time a free denizen, and shall enjoy all the privileges 
of trading into any of His Majesty s dominions as 
freely as any Englishman, and may require a certifi 
cate for so doing. 

" 8. That the schout, the burgomaster, sheriff, and 
other inferior magistrates shall use and exercise their 
customary power in administration of justice within 
their precincts for six months, or until His Majesty s 
pleasure is further known. 

"The Oath. I do swear by the Almighty God that 


I will bear faith and allegiance to His Majesty of 
Great Britain, and that I will obey all such commands 
as I shall receive from the governor, deputy governor, 
and other officers appointed by His Majesty s authority, 
so long as I live within these or any other of His 
Majesty s territories. 

" Given under my hand and seal this first day of 
October, in the year of our Lord God, 1664. 


" Given under our hands and seals, in behalf of 
ourselves and the rest of the inhabitants, the first of 
October, in the year of our Lord God, 1664. 



D flinoyossa having refused Carr s proposition to 
surrender peaceably, and having retired with the 
soldiers into Fort New Amstel, and it is believed 
with Alricks and Van Sweringen with him, Carr pro 
ceeded to use forcible means. Accordingly upon the 
Sunday morning following he landed his troops, and 
commanded his ships to fall down below the fort, 
although within musket shot, and to fire into it two 
broadsides each. This was done. The ships fired 
into Fort New Amstel, and the land troops making 
an attack at the same time took it by storm. The 
Dutch lost three men killed and ten wounded in this 
affair. After the fort was taken, the soldiers and 
sailors commenced to plunder, and succeeded in get 
ting a great deal of booty. The noise and confusion 


was so great during this interval, that " no words of 
command could be heard for some time." Carr did 
his utmost to prevent this, and keep as many of the 
goods as he could entire. Fort New Amstel, though 
mounting fourteen guns, " was not tenable." 1 

After the capture of the town and Fort of New 
Amstel, a general scene of plunder took place. All 
the soldiers and many of the citizens of New Amstel 
were sold as slaves to Virginia (for white slavery or 
forced service then existed, as well as black). The 
negroes brought by the Gideon, and run across New 
Jersey by Alricks (as well as more than probably 
others, that could be found) were forfeited, and mostly 
divided amongst the captors, save those that the 
Dutch managed to conceal. Several were taken be 
longing to Alricks. Eleven were returned to him 
some four years afterwards by Ensign 2 Arthur Stock 
as a free gift. 3 They also took from the Dutch all 
the produce of the land for that year, and amongst 
other things were 100 she.ep, 30 or 40 horses, 50 to 
60 cows and oxen, a brew-house and still belonging 
to it, and a saw-mill ready to put up. (This is the 
first mention we have of a saw-mill in Delaware). 
They also plundered the settlement of the Mennon- 
ists at the Hoernkill, leaving the inhabitants there 
(to use the words of Van Sweringen) " not even a 

1 See Carr s letter, London Documents, vol. i. p. 204. 

2 Ensign in the English service is the lowest commissioned officer 
in the company. 

3 In this gift there was some act of policy, the reason of which is 
not at this time perfectly known. 


nail." 1 Stuyvesant also in writing of this affair says: 
" That although the citizens of New Amstel made no 
resistance, they were stripped and utterly plun 
dered. " He also confirms the selling of the citizens 
and soldiers as slaves. The amount of plunder ob 
tained amounted to <4000. Carr, notwithstanding 
the amount of sheep and cattle taken from the unfor 
tunate citizens of New Amstel, in writing to Colonel 
Nichols giving an account of the expedition, says : 
" That nothing was to be had on the Delaware but 
what was purchased from other places, and that to 
supply the wants of the garrison he had to send into 
Maryland some negroes belonging to D Hinoyossa, 
which he sold for beef, pork, and salt/" and, to use 
his own words, " other small conveniences," which, 
he said, " the place affordeth not." 

Carr also complained of the Seneca and Tuscarora 
Indians, whom he said, "were exasperated by some 
Dutch and their own inclinations," and who "did 
violence both to heathens and Christians ;" for which 
" the Indians of the neighborhood were unjustly 
blamed." Several murders, he said, " had been com 
mitted by them upon the Dutch and Swedes in less 
than six weeks." They were so strong on the east 
side of the river, " that no one dared to plant there." 2 

1 From this it appears the Mennonists did settle at the Hoernkill 
(Lcwistown). For Van Sweringen s account, see Broadhead and 
O Calligan, vol. 3, pp. 343-6. He there alleges that the Schuylkill 
derived its name (sculk, hidden ; kill, creek) from the Swedish 
vessel, Mercurius, that run past the batteries hiding there. See pp. 
274-5, ante. 

2 London Documents, vol. i. p. 204. 



He wished a treaty of peace to be made with them. 
The Guinea was immediately afterwards ordered to 
proceed with despatches to England. 

In all the previous conflicts between the Dutch 
and Swedes, and Dutch and English, no life was lost, 
and no blood was shed, that history records, save in 
the cracking of the crown of an unfortunate white 
named Ever Ducking, whom some Englishman 
knocked over the head in a dispute about some land, 
between them and the Dutch, on the Fresh (Con 
necticut) river. This unusual violence was duly 
noted and denounced in the Dutch chronicles. Fort 
Cassimer was taken twice in the conflicts between the 
Dutch and Swedes, without a scratch being suffered 
by any one. Fort Christina was captured, and not 
withstanding the length of the siege nobody was 
hurt. It was the same with Fort Amsterdam and 
Manhattan, which was surrendered without the least 
damage being done to any individual. So that the 
northern suburb of the pretty town of New Castle 
was the first and only place that was soiled in these 
conflicts with the stain of human gore. The en 
croaching Delaware, however, has since washed it 
away, and of the fort which was the scene of the 
carnage, and of the ground on which it stood, not a 
vestige now remains : all has been swallowed up in 
its waters. The site of Fort Cassimer, or New Am- 
stel, as it was afterwards called, must have been a 
point of land on the northern side of New Castle. It 
then extended probably over a quarter of a mile 
further into the Delaware than now, as the river has 


washed and still washes away from three to five feet 
annually. During every storm the skulls and bones 
interred in an old graveyard (which must have been 
in the rear of this fort) are now torn by the angry 
Delaware from the graves in which they were laid, 
and strewed along its shores. 

On the 7th of November, 1676, or only twelve 
years after its capture by the English, the fort was 
in ruins. It was then granted to Englebert Lott. 
The following is the extract from the New Castle 
records authorizing its destruction : 

" 7th of November, 1676, Englebert Lott prefer 
ring in Court a petition desiring a grant from this 
worpfl. Cort, to take up ye Lott att ye Easte End of 
this Towne, where the old Forte formerly stood. 
The Court granted the petition his said request, hee 
leveling the old walls and buildings upon the same, 
according to his honor s, the governor s regulations." 1 
Englebert Lott must have pulled down the ruined 
walls, as the Labadists, Dankers and Sluyter, on 
their visit to New Castle in 1680 say that the fort 
was " demolished." 

Thus fell the Dutch power on the Delaware, and 
the Anglo-Saxon that race that is more than prob 
ably destined hereafter to make its language, laws, 
manners, customs, and institutions those of the world, 2 

1 New Castle Records. 

2 The author has come to the conclusion, after maturely consider 
ing the matter, that it is the destiny of the Anglo-Saxon race (no 
matter how Utopian or improbable it may seem) finally to unite the 
world together under one form of government, and thus do away 
with wars between the nations of the earth. In accordance with this 


became the possessors of New Netherlands, which 
was the single gap in their possessions, that prevented 

belief, in 1868 he wrote an essay to the London CoMcn Club, com 
peting for the gold medal offered by the late Mr. Cobden for the 
"best essay on the best way of developing improved political and 
commercial relations between Great Britain and the United States of 
America." In this essay he recommended the re-uniting together of 
the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race (i. c. the United 
States and Great Britain and her colonies) into one government j 
thus forming a great Anglo-Saxon Confederacy on the following 
plan, viz : Great Britain to abandon the government of Ireland and 
her colonies, and leave them to manage their local affairs by legis 
latures chosen by themselves. The United States and Great Britain 
and her colonies then to be divided into representative districts of 
equal population ; each district to elect a member to a legislature (to 
be composed cither of one or two houses), to meet at a place chosen 
for a capital, to pass laws to govern the great united nation. All 
members, both of the general and state legislatures, to be elected by 
universal suffrage, and representation always to be in proportion to 
population. An executive or executives to be elected to govern the 
great nation, with similar powers to the President of the United 
States, and courts to be instituted to try causes of difference that 
might arise between the various States, according to laws made and 
provided beforehand. Perfect freedom of trade to be between the 
various States. Education to be compulsory and universal, so that 
no one should "grow up by its ignorance to jeopardize the general 
welfare." Libraries to be established in districts convenient to and 
open to all, where the laws of the Great United Nation, and books 
that contained such information as would tend to the welfare of the 
citizens, should be deposited by the Government. All nations to be 
admitted into the Union upon application, and allowed every right 
enjoyed by the rest of the States, and representation in its legislature 
in proportion to the number of their people, provided they agree to 
abide by its laws, and teach the English language in their schools, 
so as to have one language for common use throughout the Confed 
eracy : thus adopting for the Anglo-Saxon or English speaking 
races, and finally for the world, a form of government similar to that 
of the United States, save that senators should be in proportion to 
population, and be elected by universal suffrage, instead of two from 
each State, chosen by state legislatures as at present. The author 


their owning the territory on the Atlantic seaboard 
from the 31st to the 46th parallel of latitude, or from 

thinks that the uniting together of two such powerful nations on the 
principle of exact justice every member comprising it having rights 
equal with the rest would make a community too powerful for any 
nation or combination of nations to compete with in warfare. That 
nation after nation would join it, as they would then save the great 
expense of their army and navy (for the same military and naval 
orce would do for all), and the devouring conscription for enforced 
service in their armies, to which most civilized nations are now sub 
ject, to protect themselves against other nations having similar mili 
tary systems. That this and the freedom for trade existing amongst 
us a trade that would not be interrupted by hostile imposts or wars, 
but which would be allowed to flow in its natural channels, each 
section producing what it could with most advantage to itself, and 
exchanging with the others its surplus would induce country after 
country to join us, until finally possibly all the nations of the earth 
would be admitted to our Union. The world would then be one 
nation, with one language, the English. Wars would exist no more ; 
universal peace would prevail. The words of the prophet would be 
fulfilled. Swords would (metaphorically) be turned into plows, and 
spears into pruning hooks. There would be peace throughout the 
world. Utopian as this scheme may seem, it is just such men as you 
and I, reader (in the United States and Great Britain), who have 
power to say whether this shall be done. We have simply [enough 
of us) to manifest by our votes at the polls that this is our desire, 
and the thing can be accomplished, as both in America and Britain 
the people control the government. It is simply a matter of will, 
and the two people can say whether they prefer to unite themselves 
as one together, and live in harmony, deciding their differences by 
courts, on whose benches shall sit such judges as Hale and Mansfield 
or Marshall and Story, or fall out and kill each other by wholesale, 
and destroy each other s property. If the German and the Italian, 
notwithstanding the sanguinary battles that have occurred between 
their States, forgetting all past quarrels, so yearn for a unity of their 
race as to be willing to wade through seas of blood to accomplish it, 
why should not the Anglo-Saxon be willing to do peaceably, with 
none so bold as to say to him "nay," what they could only succeed 
in accomplishing by a costly expenditure of life and money. The 
author has treated these views more at length in an essay to the 


the St. Croix, which flows past the northern boundary 
of Maine, to the St. Mary s, which forms the southern 
boundary of Georgia. Never perhaps was the taking 
of so trifling a fortress as New Amstel by so insig 
nificant an armament productive of such momentous 
results. The capture of this, the last hold of the 
Dutch, consolidating the English possessions, caused 
our admixture from Maine to Georgia into one people, 
the grant of Pennsylvania to Penn and New Jersey 
to Berkley and Carteret, and their settlement with 
the English speaking races. This consolidation of 
territory also enabled us to show a united front to 
Great Britain, when we threw off her yoke, declared 
our independence, and formed the mighty Republic 
of the United States of North America, which who 
shall say hereafter may not be the United States of 
the World. What would have been the result had a 
single Dutch armed ship aided D Hinoyossa against 
the frigate Guinea? It might have repulsed the 
attack, and whilst New Amstel stood the Dutch would 
have endeavored to have recovered Manhattan. If 
New Netherlands, or even the Dutch settlements on 
the South river, had divided New England from 
Maryland and the states south of her, as a conse 
quence there would have been no Pennsylvania, or 
possibly New Jersey or New York, but a foreign 

European Permanent League of Peace at Paris, whose sitting was 
put an end to by the Prussian war. lie also laid them formally in a 
series of resolutions before the Pennsylvania Peace Society on the 
27th of November, 1869, and before the Peace Union, New York, 
May 27, 1870. 


people, speaking a different language and having dif 
ferent customs, severing communication between the 
English colonies north and south of the Delaware, 
and thus prevented not only united action, but prob 
ably even communication between them. Could the 
British colonies, thus separated, without the aid of 
Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New York, ever have 
hoped to have thrown off the yoke of the mother 
country ? What the course of events would have 
been no man can say. But the capture of New Am- 
stel was the cause of the settlement of the Delaware 
by the English and the foundation of Pennsylvania, 
by the uniting of the territory from Maine to Georgia 
under English rule, which caused the union of the 
colonies as states, and as a consequence the formation 
of the great American Republic, which has had and 
will still have an immense effect on the destinies of 
the world. Without the capture of this little fortress 
this might not have been. Therefore, never perhaps 
in the history of the world was the capture of so in 
significant a stronghold productive of such momentous 
events for the benefit of mankind. 

After the capture of New Amstel, the English con 
fiscated the property of D Hinoyossa, Van Sweringen, 
and Alricks. Part of D Hinoyossa s property con 
sisted of 150 acres of marsh land near the fort, was 
granted to Captain John Carr; another part described 
as a certain island in the Delaware river, called 
Swarten Natton Island, bounded on the north by 
Christina Kill, and on the west by Little Creek, con 
taining 300 acres, was granted to Thomas Wollaston. 


James Crawford, 1 Herman Otto, and Gerard Otto. 
To John Carr was also granted all the estate, both 
real and personal, of Gerrit Van Sweringen, amongst 
which was a house and ground in New Amstel. Peter 
Alricks estate was granted to William Tomm, amongst 
which property was an island in the Delaware, about 
seven miles below New Castle. 2 The grants to John 
Carr were made " for good services in storming and 
reducing the fort." To William Tomm, for services 
on the Delaware. 3 No mention is made of the reason 
of the grant to the others. Alricks, however, soon 
succeeded in being taken into favor by the English, 
for on the 21st of November, 1665, he received a 
special license to trade and traffic with the Indians 
in and about the Whorekill. 4 He was also allowed 
to pass from New York to Delaware, and from thence 
to Maryland and return, with a servant and six 
horses; 5 and a few years later he was appointed one 
of the counsellors. 6 

D Hinoyossa, Van Sweringen, and many other 
citizens of New Amstel, after the surrender retired 
into Maryland. Several of them settled permanently 
there, and there many of their descendants yet re- 

1 This was the first ancestor of the numerous and influential family 
of Crawfords in this State, many of whom yet reside in this county. 
Theodore F. Crawford, Esq., of Wilmington, is one of his descend 



The Labadists speak of Peter Alricks owning an island opposite 
Burlington, N. J. 

3 Delaware Records. 

4 We now use the English mode of spelling this place. 

5 MSS. in Reg. Penn., vol. 4, p. 75. 

6 Smith New Jersey, p. 52. 


main. D Hinoyossa settled on Foster s Island, in the 
Chesapeake, where he lived several years : it is at 
tached to Talbot county, Maryland. In 1671 he 
petitioned the Maryland Assembly that he, Marga- 
retta his wife, and his children, Alexander, John, 
Peter, Maria, Johanna. Christina, and Barbara, might 
be naturalized. It is said that he applied to the 
English for an office : it is certain he did for his for 
feited estate, which is proved by the following letter, 
the last known on record that he has written. It 
was written from the house of Captain Thomas How- 
ell, of St. Mary s, to Colonel Nichols, who was then 
Governor of what was New Netherlands. It says : 
" Your honor s very agreeable answer to my letters 
came safely here, and I learn from it that your honor 
is sorry for my loss. If your honor would please to 
console me therein, it can be done by giving me the 
rest of my lost estate ; and could I get it back, I am 
resolved to live and die under your honor s govern 
ment, yea, on the same conditions that I had from 
the City of Amsterdam. Meanwhile, should your 
honor incline thereunto, the answer should be sent to 
me at Captain Thomas Howell s, in Maryland, where 
I shall remain two or three months. Should these 
not be accepted by your honor, I would hereby re 
spectfully request you to send me a letter under your 
honor s hand to His Highness the Duke of York, in 
order that I may take occasion to apply in London 
to His Highness aforesaid on the subject." 1 Nicholson 

1 Xeil s Terra Marise, p. 163. Also Broadhead and O Callighan, 
vol. 3, p. 83. 


paid no attention to this respectful petition, and the 
gallant old soldier eventually returned to Holland, 
and entered the Dutch army, where he served in the 
wars between Louis XIV., King of France, and the 
Republic of Holland. He was one of the garrison 
of a fortress that surrendered to the "French, after 
which, it is said, he ended his days in Holland. 1 
Whatever may be said of his discretion in defend 
ing an untenable fort, he evidently displayed great 
bravery. His whole course shows him to have been 
a man of great nerve and action. Van Sweringen 
also became naturalized as a citizen of Maryland. 
After leaving Delaware he resided in the town of St. 
Mary s, in that State. 

The name of the town of New Amstel was changed 
to that of New Castle, which name it has ever since 
borne. Altona again received its old name of Chris 
tina, and the great river a part of which forms a 
portion of our State and the great bay into which 
it flows, lost its name of South river, and has ever 
since been known by its English name of Delaware. 

Hugh Hyde and Thomas Morley, the captains of 
the frigate, for their services in capturing New Am 
stel, had granted to them a place to hold as a manor, 
named Grimstead, at the head of the Delaware. It 
was called by the Indians Chipussen. They were to 
stock and people it in six years; otherwise their 
grant would be voidable. They were to be lords of 
the manor, and had the right of holding " Courts 
Leet." This was an ancient English court, held by 

1 London Documents. O Callighan, vol. 2, p. 554. 


lords of the manor, which has now even in that 
country fallen into disuse. It had jurisdiction from 
common nuisances and other offences against the 
public peace and trade, down to eaves dropping (lis 
tening under the eaves of houses) and other trifling- 
offences. Its business is now done by Courts of 
Quarter and General Sessions, 


Title of English and Dutch to New Netherlands English had equal 
rights Character of the prominent Dutch officials who took part 
in Delaware affairs Character of Stuyvesant Kind to his friends 
Energetic Great tyrant Partial and unjust judge His perse 
cution of Just Teunissen Of Sabout Claessen Of the Eight Men 
whom he imprisons Banishes Kuyter and Melynr Confiscates 
their property Also that of Van der Capclle Banishes Van dor 
Donk and Gouvert Lockermans Arrests Augustine Herman Ar 
rests Van Dincklage, vice-governor and judge Puts him in guard 
house Persecutes people with false suits His will law His gov 
ernment a fraud Notary fears to buy property, for fear it would 
be confiscated Insults Van Dyck the fiscal His councillors for 
eigners or men of bad character Dissolves a convention with 
threats His haughty message Is opposed Charter procured for 
New Amsterdam Retires to his farm after capture by English 
His life and death Complaint of deputies of New Amsterdam to 
States General Their names Their complaints Company make 
laws to suit themselves Plunder settlers goods Of tyranny of 
Stuyvesant s government, under which life and property are not 
safe Company s poverty cause them to oppress Second remon 
strance of the deputies Caustic review of the administration of 
Kieft and Stuyvesant High duties injure trade Goods mostly 
smuggled Kieft and Stuyvesant claim sovereign power Kieft s 
plan to build a church Takes advantage of drunkenness to obtain 
subscriptions Money raised for school and poor spent by Com 
pany Excise laid on wine and beer Kieft uses such lofty lan 
guage that the people cannot understand him Public money 
placed with the Company s Free negro slaves against law- 
Character of fiscal Hooyhens Censure of Stuyvesant He uses 
public money for private purposes ; Wastes it in unnecessary 
councillors Company s measures suspected Fort a ruin Money 
raised to repair it spent by Stuyvesant His abuse He is an 
unjust judge Partial and oppressive Abuses those who differ 


with him Abuses the Eight Men Threatens to kill those who 
appeal to Holland He sells arms to Indians Carries on all sorts 
of business Carries on trade which he forbids to others on pain 
of death His propensity to confiscate everything damages trade 
of New Amsterdam Ships afraid to come on that account Col 
lecting debts from citizens, refuses to deduct what the Company 
owes them Enters room of Van der Donk Seizes draft of com 
plaint of deputies Arrests him Arrests and guards by soldiers 
all who differ with him Excludes Van Dyck from the council 
Character of Stuyvesant s council Of Brian Nuton, who loves 
and fears Stuyvesant, and always says " yes" Of Adrian Keyser, 
who holds his tongue Of the captains of the ships as councillors, 
whom Stuyvesant calls " a pack of thieves" Of Van Dyck, " whose 
head is a trouble to him" They are the judges that rule New 
York and Delaware Bad character of Tienhoven, the Secretary 
of State. 

IT has been the custom of many writers to 
condemn the English for their attack upon the 
Dutch, and the capture of New Netherlands. 
The Dutch have been considered in the right, and 
the English in the wrong. It is not our purpose in 
this history to enter into an elaborate discussion of 
the title of the two nations to the territory on this 
continent then called New Netherlands. It will be 
simply sufficient to state that the English discovered 
and explored that portion of the continent in which 
New Netherlands was situated before the Dutch ; 
that they actually made formal claim, and granted 
portions of it to their citizens before the Dutch en 
tered either the Delaware or the Hudson ; that they 
continually, both on the Delaware and Hudson, de 
nied the right of the Dutch to the land, gave them 
warning repeatedly that they were trespassers on 


English territory, and made constant endeavors to 
settle, both on the Delaware and at New York. That 
on the former river their citizens, as will be seen by 
the former pages of this history, were driven away, 
their trading houses burnt, and their settlements de 
stroyed. That at the first, when formal notice was 
given to the Dutch by the English ambassador, they 
made evasive replies, instead of honestly claiming 
their rights. That up to the time of the capture of 
New Netherlands the English were unceasing and 
incessant in their demands for the territory, and 
never for an instant gave up the claim to what they 
considered their own. The English, therefore, taking 
all the circumstances into consideration, appear to 
have had at least as good a right to the territory as 
the Dutch, and in our opinion a better. In the cap 
ture of the Dutch possessions they did not, therefore, 
commence an entirely causeless war. but took what 
they believed was their own lands, and of which they 
believed the Dutch not only held violent and wrong 
ful possession, but in addition committed outrages on 
their citizens by driving them away, when they went 
there for the purposes of trade and settlement. 

We close the first volume of our history by a de 
scription of the characters of Stuyvesant and Kieft, 
the last Dutch governors of New Netherlands, of 
whom Delaware was a part; and also a description 
of the character of the ruling Dutch officials, who, 
although residents of New Amsterdam, were mixed 
up with our affairs, and really ruled the territory 


now composing our State. And also in the succeed 
ing chapter a description of such Dutch or Knicker- 
hocker families that were famous, and who settled in 
New Netherlands before its conquest by the English, 
and whom we can trace by the records as having de 
scendants resident in Delaware, and who, being 
amongst the patriarchs of our State, have their blood 
flowing through the veins of thousands of our citizens, 
mixed with that of every other civilized nation under 
the sun. They with the Swedes and Finns, the 
Huguenot French and Protestant refugees, and a body 
of leading Irish citizens, who emigrated to Delaware 
about the years 1737 and 1745, engrafted on the 
English that came with Sir Robert Carr and William 
Penn, may be considered as the progenitors of a large 
portion of the citizens of Delaware. They were the 
fathers of intermingled tribes, which exist not only 
in Delaware, but are spread over all the States of the 
Union, where they have always taken leading parts 
in the public and private business of whatever State 
they may happen to be residents. In a great pro 
portion of Delaware it is only recently that the cur 
rent of modern emigration has began to flow. Pre 
vious to 1845 there were barely a dozen families of 
foreign birth resident south of the Appoquinemink. 
In the city of Wilmington and the hundreds of 
Brandy wine and Christiana, there has always been a 
steady flow of emigration and an infusion of new 
blood. But in the lower part of New Castle and 
Kent and Sussex the citizens were until recently 
mostly born on the soil, and their descent could be 


traced to, comparatively speaking, few families, prin 
cipally Dutch, English, and Irish Presbyterians, and 
French refugee Protestants, intermingled with a few 
Swedes and Finns. Therefore, in giving a sketch of 
these leading Dutch families, we really give a history 
of the ancestors, from whom a large number of our 
citizens are descended. Of the others we shall speak 
in their chronological order. 

Of the characters of the prominent men who re 
sided, and ruled our State, on the Delaware, our 
readers can form a pretty correct judgment from the 
account of their actions in our previous pages. But 
of those resident at the Manhattans, a further de 
scription of them will be needed to form a correct 
idea of their characteristics. This we have been 
enabled to give from the disputes that took place 
between them, which taking the part of remonstrances 
and petitions, and having been reduced to writing 
and filed : their quarrels have thus illustrated their 

Stuyvesant (which, reduced to English, means holy 
saint) was the supreme governor of Delaware (the 
others merely sub-governors), and one of the greatest 
tyrants. With some good, he had nearly all the bad 
qualities that would render him unfit for a ruler. He 
was bold and energetic, kind to his friends, and prob 
ably as moral as most men of his day. He was an 
elder in the church, and, as far as known, a faithful 
outward performer of his religious duties ; but here 
the list of his good qualities may be said to end. If 
the statements made to the Government of Holland 


and the West India Company are correct, and we 
have no good reason to doubt them, for they are in 
part proved, and were made by the best citizens of 
New Amsterdam, he was one of the worst rulers of 
his age. Another of the many instances that can be 
pointed at to show how little man is to be trusted 
with power over his fellows. He cheated both the 
Company and the public. Money going into his 
hands, wrenched from the suffering citizens of Man 
hattan, who had been precipitated into an unjust war 
with the Indians by Kieft, his predecessor, and whose 
homes were destroyed and whose fields were ravaged, 
he diverted ta his own private purposes. He sought 
eagerly for confiscations, and using his powers as a 
judge, under the forms of law robbed all who were 
opposed to him within his power. He was abusive 
to all with whom he differed, both in his public and 
private intercourse. We will cite the following as a 
few cases of his injustice, viz. : Whilst he sold the 
guns and powder of the Company to the Indians, and 
kept the proceeds, on a similar charge being made, 
without proof, against Joost Teunissen, a baker, he 
threatened him with torture, and when he applied for 
permission to travel through the country to buy 
wheat to carry on his business, refused him a license 
and threatened him with "a caning;" and so malig 
nantly persecuted him and Sabout Claessen that they 
had to fly from the colony. The latter he deprived 
of his property. Every man who opposed him he 
endeavored to crush and ruin. The Eight Men elected 
as the counsellors of the citizens who made the com- 



plaint against the Indian war, to use the words of 
Van der Donk, a he caused to be separated, put in 
prison, locked up, or hunted and utterly terrified." 
In their complaint they alleged, "the Indians lived 
amongst them like larnbs, injuring no one, but afford 
ing them every assistance, until they suffered out 
rages which originated in a foolish hankering after 
war." He banished Joachim Peterson Kuyter and 
Cornelius Melyn one, as he alleged, for shaking his 
finger at him in the council of the Eight Men, but 
the real reason for the banishment of both was send 
ing Gouvert Lockermans to Holland with the com 
plaints of the Eight Men in relation to his evil gov 
ernment. They appealed from his judgment to Hol 
land, and in revenge he confiscated their property, 
and also confiscated a vessel belonging to Van der 
Cnpelle, the Patroon of Staten Island, on a false charge, 
because he thought that Melyn had in some way an 
interest in it. Another instance of his oppression 
was in the case of Van der Donk, who had prepared 
a complaint of the Select Men to send to Holland. 
He entered his room, seized on the rough draft of it, 
and banished him from the colony. He trumped up 
a charge against (and prosecuted capitally) Gouvert 
Lockermans, one of the Nine Men, 1 and sentenced 
him to three years banishment, and threatened to 
enforce that sentence unless he signed a certificate 
that he could say nothing of him "but what was 
honest and honorable." He arrested Augustine 

1 A body of men chosen by the citizens of New Amsterdam to 
assist iu the government. 


Herman for refusing to produce a paper that was 
drawn up for circulation amongst the Nine Men. He 
sent a file of soldiers into the court, and arrested Van 
Dincklage, the vice governor, whilst he was sitting on 
the bench as a judge, and confined him several days 
in the guard-house, and then acting beyond the power 
delegated to him, turned him out of his office. He 
instituted numerous false suits to ruin people he 
himself acting as judge and confiscated their pro 
perty. The government was administered by him 
self and a few sycophants whom he controlled. " His 
will was the law." Ordinances were made and en 
forced of which the community received no notice. 
He imitated in his petty government a royal state, 
and had a guard of halbadiers around him. Those 
who attempted to appeal to Holland from his judg 
ment were fined and imprisoned. So great was the 
terror of him, that a notary public sent from Holland 
wrote back, that he could get no one to assist him to 
prepare his papers, and that he dared not purchase 
property for fear false suit would be entered against 
him, and that it would be confiscated. He was in 
sulting and brutal to those officers who differed with 
him, as will be seen in the sequel by the formal com 
plaint of the Deputies of the people to the States- 
General, and in his treatment of Van Dyck the fiscal, 
who by law had the direction of all actions, both 
civil and criminal, and who was entitled to a seat in 
the court. When he endeavored to exercise this 
right, Stuyvesant told him to "get out" and said, 
Whenever I want you, I will call for you." He 




also degraded him by ordering him to "keep the hogs 
out of the fort" work before done by a negro and 
whenever he spoke to him or contradicted him, to use 
his own words, "got a groivljust as if he would eat him 
up." He selected his councillors too often from the 
worst and most ignorant people, from foreigners to 
the exclusion of his own countrymen, and from men 
dependent upon his bounty, or who were devoted to 
his will. When in 1653 a convention assembled and 
demanded that no new laws should be enacted and 
no officers appointed but by the consent of the people, 
he ordered them to separate on pain of punishment, 
and said to them, "We derive our authority from 
God and the Company, and not from a few ignorant 
subjects." He was, however, manfully opposed by 
Gouvert Lockerrnans, Augustine Herman, and other 
sturdy burghers of New Amsterdam, notwithstanding 
his threats and confiscations. They finally succeeded 
in getting a charter for New Amsterdam, giving the 
citizens a voice in the government, and thus checking 
his power. After the capture of New Netherlands 
by the English, he retired to his farm. 

Stuyvesant was born in Holland in 1602. He en 
tered the army, served in the West Indies, and lost 
a leg in the attack on the Island of St. Martins. He 
was also at one time governor of Curocoa, one of the 
West India islands. He died in New York in 1682, 
and was buried in St. Mark s Church. 

The most caustic review of his actions, and the 
men who administered the government under him, 
was made in 1564 by the Deputies of the citizens of 


Manhattan in two formal complaints to the States- 
General. Amongst them were Augustine Herman 
and Gouvert Lockermans, the ancestors of several of 
our Delaware families. In these complaints, amongst 
other matters they spoke of unsuitable government, 
onerous imposts and duties, and long continued war. 
They alleged that the Company had never adhered 
to the privileges of New Netherlands, but always 
altered them to suit its own convenience ; that " a 
man was not master of his own vessel, but that the 
Company s soldiers were put on board, goods by force 
discharged from their warehouse were roughly used 
and robbed by the Company s servants." Or as they 
quaintly express it, " They bite sharpe and carry 
away? They alleged that under Stuyvesant s gov 
ernment a man was not sure of either life or property. 
" If," said they, " he but say anything displeasing or 
otherwise offensive to the governors. This tyranny," 
they said, " consisted mostly in arrests, imprison 
ments, banishments, confiscations, harsh prosecutions, 
blows, scoldings, reckoning half faults for entire 
ones, &c., and offering every one as many insults as 
they can invent." The poverty of the Company, 
they said, caused them to have recourse to various 
bad finesses, uch as extortions and confiscations. 
They also alleged that the " high duties and confis 
cations made with partiality ruined the trade ; that 
the principal portion of it was done by smugglers." 
To use their own words, u The duty is high. Of 
inspection and seizure there is no lack, and thus 
lawful trade is turned aside, except some little which 


is carried on only pro forma in order to push smuggling 
under this cloak." After enumerating many griev 
ances, they said, "The people have been driven away 
by harsh and unwarrantable proceedings, and that 
the Company had instructed Kieft Ho pick out faults 
where none existed, and to consider a partial a com 
plete error/ " They also said that Kieft and Stuy ve- 
sant alleged that they were the same as the prince in 
Netherlands, and claimed sovereign power ; and that 
Stuyvesant alleged, in addition, that the "prince was 
above the law" They complained of the following 
plan taken by Kieft to build a church, which exem 
plifies the manners of that age. Said they, "We 
lacked money, and where was this to be got ? It 
happened about this time that Evergardus Bogardus, 
the clergyman, gave in marriage a daughter by his 
first wife. The director thought this a good time for 
his purpose, and set to work after the fourth or fifth 
drink; and he himself setting a liberal example let 
the wedding guests sign whatever they were disposed 
to give towards the church. Each then with a light 
head subscribed away at a handsome rate, one com 
peting with the other, and although some heartily re 
pented when their senses came back, they were obliged 
nevertheless to pay. Nothing could avail against it. 
The church then was located in the fort, in opposition 
to every one s opinion. The honor and ownership of 
that work," they say, "must be inferred from the 
inscription, which in our opinion is somewhat am 
biguous, and reads thus: Anno 1642, William Kieft, 
Directeur General, heeft de gemeente desen temple doen 


bouwen. But laying aside that, the people paid for 
the church." 

They also alleged that " the plate had long been 
passed around for a common school, which has been 
built with words ; for," they said, "as yet the first 
stone is not laid." The money, however, had all 
been spent. The money collected for the poor was 
also spent by the Company. Excises were levied on 
wine and beer, and when remonstrance was made to 
Kieft, " instead of relief they received a sharp repri 
mand and a written answer, which, as was his cus 
tom," they said, " he had couched in so lengthy and 
diffuse a style, that poor, humble people, such as are 
here, must inevitably commit mistakes regarding it. 
Money," they complained, "contributed by the people 
for public purposes was absorbed amongst the Com 
pany s property, and the children of certain free 
negroes were held in slavery," to use their own 
words "contrary to all public law, that any one born 
of a free Christian mother should not be a slave." In 
Kieft s fiscal, Van der Hooykens, they said, "no con 
fidence could be placed, in consequence of his drink 
ing, in which all his science consisted." 

Their censure of Stuyvesant was even more severe 
than that of Kieft. They alleged that he wasted the 
public money in unnecessary counsellors; that money 
raised for public, he employed for private purposes ; 
that the Company s grain measure was suspected, 
but, sard they, "who dare say so?" They complained 
terribly of his "ill and spiteful language, even to those 
who were officially brought to speak with him. If 


he were not in a good humor," said they, "they were 
berated as rascals, beer drinkers, &c. The fort," they 
alleged, "laid like a mole hill in a ruin, whilst he had 
spent the money raised for its repair by the people 
for other purposes." 

They alleged he differed from Kieft in being "more 
active and malignant in looking up causes for prose 
cution against his innocent opponents; and that in 
his court he would browbeat and dispute and harrass 
one of the two parties, not as beseemeth a judge, but 
as a zealous advocate ; and that on business before 
his council he would say, 6 Gentlemen, this is my 
opinion. If any of you have aught to object to it, 
let him express it. If any one then on the instant 
offer objection, his honor burst forth incontinently in 
a rage, and makes such a to-do that it is dreadful ; 
yea, he frequently abuses the councillors as this and 
that in foul language, better befitting the fish market 
than the council; and if all this be tolerated, he will 
not be satisfied until he have his way." They alleged 
that when Kieft, his predecessor, was accused before 
him, he acted as his advocate, and spoke of the 
"Eight Men" as boorish brutes, threatened Melyn, 
who appealed from his decision, with having him 
"hanged on the highest tree in New Netherlands," 
and also of threatening those who appealed from his 
judgment to Holland with death. 

They accused him of selling powder and arms to 
the Indians; of preventing people by threats from 
letting it be known how they were treated; of carry 
ing on all sorts of business; of being a brewer, a 


farmer, a part owner of ships, a merchant; of having 
various stores of his own; of trading in contraband 
articles, and of forbidding "trade to others on pain 
of death," and then carrying it on himself. They 
said his promptness in confiscating caused great dis 
content amongst the inhabitants. "Scarce a ship," 
said they, " comes near the place that he does not 
look upon as a prize. Everywhere there is such an 
evil report that not a ship dare venture from the 
Carribee Islands." Again they complained that al 
though the people were impoverished by the war, yet 
he collected rigidly the debts of the Company, and 
would not allow debts owing by the Company to the 
citizens as an offset. Those who would not follow 
his wishes, they said he denominated as "rascals, 
liars, rebels, and usurers." They recited at length 
his entry into the room of Van der Donk, his seizure 
of the draft of the complaint of the Deputies, and of 
his arrest and trial before the Supreme Council on a 
charge of having committed crimen lesce mojestatis. 
Those who took part in public affairs, they alleged, 
if they acted contrary to his will and pleasure, were 
persecuted, imprisoned, and guarded by soldiers. 
Amongst other instances of his tyranny, they recited 
the exclusion of Hendrick Van Dyck from the council 
board for the space of twenty -nine months. For this 
he gave an excuse, that "he could not. keep a secret, 
but divulged whatever was done there." He also 
frequently declared that he was a "villain, a scoun 
drel, and a thief." Such was the character given of 
Stuy vesant by the Deputies of New Amsterdam. In 
the same paper they give the following as the char- 


acter of the principal men of his council, who were 
also the Supreme Council of Delaware. 

Brian Nuton, an Englishman, who commanded the 
soldiers, they describe as ignorant of the Dutch law 
and language, who dreaded Stuyvesant, and honored 
him as a benefactor. To everything "proposed by 
Stuyvesant, he would say yes." 

Adrian Keyser they described sarcastically as "a 
man who had not forgotten much law." His saying 
was, that he let God s water run over God s field. 
"He," they alleged, "can say nothing, and dare not 
say anything." The captains of the ships had a vote 
in the council when they were ashore, but they ns- 
serted "Stuyvesant kept them so dependent that 
they dared not speak. He," they said, "once called 
them before the minister a pack of thieves. " 

Of Hendrick Van Dyck, who was also fiscal and 
commissary, whom Stuyvesant called a "villain, a 
scoundrel, and a thief," they spoke of "as a man 
wholly intolerable alike in words and deeds. What 
shall we say," they exclaim, "of one whose head is a 
trouble to him, and whose screw is loose, especially 
when it is surrounded by a little sap in the wood, 
which is no rare occurrence, as he is master at home." 
These men were the " supreme bench of justices" 
that ruled our state, as well as New York. 

The Deputies were, however, most severe on the 
Secretary of State of New Netherlands, Cornelius 
Van Tienhoven. The following is their description 
of his character. They say : "A great deal might 
be said of this man more even than we are able to 
et forth. For brevity s sake, however, we shall 


select here and there a few traits. He is crafty, 
subtle, intelligent, sharp-witted good gifts when 
properly applied. He is one of those who have been 
longest in this country; is thoroughly acquainted with 
every circumstance relating both to the Christians 
and the Indians. With the Indians even he has run 
about like an Indian, with little covering and a patch 
before him, through lust for the prostitutes to whom 
he has ever been excessively addicted, and with 
whom he has so much intercourse, that no punish 
ment or menaces of the director can drive him from 
them. He is a great adept at dissimulation, and 
even when laughing intends to bite, and professes 
the warmest friendship when he hates the deepest. 
To every one who has business with him and there 
is scarcely one but has he gives a favorable reply, 
promises assistance, and assists scarcely anybody, or 
leads them continually off on some course or the 
other, except the minister s friends. In his words 
and acts he is loose, false, deceitful, and given to 
lying; prodigal of promises, and when it comes to 
performances, nobody is home. The origin of the 
war was attributed principally to him and some of 
his friends. The director was led astray by his 
false reports and lies. Now if the voice of the 
people, by this maxim, be the voice of God, of this 
man hardly any good can with truth be said, and 
no evil concealed. With the exception of the 
director and his party, the whole community cries 
out against him, as a villain, a murderer, and a 
traitor ; and that he must quit the country, or there 
will not be any peace with the Indians." 


The Dutch patriarchs Sketch of families descended from them 
Huguenot French The first Bayard John Paul Jaquett Jo 
hannes de Hayes The first Statts and Comegys Herman sick 
His second wife His daughter Margaretta, first described Dela 
ware young lady His death Gov. Bassett possesses his mansion 
Its destruction by fire Tradition of Herman and his horse A 
description of his descendants Alricks descendants Gouvert 
Lockermans Sketch of his life Sketch of his descendants End 
of first volume. 

WE conclude this last chapter of the first volume 
of our history by a short account of some of the 
families descended from the Dutch patriarchs who 
were residents of Delaware whose blood now flows 
through the veins of thousands of our citizens, both 
in our own and other states. Of some of these old 
families every link can be traced in the chain of their 
descent, from the first ancestor to the present exist 
ing offspring. Amongst these are the descendants 
of Augustine Herman and Gouvert Lockermans. In 
others the links are broken, and we only know them 
from the similarity and peculiarity of their names,, 
both Christian and surname. Oftentimes a child of 
each succeeding generation has received the name of 
its father or grandfather, and so it has been handed 
down, until many of our citizens bear the same name 
as their first ancestor, who emigrated here more than 
two hundred years ago. 

A large proportion of our public men have always 


been of Dutch descent, either by the father s or 
mother s side. Even after the conquest of the State 
by the English, for many years most of the principal 
magistrates and other public officers were Dutchmen. 
Amongst the numerous families who are in whole or 
in part descended from the Dutch patriarchs, in many 
cases mixed with Huguenot French, are the Oldhams 
(on the mother s side), the Van Dykes, the Vande- 
grifts, the Bayards (on the mother s side), the Al- 
ricks, the Statts, the Vandevers, the Harmans, the 
Comegys, the Vangezels, the Jaquetts, the Van 
Zandts, the Vances, the Hyatts, the Cochrans, the 
Fountains, the Le Counts, the Blackstones, the Kings, 
the Andersons, and others. There were also families 
of Van Dykes, Petersons, and Andersons, who were 
Swedes. Amongst those who derive their descents 
from the Huguenots and refugee Protestant French 
are the Bayards, the Bellvilles, the Bouchells, the 
De Hayes, and others. The Delaware Bayards are 
descended from Nicholas Bayard, who fled from 
France to Holland, and married Anneke, a sister of 
Stuyvesant. They had three sons, Belthazar, Peter, 
and Nicholas. Peter left New York, and came to 
Delaware with the Labadists. In 1675 he received 
a grant of Bombay Hook Island. Four years after 
wards he purchased the right of the Indian owner, 
Maeesitt, Sachem of Canswick, for one gun and some 
other matters. From this Bayard it is believed the 
Bayards x>f Delaware are descended. Bayard street, 
in New York, is named after this family. The 
Bayards, like many of the other patiiirchal Dutch 


Huguenot families, have well maintained their social 
and political standing. The family have been dis 
tinguished for great talents. Three succeeding gene 
rations of them have represented the state in the 
United States Senate, viz. : the celebrated James A. 
Bayard, who signed the treaty of Ghent, then his 
sons, Richard Bayard and James A. Bayard, who sat 
there at different times, and Thomas F. Bayard, the 
son of the second James A. Bayard, who at the time 
of this writing represents the State in that body. 

John Paul Jaquett, the second Dutch governor of 
Delaware, was also a French Protestant, 1 who had 
fled from France to Holland to avoid religious perse 
cution. Before his arrival in Delaware, however, he 
had resided in Brazil. The Jaquetts lived on their 
farm, holding it from John Paul Jaquett, the first 
ancestor, until the time of the celebrated Major 
Peter Jaquett, the last surviving officer of the Revo 
lution belonging to Delaware. This land was granted 
to Jaquett soon after the capture of Delaware by the 
Dutch. It is now called Long Hook, and belongs to 
Theodore Rogers, Esq. It is situated at the end of 
the causeway on the road from Wilmington to New 
Castle, about a mile from the bridge at the foot of 

1 The statement of Jaquett being a French Protestant is made on 
the authority of Miss Elizabeth Montgomery, in her " Reminiscences 
of Wilmington/ a work written and edited without notes, and pub 
lished in 1868. It gave a minute and graphic account of Wilming 
ton, and its vicinity, and its citizens, and during her recollection. 
She was the daughter of Captain Hugh Montgomery, who was killed 
in a naval action during the Revolution. She was born in 1778, and 
died in the Episcopal Hospital, Philadelphia, a few years ago. 


Market street, in that city. In 1699 the Labadists 
(Bankers and Sluyter) crossed the Christiana near to 
this farm. They speak of it as follows: " We pro 
ceeded thence a small distance overland to a place 
where the fortress of Christina had stood, which had 
been constructed and possessed by the Swedes, but 
taken by the Dutch governor, Stuyvesant, and after 
wards, I believed, demolished by the English. * * * 
We were then taken over the Christina Creek in a 
canoe, and landed at the spot where Stuyvesant threw 
up his battery to attack the fort, and compelled them 
to surrender. At this spot there are medlar trees, 
which bear good fruit, from which one Jaquett, who 
does not live far from there, makes good brandy or 
spirits, which we tasted and found even better than 
French brandy." 1 By this it will be seen that in 
1679 Fort Christina was destroyed. 

From Johannes de Hayes are descended the Jan 
vier (New Castle) family on the female side. A 
picture of him is still preserved in this family, and 
was exhibited to an audience during a lecture at 
Drawyers Presbyterian Church, in New Castle county, 
on the 10th of May, 1842, by the Rev. George 
Foote. Foote said, u He was evidently, as his cos 
tume shows, either a knight or a military officer of 

1 The medlar is a fruit not now raised in Delaware, or anywhere 
else in the Union that we know of. It is about the size of a peach, 
and is not eatable until perfectly rotten. Allusion is made to it in 
Shakespeare., when he says, "Like a medlar, rotten ere you are ripe." 
This is one of our extinct fruits. How many more plants were there 
that used to grow amongst us that are now extinct? The fig used to 
be raised in our gardens* There are none grown now. 


high rank." 1 In 1676 he purchased of Joseph Chew, 
a farm of 400 acres, described in the New Castle 
Records as being near the "Old Landing" on the 
Appoquinimink Creek, for 2,000 pounds of tobacco, 
Dutch weight. He was then a merchant. He was 
afterwards a magistrate at New Castle, both under 
the Duke of York and William Penn. 

After the capture of our state by the English, be 
sides DTIinoyossa and Van Sweringen, a number of 
other citizens of Delaware moved to Maryland. The 
principal evidence we have of this is the settling of 
so many Dutch and Germans in the neighborhood of 
the Sassafras and Bohemia rivers, and near the town 
of St. Mary s. They were, no doubt, brought there 
by the influence of Augustine Herman. Amongst 
these families who again settled in Delaware we are 
inclined to believe are the Comegys, the Cochrans, 
the Blackstones, the Le Counts, the Kings and others, 
and possibly the Bouchells. Several of them were 
naturalized by Maryland law from 1666 to 1684, 
amongst them were Peter Bayard, Arnoldus de la 
Grange, William Blackenstein (Blackstone), Hans 
Hanson, Cornelius Comegys, Gerritt Van Sweringen, 
besides Jacobson, Errickson, Peterson, and Le Count, 
whose Christian names are not given. In 1666 
Augustine Hernuin petitioned the Maryland legisla 
ture for the naturalization of himself and all his 

1 The Rev. George Foote, a talented and highly esteemed minister 
of the Presbyterian Church, died at Odessa, in 1808. This lecture 
contains matter of much historical interest. It was published in 
1842 in a small book. 


family, viz. : Ephraim, Georgius, Gasparus, his sons, 
and Anna Margaretta, Judith, and Francina, his 
daughters. 1 

The Statts, now so numerous amongst us, were 
here as early as 1648. The first of them made 
mention of was Abraham Statts, surgeon, and elder 
of the church of Renslaerswick, New York. He 
was in 1651 driven from the island of Aharonnumy, 
in the Schuylkill, by the Swedes, and had his home 
burnt by the Indians in New York. 

The first Comegys came from Vienna, in Austria. 
He was undoubtedly the ancestor of the present 
Comegys family.. The late lamented Cornelius P. 
Comegys, who was governor of the State from 1836 
to 1840, was undoubtedly a descendant of his, as he 
bears the same Christian name. One of his descend 
ants (Joseph P. Comegys, son of the ex-governor) 
represented the State in the United States Senate. 
The Labadist, Bankers and Sluyter, give the follow 
ing account of their visit to him in 1679. He is 
undoubtedly the Cornelius Comegys we have before 
spoken of as having been naturalized in Maryland. 
He appears to have been a man of wealth, owning 
several plantations, and employing several servants. 
He lived in Maryland, near the Sassafras river. 
They say: "We arrived at Cornelius, the son of 
Cornegys, and called out to him, and he brought a 
canoe, which relieved us, as it was close on to even 
ing. We thanked the person who had brought us, 
and stepped into the canoe. Cornelius, who was an 

l Neil s Terrae Mariae. 


active young man, was pleased to meet Hollanders, 
although he himself was born in this country. We 
found Mr. Comegys on the next plantation, who bade 
us welcome ; and after we had drank some cider, ac 
companied us with one of his company to Mr. Hosier s, 
who was a good, generous-hearted man, better than 
any Englishman we had met in this country. He 
had formerly had much business with Mr. Moll, but 
their affairs in England running behindhand a little, 
they both came and settled down here, and therefore 
Mr. Moll and he had a great regard for each other. 
# # :;- ]yj r Comegys was from Vienna, and had a 
Dutch woman for a wife, who had taught her children 
to speak the Dutch language : they therefore had a 
kind disposition towards Hollanders. After her death 
he married an English woman, and he had himself 
learned many of the English maxims, although it 
was against his feelings ; for we were sensible that 
he dared not work for us with an open heart. He 
told us that he would rather live at the Cape of Good 
Hope than here. How is that/ said I, when there 
is such good land here ? True, he replied ; < but if 
you knew the people here as well as I do, you would 
be able to understand why. " 

Augustine Herman will hereafter cease to take 
part in Delaware history, save in a grant of land to 
the Labadists. Of all his children only the issue of 
his son Gasparus are now alive. From him are de 
scended the Oidhams and the Bouchells. James R. 
Oldham, of Christiana Bridge, is the only male de 
scendant now residing in the State. He is seventh 


in descent from the Augustine Herman. This is one 
of the few families that can be traced by their descent 
without a break in the link. The line runs thus : 
Gasparus Herman left issue a son named Ephraim 
Augustine Herman, who left a daughter Catharine, 
who married Peter Bouchell, a descendant on one 
side from Hendrick Sluyter, one of the founders of 
the Labadists. A gentleman named Joseph Enser 
or Inser married Mary, their daughter. They had 
one son, who was killed whilst celebrating his twenty- 
first birthday. He had given an entertainment to 
some young men, and whilst running races for amuse 
ment with their horses, he was thrown and killed. 
Colonel Edward Oldham, of the Maryland line of the 
Revolution, grandfather of J. R. Oldham, married 
their daughter Mary. There are several on the 
female side, both in Delaware and Maryland, de 
scended from Colonel Oldham and Mary Ensor. In 
1679 the Labadists visited Augustine Herman. They 
found him sick, and his family broken up from a 
termagent wife, who had driven his children away. 
They say: "He showed us every kindness he could 
in his condition, as he was very miserable, both in 
soul and body. His plantation was going much to 
decay, as well as his body, from want of attention. 
There was not a Christian man, as they term it, to 
serve him nobody but negroes. All this was in 
creased by a miserable, doubly miserable wife; but 
so miserable that I will not relate it here. All his 
children have been compelled on her account to leave 
their father s house. He spoke to us of his land, 


and said he would never sell or hire it to Englishmen, 
but would sell it to us cheap if we were inclined to 
buy." At a second visit they describe his wife as 
the most artful and despicable creature that can be 
found. They also called Herman "a godless person." 
We must, however, receive with great allowance the 
account of the Labadists, who were a sour sect. 

Augustine Herman died a short time after this, 
and was buried on the manor. His death must have 
occurred about the last of December, 1669, as on the 
14th of December, after they left him, whilst visiting 
his son Ephraim, they were informed that he was 
very sick and at the point of deatty, and that his 
daughter Margaret had gone there to attend upon 
him in that condition. 

The Bayards, who afterwards came into that por 
tion of the manor on which was situated the grave of 
Herman, took the tombstone for a door for their 
family vault. The inscription on it is as follows : 
"Augustine Herman, Bohemian, the first founder and 
seater of Bohemia Manor, Anno 1669." In this 
vault lies buried the remains of Richard Bassett, a 
former governor of Delaware, a member of the con 
vention that formed the Constitution of the United 
States, and the father-in-law of the first James A. 

The following tradition is related of Herman, of 
which, however, we found no allusion to in the 
records, notwithstanding a careful search. An ac 
count will be found of it both in Ledmun 1 and Foot. 

1 Ledmun s Rise of Methodism in America. 


Ledmun says : " It is said that the Dutch had him a 
prisoner of war at one time, under sentence of death, 
in New York. A short time before he was to be 
executed, he feigned himself to be deranged in mind, 
and requested that his horse should be brought to 
him in the prison. The horse was brought, finely 
caparisoned. Herman mounted him, and seemed to 
be performing military exercises, when on the first 
opportunity he bolted through one of the large windows 
that was some fifteen feet above ground, leaped down, 
swam the North river, run his horse through New 
Jersey, and alighted on the bank of the Delaware 
opposite New Castle, and thus made his ecsape from 
death and the Dutch. This daring feat, tradition 
says, he had transferred to canvas himself repre 
sented as standing by the side of his charger, from 
whose nostrils the blood was flowing. It is said that 
a copy of this painting still exists. He never suffered 
this horse to be used afterwards, and when he died 
had him buried, and honored his grave with a tomb 

The author has seen the copy of this painting. It 
is in the possession of James R. Oldham, Esq. It is 
as represented by Ledmun. 

The old mansion house of Herman was occupied 
by Governor Bassett, and soon after his death it was 
burned down. Ledmun says : " Many old valuable 
paintings were consumed with this house. One of 
its large halls was lined with them. Many of them 
had belonged to Augustine Herman, the founder of 
Bohemia Manor. His likeness and that of his lady 


perished; also the painting representing the flight 
from the Dutch in New York by means of his famous 
war charger. There are still people living who saw 
these paintings again and again before they were de 
stroyed." Ledmun also says: "Herman was the 
great man of the region : he had his deer park ; he 
rode in his coach, driven by liveried servants." 

We will close our history of the Herman family 
by an account of Margaret, his daughter, who is the 
first Delaware young lady of whom history records 
a description. The Labadists met her just before 
she left her brother Ephraim s to attend the death 
bed of her father. They said, " She showed us much 
kindness. She was a little volatile, but of sweet and 
good disposition." Again speaking of her, they said, 
" She possesses a good disposition, although a little 
wild, according to the nature of the country. She 
complained that she was like a wild and desolate vine 
trained up in a wild and desolate country ; that she 
had always felt an inclination to know more of God 
quietly, and to serve him. She treated us with great 
affection, and received thankfully and acceptably what 
we said to her." The Cochrans, now so numerous 
and influential, it is alleged, are descended from 
Derick Kolchman (now changed to Cochran), who 
was one of those engaged in founding the Labadist 

The Alricks, one of whom (Lucas Alricks, Esq., of 
New Castle hundred) holds the land on which he 
lives from his first ancestor, have from the time of 
the first governor of that name been numerous and 


influential. Their blood flows in the veins of large 
numbers of the most respectable citizens of Delaware 
and other States ; for, like most old Delaware fami 
lies, their descendants are scattered over most of the 
States of the Union. 1 

Of all the Delaware Knickerbocker families none 
that we know of have so complete a chain of descent 
as the offspring of the celebrated Govert Loocker- 
mans, the sturdy leader of the citizens of New Am 
sterdam, and colleague of Augustine Herman. From 
him the Loockermans of Dover are descended. One 
of his descendants still occupies the family mansion at 
Dover, which was built, in 1742, by Nicholas Loock 
ermans. We insert it, as it not only shows the num 
ber of generations, link by link, that has existed in 
the State since its first settlement, but also the for 
tunes of a prominent and representative Delaware 

Govert Loockermans, the progenitor of the Loock 
ermans, came to New Amsterdam with Youter Van 
Twiller, the director general or governor of New 
Netherlands, in the caravel St. Martin or Hope, com 
manded by Juriaen Blanck, in the month of April, 
1633, from Holland, in the service of the West India 
Company. At the time of his arrival, he was aged 
about seventeen years. He married Maria Jansen 
(a daughter of Roelf Jansen and his wife Annetje 
or Anneke Jans, who, after the death of her husband, 
married the Rev. Everardus Bogardus), and was by 

1 Levi Alricks, Esq., of Philadelphia, is making a thorough research 
into the genealogy of the Alricks family. 


that marriage brother-in-law of Oloff Stevenson Van 
Courtlandt, whose son founded the Van Courtlandt 
manor, in the State of New York ; also of Jacob Van 
Couwenhoven. He filled some of the highest civil 
and military offices in New Amsterdam. He was 
despatched with Jan Davitz in May, 1664, across 
the Green Mountains by Stuyvesant to arrange peace 
with the Mohawk Indians. At Warrington he con 
cluded a treaty with them. About the same period 
he commanded a small armed vessel. He drove the 
English from a fort they had erected up the Hudson 
river; also at the head of an armed force he sur 
prised and utterly extirpated a tribe of hostile Indians 
on Staten Island, who had greatly annoyed and in 
jured the settlers in New Amsterdam. It is said that 
the memory of this indiscriminate slaughter of this 
tribe of Indians, although approved by the popular 
sentiment of his day, occasioned him much disquietude 
of conscience, after his retirement from active life, in 
his last hours. He was despatched at one period of 
his life, at the head of an armed force, to expel the 
Swedes and English, who had encroached on territory 
claimed by the Dutch on the Delaware river, near the 
present city of Philadelphia. 

Govert Loockermans was also a successful mer 
chant and politician. He headed the popular party 
of New Amsterdam, known as the "country part) ," 
and resisted the dictatorial assumption of Stuyvesant, 
the hard headed and wooden legged leader of the 
court or administration party, by wresting from him 
for the people the right of representation in the 


council called the Schnepens, of which he was a 
member in 1657 and 1661. This bridled the preroga 
tive claimed by Stuyvesant, and made the govern- 
ernment of the Manhattans in a measure, republican. 
He was three times banished by Stuyvesant, and was 
as often recalled on account of his public services. The 
feud between Stuyvesant and him was subsequently 
terminated by the marriage of his granddaughter 
with the grandson of Stuyvesant. After a career 
of honored usefulness, Govert Loockermans died in 
1670, reputed the richest individual in North America. 
He was worth 520,000 Dutch guilders, an immense 
sum when the period in which he lived is considered. 
His public influence and position after his decease 
devolved on his son-in-law, Jacob Leisler, who became 
by a civil revolution the first governor of the people 
of the colony of New Amsterdam. 

Govert Loockermans left five children, Elsie, Cor 
nells, Jacob, Joannes, and Maritjie. Elsie Loocker 
mans married Cornelis P. Yan-der-Veen, by whom 
she had Cornelis, Timothy, and Margaret. She 
next married Jacob Leisler, who subsequently acted 
so prominent a part in the early colonial history of 
New York. 

Maritjie Loockermans married Balthazar Bayard, 
step-son to Governor Stuyvesant, and of this marriage 
was born Anna Maria, who married Augustus Jay, 
grandfather of Governor Jay. 2. Arietta, who married 
Samuel -Verplank. 3. Jacobus, who married Helle- 
gonda De Kay. 4. Judith, who married Gerardus 
Stuyvesant, grandson of the last Dutch governor, 
Peter Stuyvesant. 


Joannes or Jannetje Loockermans was the second 
wife of Surgeon Hans Kiersted, and her children were 
Areantje, Cornells, Jacobus, and Maritjie. 

Cornells Loockermans died, it is believed, childless 
in early life. 

Jacob Loockermans, second son of the above 
named Govert Loockermans and Maria, his wife, was 
born A. D. 1650, in the city of New Amsterdam. He 
was a regularly graduated medical doctor, and prac 
tised medicine; but, he became a planter in 1682. 
On the 29th of January, 1677, he married Helena 
Ketin. Being involved in the political troubles, which 
culminated in the overthrow of his brother-in-law, 
Jacob Leisler, (who was deposed and brought to 
the scaffold, by the royal governor of William III., of 
England), about the year 1681 he emigrated to Easton, 
in the State of Maryland, where he became a planter. 
He was a man of wealth, and left behind a great deal 
of real estate, in the city of New York, undisposed 
of. He died, on the 17th of August, 1730. 

He left a son, Nicholas Loockermans, who was born, 
on the 10th of November, 1697. He married Sally 
Emerson, daughter of Vincent Emerson, of the Grange 
near Dover, in 1721. He died March 6, 1769, aged 
over seventy-one years. His tombstone remains at 
the Grange, to this day. 

Vincent Loockermans, only child of the above named 
Nicholas Loockermans, was born at the Grange before 
mentioned, in 1722. He married as his second wife 
Elizabeth Pryor, daughter of John Pry or, merchant of 
Dover, in February, 1774. By his first wife Susannah, 


he had one child, Vincent Loockermans the younger. 
By Elizabeth Pryor, he had two children, viz. : Eliza 
beth and Nicholas. Vincent Loockermans the elder sat 
in the Legislature. He was a prominent Whig in the 
Revolution. He died at his residence, in Dover, on 
the 26th of August, 1785, in his sixty-third year. 
He left a large landed estate in and around Dover. 

Nicholas Loockermans, son of Vincent Loockermans 
and Elizabeth, his wife, was born November 27, 1783. 
He sat in the Legislature, and died March 20, 1850. 
He was never married. 

Elizabeth Loockermans, the only daughter of Vin 
cent Loockermans and Elizabeth, his wife, was born 
December 23, 1779. She married Thomas Brad 
ford, LL.D., of the city of Philadelphia, counsellor-at- 
law, the 8th of May, 1805. She died in the city of 
Philadelphia April 12, 1842, leaving her surviving, her 
husband and five children, viz. : Vincent Loockermans, 
Elizabeth Loockermans, Benjamin Rush, William, and 
Thomas Budd. She was buried along with her 
brother in her husband s family vault in the burial 
ground of the Second Presbyterian Church of Phila 
delphia, which vault has since been transferred to 
Laurel Hill, Philadelphia. 

Vincent Loockermans Bradford, eldest surviving 
child of Elizabeth Loockermans and her husband, 
Thomas Bradford, was born September 24, 1808. 
He adopted the legal profession, and was admitted to 
practice, in Philadelphia, in April, 1829. He remeved 
to the State of Michigan in 1835, and was elected, in 
1837, to the Senate of that State. He resumed the 


practice of his profession in Philadelphia in 1843, and 
was elected President of the Philadelphia and Trenton 
Railroad Company in 1859, being subsequently re- 
elected until 1871, inclusive. He married July 21, 
1831, Juliet S. Key, daughter of Emanuel Key, Esq., 
planter of the Island of St. Martin, West Indies. He 
still lives. 

Elizabeth Loockermans Bradford, eldest daughter 
of Elizabeth Loockermans and her husband, Thomas 
Bradford, married the Rev. William T. Dwight, D.D., 
of Portland, Me. (a son of Timothy Dwight, D.D., the 
distinguished President of Yale College). She died 
in 1863. Her husband died in 1865. She left sur 
viving four children, the Rev. Henry E. Dwight, M.D., 
Thomas Bradford Dwight, counsellor-at-law, of Phila 
delphia, Elizabeth Bradford Dwight, and Mary W. 
Dwight all of whom are now alive. 

Benjamin Rush Bradford, of NeW Brighton, Beaver 
county, Pennsylvania, son of Elizabeth Loockermans 
and her husband, Thomas Bradford, Jr., married in 
1860 Margaret Campbell, of Butler county, Penn 
sylvania. They have four children, viz. : Juliet S., 
Thomas, Eleanor C., and William C., all of whom 
now live. 

William Bradford, of the city of Philadelphia, son 
of Elizabeth Loockermans and Thomas Bradford, was 
born in 1815. He still lives. 

Thomas Budd Bradford, son of Elizabeth and 
Thomas Bradford, Jr., was born in 1816. He is a 
minister of the gospel, and now resides in the ances 
tral mansion of the Loockermans at Dover, which has 


sheltered the blood for more than a century. He 
still farms as proprietor much of the old Loockermans 
land contiguous to Dover. By his first wife he had 
no issue. He married as his second wife Miss Lucy 
II. Porter, a daughter of Dr. Robert R. Porter, an 
esteemed and influential citizen of Wilmington, Dela 
ware, a granddaughter of the Hon. Willard Hall, 
District Judge of the United States District Court 
of Delaware, and a great-granddaughter of Chancellor 
Killen, of Delaware. His issue by this last marriage 
is four sons and one daughter. Since the foregoing 
was penned, Rev. Thomas B. Bradford departed this 
life, at Dover, March 25th, 1871. 

A granddaughter of Vincent Loockermans the 
elder, by his first marriage, (being a daughter of 
Vincent Loockermans the younger), Elizabeth Loock 
ermans, married Thomas Davy, of Philadelphia. She 
and her husband are both dead, leaving an only 
child, Mary S. Davy. Another grandchild of Vincent 
Loockermans the elder, by his first marriage, (being 
a daughter of Vincent Loockermans the younger) mar 
ried the Hon. Nicholas G. Williamson, for many years 
Postmaster and Mayor of Wilmington; by whom she 
had issue, Mary Ann (married to Rev. Corry Cham 
bers), Harriett (married to Hon. William D. Baker), 
Sallie E. (married to the Hon. Horn R. Kneas), 
Evelina (married to Courtlandt Howell, Esq.), Hel 
ena, and Elba (married to Leonard Phleger, Esq.). 

Although the family, for a century past, have 
signed themselves and been called " Lockerman," the 
true spelling, as derived from the early records of 
the family, is " Loockermans." 


It will be seen by this history of the descendants 
of Govert Loockermans how the blood of the Knick 
erbocker patriarchs is mingled and scattered over all 
the States, how the families maintain their position, 
and that seven generations of the descendants of the 
Locokermans and eight of the Hermans (for some of 
the last named descendants of both families have 
living children) have existed since the first settlement 
of Delaware. And as the same rule exists in all the 
families, we may consider from seven to nine genera 
tions of people have dwelt and now dwell in our 
State since the first white man took up his habitation 
upon our shores. The first volume of the first his 
tory of Delaware is now finished, and we hope that 
a kind Providence will allow us also to complete the 





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