The stela of Sebek-khu, the earliest record of an Egyptian campaign in Asia

PUBLICATION 75

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TLhc /Ihancbester /Iftuseum

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he Stela of Sebek-khu

THE EARLIEST RECORD OF AN
EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN IN ASIA

By T. ERIC PEET, B.A.

Lecturer ia Egyptology at the University of Manchester.

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PLATE I.

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Ube /Ifcancbester /ll^uscum

MUSEUM HANDBOOKS

The Stela of Sebek-khu

THE EARLIEST RECORD OF AN
EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN IN ASIA

By T. ERIC PEET, B.A.

Lecturer in Egyptology nt tlie University of Manchester

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DESCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION.

IX the stela of Sebek-khu the Manchester ?^Iuseiim possesses one
of the most important historical documents ever found in Egypt.
It was unearthed at Abydos in 1901 by Professor Garstang,
working for the Egyptian Research Account/'^ It Kay apparently
over or near the tomb En, which is in the central section of the
great north cemetery, not far from its southern edge.

The stela is of limestone of very mediocre quality, and measures
280 by 165 mm. (16^7 by 10 inches). The inscriptions and repre-
sentations are somewhat carelessly incised.

A good photograph is reproduced on PI. I\' of Garstang's
El Arabah, and on PI. V is a copy of the inscriptions and scenes,
which does not, however, give the actual forms of the signs. In
Chapter V there is an admirable translation by Newberry and a
discussion of several of the points raised by the text. The text
here published on Plate II is based on collations of the original which
I made in the Manchester Museum in January, 19 14. The signs
used are merely conventional in form, except in the case of those
whose reading is doubtful which are given in exact facsimile.
Suggestions for filling the lacuna: are given below the text.

(i) ^/ Araba/i, p. 6, I'l. IV and V.

^ U'w.-AiHvji^ ^^-^OlC^ -^ b'tL^-e tw^v^

ft. H. L4-^(>'^i H- "*"- -^'^

The Stela of Sebek-khu

In the lunette at the top of the stela are four horizontal lines
of inscription, reading as follows (see the plate) : —

" An ofifering which the king gives to Osiris, Lord of Abydos,
[that he may give offerings of bread and] beer, flesh and fowl,
cloth and thread, incense and ointment, and all things good and
pure, to the A'a of the hereditary prince and count, who said that
which was good, who repeated that which was desired in the
course of ever\' day, the great uar/?i-off[c\?i\ of the Cit\', Sebek-khu,
whose ' good name ' is Zaa, child of Ita."

Below the lunette is a scene representing the deceased Sebek-
khu seated on a throne before an offering table plentifully pro-
\ided with food and drink. The signs in front of his face belong
to the end of the line above them, from which they were crowded
out through lack of space. Beneath the throne are the words :

" Tlie ?iartu-offic\R\ possessing honour." On the opposite

side of the oft'ering table are six figures arranged in two rows of
three each. Their names are as follows: — "His daughter, his

beloved, Sabu, child of . His brother Didiu, child of Mert-itfes.

Overseer of the Cabinet, I (?), child of Shayet (?). The nurse of

his heart, Renf-ankh, child of . lubii, child of Mert-itfes.

Nebt-int, child of lubu."

Under the scene begins the historical inscription, which occu-
pies the whole of the lower half of the stela. It is arranged in
five horizontal lines (numbered 1-5), and below these twelve
vertical lines (6-17). The translation is as follows: —

(i) "His majesty went down the river to overthrow the Mentu
of Setet. His majesty arrived at a region whose name is Sekmem.
(2) His majesty made a prosperous beginning of returning to the
Residence of Life, Prosperity and Health. Then Sekmem fell
(upon him ?) together with the vile land of Retenu, (3) while I
was acting as rear-guard. Then the soldiers of the army came
to close quarters to fight with the Asiatics (Aamu). (4) I smote

Description and Translation

an Asiatic, and caused liis arms to be taken by two soldiers of tlie
army, without ceasint^f from combat ; my face pressed on, and I
did not turn my back before an Asiatic. As Senusret lives, (3; I
have spoken truly. Then he gave me a staff of electrum into my
hand, and a bow and dagger worked with electrum and .

(6) " The hereditary prince, firm of sandal, content of step,
pressing close the path of him who makes him perfect, (7) to
whom the Lord of the Two Lands has given his might, whose
station his love advanced, the great unr/u-offic'vd\ of the Cit)', Zaa,
(8) says : I have made for myself this tomb, it being made
glorious and its position established at the staircase (?) of (9) the
Great God, the Lord of Life, who is at the head of Abydos, in the
region ' Mistress of Offerings ' and in the region ' ^Mistress of
Life.' I have smelt the incense (10) that comes forth and I am
[equipped] with the divine aroma ( ? ) ; the great tiartu (jf the
City, [Zaa]. (11) He says: I was born in year 27 under the
majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Nubkaura
(Amenemhat II), justified. (12) When the majesty of the King
of Upper and Lower Egypt Khakaura (Senusret III) arose in the
double crown on the Horus-throne of the living. (13) his majesty
caused me to adopt the profession of warrior of the guard ( ? )
by the side of his majesty among seven men of (14) the Residence.
Behold, I was skilful (?) at his side, and his majesty caused me
to be made an 'Attendant of the Ruler,' and (15) there were
given to me sixty men. When his majesty went upstream to

overthrow the (16) Inu of Ta-sety, I captured a negro nkef,

near my ( ! ) city. (17) Then I came downstream in attendance
among six men of the Residence. Then he made me inspector of
the attendants, and there were given to me 100 men as a reward."

(6)

NOTES ON THE TEXT.

The Lunette.

The text is straightforward. The remains of the word ;ddzv(Ahydos)
are quite clear at the end of the top line. The second sign in the
second line is not the vertical stroke (E/ Arada/i) but the bird's head.
For the determinative with D;; cf Cairo Middle Kingdom stela
20375, where it accompanies I);jyS'^

The Names of the Figures.

There can be no possible doubt about the name of Sebek-khu's
parent. It is //,• (Ita). Tofteen, in his ReseaixJics in Biblical
ArchccologyyoX. 2, " The Historic Exodus'' (Chicago, 1909) pp. 237 ff.,
attempts to read the signs as ipk (lapeq), which occurs on a scarab of
one of the Hyksos kings, apparently as a variant o{ ykb, an Egyptian-
ised form of the Hebrew Jacob.^^^ Tofteen would identify this Jacob
with the patriarch of scripture, and his son, Sebek-khu, he considers
to be Joseph. This identification is impossible for three reasons ;
firstly, the two signs in question, though badly cut, are certainly not
/ and /' ; secondly, they are followed by the determinative of bread,
which makes it clear that they are &^^ and /,-, which is exactly what

(i) For the name D;; cf. British Museum^ Hieroglyphic Texts from Stetce.
II. 6, and Cairo AI.K. stela 20586.

(2) Newberry, Scarabs, Pi. XXIII, i. Cf. also 13 and 14, which bear the name
of a prince ipk.

(3) The first sign is a perfectly made t.

The Names of the Figures 7

they look like; and thirdly, on the Semneh inscription ''see PI. II,
bottom) the reading //; is beyond question, and the feminine )//,'^i
shows that Ita is the mother not the father of Sebek-khu.

Tiie name of the parent of Sabu has been unintentional!)' erased.

For the name of the parent of the nurse Newberry reads Dd/, which
may be right, though the two first signs are little more than rough
horizontal strokes.

The words beneath the chair are a puzzle. We expect the name
of the deceased, " the w'^rtw Sebek-khu, lord of honour," but instead
of this we have " the xifrtiv Tepfer (or Tefpet or Tefnut ?; lady (!) of
honour."

For the various //a/-//rofficials, who are frequently mentioned
but of whom not very much is known, see Rcciiell dcs Travaux,
1905, pp. 41 ff. In the title uartu of the City it is probable that
the word nwt or city refers to the town of Thebes. On this point
see a curious phrase in the Cairo M.K. stela 20378.

(8)

0

The Historical Inscription.

Li7ie I. — The chief question is to determine the actual order of
events. The fir^t Hne is clear; the King sailed down the Nile to
overthrow the Mentu of Setet and arrived at a place called Sekmem.
But in Line 2 the difficulties begin. The King makes " a good
beginning^'^ of going {i.e., returning) to the royal palace." Then follow
the words 'Jfn Skmni Ijrs Iin' Rtniv list; these ought to contain a
temporal sentence, " When Sekmem had fallen, with the vile land of
Retenu." This makes excellent sense. But, unfortunately, there is
no authority for this, for ''h'n invariably introduces a principal, not a
subordinate clause. We must, therefore, place a stop after the words
" palace of life, prosperity and health," and suppose that the following
sentences all relate to events which happened during the return home.

But what are we now to make of the ^Jfn clause. In the first place
there is a difficulty about hrs, for since hr is an intransitive verb we
need after ^lifn the pseudo-participle and not the sdinf-ioYva, which
would be wrong even were ///- transitive, for '^//n would then have to
be followed by sdiiDif \v\\.\\ its subject after it. It, therefore, seems
probable that we ought to read Ijrti (pseudo-participle). We have
still to decide on the meaning of /jr. If it has its usual meaning of
" to fall," we must suppose that the King left the reduction of Sekmem
and the Retenu until his return march, which fits but ill with the
earlier words " his majesty arrived at a district called Sekmem." It
is thus just possible that hr here has the technical sense of to " fall
upon " or " attack."

(i) For tp ?ifr cf. Weill, Reciieil des Inscriptions du Sinai., Nos. 57 and 63,
where, however, tp has hardly the literal meaning of "beginning" which it
seems to have here.

The Historical Inscription

Line 2. — The "Residence of Life, Prosperity and Health " is the
usual expression for the King's palace.

Line J. — The sentence iivi hr ir(t) ph must be a temporal clause
going with what precedes.

The ^nhw are apparently ordinary foot soldiers. They occur in the
Decree of Horemheb (Breasted Ancient Records III, 51, 57, 59), and
in the wild cattle hunt of Amenhotep III. {op. cit. II, 864). Cf. also
Sethe, Urkunden IV, 911. In Urk. W, 48, 3, they are distinguished
from the smsw, who doubtless served in the army as officers. Com-
pare the phrase "^^/z n jzzc/t = citizen.

For ,'d/i used of the conflict of opposing armies cf. Piankhi, 1. 21.

Line ^. — nn tst is a good example of the absolute negative infinitive
(Sethe Verbiini II, 550). If the form here were correct //would be
a verb III. <t infirmre. We should doubtless read //. It is often
followed by r in place of hr which we have here, e.g., Sethe Urkunden
IV, 892.

For dit s; n " to turn the back on " cf Piankhi, 1. 13.

///-/ /iS must mean " my face drawing nigh (to the foe) " or in other
words "face foremost" or "pressing onward." Cf Sethe Urk. IV,
85, 10 (His majesty strode thro' the lands looking for foes) ;/ gtnnf
listifi hr inif "he found none who would stand against him." The
upper of the two horizontal strokes below lis is its complementar)- j- ;
the second must be the negative ;/.

'^nJi Snivsrt is a common form of oath. Cf. Weill Rccueil des
Inscr. du Sinai, No. 57, last line, ''///// ddni in nift\ also Abbott,
VI, 14.

Line 5. — ''Jfn dinf is usually taken to refer to Senusret, perhaps
rightly. It might also refer to the prisoner.

stj. Newberrx' quotes Golenischeff, Epignip/iisc/ic Resnltd/e,
PI. XVI, 1. 12.

/;//. Cf Brugsch WortcrbucJi. The usual form seems to be inty.

10 The Stela of Sebek-khu

vikhv. Newberry quotes Steindorff, Grab des Mentuhetep, Taf. V.
It is perhaps the same word as b;gsiv (Sinuhe, 1. 129). We should
perhaps read the b;-h\vd instead of the in suggested in the notes on
the plate.

hn'^ //ti'wf. The usual reading here at the end of the line Jfzvivf
can hardly be right. In the first place it does not quite fit the traces,
and secondly, it seems clumsy to say " he gave me a staff and bow
and dagger and his arms," whether " he " refers to the king or the
captive. It therefore seems to me more probable that in these much
worn signs we have a name of material coupled by Jin^ with d'^in, " a
dagger inlaid with d'^ui and . .. . ."

l^jyiQ (3_ — The titles are all well known. For vidd iv;t n svmh hv
cf. Weill, Rcciicil des Inscr. du Sinai, Nos. 25, 33 and 35. For hr
nmtwt we more usually find sJir nnitivt " contenting the footsteps."

l^ijiQ y^ — There is some error here, rdin is certainly relative form.
Were it participle " giving \\\^ f>w to the Lord of the Two Lands," the
order would be incorrect, for we should need rdi f>wf n nb i,nvi. At
the same time, even taking jdin as relative, the sentence is still imper-
fect, for there is a «/(" returning pronoun ") needed after rdin. For
f;w " might " (?) see Sethe Urk. IV, 56, 936. If/;zc/could be a verb
the sentence would be correct as it stands " Whom the Lord of Two
Lands has caused to be mighty." ^'^

l^ijig S^ — rivd. The original meaning is "staircase," as is evident from
the determinative. But is this the meaning in the well-known phrase
which we have here, ;'rc'(/ «//- " the divine rwd"} This place or building
was certainly at Abydos, and it is usually taken to be the terraced
cliffs which surround the site, and which, with their regularly stratified
ridges, do look like a vast staircase. The god connected with the
staircase would, in this period, be Osiris.

Gardiner,^^) however, argues that rwd from its original meaning of

(i) This may perhaps be the correct solution. Cf. the very similar rdin nb-f
nirivtf, Stela of Mentuhotp, son of Hapy. (Proceedings Soc. Biblical Archceol.
XVIII., p. 195 ff-)

(2) Reciieil des Travai/x, 34, 204.

The Historical Inscription 1 1

the staircase (in a tomb) came to mean the shaft which replaced the
staircase in the tombs of later days. Here he may be right, though
in the passage {Siut I, 308) which he considers decisive, ri.'d hri
might surely mean a staircase or terrace leading up the hillside to the
tomb/') Gardiner, therefore, takes rwd nt_r to mean " the tomb of
Osiris," which we know was shown at Abydos. But '\{ riud ow\y means
shaft, this translation is perhaps rather too violent a use of the part
for the whole.

Lines 8-10. — There are exactly parallel passages in two Middle
Kingdom stelie at Cairo (Nos. 20153 and 20497); the two regions are
there called " Mistress of Offerings" and " Mistress of .Meals."

In line 10, after//' in Jjnt we can, on the authority of these passages,
restore htuitw{i) " I have been equipped " or " provided." The Cairo
stelre proceed " with the divine eye."

Line p. — zu^r^ is a difficult word. It is clearly a division of land or
district of some kind. In the inscription of W'eni we read of a place
called " the zu'^r^ of Horus, Lord of Truth ; " here the meaning is
probably "district." In Siut III, i, and BersheJi II, 21 c, the word
refers to the portion of the desert where the tombs lie. It also occurs
in the Kahun pap}'ri (p. 21), where a southern and a northern zu'rt
are mentioned. Compare also Cairo M. K. stela 20378, and Gardiner's
notes to SinuJie 40 {^Rec. Trav. 32, 216). Here the reference is to
two portions of the Abydos necropolis.

Line 11. — nisii ni h;t-sp 27. The form nisii is interesting. There
can hardly be any doubt that in the lacuna below we must restore w,
of which a possible trace remains. It would be usual to consider the
form nisii as a passive in lu, but as such it would in Middle Egx-ptian
be an anomaly. In fact, Sethe (Verbum II, 473) remarks on the
strangeness of this very form in another inscription {Aeg. Zeit., 1881,
p. I 16). But probably what we have here is simply the ver}' common
but little recognised use of nis in its intransitive active sense of " to

(i) Griffith is inclined to favour this interpretation.

12 The Stela of Sebek-khu

be born."('> For this use cf. Si'ut, PI. XI, 1. i, Pyr 663-4, St. Petersburg,
1 1 16 B recto, 1. 29. The form used here is simply sduif, and we have
exact parallels in Weni, 1. 10, and elsewhere.

Line 12. — The clause contained in this line is clearly temporal, and
is to be connected with what follows.

Line / ?. — rdit liuif iri. What is the form rdit, which occurs above
(line 2) and below (line 14) ? It might be a form of /(/////with a curious
added /, such as we have in /zf/-/(" he comes ") used in certain moods
as alternative to iw-f. But to this there is no parallel. The alter-
native is to take it as sdintf-iorm, which appears to be used narratively
in Sinuhe, B. 4, rditij) ivi imi-wti b;ti, " I placed myself between
two bushes." Cf also lines B. i 5 and B. 23. Note that here in line 2
the form has nominal subject and object. It might conceivably be
temporal here in both cases as perhaps in Sinuhe B. 15.

ill k;t in V/; ;// ///. This is one of the most difficult passages in
the inscription, irt k;t must be a phrase meaning " to do the work
of" or " undertake the profession of" '7/,- m ht must also be technical.
Note that /// is written with the branch followed by the / and the
stroke, not the h and / as given in EL Ambah, and in hi ought there-
fore to mean "with wood" or "with weapons (?)" and not "afterwards "
or "behind." We may, therefore, translate literally "His majesty caused
me to do work as a fighter with arms." If we suppose that ht ought
to have been written with the h and the t we might perhaps render
" as a warrior of the body guard." Cf the title " iini-ht of the king,"
e.g., Sethe, Urk. IV, 898. Cf Piankhi, 1. 15, for the conjunction of
V/,' and k;t.

in si 'J (?) 11 hnzu, literally "as" or "among 7 men of the Residence."
These words refer to an office of some kind, but it is not known else-
where. Note that in line 17 we have ;/-; {si) 6 n hmv. Is it possible
that in the last stroke of the 7 we ought to see the vase sign for mv
badly made ? The words would then mean " as sixth man of the
Residence." In later Egyptian ni si 7 could mean with 6 other men,
cf Abbott, IV, 15, iivf in j rint " he being with 2 other men."

(i) 'i^t Journal of Egyptian ArcJiaology, I, p. 209.

The Career of Sehek-khu 13

Line //. — '7/// spdni, perhaps for spdiii /ir= I was clever.

Line I J. — :c'(/,' lunf. The next words should obviously be restored

111 hntyt.

Line i6. — s/jni nhsy. The damaged signs wiiich follow must give
the name of the negro's country or the locality of the fight. The first
sign is a bird (///?), the second almost certainly k or nb^ the third ;/,
the fourth k, and the fifth probably/] Read in knkf {}}).

r gs nivli. It is a little unlikel)- that Sebek-khu's city should have
been in Nubia. Perhaps we should read nivt-f'^Kxs cit}'." ^^^t-***

Lifte iy.— '//n rdinf r. We must insert i<:i (me) after rdinf.
//('; = reward, both as noun and verb. Cf Sethe, Urk. IV, 891, 1055.

The Career of Sebek-khu.

The career of Sebek-khu is thus as follows:— He was born in
the 27th year of King Amenemhat II, and seems to have started
his military career immediately upon the accession of King
Senusret III. At this period he would be about 27 years of age.
His first office is merely that of a warrior of the guard ( ?), along
with six others. He is then promoted to be a "Follower of
the Ruler/' and given command of sixty men. Then follows the
Nubian campaign, after which Sebek-khu was made " Inspector
of the Followers/' and given command of a hundred men. I'n-
fortunately we are not informed at what stage of his career the
important expedition into Asia took place. That he was still
active in the ninth year of Amenemhat III, when he must have
been about 74 years of age, is clear from an inscription 'see PI. II,
bottom) on the rocks at Semneh beside the Second Cataract, where he
was engaged in taking records of the height of the Nile. He
had by this time attained to the office of " iiartu of the ruler's
table (?)" Finally, upon his stela at Abydos he is described as
" uartu of the City."

/

/

(■4)

Historical Value of the Stela.

The importance of the stela of Sebek-khu Hes in the fact that
it is the first record which we have of the carrying on of a war
in Asia by the Pharaohs. From this moment dates our knowledge
of that long series of successes and counter successes which led
through the Hyksos invasion and the great wars of Thothmes III
and Rameses II to the campaign of Sheshonk mentioned in the
Old Testament, and which may be said to have ended with the
overrunning of Egypt by the Moslems in the seventh century A.D.

Let us begin at the beginning and learn what we can of the
earliest relations of Egypt to Asia. The origin of the dynastic
race is still a matter of uncertainty, but it is beyond all doubt
that the occurrence of Byblos in the old Osiris legends points
to some very early connection between Egypt and Syria, though
of what nature it is impossible to say. Under the Old Kingdom,
Egypt seems to have troubled herself little about her Asiatic
neighbours, though, if we possessed the history of the Delta
during this period 'we might have to modify this assertion con-
siderably. The biographies of the great nobles, Weni, Herkhuf,
Sabni and others, are full of records of campaigns in the south
among the Nubians 'and other peoples of that district, but they
tell us nothing of Asia, and we may perhaps legitimately infer from
this the absence of inimical relations, if not altogether of friendly
ones. It is, however, in one of these inscriptions, that of
Pepinekht, of the Vlth Dynasty, that we find the first mention of
the land of (the Aamu. An officer of the Pharaoh had been occu-
pied in building a ship of cedar wood for an expedition down

Historical Value of the Stela 1 5

the Red Sea to Punt, when he was set upon by Aamu of the
Heriu-sha, and slain witli all his company/'' This ship must, of
course, have been building at some point on the Egyptian
coast of the Red Sea, doubtless at the end of one of the old
caravan routes from the Nile valley, and we must therefore infer
that part at least of this coast was included at this period under
the title " Land of the Aamu." The Heriu-sha arc the " Sand-
dwellers," re., the Bedawin, and we need not suppose that this
early collision with the Aamu consisted of more than the punish-
ment of a few nomadic tribes/'^

Meantime, Egypt was gradually coming into contact with her
nearer neighbours in Asia as a result of her expeditions to the
turquoise mines of Sinai. In the earliest rock inscriptions of the
Wadi Alaghara in West 'Sinai, the king is usually represented as
slaying a bearded enemy, and the scene is inscribed " The
Smiting of the ."

In the earliest inscription, that of Khufu/'^ in which the name
of the enemy who is being smitten is mentioned, it is the Inu.
Now the Inu are in all probability an original African tribe, and
we can hardly argue from this inscription as to their presence in
or absence from Sinai, for since the Egyptians had from early
times a festival of "Smiting the Inu," the scene may have no local
application whatsoever. King Sahiira^-*' of the Vth Dynasty is
represented in his inscription here as " smiting the .Mentu of all
countries and subduing all lands." King Xeuserra'?^ also inscribed
a tablet with the same words, but the inscriptions of later kings
are of a less warlike tenor. It is not impossible that the Mentu
were the early inhabitants of the Sinai Peninsula, and that the

(i) Sethe, Urkunden, I, 134.

(2) Cf. also the inscription of Weni.

(3) Weill, Recueil dcs Inscriplions (hi S/ritii, Xo. 7.

(4) 0/>. cit. No. 8.

(5) Op. cit. No. 9.

1 6 The Stela of Sebek'khu

Egyptians actually had to defeat them in order to secure for them-
selves the turquoise mines, and if this is the case, we have here the
first conflicts of Egypt with the East.

Egypt, however, was destined ere long to make a more painful
acquaintance with the peoples of Asia. Some time ago Gardiner
had suggested that the period which separated the end of the Vlth
Dynasty from the beginning of the Xllth had witnessed serious
incursions of Asiatic tribes into the delta, or at any rate into the
eastern part of it. (Gardiner, Admonitions, pp. 111-112.) This
has been completely confirmed by the publishing of the papyrus
St. Petersburg 11 16 B, which is a prophecy post event 11 ni dealing
with the very period of these invasions. Here the invaders are
called Aamu, and the future building of the Prince's Wall, inb /ik;,
to keep back the Aamu is foretold. Fortunately, this Prince's
Wall is again referred to in the tale of Sinuhe, where it is stated
to have been built to keep back the Setiu. All this evidence
points clearly in one direction. In the dark period between the
Mth and Xllth Dynasties the Delta had been ravaged by Asiatics,
and it remained for King Amenemhat I, the first king of the
Xllth Dynasty, to drive them out and to build a wall^'^ to prevent
their returning. The scenes in the Xlth Dynasty temple at Der
el Bahrl representing battles between Egyptians and Asiatics
perhaps refer to the earlier stages of this war of expulsion of the
foreigners.

Such was the situation at the beginning of the Xllth Dynasty,
and it is natural that the kings of this dynasty should have
meditated reprisals. Hitherto, before the theory of an Asiatic
invasion in the dark period had become fact, it was usually con-
sidered that the warlike operations of the kings of this dynasty
were practically limited to the subjugation of Nubia and the

(i) SeeSinuhell. 71-3, and Gardinei-'s conjecture regarding- it ('i'vr<:7/r/7rt'i?5' Travattx
XX.XII,pp. 224-5.) If Gardiner is right .'\menemhat I would be the "Imei;;/iy "
of the St. Petersburg papyrus.

Historical Value of the Stela 17

south generally. It is in correcting this impression that the stela
of Sebek-khu is of such paramount importance. It is a bright
flash of light in the midst of the surrounding darkness, showing
us an Egyptian king of this period engaged in a definite campaign
in Asia, and we can hardly doubt that this was no isolated incident.

Can we gather anything as to the region in which the campaign
took place or the position of the various peoples mentioned ? The
expedition is undertaken in order to overthrow the Mentu of Setet,
one of whose districts is apparently Sekmem. Sekmem then allies
itself with Retenu, and the allied army is referred to a little later
in the inscription as the Aamu. There can hardly be any doubt
that the Egyptians themselves were not altogether consistent in
the use of the various names which they possessed for the peoples
of Asia, and the use perhaps varied somewhat according to period.
At the same time, it is possible to disentangle the confusion to
some extent.

To begin with, Setet is clearly a j^lace name, and stands for a
portion of nearer Asia, if not for the whole of it as known to the
Egyptians. The word seems originally to have denoted the
region of the first cataract of the Nile, and according to ]\Iax
Miiller it was applied to Asia only by confusion with tlie word Setiu
(spelt with the hide pierced with the arrowj, which was in reality
an entirely different word used for Asiatics in general, or perhaps
more particularly for Asiatic Bedawin. This transference of the
name to Asia is said by Max Miiller to have taken place not earlier
than the XVIIIth Dynasty; but here he must be wrong, for our
text makes it clear that the Mentu, who were certainly Asiatics
of some kind, could in the Xllth Dynasty be described as " of
Setet."

The Mentu, whom Max Miiller is probably wrong in separating
from the Mentiu, the latter being nothing more than a later
spelling, seem to have been an Asiatic people living very close
to the borders of Egypt. We have already seen that they are

1 8 The Stela of Sebek-khu

mentioned in the Old Kingdom inscriptions of the Wadi Maghara
in Sinai as being smitten by various Egyptian monarchs, and
though these scenes need hardly be taken as a proof of extensive
warfare with these people in early times they afford a presump-
tion that the Mentu formed the population, scanty no doubt, of
Sinai or of the region which had to be traversed by the Egyptians
in order to reach Sinai.

There is an instructive reference to the Mentu in a well known
text of the early XVIIIth Dynasty, the biography of lahmes, son
of Ibana/'^ The third section of the inscription describes the
expulsion of the Hyksos from the Delta and the sack of Avaris
and of Sharahana. The opening words of the next section are:
" Now after his majesty had slain the Mentiu of Setet he went
south to Nubia." From this we may legitimately deduce the fact
that the expelled Hyksos were, in part at least, regarded by the
Egyptians as no other than the Mentu, or Mentiu, of Setet.

On the whole, it seems best to regard the Mentu as an Asiatic
people living on the confines of Egypt, inhabiting Sinai and
perhaps Southern Palestine. The expedition against the Mentu
would then represent quite an early stage in the conquest of Asia
by Egypt.

What, then, is the country called Retenu ? It is mentioned very
rarely in the texts of the Middle Kingdom. In the first place we
have the reference on the stela of Sebek-khu, which tells us no
more than that this land allied itself with the Mentu against
Egypt. Secondly, the Prince of Retenu is mentioned in several
of the Sinai inscriptions of Serabit el Khadem as having been
taking part in the Egyptian turquoise mining expeditions. <=) I
cannot, however, follow Weill in his conclusion that in these
early times the name Retenu was applied to the Sinai Peninsula.

(1) Scthe, Urkundeii^ IV, p. 5.

(2) Weill, op. tit.. No. 75, and certain unpublished insciiptions from Sinai.

Historical Value of the Stela 1 9

The presence of this prince with the Egyptian expedition merely
shows that he was on terms of friendship with Egypt, but does
not in the least demonstrate that Sinai was part of his country.
Thirdly, we have the references to Retenu in the Story of Sinuhe.
Sinuhe in the course of his wanderings is received and cared for
by the Prince of Upper Retenu. From the story itself we cannot
draw any conclusion as to the whereabouts of the country of this
prince, although it is clearly somewhere in Syria. We need
hardly take quite seriously Sinuhe's statement^'^ in his flattering
address to the Egyptian king: "Retenu is thy property, like thy
hounds."^^^

Such are the scanty Middle Kingdom references to Retenu.
They tell us very little, except that Retenu was already divided
into Upper and Lower, exactly as in the XVIIIth Dynasty. '^^ We
are perhaps safe in taking Retenu to refer here, as in later days, to
the greater part of Syria and Palestine, especially the hill country.

The term Aam can hardly be other than a general term for an
inhabitant of Asia. This is evident from its various uses. Thus
Sinuhe, in speaking of his combat with the rival warrior of Retenu,
says of the spectators, who it is clear consisted of Retenu, " Every
Aam cried aloud. "^^^ Later in the story the king says to his wife
concerning the returned Sinuhe : ^"^ "Behold Sinuhe comes as an
Aam," referring to the Asiatic costume which the exile is wearing.
The texts which deal with the expulsion of the Hyksos, the
Asiatic invaders of the XVth to XVIIth Dynasties, usually describe
them as Aamu, and the same term is used of the earlier invaders
who came in after the Vlth Dynasty. In the XVIIIth Dynasty,
the word Aam is used regularly for an Asiatic slave, and Gardiner

(1) St mi A e, 222-3.

(2) See Gardiner's excellent notes on the passage (A\r. T/\iz'., 34, pp. 56-7).

(3) See Sethe, W/A. IV, 907.

(4) Cf. too Sethe, OVk. IV, 615, "The Aamu of Retenu."

(5) S/nu/ie, 11. 264-5.

20 The Stela of Sebek-khu

further points out that c\en in the Xllth Dynasty it is apphed to
a particular class of servant in the temples^ and that this use may
perhaps mean that Asiatic prisoners were even at this date being
captured and brought into the country as slaves. ^'^

Setiu is also a rather general term, the exact denotation of
which it is hard to fix. In the story of Sinuhe the Setiu are said
to attack the hill tribes, among whom are clearly the men of Retenu,
with whom Sinuhe was living.*-^ It is, moreover, the Setiu who accom-
pany Sinuhe on his return to the borders of Egypt,^^^ and Sinuhe
himself bears the title of administrator of the sovereign's domains
in the land of the Setiu.* '^ That there was some confusion between
the Aamu and the Setiu is clear from the fact that in Sinuhe the
Prince's Wall is said to have been built to keep back the Setiu,
while in the St. Petersburg papyrus it is described as built to
prevent the descent of the Aamu. In the passage Sinuhe, 264-5,
" Behold Sinuhe comes as an Aam, whom Setiu created," (/.<?.,
child of Setiu parents), it is clear that Aamu iincludes Setiu, even
if the two are not fully synonymous.

The meaning of the campaign related by Sebek-khu is therefore
probably as follows. The Egyptians march into Asia to attack
their near neighbours, the Mentu, who doubtless were among
those Asiatics who had penetrated the Delta in the preceding
period. The Mentu appeal to their northern neighbours, the
people of Retenu, who are persuaded to join with them in the
attack upon the Egyptian army. Thus it is clear that as early as
the reign of Amenemhat III, if not earlier, (5) Egypt was conducting
war in Asia, and that the defensive building of the Prince's Wall

(1) Ciardincr, Admonitions^ p. 112, note 4.

(2) Sin i//u\ c)"] -()<:). The sentence is a little ambiguous. It might just be argued
that Retenu is among the Setiu and not the hill tribes. But would Sinuhe
use the uncomplimentary phrase Wy r ///;/ of his own friends in Retenu?

(3) Sinuhe, 1. 245, but see previous note.

(4) Sinit/ie, 1. I.

{5) Unfortunately Sebek-khu does not give the position in his career of the Asian
campaign.

Historical Value of the Stela 2 1

was followed by offensive measures in the same direction/'^ This
military activity was, however, confined probably to Palestine and
the regions bordering on the Egyptian frontier. Unfortunately
we cannot place Sekmem, Max MiilJer's identification of it with
Shechem being purely arbitrary. It is doubtless to be sought
somewhere in Palestine, and though Retenu took part in the
fight, we have no reason to suppose that the Egyptians penetrated
far into that country. This view has perhaps some little support
in the passage of Sinuhe where the exile tries to persuade the
Prince of Retenu to make overtures to the new king of Eg)'pt.
He says: "He (the King of Egypt) is a widener of boundaries;
he will seize the south lands, and will he not meditate on the north
lands. . . . Send to him, let him know thy name." Here we
seem still to be outside the sphere of direct Egyptian influence.

At the same time, that Egypt had already some footing in Asia
is perhaps to be inferred from a stela of a certain Ptahur, dated
in the 45th year of Amenemhat III and found in the Serabit el
Khadim. in Sinai. Ptahur describes himself as " Controlling many

in strange (?) lands, clever in reporting to his lord, ing Setet

for him who is in the palace.''^-^ Here we seem to have a reference
to some office actually held in Asia, or some service done there
for the Pharaoh. With this we may compare Sinuhe's title
already referred to, " administrator of the domains of the
sovereign in the land of the Setiu," which, however, need hardly
have been much more than a frontier post. In any case, the
stela of Sebek-khu remains our best and most trustworthy authority
for Egyptian conquest in Asia previous to the XMIlth Dynasty.

(i) See the difficult passage Sinuhe, II. 7 1-7 J, and Gardiner's notes.
(2) Weill, op. cit., No. 58. The Mentu are not mentioned in this inscription.
Weill has misread tlie sio;n for di (a boundarv) as ;//;/.

(22)

Bibliography of the Stela.

Garstang, El Arahah, p. 32 and PL IV and V.

Muller, W. H., in Orienlalische Litterahirzeiliing, 15th Nov., 1903.

Maspero, in Revue Critique^ 1902, t. II, pp. 284-6.

Breasted, History oj Ei^y/^f, p. 187.

„ Ancienf Records of Egypt, I, 676-687.

Lepsius, DenhmiUer, II, 139b (Semneli inscription).
Weill, Recuell des I iiscriplioiis du Sinai, p. 48, note i, and p. 168.
Tofteen, Researches in Biblical Archtrology, Vol. II, pp. 237 ff.
Weill, L'Asie dans les textes egyptiens, Sp/ii/ix VIII-IX.

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