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Te Kauparaha. 




(Chief of the Ngatitoa). 





Christehureh, Wellington and Dunedin, N.Z. ; 
Melbourne and London : 




Mr. Traver's chapters on Te Rauparaha were first published in 
1872, when they were read before the Wellington Philosophical 

Mr. Stack found considerable difficulty in fixing the exact dates 
of the occurrences related in his history, owing to the Maoris 
possessing no written record of them. If Tamaiharanui was carried 
off in the brig Elizabeth in October or November, 1830, Te Rau- 
paraha 's first raid on Kaiapoi was probably made either towards the 
close of 1828 or the beginning of 1829 ; and Kaiapoi was captured 
in 1831, just four years before Hernpleman started his whaling 
station at Pireka, on Banks Peninsula, and twenty years before the 
arrival of the Canterbury Pilgrims in the first four ships. 

For the plan of the site of the old pa he was indebted to Colonel 
Lean. The plan shows that a considerable space in front of the 
deep ditch, which crossed from side to side of the lagoon in front of 
the pa, was at one time covered with houses. These buildings were 
all burnt, and the fences removed by the Kaiapoi people themselves 
as soon as they became aware that Te Rauparaha was coming to 
attack them. The principal entrances to the pa were on the land 
side, the Kaitangata gate being near the south-eastern angle of the 
stockade, and the Hiakarere near the south-western ; the Huirapa 
gate was on the western side. The illustration representing the 
Old Kaiapoi Pa shows the south-western angle where Te Pehi was 
killed, and the dwelling houses of some of the principal chiefs. 

All who have travelled up and down the coast of New 
Zealand, and experienced a tossing in the stormy straits of Raukawa 
(Cook), will admit that the Maoris must have been very plucky and 
skilful navigators to be able to traverse such stormy waters with 
safety, and to accomplish such long voyages as they did in their 
canoes. Part of Te Rauparaha's fleet is shown on page 215 in the 
illustration approaching the landing place. The man standing up 
with a taiaha in his hand is chanting a boat song, to which the 
paddles beat time. The peculiar appearance of the sails of the 


canoes still in the offing, suggests the idea that they are upside 
down, but only to those who have not resided long enough in this 
country to know that it is a very common occurrence to find 
things topsy-turvy in New Zealand. 

The pattern of tattooing on Te Pehi's face, affords a good 
specimen of the art, and shows to what perfection it had attained. 
It is astonishing to think that such an elaborate design could be 
marked upon a living human face by such a painful process as the 
native artist adopted, without making a mistake of any kind ; and 
though the work was done at different times, the symmetry and 
uniformity was preserved with great exactness. The artist first 
drew the pattern with charcoal on the face of the person to be 
tattooed, who placed his head on the operator's lap or on the ground 
for the purpose ; and if it was approved of, he proceeded to tap the 
point of a bone needle which had been previously dipped in ink 
made of a particular kind of charcoal sufficiently far into the skin 
to secure an indelible mark being made ; the punctures were 
placed close together, and as the skin began to swell, the difficulty 
of avoiding a mistake must have been very great. It was generally 
necessary to submit to several sittings before the tattooing of the 
face was completed. But brave dandies were not content to have their 
faces only marked, but had similar patterns on a larger scale drawn 
on their chests and thighs. It must be admitted that a man with 
such a pattern drawn on his face as Te Pehi had was entitled to 
assume the role of a critic on tattooing, and that he was probably 
quite correct in his contemptuous remarks about the markings on 
Mr. Moimoi's face, to which reference is made on page 195. 

Mr. Stack purposely retained the name Kaiapoi for the old pa, as 
it was the commonly-adopted abbreviation for Kaiapohia in use 
amongst the Maoris, and it will help to connect the modern English 
town with the old Maori town of the same name. The longer 
name, Kaiapohia, was used in all formal speeches and in poetical 
compositions ; and it is to be hoped that one result of giving it 
greater publicity amongst Europeans in the accompanying narrative, 
will be to induce residents in the Kaiapoi district to call themselves 
Kaiapohians in future, instead of applying to themselves the 
unmusical name by which they have hitherto been designated. 

Readers who know nothing of Maori are reminded that the 
vowels have the same sound as in Italian, and that as the words 
are spelt phonetically every syllable should be pronounced. 




I. Habits and Customs of the Maoris ... ... 9 

II. Depopulation ... ... ... ... ... 32 

III. Childhood and Early Manhood ... ... ... 58 

IV. The Migration from Kawhia ... ... ... 80 

V. The Occupation of Kapiti ... ... ... 105 

VI. The Struggle with the Ngaitahu ... ... ... 129 

VII. The Last Phase... ... ... ... ... 148 


I. Kaiapoi of To-day ... ... ... ... 169 

II. The Kaiapoi Pa ... ... ... ... 178 

III. Te Rauparaha's First Visit to Kaiapoi ... ... 191 

IV. The Raid on Akaroa Life at Kaiapoi ... ... 199 

V. The Siege of Kaiapoi ... ... ... ... 212 

VI. Onawe Return to Kapiti ... ... ... 232 

VII. Retaliation Peace 239 




Te Bauparaha Frontispiece 

The Moa ... ... ... 13 

Maori Implements ... 19 
Early Settlement in Port 

Nicholson ... ... 25 

A Maori War Expedition ... 29 

War Canoe ... ... 31 

Captain Cook ... ... 35 

Ship's Cove, Queen Char- 
lotte Sound ... ... 37 

New Zealand Flax ... 39 
A Fortified Village, Poverty 

Bay 43 

Source of the Waikato 

River ... ... ... 47 

Bust of Hongi ... ... 49 

Dusky Sound ... ... 51 

Te Whero Whero .. ... 55 

The Mokau River... ... 59 

The Coming of the Maoris 61 

Landing of Marsden ... 69 


Tamati Waka Nene ... 73 

Bay of Islands, 1844 ... 83 

Te Whero Whero's Pa ... 87 

Te Rangihaeata ... ... 91 

New Plymouth in 1843 ... 99 
Mouth of the Wanganui 

River ... ... ... 101 

War Dance ... ... 107 

Tongariro from Lake 

Taupo ... ... ... Ill 

Maori Swings ... ... 115 

The Kaikoura Mountains... 123 

TePehi ... ... ... 125 

Tattooing on Te Pehi's 

Face ... ... ... 127 

Decorated Head of Te Rau- 

paraha's War Canoe ... 131 

Taiaroa ... ... ... 144 

Porirua Bay ... ... 163 

Interior of the Church at 

Otaki 165 


The Kaiapoi Woollen 

Factory ... ... ... 172 

Old Kaiapoi ... ... 181 

Cabbage Tree ... ... 183 

Te Rauparaha's Fleet ap- 
proaching Kaiapoi ... 215 
The Kaiapoi Pa ... ... 221 

The Kaiapoi Monument ... 243 






The position occupied by the great chief Te Eauparaha 
in connection with the establishment and earlier progress 
of the New Zealand Company's settlements in Cook 
Straits, would alone justify us in recording all that can 
be learnt of the career of this remarkable man ; but 
when, in addition to the interest which his personal 
history possesses for us in this respect, we find that he 
took a very important part in the events that occurred in 
these Islands between the years 1818 and 1840 leading as 
they did to an immense destruction of life amongst the 
then existing population, and to profound changes in the 
habits and character of the survivors it becomes im- 
portant, for the purposes of the future historian of the 
Colony, that we should preserve the most authentic 


accounts of his career, as well as of that of the other 
great chiefs who occupied, during the period in question, 
positions of power and influence amongst the leading 
New Zealand tribes. 

As with Hongi, Te Waharoa, and Te Whero Whero in 
the North, so Te Rauparaha in the South carried on, 
during the interval referred to, wars of the most ruthless 
and devastating character, undertaken partly for purposes 
of conquest, and partly for the gratification of that innate 
ferocity for which the New Zealanders have long been 
remarked. His own immediate tribe, the Ngatitoa, 
though insignificant in point of numbers, when compared 
with most of the leading tribes of the North Island, had 
long been celebrated for their prowess as warriors ; and 
the reliance they placed upon the sagacity and valour 
of their chief added to the prestige of frequent vic- 
tories, and, above all, to the confidence inspired by the 
possession of new and powerful weapons, unknown in 
most cases, to their earlier opponents, led them un- 
hesitatingly to engage in enterprises, the difficulties and 
dangers of which might otherwise well have deterred 
even bolder men. 

Nor was the special confidence inspired by the 
possession of firearms at all surprising, when we re- 
member the extraordinary results which have recently 
been brought about, even amongst European nations, by 
mere improvements in the construction of the weapons 
used in warfare. In the case of Austria for example, 
the power of one of the greatest military nations of the 
world was almost annihilated, and has certainly been 
permanently reduced, in consequence of the possession, 
by their recent adversaries, of weapons of somewhat 
greater precision than their own. We cannot, therefore, 


wonder at the results which would be produced upon 
even the most warlike savage people, where the arms on 
the one side were muskets, and on the other mere clubs 
and wooden spears and more especially where those who 
used the latter had had no previous knowledge of the 
destructive power of the more deadly weapons brought 
against them. My narrative will, indeed, often recall 
the graphic language of De Foe when describing the 
effect produced by the guns of Eobinson Crusoe and 
Friday upon the savages engaged in butchering their 
prisoners : They were, you may be sure," he says, " in 
a dreadful consternation, and all of them who were not 
hurt jumped upon their feet, but did not immediately 
know which way to run or which way to look, for they 
knew not from whence their destruction came." 

We shall find, in effect, that this was the principal 
reason why the wars carried on by Te Eauparaha were, 
notwithstanding the smallness of his own forces, quite 
as disastrous to the numerous tribes which occupied the 
scenes of his exploits, as those which were waged against 
their own neighbours by the more powerful chieftains in 
the northern parts of the country, and that Te Eauparaha 
contributed as largely as most of the former to the 
enormous destruction of life which took place during the 
two-and-twenty years referred to. 

But before entering upon the immediate subject of 
this memoir, I have thought it desirable to compile a 
short account, showing : the habits and character of the 
New Zealands ; their laws in relation to the acquisition 
and ownership of land; their customs in war; the 
general condition of the tribes before the introduction 
of firearms, and the effects which that circumstance in 
their history produced upon them. I have thought it 


would be satisfactory to my readers that I should adopt 
this course, not merely as a matter of speculative 
interest, but because some knowledge upon these subjects 
will really be found necessary to a full appreciation of 
the events I propose to relate, and of the characters of 
the chief actors in those events. 

I propose in the present chapter to inquire, shortly, 
into the habits and customs of the New Zealanders in 
especial relation to the ownership of land, and to war, 
and then to offer some observations regarding their 
social and individual characteristics ; and I may at once 
say that in compiling the following notice of these 
matters I have availed myself largely of White's 
" Lectures on Maori Customs and Superstititions," and 
of Colenso's "Essay on the Maori Eaces," which, though 
by no means exhaustive, are sufficient to enable those 
who have had any opportunities of personal observation, 
and who may, therefore, read them by the light of locally 
acquired knowledge, to obtain reasonably clear ideas upon 
these points. 

It would appear from the facts collected by these and 
other writers, and from traditions of the New Zealanders 
themselves, that from the very earliest times they clearly 
understood the value of the possession of land. This 
was, of course, naturally to be expected in a people 
dependent upon the cultivation of the soil for a 
considerable proportion of their ordinary means of sub- 
sistence, for although New Zealand, as a rule, is a fertile 
country, and possesses a mild climate, and is almost 
everywhere covered with a dense vegetation, its natural 
vegetable productions, suitable for the proper sustenance 
of man, are extremely limited ; and the Natives would 
often have suffered from want if they had been wholly 


dependent for their supplies of food upon the indigenous 
vegetation, and upon the uncertain results of their rat- 
chases and their fisheries. No doubt, whilst the Moa 
still abounded in various parts of both Islands, it afforded 
them a better class of animal food than any other they 
possessed before the introduction of the pig; but we have 
no positive information as to the date at which this 

source of supply 
failed them, nor do 
I think the materials 
for the determin- 
ation of this ques- 
tion are at all likely 
to lead to any 
certain results upon 
the point. There 
can be no doubt, 
indeed, that long 
before the time of 
Cook, the most valu- 
able articles of food 
used by the Maoris 
were not indigenous, 
as, for example, the 
Kumara (Convol- 
vulus chrysorhizus], 
the Taro (Caladium esculentum) , and the gourd-like Hue, 
in the growth of each of which a special and most careful 
mode of treatment was necessary. We find, accordingly, 
that a very large part of the time of the people of all 
classes was taken up in these cultivations, as well as in 
the preparation of such indigenous substances as were at 
all suitable for food ; for, independently of the immediate 

The Moa. 


family wants, the hospitalities of the tribes to which all 
the members must necessarily contribute, especially on 
solemn occasions led to the expenditure of large stores 
of provisions. As I have before observed, it was natural 
that a people whose ordinary wants necessitated, the 
cultivation of the soil to any large extent, should attach 
great value to the possession of land ; and we find, in 
effect, that every tribe claimed its own special domain, 
and preserved the most accurate knowledge of the extent 
and limit of its territorial rights. 

" There is no point," says White, "on which a New 
Zealander's indignation can be more effectually roused 
than by disputing his title to land. This love for his 
land is not, as many would suppose, the love of a child 
for his toys ; the title of a New Zealander to his land is 
connected with many and powerful associations in his 
mind. He is not, of course, what we call a civilized 
man ; but in dealing with him we deal with a man of 
powerful intellect, whose mind can think and reason as 
logically on any subject with which he is acquainted, as 
his more favoured European brethren, and whose love for 
the homes of his fathers is associated with the deeds of 
their bravery, with the feats of his boyhood, and the 
long rest of his ancestors for generations. 

" The New Zealander is not accustomed to law, and 
parchment, or to wills and bequests in gaining knowledge 
of or receiving a title to the lands of his fathers; nor 
would he quietly allow any stranger to teach him what 
lands were his, or what lands were not ; what were the 
names of the boundaries, the creeks, mountains, and 
rivers in his own district. The thousand names within 
the limits of his hereditary lands were his daily lesson 
from childhood. The son of a chief invariably attended 


his father, or his grandfather, in all his fishing, trapping, 
or spearing excursions ; and it was in these that he 
learnt, by ocular demonstration, the exact boundaries of 
his lands, and especially heard their various names. 

" It was a custom with the Maoris in ancient times to 
eat the rat a rat indigenous to this country, and caught 
in traps set on the tops of the mountain ranges. This 
was a source of part of their daily food, and it was 
therefore, with them, a point of great importance to 
occupy every available portion of their lands with these 
traps ; and as most of the tribal boundaries are along the 
range of the highest hills, or mountains, and as these 
were the common resort of the rat, every New Zealand 
chief soon naturally became acquainted with the exact 
boundary of his land claims. He did not, however, limit 
these claims to the dry land they extended to the shell- 
fish, and even out to sea, where he could fish for cod or 
shark, or throw his net for mackerel ; nor did he go 
inadvertently to these places, and trust to chance for 
finding his fishing grounds he had land marks, and 
each fishing-ground and land-mark had its own peculiar 
name ; these to him were more than household words ; 
his fathers had fished there, and he himself and his tribe 
alone knew these names and land-marks. Where a 
creek was the dividing boundary of his lands, this was 
occupied by eel-dams. These dams were not of wicker- 
work, that might be carried away by a flood labour 
and art were bestowed upon their construction, so that 
generations might pass, all of whom in turn might put 
their ell-basket down by the carved and red-ochred 
totara post which their great-grandfather had placed 
there. When the dividing boundary between two tribes 
ran along a valley, landmarks were put up ; these 


consisted generally of a pile of stones or a hole dug in 
the ground, to which a name was given significant of the 
cause which gave rise to such boundary being agreed to ; 
such, for instance, as Te Taupaki the name given to the 
dividing boundary on the West Coast between the 
Ngatiwhatua and Tainui tribes which means the year 
of peace, or the peaceful way in which a dispute is 
adjusted. This boundary had its origin from a chief of 
the Ngatiwhatua called Poutapuaka, going from Kaipara 
to take possession of land with his paraoa, or bone spear. 
His intention was to go along the coast as far as the 
quantity of food which he carried would enable him to 
travel, and return from the point at which his food was 
expended ; he had succeeded in taking possession of the 
whole of the line of sandy coast called Eangatira, and 
on arriving at the top of the hill, now known as Te 
Taupaki, he met the Tainui chief Haowhenua. They 
both halted, sticking their spears in the ground, and 
enquiring of each other the object of their being there. 
They found that they were both on the same errand, and 
at once agreed that this meeting point should be the 
boundary dividing the lands of the tribes whereof each 
was the representative. The Ngatiwhatua chief at once 
dug a hole with his bone spear, and the boundary so 
established has remained to this day. 

"I may state," adds White, "without fear of con- 
tradiction, that there is not one inch of land in the New 
Zealand Islands which is not claimed by the Maoris, and 
I may also state that there is not a hill or valley, stream, 
river, or forest, which has not a name the index of 
some point of the Maori history. As has been stated 
above, the New Zealander knows with as much certainty 
the exact boundary of his own land, as we could do from 


the distances and bearings given by a surveyor. But 
these boundaries are liable to be altered at times ; for 
instance, when lands are taken by a conquering tribe, or 
are given by a chief for assistance rendered to him by 
another tribe in time of war, or when land given to the 
female branch of a family again becomes, after a certain 
time, the property of the male branch of the family. In 
certain cases, also, lands are ceded by a tribe for a 
specific purpose, with certain restrictions, and a tenure 
conditional on certain terms being complied with." 

Colenso, in his " Essay on the Maori Eaces," tells us 
that their views of property were, in the main, both 
simple and just, and in some respects (even including 
those most abnormal) wonderfully accorded with what 
once obtained in England. Amongst them, property 
was usually divided into two classes, namely, peculiar 
and common. Every man,, for example, had a right to 
his own, as against every one else, although this right 
was often overcome by might. A man of middle, or low 
rank, caught, perhaps, some fine fish, or was very lucky 
in snaring birds such were undoubtedly his own ; but 
if his superior, or elder chief, wished or asked for them, 
he dared not refuse, even if he would. At the same 
time, such a gift, if gift it might be termed, was (accord- 
ing to custom) sure to be repaid with interest, hence it 
was readily yielded. The whole of a man's movable 
property was also his own ; it included his house and 
fences as well as all his smaller goods. All that a 
freeman made or caught, or obtained, or raised by agri- 
culture, were his own ; although his house, created by 
himself, was his own, yet if not on his own land (rarely 
the case) he could not hold it against the owner of that 
spot, unless such use had been openly allowed to him by 


the owner before all (i te aroaro o te tokomaha). So a 
plantation planted by himself, if not on his own land 
(also a rare thing), he would have to leave after taking 
his crops, on being ordered to do so ; but not so if he 
had originally, and with permission, felled the forest, or 
reclaimed that land from the wild ; in which case, he 
would retain it for life, or as long as he pleased, and very 
likely his descendants after him, To land, a man ac- 
quired a peculiar right in many ways : 

1. Definite -(a) By having been born on it, or, in 
their expressive language, " where his navel-string was 
cut," as his first blood (ever sacred in their eyes) had 
been shed there. (b) By having had his secundines 
buried there (this, however was much more partial). 

(c) By a public invitation from the owner to dwell on it. 

(d) By having first cultivated it by permission, (e) By 
having had his blood shed upon it. (/) By having had 
the body or bones of his deceased father or mother, or 
uterine brother or sister, deposited or rested on it. 
(g) By having had a near relative killed or roasted on it. 
(h) By having been bitterly cursed in connection with 
that piece of land, e.g. this oven is for thy body, or 
head ; on that tree thy liver shall be fixed to rot ; thy 
skull shall hold the cooked birds, or berries of this wood. 
(i) Or by the people of the district using for any pur- 
pose a shed which had been temporarily put up there, 
and used by a chief in travelling. 

2. Indefinite (a) By having been invited to come 
there by the chief with a party to dwell (lit., having had 
their canoe in passing called to the shore), (b) Through 
his wife by marriage ; but such would be only a quasi 
life-interest to him, i.e., during her life and the infancy 
of the children, as, in case of children, they would take 



all their mother's right. (c) By having assisted in 
conquering it. (d) by having aided with food, a canoe, 

p, ... a spear, etc., 

an armed 
party who 
subseque n 1 1 y 
became con- 
querors of it. 
All these 
equally ap- 
plied, though 
he should be- 
long to a 
different tribe 
or sub-tribe. 

3. Beyond 
all these, how- 
ever, was the 
right by gift 
or transfer, 
and by inher- 
itance, which 
not unfre- 
quently, was 
peculiar and 
private. This 
(which has of 
late years been 
much con- 
tested, and too 
often, it is 
feared, by ignorant and interested men, or by those who 
have too readily believed what the talkative younger New 

Maori Implements. 

1. Flaking punch ; 2. Saw; 3. Knife; 4. Cutting 

tool; 5. Hammer; 6. Boring tool; 7. Adze; 

8. Spear scraper ; 9. Chisel ; 10. Adze sharpener ; 

11. Spear polisher. 


Zealanders now say), may clearly be proved beyond all 
doubt : (l) By the acts of their several ancestors 
(great-grandfathers) to their children, from whom the 
present sub-tribes derive their sub-tribal names, and 
claim their boundaries ; such ancestors divided and gave 
those lands simply to each individual of their family, 
which division and alienation, however unfairly made, 
has never been contested. (2) By their ancient transfers 
(gifts or sales) of land made by individuals of one tribe 
to individuals of another, as related by themselves, from 
which gift or alienation, in many instances, they deduce 
their present claims. (3) By their earliest (untampered) 
sales and transfers of land to Missionaries and to others 
which were not unfrequently done by one native (as was 
notably the case in the first alienation of land by deed 
to Marsden, at the Bay of Islands, in 1815). Although 
the foreign transferees (not knowing the native custom) 
often wished others, being co-proprietors, to sign the 
document of transfer ; and this by-the-by, came to be 
looked upon as the New Zealand custom ; whence came 
the modern belief that all must unite in a sale ; and 
thence it followed that one could not sell his own land ! 
But such is not of New Zealand origin. 

It will be observed, that there is some difference of 
opinion between the two writers from whom I have 
quoted, as to the existence of definite individual rights of 
property in land, as distinguished from tribal, or 
common, or indefinite rights ; but as this is a point 
which little concerns the purpose of my narrative, I 
shall do no more than refer to it here. The extracts 
above given, at all events sufficiently show that the 
Maoris always attached the greatest value to the 
ownership of the soil, and took the utmost care to 


preserve an accurate knowledge of the boundaries of the 
tribal estate. 

The very value, however, attached to the possession of 
land naturally led to aggression and to the use of various 
other means of acquiring title to it ; and not only in 
many of their traditions, but also in all other accounts of 
the habits of the race, we find mention of wars under- 
taken for purposes of conquest, and of marriage alli- 
ances being contracted, and other devices resorted to, 
for the purpose of peacefully securing additions to the 
tribal territory. Upon the first of these points, White 
tells us that a tribe, in going to war, had one or more of 
three objects in view : 1. To take revenge for some real 
or supposed injury. 2. To obtain as many slaves as 
possible. 3. To extend its territory. " A tribe," he 
says, ' seldom .became extinct in consequence of war, 
but when this resulted, the conquering tribe took all 
their lands, and from the slaves taken in war the 
conquerors learnt the boundaries of the land thus taken. 
But, if a portion of the tribe escaped, their claim held 
good to as great an extent of land as they had the 
courage to occupy. If, however, they could manage to 
keep within their own tribal boundary, and elude their 
enemy, their right to the whole of the land held good. 
Hence the meaning of a sentence so often used by old 
chiefs in their land disputes : / ko tonu taku ahi i runga 
i taku whenua (my fire has been kept burning on my 
land) ; meaning that other tribes in war had never been 
able to drive them entirely off their ancestral claims. 

" The right to lands taken by conquest rests solely on 
the conquering party actually occupying the taken dis- 
trict, to the utter exclusion of its original owners or 
other tribes ; thus, in the war of the celebrated Hongi, 


he drove all the tribes out of the Auckland district into- 
Waikato, and even as far as Taranaki ; but though the 
whole district thereby became his, yet, as he did not 
occupy it, the conquered tribes, on his return to the 
North, came back to their own lands ; and we found 
them in occupation when Auckland was established as 
an English settlement. 

Again, in the case of a tribe which had been con- 
quered and had become extinct, with the exception of 
those that had been made slaves by the conquering 
party, these slaves could, by purchase, recover the 
ownership of their tribal rights to land, or they could be 
liberated and return to their own lands on a promise of 
allegiance to the conquerors, i-endering them any assist- 
ance, if required, in times of war, and supplying them, 
for the first few years after their return, with a certain 
amount of rats, fish, and fern-root ; and eventually, on 
presenting the conquerors with a greenstone battleaxe 
(the mere pounamu), they were again allowed to be called 
a tribe, and claim the land of their fathers as though 
they had never been conquered. 

" The claims in connection with lands given to a tribe 
for assistance rendered in war are more complicated 
than any other. Although the land was given to the 
leader of the tribe rendering such assistance, it did not 
thereby become vested in that individual leader, inas- 
much as the assisting tribe were seldom alone, but had 
brought their allies, and, if these allies had lost any of 
their chiefs in battle, each relative of the deceased chiefs 
had a claim in the land thus given ; and each relative of 
any chief who had been killed, of the tribe to whose 
leader the land was given, had also a claim. But the 
complication of land claims does not end even here. It 


was necessary that the land given should be occupied so 
that possession of it be retained, and as the assisted and 
assisting tribes became related by intermarriage, the 
tribal lands of the assisted tribe were claimed by the 
issue of these marriages, according to the laws relating to 
the ownership of land as affected by the marriage tie, so 
that after a few generations their respective claims not 
unfrequently became the cause of another war. 

" An instance of this happened about four generations 
ago. One of the northern tribes rendered assistance in 
time of war to a southern tribe, now residing not far 
from Auckland, and a portion of land was given to the 
northern tribe ; shortly afterwards the daughter of the 
southern chief was taken in marriage by one of the 
chiefs of the northern tribe ; the two sisters of this 
woman were married to chiefs of the southern tribe, and 
thereupon their children's claims held good ; but when 
the time came for the offspring of the sister, who had 
married the northern chief, to give up their land, the 
colonization of New Zealand had commenced, and land 
became a marketable commodity. This offspring re- 
tained their claims against all right and argument, and 
to this day their is a rankling feeling between the tribes 
concerned ; and if, in this disputed land, incautious 
dealing by Europeans takes place, it would probably 
result in a Maori war. 

" The war in the Bay of Plenty which has been 
continued until very lately between certain chiefs, also 
originated in a like cause ; the contending parties were 
all of one tribe, and sprung from one ancestor, but, by 
intermarriage, some have a more direct claim than 
others. The descendants, who, by intermarriage, are 
related to other tribes, have made an equal claim to the 


land over which they have but a partial claim, and 
resistance to this was the cause of the war. Disputes of 
this kind were not easily unravelled. I believe that 
were it possible to teach the Maoris the English 
language, and then bring them into some Court, allowing 
each contending party to plead his cause in such a 
dispute as I have mentioned, not according to English 
law, but according to Maori custom, both sides would, 
according to native genealogy and laws, make out their 
respective cases so clearly that it would take a judge and 
jury, possessed of more than human attainments, to 
decide the ownership of the land. 

" While speaking about lands claimed by conquest, I 
will give a few instances of land claimed by the offspring 
of those male or female chiefs who have been made 
slaves in war. It would not generally be supposed that 
lands disposed of at the southern end of this Island 
would affect any native at the northern end of it, yet 
such is the case. A chieftainess who was taken slave 
from the south by the Ngapuhi and other northern 
tribes, became the wife of a Ngapuhi chief ; her claim 
stood in the way of completing the sale of the land, and 
it was not until the consent of her son by the Ngapuhi 
chief was gained, that the land could be disposed of by 
the natives residing on it, and to him, in due course of 
time, a portion of the payment was transmitted. 

" Again, a chief who was taken slave from the Bay of 
Plenty by the northern tribes, having taken a northern 
woman to wife, and having a family, his relatives from 
the Bay of Plenty made presents to the chiefs by whom 
he was taken, and procured his return home ; but he 
was obliged, according to Maori laws of title to land, to 
leave his wife and daughters with the Ngapuhi people, 




for if he had taken them with him, they would have lost 
their claim to land at Ngapuhi, and would not be allowed 
any claim to land in the Bay of Plenty ; while his son, 
whom he took back with him, now claims, by right of 
his grandfather, an equal right to the lands of the Bay of 
Plenty tribe. 

" Again one of the northern chiefs having taken to 
wife a woman whom he had made slave from Taranaki, 
and having a son by her, this son returned to the tribe of 
his mother and claimed as his right, derived from his 
grandfather, a share in their land, which was not 
disputed, because, as I have before stated, the great- 
grandchild in the female line has a claim to land. I 
remember another instance of this : a certain block of 
land was sold by a tribe near Auckland, and when the 
purchase money was portioned out amongst the claim- 
ants, a northern chief rose up and rehearsed hi& 
genealogy, by which he proved that he was the great- 
grandchild (in the female line) of one of the claimants of 
the block sold. He thereupon, as a matter of course 
received a part of the purchase money. He was a 
northern chief, and had only been known to the settlers 
by name." 

In addition to the above points, which more especially 
affect the events of my narrative, White gives us details 
of other modes of acquiring title to land, with illustrative 
cases of the most interesting kind ; but there is one 
custom which he does not refer to, and which was 
mentioned to me by Wi Tako Ngatata, namely, that in 
some cases a conquered tribe, absolutely driven from its 
lands, was formally restored to possession by the 
conquerors. He stated, as an instance, that this was 
done in the Wairarapa, after the Ngatikahungunu had 


been forced to the northward by the Ngatiawa, under 
E Puni and himself, in revenge for some isolated acts of 
violence perpetrated upon members of their own tribe. 
He informed me that this proceeding was always a highly 
formal and ceremonious one, and was carried out, in the 
instance in question, in consequence of many inter-r 
marriages having taken place between the two tribes 
since the settlement of the Ngatiawa near Port Nichol- 
son, and of the absence of any desire on the part of the 
latter to push their vengeance to extremity. 

It would lead me too far, were I to enter more at 
length upon the points above referred to, and I will now 
proceed shortly to notice some of the leading features in 
the character and habits of the natives in other respects. 
There can be little doubt that, both in intellectual and 
physical capacity, the Maori occupies a high position 
amongst savage people ; but I cannot agree with White 
when he says, " that in dealing with him, we deal with 
a man of powerful intellect." I admit that he possesses 
much intelligence, and a quick perception, but he is 
wanting in one of the chiefest characteristics of the 
civilized man a characteristic acquired only by a long 
course of national education namely, the power of fore- 
seeing the result of these special classes of actions to 
which his contact with Europeans gives the greatest 
importance. It is not, however, altogether in this 
respect that I propose to view his character, for the 
principal events in my narrative took place before the 
colonization of the Islands ; and their want of foresight 
when dealing with the agents of the New Zealand 
Company would not have produced effects injurious to 
them, but for the occurrence of events which have taken 
place since the death of Te Ruaparaha. 


" Their ordinary course of life," says Maning, speak- 
ing of the natives, " when not engaged in warfare, was 
regular, and not necessarily unhealthy ; their labour, 
though constant in one shape or other, and compelled by 
necessity, was not too heavy. In the morning, but not 
early, they descended from the hill pa to the cultivations 
in the low grounds ; they went in a body, armed like 
men going to battle, the spear or club in one hand, and 
the agricultural instrument in the other. The women 
followed. Long before night (it was counted unlucky to 
work till dark) they returned to the hill in a reversed 
order ; the women, slaves, and lads, bearing fuel and 
water for the night, in front ; these also bore, probably, 
heavy loads of kumara or other provisions. 

In the time of year when the crops, being planted and 
growing, did not call for their attention, the whole tribe 
would remove to some fortified hill, at the side of some 
river, or on the coast, where they would pass months in 
fishing and making nets, clubs, spears, and implements 
of various descriptions ; the women, in all spare times, 
making mats for clothing, or baskets to carry the crop of 
kumara in, when fit to dig. There was very little idle- 
ness, and to be called ' lazy ' was a great reproach. 

It is to be observed, that for several months the crops 
could be left unguarded with perfect safety, for the 
Maori, as a general rule, never destroyed growing crops, 
or attacked their owners in a regular manner until the 
rops were nearly at full perfection, so that they might 
afford subsistence to the invaders ; and, consequently, 
the end of the summer all over the country was a time 
of universal preparation for battle, either offensive or 
defensive, the crops being then near maturity." 


This picture exhibits a very unhappy condition of 
existence, for it is manifest that no race, in such a 
position, could ever rise further in the scale of civili- 
zation (paradoxical as the language may appear) than 
was sufficient to improve their knowledge of the art of 
war. But, notwithstanding this unsatisfactory condition 
of the tribes, the people appear, in their social and 
domestic relations, to have been, generally speaking, 
good natured and hospitable, though being little, if at all, 
fettered by conscientious motives or restraints, they 
were at all times easily roused to acts of violence and 
cruelty. With them, moreover, revenge was a most 
persistent feeling, and the duty of ministering to it was 
considered of sacred obligation. 

Their love of war was universal and intense, and in its 
prosecution they were as reckless of the consequences to 
themselves as they were of the results to their foes. 
"Nothing," says Mr. Maning, "was considered so 
valuable or respectable as strength and courage; and to 
acquire property by war and plunder was more honour- 
able, and also more desirable, than by labour." Their 
cruelty to their prisoners was frightful. Cannibalism 
was considered glorious, and this habit led not only to 
the most dreadful atrocities, but also to a 'degree of 
callousness, in regard to the sufferings inflicted upon 
others, which appears to be utterly incompatible with, 
and renders singularly remarkable, the kindliness of 
feeling which they constantly exhibited in their domestic 
relations. It is clear, however, that whatever good 
qualities the Maori possessed in his quiet and social 
moments were utterly lost when he was acting under the 
impulse of passion. Colenso, in describing their charac- 
ter, particularly alludes to their love for children, and 



remarks that " nothing more clearly shows the truth of 
the old adage, ' the best corrupted is the very worst,' 
than that a party of New Zealanders should be so carried 
away by the diabolical frenzy of the moment as wholly 
to forget their strongly and highly characteristic natural 
feelings, and kill, roast, and eat little children." I need 
not, however, dwell any further on the subjects specially 
treated in this chapter, for their habits and customs 
must necessarily come, more or less, under further 
consideration throughout the course of my narrative. 

War Canoe. 




Before noticing the condition of the New Zealand 
tribes during the twenty years immediately preceding 
the systematic colonization of the islands, I think it 
necessary to call attention to the accounts we have 
received, both from early voyagers and from late writers 
of authority, as to the extent of the native population, 
and their habits of life, previously to the introduction of 
fire-arms; and I do this chiefly for the purpose of 
showing, that notwithstanding the savage character of 
the former wars of the New Zealanders, the effects 
which those wars produced upon their numbers were as 
naught compared with the destruction of life, both direct 
and indirect, which followed upon the use of the more 
deadly weapon of the civilized man. 

The earliest notice we have of the present race, occurs 
in the history of the voyage of Abel Tasman to the 
South Seas, in the seventeenth century, from which we 
learn that, in December, 1642, he discovered a high 
mountainous country, which he named Staaten Landt, or 
Land of the States, but which is now called New 
Zealand.* A day or two afterwards, he anchored in the 

* Tasman called the country Staaten Landt in honour of the States- 
General of the United Provinces, and because he thought it might prove 
to be continuous with Staaten Landt to the east of Tierra del Fuego. 
When in 1643, Staaten Landt was found to be an island, the States- 
General changed the name of the territory discovered by Tasman to 
Nova Zeelanda, naming it after Zeeland, a province in the south-west of 


beautiful bay at the north-western extremity of the 
Nelson Province, formerly named Massacre, or Murderers 
Bay, on account of the murder to which I am about to 
refer, but which is now known, on the maps of the 
Nelson Province, as Golden Bay. 

He says that he there found abundance of inhabitants, 
whom he describes as very large made people, of a 
colour between brown and yellow, with hoarse voices, 
and with hair long, and almost as thick as that of the 
Japanese, combed up and fixed on the top of their heads 
with a quill or some such thing, that was thickest in the 
middle, in the very same manner the Japanese fastened 
their hair behind their heads. Some of them covered 
the middle of their bodies with a kind of mat, and others 
with what Tasman took to be a sort of woollen cloth ; 
but their upper and lower parts were altogether naked. 

Tasman remained in the bay for several days, and on the 
19th of December the savages, who had previously been 
shy of close intercourse, grew bolder and more familiar, 
insomuch that they at last ventured on board the 
" Heemskirk " (one of his ships) to trade. As soon as 
he observed this, he sent his shallop, with seven men in 
it, to put the people in the " Heemskirk " on their 
guard, and to direct them not to place too much trust in 
the good intentions of their visitors. The men in the 
shallop were at once attacked by the savages, and, being 
without arms, three of them were killed, the remaining 
four fortunately escaping by rowing for their lives. 
Tasman intended to take revenge for this murderous 
assault, but was compelled to leave without doing so, in 
consequence of rough weather coming on. 

It is probable that the people, by whom his boat's 
crew was attacked, belonged either to the Ngaitahu tribe 


who, under the leadership of their ancestor Tahu, a 
chief of the Ngatikahungunu, crossed Cook Straits nearly 
three hundred years ago or to the Eangitane and 
Ngatiapa, large numbers of whom also crossed Cook 
Straits some time before Tasman's visit, and took part in 
destruction of the Ngatimamoe and other tribes which 
had previously occupied the northern part of the Middle 
Island ; but I am unable to determine this point. It is 
clear, however, that the number of natives then living in 
Massacre Bay was large, and that they exhibited the 
same fearless and ferocious character which led to such 
frequent hostile collisions with them, during the visit of 
subsequent voyagers. 

Our next accounts are derived from our own navigator, 
Cook, who had been directed to follow out the discoveries 
of Tasman regarding New Zealand and Van Diemen's 
Land, in order to ascertain whether they constituted part 
of the then little known continent of New Holland. In 
October, 1769, Cook first made land at the place which 
he named Poverty Bay. He did not then know that he 
had fallen in with the Staaten Land of Tasman, and the 
country he had found formed the subject of much eager 
discussion amongst the voyagers, the general opinion 
inclining to the belief that it was part of the continent of 
New Holland. 

He described the country in the neighbourhood of his 
land fall as being thickly peopled, and was greatly struck 
with the appearance of a pa, the use of which he was 
unable at the time to conceive. " Upon a small penin- 
sula, at the north-east head of the bay, we could plainly 
see," he says, " a pretty high and regular paling, which 
enclosed the whole top of the hill, which was the subject 
of much speculation, some supposing it to be a park for 



deer, others an enclosure for oxen and sheep." Of 
course, Cook soon afterwards discovered the nature of 
-of these structures, which will be fully referred to in the 
sequel, and which had nothing to do either with deer, 
-oxen, or sheep. Having landed for the purpose of 
watering the ship, his people were at once attacked with 
spears and " a sort of war hatchet of green slate, capable 

of splitting the 
hardest skull at a 

all his efforts to 
conciliate, he found 
it impossible to come 
to any amicable 
understanding with 
the natives, even 
though Tupia (his 
interpreter) assured 
them that no harm 
was intended ; and 
his seamen at last 
effected their retreat 
in safety, only after 
killing one of their 
assailants. The next 
Captain Cook. day he again en- 

deavoured to open friendly intercourse with the natives, 
and succeeded in approaching them, but they then 
became as thievish as they had previously proved daring. 
They endeavoured to snatch the arms out of the men's 
hands, and were prevented from doing so only by some 
of them being wounded with small shot. 


Failing in his attempts to communicate satisfactorily 
with them on land, Cook now endeavoured to secure 
some of those who came out to the ship in their canoes, 
intending to try and win their confidence by kind treat- 
ment. In carrying out this design, four more of the 
natives were killed, but two lads were captured and 
carried aboard, where they soon became reconciled to 
their fate, and ate and drank voraciously. These lads 
were afterwards landed, but the people still remained as 
hostile and dangerous as before. 

Cook then followed the coast southward, as far as 
Hawke's Bay, everywhere observing vast numbers of 
people watching the ship from different parts of the 
shore, all of whom, however, displayed the same hostility, 
coming off in their canoes, and menacing the ship " with 
great bravado." When some of them came near enough, 
Tupia told them of their folly, explaining " that the 
white men had weapons that, like thunder, would kill 
them in a moment, and tear their canoes to atoms." In 
order to show them the effect of the guns, without 
hurting them, a four-pounder, loaded with grape, was 
fired, which by its flash, its roar, and the effect of the 
shot far off on the water, astonished them for a moment ; 
but only for a moment. 

Being at last induced to come near, for barter, they 
took everything offered, but then refused to give the 
articles required in exchange, and ultimately seized and 
attempted to carry off Tayeto, Tupia's boy, who had 
been sent down into one of the canoes, in order to hand 
up such articles as the natives might agree to part with. 
This compelled Cook to fire on them again, when one 
man was killed, and two others were wounded, and the 
boy, during the surprise, sprang into the water ; where, 



however, he was protected till he re-gained the ship, only 
by the firearms of the crew. 

This occurred at Kidnappers' Point, and Cook then 
proceeded southward as far as Cape Turnagain ; whence 
he returned to the north-eastward. On passing Portland 
Island, a chief and four others, in a canoe, boarded the 
ship Cook's kindness to the lads whom he had pre- 
viously seized having, apparently, produced the effect he 
intended. Their canoe was hoisted on board, and they 
stayed all night without any misgivings. In the morning 
they were put ashore at Cape Table, appearing to be 
much astonished at finding themselves so far away from 
home. From this time the ship was frequently visited, 
and it was found that the events which had taken place 
at Poverty Bay were well known all along the coast. 
According to Cook, "kindness and the cannon" both 
contributed to produce this more friendly feeling. 

At Tolaga Bay, some of the scientific men attached to 
the expedition landed for the first time, taking Tupia and 
Tayeto with them. Here they had their first close view 
of the houses and mode of life of the people. They 
entered some of the huts, and saw them at their meals. 
These huts are described as being very slight, and 
generally placed ten or fifteen together. 

The chief food appeared to be fish and fern-root, the 
fibres of which were spat out, like quids of tobacco, into 
baskets set beside them for the purpose. This was in 
October, and Cook learnt that, in the more advanced 
season, the natives had plenty of excellent vegetables, 
but no animals, except dogs, which they ate like the 
South Sea Islanders. They visited the native gardens, 
which consisted of from one acre to ten, and altogether, 
in the bay, amounted to 150 or 200 acres in extent. 


These gardens are described as being planted with sweet 
potatoes, coccos, or eddas (such as are used in the East 
and West Indies), yams, and gourds; but few of them 
were then above ground, and the plantations were care- 
fully fenced in with reeds. 

New Zealand Flax. 

They found both men and women painted with red 
ochre and oil, but the women much the more so ; and 
that, like the South Sea Islanders, they saluted by 
touching noses. They wore garments of native cloth, 


made from the fibre of New Zealand flax, and a sort of 
cloak or mantle of a much coarser kind. The women 
are described as being more modest in manner, and more 
cleanly in their homes, than the Otaheiteans. They 
willingly bartered their cloth and war weapons for 
European cloth, but they set no value on nails, having 
then no knowledge of iron or its uses. What astonished 
the visitors greatly was to find boys whipping tops 
exactly like those of Europe. 

Cook then visited a pa, and learned that these enclosures 
were used for purposes of defence against invasion, the 
houses within the enclosure, being larger and more 
strongly built than those on the shore. He describes 
the men as having their faces wonderfully tattooed, and 
their cheeks cut in spiral lines of great regularity ; and 
states that many of them had their garments bordered 
with strips of dog and rat skins, which animals, however, 
were said to have become very scarce. They measured 
one canoe, made out of the boles of three trees, which 
was sixty-eight and a half feet long, five wide, and three 
high. These, as well as the houses, were much adorned 
with carvings, in which spiral lines and distorted faces 
formed the main points, but the work was so well done, 
that Cook could scarcely believe that it had been 
executed with any of the tools he saw. 

He then followed the north coast as far as Mercury 
Bay, and thence to the Bay of Islands, everywhere 
observing villages full of people, who constantly came off 
in their canoes to utter defiance to the ship, displaying, 
on all occasions, the same reckless daring and unre- 
flecting courage, which were so conspicuous during the 
late war. It was surprising, indeed, that half-a-dozen 
naked men in a crazy canoe, should defy a large ship 


with all its cannon and musketry, even after they had 
seen its destructive effects. Sometimes they assumed 
a more friendly aspect, and began to trade ; but as soon 
as they had obtained what they wanted, they refused to 
give up the equivalent, and laughed at all menace of 
consequences, till they suffered wounds or death as a 
punishment, and then the survivors paddled off for a 

These accounts are confirmed, in all particulars, by 
other voyagers who visited New Zealand during the 
latter part of the last, and the earlier part of the present 
century, and lead to the conclusion that, prior to the 
year 1818, the native population was very large ; and 
although we know, as I have before observed, that 
neighbouring tribes had been for ages constantly engaged 
in war with one another, it would also seem that the 
general results of their conflicts had not, until after the 
introduction of firearms, been such as materially to 
interfere with the maintenance of their numbers. 

Maning, one of the judges of the Native Lands Court, 
a gentleman whose opportunities of acquiring knowledge 
on this subject were unrivalled, also bears testimony to 
the former large numbers of the native people. " The 
natives," he says, " are unanimous in affirming that they 
were much more numerous in former times than they 
are now, and I am convinced that such was the case for 
many reasons." In support of this opinion, he refers to 
the existence, in most parts of the North Island, of 
numerous hill-forts or pas, many of them so large as to 
have required immense labour to trench, terrace, and 
fence. As he points out, the absence of iron tools must 
have greatly increased the difficulty of constructing these 
fortresses ; whilst, even with the aid of such tools, the 


present population of the surrounding districts would, in 
most cases, be insufficient to erect them within any 
reasonable time. He also mentions that many of these 
forts were of such an extent that, taking into consider- 
ation the system of attack and defence necessarily used 
before the introduction of fire-arms, they would have 
been utterly untenable, unless held by at least ten times 
the number of men which the whole neighbourhood, for 
a distance of two or three days' journey, can now pro- 
duce ; and as, in those times of constant war, the natives, 
as a rule, slept in their hill-forts with closed gates, the 
bridges over the trenches removed, and the ladders of 
the terraces drawn up, it is evident that the inhabitants 
of each fort, though numerous, consisted only of the 
population of the country in its close vicinity. 

" From the top of one of these pointed, trenched, and 
terraced hills," says Maning, " I have counted twenty 
others, all of equally large dimensions, and all within a 
distance, in every direction, of fifteen to twenty miles ; 
and native tradition affirms, that each of these hills was 
the stronghold of a separate hapu, or clan, bearing its 
distinctive name." We have, moreover, evidence that 
vast tracts of land that are now wild, and have been so 
for time out of mind, were once fully and carefully 
cultivated. The ditches for draining are still traceable, 
and hundreds of large kumara pits are to be seen on the 
tops of the dry hills all over the northern part of the 
North Island. 

These pits, in the greatest number, are found in the 
centre of extensive tracts of uncultivated country, whose 
natural productions would now scarcely sustain a dozen 
inhabitants. The extent of the ancient cultivations with 
which they are connected is clearly traceable ; and what 


is more remarkable and undoubtedly indicates the former 
existence of a large population, is that tracts of land of 
what the natives consider, as a rule, to be of very inferior 
quality, were formerly cultivated, leading to the inference 
either that the population was fully proportioned to the 
extent of available land, or that these inferior lands were 
cultivated in consequence of their vicinity to some 
stronghold, or position of greater consequence, in the 
eyes of the natives, than the mere fertility of the 
surrounding country. "These kumara pits," says 
Maning, " being dug generally in the stiff clay on the 
hill-tops have, in most cases, retained their shape 
perfectly, and many seem as fresh and new as if they 
had been dug but a few years. They are oblong in shape, 
with the sides regularly sloped. Many collections of 
these provision stores have outlived Maori tradition, and 
the natives can only conjecture to whom they belonged. 
Out of the centre of one, which I have seen, there is now 
growing a kauri tree, one hundred and twenty feet high, 
and out of another a large totara. The outline of these 
pits is as regular as the day they were dug, and the 
sides have not fallen in in the slightest degree ; from 
which, perhaps, they have been preserved by the absence 
of frost, as well as by a beautiful coating of moss, by 
which they are everywhere covered. The pit in which 
the kauri grew had been partially filled up by the scaling 
off of the bark of the tree, which, falling in patches, as 
it is constantly doing, had raised a mound of decaying 
bark round the root of the tree." 

Maning points out, as further evidence of the former 
existence of a large population, that each of the hill-forts 
referred to contained a considerable number of houses. 
Every native house, as we know, has a fire-place 


composed of four flattish stones or flags, sunk on their 
edges into the ground, in which a fire is made to heat 
the house at night. Now, in two of the largest hill-forts 
he examined (though for ages no other vestige of a 
house had been seen) there remained the fire-places 
the four stones projecting, like an oblong box, slightly 
above the ground ; and their position and number 
clearly denoted that, large as was the circumference of 
the huge volcanic hill which formed the sight of the 
fortress, the number of families inhabiting it, required 
the strictest economy of room. The houses had 
been arranged in streets, or double rows, with paths 
between them, except in places where there had 
been only room, on a terrace, for a single row. The 
distances between the fire-places proved that the houses 
in the rows must have been as close together as it was 
possible to build them ; and every spot, from the foot 
to the hill-top, not required, and specially planned for 
defensive purposes, had been built on in this regular 
manner. Even the small flat top, sixty yards long by 
forty wide the citadel on which the greatest care and 
labour had been bestowed to render it difficult of 
access, had been as full of houses as it could hold, leaving 
only a small space all round the precipitous bank for the 
defenders to stand on. 

It would not be difficult to multiply authorities, in 
order to prove that the New Zealanders were formerly 
much more numerous than when the Islands were first 
systematically colonized by Europeans, but I conceive 
that I have afforded sufficient evidence on this point, 
and it now remains for me to notice the principal causes- 
which led to their decrease. 


" The natives," says Maning " attribute their decrease 
in numbers, before the arrival of the Europeans, to war 
and sickness ; but I have already shown, that although 
the weapons they used before they obtained firearms were 
sufficiently formidable in close combat, the destruction of 
life incident to the possession of such weapons would, 
probably, never have brought about the deplorable results 
which followed upon the introduction of the musket into 
their system of warfare. Indeed, Maning himself leans to 
this opinion. "The first grand cause," he says, "of the 
decrease of the natives, since the arrival of the Europeans, 
is the musket." Now, it was not until after the year 
1820 that fire-arms were extensively used in native 
warfare. Shortly before that date, the Ngapuhi chiefs, 
Hongi and Waikato, had visited England, from whence 
they returned laden with valuable gifts, of which no 
small part consisted of guns and ammunition, for which, 
too, they soon bartered the remainder of their newly- 
acquired treasures, with traders from New South Wales. 

Then commenced a period of slaughter almost un- 
paralleled in any country, when compared with the total 
population engaged in the conflicts. Bands of the 
Ngapuhi, armed with weapons whose destructive power 
was unknown to the great majority of the native 
people, marched from one end of the North Island to 
the other, carrying dismay and destruction wherever 
they went. The population of large districts was 
exterminated or driven into mountain fastnesses, where 
they either perished, in numbers, from famine and 
exposure, or contracted diseases which ultimately 
proved fatal to them. The great tribes of the Arawa 
and Waikato, against whom the first efforts of the 
Ngapuhi were directed, seeing the necessity of at 


once obtaining similar weapons, in order to avoid 
threatened destruction, suspended all their usual pursuits 
for the purpose of preparing flax, to be exchanged 

Source of the Waikato River. 

with the European traders for guns, powder, and ball. 
As fast as these were obtained, they were turned against 


weaker neighbours, and the work of destruction received 
a fresh impulse. Hongi, Epihai, Tamati Waka Nene,. 
and Tareha, amongst the Ngapuhi chiefs, Te Whero 
Whero, and others of the Waikatos, and Te Waharoa, 
with his Ngatihaua, were all simultaneously engaged in 
the most ruthless wars against their neighbours ; whilst 
as I have before observed, Te Rauparaha was carrying 
on operations of a similar character in the South ; and 
the number of people slaughtered was tremendous. 

On this head, I might quote many graphic passages- 
from J. A. Wilson's " Story of Te Waharoa." In speaking 
of the ultimate destruction of the great pa at Matamata, 
he tells us, " That at that time a number of Ngatimaru, 
with Tuhurua as their chief, resided at Matamata, an 
important fortress, not far from Mangakawa, Te Waharoa's 
own place, and therefore in a position which rendered 
them specially open to his incursions. Nor could they 
expect any effective aid against these incursions from 
the other sections of the tribe, whose internal jealousies, 
and constant dread of the Ngapuhi, then using their 
newly-acquired weapons, in taking vengeance for former 
injuries, prevented them joining Ngatimaru proper 
against the common enemy. But for these circum- 
stances, of which Te Waharoa was, no doubt, well aware, 
it is considered questionable whether he would have 
succeeded in his designs, as the Thames natives, before 
they lost the Totara Pa, mustered 4,000 fighting men ; 
and, even after that disaster, he was unable, by mere 
strength, to wrest it from its possessors." The following 
events, however, determined him to prosecute his war 
with Ngatimaru, and greatly contributed to his ultimate 


In 1821," says Wilson, " a taua of Ngapuhi, under 
the celebrated Hongi, arrived at the Totara Pa, between 
Kauaeranga and Kopu, at the mouth of the Thames. So 
numerous did they find the Ngatimaru, and the Totara so 
strong, that, hesitating to attack, they affected to be 
amicably disposed, and were received into the pa for the 
purposes of trade and barter. Towards evening Ngapuhi 

retired, and it is very 
remarkable as indi- 
cating that man, in his 
most ignorant and 
savage state, is not 
unvisited by compunc- 
tions of conscience 
that an old chief of 
the Ngapuhi lingered, 
and going out of the 
gate behind his com- 
rades, dropped the 
friendly caution ; ' kia 
tupato.' That night, 
however, the Totara 
was taken, and, it is 
said, 1,000 Ngatimarus 
perished. Rauroha 
was slain, and Uri- 
mahia, his daughter was carried captive to the Bay of 
Islands, where she remained several years. This 
calamity, while it weakened Ngatimaru, encouraged Te 

" In 1822, Hongi again appeared, and sailing up the 
Tamaki, attacked and carried two pas which were 
situated together, on part of the site now occupied by 

Bust of Hongi. 


the village of Panmure. Many of the inhabitants were 
slaughtered, and some escaped. I would here observe 
that these two pas, Mauinena and Makoia, had no 
connection with the immense pa which evidently at some 
time flourished on Mount Wellington, and which, with 
the traces of a very great number of other enormous pas 
in the Auckland district, betokens the extremely dense 
Maori population w r hich once existed upon this isthmus 
a population destroyed by the late owners of the soil, 
and numbered with the past, but which, in its time, was 
known by the significant title of Nga Iwi ' The Tribes.' 

" Leaving naught at Mauinena and Makoia but the 
inhabitants' bones, having flesh and tendons adhering, 
which even his dogs had not required, Hongi pursued his 
course. He drew his canoes across the isthmuses of 
Otahuhu and Waiuku, and descended the Awaroa. At a 
sharp bend in the narrow stream, his largest canoe could 
not be turned, and he was compelled to make a passage 
for her, by cutting a short canal, which may yet be seen. 

" At length he arrived at Matakitaki, a pa situated 
about the site of the present township of Alexandra, 
where a number of Waikato natives had taken refuge. 
The pa was assaulted, and while Hongi was in the act of 
carrying it on one side, a frightful catastrophe was 
securing to him the corpses of its wretched occupants on 
the other. Panic-stricken at the approach of the 
victorious Ngapuhi, the multitude within, of men, women, 
and children, rushed madly over the opposite rampart. 
The first fugitives, unable to scale the counterscarp, by 
reason of its height, and of the numbers which poured 
down on them, succumbed and fell ; those who had 
crushed them were crushed in like manner ; layer upon 
layer of suffocating humanity succeeded each other. In 



vain did the unhappy beings, as they reached the 
parapet, attempt to pause death was in front, and 
death behind fresh fugitives pushed on ; they had no 
option, but were precipitated into, and became part of 
the dying mass. When the deed was complete, the 
Ngapuhi came quickly up, and shot such as were at the 
surface and likely to escape. 

" Never had cannibals gloated over such unexpected 
good fortune, for more than 1,000 victims lay dead in 

Dusky Sound. 

the trench, and the magnitude of the feast which fol- 
lowed may, perhaps, be imagined from the fact that, after 
the lapse of forty-two years, when the 2nd Begiment of 
Waikato Militia, in establishing their new settlement, 
cleared the fern from the ground, the vestiges of many 
hundred native ovens were discovered, some of them 
long enough to have admitted a body entire ; while 
numberless human bones lay scattered around. 


several of the larger bones, pieces appeared to have been 
carefully cut, for the purpose, doubtless, of making fish- 
hooks, and such other small articles as the Maoris were 
accustomed to carve froin the bones of their enemies." 

Nor was Te Waharoa idle during all this time. 
Having, by his courage, activity, and address, acquired 
the leadership of his own people, he had long determined 
to extend the boundaries of their territory by conquering 
that of the Ngatimaru ; but, before commencing his 
sanguinary wars against that tribe, he had felt it 
necessary to form offensive and defensive alliances with 
the Ngatimaniapoto and to check Te Whero Whero and 
the Waikatos, by whom he had been threatened, but into 
whom he succeeded in inspiring a wholesome dread of 
his strength, whilst he also repelled, with heavy loss, the 
incursions of the Ngapuhi, which were directed indis- 
criminately against all the tribes south of the Auckland 
Isthmus. He succeeded, moreover, in causing Te Bau- 
paraha, as pugnacious and skilful a warrior as himself, to- 
leave Kawhia with his people. He then pressed his 
alliance upon the Ngaiterangi, who occupied Tauranga 
and the surrounding country, an alliance, which, by the 
way, proved very disastrous to them, whilst it greatly 
aided his own projects. 

Having done all this he commenced his more regular 
operations against the Ngatimaru, who were then estab- 
lished in great strength at Hauwhenua, where they had 
been joined by the refugees from Mauinena and Makoia. 
He had naturally viewed the establishment of this strong- 
hold with the utmost jealousy, and it had no little effect 
in hastening the commencement of hostilities between 
the two parties. Feeling that his own warriors were not 
sufficiently numerous to attack the hostile pa, h& 


summoned some of his Waikato and Ngatimaniapoto 
allies to Matmgatautari, who, only too ready, at once 
joined him to the number of 200 warriors. His own 
force comprised some 700 Ngatihaua and Ngaiterangi. 

In the meantime, the Ngatimaru had spared no pains 
to strengthen their important stronghold, their garrison 
having, moreover, been increased by numbers of Ngatite- 
matera and Ngatipaoa. The pa thus became a very large 
one, and densely peopled, not only with warriors, but 
with women, children, and slaves. Their numbers 
appear to have inspired them with much self-confidence, 
for when it became known that Te Waharoa had arrived 
at Maungatautari, with a taua 900 strong, they boldly 
determined to meet him in the open field. Perhaps they 
wished to decide the matter before he could receive 
further reinforcements ; or perhaps they desired to avoid 
the mortification of seeing the enemy sit comfortably 
down before their pa, and regale himself on their 
cultivations. At any rate, they marched forth and took 
post on the hill, Te Tihi o te Ihimarangi the place where 
the descendants of Waharoa's warriors opposed General 
Cameron in 1864 ; and, when the enemy was seen to 
approach, they rushed down and joined battle with him 
on the plain to the eastward. 

The contest was a severe one, but resulted in the 
complete defeat of the Thames natives. They were 
driven back over Te Tiki o te Ihimarangi, and down its 
reverse slope, and were pursued, with great slaughter, 
over the long narrow bushy plain that extends to 
Hauwhenua. At the end of a long and sanguinary day, 
the dejected men within the pa sat. dreading the morrow's 
light, whilst Te Waharoa calmly considered his own and 
his enemy's positions. After resolving the matter for 


some time, he sent a herald to proclaim to the occupants 
of the pa ' that during the next four days anyone might 
retire unmolested from the pa, but on the fifth day 
Hauwhenua, with all it contained, would be taken and 
destroyed." No answer was returned, but during the 
interval a multitude of all ages and sexes issued forth 
from the pa, and marched in close order along the road 
by Matamata to the Thames. That night Te Waharoa's 
ranks were recruited by many slaves, who deserted, 
under cover of darkness, from the retreating Ngatimarus, 
and on the following day the pa was assaulted and taken. 
The fall of Hauwhenua, which occurred about 1831, 
terminated the residence of the Ngatimaru on the 
Waikato ; and was followed by operations, from a Waikato 
basis, which were successfully conducted against them, 
on the line of the Piako. 

Whilst the earlier of these events were proceeding, the 
Ngatimaru chief, Takurua, maintained his position at 
Matamata ; but about that time he appears, after much 
fighting, to have judged it advisable to accept terms of 
peace proposed by Te Waharoa. They were to bury the 
past in oblivion, and both parties were to live at Mata- 
mata, where, it was said, there was room for all. These 
terms were practically ratified by Te Waharoa and 
Takurua living side by side, in the most apparent friend- 
ship, for a period of about two years. Te Waharoa then, 
however, committed an act of perfidy, condemned even 
by the opaquely-minded savages of that day, by which he 
obtained sole possession of Matamata, and so turned the 
balance of power in his own favour, as greatly to aid him 
in his ultimate designs. One afternoon he left Matamata 
on pretence of a necessary journey to Tauranga a 
circumstance rather calculated to lull suspicion than 



otherwise and during his absence, his tribe at midnight 
rose, and massacred, in cold blood, the too confiding 
Takurua, and nearly every man of his tribe. Their 
bodies were devoured, and their wives and property were 
shared by the ruthless Ngatihauas. 

Te Whero Whero. 

This Maori St. Bartholomew's day occurred about 1827, 
and so weakened Ngatimaru, that Te Waharoa was 
enabled, after the fall of Hauwhenua, to push his con- 
quests to the foot of the Aroha, and it is difficult to say 
where they would have ceased, had not his attention 
been unexpectedly diverted by the casual murder of his 


cousin Hunga, at Eotorua, in the latter end of the year 

I make no apology for citing these instances of 
atrocity, which exhibit, in the strongest light, the 
dreadful character of the wars carried on by the great 
chieftains in the North, during the twenty years 
succeeding Hongi's return from Europe. Indeed, this 
period has been well characterized by Colenso "as a 
fearful period in New Zealand." " The Ngapuhi," he 
says, "being well armed with muskets, revelled in 
destruction, slaying thousands. At Kaipara, Manukau, 
Tamaki, the Thames, the interior of Waikato on to 
Eotorua, and even to Taranaki ; and they also came in 
their canoes as far south as Ahuriri or Hawke's Bay, 
remorselessly destroying everywhere as they went. The 
tribes further north were also fighting against each other 
the Earawa destroying the Aopuri, who were very 
numerous about the North Cape. Te Whero Whero, at 
the head of his people, was slaughtering, for many years, 
on the West Coast, from Taranaki to Wanganui ; Te 
Waharoa, and other chiefs, in the interior and overland 
to Hawke's Bay ; the Eotorua tribes in the Bay of 
Plenty ; and Te Eauparaha exterminating in the neigh- 
bourhood of Cook Straits and along the east coast of the 
Middle Island. From 1822 to 1837 was truly a fearful 
period in New Zealand. Blood flowed like water, and 
there can be no doubt that the numbers killed during 
this period of twenty years, including those who perished 
in consequence of the wars, far exceeded 60,000 

The preliminary sketch contained in the foregoing 
chapters, though brief, will, I hope, convey to my 
readers a sufficiently clear idea of the manners and 


customs, and character of the New Zealanders, and 
of the condition of the tribes previous to the systematic 
colonization of the Islands, and will, be found to aid 
them materially in understanding the events which will 
be detailed in the following pages. It shows, moreover, 
the frightful results brought about by placing the deadly 
weapons of European warfare in the hands of a savage 
and warlike race, whilst still uncontrolled by those milder 
influences, to which, notwithstanding their ferocity, the 
New Zealanders have shown themselves so singularly 
open and amenable. 




At the time of the birth of Te Eauparaha, and, indeed, 
for many generations before that event, the Ngatitoa 
tribe occupied the country lying between Kawhia and 
Mokau on the western side of the North Island, and 
extending backward, from the coast line, to the seaward 
slopes of the beautiful Pirongia mountain, and of the 
chain of hills to the southward, which bounds the valleys 
of the Waipa and the Mangarama. This tribe, in fact, 
claims to have held the country in question ever since its 
settlement by their ancestor, Hoturoa, a leading chief 
amongst those who are said to have come from Hawaiki 
in the " Tainui " canoe. It will be remembered that 
this canoe was dragged across the portage at Otahuhu 
after the disputes between Tama Te Kapu and Manaia 
about the dead whale, its chiefs and their followers 
settling in and around Kawhia, and their descendants 
gradually spreading to the eastward as far as Maunga- 

The Maoris in various parts of the Islands, believe 
that several of the canoes in which their ancestors came 
from Hawaiki have been transformed into stone, and 
a remarkable block of limestone, close to the sea-shore, 
on the north side of the harbour of Kawhia, is pointed 


out as being part of the Tainui." This rock, with the 
land immediately surrounding it, was formerly under 
strict tapu, but the sanctity of the place, and of the 
supposed relic, has succumbed to the march of civilization, 
and curiosity - hunters have long since marred the 
picturesque outline of the stone by breaking off corners. 

Hoturoa is also said to be the ancestor of the Ngatirau- 
kawa, Ngatikowhata, and Ngatimaniapoto tribes, the 
order of descent in the several cases being much as 
follows : From Hoturoa, through Hotumatapu and 
Kouwe, sprang Baka, whose eldest son, Tuihaua, was the 
ancestor of Toa Bangatira, the actual founder of the 
Ngatitoa as a separate tribe, and from whom they derive 
their name. From another son of Raka, named Kakati, 
through Tawhao and Turonga, sprang Baukawa, from 
whom the Ngatiraukawa derive their name. From Toa 
Bangatira, in direct descent, came Kimihia, the mother 
of Werawera, who married a Ngatiraukawa woman 
named Parekowhatu. 

These two were the parents of Te Bauparaha, and of 
his sister Waitohi, the mother of Bangihaeata, who will 
be frequently mentioned in the course of this narrative. 
Besides Te Bangihaeata, Waitohi had other children, of 
whom a daughter named Topiora was still living at Otaki 
in 1872, and was the mother of Matene Te Whiwhi, for 
many years one of the most influential chiefs of the 
Ngatitoa and Ngatiraukawa tribes. Topiora's husband 
was a Ngatiraukawa man, of high rank, named Te Bangi 
Kapiki, who himself claimed to be closely connected to 
Ngatitoa, both by ancient descent and through frequent 
intermarriages between members of the two tribes. 
Tracing back again, we find Te Urutira and his sister, 
Hine Kahukura, in the third place in the ascending line 


from Toa Eangatira. From Hine Kahukura sprang 
Parewahawaha and Parekowhatu, the former of whom 
married Tihau, by whom she had a son named Whatanui, 
the father of the great chief of that name, who was at the 
head of the Ngatiraukawa tribe, during the career of Te 

We see, therefore, that the leading chiefs of the 
Ngatitoa and Ngatiraukawa tribes claim descent from 
common ancestors, and that frequent intermarriages took 
place between the members of these tribes, since they 
branched off from the common stock. The same remarks 
apply, but in less degree, to the descent of the Ngati- 
maniapoto and Ngatikowhata, who also claim Hoturoa as 
their remote ancestor ; but it is unnecessary, for the 
purposes of my story, that I should trace up the history 
of these tribes, as they do not appear to have taken any 
prominent part in the events in which the Ngatitoa 
were engaged after their departure from Kawhia. 

As my readers are doubtless aware, Kawhia is the only 
harbour of any note between the Manukau, which lies 
about sixty miles to the northward of it, and Wanganui, 
which lies at some distance within the entrance of Cook 
Straits ; but, like all the other harbours on the West 
Coast of the North Island, its entrance is somewhat 
impeded by sand-banks. The entrance is narrow, but 
inside the Heads the waters spread out for many miles in 
length and width, having numerous navigable channels 
leading to a series of small rivers, which flow into the 
harbour from the eastward. At full tide, this sheet of 
water is extremely beautiful, surrounded, as it is, with 
picturesque scenery, which attains its highest effect at 
the north-east end, in the neighbourhood of the Awaroa 
River. Rock masses, assuming the forms of towers and 


castles, occupy its shores, whilst the gullies and valleys 
of the streams which fall into it contain tracts of fertile 
and highly cultivated soil. The character of the lands- 
cape continues the same far up the slopes of the 
surrounding mountains, the name of the " Castle Hills " 
having been given to them in allusion to the masses of 
white limestone which emerge, in huge castellated forms, 
from the forest with which these mountains are generally 

Between Kawhia and the Waipa valley, a little to the 
northward of the former, is the beautiful Pirongia 
mountain, " an ancient dilapidated volcano," whose many 
peaks and ravines afford a grand spectacle when bathed 
in the mellow light of the setting sun ; whilst the soil on 
its slopes, derived from the decomposition of the 
trachytic rock of which it is composed, is of the most 
fertile kind. The climate of the whole district is 
delightful, the orange and the lemon yielding their fruit 
with a luxuriance unsurpassed even in the delicious 
valleys of Granada. The seaward aspect of the mountain 
chain to which I have alluded, as well as the slopes 
of the Pirongia, are, however, densely wooded, rendering 
travelling through this country toilsome and difficult. 

At the time I speak of, the Ngatimaniapoto occupied 
the country lying along the coast to the northward, 
whilst the Waikato tribes, of whom Te Whero Whero was 
the head chief, claimed the principal part of the valley of 
the Waipa, and of the country extending to the inner 
shores of the Manukau. To the eastward, beyond the 
range shutting in the Waipa valley on that side, and 
stretching from Otawhao to Maungatautari, lay the 
possessions of Ngatiraukawa proper, comprising some of 


the most fertile and beautiful country in the North 

The Ngatituwharetoa, or Taupo tribes, under the 
leadership of Tukino Te Heuheu, one of the greatest 
of the old New Zealand chieftains a man of gigantic 
stature and commanding presence, and whose deeds still 
form the theme of many a wild tale clustered round the 
shores of Lake Taupo, and the spurs of Tongariro. As is 
well known, Te Heuheu met his death by an awful 
catastrophe in 1846, his village, Te Rapa, having been 
overwhelmed during the night by a huge landslip, under 
which he and his six wives, with upwards of fifty other 
persons, were buried alive. 

I have thought it necessary to mention the tribe of 
this chief amongst the others above referred to, for 
although he took a comparatively trifling part in the 
events in which Te Eauparaha himself was concerned, 
his friendship and alliance were of great service to the 
latter, and permitted a ready means of communication 
between him and his Ngatiraukawa allies during the 
prosecution of his designs in the South. 

It is almost impossible to determine the date of the 
birth of Te Rauparaha, but from the best information 
I have been able to obtain as to his probable age at the 
time of the Treaty of Waitangi, I am disposed to fix it at 
about the year 1770. He was born at Kawhia, where, 
except during occasional visits to other parts of the 
Island, and especially to his kindred at Maungatautari, 
he resided until he obtained the complete leadership 
of his tribe. He had two brothers and two sisters, 
all older than himself, but his brothers never assumed 
positions of importance amongst their people, and 
neither of them ever exhibited the particular qualities 


which have made Te Eauparaha so famous in the history 
of " Old New Zealand." 

Te Rauparaha is said to have been a good, pretty, and 
playful child, possessing, amongst other qualities, that of 
obedience in a high degree. It is recorded of him, that 
on one occasion when directed by an old slave of his 
father's, named Poutini, to fetch water in a calabash, an 
order which, considering his rank, he would have been 
quite justified in disregarding, he at once obeyed and 
fetched it. But, like other youths, he now and then got 
into scrapes, and, to use the naif language of his son, 
"he did many good and many foolish actions." 

As he advanced in years, his mind developed rapidly, 
and he soon exhibited an extraordinary degree of wisdom, 
though his parents scarcely gave him credit for qualities 
quite apparent to strangers ; and, as it seems, were rather 
inclined to snub him in favour of his elder brothers. 
But this condition of things did not long continue, 
and the following incident brought his peculiar talents 
prominently before his people, and enabled him at once 
to assume a position of great authority amongst them, 
leading, ultimately, to the absolute chieftainship of 
the tribe. It was a custom amongst the Maori chiefs, 
before the introduction of Christianity, to assign a wife to 
each of their male children, even before the latter had 
attained the age of puberty. In the case of Te 
Rauparaha, a girl named Marore had been given to him 
as the wife of his boyhood, of whom, as he grew up, 
he became very fond, and in whose cause he obtained his 
first experience as a warrior his " baptism of fire." 

It appears that his parents had invited a large number 
of the tribe to a feast, and when the food the fish, the 
eels, and thekumara had been placed upon the platform, 



Te Eauparaha saw that the portion allotted to Marore 
had no relish. This made him very sad, and after some 
consideration he asked his father's permission to lead 
a war party into the country of the Waikatos, in order 
that some people might be killed as a relish for the 
food apportioned to Marore. In those days his wish 
was, no doubt, considered strictly reasonable and proper 
strictly tika in fact and his father at once placed 
under his leadership a number of young warriors, who 
were, as we may suppose, perfectly willing to join in 
such an expedition. During this time, as I have been 
informed, Te Eauparaha was suffering from some disease, 
attended with a good deal of physical pain ; but not- 
withstanding this, and against the suggestions of his 
father to postpone the expedition until his health was 
better established, he determined to prosecute it, and the 
war party advanced into the territory of the Waikatos, 
with whom, at that time, they were in profound peace. 

In ignorance of their intentions, their advanced parties 
were permitted to enter a pa of the enemy, who, 
however, soon discovering their error, flew to arms, 
and succeeded in driving them out again with some loss. 
Te Eauparaha, with the remainder of the taua, seeing 
the route of his advanced guard, at once took cover, 
unperceived by the Waikatos ; and as the latter, in some 
disorder, were pushing the pursuit, he and his warriors 
attacked them in flank and rear, and defeated them with 
much slaughter, at the same time taking many prisoners, 
amongst whom was Te Haunga, a principal chief, who, 
with several others, was afterwards killed and eaten " as 
a relish " to the food apportioned to Marore. 

The success attending this expedition, and the skill 
shown by Te Eauparaha in taking advantage of the 


disorder of the enemy, at once rendered him famous as a 
Maori warrior ; and thenceforth he occupied a position of 
influence, not only with his own immediate tribe, but 
also with those to which it was allied, whilst his growing 
talents and power were looked upon with much respect 
and dread by those who had any reason to fear his 
prowess or his revenge. The event above referred to 
naturally led to frequent battles with the Waikatos, 
in which the Ngatitoa, under Te Eauparaha, were 
generally successful, although occasionally defeated with 
considerable loss. 

In the intervals of peace, Te Eauparaha visited his 
kindred at Maungatautari, then under the general 
leadership of Hape Te Tuarangi, a distinguished old 
warrior, who had fought many battles against the 
Waikato tribes, and particularly one at Kakamutu, on 
the Waipa, in which the latter were defeated with 
tremendous slaughter. On the death of Hape, which 
will be more specially referred to in the sequel, Te 
Eauparaha married his chief wife, Akau, who became 
the mother of Tamihana Te Eauparaha, still living at 
Otaki in 1872, from whom I obtained a large amount 
of information respecting the career of his celebrated 

Te Eauparaha also kept up constant intercourse with 
his friends at Eotorua, and frequently visited Te Heuheu, 
who was much impressed with the character of his 
visitor, and became his fast and valuable ally. Besides 
this, he made several excursions to the Thames in order to 
obtain the alliance of the Ngatimaru then a very power- 
ful people, but who were subsequently nearly annihilated 
by the Ngapuhi from the North, and by Te Waharoa and 
his Ngaiterangi allies, as mentioned in the last chapter. 


From the chiefs of this tribe, Te Eauparaha obtained 
a musket, with a quantity of ammunition, gifts of very 
great value at that time, and indicating the estimation in 
which he was held by his hosts. He also visited 
Kaipara, where he soon gained the friendship of the 
Ngatiwhatua, and other tribes in that district, and on 
his way back went to the Waitemata he succeeded 
in forming an alliance with Kiwi and the son of Tihi, 
chiefs of the great tribes which then occupied that 
part of the country. I am led to understand that 
these visits took place between 1810 and 1815, and 
that Te Rauparaha then entertained the design of 
forming an extensive alliance against the Waikatos, 
under Te Whero Whero, with the intention of completely 
destroying them ; but he found it impossible to effect his 
object, and chiefly for the following reason. 

After the establishment of the convict settlements in 
Sydney and Hobart Town, the South Seas were much 
frequented by whale ships, and the eastern coast of New 
Zealand, which then afforded a large supply of these 
valuable animals, became one of the principal whaling 
grounds. In the course of their voyages the ships often 
resorted to the Bay of Islands and the Harbour of 
Whangaroa for supplies of water and vegetables ; and 
during these visits, the natives first learnt the use 
and power of the musket. The tribes with whom the 
chief intercourse took place, were the Ngapuhi, who 
at once saw the immense power which the possession of 
such a weapon would confer upon them in their contests 
with their enemies. Previously to this period, their own 
country had been constantly devastated by the powerful 
and warlike tribes of the Thames, and they naturally 
burned for revenge. 


Singularly enough, they were much aided in their 
object by the establishment of the mission stations, 
formed in the year 1814 under Marsden, who had 
brought down with him, from Sydney, pigs and 
poultry, and many kinds of vegetables, amongst which 
the most valuable were the Indian corn and the potato. 
The pigs were suffered to run wild, and, having increased 
very much, were usually caught with dogs when wanted 
for purposes of trade. The natives themselves rarely 
used them for food, but they eagerly and successfully 
cultivated all the species of vegetables which had been 

Moreover, during the intercourse which took place 
between them and the whale ships, many natives visited 
Port Jackson, where they had further opportunities of 
learning the destructive power of the European weapons, 
and the eagerness of the tribes to procure them became 
so great, that twenty hogs, obtained at the expense of 
enormous labour, and worth to the ships more than 
as many pounds, were often given in exchange for a 
musket not worth ten shillings. In effect, the muskets 
usually sold to these natives were of a very worthless 
kind, and would not, in a contest with European troops, 
have been considered particularly dangerous weapons ; 
whilst the natives' own want of knowledge of the 
proper mode of taking care of them, soon led to the 
greater number of them becoming hopelessly out of 

But unskilfully as they used the musket, and little 
as it might have been feared by Europeans, such was the 
dread of its effects amongst the natives, more especially 
on the part of the tribes which did not possess them, 
that the strength of a war party was, at that time, not so 


much calculated by the number of its members, as by the 
quantity of fire-locks it could bring into action ; and when 
Paora, a northern chief, invaded the district of Whangaroa 
in 1819, the terrified people described him as having 
twelve muskets, whilst the name of Te Korokoro, then a, 
great chief at the Bay of Islands, who was known to 
possess fifty stand of arms, was heard with terror for 
upwards of 200 miles beyond its own district. 

But the musket was not the only weapon which the 
natives obtained from the European traders. The 
bayonet and the tomahawk, the former of which was 
fixed to a long handle, began to replace in their fights the 
wooden spear and battle-axe, and naturally added greatly 
to the offensive power of those who possessed them in 
any numbers. As fast as the Ngapuhi acquired these 
arms, they made hostile expeditions against the Ngati- 
maru, and other tribes occupying the Thames, and the 
shores of the Tamaki and Waitemata, carrying terror and 
destruction wherever they went. But in proportion as 
the whale ships and traders from Sydney extended their 
intercourse with the natives, the Ngatimaru, the Ngati- 
haua, and the Arawa, gradually acquired similar weapons, 
and thus fought on terms of greater equality ; and it was 
also during this period, as mentioned in the last chapter, 
that Te Waharoa began to mature his designs for the 
destruction of the first of these tribes. 

I may here remark, that the trade referred to was 
almost confined to the Eastern side of the North Island, 
and that the tribes on the West Coast, at all events below 
the Manukau, had but little opportunity of obtaining the 
much coveted weapons. The wars in which Ngatimaru 
were engaged against Ngapuhi and Ngatihaua, and the 
want of a sufficient quantity of fire-arms amongst the 


tribes at Kaipara and Hokianga, coupled with their 
total absence amongst the other tribes on the West 
Coast, went far towards preventing Te Eauparaha from 
carrying out his designs against the Waikato, whilst such 
designs became gradually less feasible, owing to the 
position of the latter, who, in consequence of the offensive 
and defensive alliance which they had formed with Te 
Waharoa, were enabled, without difficulty, to obtain 
supplies of muskets and ammunition. 

When Te Eauparaha found it impossible to carry out 
his design, he returned to Kawhia, where, by a succession 
of victories over the Waikato, and by the practice of 
hospitality, he greatly increased his power and influence 
with his own tribe, whilst he cultivated the friendship 
(due partly to good feeling, but largely to fear) of the 
Ngatiawa, who occupied the country to the southward, 
stretching from Mokau to Taranaki. He is represented 
as having been, during this period, " famous in matters 
relative to warfare, cultivating, generosity, welcoming of 
strangers and war parties." He is also said to have 
been particularly remarkable for the following reason : 
" If a party of visitors arrived just as the food of his 
workmen was cooked, and if those workmen were 
strangers to his treatment of visitors, and gave them 
their food, he ordered them to take it back, saying that 
fresh food was to be cooked for the visitors. The 
workmen would then be ashamed, and Te Eauparaha 
applauded as a man whose fame had travelled amongst 
all the tribes. When the workmen were satisfied, Te 
Eauparaha would cook fresh food for the visitors, who, 
when they had partaken, would leave. Hence, amongst 
his tribe a saying is used, ' Are you Te Eauparaha ? 

Tamati Waka Nene. 


When his workmen are satisfied, food will be prepared 
for visitors.' " 

It appears that in 1817, or about three years before 
Hongi left for England, and after the failure of Te 
Rauparaha's attempt to form an alliance against Waikato, 
a large war party arrived at Kawhia under the command 
of Tamati Waka Nene and of his brother Patuone, who 
invited Rauparaha to join them in a raid upon the 
southern tribes. Tamati Waka's people had a consider- 
able number of muskets on this occasion, but the 
expedition had no special object beyond slaughter and 
slave-making, with the added pleasure of devouring the 
bodies of the slain. Te Rauparaha joined them with 
many warriors, and the party travelled along the coast 
through the territory of the Ngatiawa whose alliance 
with Ngatitoa, however, saved them from molestation. 
Hostilities were commenced by an attack upon Ngati- 
ruanui, who were dispersed, after great slaughter. This 
first success was followed by attacks on all the tribes on 
the coast until the taua reached Otaki, great numbers of 
people being killed, and many slaves taken, whilst the 
remainder were driven into the hills and fastnesses, 
where many of them perished miserably from exposure 
and want. 

At Otaki the invaders rested, Rauparaha visiting 
Kapiti, which he found in possession of a section of the 
Ngatiapa tribe, under the chiefs Potau and Kotuku. It 
would seem that even at this time Te Rauparaha, who 
was much struck with the appearance of the country, 
formed the design of taking possession of it, and, with 
his usual policy, determined, instead of destroying the 
people he found on the Island, to treat them with 
kindness, though he and the other leaders compelled 


them to collect and surrender much greenstone, of which 
this tribe especially had, during a long intercourse with 
the Middle Island, and by means of their own conquests 
of the Ngaitahu, obtained large and valuable quantities. 

The hostile party then continued their course along 
the coast, destroying great numbers of people. On their 
arrival at Wellington, then called Whanganui-a-tara, 
they found that the inhabitants a section of the 
Ngatikahungunu alarmed at the approach of the ruthless 
invaders, had fled to the Wairarapa. Thither followed 
the taua, and discovered the Ngatikahungunu, in great 
force, at a pa called Tawhare Nikau. Undaunted, 
however, by the strength of the fortress, they attacked 
and carried it with great slaughter. Large numbers of 
the unfortunate inhabitants escaped to the hills, where 
they suffered greatly, whilst the invaders, after following 
the fugitives as far as Kawakawa and Porangahau, killing 
many, fell back upon Tawhare Nikau, in order to gorge 
themselves upon the bodies of the slain. 

The party then returned to Whanganui-a-tara and pro- 
ceeded to Omere, where they saw a European vessel 
lying off Raukawa, in Cook Strait. 

Tamati Waka Nene, immediately on perceiving the 
ship, shouted out to Te Rauparaha, " Oh, Raha, do you 
see that people sailing on the sea ? They are a very 
good people, and if you conquer this land and hold inter- 
course with them you will obtain guns and powder, and 
become very great." Te Rauparaha apparently wanted 
but this extra incentive to induce him to take permanent 
possession of the country between Whanganui-a-tara and 
Patea, and at once determined to remove thither with his 
tribe, as soon as he could make such arrangements as- 


would secure him in the possession of his intended 

The taua returned along the coast line as they had first 
come, killing or making prisoners of such of the 
inhabitants as they could find as far as Patea. It was 
during the return of this war party that Eangihaeata took 
prisoner a woman named Pikinga, the sister of Arapata 
Hiria, a Ngatiapa chief of high rank, whom he afterwards 
made his slave wife, a circumstance much and absurdly 
insisted upon in favour of the Ngatiapa title during the 
investigations of the Native Lands Court into the 
Manawatu case. Laden with spoil, and accompanied by 
numerous slaves, the successful warriors reached Kawhia, 
where Tamati Waka Nene and Patuone, with their 
party, left Te Rauparaha in order to return to their own 
country at Hokianga. 

As I have before mentioned, Te Rauparaha had, during 
the progress of this raid upon the South, conceived the 
idea of leaving the ancient possessions of his tribe at 
Kawhia for the purpose of settling at Kapiti and upon 
the country on the main land in its vicinity ; and 
accordingly, after the period of festivity and rest usually 
indulged in by a returned taua, he began to take the 
necessary steps, not only to induce his own people to accept 
his resolution, but to enlist the sympathies and assistance 
of his relatives at Maungatautari and elsewhere. During 
a visit which he paid for this purpose to the Ngati- 
raukawa, he found their great chief Hape Taurangi in a 
dying state, and the circumstances which then occurred 
contributed greatly to the ultimate success of his designs. 

It appears that, notwithstanding the respect in which 
the offspring of the Maori aristocracy are usually held 
by their own people, and the influence they generally 


exercise in matters affecting the tribe, it is not unusual 
for the natural ariki of a tribe, or chief of a hapu, to be, 
in some respects, supplanted by an inferior chief, unless 
the hereditary power of the former happens to be 
accompanied by intellect and bravery ; and such an 
occurrence took place in regard to the natural hereditary 
ariki of the Ngatiraukawa at the death of Hape. Te 
Eauparaha himself, though by virtue of common descent, 
and by marriage ties, entitled to be treated as a chief of 
Ngatiraukawa, was not considered to be high rank, on 
the grounds that, in the first place, he was the offspring 
of a junior branch of the ariki family of Tainui ; and, in 
the next place, that the influence primarily due to his 
birth had been weakened by the intermarriage of his 
progenitors with minor chiefs and with women of other 
tribes. But when Hape, on his death bed, the whole 
tribe being assembled, asked " if his successor could 
tread in his steps and lead his people on to victory, and 
so keep up the honour of his tribe," not one of his sons, 
to whom, in succession, the question was put, gave any 

After a long period of silence, Te Rauparaha, who was 
amongst the minor chiefs and people, sitting at a distance 
from the dying man and from the chiefs of high rank by 
whom he was surrounded, got up and said, I am able 
to tread in your steps, and even do that which you could 
not do." Hape soon after expired, and as Te Eauparaha 
had been the only speaker in answer to his question, the 
whole tribe acknowledged him as their leader, a position 
which he occupied to his dying day. But even in this 
position his authority was limited, for though in his 
powers of mind, and as a leader of a war party, he was 
admittedly unsurpassed, either by Te Waharoa or by the 


great Ngapuhi chief, E Hongi, and therefore fully entitled 
to occupy a commanding position in the tribe, the mana 
which he acquired on the occasion in question extended 
only to the exercise of a species of protecting power and 
counsel whenever these were required, whilst the general 
direction of the affairs of the tribe still remained vested in 
their own hereditary chiefs. The influence he had 
obtained, however, materially aided him in ultimately 
inducing a large number of the tribe to join him in the 
conquest and settlement of the territory of the Ngatiapa. 
Rangitane, and Muaupoko, as will be shown in the 

It may seem strange that a people occupying the 
fertile slopes of the Maungatautari and the beautiful 
tract of country stretching along the Waikato to 
Rangiaowhia and Otawhao, could have been induced to 
abandon such a country in order to join in the conquest 
and settlement of a distant, and not more fertile, 
territory ; but it must be remembered that, at the time 
in question, the whole Maori people were engrossed by 
one absorbing desire that of acquiring fire-arms and 
the inland position of the Ngatiraukawa, and their known 
wealth in much that the natives then considered 
valuable, invited attack, whilst the former circumstance 
prevented them acquiring to any extent the much 
coveted European weapons. It is true, that through 
their relatives at Rotorua they succeeded, from time to 
time, in obtaining some muskets and ammunition, but 
the quantity was not sufficiently large to afford them 
the means of successfully resisting the probable attacks 
of the tribes nearer the coast, whose opportunities of 
trade with the whale ships enabled them to acquire an 
abundant supply of both, as well as of tomahawks and 


other iron weapons of the most deadly character. Te 
Eauparaha, no doubt, represented to them the probability 
of obtaining similar supplies from ships frequenting the 
shores of Cook Strait, whilst the severe blow inflicted on 
the tribes occupying the territory in question, by the 
war party under Tamati Waka Nene, Patuone, and 
himself, afforded a prospect of easy victory. It was 
not however, until after he and his people had reached 
Taranaki, in the course of their migration, that he 
succeeded in inducing Whatanui, one of the principal 
chiefs of the Ngatiraukawa, to concur in his project, 
under circumstances which will be related hereafter. In 
the meantime, he and his own tribe made up their minds 
to leave, and finally departed from Kawhia in 1819 or 
1820 ; but I reserve, for the next chapter, the account of 
this highly interesting event, and of those which took 
place during their subsequent journey southward. 




The voluntary migration, from their ancestral possess- 
ions, of an independent and comparatively powerful 
tribe like the Ngatitoa, with a view to the conquest 
and settlement of a new territory, must, under any 
circumstances, be looked upon as a remarkable event in 
the later history of " Old New Zealand ; " but our 
wonder at the undertaking ceases, when we reflect upon 
the peculiar position occupied by this tribe and, in 
fact, by all the tribes on the western coast of the North 
Island, to the South of the Manukau at the period 
when it took place, more especially with reference to the 
opportunity of acquiring fire-arms, which had become 
an absolute necessity to any tribe desirous of maintaining 
a separate independent existence, whilst we are forced to 
admire the sagacity of the chief who conceived, and of 
the people who adopted, such a design. There can, 
indeed, be litttle doubt that had the Ngatitoa attempted, 
in the then changed circumstances of native warfare, to 
retain possession of their ancient territory against the 
increasing power of the Waikatos, more particularly after 
the alliance of the latter with Te Waharoa, they would 
certainly have been annihilated. 

I ought to have mentioned in the last chapter, that in 
the long period during which the Ngatitoa, Ngatiawa, 


and Ngatitama occupied adjoining districts, frequent 
intermarriages took place between members of these 
tribes, so that the leading chiefs, especially, of each came 
to be connected with those of the others by ties of blood. 
Te Eauparaha himself was in this position, and this 
circumstance, added to his great fame as a warrior and 
statesman, gave him an influence in the councils of 
Ngatiawa and Ngatimata, which was of much value and 
importance to him in the furtherance of his immediate 
projects, whilst they ultimately led to his example being 
followed by those tribes, after the severe losses inflicted 
upon them by Te Whero Whero and the Waikatos at 

It appears, indeed, that long before this blow fell upon 
them, Te Eauparaha had pointed out the danger to which 
they would be exposed at the hands of the Waikato 
chief, when he and his people no longer stood between 
them and the latter. But the United Ngatiawa and 
Ngatitama were at that time a very powerful tribe, their 
ancient mana as warriors extending through the length 
and breadth of the land, and they ridiculed the possibility 
of serious defeat or disaster befalling them, and even 
urged Te Eauparaha himself to abandon his design as 
unnecessary and as being incompatible with the honour 
of his tribe. But the sagacious chief of the Ngatitoa 
had seen the change produced in the relative positions of 
the Ngapuhi and Ngatiwhatua, on the one side, and of 
Ngatimaru and other Thames people on the other, owing 
to the opportunities possessed by the former of acquiring, 
in abundance, the powerful European weapons, and he 
had early appreciated the fact that, in all future contests 
in New Zealand, the party which could bring only the 


wooden spear and battle-axe into the field, against the 
musket and bayonet, must eventually be destroyed. 

On this point, very decisive testimony is given by 
Major Cruise, of the 84th Eegiment, in his account of 
his residence in New Zealand in 1819 and 1820. He 
mentions that, on the arrival of the " Dromedary " store 
ship at the Bay of Islands, for the purpose of taking in 
a cargo of kauri spars, he found the people of the Bay 
daily expecting the return of a numerous war party, 
which had started some months previously for the 
purpose of attacking the natives at the Eiver Thames. 
Shortly afterwards, in effect, this party arrived at the 
head of the Bay, and he and some of the other officers 
of the "Dromedary," went to meet it. The returned 
party occupied a fleet of about fifty canoes, many of 
them seventy or eighty feet long, and few less than 
sixty ; all of them were filled with warriors, who stood 
up and shouted as they passed the European boat, 
holding up numbers of human heads as trophies of their 

The barter of powder and muskets, he says, carried on 
by the whalers, had already distributed some hundred 
stand of arms amongst the inhabitants of the Bay, and 
as the natives of the Thames were unprovided with 
similar weapons, they made little opposition to their 
more powerful invaders, who, in that instance, told him 
that they had killed 200, whilst they returned with the 
loss of only four men. Tui, one of the principal chiefs 
of the Bay, in a conversation with Major Cruise on this 
occasion, made one continued boast of the atrocities he 
had committed during an excursion to the same place 
about two months before, and dwelt with marked pleasure 
upon an instance of his generalship, when, having forced 


a small party of his enemies into a narrow place, whence 
there was no egress, he was enabled, successively, to 
shoot twenty-two of them, without their having the 
power of making the slightest resistance. 

Now, such facts as these were well known to Te 
Rauparaha, and satisfied him that the utmost valour, 
backed even by very superior numbers, must be of no 
avail against a weapon of so deadly a character as the 
musket, when wielded by so daring and bloodthirsty a 
people as the New Zealanders. He, therefore, never 
wavered in his design, and, from the time when Tamati 
Waka Nene pointed out the ship sailing in Cook Strait, 
until his actual departure from Kawhia at the head of 
his people, his mind and his energies were constantly 
engaged in devising the means of carrying it to a 
successful issue. It was not, however, until upwards of 
two years after the return of the war party, mentioned 
in the last chapter, that the necessary arrangements for 
the migration were completed. During this interval he 
frequently visited the Ngatiraukawa, at Maungatautari, 
for the purpose of urging them to join him, whilst 
he also held constant intercourse with the chiefs of 
Ngatitama and Ngatiawa, in regard to the assistance his- 
people would require from them, whilst passing through 
their territory. 

I must caution my readers from inferring from the 
relationship and general friendliness which existed 
between the Ngatitoa and Ngatiawa, that either of these 
tribes would have felt much delicacy or compunction in 
destroying the other. At the period in question, more, 
perhaps, than during any other in the history of the 
race, moral considerations had but little weight in 
determining the conduct either of the individual or of 


the tribe. The ruthless wars which were then being 
prosecuted all over the North were rousing, to the highest 
pitch, the savage instincts of the race, and even the 
nearest relatives did not hesitate in destroying and 
devouring each other. Of this utter abandonment of 
all moral restraint many frightful instances might be 
quoted, but the fact is too well known to those who are 
acquainted with the history of the New Zealanders 
during the thirty years preceding the colonization of the 
Islands by the Europeans to require demonstration here. 

But however essential to the success of the enterprise 
were the friendship and co-operation of Ngatiawa, it was 
no less necessary that Te B/auparaha should be enabled 
to effect his object without danger of molestation from 
his old enemies, the Waikatos, who would naturally be 
disposed to take advantage of any favourable circumstance 
in connection with the event in question, in order to 
wreak their vengeance upon a foe from whom they had 
received many disastrous blows. 

In the last chapter, I mentioned that the Ngati- 
maniapoto, then occupying the country extending along 
the coast to the northward of Kawhia, were connected 
by common descent, as well as by intermarriages, with 
the Ngatitoa ; and I may now add that, although 
occasional disputes took place between these two tribes, 
they had always lived on terms of friendship, and usually 
made common cause against an enemy. But the 
Ngatimaniapoto were also in a considerable degree, 
connected with the Waikato tribes, under the leadership 
of Te Whero Whero ; and Te Eauparaha, determined to 
make use of this double connection in order to establish 
a firm peace between himself and the great Waikato 
chief before he commenced his movements towards the 


south. Through the influence of Kukutai and Te 
Kanawa, with both of whom Te Ruaparaha was on good 
terms, he succeeded, very soon after his return from the 
expedition under Waka and himself, in inducing Te 
Whero Whero to agree to a cessation of hostilities, whilst 
he also informed them of his intention to leave Kawhia, 
with his people, and promised to cede it to Te Whero 
Whero on his departure. 

The easy acquisition of so valuable a territory was 
naturally looked upon by this chief as a matter of great 
moment to his people, besides the even more important 
circumstance attaching to it, namely, that the removal 
of a powerful enemy would enable him to concentrate 
his forces along his eastern frontier, so as to keep in 
check the increasing power of Te Waharoa, whom he 
dreaded, notwithstanding that an alliance then existed 
between them. The proposed peace was accordingly 
made, and Te Rauparaha and his people being thus as 
secure as could be expected against attack on the part of 
the Waikatos, and having made satisfactory arrangements 
with Ngatitama and Ngatiawa for their passage through 
the territory of the latter, proceeded to make final 
preparations for departure. 

The principal point in this respect was the necessity 
of providing for a supply'of food during the journey, 
which must obviously be a slow one on account of the 
aged, and of the women and children, whilst the distance 
was too great to be accomplished within a single season, 
and it was essential, therefore, to establish resting 
places where cultivations could be carried on in order to 
provide for the continuation of the march in the ensuing 


In the next place, Te Rauparaha knew that he could 
not conceal his intentions from the tribes whom he was 
about to invade ; and that, although their power had been 
greatly shaken during the previous raid, he could scarcely 
hope to occupy their territory without further resistance. 
It was, therefore, necessary to provide for the con- 
tingencies which the possibility of such resistance 
naturally involved, and this could be done only by a 
careful management and disposition of the forces under 
his command, and by securing the co-operation of some 
of his more immediate relatives and allies. 

Testing his foresight in all these matters by the 
ultimate success of his enterprise, we are entitled to 
believe that the arrangements he made were well 
calculated to ensure the safe accomplishment of his 
design ; and we know, at all events, that during the 
interval which took place between the peace with Te 
Whero Whero and the actual departure of himself and his 
people from Kawhia, Te Rauparaha took care to provide 
for such supplies of food as would carry them through 
the first stage of their intended journey, whilst he also 
determined in detail the principal arrangements for the 
entire march. 

These preparations having all been satisfactorily 
completed by the beginning of the year 1819, he visited 
Waikato, for the last time, in order to bid farewell to 
Kukutai, to Pehikorehu, to Whero Whero, to Te Kanawa, 
and to all the chiefs of Waikato, saying to them, 
" Farewell; remain on our land at Kawhia; I am going 
to take Kapiti for myself, do not follow me." He then 
returned to Kawhia, where he at once assembled his 
tribe and started for the South, the number leaving 
Kawhia itself, including persons of all ages, being about 


400, of whom 170 were tried fighting men. On the 
morning of the day of their departure, he and his people 
came out of their pa at Te Arawi, having previously 
burned the carved house named Te Urungu-Paraoa-a-te- 
Titi-Matama. They then ascended the hill at Moeatoa, 
and looking back to Kawhia were very sad at leaving the 
home of their fathers. They cried over it, and bade it 
farewell, saying, " Kawhia remain here ! The people of 
Kawhia are going to Kapiti, to Waipounamu." 

Savage, even ruthless, as those people may have been, 
we can still understand their sorrow at leaving their 
ancestral possessions. " The love of the New Zealander 
for his land is not," says White (from whom I have 
before quoted on this point), " the love of a child for his 
toys. His title is connected with many and powerful 
associations in his mind ; his love for the homes of his 
fathers being connected with the deeds of their bravery, 
with the feats of his own boyhood, and the long rest of 
his ancestors for generations." Every nook and inlet of 
the beautiful harbour of Kawhia was endeared to the 
departing people, not only by its picturesque beauty, 
which the New Zealander fully appreciates, but also by 
its association with the most ancient traditions of the 
tribe. Every hill, every valley, was connected, in their 
memory, with scenes of childish joy, whilst many of the 
singular and gloomy caverns in which the district 
abounds, were crowded with the remains of their 
ancestors, and were the subjects of their reverence and 
awe ; and from these circumstances, not less than from 
the uncertainty which necessarily hung over the future 
of the tribe, we may estimate the strength of their faith 
in the sagacity of the chief who had induced them to 
embark in so remarkable a project. 


The march was at length commenced, and at the end 
of the third or fourth day the people arrived at the pa of 
Puohoki, where Te Eauparaha determined on leaving, 
under a sufficient guard, a number of the women, 
including his own wife, Akau, who, by reason of 
pregnancy, was unfit for travel. The remainder of the 
tribe continued their journey, and settled for the season 
at Waitara, Kaweka, and Taranaki, living in the pas of 
the Ngatiawa and Ngatitama. 

Shortly after this, Te Eauparaha determined to return 
to Te Puohu's pa, in order to bring up the women who 
had been left behind, and he selected twenty of his 
warriors to accompany him. His tribe were unwilling 
that he should undertake this expedition with so small 
a number of men, urging him to go in force in order to 
prevent the risk of any treacherous attack upon his 
party. Te Euaparaha, however, insisted on limiting his 
followers to the twenty men he had chosen, and started 
on his journey. 

On crossing the Mokau Eiver, he found the body of 
Eangihaeata's only child, who had been drowned from 
Topiora's canoe as she and part of the tribe came down 
the coast during the general migration. It was in order 
to commemorate this circumstance that the name Mokau, 
as a nickname, was assumed by Te Eangihaeata. Te 
Eauparaha wrapped the body of the child in his clothing, 
and carried it with him to Puohu's pa, where it was 
interred with due solemnity. On his arrival, he found 
the women and the people he had left all safe, and at 
once made arrangements for removing them to Waitara. 
In the meantime his wife, Akau, had given birth to 
Tamihana, who was living at Otaki in 1872. 



On the third day after his arrival the party left the pa, 
Te Eauparaha carrying his infant child on his back in a 
basket. Just before reaching Mokau, it being dusk, they 
were threatened by a considerable war party of Ngatimani- 
apoto, who had crept down the coast after the evacuation 
of Kawhia and the surrounding district, and Rauparaha 

Te Rangihaeata. 

had strong reason to fear that he and his people would be 
attacked and cut off. By a clever stratagem, however, 
he imposed upon the enemy. After clothing twenty of 
the women in men's mats, and placing feathers in their 
hair, and arming them with war clubs, he sent them 
forward under the charge of his wife, Akau, a woman of 


commanding stature, and who, on this occasion, wore a 
red mat named Hukeumu, and brandished her weapon and 
otherwise acted as if she were a redoubtable warrior, 
whilst Te Eauparaha himself covered the retreat with 
the men, the remainder of the party marching between 
these two bodies. 

The Ngatimaniapoto, mistaking the strength of Te 
Rauparaha's force, commenced a retreat, but were 
attacked by him, and five of their number killed, amongst 
whom was Tutakara, their leader, who was slain by 
Rangihoungariri, a young relative of Te Rauparaha, 
already renowned as a warrior. The party then con- 
tinued their march and reached the Mokau River at 
dark, but were unable to cross it in consequence of its 
being swollen by rain and the tide being high. 

Ruaparaha knew T that the danger was not over, and 
that the Ngatimaniapoto would, under cover of night, 
attempt to take revenge for their loss. He therefore 
ordered twelve large fires to be made, at some distance 
from each other, and three of the women of the party, 
still disguised as men, to be placed at each fire, to which 
he also assigned one of his warriors, whilst he, with the 
remainder, acted as scouts. The men near the fires 
were to keep watch during the night, and occasionally 
to address the others, saying, " Be strong, oh people, to 
fight on the morrow if the enemy return. Do not consider 
life. Consider the valour of your tribe." Besides this, 
the women were directed to make much noise with their 
speeches, so that Haiki even might hear their voices. 
This further stratagem appears completely to have 
deceived Ngatimaniapoto, who did not attempt to molest 
them any further. 


During the night, however, a peculiar incident, 
illustrative of Maori life, occurred, which might have 
been productive of disaster but for the course taken by 
Te Eauparaha. Amongst the women who were with 
the party was Tangahoe, the wife of the chief, who had 
an infant with her. This child in its restlessness began 
to cry, and Te Rauparaha, fearing that his stratagem 
would be betrayed by the cries of the child, told its 
mother to choke it, saying, " I am that child." The 
parents at once obeyed the command, and killed the 

Towards midnight the river fell considerably, and at 
low tide the party left their fires and crossed it, continuing 
their march until they reached a pa of the Ngatitama, 
greatly rejoicing at their escape. Early on the following 
morning Rauparaha's party, with a reinforcement of 
Ngatitama and Ngatiawa, returned to the spot where 
the fight of the previous afternoon had taken place, and 
secured the bodies of Tutakara and the others who had 
been killed. These were taken to Mokau, were they 
were cut up and eaten, amidst great rejoicings on the 
part of Ngatiawa and Ngatitama at the chance thus 
afforded them of paying off some old grudge which they 
had against Ngatimaniapoto. 

The success of the stratagems employed by Te 
Rauparaha on this occasion, added greatly to to his 
renown as a warrior, and, moreover, invested him with 
an attribute of almost sanctity, not only in the eyes of his 
own tribe, but also in those of the allies. Te Rauparaha 
then joined the main body of his people, who were 
engaged in the necessary preparations for the resumption 
of their migration. 


Shortly after this, it would appear that Te Whero Whero 
and Te Waharoa, deeming the opportunity a good one 
for striking a deadly blow against Te Rauparaha, had 
collected a large force at the head of the Waipa, with 
which they marched upon Taranaki, intending to attack 
the Ngatitoa at Motunui, before the latter could obtain 
any material assistance from Ngatiawa or Ngatitarna, the 
main body of whom wen^Stationed chiefly at Te Kawaka, 
Urenui, and other places. 

The plans of the Waikato leaders were so carefully 
laid in this resp^it, that Te Rauparaha received no 
intimation of the*ir advance -phtil they were close upon 
him, but he at once sent intelligence to Kaiaia, the 
leading chief of the Ngatitama, since better known by the 
name of Ta Ringa Kuri, with instructions to join him at 
Motunui. However, before Kaiaia could come to his 
assistance he assembled his own forces, including a small 
body of Ngatiawa ; and, having a better knowledge of the 
country than the enemy, he fell upon them suddenly, his 
forces attacking in a compact body. 

After encountering an obstinate resistance, he succeeded 
in completely routing them with a loss of nearly 150 men, 
including the principal chiefs, Hiakai and Mama, whilst 
many other chiefs, and a large number of inferior people, 
were taken prisoners. The latter were hung, and their 
bodies, as well as those of the men who had fallen in 
battle, were duly devoured, with all the ceremonies 
attendant upon such a feast after a great and successful 

Te Whero Whero arid Waharoa were the only great 
chiefs of note who escaped on this occasion, the slaughter 
of leaders having been peculiarly heavy, and even they 
owed their lives to the connivance of Te Rauparaha, 


who, apparently for reasons of his own of which I am 
not informed, but possibly to avoid driving them to 
desperation, did not care to attack them on the following 

It is said, whether truly or not I cannot decide, that 
Te Waharoa did not exhibit his usual bravery on this 
occasion, but fled early in the day. vlt appears, too, that 
had Kaiaia's portion of he Ngati'tama arrived in time to 
take part in the battle, the whole of the Waikato force 
would have been destroyed. Be this as it may, during 
the night after the battle, Te Whero Whero approached 
the camp of the Ngatitoa, and cried out to Te Eauparaha, 
" Oh, Raha, how am I and my people to be saved ? " Te 
Rauparaha replied, " You must run away this night. Do 
not remain. Go, make haste." Te Whero Whero and 
his men fled during the night, leaving their fires burning ; 
and, when Kaiaia's forces came up on the next morning, 
they found the Waikato camp deserted, whilst the bodies 
of many of those who had been wounded in the previous 
day's engagement, and had died during the night, were 
left behind. These bodies were at once cut up and 
devoured by Ngatitama, Te Rauparaha and his people 
joining in the feast. 

After all danger of further attack on the part of 
Waikato had ceased, Te Rauparaha determined, before 
resuming the movement southward, again to visit his 
friends at Maungatautari, in order to induce the latter, if 
possible, to join him in the expedition. For this purpose 
he travelled to Taupo taking the road from Taranaki by 
the Upper Wanganui and Tuhua. At Tuhua he had a 
long conference with Te Heuheu, who promised to afford 
.him any assistance he could in effecting his settlement 


at Kapiti and on the main land, but would not consent 
to take any other part in the undertaking. 

He then proceeded to Opepe, on Lake Taupo, where a 
large number of the Ngatiraukawa had assembled, under 
Whatanui, in order to discuss Te Eauparaha's proposals. 
Here a great tangi was held, at which Whatanui made a 
speech to Te Eauparaha, and gave him many presents, 
as they had not met for a length of time. After the 
ordinary ceremonies were concluded, Te Eauparaha again 
opened his proposals to the assembled chiefs, representing 
the many advantages that would accrue from adopting 
them, and particularly insisting on the opportunity it 
would give the tribe of obtaining abundant supplies of 
fire-arms, as Kapiti and other parts of Cook Strait had 
already begun to be visited by European ships. He also 
dwelt on the rich and productive character of the land, 
and the ease with which it might be conquered, whilst 
there was nothing to prevent, at the same time a large 
number of the tribe from remaining at Maungatautari, in 
order to retain their ancient possessions there. To all 
this, however, Whatanui gave no reply, and the meeting 
broke up without any indication that any part of the 
tribe would join in the proposed expedition. 

Te Eauparaha then visited other sections of the tribe, 
and another great meeting took place, at which he was 
not present. At this meeting the chief objection raised 
was, that by joining Te Eauparaha he would become 
their chief, and there was an unwillingness on the part 
of the tribe, notwithstanding what had occurred at the 
death of Hape, entirely to throw off their allegiance to 
their own hereditary arikis. This resolution was 
communicated to Te Eauparaha by Horohau, one of the 
sons of Hape, by Akau, then Te Eauparaha's wife, and 


the reasons specially assigned for it grieved Te Rauparaha 
very much. 

Seeing the apparent impossibility of inducing 
Whatanui's people to join him in his project, he went 
on to Rotorua, and ultimately to Tauranga, where he 
urged Te Waru to join him. Te Waru, however, refused 
to leave Tauranga on account of his love for that place, 
and for the Islands of Motiti and Tuhua. 

Whilst Te Rauparaha was at Tauranga, news reached 
that place that Hongi Heke, with the Ngapuhi, was 
besieging the great pa of the Ngatimaru at the Thames 
which, after some delay, they took, as mentioned in a 
former chapter, slaughtering great numbers of the 
inhabitants. Amongst others of the killed on this 
occasion, were the infant children of Tokoahu, who had 
married a grand niece of Te Rauparaha, He appears to 
have been greatly exasperated at the absurd manner in 
which the people of his pa had permitted it to be taken, 
and at the destruction of his relatives, and at once went 
over to Rotorua, whither another taua of the Ngapuhi, 
under Pomare, had proceeded after the defeat of 
Ngatimaru. Here he had an interview with Pomare, 
and expressed his determination to kill some of the 
Ngapuhi as a payment for the slaughter of Tokoahu's 
children, to which Pomare consented, he being also in 
some degree connected by marriage with Tokoahu. 

The Ngapuhis, accompanied by Te Rauparaha, 
proceeded to Paeoterangi, where Tuhourangi and some 
others were duly sacrificed, with great solemnity, in order 
to appease the manes of Tokoahu's children. Pomare 
then gave over to Te Rauparaha a number of men who 
had been under the leadership of Tuhourangi, who, from 
that time, became attached to and incorporated with 



Ngatitoa, and accompanied him on his return to Taranaki 
shortly after the sacrifice in question. 

On reaching Taranaki, he made preparations for 
continuing the migration, and succeeded in inducing Wi 
Kingi Eangitake, since celebrated in connection with the 
Waitara war, and his father, Reretawhangawhanga, with 
many other chiefs, and a considerable number of the 
Ngatiawa tribe, to accompany him, his followers then 
consisting of his own people (the Ngatitoa), numbering 
200 fighting men, of the Ngapuhis who had been 
transferred to him by Pomare, and of Wi Kingi 's 
Ngatiawas, numbering nearly 400 fighting men, and their 
several families. 

During the interval between the commencement of the 
migration and its resumption from Taranaki, after Te 
Rauparaha's last return thither, a large war party of 
Waikatos, under Tukorehu, Te Kepa, Te Kawau (Apihai), 
and other chiefs, had descended the East Coast, whence 
they invaded the territory which Te Rauparaha was 
about to seize. The Muaupoko, Rangitane, and 
Ngatiapa were all attacked on this occasion, and again 
suffered great loss, a circumstance which became known 
to Te Rauparaha through some Ngatiraukawa men who 
had joined the Waikatos in their expedition, and who 
had communicated its results to him during his last visit 
to Maungatautari. 

It appears, moreover, that after he had left Taupo, 
Whatanui and a large party of Ngatiraukawa made up 
their minds to join him at Kapiti, but instead of 
following the same route which he intended to take, they 
determined to proceed via Ahuriri, having been invited 
thither by the Ngatikahungunu, for some purpose which 
I cannot clearly make out. On their arrival there, 


however, a dispute took place between the two parties, 
and a battle ensued, in which the Ngatiraukawa were 
defeated with considerable slaughter, the remainder of 
the party being forced to retreat upon Maungatautari. 

Late in the autumn of 1819, no doubt after the 
ordinary crop of kumara had been gathered in, Te 
Rauparaha resumed the march, which was uninterrupted 
until they reached Patea, where five of the Ngatitoa men, 
and a male slave of Topiora's named Te Ratutonu, who 
had formerly been a chief, were murdered. To avenge 
this murder, Te Rauparaha killed a number of the people 
occupying Waitotara, and thence his party proceeded to 
Wanganui, the greater portion of the women and children 
travelling along the coast in canoes, whilst the warriors, 
with most of the leading chiefs, travelled by land, 
Te Rauparaha himself, however, travelling by water in a 
large canoe taken from the Waitotara people. 

I may here incidentally mention that his designs, at 
this time, were not confined to the acquisition of Kapiti, 
and the adjacent country ; he had also made up his mind 
to invade the Middle Island after he had become well 
settled in his new abode, in order to obtain the great 
treasures of greenstone which were believed to be in 
possession of the people of that Island. Of course, he 
could only hope to affect this by obtaining a number of 
large canoes, and, to use the words of his son, " canoes 
were at that time his great desire, for by them only could 
he cross over to the Island of Waipounamu." 

Amongst the leading chiefs who accompanied Te 
Rauparaha, was Rangihaeata, who, as will be remembered, 
had, during the previous invasion, taken prisoner a 
Ngatiapa woman of rank named Pikinga, whom he had 
made his slave-wife. When her brothers heard of the 


arrival of Ngatitoa at Wanganui, they, with a party 
numbering altogether twenty men, came to meet her, 
and accompanied Ngatitoa as far as the Eangitikei Eiver, 
for, as the weather continued extremely fine, Te 
Eauparaha thought it desirable to push the advance 
as rapidly as possible. 

On arriving at the mouth of the Eangitikei the people 
rested for some days, those in the canoes landing for 
that purpose. During this rest, armed parties were sent 
inland in various directions, for the purpose of capturing 
any stray people whom they could find, in order that 
they might be killed and eaten ; but these parties found 
the country nearly deserted, the remnant of the 
original tribes having taken refuge in the fastnesses of 
the interior. 

Te Eauparaha then pushed on to the mouth of the 
Manawatu, where he and his people again halted, parties 
here also going in search of Eangitane, with the same 
intentions with which they had previously sought the 
Ngatiapa, and with very much the same result. Their 
next stage was Ohau, where Ngatitoa settled until after 
they had taken Kapiti, as will be mentioned in the 
sequel. During this time the Muaupoko occupied the 
country inland of Ohau and stretching to the Manawatu 
Eiver, having a pa on Lake Horowhenua, and on the 
banks of Lake Papaitanga, which is close to it. 

Shortly after Te Eauparaha had settled at Ohau two 
of the chiefs of Muaupoko visited him, and offered, if he 
would come over to their pa at Papaitanga, to make him a 
present of several large canoes. He was extremely 
delighted at this offer, and at once consented to go. 
Eangihaeata however, endeavoured to dissuade him, 
saying, " Eaha, I have had a presentiment that you 


will be murdered by Muaupoko," but Te Rauparaha 
laughed at his fears ; and, attracted by the prospect of 
obtaining the canoes -- which had been glowingly 
described to him by the two chiefs would not listen to 
any suggestions against the proposed visit. He even 
refused to take any large force wilih him, confining 
himself to a few men, and to some of his own children. 

It appears, however, that a plot had been laid between 
Turoa and Paetahi (father -of Mete Kingi, afterwards one 
of the Maori members of the Assembly), chiefs of the 
Wanganui tribes, and the leading chiefs of the Muaupoko, 
to murder Te Rauparaha, and the invitation to Papaitanga, 
with the offer of the canoes, was only a step in the plot 
for that purpose. It is quite clear that he apprehended 
no danger, and that he fell into the trap laid for him with 
wonderful facility. 

It was evening when he and his companions arrived at 
the pa, where they were received by Toheriri, at whose 
house Te Rauparaha was to sleep. His people were all 
accommodated in different parts of the pa, Te Rauparaha 
alone remaining with Toheriri. The murder was to be 
committed at night by a war party from Horowhenua, 
and when Toheriri believed that his guest was fast 
asleep, he rose and went out, intending to inform the 
war party that Te Rauparaha was asleep in his house. 
His movements, however, aroused Te Rauparaha, who at 
once suspected some foul design, a suspicion which was 
soon converted into certainty by the cries of some of his 
people at the commencement of the bloody work. He 
then escaped from the house, and, being entirely 
unarmed, fled towards Ohau, which he succeeded in 
reaching, but quite naked. 


During the attack Eangihoungariri, who, it will be 
remembered, distinguished himself when Te Eauparaha's 
party were attacked by Ngatimaniapoto, near the River 
Mokau, had succeeded in getting well away, but hearing 
Hira's sister calling out to him that she would be killed, 
at once returned to her aid, but was soon overwhelmed 
by numbers and slain, Te Poa, Hira's husband, having 
been killed previously. Hira, and a girl named Hononga, 
were not killed, but were carried off to Euamahunga, in 
the Wairarapa, where the former afterwards married 
Taika, a distant relation of Te Eauparaha. These two 
girls were the daughters of that Marore whom I 
mentioned in a former chapter as having been his boy 

This treacherous murder provoked the wrath of 
Ngatitoa, who, from that time, proceeded to destroy 
Muaupoko without mercy. Toheriri was taken prisoner, 
and afterwards hung and eaten, undergoing dreadful 
tortures. Before this event Muaupoko were a somewhat 
powerful tribe, but their power was utterly broken 
by the Ngatitoa and their allies, in revenge for the 
attempted murder of their great chief. 

.After this escape Te Eauparaha settled in Ohau, and 
occupied the main land as far as Otaki, his war parties 
constantly hunting the people at Earigitikei, Manawatu, 
and Horowhenua; but a remnant of these tribes still 
held Kapiti, notwithstanding several attempts to take 
possession of it. 




Amongst the chiefs who accompanied Te Eauparaha in 
the migration, was his uncle, Te Pehi Kupe, who, by 
virtue of his seniority of age and rank, was undoubtedly 
entitled to the leadership of the tribe; but, although not 
deficient in talent, and admittedly a great warrior, he was 
inferior to his nephew in those special qualifications, which 
had enabled the latter to acquire the power he held over 
bis own tribe, and the influence he exercised in the 
councils of the Ngatiawa and Ngatiraukawa. It has, 
however, been asserted that there are grounds for 
believing that Te Eauparaha was somewhat jealous of 
Te Pehi, and that dreading the possibility of an attempt 
on the part of the latter to assume the leadership of the 
tribe in virtue of his higher social position, he would not 
unwillingly have sacrified him. Indeed, it is said, that 
the taking of Kapiti was primarily due to a treacherous 
act on his part, committed for the express purpose of 
involving Te Pehi, and a number of other members of 
the tribe, in destruction ; but it is difficult to suppose 
that Te Eauparaha could have maintained his high 
position if this charge, and others of a similar nature, 
were in any degree well founded. My own impression is 
that the whole affair was planned for the express purpose 


of throwing the defenders of Kapiti off their guard, and 
so of securing a conquest which had. already been 
several times attempted in vain, but which he felt to be 
absolutely necessary for the success of his ultimate 

It appears that one day he started with a large force of 
Ngatitoa and Ngatiawa for Horowhenua, for the avowed 
purpose of harassing the remnant of Muaupoko and 
Rangitane who still wandered about that district, and 
that before dawn of the morning after his departure 
(which had been made known on the previous day to the 
people on the Island through their own spies), Te Pehi, 
and his own immediate followers, crossed the Strait and 
attacked them. Thrown off their guard by the knowledge 
of Te Rauparaha's absence with the bulk of the warriors, 
they had neglected their ordinary precautions against 
surprise, and were easily defeated, many being slain, 
although the greater number escaped in their canoes to 
the main land, and found refuge in the forests and 
swamps of the Manawatu. On the return of Te 
Rauparaha's war party, he at once passed over to 
Kapiti, where he usually resided from that time till his 

Shortly after the taking of Kapiti, Wi Kingi and the 
great body of the Ngatiawa returned to the Waitara, only 
twenty warriors remaining with the Ngatitoa. Thus 
weakened, they were ultimately compelled, by events 
which I am about to relate, to abandon their settlements 
on the main land, and to remove to Kapiti, where they 
formed and occupied three large pas, one named 
Wharekohu, at the southern end of the island ; another 
named Rangatira, near the northern end ; and one 
named Taepiro, between the other two, Te Rauparaha 


and Eangihaeata, with the main body of the people, 
residing in the latter. 

Before relating the events which took place after the 
departure of the Ngatiawa, it is necessary that I should 
call attention to many affairs of importance which 
occurred between that event and the first settlement of 
the Ngatitoa at Ohau. It will be remembered that at 
the close of the last chapter I mentioned the attempt 
made by the Muaupoko to murder Te Eauparaha, near 
Lake Papaitanga, and the determination of himself and 
his tribe to lose no opportunity of taking vengeance for 
the slaughter which had taken place on that occasion. 

At the time of this occurrence, the Muaupoko were 
still numerous and comparatively powerful, having 
suffered much less during the previous incursions of the 
Ngapuhi and Waikatos, than the neighbouring tribes ; 
but they were, nevertheless, no match for the better 
armed and more warlike Ngatitoa, and therefore rarely 
met them in the open field, relying for security rather 
upon the inaccessibility of their fortresses and upon their 
intimate knowledge of the fastnesses of the Manawatu 
district, than upon their prowess in the field. They then 
occupied a number of pas in the country around Lakes 
Papaitanga and Horowhenua, as well as several which 
they had erected upon artificial islands in the latter 
lake, in the manner so interestingly described by 
Taylor, in a paper read before the Wellington 
Philosophical Society. Now, it appears, that in 
pursuance of his intention to destroy these people, 
Te. Eauparaha constantly detailed war parties to attack 
them, as well as to harass the unfortunate remnant of 
the Eangitane who still lurked in the country to the 
northward of their territory. 


Finding themselves unable to check these attacks, the 
Muaupoko took refuge in the' lake pas, which the 
Ngatitoa, however determined to attack. Their first 
attempt was on that named Waipata, and, having no 
canoes, they swam out to it, and succeeded in taking it, 
slaughtering many of the defenders, though the greater 
number escaped in their canoes to a larger pa on the same 
lake, named Wai-kie-kie. This pa was occupied in such 
force by the enemy, that the party which had taken 
Waipata felt themselves too weak to assault it, and, 
therefore, returned to Ohau for reinforcements. Having 
obtained the requisite assistance, they again proceeded to 
Horowhenua, and attacked Wai-kie-kie, using a number 
of canoes, which they had taken at Waipata, for the 
purpose of crossing the lake. After a desperate, but 
vain resistance, they took the pa, slaughtering nearly 200 
of the inhabitants, including women and children, the 
remainder escaping in their canoes, and making their 
way, by inland paths, in the direction of Paikakariki, 
where they ultimately settled. 

In the course of these several attacks, a number of the 
leading Muaupoko chiefs were taken prisoners, all of 
whom, except Eatu, who became the slave of Te Pehi, 
were killed, and their bodies, as well as those of the 
people slain in the assaults, duly devoured. It is matter 
of note that, notwithstanding the occasional murder of 
men of the Ngatiapa who happened to be found on the 
south side of the Rangitikei River by the Ngatitoa and 
Ngatiawa war parties, Te Rauparaha had, up to this time, 
preserved friendly relations with that tribe, some of 
whom occasionally fought in his ranks ; this was chiefly 
owing to the connection of Rangihaeata with Pikinga, 
but events which occurred shortly after the expulsion of 


the Muaupoko from the Horowhenua country, led to a 
rupture of this friendship and to the ultimate complete 
subjugation of the Ngatiapa. 

It was after the defeat of the former at Wai-kie-kie 
that the Ngatiawa returned to Waitara, but although, as 
I have before observed, their departure greatly weakened 
Te Eauparaha, he and his people still maintained their 
settlements on the mainland, and continued their raids 
against the remnants of the defeated tribes. Amongst 
the expeditions thus undertaken one, in which a larger 
force than usual was engaged, was directed against a pa 
at Paikakariki, occupied by the Muaupoko who had fled 
from Wai-kie-kie. It was taken after an obstinate 
struggle, in which many of the occupants were slain, the 
conquerors remaining in possession for nearly two months 
for the purpose of consuming their bodies and the stores 
of provisions they found in the pa. 

They were there suddenly attacked by the Nga- 
tikahungunu from Wanganuiatera and the surrounding 
country, and driven upon Waikanae with considerable 
loss. This event, coupled with the threatening attitude 
assumed by that powerful tribe, and the fact that the 
remnants of the Muaupoko, Eangitane, and Ngatiapa, 
were again collecting in the vicinity of their former 
settlements, determined Te Rauparaha to abandon the 
mainland, and to withdraw the whole of his people to 
Kapiti until he could obtain the assistance (which he 
till confidently expected) of his kindred at Taupo and 

He had no sooner retired to Kapiti, than the Eangitane 
erected a large pa at Hotuiti, on the north side of the 
Manawatu, within the tract subsequently known as the 
Awahou Block, where they collected in force, and were 


joined by three Ngatiapa chiefs of note. Te Rauparaha 
hearing of this, determined to attack them, and he and 
Rangihaeata marched to Hotuiti with a well appointed 
tana, accompanied by Pikinga, who, on the arrival of the 
party before the pa, was sent into it to direct the 
Ngatiapa chiefs to retire to the district occupied by that 
tribe on the north side of the Rangitikei river. This 
they declined to do, and Te Rauparaha then sent 
messengers to the Rangitane offering peace, and desiring 
that their chiefs should be sent to his camp to settle the 

Tongariro from Lake Taupo. 

terms. Being advised by the Ngatiapa chiefs to accept 
the offer, they sent their own head men to Te Rauparaha's 
quarters, where they were at once ruthlessly slain, and 
whilst the people in the pa, ignorant of this slaughter, 
and believing hostilities were suspended, were entirely off 
their guard, it was rushed by the Ngatitoa, and taken 
after a very feeble resistance, the greater number of the 
unfortunate people and their families, as well as the three 
Ngatiapa chiefs, being slaughtered and devoured, such 


prisoners as were taken being removed to Waikanae in 
order to undergo the same fate. 

After this treacherous affair, Te Rauparaha and his 
force returned to Waikanae, where they indulged in 
feasting and rejoicing, little dreaming that any attempt 
would be made to attack them. It appears, however, 
that the Ngatiapa at Eangitikei, incensed at the slaughter 
of their three chiefs, had determined to revenge their 
loss, and for this purpose had collected a considerable 
war party, which was readily joined by the refugees from 
Hotuiti and by a number of Muaupoko from Horowhenua. 
Led by Te Hakeke, they fell upon the Ngatitoa during 
the night, killing upwards of sixty of them, including 
many women and children, amongst the latter being the 
four daughters of Te Pehi. At the commencement of 
the attack, a canoe was despatched to Kapiti for 
reinforcements, which were at once sent, and, upon their 
arrival, the enemy fled, but without being pursued. In 
consequence of this attack, Te Rauparaha and 
Rangihaeata became (to use the words of Matene Te 
Whiwhi) " dark in their hearts in regard to Ngatiapa," 
and resolved to spare no efforts to destroy them, as well 
as the remnants of Rangitane and Muaupoko. 

Te Rauparaha had, of course, become aware of the 
defeat of Whatanui and the Ngatiraukawa in their 
attempt to reach Kapiti by the East Coast, but 
immediately after the departure of the Ngatiawa he had 
sent emissaries to Taupo, in order to urge upon the chiefs 
to join him in the occupation of the country he had 
conquered. In the meantime, however, a storm was 
brewing which threatened utterly to destroy him and 
his people. Ratu, the Muaupoko chief who had been 
enslaved by Te Pehi, escaped from Kapiti and fled to the 


Middle Island. Being anxious to avenge the destruction 
of his tribe, he proceeded to organize an alliance between 
the tribes occupying the southern shores of Cook Strait 
and those which held the country from Patea to 
Eangitikei, on the north, and the Ngatikahungunu at 
Wanganuiatera and Wairarapa, on the south, for the 
purpose of attacking Te Eauparaha with a force, which, 
in point of numbers, at least, should be irresistible. 

In the formation of the desired alliance he was 
completely successful, and about the end of the fourth 
year after the first arrival of the Ngatitoa, nearly 2,000 
warriors assembled between Otaki and Waikanae, consist- 
ing of Ngarauru, from Waitotara ; the people of Patea, 
Wanganui, Wangaehu, Turakina, and Kangitikei, the 
Eangitane of Manawatu, and the Ngatikahungunu, 
Ngatiapa, Ngatitumatakokiri, Eangitane, and Ngatihuia, 
from the Middle Island. They were provided with 
ample means of transport, " the sea on the occasion of 
their attack," to use the words of my informant, who 
was present on the occasion, being covered with 
canoes, one wing reaching Kapiti from Otaki, whilst the 
other started almost simultaneously from Waikanae." 
The landing of the warriors composing the right wing 
was effected about four in the morning, but the alarm 
having already been given by the chief Nopera, who had 
discovered and notified their approach, the invaders were 
at once attacked by the Ngatitoa, of Eangitira, with 
great fury, whilst messengers were at the same time 
despatched to Taepiri, where Te Eauparaha lay with the 
bulk of his people, to inform him of the invasion. 
Before he could reach the scene of the conflict, however, 
the enemy had succeeded in pushing the Ngatitoa 
towards Waiorua, at the northern end of the Island. 


Pokaitara, who was in command, being desirous of 
gaining time in order to admit of the arrival of reinforce- 
ments, proposed a truce to the enemy, which was 
granted by Rangimairehau, a Ngatiapa chief, by whom 
they were led, who hoped, on his side, during the truce, 
to be able to land the rest of his forces, and then 
effectually to crush the Ngatitoa. 

Shortly after the truce had been agreed to, Te 
Rauparaha and his warriors reached the scene of action, 
and at once renewed the battle with the utmost vigour ; 
and, after a long and sanguinary conflict, completely 
defeated the invaders, with tremendous slaughter ; not 
less than 170 dead bodies being left on the beach, whilst 
numbers were drowned in attempting to reach the 
canoes that were still at sea. The remainder of the 
invading force made their way, with all speed, to 
Waikanae and other points of the coast, where many of 
them landed, abandoning their canoes to the Ngatitoa, 
who had commenced an immediate pursuit. 

After the battle Te Eauparaha composed and sang a 
" song of triumph," the words of which I regret that I 
have not been able to obtain. The result was in every 
way advantageous to his people, for no further attempt 
was ever made to dislodge them, whilst they, on the 
other hand, lost no opportunity of strengthening their 
position and of wreaking vengeance on the Ngatiapa, 
Eangitane, and Muaupoko, the remnant of whom they 
ultimately reduced to the condition of the merest tribu- 
taries, many of the leading chiefs, including Te Hakeke, 
becoming slaves. 

It would be useless for me to give anything like a 
detailed account of the incursions of the Ngatitoa into 
the country on the mainland, often extending as far as 


Turakina, in which numbers of the original inhabitants 
were killed and eaten, or reduced to slavery ; but it is 
perfectly clear that their power was completely broken, 
and that after Waiorua, the Ngatitoa and their allies 
found no enemy capable of checking their movements. 

Maori Swings. 

The news of the battle having reached Taranaki, with 
rumours of Te Eauparaha's astounding success, Te 
Puaha, with a detachment of Ngatiawa, came down to 
Kapiti in order to learn the truth of the matter, and 


having ascertained how completely Te Eauparaha had 
defeated his enemies, he returned to Taranaki for the 
purpose of bringing down a number of his people to join 
the Ngatitoa in their settlement of the country, as well as 
to take part in the prosecution of Te Eauparaha's further 
designs. Accordingly, he shortly afterwards brought 
with him, from Taranaki, a considerable number of 
fighting men, with their families, consisting partly of 
Ngatiawa proper, partly of Ngatihinetuhi, and partly of 
Ngatiwhakatere, being members of a kapu of Ngatirau- 
kawa, who had escaped from a defeat on the Wanganui 
Eiver, and had incorporated themselves with the 
Ngatiawa. This formed an important accession to the 
force under Te Eauparaha, which received further 
additions shortly afterwards from Te Ahu Karamu, a 
Ngatiraukawa chief of high rank, who, against the feeling 
of his people, had determined to join his great Ngatitoa 

This chief, having heard from Te Eauparaha's emissaries 
of the difficulties in which he was likely to be placed by 
the defection of the Ngatiawa, had started from Taupo 
with 120 armed men, of his own immediate following, 
and arrived at Kapiti shortly after the battle of Waiorua, 
and then took part in many of the raids upon the 
original tribes which occurred after that event. After 
remaining with Te Eauparaha for some months he 
returned to Taupo with part of his followers, where he 
reported the improved position of Ngatitoa, and urged 
his own section of the tribe to join them. Finding them 
still unwilling to do so, and being determined to effect 
his object, he ordered the whole of their houses and 
stores to be burned down, declaring it to be the will of 
the atua or spirit, angry at their refusal to obey the 


words of their chief. This being done the people gave 
way, and he took the necessary measures for the 

In the meantime Whatanui and Te Heuheu had also 
determined to visit Te Kauparaha, in order to inspect 
the country he had conquered ; the former chieftain 
intending, if it met his approval, to carry out his original 
design of joining the Ngatitoa in its occupation. In 
pursuance of this determination they, with a strong 
force of their own warriors, joined Te Ahu Karamu's 
party, the whole travelling down the Eangitikei Kiver 
along the route followed by Te Ahu on his previous 
journey. During this journey they attacked and killed 
any of the original inhabitants whom they happened to 
fall in with. This migration is known amongst the 
Ngatiraukawa as the heke whirinui, owing to the fact 
that the whiri, or plaited collars of their mats, were 
made very large for the journey. Amongst the special 
events which occurred on the march was the capture of 
a Ngatiapa woman and two children, on the south side 
of the Bangitikei. The unfortunate children were sacri- 
ficed during the performance of a solemn religious rite ; 
and the woman, though in the first instance saved by 
Te Heuheu, who wished to keep her as a slave, was 
killed and eaten by Tangaru, one of the Ngatiraukawa 
leaders. Shortly after this Te Whiro, one of the greatest 
of the Ngatiapa chiefs, with two women, were taken 
prisoners, and the former was put to death with great 
ceremony and cruelty, as utu for the loss of some of Te 
Heuheu' s people who had been killed by the Ngatiapa 
long before ; but the women were spared. 

On the arrival of this heke at Kapiti, Te Heuheu and 
Whatanui held a long conference with the Ngatitoa 


chieftains, and Whatanui was at last persuaded to bring 
down his people. For this purpose he and Te Heuheu 
returned to Taupo, some of the party passing across the 
Manawatu Block, so as to strike the Eangitikei Eiver 
inland, whilst the others travelled along the beach to the 
mouth of that river, intending to join the inland party 
some distance up. The inland party rested at Eanga- 
taua, where a female relative of Te Heuheu, named 
Keremai, famed for her extreme beauty, died of wounds 
inflicted upon her during the journey by a stray band of 
Ngatiapa. A great tangi was held over her remains, and 
Te Heuheu caused her head to be preserved, he himself 
calcining her brains and strewing the ashes over the 
land, which he declared to be for ever tapu. His people 
were joined by the party from the beach road at the 
junction of the Waituna with the Eangitikei, where the 
chief was presented with three Ngatiapa prisoners, who 
had been taken during the ascent of the river. These 
were immediately sacrificed to the manes of Keremai, 
after which the whole body returned with all speed to 

Before the return of Whatanui and his people to 
Kapiti, that place had been visited by some European 
whale ships, and Te Eauparaha at once traded with 
them for guns and ammunition, giving in exchange 
dressed flax and various kinds of fresh provisions, 
including potatoes. I may mention that until the arrival 
of the Ngatitoa the potato had been unknown in the 
Manawatu district, but at the time I now speak of, it 
was extensively cultivated between that place and 
Taranaki, and formed one of the staple articles of food 
of the natives. 


He had no sooner obtained a supply of fire-arms, and 
ammunition than he resolved to carry out his long- 
conceived intention of invading the Middle Island, a 
design in which he was greatly aided by the capture of 
the war canoes which had been abandoned by the allied 
forces after the battle of Waiorua ; but, although he at 
once made preparations for carrying out his project, he 
postponed its actual execution till after the return of 

Shortly before the visit of the ships with which Te 
Eauparaha had carried on his trade, Te Pehi, observing 
one passing through Cook Strait, went out to her in a 
canoe, and, having managed to conceal himself until the 
canoe had left her, he succeeded ultimately in reaching 
England, his design being, like that of E. Hongi, to 
obtain a supply of fire-arms and ammunition. His visit 
to England where he was known under the name of 
Tupai Cupa, evidently a corruption of Te Pehi Kupe, is 
described in the volume for 1830 of " The Library of 
Entertaining Knowledge." We are enabled by means of 
this incident to fix the dates of some of the principal 
events in Te Rauparaha's career, for we know that it 
was in 1826 that Te Pehi managed to secrete himself on 
board the vessel above referred to. 

Te Eauparaha's immediate designs were in the mean- 
time somewhat interfered with by a rupture between a 
section of his people and the Ngatitama, under Puaha, 
some fighting taking place, which resulted in loss to both 
sides ; but he at once peremptorily ordered peace to be 
made, an order which was obeyed by both sides. It 
seems that this dispute arose out of the occupation of 
some of the conquered land, which was claimed by 
both parties, and Waitohi, a sister of Te Eauparaha, 


foreseeing that constant disputes were likely to arise 
from the same cause, more especially when their 
numbers were increased by the expected arrival of the 
main body of the Ngatiraukawa, unless there was some 
definite arrangement as to the division of the country 
between them, suggested to Te Rauparaha that the 
Ngatiawa should all remove to Waikanae, and should 
occupy the land to the south of the Kukutawaki stream, 
whilst the. country from the north bank of that stream as 
far as the Wangaehu should be given up to the Ngatirau- 

This suggestion was adopted by all parties, and it was 
determined that the Ngatiraukawa, already with Te 
Eauparaha, should at once proceed to occupy Ohau, then 
in the possession of the Ngatiawa. Having been 
assembled for this purpose they were escorted to their 
new location by Te Eauparaha and all the principal 
chiefs of Ngatitoa, travelling along the beach. On their 
way up they were feasted by Ngatirahira (a hapu of 
Ngatiawa) upon the flesh of black-fish, a large school of 
which had been driven ashore at low water, where the 
natives ingeniously tethered them by their tails with 
strong flax ropes, killing them as they were wanted for 
food. The Ngatiraukawa having been put into quiet 
possession of the houses and cultivations of the Ngatiawa, 
the latter removed to Waikanae, which continued for 
some time afterwards to be their principal settlement. 
The wisdom of Waitohi's suggestion above referred to is 
apparent from the fact that no further land disputes 
occurred between the several tribes until the fighting at 
Horowhenua many years afterwards, as will be related 
in the sequel. 


Between this event and the date of Whatanui's return 
to Kapiti with the main body of his people, a heke 
composed of 140 fighting men with their families called 
the heke kariritahi, from the circumstance that the 
warriors armed with muskets, had enlarged the touch- 
holes so as to be enabled (shrewd fellows as they were) 
to keep up a more rapid fire upon an enemy by saving 
the trouble of priming came down from Maungatautari 
under the command of Taratoa. Whatanui accompanied 
this heke for the purpose of conferring with Te 
Rauparaha on matters of importance, but finding that the 
chief was absent, he at once returned to Taupo in order 
to bring down his people. 

The constant arrival of these armed bodies, and the 
manner in which they roamed over the Manawatu and 
Eangitikei districts, treating the remnant of the Ngatiapa 
and other original tribes with the greatest rigour, induced 
the latter to throw themselves upon the hospitality of the 
Ngatikahungunu at Wairarapa. In pursuance of this 
resolve, some 300 of them, including women and children, 
proceeded thither, but in consequence of a murder, 
followed by an act of cannibalism, which had been 
committed by some of the Eangitane upon a Ngatika- 
hungunu man not long before, that tribe not only refused 
to receive the refugees, but attacked and drove them back 
with slaughter. The Ngatiapa then formally placed 
themselves at the mercy of Eangihaeata, whose con- 
nection, so frequently alluded to, with a chief of their 
tribe induced him to treat them with leniency, and they 
were accordingly permitted to live in peace, but in a state 
of complete subjection. 

The remnant of the Muaupoko, in like manner, sought 
the protection of Tuauaine, a chief of the Ngatiawa, who 


agreed to defend them against the long standing wrath of 
Te Rauparaha, but, as it appears, in vain ; for it seems 
that having been informed by some of the Ngatiraukawa 
that these people were again settling at Papaitangi and 
Horowhenua, Te Rauparaha and Rangihaeata, with a war 
party of Ngatitoa and Ngatiraukawa, proceeded thither 
and attacked them, killing many and taking a number of 
others prisoners, amongst whom was Toheriri, their 
chief. Toheriri's wife composed a lament on the occasion 
of the death of her husband, which is still recited amongst 
the Maoris. In this song she reflected on the broken 
promise of Tuauaine, who, though very sad at this 
slaughter, was entirely unable to prevent it. I merely 
mention this incident here, in order to show that lapse of 
time had in no degree weakened the revengeful feelings 
of Te Rauparaha, and that he considered the manes of his 
murdered children insufficiently appeased by the 
slaughter of the hundreds whom he had already 

In about a year after the visit of Whatanui with Te 
Heuheu the former returned to Kapiti with the main 
body of his tribe, this migration being known as the heke 
mairaro, or " heke from below," the north point being 
always treated by the Maoris as downward. From that 
time forth for some years, parties of the same tribe 
constantly recruited their countrymen in their settle- 
ments on the Manawatu, gradually extending their 
occupation over the whole country between Otaki and 
Rangitikei, although their chief stations were in the 
Horowhenua and Ohau districts : whilst the Ngatiapa, 
under the protection of Rangihaeata and Taratoa, 
occupied some country on the north of the Rangitikei, 
yielding a tribute to both of these chiefs as a condition of 
their being left in peace. 



Not long after the arrival of Whatanui with the heke 
mairaro, Te Eauparaha put in execution his long 
meditated project of invading and permanently occupying 
the northern coasts of the Middle Island. It appears 
that his fame as a warrior had reached the ears of 
Eerewhaka, a great chief of the Ngaitahu, whose 
principal settlement was at the Kaikoura Peninsula. 
This chief had been excessively indignant at the defeat of 

The Kaikoura Mountains. 

the allies at Waiorua, and on hearing of the song of 
triumph, chanted by Te Eauparaha on that occasion, in 
which the latter indicated his intention of attacking and 
subduing the Ngaitahu, he had declared " that if Te 
Eauparaha dared set a foot in his country he would rip 
his belly with a niho-manga, or shark's tooth," a curse 
which was reported to Te Eauparaha by a runaway 
slave, and which his memory for small matters being 


remarkably tenacious would afford him, at any distance 
of time, ample pretext and indeed justification for attack- 
ing Eerewhaka and his people. 

In 1828, having accumulated a considerable quantity 
of fire-arms and ammunition, he started with 340 picked 
warriors, comprising Ngatitoa, Ngatiawa, Ngatitama, and 
Ngatiraukawa, under Niho, the son of Te Pehi, Takerei, 
Te Kanae, Te Koihua, Te Puoho, and other chiefs of 
note, and first made for D'Urville Island, at the north- 
east of Blind Bay. At this time D'Urville Island, the 
Pelorus and Queen Charlotte Sounds, the Wairau and 
the Awatere, were all occupied by a numerous section of 
the Eangitane tribe, which had settled in these places 
after destroying the Ngatimamoe some 200 years before. 
But though numerous, and in that sense powerful, so 
long as their warfare was carried on with the ordinary 
New Zealand weapons, they were no match for the 
chosen warriors of Te Eauparaha, more particularly when 
armed with the more deadly European weapons. The 
consequence was that they w r ere everywhere disastrously 
defeated, hundreds of them being killed and devoured on 
the spot, whilst numbers of the prisoners were taken 
to Kapiti to undergo the same fate, the wretched 
remnant being kept in abject slavery by such of their 
conquerors as settled in the newly acquired district. 

Whilst Te Eauparaha was engaged in these operations 
Te Pehi returned from England, and at once joined him 
with a considerable number of followers. Shortly after 
this the main force divided, a sub-division of the Ngatitoa 
named the Ngatirarua hapu, under Niho and Takerei, the 
Puketapu and Nutiwai hapus of Ngatiawa, under Te 
Koihua, and the Ngatitama, under Te Puoho, proceeding 
to Blind and Massacre Bays whose exploits will be 


hereafter referred to whilst Te Eauparaha, Te Pehi, and 
other chiefs, with 300 well armed men, flushed with 
victory, and grown strong upon human flesh, left 
Eangitoto for the Kaikoura Peninsula, in order to afford 
to Rerewhaka the opportunity of putting his long made 

Te Pehi. 

threat into execution. But the Ngatitoa chief felt sure 
of a comparatively easy victory, for notwithstanding a 
great numerical superiority on the part of the enemy, he 
knew that they were indifferently, if at all, supplied with 
fire-arms, whilst the great bulk of his own men were well 
furnished with guns, powder, and ball. 


It will be observed that, in accordance with the well 
known habit of the New Zealanders, Te Rauparaha had 
never forgotten Rerewhaka's curse, and he felt highly 
elated at the prospect of a revenge, which the force at his 
command rendered almost certain. But besides this 
prospect of vengeance, and the anticipated additional 
gratification of devouring the bodies of the slain, he 
expected to acquire large quantities of greenstone 
weapons and ornaments, in which, as he had been 
informed by the slave who had reported Rerewhaka's 
foolish boast, the Ngaitahu of the Kaikoura and the 
Amuri were especially rich, for notwithstanding the 
introduction of fire-arms into their system of warfare, 
the mere pounamu, or greenstone battle-axe, and other 
implements of war manufactured from that substance, 
was then, and indeed always has been, held in great 
estimation by the Maoris. Te Rauparaha, therefore, 
longed to add the acquisition of such treasures to the 
gratification which he would derive from wreaking 
vengeance upon the Ngaitahu chieftain, for the insult 
under which he had so long suffered. 

As my readers are probably aware, the greenstone or 
nephrite, from which the more valuable of the weapons 
in question are made, is found exclusively on the West 
Coast of the Middle Island, and it appears that the 
Ngaitahu of Kaikoura and Amuri especially, had long 
been in the habit of sending war parties across the 
island, for the purpose of killing and plundering the 
inhabitants of the district in which it was obtained. 
These expeditions sometimes passed through the Tarn- 
dale country to the Upper Waiauua, and from thence 
through the Kopiokaitangata, or Cannibal Gorge, at the 
head of the Marina River, into the valley of the Grey, 


whence they ran down the coast to the main settlements 
from the mouth of that river to Jackson Bay, and at 
other times passed from the Conway and other points on 
the East Coast through the Hanmer Plains to the valley 
of the Ahaura, a tributary of the Grey, and so to the 
same localities. 

The line of route by the Cannibal Gorge runs partly 
.through a tract of country which I now occupy as a 

Tatooing on Te Pehi's face. 

cattle-run, and my men have frequently found stone 
axes, pawa shells, remains of eel-baskets, and other 
articles, left on the line of march ; similar articles being 
also found on the line through the Hanmer Plains. The 
scenery of the upper country on the line by the Cannibal 
Gorge is very grand and beautiful, the valley of Ada, the 
head waters of which rise within half a mile of those of 


the Marina, running through an immense cleft in the 
Spencer Mountains, the summits of Mount Una and the 
Fairy Queen, capped with perpetual snow, rising abruptly 
on each side of the stream, to a height little under 6,000 
feet, whilst the valley itself is rarely more than a quarter 
of a mile in breadth. The Cannibal Gorge is extremely 
rugged, and the fall of the river tremendous, its waters, 
when swollen by rain and melting snow, pouring down 
the gorge for miles in a perfect cataract of foam, and 
with a roar, which, echoed from the rocky glens on each 
side, rivals that of Niagara. 

During their journeys to the coast through these 
rugged scenes the war parties lived entirely on eels, 
wekas, and kakapos, which, at that time, were numerous 
in the ranges ; whilst on their return, after a successful 
raid, human flesh was often carried by the slaves they 
had taken, and the latter were, not unfrequently, killed 
in order to afford a banquet to their captors. During 
these expeditions large quantities of greenstone, both in 
rough blocks and in well-fashioned weapons an art 
especially known to the West Coast natives were often 
obtained, if the invaders was not discovered in time to 
permit the inhabitants to conceal themselves and their 
treasures, and it was the accumulated wealth of many 
years which Te Eauparaha expected to acquire in case 
he should prove victorious in his projected attack upon 
Rerewhaka and his people. 




IT was not till the morning of the fourth day after 
leaving D'Urville Island that the war party reached the 
Kaikoura Peninsula, and as they had arrived before 
daylight they anchored a short distance from the shore, 
in order that they might be enabled at dawn to recon- 
noitre the position of the enemy before landing. It 
would appear that the Ngaitahus at that time expected a 
visit from a southern chief of their own tribe, with a 
considerable following, and that on the morning in 
question, seeing the canoes of Te Eauparaha's party at 
anchor, and not having noticed the direction from which 
they had come, they mistook them for those of their 
friends, and large numbers of the people of the pa ran 
down to the shore, shouting the cry of welcome to the 
supposed visitors, who, at once seeing the advantage 
which the mistake would afford them in their intended 
attack, made for the shore with all possible speed, and 
having reached it jumped out of the canoes, and immedi- 
ately commenced the attack. 

The unfortunate people being quite unarmed, and 
taken by surprise, endeavoured to escape by retreating 
towards the pa, which, in the general confusion, was 
taken without difficulty, some 1,400 of the people, 
including women and children, being killed or taken 



prisoners, amongst the latter of whom was the chief 
Rerewhaka, whose threat Te Rauparaha was then 
avenging. After remaining for some time to feast upon 
the bodies of the slain, and to plunder the pa of its 
treasures, the victorious Ngatitoa returned with their 
prisoners to Kapiti, where the greater number of the 
latter, including Rerewhaka himself, were put to death 
and eaten, the chief having been sacrificed with great 
cruelty on account of the threat which had been the 
prime cause of the attack. In consequence of this 
circumstance Te Rauparaha named the battle the " niho 
manga, or battle of the shark's tooth." 

At the time of this event another section of the Ngai- 
tahu tribe occupied an extensive pa called Kaiapohia, about 
fourteen miles north of Christchurch, with the inhabi- 
tants of which Te Rauparaha made up his mind to pick 
a quarrel at the first convenient opportunity, but he felt 
that the force he had under his command at Kaikoura 
was too small for the purpose of any attack upon it, 
particularly after the enemy had received notice of the 
fall of the latter place, and had had time to make 
preparations for defence. 

In the following year, before he had had an opportunity 
of devising any particular scheme for the purpose of 
bringing about a quarrel between himself and the Kaiapoi 
people, he was induced again to attack upon the remnant 
of the Ngaitahu at Kaikoura, in consequence of an insult 
put upon Rangihaeata by a Ngatikahungunu chief 
named Kekerengu, who, dreading the consequences, had 
fled across the strait and taken refuge with them. Te 
Rauparaha collected a considerable band of Ngatitoa and 
their allies, under his own leadership, with Te Pehi, Pohai- 
tara, Rangihaeata, and other principal chiefs under him, 


and started for the Wairau, whence he made his way 
along the coast to Kaikoura. On his arrival there he 
found that the pa had been evacuated on their approach, 
the inhabitants flying down the Amuri. They were 
overtaken by the war party at a pa called Omihi, where 

Decorated Head of Te Rauparaha's War Canoe. 

they were attacked and routed with great slaughter, 
numbers of prisoners being also taken. 

These were left in charge of a detachment, whilst the 
rest of the force pushed with all speed for Kaiapohia, in 
order that Te Bauparaha might put his design against its 
inhabitants into execution. The pa of that name was 
situated just within the line of the coast dunes of 


Pegasus Bay, about a mile to the south of the Eiver 
Ashley, and was erected upon a promontory about nine 
or ten acres in extent, which extends into a deep swamp 
lying between the sand dunes and the bank of the river. 
This swamp, which is very deep, nearly surrounds the 
site of the pa, and prevented it from being attacked 
at any point except in front ; and along the line of the 
front, extending from one branch of the swamp to the 
other, a distance of about 250 yards, it was defended by 
a double line of heavy palisading and a deep ditch, with 
two large outworks, from which a flank fire could be 
maintained on any party attempting to scale the 

I have frequently visited the site of this pa, which 
still exhibits unmistakeable evidences of the conflict 
which took place there, including many relics of the 
special festivities with which the Maoris invariably 
celebrated their victories. I was informed that after its 
fall (which will shortly be fully detailed) the principal 
defenders threw large numbers of their choicest green- 
stone weapons and ornaments into the deepest part of 
the swamp, where they still lie, to reward any enter- 
prising person who will drain it for the purpose of 
recovering them. 

When Te Eauparaha and his people arrived at the pa, 
they at once opened intercourse with the chiefs, 
pretending that they had come to seek their friendship, 
and desired to barter fire-arms and ammunition in 
exchange for greenstone, in which the people of Kaiapoi, 
like their kinsfolk at Kaikoura, were extremely rich, but 
the latter, having been informed by some refugees of the 
slaughter at Omihi, distrusted the good intentions of 
their visitors. In order, however, to remove all pretext 


for hostilities they received them with great appearance 
of cordiality, and treated the chiefs who visited their 
houses with ostentatious hospitality. Te Eauparaha 
himself, however, could not be induced to enter the pa, 
the wily chief feeling that he had too surely earned their 
animosity by the slaughter of their kinsfolk, and, there- 
fore, could not justly place much trust upon their 
professions of friendship. 

It appears, according to the Ngatitoa account of the 
affair, that Te Pehi, who in order to keep up the 
deception had carried on a trade with some of the 
people, let the cat out of the bag ; for a Ngaitahu chief 
having expressed great unwillingness to part with a 
coveted greenstone weapon, was told by Te Pehi, in 
anger, " Why do you, with the crooked tatoo, resist my 
wishes; you, whose nose will shortly cut off with a 
hatchet." This confirmation from the lips of one of the 
chiefs in command of the Ngatitoa of their preconception 
of the real designs of Te Eauparaha's party, determined 
the people in the pa to strike a blow which would prevent 
Te Eauparaha from further prosecuting his design, at 
least at that time ; and, for this purpose, they resolved to 
kill the chiefs then in the pa, amongst whom, besides Te 
Pehi, were Pokaitara, Te Aratangata, of Ngatiraukawa, 
and others of note. 

Pokaitara had taken to wife from amongst the 
prisoners at Kaikoura the daughter of Eongatara, one of 
the Ngaitahu chieftains then in the pa, and having been 
invited to the house of the latter under pretext of 
receiving a present of greenstone, proceeded thither 
without suspicion of foul play. As he stooped to enter 
the house the old chief, Eongatara, took hold of his mat, 
saying, ' Welcome, welcome, my daughter's lord," at the 


same time killing him by a blow on the head with the 
greenstone club which he expected to have received as a 
gift. The death of Pokaitara was the signal for a general 
slaughter of the Ngatitoa chiefs, who were at once 
despatched, their bodies being destined to the umus of 
their murderers. 

The slaughter of his uncle, and of so many of his 
leading chiefs, was a severe blow to Te Rauparaha, who, 
with the rest of his party, at once fell back on Omihi, 
where he re-united his forces. In part revenge for the 
murder, he at once slew all the prisoners, and, after 
devouring their bodies, returned to the Wairau, whence 
they crossed over to Kapiti. 

The Ngaitahu account of the origin of the quarrel is 
different, and I give it from a petition presented, in 1869, 
to the House of Eepresentatives, by Patterson, then 
Maori member for the Southern Maori Electoral Dis- 
trict. The petition refers to a letter addressed to 
Patterson by the runanga, or local council, of the Maoris 
living near the European village of Kaiapoi, which is 
situated on the banks of the Waimakariri Eiver, some 
miles south of the pa above referred to. 

The following is the text of the letter, which I give 
nearly entire, as being of much interest in connection 
with my story : 

" To Patterson, 

" friend, salutations to you, and to the Assembly, 
that is to say, the great chiefs who work for justice and 

" sir, this is the matter which we submit to you, do 
you publish it to the Assembly, so that the great doctors 
may examine this disease. The disease is the sale by 
Ngatitoa of this land. 


" After you had left, the runanga gave their attention 
to the question of the affliction under which they are 
suffering, and now it is submitted to the great doctor to 
be prescribed for by him. Had the defeat of the people 
at this land been equal to that of the people of Rangitikei 
and Manawatu by Te Eauparaha and Ngatiraukawa, 
where the people were killed and the land was taken 
possession of, and has been kept up to this time, then it 
would have been right that we should suffer under this 
affliction. But, as for the defeat of the natives of Kaiapoi, 
the Maori runanga consider that is very clear that the 
battles in which the Kaiapoi natives were defeated were 
not followed up by occupation on the part of the victors. 

" According to our view the killing of the Kaiapoi 
natives was caused by the Rangitane, who said that Te 
Rauparaha was to be killed, with a stick used for beating 
fern-root. He then attacked the Rangitane, and defeated 
them. When Rerewhaka heard that his relatives had 
been slain, he said that he would rip Te Rauparaha's 
belly up with the tooth of a barracoota : it was through 
that that this evil visited this place. Rerewhaka was 
living amongst the people of Kaiapoi when he said that. 
Te Rauparaha should have killed that man, for he was 
the cause of the crime ; he spared him, but killed the 
descendants of Tuteahuka. O friends, the men of 
Kaiapoi were in deep distress on account of the killing 
of their relatives at Kaikoura and at Omihi. Now these 
two pas were destroyed by Te Rauparaha ; then Ngati- 
tuteahuka and Ngatihikawaikura, the people of Kaiapoi, 
bewailed their defeat. Te Rauparaha should have borne 
in mind that the flesh of our relatives was still sticking 
to his teeth, and he should have gone away and left it to 
us to seek payment for our dead after him ; but he did 
not, he came to Kaiapoi. 


"When he came the old chiefs of Kaiapoi wished to 
make peace, and sent Tamaiharanui to Te Eauparaha. 
On their meeting they made peace, and the talk of 
Tamaiharanui and Te Pehi was good. After Tamai- 
haranui had started to come back, Te Eauparaha went 
to another pa of ours, called Tuahiwi, and there 
sought for the grandmother of Tamaiharanui. They dug 
her body up and ate it, all decomposed as it was. 
Tamaiharanui was greatly distressed, and threatened to 
kill the war party of Te Eauparaha. Then his elder 
relatives, the great chiefs of Kaiapoi, said to him, ' son, 
do not, lest further evil follow in your footsteps.' He 
replied, It would not have mattered had I been away 
when this decomposed body was eaten, but, as it is, it 
has taken place in my very .presence.' Well, as the 
chief gave the word, Te Pehi, a great chief of Ngatitoa, 
and others were killed. Then Te Eauparaha went 

Such is the Ngaitahu account of the origin of the 
quarrel, which I am inclined to accept. It will be 
thought strange that Te Eauparaha did not, without 
seeking any pretence for the act, attack the pa in force, 
but to have done so would have been a violation of the 
Maori etiquette in matters relating to war. He had 
taken vengeance for the threat of Eerewhaka, and it was 
for the relatives of the latter to strike the next blow, 
which it appears they were unwilling to do, dreading the 
very results which afterwards followed in revenge for the 
killing of Te Pehi. 

Te Eauparaha brooded much over this murder of his 
relative, who, having accepted a secondary position in 
the tribe, no longer excited his jealousy, and had greatly 
assisted him as a wise counsellor and valiant leader. 


After full consultation with the other chiefs of the tribe, 
he resolved that his revenge should be carried out by an 
act as treacherous as that by which the death of Te Pehi 
and 'his companions had been brought about ; and whilst 
still revolving in his mind the best means of accom- 
plishing this design, a European vessel arrived at Kapiti, 
from Sydney, after having passed through Foveaux Strait 
and visited the Auckland Islands for the purpose of 
leaving a party of sealers at the latter place. 

Amongst the passengers by this vessel was Hohepa 
Tamaihengia, a near relative of Te Bauparaha, who, on 
leaving Foveaux Strait, had heard of the murder of Te 
Pehi and his companions from the Maoris there. Hohepa 
himself at once conceived the project of seizing and 
killing some of the Ngaitahu chiefs in utu for their 
death, and entered into arrangements with the master 
of the vessel to proceed to Akaroa for that purpose. 
This plan, however, having become known to some 
European passengers who were about to join a whaling 
party in Queen Charlotte Sound, they dissuaded the 
master from carrying it into effect, and the vessel 
proceeded direct to Kapiti. 

Hohepa communicated his design to Te Rauparaha, 
who determined to follow it out on the first convenient 
opportunity. Some time after the departure of this 
vessel, the English brig " Elizabeth " arrived at Kapiti. 
This vessel was commanded by a person named Stewart, 
to whom Te Rauparaha offered a large cargo of flax if he 
would carry him and a chosen party of warriors to 
Akaroa, for the purpose of seizing Tamaiharanui, the 
principal chief of the Ngaitahu, who had been present at 
Kaiapoi, at the time of the murder of Te Pehi, and had 
indeed taken an active part in counselling it. 


Stewart assented to the proposal, and conveyed Te 
Eauparaha and his warriors to Akaroa, where the 
European scoundrel, at the instigation of his charterer, 
opened communication with the unsuspecting Tamai- 
haranui, and ultimately induced him, with his wife and 
daughter, by the promise of some guns and powder, to 
come on board, where he was at once seized by Te 
Eauparaha, who, with his men, had up to this time 
remained concealed in the hold of the vessel. Having 
bound the captured thief, they remained quiet until 
nightfall, and then landing in the ship's boats, attacked 
the Ngaitahu in their village, of whom they killed large 
numbers. The bodies of the slain were taken on board 
the vessel, which at once set sail for Kapiti. 

On the passage up the successful taua feasted on these 
bodies, using the ship's coppers for cooking them. It 
may be that when Stewart engaged his vessel for thi& 
expedition he was not made aware of the intentions of Te 
Eauparaha, or did not foresee the results which followed, 
whilst he was certainly unable to prevent the atrocities 
which were perpetrated on board of her, but his name 
will always be infamous for his connection with this 
atrocious affair. It appears that the unfortunate 
Tamaiharanui attempted to commit suicide, in con- 
sequence of which he was chained in the cabin, but his 
hands being free, he managed to strangle his daughter, 
and push her body through one of the after ports, in 
order to save her from the indignities to which she would 
be subjected by her ruthless captors. But he himself 
was taken alive to Kapiti, where he was delivered over to 
the widows of Te Pehi, who subjected him to frightful 
tortures, until at length he was put out of his misery by 
a red-hot ramrod being passed through his neck. 


The following is the account given to me by Tamihana 
Te Eauparaha of the mode in which the unfortunate 
chief was delivered over to his death : " When the 
vessel arrived at Kapiti it was proclaimed that 
Tamaiharanui was on board, and the people were 
delighted. Ngaitahu had thought there was only the 
flowing sea (i.e., that there was no one going to attack 
them), but they were deceived, and Tamaiharanui was 
taken. There were not many people left in charge of 
Kapiti when the ship returned; they were at Waikanae 
and Otaki scraping flax as cargo for the vessel. Te Pehi's 
widows were at Waitohu, near Otaki, scraping flax. 
Tamaiharanui was then taken to Otaki in Te Bauparaha's 
canoe to be shown to those widows, as it was to be left 
to them to determine whether he was to be killed or 
allowed to live. 

" When they arrived at Otaki he asked Te Eauparaha 
to spare him, but Te Bauparaha replied : ' If the party 
killed, that is, Te Pehi, belonged to me, I would save 
you, but as the dead belonged to Ngatitoa, I cannot save 
you.' He was then taken to Waitohu, to be seen by the 
widows, and by Tiaia, the chief wife Te Pehi, and was 
then delivered over to them. They hung him on a tree 
and killed him with great torture, and he died when a 
red-hot ramrod was put through his neck by Tiaia. Te 
Eauparaha did not witness his death." 

It is impossible to conceive that women could descend 
so low in the scale of humanity as to commit such 
atrocities without any sentiment of compassion or of 
remorse, but those who are familiar with the history of 
the times of which I write, may recall many frightful 
instances of barbarity of the same kind. 


Amongst these, one of the most cruel which has come 
under my notice is the following, related by Wilson in 
his " Three Chapters in the Life of Te Waharoa " : " We 
may here mention a tragedy all are tragedies in this 
chapter of horrors. Mr. Knight was accustomed, every 
morning about sunrise, to attend a school at Ohinemutu 
Pa, but as there were no scholars on the morning of the 
12th May, he went to the place where he was told they 
would be found. There he perceived a great number of 
people sitting in two assemblages on the ground one 
entirely of men, the other of women and the chief Pango. 
The former company he joined, and conversed with them, 
as well as he was able, on the sin of cannibalism, but 
Korokai and all laughed at the idea of burying their 

" Their conversation ceased, however, on Knight hearing 
the word patua (kill) repeated several times ; and looking 
round toward the women, he was horrified to see the 
widow of the late chief Haupapa, who had been killed at 
Maketu, standing naked and armed with a tomahawk, 
whilst another woman, also nude, and Pango were 
dragging a woman taken prisoner at Te Tumu, that she 
might be killed by Mrs. Haupapa, in the open space 
between the men and the women. Mr. Knight 
immediately sprang forward, and entreated them not to 
hurt the woman, but Mrs. Haupapa, paying no attention, 
raised her hatchet ; on this, Knight caught the weapon 
and pulled it out of her hand, whereupon the other 
woman angrily wrenched it from his grasp, and would 
have killed him had not Pango interposed by running at 
him and giving him a blow and thrust that nearly sent 
him into the lake. He was, however, about to return 
when the natives seized him and held him back. 


" Just then, the poor woman slipping out of the 
garments which she was held by, rushed to Knight, and 
falling down, clasped his knees convulsively, in an agony 
of terror. Her murderers came, and abusing the pakeha 
the while for pokanoaing (interfering or meddling), with 
difficulty dragged her from her hold. The helpless 
pakeha says, ' It would have melted the heart of a stone ' 
to hear her calling each relative by name, beseeching 
them to save her, for though a Tauranga woman, she was 
connected with Eotorua, and to see her last despairing, 
supplicating look, as she was taken a few yards off and 
killed by that virago Mrs. Haupapa. 

" Now this scene occurred simply because Haupapa's 
widow longed to assuage the sorrow of her bereaved 
heart, by despatching, with her own hand, some prisoner 
of rank as utu for her lord. The tribe respected her 
desire; they assembled to witness the spectacle, and 
furnished a victim by handing over a chief's widow to 
her will." 

It may, as I have before observed, seem strange that 
Te Eauparaha did not at once take the bolder and more 
manly course of attacking the Ngaitahu at Kaiapoi, in 
the ordinary way of warfare, for the purpose of avenging 
the murder of Te Pehi and his brother chiefs, but I was 
informed by his son that the course he adopted was 
strictly tika, or in other words, in accordance with Maori 
etiquette in such matters, and that, indeed, any other line 
of action would not properly have met the exigencies of 
the case. 

That Te Eauparaha was not limited to the adoption of 
what we should consider the treacherous plan of revenge 
above related is clear from the events which I am about 
to refer to, for in about a year after the capture of 


Tamaiharanui our chief determined, in furtherance of his 
original design, to attack the great pa at Kaiapoi. For 
this purpose he assembled a large force, comprising 
Ngatitoa, Ngatiawa, and Ngatiraukawa, part of whom 
made their way through the Wairau Gorge and the 
Hanmer Plains to the Waipara River, which flows into 
the sea near the north head of Pegasus Bay ; whilst he 
with the main body of his forces passed over to the 
East Coast, and from thence down that coast to the 
mouth of the Waipara, where they were joined by the 
inland party. 

The inland line of march runs through some of the 
most picturesque country in New Zealand, the gorge of 
the Wairau, especially, being rugged and grand in the 
extreme. I was the first European who ever passed 
through this gorge, which I did in 1859 or 1860 for the 
purpose of determining whether it would afford a 
practicable line of communication between Nelson and 
Canterbury, and on that occasion I was accompanied by 
a Ngatitoa man, who had been one of the inland war 
party on the occasion above referred to. Singular to 
state, however, I found, after passing through the gorge, 
that he had entirely forgotten the line of route between 
Tarndale and the pass into the Hanmer Plains, and the 
season was, unfortunately, too far advanced to permit of 
my attempting to discover it independently. Indeed, 
my party was snowed up for several days, and as we ran 
some risk of getting short of food for the return journey, 
I was reluctantly compelled to give up the design. 

This was, however, of little importance, as Mr. Weld, 
afterwards Governor of Western Australia, had, a few 
days before my passage through the upper part of 
the gorge, found his way into Tarndale over the mount 


near the junction of the Wairau and Kopiouenuku 
Elvers, and had established the connections between that 
place and the pass known as Jollie's Pass, leading from 
the Clarence River into the Hanmer Plains. Subsequent 
explorations of my own resulted in the discovery, of 
the country in the Upper Waiauua and the line of the 
Cannibal Gorge, and of a shorter and easier pass from 
Tarndale into the Hanmer Plains, being probably the one 
used by the native party above referred to. 

After the junction of the two bodies Te Eauparaha 
proceeded at once to Kaiapohia for the purpose of 
attacking the pa. The Ngaitahu were evidently quite 
unprepared for this fresh invasion, a large number of 
their warriors being absent at Port Cooper, whither they 
had accompanied Taiaroa (father of the member of the 
House of Eepresentatives of that name), who was then 
the leading chief of that portion of their tribe, which 
occupied the country in the neighbourhood of the present 
site of Dunedin, and who was returning home after a 
visit to his kinsfolk at Kaiapohia. Others of the people 
were engaged in their cultivations outside of the pa, 
which was, in fact, only occupied by a small number of 
able-bodied warriors and a few of the older men, and 
some women and children. 

So carefully had Te Eauparaha concealed the approach 
of his war party that the first intimation which the 
inhabitants of the pa received of it was the sound of the 
firing as his force attacked the people in the cultivations, 
and the cries of the dying and wounded ; and they had 
barely time to close the gates of the outworks and to 
man the line of defences before a number of the enemy 
appeared in front of it. The Ngatitoa at once sprang to 
the assault, hoping to carry the defences by a coup de 


main, but were repulsed with some slaughter ; and after 
renewing the attempt and finding them too strong to be 
thus overcome, they determined to commence a regular 

For that purpose they intrenched themselves on the 
ground in front of the pa, at the same time occupying 
some sand-hills which commanded it on the eastern side, 

but from which 
it is separated 
by a branch 
of the great 
swamp before 
referred to. In 
the meantime, 
some of the 
Ngaitahu who 
had escaped 
from the first 
attack, favour- 
ed in so doing 
by their intim- 
ate knowledge 
of the line of 
swamps which 
occupies the 
the sea coast 


between the sand-dunes and 


as far as Banks Peninsula, managed to reach Port 
Cooper, where they informed their people of the attack 
upon the pa, arriving there in time to stop Taiaroa 
and those who were about to accompany him to Otago. 

After collecting reinforcements from the villages on 
the peninsula, Taiaroa and his forces made their way 
along the coast line as far as the Waimakariri, availing 


themselves of the swamps above referred to, for the 
purpose of concealing their march from any detached 
parties of the Ngatitoa. On reaching the Waimakariri 
they crossed it on rafts (commonly called mokihi by the 
natives) made of dried stalks of the flax, and concealed 
themselves until dark. 

Finding the hostile forces encamped along the front of 
the pa, and warned by their watch-fires that they were 
on the alert, they determined to ford the swamp at a 
narrow point on its western side, and to enter it through 
an outwork erected there, that being the only point 
along the line of the swamp which was at all weak. 
Using the utmost caution in their approach to this point 
they succeeded in reaching it without having attracted 
the notice of the besiegers, and at once plunged into the 
swamp, trusting to be able to struggle through it and 
enter the pa without being attacked by the Ngatitoa. 
Knowing, however, that the defenders would also be on the 
alert, they shouted the name of Taiaroa as they plunged 
into the water, in the hope that their friends would 
recognise their voices and take the necessary steps to 
admit them ; but the latter, believing it to be a ruse of the 
Ngatitoa, opened fire upon them, which was kept up 
vigorously for some time. The error having at last been 
discovered, and little damage having fortunately been 
done, the main body of the warriors were admitted into 
the pa, to the great joy of the handful of people by whom, 
up to that time, the defence had been maintained. 

The siege operations were, however, in but a slight 
degree affected by this accession of strength to the 
besieged, for although they made frequent sorties against 
the works of the Ngatitoa, these experienced warriors 
held them without difficulty, and repulsed them all with 



loss to the assailants. The Ngaitahu, dispirited by their 
failures, soon abandoned these tactics, and, trusting in 
the impregnable nature of the pa, confined themselves to 
purely defensive operations. I ought to mention that 
at the time the siege commenced the pa was well 
provisioned, besides which the lagoon yielded large 
supplies of eels, so that the defenders ran little risk of 
being obliged to surrender on account of famine, whilst 
the besiegers, on the other hand, were compelled to 
depend on foraging parties for supplies, and frequently 
ran short of provisions. Indeed, the difficulty of feeding 
his men was the chief cause which led to the adoption 
of a plan of attack which, so far as I am aware, was then 
adopted for the first time in Maori warfare. 

A council of war having been held, it was determined 
to sap up to the two outworks, and as soon as the head 
of the sap had been carried up to them, to pile up in 
front of them immense quantities of dried brushwood, 
which were to be set ori fire when the wind blew in the 
direction of the pa, and to rush it so soon as the 
palisading had been burned down. This plan was carried 
out, and the two lines of sap exist to this day, and are as 
well carried out as if done by the most experienced 
European engineers. 

At first Te Rauparaha suffered considerable loss, for 
the enemy, foreseeing that the pa must be taken if this 
plan of operation was successfully carried out, made the 
most strenuous efforts to prevent it, but having been 
defeated in every encounter, and Te Rauparaha having 
taken precautions to prevent future loss, they allowed 
the saps to be pushed close up to the outworks. So 
soon as the besiegers, however, had piled the brushwood 
in position it was fired by the people of the pa, the wind 


at the time blowing from the north-west ; but a sudden 
change occurring, both the outworks, as well as the 
general line of defences, were soon enveloped in a mass 
of flame and smoke, from which the defenders were 
compelled to retreat. 

When the palisading had thus been destroyed, the 
Xgatitoa rushed through the burning ruins, and a general 
massacre ensued. Many endeavoured to escape by 
swimming across the lagoon, and some few succeeded in 
doing so, whilst others were interrupted by bodies of 
Ngatitoa detached for that purpose. The slaughter was 
tremendous, whilst numbers of prisoners also fell into- 
the hands of the victors. Some conception may be 
formed of the numbers slain and eaten, when I mention 
that some time after the settlement of Canterbury the 
Eev. Mr. Eaven, Incumbent of Woodend, near the site 
of the pa in question, collected many cartloads of their 
bones, and buried them in a mound on the side of the 
main road leading from the present town of Kaiapoi to the 
north. Ghastly relics of these feasts still strew the same 
ground, from which I myself have gathered many. 

Having thus captured the main stronghold of the 
Ngaitahu, Te Eauparaha sent detached parties of his 
warriors to scour the plains as far south as the Eakaia, 
as well as to ravage the villages on the Peninsula, 
by whom hundreds of the unfortunate people w r ere 
slaughtered ; after which he made his way back to the 
shores of Cook Strait, and from thence to Kapiti, laden 
with spoil, and accompanied by large numbers of 
captives, some of whom were kept in slavery, whilst 
others w 7 ere used in the ordinary manner in the festivities 
by which his triumph was celebrated. 




Te Eauparaha having thus completed his design of 
conquering the Middle Island, next turned his attention, 
at the earnest request of the Ngatiraukawa, to avenging 
a defeat which the latter had sustained some time 
previously at the hands of the tribes occupying the line 
of the Wanganui Eiver. In this defeat only a few of 
the chiefs had escaped the general slaughter, amongst 
whom were Te Puke and his younger brother Te Ao, 
both of whom succeeded in making their way to Kapiti. 

In consequence of this resolution, a war party number- 
ing nearly a thousand fighting men, under the most 
distinguished chiefs of the three tribes, then united under 
the general leadership of Te Rauparaha, was despatched 
to lay siege to Putikiwaranui, a great pa of the Wanganuis, 
which was occupied and defended by nearly double the 
number of the attacking force. The siege lasted upwards 
of two months, during which many sorties were made, 
but the besiegers maintained their ground, and ultimately 
carried the enemy's works by assault, slaughtering an 
immense number of them. 

Turoa and Hori Te Anaua (afterwards known as Hori 
KingiJ the head chiefs, however, escaped, but the fact 
that no attempt was even made to avenge this serious 
disaster, is of itself the strongest evidence of the power 


of Te Eauparaha and his allies, and of the absurdity of 
supposing that his occupation of the country he had 
conquered could for a moment have been disturbed by 
the remnant of the Ngatiapa, Eangitane, and Muaupoko 
tribes which had still escaped the general destruction of 
their people. 

Soon after the year 1835, the great body of the 
Ngatiawa, under the chiefs E Puni, Warepouri, Wi 
Tako, and others, and accompanied by numbers of the 
Taranaki and Ngatiruanui tribes, came down the coast, 
many of them settling around and to the southward 
of Waikanae, whilst others took possession of Port- 
Nicholson and the Hutt country, from which they drove 
the section of the Ngatikahungunu, which up to this 
time had occupied those districts. This migration took 
place after the destruction of the great Ngatiawa pa of 
Pukerangiora, inland of the Waitara. 

It appears that many years before this event the 
Waikato tribes, under Te Whero Whero and Taiporutu 
(father of Waharoa and grandfather of William Thompson 
Tarapipi, so celebrated in connection with our own 
Waikato wars) had suffered severely at the hands of the 
Ngatitama under the leadership of Kaeaea, by whom 
Taiporutu was crucified in the gateway of a pa defended 
by this ruthless w r arrior. It was indeed from this 
circumstance that Waharoa took his name, which 
signifies the large gateway of a pa. 

This defeat, as well as that which they had suffered at 
the hands of Te Eauparaha and his allies, during the 
migration of the Ngatitoa from Kawhia, naturally 
rankled in their minds, and in one of the intervals of the 
wars of Te Waharoa against the Ngatimaru, he and Te 
Whero Whero concerted a campaign against the Ngatiawa. 


There is liittle doubt, however, that but for the great 
superiority in the weapons of the Waikato force they 
would have thought twice before attacking their old foes, 
who had always been notorious for their bravery, and 
who in their frequent migrations had proved themselves 
more than a match for even the most warlike tribes to which 
they became opposed. But the possession of a large 
supply of fire-arms gave to the Waikato chieftains an 
almost irresistible offensive power, and they did not 
hesitate, therefore, in attacking the Ngatiawa, even in 
the midst of their own country and in their principal 

The pa was defended by a large number of warriors, 
and withstood for many months the most vigorous 
assaults, only falling at last after the unfortunate 
inhabitants had suffered much from famine. When taken, 
hundreds of prisoners fell into the hands of the victors, 
and it is related of Te Where Whero that upwards of 250 
of them were slain with his own hands, in order that 
they might be prepared for the ovens. 

It is said that, as he sat on the ground after the 
assault, the unfortunate wretches were one by one 
placed alongside of him, their heads within his reach, 
and that he despatched them successively with a single 
blow on the skull with a celebrated mere pounamu, 
afterwards in the possession of his son, the Maori King. 
After killing this great number he threw the mere down, 
exclaiming, " I am tired, let the rest live," and 
accordingly their lives were spared, but they were kept 
in slavery until some time after the establishment of the 
European settlement of New Plymouth. 

The heavy blow thus inflicted upon the tribe, and the 
fear of complete annihilation, determined those who still 


remained to join Te Eauparaha and the Ngatiraukawa> 
whose forces, thus increased, would be more than a 
match for any war party which the Waikatos could 
bring against them, even if the chiefs of the latter tribes 
felt disposed to carry hostilities into Te Eauparaha's 
country. It appears that, shortly after the arrival of the 
Ngatiawa on the coast, they formed the design of taking 
possession of a large part of the country occupied by the 
Ngatiraukawa, and particularly that in the neighbour^ 
hood and to the north of Otaki. It would seem, 
moreover, that there was dissension amongst the 
Ngatitoas themselves, a portion of them taking part 
with the Ngatiawa, out of jealousy at some apparent 
favouritism extended by Te Eauparaha to the great 
Ngatiawa chieftains, and more particularly to Whatanui, 
whose relationship to Te Eauparaha, together with his 
high character as a chief and warrior, gave him great 
influence with the latter. 

The immediate cause of the fighting to which I am 
about to refer, however, was a robbery committed by a 
party of Ngatiruanui, who were caught by the Ngatirau- 
kawa in the very act of plundering their potato pits near 
Waikawa. A conflict at once took place, in which a 
leading chief of the Ngatiruanui, named Tawhake, was 
killed, and this led to hostilities being carried on between 
the two tribes at various points on the line of their 
settlements between Manawatu and Waikanae. This 
state of affairs continued for a considerable time, the 
forces engaged on each side being numerous and well 
armed, the result being that large numbers were killed 
on both sides. 

Soon after this civil war had commenced Te Eauparaha 
who at once saw the disastrous results which must 


follow from it, sent messengers to Te Heuheu, urging that 
chief to bring down a force sufficiently strong to enable 
him to crush the Ngatiruanui, who were the most 
turbulent of the insurgents, after which he hoped to be 
able to bring about a peace between the remainder of 
the contending parties. He was much grieved, more- 
over, at the dissension in his own tribe, part of which, as 
I have before mentioned, had joined the Ngatiawa 
leaders, and had taken an active part in the numerous 
engagements which had already occurred. The loss on 
both sides had been severe, and Te Eauparaha knew full 
well that he required the whole strength at his command 
to maintain his position against the Wanganui and 
Ngatikahungunu tribes, who would have been but too 
ready to attack him if they saw any reasonable prospect 
of success. 

In this connection, I may observe at this period the 
shores of Cook Strait were frequented by numbers of 
whale and other ships, and the tribes along the coast 
found no difficulty in obtaining fire-arms and ammuni- 
tion, which were the principal articles received in barter 
for flax, then largely used in Australia for the manu- 
facture of wool-lashing. This facility of obtaining 
European weapons placed the tribes in question upon a 
footing of comparative equality in their contests, and 
Te Eauparaha could no longer reckon upon the con- 
tinuance of the advantages which his own earlier 
possession of them had given him in his wars, and it- 
was, therefore, of the utmost moment to him that 
nothing should take place which would tend to weaken 
his influence or his numbers. 

It was, therefore, with great satisfaction that he 
received intimation from Te Heuheu of his intention to 


bring a large force to his aid : and, in effect, within two 
or three months after the commencement of hostilities, 
that chief, accompanied by other chiefs of note from 
Maungatautari and Taupo, amongst whom were Tariki 
and Taonui, reached Otaki with nearly 800 well-armed 
fighting men. No sooner had they arrived than they 
proceeded to attack the Ngatiawa at Horowhenua, a 
pa close to the Otaki Eiver. But even with this great 
accession to his forces, the contest raged for several 
months with varying success, the slaughter in some 
instances being very great. In one of the battles 
Papaka, a favourite brother of Te Heuheu, was killed, and 
in another Te Tipi, a son of Te Eauparaha. 

At length a great battle was fought at Pakakutu, in 
which the Ngatiruanui were defeated with serious loss, 
their chief Takerangi being killed and their pa taken. 
This battle put an end to the war, for soon afterwards 
the whole of the leading chiefs on both sides met, and 
upon the advice and urgent entreaty of Te Heuheu and 
Whatanui, a peace was made, which was not again 
broken until the fighting at Kirititonga, which (as will be 
mentioned in the sequel) took place on the day before 
the arrival of the " Tory." 

Immediately after peace had been solemnly ratified 
the parties divided, the Ngatiraukawa proceeding to 
re-occupy their former settlements around Ohau and 
Horowhenua, and also the district between the Mana- 
watu and Rangitikei Rivers, whilst the Ngatiawa retired 
below Waikanae, occupying the various points, including 
Port Nicholson, in which they were ultimately found by 
the Agent of the New Zealand Company. 

Te Rauparaha, however, was so much grieved at what 
had taken place, and more particularly at the defection 


of that part of his own tribe which had joined the 
Ngatiawa during the recent struggle, that he determined 
to accompany Te Heuheu back to Maungatautari, and 
settle there for the remainder of his days. In pursu- 
ance of this resolve, he collected his more immediate 
followers and proceeded as far as Ohau, where, however, 
he was overtaken by messengers from Otaki and Kapiti, 
urging him to abandon his resolution and to remain with 
his people. In this request they were joined by Te 
Heuheu, and after much discussion and persuasion he 
consented to their request, returning to Kapiti, after 
taking leave of his great ally. 

This was the last great struggle in which Te Rauparaha 
was engaged, but it seems that during the intervals of 
rest between his various more important undertakings, 
he was ever mindful of the treacherous attempt of the 
Muaupoko to murder him, and of the actual slaughter of 
his children, and had unceasingly persecuted the 
remnant of this tribe, until at last they, as well as the 
Ngatiapa and Eangitane, sought the protection of Te 
Whatanui. In the words of Te Kepa Eangihiwinui 
(better known as Major Kemp), son of Tunguru, one of 
the chiefs of the Muaupoko, who had been concerned in 
the murder, "Whatanui took them under his protection, 
and promised that nothing should reach them but the 
rain from heaven;" meaning that he would' stand 
between them and the long-nursed and ever-burning 
wrath of Eauparaha. 

The latter unwillingly yielded to the wishes of his 
great kinsman, and from that time ceased directly to 
molest these unfortunate people, who were suffered 
again to occupy part of their original territory in the 
neighbourhood of Lake Horowhenua ; not as a tribe, 


however, but simply in the character of tributaries, if 
not actual slaves, to Whatanui. In the words of Matene 
Te Whiwhi, " Te Eauparaha was anxious to exterminate 
the Muaupoko, but Whatanui interfered. Some had been 
taken prisoners, but others were living dispersed in the 
mountains. When they came to Horowhenua, they 
came like wild dogs ; if they had been seen, they would 
have been caught and killed. There was one there, a 
woman of rank whose possessions had covered all Otaki, 
and who had been a slave of mine. She was the wife of 
Te Kooku. They had been taken but not killed." 

But it is clear, nevertheless, that although Te 
Eauparaha refrained from directly molesting them, he 
was not unwilling to join in any indirect attempt to 
exterminate them, for we find that on one occasion Wi 
Tako, in conjunction with some of the Ngatitoa chiefs, 
having been instigated by Te Eauparaha to do so, invited 
the whole Muaupoko people to a great feast to be held at 
Ohariu upon some one of the numerous pretexts which 
the Maoris knew so well how to use for engaging in festiv- 
ities, it having been arranged beforehand that these 
guests should all be murdered and eaten. 

The bait took, notwithstanding the advice of Whatanui, 
who, distrusting the reasons assigned for the festival, 
cautioned the Muaupoko not to attend, predicting some 
disaster to them. Notwithstanding this caution, up- 
wards of 150 attended the festival, all of whom were 
slaughtered, and their bodies duly consigned to the 
ovens ; but this was the last great act of slaughter of the 
kind which took place. 

Shortly after the close of the civil war to which I 
have lately alluded, a section of the Ngatiawa tribe, 
known as the Ngatimutunga, which had taken up their 


quarters in Port Nicholson, chartered the English 
brig "Rodney" to carry them down to the Chatham 
Islands, which had been reported to them by a member 
of their hapu, who had visited the islands in a whaling 
ship, as being thickly peopled with an unwarlike and 
plump-looking race, who would fall an easy prey to such 
experienced warriors as his own people. This occurred 
about the year 1836, and within less than two years after 
the expedition reached the islands the aboriginal in- 
habitants were reduced from 1500 to fewer than 200 
people, the greater number having been devoured by 
their conquerors. In one of the cases in the Wellington 
Museum may be seen a bone spear, which formerly 
belonged to Mokungatata, one of the leading chiefs of 
the Ngatimutunga, who was known to have lived for a 
considerable time almost exclusively on the flesh of 
young children, as many as six of them being sometimes 
cooked in order to feast himself and his friends. 

Harking back to the division of Te Eauparaha's forces, 
just before he left D'Urville Island for the purpose of 
attacking the Kaikoura Pa, that portion that remained 
under the leadership of Niho, Takerei, Te Koihua and 
Te Puoho, proceeded to attack the settlements of the 
Rangitane and Ngatiapa in Blind and Massacre Bays, 
which they entirely destroyed. Te Koihua settled near 
Pakawau, in Massacre Bay, where I frequently saw the 
old man, prior to his death. Strange to say, his love for 
greenstone was so great that even after he and his wife 
had both reached a very advanced age, they travelled 
down the West Coast in 1858, then a very arduous task, 
and brought back a large rough slab of that substance, 
which they proceeded diligently to reduce to the form of 
a mere. 


Niho and Takerei, leaving Te Koihua in Massacre Bay 
at the time of their original incursion, proceeded down 
the coast as far as the Hokitika Eiver, killing and taking 
prisoners nearly all the existing inhabitants. Amongst 
the prisoners was'Tuhuru, who was afterwards ransomed 
by the Ngaitahu for a celebrated mere called Kai Kanohi, 
now in the possession of the descendants of Matenga Te 

Niho and Takerei settled at the mouth of the Grey, 
whilst detached parties occupied various points along the 
coast, both to the north and south of that river. I do 
not think it necessary to refer in any detail to the events 
which took place between the Horowhenua war and the 
arrival of the " Tory " with Colonel Wakefield in 1839. 

On the 16th November in that year this ship reached 
Kapiti, and Colonel Wakefield was informed that a 
sanguinary battle had just been fought near Waikanae 
on that morning between large forces of the Ngatiawa on 
the one side, and of Ngatiraukawa on the other. This 
fight is commonly known as the kirititonga, and was 
caused by the renewal, at the funeral obsequies 
of Te Bauparaha's sister Waitohi, of the land feuds 
between the two tribes. The forces engaged were large, 
and the killed on both sides numbered nearly eighty, 
whilst considerable numbers were wounded. Te Eaupa- 
raha himself took no part in the battle, reaching the 
scene of action after the repulse of the Ngatiraukawa, 
and narrowly escaping death by swimming off to his 
canoe, his retreat being covered by a vigorous rally on 
the part of his allies. This was the last contest which 
occurred between the natives along the coast in question, 
the arrival of the European settlers entirely changing the 
aspect of affairs. 


I need not here detail the arrangements made by 
Colonel Wakefield for the purchase of the country in the 
neighbourhood of Wellington, and along the coast to the 
northward, . but it is worth while to extract from E. J. 
Wakefield's " Adventures in New Zealand " the account 
he gives of, the Colonel's first meeting with Te Rauparaha, 
of the appearance of the latter, and of the impression 
which he made upon his European visitors. 

" We had just made up a boat's crew," he says, "from 
the cabin party, to go over and see the field of battle, the 
surgeons taking their instruments with them, when a 
message arrived from Te Rauparaha. He was on Evans 
Island, the nearest to the ship of the three islets, and 
expressed a desire to see Colonel Wakefield. We there- 
fore pulled round and went to see him. He had just 
returned from the scene of bloodshed, whither he asserted 
that he had gone to restore peace ; and seeing the arrival 
of our ship, which was taken for a man-of-war by many 
even of the Europeans, he had betaken himself, with all 
his goods, to the residence of an English whaler, named 
Thomas Evans, on whom he relied for protection from 
some imaginary danger. 

" We had heard, while in Cloudy Bay, that Te 
Eauparaha had expressed himself in somewhat violent 
terms towards us for purchasing Port Nicholson without 
his sanction ; and he was described by the whalers as 
giving way to great alarm when told what the ship was, 
and as having inquired anxiously what natives we had on 
board. As we leaped from our boat he advanced to meet 
us, and, with looks of evident fear and mistrust, eagerly 
sought our hands to exchange the missionary greeting. 

" During the whole of the ensuing conversation he 
seemed uneasy and insecure in his own opinion, and the 


whalers present described this behaviour as totally at vari- 
ance with his usual boastfulness and arrogance. He made 
us a pious speech about the battle, saying that he had had 
no part in it, and that he was determined to give no 
encouragement to fighting. He agreed to come on board 
the next day, and departed to one of the neighbouring 

" He is rather under the average height, and very 
dignified and stately in his manner, although on this 
occasion it was much affected by the wandering and 
watchful glances which he frequently threw around him, 
as though distrustful of everyone. Although at least 
sixty years, old he might have passed for a much younger 
man, being hale and stout, and his hair but slightly 
grizzled. His features are aquiline and striking, but an 
overhanging upper lip, and a retreating forehead on 
which his eyebrows wrinkled back when he lifted his 
deep sunken eyelids and penetrating eyes, produced a 
fatal effect on the good prestige arising from his first 
appearance. The great chieftain, the man able to lead 
others, and habituated to wield authority, was clear at 
first sight ; but the savage ferocity of the tiger, who 
would not scruple to use any means for the attainment 
of that power, the destructive ambition of a selfish 
despot, was plainly discernible on a nearer view. 

"Innumerable accounts have been related to me of Te 
Rauparaha's unbounded treachery. No sacrifice of* 
honour or feeling seems to have been too great for him, 
if conducive to his own aggrandizement or security. He 
has been known to throw one of his own men overboard 
in order to lighten his canoe when pursued by the 
enemy, and he had slaughtered one of his own slaves at 
the late feast at Mana to appear opulent in the eyes of 


his assembled guests. This was one of the poor, 
submissive, hard-working tributaries whom we had seen 
at the Pelorus. 

" In his intercourse with the white whalers and traders 
and the shipping in the Strait, he had universally dis- 
tinguished himself by the same qualities. By dint of 
cringing and fawning upon those who showed power and 
inclination to resist his constant extortions, and the most 
determined insolence and bullying towards those whom 
he knew to be at his mercy, he succeeded in obtaining a 
large revenue from the white population, whether 
transient or permanent, which he invariably applied to 
the extension of bis power among the natives. 

" He was always accompanied in these marauding 
excursions, which he frequently extended over to Cloudy 
Bay and Queen Charlotte Sound, by Eangihaeata, who 
had become his inseparable companion since his rise in 
authority. Their respective stations were pithily 
described by one of the whalers, who told us that ' the 
Eobullar ' as he mispronounced his name, ' cast the 
bullets, and the Eangihaeata shot them.' Te Eauparaha 
was the mind, and his mate the body, on these blackmail 
gathering rounds. They had both acquired a violent 
taste for grog, and this, with fire-arms and powder, were 
the principal articles demanded." 

Such is the account given by a writer, by no means 
favourable to Te Eauparaha, of the impressions he had 
formed of the chief upon their first interview, and 
although in some respects the picture he draws is not a 
favourable one, we may clearly see that its worst features 
are owing to the intercourse of Te Eauparaha with the 
class of European traders who then frequented the coast. 
Master as he was of all the treacherous arts practised by 


the Maori warrior, and ruthlessly as his designs were 
carried out, and fearful as the results may have been, it 
must be remembered that he was doing no more than his 
great countrymen, E Hongi, Waharoa, Te Whero Whero, 
and other leading chiefs who, during the same period, 
carried on wars in various parts of the islands. 

Those who knew Te Whero Whero Potatau will recall 
the peculiar dignity of his manner, and certainly no 
one would have supposed that the tall, graceful-looking 
man in the full dress of an English gentleman, who 
conversed with quiet ease with those whom he met in 
the drawing-rooms of Government House, at Auckland, 
was the same person as the savage who sat naked on 
the ground at Pukerangiora smashing the skulls of 
hundreds of defenceless prisoners, until he was almost 
smothered with blood and brains. 

Nor can I believe that Te Eauparaha was ever guilty 
of the treacherous conduct towards his own people with 
which he is charged by Mr. Wakefield. Their love and 
respect for him were very great, and the influence he 
acquired with such men as Te Heuheu and Whatanui 
indicates that he possessed the highest qualities as a 

I had not intended to carry my story beyond the 
arrival of the " Tory," but I think it is as well to give 
Te Eauparaha's own view of the disastrous affair at the 
Wairau in 1843, and of its results as related to me by 
his son. 

" I will now," he says, " leave my account of the 
battles of Te Eauparaha at this end of the island, and 
speak of the folly of the Europeans and Maoris at 
Wairau, where Wakefield met his death. The fight, and 
death of Wakefield and the other European gentlemen 


in 1843, were caused by the deceit of Captain Piringa- 
tapu (anglice Blenkinsopp). He deceived Te Eauparaha 
in giving him a big gun for the purchase of Wairau. He 
wrote some documents in English, which said that he 
had bought that land. Te Eauparaha did not know 
what was in those documents, and signed his name in 
ignorance. Captain Piringatapu told Te Eauparaha that 
when he saw the captain of a man-of-war he was to show 
him the documents that he might know that they were 
chiefs. Te Eauparaha thought that it was all correct. 

" When Te Eauparaha returned from Cloudy Bay, near 
Wairau, he gave the documents to Hawea* to read ; 
when he had read them, he told Te Eauparaha that all 
his land at Wairau had passed away to Captain Piringa- 
tapu, and that he had received a big gun for it. Te 
Eauparaha was angry, and tore up the documents and 
threw them in the fire, also the documents held by the 
chiefs of Ngatitoa at Kapiti, and Ngatitoa of the other 

" When Wakefield arrived, and the settlements of Nel- 
son and Wellington were formed, he (Wakefield) went to 
Wairau for the purpose of surveying. Te Eauparaha 
did not consent, as he had not been paid for it, since he 
had been deceived by Captain Piringatapu. Te Eaupa- 
raha' s thought was that the land ought not to be taken 
by Wakefield, but that they should consider the matter 
before the land was handed over. Trouble and wrong 
was caused by the hurried attack of Wakefield and party 
upon Te Eauparaha. Te Eauparaha has told me a good 
deal about this matter. It was not his desire that the 
Europeans should be killed : his love to Wakefield and 
party was great. Eangihaeata, Te Eauparaha's nephew, 

* Hawea, or Hawes, was a European trader [residing at Kapiti at the 
time of the transaction. 



was misled by his own foolish thought and want of 
attention to what Te Eauparaha had said. 

" When Wakefield and party were dead, Eauparaha 
rose and said, ' Hearken Te Eangihaeata, I will now 
leave you as you have set aside my tikanga, let those of 
the Europeans who have been killed suffice ; let the 
others live, do not kill them.' Eangihaeata replied, 
' What about your daughter that has been killed ? ' Te 

Porirua Bay. 

Eauparaha replied, ' Why should not that daughter die ? ' 
Te Eauparaha also said, ' Now I will embrace Christianity, 
and turn to God, who has preserved me from the hands 
of the Europeans.' This was the time when he 
embraced Christianity. 

" I was absent when the fight took place at Wairau, 
having gone to preach to Ngaitahu. I went as far as 
Eakaia. I was there one year, and was the first person 
that went there to preach. It was on this account that 


my father did not go there to fight. When Eangihaeata 
again occasioned trouble to the Europeans at the Hutt, 
Te Eauparaha was sad at the folly of Rangihaeata in 
withholding the land that had been purchased from him 
and Te Eangihaeata by the Europeans for 200. Te 
Eauparaha endeavoured to persuade Eangihaeata to 
cease causing trouble about that land, but he would not 

"Te Eauparaha w r as afterwards taken prisoner by 
Governor Grey at Porirua without sufficient pretext. The 
following is the reason why he was taken : A letter was 
written by some one, to which the name of Te Eauparaha 
was signed ; it was then sent to the chiefs of Patutokotoku 
at Wanganui. It is said that Mamaku and Eangihaeata 
wrote the letter and signed the name of Te Eauparaha to 
give it force. I was at school at this time with Bishop 
Selwyn at Auckland, together with my wife Euth, and 
did not see the capture of my father. 

" When I returned and arrived in Wellington, I went 
on board the ' Calliope,' the man-of-war in which my 
father was a prisoner, to see him. When I saw him we 
cried together, and when we finished he said to me, 
Son, go to your tribes and tell them to remain in peace. 
Do not pay for my arrest with evil, only with that which 
is good. You must love the Europeans. There was no 
just cause for my having been arrested by Governor 
Grey. I have not murdered any Europeans, but I was 
arrested through the lies of the people. If I had been 
taken prisoner in battle, it would have been well, but I 
was unjustly taken.' 

" I returned on shore with Matene and went to Porirua, 
and there saw Ngatitoa and Eawhiri Puaha. We told 
them the words of Te Eauparaha respecting good and 
our living at peace. We then went on to Otaki and 


Interior of the Church at Otaki. 


repeated the same words. At this time we (two) caused 
the town of Hadfield to be built at Otaki. From this 
time Ngatiraukawa came to Ngatiwakatere at Manawatu 
this was the tribe that befriended Eangihaeata 200 
of the tribe came on to Otaki, and when they arrived we 

" Rangihaeata invited these people that they might 
know the thoughts of Matene and myself respecting 
Te Eauparaha, who was held as a captive on board the 
vessel. He wished to destroy Wellington and kill the 
Europeans as a satisfaction. I told them the words of 
Te Rauparaha when we (two) went to see them (i.e., the 
chiefs) and the young men. I told them they must put 
an end to this foolish desire, and not hearken to the 
tikanga of Rangihaeata, but that they must live in peace 
and cease that bad desire. They consented. The 
Ngatiraukawa consented to build that town, that they 
might obtain a name. 

"When Te Rauparaha was liberated in the year 1846, 
he urged Ngatiraukawa to build a large church in 
Hadfield Town, at Otaki. Had he not returned, the 
church would not have been built. He had a great 
desire to worship the great God. He was continually 
worshipping until he died at Otaki on the 27th 
November, 1849." 

Such is the history of the life and times of a very 
remarkable man, and of habits and customs which have 
already become so much things of the past that in the 
course of another generation there will be scarcely an 
aboriginal native left who will have the slightest 
knowledge of them. Indeed, the memory of the events 
I have related is already becoming indistinct, even to 
those of the principal actors in these events who are 
still living. 






THE pa of Kaiapoi, after which the English town 
of that name in the Provincial District of Canterbury is 
called, was the chief fortress and stronghold of the 
Maori tribe of Ngaitahu ; and the story of its siege and 
capture by a hostile force from the North Island, under 
the command of the famous warrior chief, Te Rauparaha, 
forms the most important chapter in the modern history 
of the natives residing in the South Island of New 
Zealand. The facts narrated in the following pages 
were told the writer more than thirty years ago, by 
persons who had either taken part in the defence of the 
pa, or had once resided within its walls. 

The growth and development of the English com- 
munity in this country has been so rapid that only a 
small percentage of persons in it have any conception of 
the marvellous change which has taken place in the 
appearance of New Zealand, and in the character of its 
inhabitants within the short period of sixty years. No 


one passing to-day through the busy towns, and along 
the well-kept highways and railroads, which traverse 
a country studded in all directions with comfortable 
homesteads, surrounded by cornfields and well-stocked 
pastures, could imagine that persons still living have 
only to close their eyes to the scenes around them to 
enable them to recall to mind the appearance of the 
country when there was not a sign of civilized life to be 
found anywhere within a thousand miles of it, when 
everything was in a state of nature, and the only people 
to be seen were fierce, untamed barbarians. 

No two parts of the world were then more unlike each 
other than highly cultivated, highly civilized England 
and wild, uncouth, barbaric New Zealand ; they had 
nothing in common ; the physical features of both 
countries, the vegetation, the animal life, and the 
people were altogether different. But so rapid has been 
the process of transformation, that persons who have 
come to these shores within the last twenty-five years 
have found everything about them so like what they left 
behind in the Old World, that the change of residence 
has proved to them more like a removal from one 
English county to another than removal to a foreign 
land. Seeing no traces anywhere around them of 
barbarism, they have failed to realise that things have 
not always been here what they are now ; that whilst 
the barbaric age is separated from the civilization of 
Europe by an interval of nearly two thousand years, 
it is separated from the colonists of New Zealand 
only by the short period of sixty ; and that, in this 
short period, the pioneer settlers have passed through 
all the phases of experience, from barbarism to a high 
state of civilization. We have only to compare the 


Kaiapoi of the present with the Kaiapoi of the near 
past to realise this fact. 

The Kaiapoi of to-day is a borough town, twelve miles 
north of the city of Christchurch, presided over by a 
mayor and councillors, and is the centre of a large 
and flourishing agricultural district. The site of the 
town was fixed upon in 1853 ; but the first building,, 
which was a thatched cottage of wattle and daub, was 
not put up till 1855. Since that date hundreds of 
substantial dwellings have been erected, and the popu- 
lation of the town and neighbourhood, which is entirely 
European, has grown from one inhabitant to five 
thousand. The main trunk line of railway passes through 
the town, and the telegraph puts the place in communica- 
tion with all parts of the world. 

Shops of various kinds and hotels are found in the 
main thoroughfares, as well as warehouses for the storage 
of grain, and wool, and other produce, which is either 
exported by rail or by water in coasting vessels, which 
can easily load at the wharves along the bank of the 
river that flows through the centre of the town. The 
river is spanned by two bridges, one for wheel traffic 
and the other for foot-passengers. The most conspicuous 
public buildings are the churches belonging to the 
Anglican, Presbyterian, Wesleyan, and Eoman Catholic 
communions, the Borough Schools, the Oddfellows' 
Hall, the Masonic Hall, the Bank, the Eesident 
Magistrate's Court, Borough Council Chamber, a Library 
of several thousand volumes, the Drill Shed, and the 
Fire Brigade Station. 

But the largest building of all is the woollen factory, 
on which the welfare of the town mainly depends. 
It occupies a very picturesque situation on the banks 



of the Cam, and covers a large space of ground, having 
attained to its present dimensions from very small 
beginnings. It was started in 1866 for the preparation 
of the fibre of native flax, which grew over thousands 
of acres in the immediate neighbourhood ; but as it did 
not prove a paying concern, it was converted, in 1873, 
into a flannel and blanket factory. It changed hands 
for the third time in 1880, when the range of its 
operations was very greatly extended. The newest 

The Kaiapoi Woollen Factory. 

machinery was imported from Home, and the manu- 
facture of every kind of woollen fabric undertaken. 
Being in a position to secure the choicest kinds of New 
Zealand wool, the managers of the Kaiapoi factory are 
able to turn out as good work as any of the looms in the 
Old Country. The mill uses up about 1,300,000 Ibs. of 
wool during the year, and employs 285 hands on the 
premises, and 510 in the clothing factory at Christchurch. 
The borough adjoins the Native Keserve of Kaiapoi, 
on which the Maoris reside. This Reserve contains two 


thousand six hundred and forty acres, and forms part of 
the land which the Maoris reserved for their exclusive 
use, when in 1848 they conveyed upwards of twenty 
million acres to the Crown for the small sum of two 
thousand pounds, an amount which was afterwards 
slightly added to. Six hundred acres in the centre of 
this block was covered at that time with fine forest 
trees, consisting mostly of black and white pine, and 

When the existence of this forest became generally 
known to the colonists, many persons who were in 
search of employment purchased from the Maoris the 
right to use the timber, and for many years a brisk trade 
was carried on in building and fencing materials, and 
firewood about two hundred sawyers being engaged in 
it, besides a large number of bullock-draymen, and sea- 
faring people who were employed in conveying the 
timber to Lyttelton and Christchurch. 

Before the days of wool and grain, it was the timber 
from the Maori Bush which supported the township 
of Kaiapoi. For many years past there has not been a 
tree, or even a stump to mark the site of the forest, 
which is now the richest arable land, yielding as much 
as sixty bushels of wheat to the acre. Every tree 
was cut down, and the stumps and roots were all 
removed for firewood, the high price obtainable for 
fuel making their removal profitable. 

The Maoris held their land in common till 1860, when 
it was divided amongst them, each man receiving a 
section of fourteen acres which was Crown-granted to 
him. For a time some of them farmed their sections, 
employing Europeans to do all the work from the 
fencing in of the ground to the grinding of the corn 


grown upon it, the money to pay them for their labour 
being obtained by the sale of some part of the bush. 
But when this source of revenue was exhausted they had 
nothing to pay wages with, and so the Maoris took to 
leasing their sections to Europeans, receiving at first 
a rental of about five shillings an acre ; but competition 
has improved the letting value of their land, for which 
they now receive an average rental of thirty shillings 
an acre. 

About the same time that the sub-division of the land 
took place, the Church Mission Station was formed at 
St. Stephens, the site being chosen near the centre of the 
reserve. Gradually the Maoris moved from the vicinity 
of the English township where they were settled, along 
the banks of the Cam, and built their houses round the 
Church and Boarding School, where they formed a 
village, the counterpart of the neighbouring English 
hamlets. They were satisfied at first with anything 
in the shape of a w r eather- board house, but as soon 
as the settlers around them began to improve the style of 
their residences the Maoris copied their example, sub- 
mitting to great privations in order to procure the 
necessary funds wherewith to make the desired improve- 
ments, often pledging their rents which furnished their 
only source of income for years for the purpose. 

One old gentleman who found great difficulty in 
procuring enough money to secure the erection of his 
house, having got together in the course of a few years 
the sum of forty pounds, proceeded to interview all the 
builders in the Christchurch district, hoping to induce 
one of them to put up a dwelling house for that sum ; 
but as he insisted that it should contain a "parlour 
room," with a fire-place, and that the building should be 


match-lined throughout, and varnished, and painted, he 
could never come to terms with any of them, and had to 
content himself at last with such a house as he could get 
put up by a journeyman carpenter for the money : but he 
never took kindly to it, and always spoke of it in 
contemptuous terms as the " white man's dog kennel." 

The most striking contrast to be found in the native 
village between the old and the new style of Maori 
dwelling is the house built by the late chief Te Aika, 
who was formerly an inhabitant of the old Kaiapoi Pa 
and fought in its defence. The building is a neat villa 
i-esidence with verandah in front, and contains five or six 
rooms of fair dimensions comfortably furnished. The 
sitting room has a piano in it on which the old chief's 
grand-daughter played for his amusement any English 
tunes with which he was familiar. A short distance 
behind the house stands a stable with accommodation 
for several horses, and a coach-house containing a good 
buggy. There is an orchard stocked with fruit trees, 
and in front of the section a garden plot full of English 
flowers. A shed close by shelters one of Eansom and 
Sim's steam threshing machines owned by a company of 
young Maoris who work it together. All young Maoris 
can now speak English, and apart from their complexion 
there is nothing in the dress or manners and customs of 
the Kaiapoi Maoris of the present day to distinguish 
them from their English fellow-citizens. 

Some details of the historical narrative contained in 
these pages may appear to the reader rather revolting, 
and calculated to produce an unfavourable impression of 
the Maori people; but, before adopting any adverse 
opinion about them upon such evidence as that which is 
herein supplied, the reader should bear in mind that it is 


not fair to judge the habits and actions of these people 
by our standard of the 20th century culture and refine- 
ment, and that if we wish to deal fairly with them we 
ought to go back to the days of our own Saxon fore- 
fathers when they first appear on the page of European 
history for the standard by which to estimate their 
habits and actions ; and if we do this we shall find that 
the difference between the two races is after all very 
small indeed. 

In a work written by Professor Gummere, and pub- 
lished in 1893, the aim of which is to give an 
account of the founders of our race," we find evidence of 
the humbling fact that our own forefathers were guilty 
at times of perpetrating quite as blood-curdling deeds of 
ferocity as the Maoris that they were just as cruel, 
and almost as backward in their civilization. Their 
dwelling-house consisted of one chamber which was used 
for all purposes. Adults wore but scanty clothing, and 
young children none at all. As late as the 6th century 
of the Christian era, infanticide was practised, and the 
sick and aged and useless people were killed without 
compunction. Scandinavian traditions contain allusions 
to the practice of drinking the blood of a slain enemy, in 
order to acquire his courage and spirit. " Eating the 
heart " is a tradition deep rooted in Germanic mythology. 
The German warrior's favourite drinking vessel was one 
fashioned from the skull of a slaughtered enemy. The 
famous Alboin, King of the Lombards, after killing his 
father-in-law, Cunimund, caused a drinking cup to be 
made from his skull. This cup he had the inhumanity 
to send, filled with wine, to his queen, telling her " to 
drink with her father " an insult which deservedly 
cost him his life. 


The following story of the siege and capture of Kaia- 
pohia is published in the hope that it will prove interest- 
ing not only to the general public, but especially so to 
those who have been born in the vicinity of Kaiapoi, and 
who may learn, perhaps for the first time, from these 
pages, the interesting nature of the locality with which 
they are so closely identified. And if the story has the 
good fortune to survive long enough in print, it may 
prove of some service hereafter to the historian and the 
archaeologist, when time has done for Pakeha and Maori 
history what it has done for that of Saxon, Norman, and 





The pa of Kaiapohia was originally built by Tu 
Eakautahi, about the year 1700, after the expulsion from 
the district of the Ngatimamoe. Tu Rakautahi was the 
head chief of the 'tribe known as Ngatikuri, or Ngai- 
tahu, a tribe which first settled in the neighbourhood of 
Poverty Bay on its arrival from Hawaiki in the canoes, 
Taki-timu, Kara-haupo, and Mata-horua. It afterwards 
removed to the shores of Cook Strait, and fixed its chief 
settlement near Evans' Bay, in Port Nicholson. From 
there it migrated, in 1677, to Queen Charlotte Sound, 
and commenced at once a war of extermination against 
the Ngatimamoe, a tribe which about a hundred years 
previously had crossed over from the North and destroyed 
the Waitaha, who were the preceding Maori occupants 
of the South Island. The Waitaha came originally from 
Hawaiki, in the canoe Arawa, and gradually made their 
way south from the Bay of Plenty, and crossed Cook 
Strait about the year 1570. Freed from the alarms of 
war, and nourished by the exhaustless supplies of food 
furnished by a region where the finest sorts of fern -root 
and choicest ti palms grew, and field rats, and wekas 
swarmed in the open country, where the woods were full 
of kakas, pigeons, and other birds suitable for food, 
where the lakes and rivers were covered with water-fowl, 


and teemed with eels, and silveries, and whitebait, 
where, along the sea-coast, shell-fish, seals, mutton birds 
and fish of every sort were obtainable, the Waitaha 
increased and multiplied so rapidly, that they are 
described in the ancient traditions as " covering the face 
of the country like myriads of ants." 

The Ngaitahu fought their way under the leadership 
of Tu Eakautahi's sons from Queen Charlotte Sound to 
Stewart Island, and the remains of their pas may be 
traced all along the coast from the mouth of the Wairau 
Eiver to Foveaux Strait. The conquest of the country 
occupied the Ngaitahu about thirty years ; and it was 
towards the close of that period that Tu Rakautahi fixed 
the head-quarters of the tribe at Kaiapohia. The site 
was well chosen for defensive purposes on a small tongue 
of land containing about five acres, jutting out into the 
Tairutu Lagoon, a sheet of water of considerable size, 
and deep enough to afford protection on three sides of 
the pa. Adjoining the lagoon were swamps which 
stretched away north and south along the coast and for 
many miles up the plain in a westerly direction. These 
swamps served a double purpose : they added to the 
difficulties of a hostile force trying to approach the 'pa, 
and at the same time afforded facilities for the escape of 
the inhabitants, in the event of its being captured by 

The fortifications consisted of earth-works, surrounded 
by strong palisades. The defences on the land side 
were strengthened by a broad, deep ditch, which ex- 
tended across the entire front of the pa. Behind 
the wall of earth there was a double row of strong 
palisades, eighteen to twenty feet high, bound at the 
top and bottom to cross ties with a tough kind of wood- 


bine called Aka. The cross ties were fastened to large 
totara posts, erected at intervals along the wall ; and on 
the top of each post was carved a grotesque figure, inlaid 
with pearl shell, and painted with red ochre. The walls 
were pierced by three openings, two on the land side, 
and one on the western side adjoining the lagoon, which 
was connected with the opposite shore by a bridge. The 
pa was considered so impregnable, that it became a 
proverbial saying in allusion to it, " who can scale the 
inaccessible cliff of God." 

The space within the walls nearest to the gates, 
Kaitangata and Huirapa, was occupied by the houses of 
some of the principal chiefs. They were all built facing 
the north, and were large structures capable of accom- 
modating a hundred persons, and some of them even a 
greater number. They were ornamented both inside and 
out with carving and scroll work. Close beside each of 
these dwelling houses stood the Kauta or kitchen, and 
the Whata or storehouse belonging to it. The rest of 
the space was mostly occupied by the houses of the 
commonality, who formed the majority of the population. 
There were two burial grounds within the pa ; and a 
large open space between the gates Hiaka-rere and 
Huirapa, where public meetings and sports were held. 
At the north end of this space stood the large Whata 
erected by Tamati Tikao's father, and called the Matuku 
rangi. The stump of the large totara post which 
supported the Whata is still visible. The " Tuahu," or 
shrine of the guardian Atua, was placed at the northern 
corner of the fortress, in the safest and most secluded 
spot, and the house of the Ariki, or chief priest, adjoined 

From survey by 
and a Field sketch by 


The timber required for the construction of the pa was 
procured from the neighbouring forests, which covered 
the greater part of what is now known as the Maori 
Keserve, and extended from Woodend to Eangiora. The 
trees were cut down with stone axes, a long and tedious 
operation where they were of any size, and wooden 
wedges were employed to split them up when slabs were 
required for house building. These materials were 
conveyed to the place where they were to be used either 
on men's shoulders or they were dragged along the 
ground with ropes, skids being placed underneath to 
lessen the friction. 

When timbers had to be hauled from the forest, a 
general invitation was given to the people by the chiefs 
in charge of the work to come and assist them ; an 
invitation which was always readily responded to, as the 
business of hauling was always the occasion of much 
feasting and fun. Women as well as men were welcome 
to bear a hand in pulling the ropes ; and to ensure their 
pulling together one man was told off to chant a song, 
to each verse of which there was a chorus. While the 
solo part was being sung the haulers rested and took 
breath, but immediately the chorus began they joined in 
it and commenced to pull with all their might and main 
causing the woods to ring again with the echo of their 
loud song. With successive pauses and pulls they 
proceeded on their way till called off to rest and feast. 

The pa got its name Kaiapoi, or rather Kaiapohia, 
(meaning "food depot,") from the answer given by 
Turakautahi to those who criticised his choice of the site 
for it, and who asked him how he expected the inhabitants 
of a place so situated to escape starvation, seeing that they 
were too far removed from the permanent sources of 



food supply. ' Kai ' must be ' poi ' or swung to the 
spot," he replied, " potted birds from the forests of 

Kaikoura i n 
the north; fish 
and mutton 
birds from the 
sea-coasts of 
the south ; 
kiore and weka 
and kauru 
from the plains 
and mountain 
ranges of the 
west." The 
ready wit of 
the chief silenced 
the objections of his 
critics, and his pa 
was henceforth 
known as Kaiapoi, a name 
destined to become famous 
in the future annals of the 

In order to provide 
themselves with the 
means of exchange for 
the commodities they 
stood in need of, the 
inhabitants of Kaiapoi 
were obliged to devote 
much of their time to the 
cultivation of the kumara, 
or sweet potato, and to 
the preparation of kauru, 


or cabbage tree stems, which they bartered with the 
inhabitants of other parts of the island for whatever else 
in the shape of food they stood in need of. 

The kumara being a native of a tropical climate they 
found great difficulty in growing it so far south, where 
frost was likely to prove fatal to its existence. To 
regulate the temperature of the soil, and to secure 
perfect drainage, they covered the surface of the kumara 
plantations with fine gravel, to a depth of 6 inches, 
which was afterwards formed into mounds about 2 ft. 
in diameter, and arranged over the field with the pre- 
cision of the squares on a chest- board, and in these 
mounds the kumara tubers were planted. Breakwinds of 
manuka branches, varying from two to four feet in 
height, were erected every few yards apart, and in such 
a way as to secure the largest amount of sunshine and 
shelter to each plant. 

Both the planting and gathering of this crop were 
attended with peculiar religious rites, and only skilled 
persons were allowed to take part in a work, every detail 
of which was held sacred, and conducted under the 
supervision of officers, chosen for their special qualifi- 
cations at the annual meeting of Tohungas, or learned 
men, held in the Whare Purakaunui on the rising of the 
star Puaka (Rigel). It was the duty of these officers to 
consecrate the kumara plantations each spring to the 
service of Marihaka and Pani, the two divinities who 
presided over the welfare of the sacred plant. Starting 
from the left-hand corner of each field, they began this 
ceremony by placing sprigs of koromiko or veronica in 
the ground ; after doing this, they walked in a straight 
line to the other side of the field, reciting together as 
they went the appropriate prayers. At the top of each 


mara or plot they gathered a handful of leaves or weeds 
(pitau), which they carried in their hands to the nearest 
Taumatua, or shrine. 

There were two of these shrines at Kaiapoi, one 
being situated at Waituere, nearly opposite Mr. Charles 
Young's present residence, and the other near the Maori 
village of St. Stephen's, in the centre of the reserve. 
They each consisted of a small piece of ground a few feet 
square, enclosed with a fence like a grave plot : within 
the enclosure, which was called " the god's garden," four 
mounds were made and planted with kumaras. After 
consecrating the left side of the fields, the officials pro- 
ceeded to consecrate the right side, gathering, as before, 
the pitau offering, which was duly placed in one or other 
of the shrines, and called the Whangainga, or feeding of 
the Atuas. 

The last persons who performed these important 
duties at Kaiapoi were Te Auta, Te Whaketu, Tina, 
Takatakau and Karara ; these were all old and venerated 
chiefs. Their youthful coadjutors were Takai, Popowai, 
and Tikapakapa. The pits and gravel-strewn surfaces in 
the Woodend district, which have puzzled the English 
settlers there to account for, remain to remind this 
generation that Canterbury once included amongst its 
vegetable products a tropical plant which is now extinct, 
but the cultivation of which for many generations 
occupied much of the time and thought of the former 
inhabitants of the country. The storing of the kumara 
had to be conducted with the utmost care, as the slightest 
bruise, or even abrasion of the skin, caused the immediate 
decay of the tuber. 

The kauru was prepared in the summer months from 
the cabbage palms, which grew in great profusion on the 


upper parts of the plain. Young trees, about five feet 
high, were selected. The stems were cut into two feet 
lengths, and stripped of the bark and woody substance 
which covers the fibrous core, the only part of which 
was valued as food. These were tied in bundles and 
stacked, till a sufficient quantity had been obtained, 
when an oblong pit was dug, varying in size from four 
to twelve feet in length, and about five or six in depth. 
A quantity of stones was placed at the bottom, and 
firewood piled upon them which was afterwards lit, and 
when consumed, the pit was filled in with the prepared 
ti palm stems, which were covered with matting and 
soil. A quantity of water was then procured in buckets 
formed with flax leaves, and poured into the pit, the 
bottom of which was covered with the heated stones. 
The steam generated was prevented from escaping by a, 
sufficient quantity of soil being heaped upon the mat- 
covering of the pit. After several hours the oven was 
uncovered and the kauru was found to be cooked 
sufficiently for use. It was then placed in flax baskets 
and carried to the store-houses in the pa. When 
required for food the fibre was either chewed for the 
extraction of the saccharine matter it contained, or 
pounded and mixed with water in a wooden dish till it 
assumed the consistency of thin gruel, when it was 
ready for use, being conveyed to the mouths of those 
who partook of it either with a mussel-shell spoon or a. 
sop of fern root ; or, wanting these, with the first two 
fingers of the right hand. 

The trade created by the system of food exchange 
established by Tu Eakautahi, necessitated the employ- 
ment of a large body of porters, who were constantly 
employed carrying heavy loads to* and from the various 


pas extending from the north to the south of the Island. 
The labours of these men were greatly increased by the 
practice which prevailed of giving each of them more 
than one load to carry. This necessitated the formation 
of depots, between which the carriers went backwards 
and forwards, travelling over the same ground again and 
again, until they reached their final destination. The 
weight of an ordinary load was seldom short of a hundred 
pounds. Attached to the lower end of each burden was a 
sort of stool, to enable the porter to rest at any time 
during the journey, without the trouble of disengaging 
himself from his load. 

When a band of porters were returning home, and had 
reached the last stage, they sent forward one of their 
number to inform the person to whom their burdens 
were consigned of their arrival. Whereupon he gathered 
a number of his friends and dependents together, and 
went to meet the carriers ; and on reaching the place 
where they were awaiting him, he directed the extra 
loads to be taken up by those who had accompanied 
him, and then the whole party started in procession in 
the pa, where on entry, they were greeted with loud 
acclamations of joy. 

The population of Kaiapoi was considerable for a 
Maori town, and very aristocratic, as most of the chief 
families of Ngaitahu had their head-quarters there, 
and owned what we would call a family mansion. In 
peaceful times the inhabitants were dispersed over the 
country from Waipara to Ashburton and from the 
Western Eanges to Banks Peninsula, fishing, hunting, or 
cultivating the land. They either dwelt during such 
periods in partially fortified pas like those, the remains 
of which may be seen near St. Stephen's Church, on the 


Maori Reserve, or in open kaingas, consisting of a few 
unprotected whares. 

As time went on the inhabitants of Kaiapoi acquired a 
widespread reputation for wealth. In addition to the 
spoils of the vanquished Ngatimamoe, they were known 
to possess a large quantity of the highly-prized green- 
stone, which they had obtained from the West Coast ; 
and many covetous eyes in the North Island were fixed 
upon their valuable possessions. Every tribe throughout 
Maoridom prized greenstone above everything else, and 
strove to acquire it. The locality in which it was found 
was known by report to all, and the popular imagination 
pictured untold wealth to be awaiting the adventurous 
explorer of that region. But the difficulties which beset 
the journey to this Maori Eldorado were practically 
insurmountable, and frustrated the efforts of most of 
those who attempted to reach it. The stormy straits of 
Raukawa had first to be crossed, and then a land 
journey of great length and difficulty undertaken, over 
rugged and lofty mountain ranges, so steep in places that 
the travellers were obliged to use ladders formed of 
supplejack, or other tough woodbines, to enable them to 
get past. Pathless and seemingly interminable forests 
had to be traversed, whose dark shades were made still 
more gloomy by the incessant rainfall, which kept the 
thick undergrowth of moss and ferns always dripping 
wet. Deep and rapid rivers had to be crossed, either on 
rafts made of dried flax stalks, or on foot, the waders 
being able to avoid being swept away by the swift 
current, only by a number of them entering the water 
together, and holding on tightly to a pole which they 
bore across the river in their hands. The scarcity of 
food throughout the whole region to be traversed by the 


searcher after greenstone, added to the danger of the task, 
for, beyond the small quantity they were able to carry 
with them, travellers were entirely dependent for their 
food upon the wekas and eels, which they were able to 
catch as they went along. But besides all these 
difficulties, they were in constant danger of encountering 
hostile bands of men, bound on the same errand as 

But even where the journey was so far successful that 
the treasure sought for was found, its great weight made 
it impossible for the discoverer to carry back more than 
a few fragments, and these were obtained by breaking 
them off with stone hammers. In spite of the longing 
desire of the northern Maoris to enrich themselves with 
the treasures of greenstone which existed on the West 
Coast of the South Island, the serious obstacles which 
beset the approach to that region deterred them from 
making the attempt to get there, and they had to content 
themselves with what they were able to acquire from 
their fellow countrymen in the south, in exchange for 
mats and canoes, and such other manufactures as their 
southern neighbours were willing to accept. 

In spite, however, of the drawbacks and difficulties 
attending the acquisition of greenstone, there were very 
few Maoris in either island who did not possess some 
tool, or weapon, or ornament formed of it. And the story 
of the way in which the Maoris overcame the difficulties 
which beset the finding of the greenstone, and its 
conveyance on their backs across the Alpine ranges to 
their distant homes, and the manufacture of its hard 
material into useful and ornamental objects, will remain 
a lasting monument of their enterprise, energy, and 


According to an ancient legend the reason why green- 
stone is found in such an inaccessible region is that the 
locality was chosen by the three wives of Tamatea the 
circumnavigator, when they deserted him, as the hiding 
place most likely to escape discovery. Tamatea's search 
along the east coast was unsuccessful, and after passing 
through Foveaux Strait he continued to skirt the shore, 
listening at the entrance to every inlet for any sound 
which might indicate the whereabouts of the runaways. 
But it was not till he arrived off the mouth of the 
Arahura river that he heard voices. There he landed, 
but failed to find his wives, being unable to recognise 
them in the enchanted blocks of greenstone, over which 
the water murmured incessantly. He did not know that 
the canoe in which his wives escaped from him had 
capsized at Arahura, and that its occupants had been 
changed into stone, and so he passed them by, and 
continued his fruitless quest. 




When the celebrated warrior chief Te Rauparaha 
found himself master of the northern shores of Cook 
Strait, with only its waters separating him from the 
people who were thought to possess fabulous quantities 
of the precious greenstone, he began to scheme for their 

The development of his project was hastened by the 
arrival in his camp of a runaway slave from Kaikoura, 
who reported to him that the chief of that place, Eere- 
whaka by name, on hearing an account being given of 
Te Eauparaha's viciorious march from Waikato to 
Kapiti, had given utterance to the foolish boast that " he 
would rip his stomach open with a barracoota tooth 
niJw manga, one of the Maori substitutes for a knife if 
he dared to pursue his march any further south, and 
ventured to invade the Kaikoura country." 

Both Te Eauparaha and his followers were highly 
exasperated when they heard of this insolent speech, 
which amounted to a " kanga " or curse, a form of insult 
which, according to the Maori code of honour, blood 
alone could atone for. But as Eerewhaka was the head 
of a community numbering three or four thousand 
persons, and residing at a distance of more than a 
hundred miles from Kapitij Te Eauparaha was forced to 


put a restraint upon his feelings, and to defer for some 
time the prosecution of his project of revenge. He 
resolved to wait till he was able to procure from the 
Sydney trading vessels which frequented the harbour of 
Port Nicholson a sufficient quantity of firearms and 
ammunition with which to equip his whole force ; and 
then with such superior weapons he might attack the 
southern natives without the slightest risk of defeat, as 
they could oppose him only with the ancient weapons of 
the country. 

When his plans were matured, Te Eauparaha embarked 
at Kapiti a picked force of seven hundred men in several 
war canoes, and sailed for Kaikoura. He timed his 
movements so as to arrive off the pa at Omihi, near the 
Amuri Bluff, about dawn. He anchored just outside the 
surf, and watched from there the effect of his arrival. 
He soon saw that he had nothing to fear from the 
inhabitants of the place, whose conduct as soon as they 
discerned the presence of the canoes, proved that they 
were quite in the dark as to the character of the persons 
who manned them. There was much running to and fro 
on shore, and apparent consultation, which ended in a 
general movement towards the beach, which was soon 
crowded with men, women, and children who raised the 
cry of welcome, " Haeremai ! " under the mistaken notion 
that the new arrivals were the friends whom they 
were expecting from Napier. Te Eauparaha gave orders 
to lift the anchors and run the canoes ashore ; this was 
immediately done, and part of his force proceeded at 
once to the pa, which they no sooner got possession of 
than a general slaughter of the inhabitants commenced. 
Totally unprepared without arms of any sort in their 
hands, the inhabitants of Omihi could offer no resistance 


to the invaders. The beach was soon strewn with the 
dying and the dead, and Eerewhaka himself was killed 
before he knew that any enemy was near. Hundreds 
were killed on the spot, and hundreds more were carried 
away to be killed at Kapiti, or to be kept as slaves. 

After resting ten days, Te Eauparaha sent back two- 
thirds of his force to Kapiti in charge of the captives, 
and with a hundred men he sailed as far south as the 
mouth of the Waipara river, where he landed and drew 
his canoes up on the beach out of reach of the tide. He 
then marched along the coast to Kaiapoi, and pitched 
his camp a few hundred yards to the south-west of the 

Shortly after his arrival, Tamaiharanui, the principal 
chief and high priest of Ngaitahu, accompanied by a 
Ngapuhi native named Hakitara, visited Te Eauparaha for 
the purpose of ascertaining the object of his coming, and 
to negotiate terms of peace. During the interview Te 
Eauparaha stood up and recited a " tau " or war song. 
Hakitara, who understood the full import of it, advised 
Tamaiharanui to retire at once to his own pa, as mischief 
was brewing, proposing that he himself should remain to 
get more information. This he sought to obtain from 
the slaves who were likely to prove more communicative 
than their masters. In the course of conversation with 
some of them, he learnt that a party of the northern 
visitors had that very day found a newly-made grave at 
Tuahiwi (St. Stephen's), which they opened, and from 
which they removed the body of a woman, which they 
carried to a stream at Woodend, where they cleaned 
it, and afterwards cooked and ate it. The body proved 
to be that of Te Euaki, an aunt of Tamaiharanui, and its 
treatment by the northern warriors left no doubt on the 



minds of the Kaiapoi natives that their own destruction 
would be attempted whenever a favourable opportunity 

The arrival of fugitives from Omihi, who horrified them 
with the details of the slaughter of its inhabitants, 
increased their suspicions of foul play. But Te Eaupa- 
raha kept assuring them that he was actuated by the 
most friendly feelings towards them ; and to inspire them 
with confidence in his assurances, he, with reckless 
imprudence, allowed his nearest relatives and most 
distinguished chiefs to enter the fortress whenever they 
chose to do so, where they carried on a brisk trade in 
greenstone, for which they gave firearms and ammunition 
in exchange. Hoping to disengage Hakitara from the Ngai- 
tahu, and to attach him to himself, Te Bauparaha 
presented him with one of his female captives, Te 
Aka by name. Shortly afterwards it happened that a 
council of war was held just outside the hut occupied by 
Hakitara, who overheard Te Eauparaha and Te Eangi- 
haeata saying to each other, Soon we shall have our pa." 
Suddenly a voice exclaimed, " Beware of the Ngapuhi 
man." " Oh, he is fast asleep," was the reply. The 
chiefs then proceeded with their deliberations, and 
having decided what to do, they separated. 

Just before dawn Hakitara put on a dog-skin mat 
which he found lying near him, and went out, and 
succeeded in passing through the camp without being 
challenged. As soon as he got clear of the sentries, 
he ran with all speed to the pa, and on reaching the 
gate he called to the keeper to open it and let him 
in. He was recognised, and at once admitted. Turning 
to the person in charge of the guard, he directed him to 
summon all the chiefs without delay to meet him in the 


adjoining house, as he had a most important communica- 
tion to make to them. A hurried meeting followed, 
at which he disclosed the treacherous intentions of 
the northern visitors. It was unanimously decided to 
break the truce concluded with them the day before, and 
to be the first to strike a blow. The most celebrated of 
Eauparaha's friends were already within the pa driving 
bargains, and it was thought not at all improbable that 
the great chief himself might be induced to enter. 

A crowd of men, women, and children were sitting in 
the " Marae " or open space opposite the Hiaka-rere 
gate when Te Pehi, Eauparaha's favourite friend and 
most powerful ally, and a renowned warrior, a man of 
such enterprise that he braved the perils of a voyage 
to England in search of firearms, came forth from 
Koroua's house dragging by a rope a block of green- 
stone called Kaoreore, intending to take it out by the 
gate to his camp. But as he passed the group of 
onlookers who were watching his movements, one of 
them named Moi Moi stood up and called out in a 
loud voice, "Leave my greenstone! Leave my green- 
stone ! " 

Te Pehi, who was now within four or five paces of the 
gate, turned and faced the speaker, and in the most 
contemptuous terms derided him for daring to question 
the actions of one so much his superior. " Badly tatooed ; 
badly tatooed," he cried, "what use would your ugly 
*head be to me if I were to carry it with me to Kapiti ; 
it would be worth nothing towards the purchase of a 
musket." " But here is a man," turning towards Te 
Panihi who stood near him with a well tatooed face ; ' his 
head would be worth having ; but you with a valueless 

* Preserved human heads were saleable at that time to Europeans as 


head, how dare you call in question the doings of Pehi- 
tu-a-te-rangi ! " 

Whilst this altercation was proceeding, Eongotara, a 
Kaiapoi chief, noticed that Pokaitara, a famous northern 
warrior was standing outside the gate, evidently seeking 
admission. He knew that his own brother, taken 
prisoner at Omihi, had been allotted to this particular 
chief. Approaching close to the gate Eongotara invited 
him to come in, saying, " Welcome, my younger brother's 
Lord ! " and begged Te Hapa the gate-keeper to admit 
him. " Open the gate for my brother's Lord," he said, 
and, as he did so, Pokaitara stooped to enter. But 
no sooner was his head and neck past the portal than 
Eongotara who was carrying a miti or stone club on 
his shoulder brought it down with all his force on the 
bent neck of the northern chief, and with one blow 
crushed in the base of his skull and killed him. 

Te Pehi, seeing what had happened, left the greenstone 
and sprang towards the south-western angle of the wall, 
and tried to scramble over the fence. Several shots 
were fired at him without effect ; and he would probably 
have succeeded in making good his escape, but for 
Tangatahara, a man of great bodily strength, and a 
courageous warrior, who grappled with him and succeeded 
in dispatching him with a hatchet. The report of fire- 
arms alarmed the rest of the northern chiefs who were at 
the other end of the pa, and who at once rushed towards 
the walls, hoping to scale them and escape to their camp. 

Te Aratangata, who had gone to the extreme end of the 
pa to try and secure the Pounamu, called Teruahikihiki, 
ran towards the gate, Huirapa. He was a very tall 
and powerfully-built man, and brave as a lion. He was 
attacked by fully twenty persons armed with a variety of 


weapons ; but with nothing but his greenstone mere, Te 
Kaoreore, he defended himself with such success, that 
he was able not only to keep them at bay for some 
minutes, but to lessen materially the distance between 
himself and the gate through which he hoped to force 
his way. Te Pa's shot was the first wound he received, 
but it did not touch a vital part ; then three spears were 
plunged into his body ; still he continued to run forward, 
the spears trailing along the ground ; a shot then struck 
his mere and broke it, leaving only the stump in his 
hand. He was now practically defenceless, and his 
movements were hampered by the spears firmly fixed 
in the fleshy parts of his body. Emboldened by his 
helpless condition, his assailants closed upon him, and 
one named Te Koreke sprang upon his back and threw 
him forward on his face, when Tuwhakarawa struck him 
several blows on the head and neck with a tomahawk, 
and killed him outright. 

Te Kohi was despatched by Manahi Iri with a hatchet, 
and the rest were either shot or tomahawked. 

In all eight northern chiefs were killed, namely : 
Te Pehi, Te Pokaitara, Te Eangikatuta, Te Euatahi, 
Te Hua Piko, Te Aratangata, Te Kohi, and Te Kohua. 
They were all tried friends and companions in arms 
of Te Eauparaha, who had accompanied him in 
all his wars, and contributed largely by their courage and 
ability to his past victorious career. The destruction of 
so many of his friends was a terrible blow to him. 
Eauparaha never imagined that the Kaiapoi people would 
dare to take the initiative, and provoke his vengeance by 
killing his friends and relations, and the unexpected turn 
of events took him completely by surprise. Only one 
course remained open to him, and that was to retreat 


with all possible speed. He accordingly broke up his 
camp and marched off to the mouth of the Waipara river 
near Double Corner, where he had left his canoes, and 
from there he sailed the next day for Kapiti. 




Two years passed without the Kaiapoi people hearing 
anything further about Te Eauparaha, and they were 
beginning to flatter themselves that he would never 
return to trouble them again, when they were rudely 
awakened from their false security in a way they least 

Towards the close of 1830 an English brig, commanded 
by Captain Stewart, entered Akaroa Harbour for the 
avowed purpose of purchasing flax fibre for the Sydney 
market. The first Maoris who approached the vessel 
were told that no Maoris would be allowed on board 
till their chief, Tamaiharanui had conferred with the 
captain. The chief was absent at the time, and a 
messenger was immediately despatched to Little Eiver 
to fetch him ; but as he was busy preparing a cargo of 
flax for one of his Sydney customers, he did not comply 
with the first summons, and it was not till the eighth 
day that he came alongside the brig, accompanied by 
his wife and their little daughter Ngaroimata (tear- 

He was cordially welcomed by the captain, who took 
him below to the cabin, under the guise of hospitality ; 
he was barely seated before a cabin door opened, and Te 
Eauparaha and Eangihaeata, accompanied by several 


other Kapiti chiefs, entered. They at once seized and 
bound Tamaiharanui, taunting him all the while with 
his simplicity in falling so readily into the trap prepared 
for him. After the seizure of the chief the Maoris, who 
till then had not been allowed to come near the ship 
were invited to come on board, and under one pretext or 
another were induced to go below, where Rauparaha and 
one hundred and seventy of bis warriors were secreted. 
Canoe loads of people continued to come on board for 
many hours, there being no suspicion of foul play, owing 
to its being the practice of the people, when trading 
with vessels visiting the port, to remain on board for 
hours together. 

On the dawn of the second day after Tamaiharanui's 
capture, Te Eauparaha attacked his pa at Takapuneke. 
The place was unfortified and undefended ; and after 
killing a hundred of the inhabitants, he carried the rest, 
numbering 50, away with him as prisoners. The 
following day the brig sailed for Kapiti. 

During the voyage Tamaiharanui smothered his little 
daughter, appropriately named tear-drops, with his mat 
as she slept beside him one night, lest she should ever 
become the wife of one of his enemies. His captors 
were very much enraged with him for doing what he did, 
and fearing he might commit suicide and escape the 
punishment in store for him, they bound his hands and 
fastened him securely to a ringbolt in the hold. 
His vindictive foes watched with cruel satisfaction 
the suffering their precautionary measures occasioned 
their prisoner. 

On reaching the island stronghold of Kapiti, 
Tamaiharanui was handed over to the widow of Te Pehi, 
who put him to death by slow and nameless tortures. 


Base as the means adopted for his capture were, and 
cruel as his fate was, it is impossible to feel much pity 
for Tamaiharanui. His punishment was hardly more 
than he deserved. The treatment he received at the 
hands of the Ngatitoa was little more than a repetition 
of the cruelties which he had himself inflicted on 
members of his own tribe. 

To persons unacquainted with the social customs of 
the Maori before European civilization obliterated the 
distinction which prevailed between the noble and the 
plebeian, and upset all social order, and reduced the 
entire race to one dead level of social inferiority in the 
presence of the Pakeha, it may appear strange to be told 
that the Maoris were far more ceremonious in their social 
intercourse with each other, and more attentive to 
etiquette than Europeans generally are. But the Maoris 
have long given up the polite courtesies which 
distinguished their intercourse with each other, and the 
respectful demeanour which their ancient customs 
required them to manifest towards their superiors, for the 
graceless familiarity of intercourse introduced by the 
white man. It may be that the Maoris carried their 
punctiliousness to excess, and that too great deference 
was paid to chiefs of the highest rank ; but that only 
makes their present mannerlessness the more apparent. 

The behaviour of the Kaiapoi people to Tamaiharanui 
who was the upoko ariki, chief priest and heir of the 
ancestral honours of Ngaiterangiamoa, the noblest family 
of Ngaitahu, illustrates the relation which existed 
between a chief and his people, and the way in which 
respect for his person was shown. 

As the hereditary spiritual head of the tribe, he was 
regarded with peculiar reverence and awe. The common 


people did not even dare to look upon his face, and his 
equals felt his sacred presence an oppressive restriction 
upon their liberty of action, for even an accidental breach 
of etiquette while holding intercourse with him, might 
involve them in serious loss of property, if not of life. 
His visits were always dreaded, and his movements, 
whenever he entered a pa, were watched with great 
anxiety by the inhabitants : for if his shadow happened 
to fall upon a whata or a rua (storehouses for food) while 
he was passing through the crowded lanes of a town, it 
was immediately destroyed with all its contents, because 
it would be an unpardonable insult for a commoner to 
eat food upon which the sacred shadow of an ariki noble 
had fallen. 

There was little in Tamaiharanui's personal appearance 
to mark his aristocratic lineage. His figure was short 
and thick set, his complexion dark and his features 
rather forbidding. Unlike most Maori chiefs of exalted 
rank, he was coivardly, cruel, and caparicious, an object 
of dread to friends and foes alike ; and, however much 
his people may have mourned the manner of his death, 
they could not fail to experience a sense of relief when 
he was gone. 

After the shock caused by the startling news of Te 
Eauparaha's raid on Akaroa, the Kaiapoi community 
soon resumed their ordinary occupations. 

Every morning shortly after dawn, a stream of persons 
of all ages might have been seen issuing from the gates, 
and wending their way along the narrow paths which led 
to the kumara and other plantations, which were spread 
over the district on the sheltered side of the forest which 
stretched from Woodend to Eangiora. By ten o'clock 
the women had cooked in the fields the first meal of the 


day ; the smoke of their cooking fires, as it ascended in 
the still morning air, being the signal to all who wanted 
a meal to make for the spot. While the strong and 
able-bodied were occupying themselves in the field, the 
old people remained in and about the pa ; the women 
engaged in weaving mats or baskets, or tidying up their 
premises, and the men, seated singly or in groups, 
occupied themselves with carving wood or rubbing 
shapeless pieces of greenstone into meres, axes, or ear 
ornaments. The chiefs of highest rank selected a 
neighbouring sandhill, which was called after their names, 
and known as So-arid- So's ' look out," where they sat 
and worked in their solitary grandeur. 

The boys and girls romped and played in the open 
spaces round the buildings, after the manner of children 
all the world over. In imitation of their elders, the boys 
often engaged in mimic warfare using toy spears 
and other weapons ; and in later times employing 
occasionally in their encounters with each other korari 
sticks, to represent firearms. Having scooped a hole in 
the part of the stick representing the stock end of the 
barrel, they filled it with fine wood ash ; and when they 
discharged their imitation guns, they blew the light dust 
out of the hole to represent powder smoke, and at the 
same time made a sound to imitate the report of the 

One boy who lived to sit as representative of the South 
Island in the General Assembly of New Zealand, in one 
of these encounters, was seen by his eldest sister to 
enter a house where a tempting pile of soft wood ash lay 
upon the hearth just suited for his purpose, forgetting in 
the excitement of the moment, the wickedness of the act" 

* The fire inside the dwelling-house was sacred, and used only to create 
light and warmth. Fires for common use were lighted outside the 


according to the notions of his people, he sacrilegiously 
appropriated the ashes and charged his gun with them ; 
but he had hardly fired it before his sister seized him 
and forced some detestable filth into his mouth, not so 
much to punish him for the offence as to ensure his 
cleansing his mouth from every vestige of the sacred ash, 
which if left anywhere about him would probably have 
caused his death ; and partly to impress upon his 
youthful mind the enormity of the offence of which he 
had been guilty, and so prevent his ever repeating 

But it must not be supposed that the children had 
nothing else to do but to play, and were allowed to grow 
up in unbridled liberty and ignorance. All boys of 
rangatira rank were obliged to attend the classes taught 
during the winter months in the Wharekura, by persons 
learned in history, mythology, and the various branches 
of knowledge possessed by the Maoris. Though the time 
spent under instruction was short, the lessons were 
difficult, and the discipline severe. 

The following reminiscence of a Maori school-boy's 
experience, communicated to the writer by one of the last 
to receive instruction in the old-fashioned way, will give 
some idea of what an ardent seeker after knowledge had 
to face in olden times in his efforts to acquire it. The 
disorganisation caused by Te Rauparaha's raids interfered 
to such an extent with the regular routine of pa life, that 
the usual classes for instruction were discontinued for a 
while ; and the narrator of the following story, who was 
then about fourteen years of age, seeing no immediate 
chance of the instruction classes being resumed, and 
dreading the thought of growing up in ignorance, begged 
his father who was a very learned man, to impart to him 


the knowledge he thirsted for. His father, however, 
turned a deaf ear to his entreaties, telling him that the 
" old fashion " was evidently about to pass away, that 
the Pakeha would soon dominate the land, and then the 
" Maori scholar's sacred back would be denied by having 
to carry burdens for him." The Atuas would resent 
the desecration of their consecrated servant, and put him 
to death ; as he did not wish to have any hand in 
shortening his own child's life, he would not consent to 
initiate him. 

The boy cried and pleaded so hard and so perseveringly 
for the gratification of his cherished wish, that one old 
chief, who was a sort of Maori college don, named 
Taiarorua, took pity upon and agreed to become his 
instructor. But before doing so, he subjected him to 
very disagreeable treatment to test the sincerity of his 
protested love of learning. The old Tohunga took him 
first to a certain spot in the river-bed of the Selwyn. 
On the way there, he wrapped up something very filthy 
and disgusting in a cabbage leaf, which he told his pupil 
to place on his head. 

On reaching the river they both sat down in a part 
where the stream was flowing rapidly, and the Tohunga 
began to repeat various incantations, pouring water all 
the time with the palm of his hand over the neophyte's 
head, who was directed while this was going on to eat 
the contents of the cabbage leaf ; but this he revolted 
from doing, and after touching his teeth with it dropped 
it into the stream. He was told that the object of the 
lustration was that his ears might be opened to the 
instruction he was about to receive. 

This preliminary ceremony being over, they adjourned 
to the whare Purakaunui,* or schoolroom, where the 

* So called because used as an armoury. 


classes met during term time. When the pupils as- 
sembled at the usual hour, the Tohunga told them to 
disperse that evening, as he was busy initiating a new 
pupil. After they had all gone he resumed the initiatory 
ceremonies. The lad was sent to collect a few wild 
cabbage leaves, which he was directed to give to his 
mother to cook in a sacred oven. When it was prepared, 
the old men formed a circle on the sacred ground near 
the Atua's shrine, into the centre of which the boy was 
led. The food was brought into the circle, and one of 
the old men fed the boy, while his instructor repeated 
incantations over him ; this concluded, the lad was free 
to a-ttend the classes in the Wharekurat. 

Occasionally there would be a tremendous uproar in 
the pa, owing to some gossip while retailing the tittle- 
tattle of her set to a select circle of her friends, letting 
out that Mrs. Somebody had said that Mrs. Somebody 
else need not assume such " airs " when it was well 
known that her great grandfather had served to furnish 
her own great grandfather with a very good meal. As 
soon as the candid friend who always officiated on such 
occasions had imparted to the disparaged lady the spite- 
ful remarks of her jealous rival, with shrieks and screams 
she immediately sought the presence of her traducer, at 
whom she raved in unmeasured terms, flinging back the 
aspersion cast upon her lineage, by asserting that her 
family had eaten far more members of the families of 
those who set themselves up as her equals, and defied 
them to disprove her assertion. Working herself into a 
perfect frenzy she would throw off all her clothes, and 
rush about waving her arms like a maniac. Around her 

t Same building sometimes called the Eed House, because painted 
that colour. 


would gather every soul within hearing, the women all 
talking, and shouting, and screaming together, all giving 
their opinions at once, and contradicting one another. 
The men squatted round, watching the proceedings with 
great amusement, occasionally interjecting a sarcastic 
remark upon the personal defects of their lady friends 
which only added fuel to .the fire, and increased the 
confusion of a scene which could be compared only to 
Bedlam let loose. 

The " Artful Dodger " was not unknown in the native 
community, by whom he was called the grandson of 
Whanoke. The following is one of the many stories 
which are told about the clever devices he resorted to in 
order to gain his dishonest ends. Somewhere in the 
neighbourhood of Bangiora there was a sort of military 
storehouse, where provisions were kept for the use of 
warriors who might be suddenly called upon to go out on 
the war-path. Amongst other things was a large case of 
potted wood-fowl ; Whanoke coveted the delicious con- 
tents of the case, but the difficulty was to get rid of the 
persons placed in charge of it. A happy thought 
occurred to him one day, which led to the accomplish- 
ment of his purpose. Eumours were abroad that a 
neighbouring tribe was meditating an attack, but no one 
thought that there was any immediate cause for alarm, 
till one day Whanoke rushed up to the keepers of the 
storehouse in great alarm, and informed them that he 
had just met a large war party who would be upon them 
in the course of a few minutes, and that their only 
chance of escaping immediate death was to seek the 
shelter of the nearest fortress. Scared by the statement 
so cunningly devised, the guardians of the storehouse 
ran away with all speed, leaving Whanoke to appropriate 
. the contents of the whata at his leisure. 


About this period the Kaiapoi people became ac- 
quainted for the first time with European food and 
clothing, through the Sydney traders, who visited 
Whangaraupo (Port Cooper) and other harbours on the 
coast, to barter with them for flax fibre. It soon became 
the ambition of every Maori of standing to secure some- 
thing Pakeha ; but owing to the ignorance of the nature 
of many of the things offered to them for sale, the 
selection which they made sometimes led to very 
amusing results. One chief chose a case of what he 
understood contained the preserved fat of a large land 
animal corresponding to the whale of the ocean which 
was highly esteemed as an article of food by Europeans. 

On the occasion of a great feast, to which the whole 
pa was invited, the case was brought out from the 
whata with a great parade of hospitality by the owner, 
and opened amidst the plaudits of the guests who were 
all eager to taste the Pakeha food. The host explained 
that, like their own potted birds' flesh, this preserved 
meat required no cooking and was fit for immediate use. 
As the number of persons who wished to taste it was so 
great, the contents of the box were broken up into small 
pieces which were served out to the guests, who com- 
menced to munch them at once ; but great was their 
surprise on finding the meat difficult of mastication 
owing to the froth which accumulated in their mouths. 
Some, thinking themselves more knowing than the rest, 
swallowed their portions without attempting to chew 
them, but the after effects did not encourage them to add 
soap to their dietary, and they continued to marvel how 
the white man contrived to swallow and keep down the 
fat of oxen, till further intercourse taught them the 
proper use to which soap was put. 


Though the trade between the Pakehas and Maoris 
was on the whole fairly conducted, the temptation to 
take advantage of their ignorance sometimes proved too 
strong to resist, and a cask of sugar on being landed 
would sometimes be found to contain more sand than 
sugar. These traders were the pioneer importers of 
animal and vegetable pests. The Norwegian rat, which 
they unwittingly introduced, soon overran the country, 
and supplanted the native rat which was a harmless 
creature, very like the field mouse of Europe. The 
vegetable pest was knowingly introduced with the 
intention of defrauding the Maoris, who having learnt 
that tobacco was made from the leaf of a plant, became 
very desirous to secure some seed, and the traders 
promised to procure it for them, provided they were well 
paid for their trouble. But as no tobacco plant grew in 
Australia, something else had to be substituted, and docks 
being plentiful, a supply of the seed of that plant was 
collected and brought to New Zealand, where the 
Maoris paid a high price for it, and cultivated it with the 
greatest care, under the impression that it was the 
" fragrant weed " they had learnt to love. 

The Kaiapoi people knew nothing at this time about 
any animals but dogs and native rats, never having seen 
or heard of the Captain Cook variety of porker, which 
up to that time had not appeared in the country districts, 
where it afterwards became so numerous. From those 
who boarded the trading vessels they heard a good deal 
about some strange animals altogether unlike the only 
quadrupeds they were familiar with. Great was the 
excitement in the pa caused by the news that two of 
these strange creatures were about to arrive, having been 
purchased by an enterprising chief belonging to the 


place. Oh the day they were to reach the pa all business 
was stopped, and the oldest and gravest persons in the 
community were as excited and agitated as the youngest. 
The whole population went outside and waited by the 
road along which they understood that the pigs were to 
come. Many hours passed, and the younger people 
kept running backwards and forwards along the road 
leading to the Waimakariri to try and get tidings of the 
approaching strangers. 

The patience of the crowd was well nigh exhausted 
when loud shouts were heard in the distance, and the 
news was soon passed along that Hinewaitutu and 
Tahututua, the names bestowed by the owner on his 
new purchases, had arrived. Immediately the cry 
arose, " Come ! Come ! Come ! and see these strange 
creatures." There was a general rush to the spot, and 
the narrow path was soon completely blocked. The 
exclamation of wonder and astonishment which those 
who first caught sight of the pigs gave vent to, served to 
heighten the curiosity of less fortunate persons in the 
rear, who craned their necks and pressed with all their 
might to catch a glimpse of what was causing those who 
enjoyed a better view so much wonder. 

As the pigs came waddling along from side to side, 
jerking at every stride the string by which their drivers 
held them, the crowd made way, and formed an admiring 
circle round them. The old people gazed wonderingly 
upon them, and expressed in warm terms their feeling of 
satisfaction at having seen what former generations had 
never seen. The excitement was intense, and the noise 
caused by everyone shouting their comments at the 
same time, deafening. All were remarking upon the 
appearance of the strange creatures, drawing attention 


to the curious shape of their snouts and ears and tails 
and feet, when the pigs began to grunt. " Silence, 
silence," roared the immediate bystanders. " Silence, 
that we may listen to the voice of the pig." The silence 
was of very short duration, for no sooner did the crowd 
hear the grunting than there rose from their lips the 
simultaneous exclamation, ' Ananah ! Ananah ! verily 
the voice and language of the pig are as strange as its 




The interest awakened by the newly developed trade 
with white people, kept the minds of the Kaiapoi Maoris 
occupied, and by diverting their thoughts from the 
danger of invasion lulled them into a state of false 
security. The difficulty of transporting a sufficient body 
of men from Kapiti to make victory secure, would, they 
hoped, prevent the northern natives from attacking them 
in force. They had yet to learn what tough stuff their 
enemy was made of, and what seemingly impossible 
things his unconquerable energy and implacable spirit 
would drive him to do. Unsatiated by the revenge he 
had taken on Tamaiharanui, Te Eauparaha vowed to 
destroy Kaiapoi, and to mingle the blood of its inhabi- 
tants with the blood so dear to him spilt within its walls. 
The execution of the scheme for its destruction was 
hastened by mata or prophecy uttered by a seer at 
Kapiti named Kukurarangi, who foretold the success of 
his plans in words to the following effect : 

He aha te hau 

He uru, He tonga 

He parera Kai waho E. 

Nau mai ra e Raha 

Kia kite koe i te 

Ahi i Papa-kura ki Kaiapohia 

What is the wind ? 
It is north-west, it is south, 
It is east in the offing, oh ! 
Come then, Raha ! * 
That you may see the fire 
On tlie crimson flat of Kaia- 

f Contraction for Te Eauparaha. 



Ma te ihu waka 

Ma te kakau hoe 

A ka taupoki 

Te riu o te waka 

A Maui ki raro 

Tuki tukia nopenopea Ha ! 

Ha Taku pokai tara puka 

E tu ki te muri wai 

Ki Wai para ra i ia 

Ka whaka pae te riri ki tua 

Awhitia kia piri kia tata 
Ka tara te ri kohi ti 

By the prow of tlie canoe 
By the handle of the paddle 
The hold of the canoe of Maui 
May be overturned to cover it ; 

Then pound, pound the sea ! 
And stir it with your paddles 
Behold my flock of curlews 
Hovering over the backwater 
Of that Waipara there 
The fight will be on the other 

Embrace it, get closer and 

Fierce will rage the fight. 

About a year after his raid on Akaroa, Te Rauparaha 
embarked in a fleet of war canoes, a force of six hundred 
warriors, selected from Ngatitoa, Ngatiraukawa and 
Ngatiawa. As soon as his fleet were observed off the 
coast of the South Island, messengers were despatched 
to warn the inhabitants of Kaiapoi of his approach, but 
the warning only reached them a short time in advance 
of the enemy. The news quite unnerved the people, who 
were totally unprepared. In their perplexity they resolved 
to consult the guardian deity of their tribe, Kahukura. 
This divinity was classed among the beneficent 
Maori Atuas. His cultus was introduced by the 
crew of Takitimu, who were the ancestors of the Kaia- 
pohians. The staff used for divination purposes was 
about eighteen inches in length ; the upper third 
representing an elaborately tattooed face and body ; the 
lower end being quite round and smooth. The image was 
kept in a carved wooden box, in the centre of a clump of 
flax bushes, called the ' pae " or resting place of the 
Atua, and the box was further concealed from observation 
by a covering of dry grass. This sacred place was about 


half an acre in extent, and was situated close to the 
cemetery which now adjoins St. Stephen's Church. 

A hurried summons brought representatives from the 
outlying villages and food stations to take part in the 
ceremony of " Toro," and Patuki, a fine tall man in the 
prime of life, was chosen to " patai " or question the 
divinity. The morning chosen for the ceremony seemed 
propitious. The sun rose with resplendent glory as the 
procession headed by Patuki, who was stark naked, issued 
from the gate of the pa, followed by the old Tohungas, or 
priests, his equals, whose only covering was a narrow 
waist-band. Behind them came the rest of the inhabi- 
tants, men, women, and children. They moved slowly 
along and silently till they reached the " pae " at 
Tuahiwi (St. Stephen's). Having removed the image 
from the box, Patuki squatted on his heels on the 
ground, the other Tohungas sitting in like manner in a 
semi-circle behind him ; and the general public behind 
them again. The first part of the ceremony consisted in 
drawing a leaf of tussock grass from any plant growing 
near where the Tohunga sat ; if it broke, that was a bad 
omen, and they would not proceed any further, and 
would defer the consultation. If it came up by the 
root bringing the earth with it, that was a good omen ; 
and the Tohunga proceeded to bind the Atua with a 
mystic knot, made by passing the grass leaf with the 
left hand over the thumb nail of the right hand (because 
" e taha maui tia ana te hon o te Atua ") ; on forming 
the knot the projecting part of the grass leaf was pulled 
tight, and if it broke it was regarded as a bad omen, and 
the consultation deferred. Three loops were made in 
the manner described, incantations being repeated all the 
time by the questioner and an assistant Tohunga. 


Patuki having successfully made the knots which 
were to bind Kahukura to the image for a sufficient time 
to secure an answer, proceeded to dandle the image in 
his hand, continuing all the time to repeat the necessary 
invocations to the Atua to enter the image and reveal his 
presence. When the proper moment arrived the 
Tohunga said to the Atua, Kai te haere mai tera pia au 
ki te patu i tenei pia au "- " That people of yours is 
coming to kill this people of yours." Three times he 
repeated these words in a loud voice, swaying about and 
gradually working himself into a state of frenzy. After 
the third repetition of the words, the whole assembly 
present took them up, and in loud and frantic tones 
implored the Atua to reveal his presence. The Tohungas, 
swaying their bodies about, contracted their stomachs 
with a sudden movement, to quicken the expulsion of 
the air from their lungs, and add to the shrillness and 
violence of their cries. 

At length the image gave evidence that the Atua 
had entered it, being seen to rear itself up and sway 
from side to side. The presence of attendant spirits 
of inferior order was at the same time manifested by 
the suppressed shrieks uttered by the surrounding 
Tohungas, into whose bodies the spirits had entered; 
the sounds emitted by them resembling the cries uttered 
by a startled girl. The excitement now became intense, 
and the whole crowd of worshippers cried aloud to the 
God, ' That pia ' of yours is coming to kill this ' pia ' of 
yours," and besought him to indicate in some way what 
the result would be. The image reared up, and then fell 
forward and struck the ground again and again, once, 
twice, thrice (after the manner of Punch in the popular 
show of that name). Again the people raised their 


voices and cried aloud, " This ' pia of yours is going to 
kill that ' pia ' of yours." The image reared itself 
up against Patuki's shoulder ; and while they continued 
to repeat the question, the image fell forward and rapped 
the ground. At that moment one of the Tohungas 
squatting behind Patuki, struck him a smart blow on the 
back of the head, with the palm of his hand ; that being 
the recognised method of closing the ceremony of 
consulting the Atua. 

Instantly the image became perfectly still, for the 
Atua went out of it, followed by his attendant spirits, 
who up to that moment had possessed the bodies of 
the Tohungas conducting the enquiry. The reason 
why the consultation was so abruptly terminated was to 
secure a favourable omen. The image striking the earth 
was an intimation that there would be one defeat, 
and that defeat, those who were consulting the oracle 
interpreted to mean, would befall the northern forces. 
After the close of the ceremony the image was replaced 
in its box, amongst the flax bushes, and most of the 
people returned to the pa. A few hours afterwards 
Te Rauparaha's men were scouring the country and 
putting all stragglers to death. 

On reaching Double Corner, Te Eauparaha landed and 
drew up his war canoes above high water mark ; he then 
marched quickly on to Kaiapoi, hoping to surprise the 
place ; but in this he failed, as news of his approach had 
reached the inhabitants ; nevertheless, if he had assaulted 
the pa whenever he arrived, he could easily have taken 
it, as most of the young and able-bodied men were 
absent, having gone as far as Port Cooper to escort 
Taiaroa, who purposed embarking there in his canoes for 
Otakou ; the rest of the inhabitants were scattered over 


the country attending to their cultivations. It was the 
report of firearms, coupled with the warning cries of 
those outside the fortifications, who had caught sight of 
the approaching enemy, which warned the occupants of 
the pa, who were mostly old men, boys and women, of 
their danger. They immediately closed the gates, and 
made a brave show of defence along the walls. 

Fortunately some of those outside the fortress suc- 
ceeded in reaching Port Cooper in time to stop Taiaroa, 
who consented to return and relieve the besieged. 
Having got all the available assistance he could from the 
Peninsula natives, he marched along the coast to the 
Waimakariri, which he crossed near the mouth on mokis, 
or rafts made of dry flax stalks. But fearing his 
relieving party might be discovered by the enemy if they 
approached any closer by daylight, he concealed his men 
in the scrub on the river bank till it was quite dark, 
when they continued their march along the beach till 
they got opposite to Kaiapoi, and then they turned 

But as they approached the pa they noticed the 
enemy's watch fires, and men standing and sitting 
around them, and they saw at a glance, that to attempt 
to enter the place on the land side, would be useless, 
as the whole of the ground on that side of the pa was 
occupied by the enemy in force. The only chance of 
getting in was by wading through the lagoon ; but there 
too they saw sentries posted every few yards on the 
sand ridges bounding its margin, and how to pass them 
without detection was a puzzle. Te Ata o Tu was 
carrying his infant son on his back, and as he drew 
nearer to the sentries his companions whispered to him 
to strangle the infant rather than run the risk of its 


foiling their efforts to escape the notice of the enemy, 
but his parental instincts were too strong. It was his 
only child, and a boy, and he could not kill it, but to 
smother its cries in the event of its waking at a critical 
moment, he rolled it up in a thick mat, and tied it 
securely across his shoulders, and in that way carried the 
little thing safely through all the dangers of that terrible 
night ; but it was only spared to meet its death in 
the waters of the lagoon a few months afterwards, when 
its mother vainly tried to escape from the fallen pa. 

Fortunately for Taiaroa's men a strong nor'-west wind 
was blowing which waved the tall tussock grass and 
sedge which covered all the ground about them violently 
backwards and forwards, the constant wavy motion 
concealing from the sentries the bodies of the men 
who were creeping along under cover of the vegetation. 
Whenever the wind lulled, the relief party kept perfectly 
still, not daring to move, and disposed to hold their 
breath for fear of detection by the sentries, who stood 
talking within a few feet of their foes, of whose presence 
they were quite unconscious, but who were yet near 
enough to hear distinctly all that they said to one 
another. The whole party having reached at last the 
margin of the lagoon, they rose to their feet and plunged 
into the water shouting "Taiaroa! to the rescue," and 
warning their friends not to fire upon them. 

For a moment the besieged thought that it was a 
stratagem of the enemy, and poured volley after volley 
amongst them, but as they were all struggling up to 
their necks in water and mud no harm was done, the 
bullets flying over their heads. As they drew nearer 
their voices were recognized, and a warm welcome 
accorded to them. And now the besieged took heart, 


and prepared not only for defence, but for carrying on 
offensive operations against the enemy. Whakauira 
was appointed to take charge of the gate Kaitangata, 
and to head all the sorties made from it ; while Weka 
held the same charge at Hiakarere. Other parts of the 
defences were assigned to other chiefs, and night guards 
were appointed. 

Just outside the Kaitangata gate stood a watch-tower, 
from which the besieged could look into the enemy's 
camp. It was built like a whata, on a tall upright post, 
and the walls were composed of slabs of wood which had 
been tested and proved to be bullet proof. Small holes 
were pierced on three sides to enable the look-out to take 
observations, This watch-tower proved of great service 
in guarding the besieged from sudden attacks, all the 
enemy's movements being visible from it. 

During the early part of the siege Taiaroa performed a 
bold deed, which deserved to achieve greater success 
than it did. Taking advantage of a dark stormy night he 
sallied forth with a few companions, and made for the 
spot near the mouth of the Ashley, where Te Bauparaha's 
fleet, consisting of nearly thirty canoes, had lately been 
brought and drawn up, with the intention of destroying 
them ; but having only small, light hatchets they found 
the task which they had undertaken beyond their power, 
and had to content themselves with hacking the cordage 
which fastened the cross ties, and seats, and side boards, 
and so rendering them unseaworthy till repaired. But 
the soaking rain defeated all their efforts to burn the 
canoes, and so the brave fellows had to return without 
effecting anything commensurate with the risk they had 


Three months passed and still the siege continued. 
Te Eauparaha then adopted different tactics, which were 
probably suggested by the words of the Seer's song : 
" Embrace it, clasp it tightly ; " and he commenced to sap 
up to the walls and opened three trenches parallel to one 
another. He lost a great many men at first owing to 
their being exposed to a continuous fire from the pa, but 
by covering the trenches and carrying them forward in a 
zig-zag direction he got at last within a few feet of the 

It was during the progress of this approach that Te 
Ata o Tu known to the colonists as ' Old Jacob," and 
much respected by them for his sterling qualities 
increased his reputation for courage by his successful 
encounter with Pehi Tahau, one of the northern warriors. 
The narrative of the encounter is best told in Hakopa's 
own words: "Towards the close of the siege, after 
standing sentry at the foot of the watch-tower, all one 
stormy night, during which heavy showers of rain had 
fallen, and being very wet and very sleepy, I was dozing 
with my head resting upon my hands, which were 
supported by the barrel of my gun, when I was roused by 
a hand on my shoulder, and a voice whispering in my 
ear, ' Are you asleep ?' I confessed I was, and asked 
if anything was the matter. My questioner, who was 
one of our bravest leaders, said, Yes, the enemy have 
planned an attack, and I wish a sortie to be made at 
once to repel it, will you take command ?' I readily 
consented on condition that I should choose my own 
men. He agreed ; and I picked out six of the bravest 
men I knew, and got them to the gate without arousing 
the rest of our people. I told my men to wait while I 
and another reconnoitred. 


" We entered the sap and approached the shed where 
the attacking party, numbering about two hundred, were 
sleeping awaiting the dawn. They were lying all close 
together like herrings in a shoal. I motioned to my 
men to come on. Just at that moment one of them who 
had gone down another trench, called out, ' Let us go 
back, I have taken spoil, a club, a belt, and a cartouche 
box.' The result of this injudicious outcry was very 
different from what might have been anticipated. 
Startled by the sound of his voice, our sleeping foes 
sprang to their feet, and immediately bolted panic struck 
in the direction of their main camp. 

' The coast was now quite clear for me, and emerging 
from the trench I proceeded cautiously in the direction 
taken by the runaways. I had not gone far before I 
noticed the figure of a man a short distance in front of 
me. He had nothing on but a small waist-mat, and was 
armed with a fowling piece ; and walking beside him 
was a woman, who from the way he kept pushing her 
forward, seemed unwilling to accompany him. Happen- 
ing to look round, he caught sight of me, and immediately 
cried out to his fleeing companions, ' Come back ! come 
back and catch this man, he is all alone.' 

But as no one did come back in answer to his appeal, 
and as I heard no answering call made, I felt confident 
that I had nothing to fear at the moment from his 
comrades, who were not likely to come to his aid till it 
was quite light ; and that if I could only close with him, 
I might overcome him, and have the satisfaction of 
carrying his dead body back with me into the pa. I 
determined therefore to try and force an encounter at 
-close quarters ; my only fear was that he might shoot me 
before I could grapple with him. I had only a tomahawk 


on a long handle, having left iny own gun behind, 
because the charge in it was wet from the previous 
night's rain. The ground we were passing over was 
covered with large tufts of tussock grass, and I leapt 
from one to another to deaden the sound of my footsteps,, 
squatting down whenever I saw the man turning round 
to look at me. I kept following him in this way for 
several hundred yards ; fortunately he did not keep 
moving towards Te Rauparaha's camp, but in a different 

" By dint of great agility and caution I got within a few 
feet of him, when he turned suddenly round and pushed 
the woman between us, and instantly fired. It seemed 
to me at that moment as if I were looking down the 
barrel of his gun. I squatted as quickly as I could on 
the ground ; fortunately there was a slight depression of 
the surface where I stood, and that saved my life. The 
flame of the charge set fire to my hair, and the ball 
grazed my scalp ; for a moment I felt stunned, and 
thought I was mortally wounded. My opponent kept 
shouting for assistance which never came ; for his panic- 
stricken companions I afterwards learnt, were at the 
very time up to their necks in water in an adjoining 
swamp, clinging in their terror to the niggerheads for 
support, their fears having magnified my little party 
of followers into an army. 

" The shouts of my opponent recalled me to my senses,. 
and recovering from the shock I had received, I made a 
second attempt to grapple with him, but without success ; 
as before he slipped behind the woman again, and aimed 
his gun at me ; I stooped, and the bullet flew over my 
shoulder. We were now on equal terms, and I had no 
longer to exercise such excessive caution in attacking 


him. I struck at him with my hatchet, he tried to parry 
the blow with the butt end of his gun, but failed, and I 
buried my weapon in his neck near the collar bone. 
He fell forward at once, and I seized him by the legs and 
lifted him on to my shoulder, intending to carry him out 
of the reach of rescue by his own people. 

" It was now quite light enough to see what was going 
on, and I could not expect to escape much longer the 
notice of the sentries guarding Te Rauparaha's camp. 
Just then, one of my companions, who had mustered 
sufficient courage to follow me, came up to where I was ; 
and seeing signs of life in the body I was carrying, ran it 
through with his spear ; and at the same time drew my 
attention to the movements of a party of the enemy ; 
who were evidently trying to intercept our return to the 
pa. Hampered by the weight of my prize, I could not 
get over the ground as quickly as our pursuers, but I was 
loathe to lose the opportunity of presenting to my 
superior officers such unmistakable evidence of my 
prowess as a warrior ; and I struggled on with my 
burden till I saw it was hopeless to think of reaching 
the pa with it, when I threw it on the ground, con- 
tenting myself with the waist-belt, gun, and ear 
ornaments of my conquered foe, and made the best 
of my way into the fortress, where I was received with 
shouts of welcome from the people, and very compli- 
mentary acknowledgements of my courage from my 

' I owed my life at the fall of Kaiapoi to that morning's 
encounter ; for when I was lying bound hand and foot 
along with a crowd of other prisoners after the capture 
of the pa, Te Eauparaha strolled amongst us enquiring 
whether the man whd killed his chief, Pehi Tahau, was 



amongst our number. On my being pointed out to him 
as the person he was in search of, instead of handing me 
over, as I fully expected he was going to do, to the 
relatives of my late foe, to be tortured and put to death 
by them, he addressed me in most complimentary terms, 
saying I was too brave a man to be put to death in the 
general massacre which was taking place ; that I had 
fought fairly, and won the victory ; and that he meant 
to spare my life, and hoped that I would in time to come 
render him as a return for his clemency some good 
service on the battle-fields of the North Island." 

Finding it hopeless to think of taking Kaiapoi by 
assault, in the ordinary way, Te Eauparaha conceived the 
idea of burning down the defences of the pa on the land 
side. To effect this object, he ordered his men to collect 
the manuka bushes which grew in profusion all about 
the neighbouring sandhills, and after tying them in small 
bundles, to stack them in a convenient place to dry. 
Having accumulated a quantity sufficient for his purpose, 
the next step was to place the dry brushwood against 
the wooden walls of the pa. But this proved a more 
dangerous and difficult task than he had at first antici- 
pated, and many of his men sacrificed their lives while 
attempting to carry out his directions. The bundles of 
manuka were carried as far as they could be under cover 
of the trenches, and then thrown forward ; and it was 
while in this act of throwing them that the besiegers 
exposed themselves to the deadly fire of the defenders, 
who, standing only a few feet away, were able to con- 
centrate their aim upon the small space at the end of 
each trench, where the person hurling the manuka was 
obliged to stand. For awhile the besieged inhabitants 
succeeded in scattering every night the work done by 


their enemies at such a cost of life during the previous 
day. But the accumulation of dried manuka all about 
the front of the pa became so great at last that it was 
altogether beyond their power to disturb it, and the huge 
pile rose higher day by day till it filled the trench and 
rested far up the stockade wall. The miserable in- 
habitants now saw that their relentless enemy was 
gaining upon them, and knowing that if he once got rid 
of the protecting walls their lives would be at his mercy, 
they became greatly depressed, and many of the younger 
men began to discuss the advisability of escaping before 
the impending catastrophe happened. Taiaroa was the 
first to move, and under cover of darkness he withdrew 
the contingent of Otakou men under his command, 
promising his desponding friends whom he left behind 
him, that he would try and create a diversion in their 
favour by attacking Te Rauparaha's camp from without, 
when an opportunity would be afforded them of getting 
rid of the cause of their immediate alarm ; but this 
promise he was never able to fulfil. Every hour after 
he left the peril of the besieged increased, and the 
suspense became intolerable. Southward rose the vast 
pile of brushwood to be set fire to by their enemies 
on the first favourable opportunity. 

At length the fatal day arrived : a nor'-wester sprung 
up, and blew with increasing violence for some hours. 
Everyone felt certain that it would be succeeded by a 
sou' -wester, as was then invariably the case, when the 
fate of the pa would be sealed. There was just a chance 
that if the manuka were lit from the inside, the flames 
would be carried away from the pa, and the menacing 
mass of inflammable material destroyed before it could 
do any serious harm. Pureko, one of the chiefs in 


charge of the threatened portion of the defences, 
determined to run the risk ; and seizing a firebrand, 
thrust it into the heap. In a moment the flames shot 
high up into the air, flaring and waving in the wind. 
For a short time it seemed as if the experiment was 
going to prove successful ; but all at once, with the 
rapidity which usually characterizes the change of wind 
from north to south on the Canterbury Plains, it veered 
round to the opposite point of the compass, and drove 
the fierce flames against the post and palisades, which 
were soon ablaze and crashing to the ground. Blinding 
smoke enveloped the whole place, and the defenders 
were compelled to fall back from the wall to escape 

Te Eauparaha and his men were on the alert, ready to 
take advantage of the turn affairs had taken ; and before 
the inhabitants of the pa could fully realize what had 
happened, the northern warriors were in the midst of 
them. The wildest confusion and disorder ensued. 
Pureko, who was the immediate agent in causing the 
disaster was the first to fall, being disembowelled by a 
gunshot. The venerable Te Auta, the High Priest of the 
tribe, whose long white hair and beard, and generally 
imposing appearance had rendered him for many years 
past an object of terror to the youth of the pa, fell at the 
Tuahu, where with the image of Kahukura in his hands, 
he vainly besought the patron divinity of the tribe to 
help them in their hour of need. 

Many of the inhabitants made for the Huirapa gate, 
because the bridge which led from it gave access to the 
swamps covered with flax, niggerheads, and raupo, under 
cover of which lay their only hope of escape. Others 
climbed over the fences, and plunging into the lagoon 


waded or swam to the friendly shelter of the bordering 
vegetation ; the smoke, driven by the wind, over the 
surface of the water, screening them while so engaged, 
from the observation of the enemy. In this way 
probably two hundred succeeded in making good their 
escape by keeping in the swamps till they got well up 
the plains, when they worked their way towards Banks 
Peninsula and other places inhabited by their friends. 

Shrieks and cries of despair rose within the pa as the 
northern men struck down their aged victims, or seized 
and bound some trembling youth or maiden to be 
despatched later on, or to be carried far away into 
captivity. When all were either killed, or securely 
bound, the conquerors adjourned to their camp, situated 
on the spot now known as Massacre* Hill, : ' : on the North 
Eoad, where the captives were finally disposed of. 
Those devoted to the manes of the dead were fastened to 
poles, erected on the summit of the knoll, and bled to 
death, their bodies being afterwards removed to be cooked 
and eaten in accordance with the national custom, which 
required this indignity to be offered to the dead in order 
to complete the humiliation of the conquered. 

The total population of the Kaiapoi Pa at the time of 
its capture, cannot have been far short of a thousand 
souls. Of these, a part made good their escape, a part 
perished, and a considerable number were carried off by 
the conquerors to Kapiti. 

Among the captives was a handsome lad named Pura, 
(known to Lyttelton residents as Pitama) who took Te 
Rauparaha's fancy, and was led by him into his whare. 

* When the Eev. John Baven, one of the Canterbury pilgrims took 
possession of the land in the neighbourhood of this knoll, the whole 
surface of the ground between it and the lagoon was strewn with human 
remains and weapons of all sorts. Mr. Eaven caused the bones to be 
collected, and about two waggon-loads were buried by his orders in a pit at 
the base of the sandhill, which has since been almost levelled. The 
remains of the houses and fortifications of Kaiapoi were destroyed by the 
fires lit to clear the land for farming purposes. 


To prevent his escaping during the night, the old chief 
tied a stout cord round the boy's body and fastened the 
end of it to his own wrist. During the early part of the 
night Te Eauparaha was wakeful, and kept pulling the 
cord to assure himself that his prisoner was safe ; but 
when sleep overpowered him the cord relaxed, and the 
boy who was watching all the time for an opportunity to 
escape, successfully disengaged himself from his bonds, 
and having fastened the check string to a peg which he 
found in the floor, he crept cautiously out of the hut. It 
was too dark for him to distinguish anything, and as he 
passed out he overthrew a pile of brushwood, which 
slipped down and completely covered him. 

Old Rauparaha roused by the noise sprang to his feet, 
and immediately discovered the trick which had been 
played upon him. He at once gave the alarm, and 
roused the whole camp. Suddenly awakened from 
profound sleep induced by weariness after the violent 
exertion and excitement of the previous day, and by the 
sense of security ensured by victory, the northern 
warriors were in just the condition to give away to panic, 
and it was well for them that the circumstance which 
caused the disturbance in their camp proved after all to 
be of such a trivial nature. With loud shouts and cries 
the men rushed hither and thither in wild confusion, 
some calling out that the prisoners had escaped, others 
that the camp was being attacked by their friends, who 
were attempting to rescue them. Torches were lit and 
seen flashing in all directions, guns were fired, and the 
greatest commotion prevailed everywhere. 

All the time this uproar was going on, the cause of it 
was lying perfectly still under the fallen pile of brush- 
wood, beside the commander-in-chief's hut. He knew 
that if discovered he would be immediately put to death, 


as it was an unpardonable offence for a prisoner to 
attempt to escape. Escape, however, at such a moment 
was impossible, and poor Pura lay in the greatest state 
of terror and alarm, expecting every moment that his 
hiding place would be found out. Fortunately for him 
that was not to be; and when the alarm subsided and 
stillness once more reigned around, he quietly extricated 
himself from his uncomfortable position, and groped his 
way out of the camp into the surrounding flax swamps, 
under cover of which he escaped ; journeying south- 
wards till he fell in with the main body of the fugitives, 
who were travelling on in the same direction till they 
reached a place of safety. 

He was more fortunate in this respect than a boy of 
eight years and a girl of five, who got separated from 
their friends on the march, and were not found for 
several months afterwards, when an eeling party came 
upon them in the river-bed of the Waikiriki (Selwyn). 
These two children known in after years as Charley Wi 
and Mrs. Wi Naihira, were told by their father to rest on 
the bank of the river while he went in search of food for 
them, but he never returned, having probably fallen into 
the hands of Te Eauparaha's men, who were scouring the 
country in all directions for fugitives. Left to shift for 
themselves, they managed to sustain life by eating raupo 
roots, and the tender shoots of the ti-palm, and the small 
fish which they caught in the shallows and under the 
stones. They found shelter from the weather under the 
large flax bushes which lined the river bank, and by 
cuddling together under a heap of dry grass, which they 
had collected, they managed to keep themselves warm in 
spite of their scanty clothing, which consisted of one 
short mat each, about the size of an ordinary door mat, 
and rather like one in appearance, though softer. 




A few days after the capture of Kaiapoi, Te Eauparaha, 
having repaired the damage done to his canoes, embarked 
his army and the prisoners he meant to take with him, 
and sailed for Akaroa Harbour, with the intention of 
attacking the fortress of Onawe, and completing the 
destruction of Tamaiharanui's kinsman. Finding on his 
arrival there that the pa was strongly fortified, and likely 
to be bravely defended, and not relishing the idea of 
undertaking another prolonged siege, he resorted to 

Accompanied by the most distinguished of the Kaiapoi 
prisoners, he approached the gate of Onawe, and began 
parleying with some of the defenders, whom he advised 
to surrender the pa, and trust to his clemency, appealing 
to the presence of so many Kaiapoi prisoners as a proof 
that they might trust his promise to spare their lives. 
While this talking was going on, the gate was opened to 
admit some men returning from an unsuccessful skirmish. 
In the crowd gathered about the gate were some of 
Te Eauparaha's men, who, in obedience to secret 
instructions from him, had crept up unnoticed to where 
he stood, and succeeded in entering the pa without being 
recognised. Once within the fortress, they commenced 
killing everyone about them, a panic ensued, and in a 
few minutes Onawe was taken. 


Te Eauparaha having established his object, gave his 
warriors permission to return to the north, and having 
received directions where to rendezvous on the coast, 
several war canoes put to sea at once. The one com- 
manded by Te Hiko,* chief of the Ngatiawa contingent, 
not being quite sea worthy, was beached for repairs at 
Okaruru (Gough's Bay). Amongst the prisoners Te 
Hiko had with him was Tangatahara, or " ugly man," so 
nick-named years before by a lady who resented his too 
persistent attentions to her. He was a renowned 
warrior, and the late commander of the fortress of 
Onawe. He was particularly obnoxious to Te Eauparaha 
owing to the fact that it was by his hand that the great 
Te Pehi fell at Kaiapoi. 

While Te Hiko was engaged repairing his canoe, a 
detachment of Te Eauparaha's body-guard who had been 
searching the neighbouring hills and forests for fugitives 
oarne upon the scene. They were accompanied by two 
women, near relations of the great chief, who on 
recognising Tangatahara as the man with whom their 
family had a blood-feud, according to custom demanded 
his surrender, exclaiming " Light an oven, we must have 
.a feast, here is our man ! " Te Hiko resented this inter- 
ference with his rights as captor of the noted prisoner, 
and refused to give him up, and to prevent his being 
molested placed a guard of his own men round him. At 
the same time he ordered a plentiful supply of food to be 
given to his superior officers' friends, hoping thereby to 
-conciliate them, and to divert their thoughts from the 
man whom he had taken under his protection. 

The women of the party were not, however, easily 
appeased and drawn from their purpose. They persisted 

* He was the son of Te Pehi, which made his treatment of Tangata 
hara all the more noteworthy. 


for a long time in pressing their demand ; but finding 
Te Hiko firm in his refusal, they begged since they 
might not kill the Ngaitahu man, to be allowed to strike 
his head with the kauru fibre they were chewing, and so 
degrade him by pretending to use his head as a relish for 
their kauru. This request was granted, whereupon the 
two women went up to the prisoner who was seated on 
the ground in the midst of a group of Ngatiawa warriors, 
and struck him several times on the top of the head with 
the kauru, which they then proceeded to chew. Te Hiko 
was very much vexed by the disregard shown to his 
wishes by Te Eauparaha's relatives, and made up his 
mind there and then to release Tangatahara as soon as 
they were gone. 

Accordingly during the night he roused him, and told 
him he might escape, which he did very easily as the 
camp was situated on the edge of the forest, which then 
covered the greater part of Banks Peninsula. His 
escape encouraged a female prisoner, who, under the 
charge of two women, had been taken to the outskirts of 
the forest to collect firewood, to attempt flight. In order 
that those in charge of her might grow accustomed to 
losing sight of her person, she kept in front of them, and 
never picked up a stick unless it was lying in such a 
position behind a tree or shrub that in stooping to get it 
she got out of their sight ; gradually she increased the 
distance between herself and her guardians, and reached 
the base of the cliff, on the western side of the Bay. 
Observing a strong woodbine hanging over the face of a 
steep rock she seized it, and drew herself up by it to the 
top, pulling the woodbine up after her to prevent her 
pursuers using it ; she then scrambled away with all 
speed up the steep hill side, spurred on in her efforts to 


escape by the shrill cries of her mortified keepers, who 
were calling aloud upon the men to go in pursuit of her; 
but she succeeded in reaching the shelter of the dense 
forest where all trace of her whereabouts was lost, and 
after a time rejoined her friends in safety. 

Before the northern fleet got finally clear of Banks 
Peninsula, a considerable number of prisoners escaped, 
the chief person among them being Te Hori, known in 
after years as the highly respected native magistrate of 
Kaiapoi ; the only man of acknowledged learning left 
amongst the Ngaitahu, after Te Eauparaha's last raid. 

Fortunately for the Kaiapoi captives who were taken 
to Kapiti, Te Eauparaha on returning home, found himself 
involved in quarrels with some of the tribes on the 
mainland, whose territory he had appropriated, and 
this disposed him to treat his prisoners with more 
consideration than he might otherwise have done. 
Amongst others of them whom he employed in positions 
of trust, was Te Ata o Tu, the warrior who had attracted 
his favourable notice during the siege of Kaiapoi, by 
engaging in combat with one of his officers, and over- 
coming him. This man Te Eauparaha sent on one occasion 
with an important message to the chiefs of Waikanae, 
and on the way there a circumstance occurred which 
tried his courage and ability to meet any emergency, 
almost as much as his encounter with Pehi Tahau in the 
outskirts of Kaiapoi had done. 

Accompanied by his little son, a boy of six years 
(Simeon Pohata), he crossed in a canoe to the mainland, 
and started to walk along the beach to Waikanae. When 
he had accomplished about a third of the journey, he 
heard a bull bellowing close by, and soon afterwards saw 
the animal trotting rapidly towards him. He realised at 


once the dangerous predicament he was in ; for he had no 
doubt that the animal now approaching him was the same 
about which he had heard very alarming stories. It was 
once a village pet, but had taken to the bush, and ever 
since it had done so, it always chased any persons it 
came across, and it had already crippled a good many 
people. Te Ata's first thought was for the safety of his 
boy ; but what could he do ? An endless stretch of 
sandy beach lay before and behind him ; to the right lay 
the open sea ; to the left bare sandhills. 

To run away would only encourage the bull to quicken 
his pace, and hasten the approaching catastrophe. For 
a moment his case seemed hopeless, when he espied 
some slabs lying above high water mark at the foot of a 
sandhill. If he could only reach them in time, he might 
yet save his boy ; taking him by the hand he hurried to 
the spot, and set five or six of them on end against the 
sand hillock, and got behind them just as the bull came 
up. The beast stood for a few moments bellowing and 
pawing the sand, and walked by sniffing at the planks. 
He did this several times, but the moment he caught 
sight of the man crouching behind the slabs, he 
charged them furiously, and tossed them over with his 

Te Ata snatching up the child sprang from under, and 
as the bull charged past him, he quickly replaced two of 
the slabs, and put the boy behind them, telling him 
in the event of his escaping, to make for Waikanae, and 
inform the people there of what had happened to his 
father. The bull seeing him standing close by did not at 
once rush at" him ; but with head bent low, bellowed and 
growled within a few feet of where he stood, as if getting 
up his courage' for the attack. 


Te Ata made up his mind at that moment what to do ; 
and springing to the side of the astonished animal, he 
put his right arm round the base of the bull's neck, 
and pressed his body against his shoulder. The bull 
tossed his head and tried to strike the man with his 
horns, but in vain ; the man was too agile and quick 
in his movements, and as he pressed with all his 
strength against the bull's shoulder, the animal kept 
shifting his position, and moved slowly down towards 
the sea. The tide was coming in, and soon swept over 
the spot where they stood. 

Te Ata noticed a pukio, or niggerhead, floating on the 
incoming waves, and as it swept past him, he seized it, 
and made a dash for the breakers, into which he 
plunged dragging the niggerhead after him. The bull 
followed, and kept so close behind him that he narrowly 
escaped being gored by it, but by continually '' diving 
in different directions he managed to widen the distance 
between himself and his tormentor ; but nothing seemed 
to turn the brute from his purpose, and he appeared 
as much at home in the water as on land. Loosening 
his shaggy waist mat, Te Ata fastened it round the 
niggerhead, and took several long dives before he 
ventured to look round, when to his intense relief, he saw 
the bull engaged with the niggerhead, which he was 
pawing at, and poking with its horns, apparently under 
the impression that he had at last caught his man. 

Leaving the vicious beast to expend its spite on the 
pukio, Te Ata swam some distance down the coast, and 
then drew in towards the shore, and walked along through 
the surf till he thought he could emerge with safety from 
the water, and pursue his journey on terra firma. About 
two miles down the coast he passed a canoe drawn up on 


the beach, and noticed his little boy lying asleep in the 
stern of it, fright and fatigue having quite overcome the 
child. Taking him on his back, he pursued his journey 
to Waikanae, where he soon after arrived without any 
further misadventure. 




As soon as the fugitives from Kaiapoi had sufficiently 
recovered from the terrible shock which their feelings 
had sustained from their crushing defeat, they commenced 
to organize an expedition for the purpose of avenging the 
destruction of their pa and people. Their cause was 
warmly espoused by their kinsman in the south, who 
were so impatient to carry out the project of revenge 
that two hundred and seventy of them started northwards 
under the leadership of Tuhawaiki and Karetai, before 
they had time to equip themselves properly for the 
struggle. Their object in hurrying away was to surprise 
Te Eauparaha, who made a practice of visiting the lagoons 
near the mouth of the Wairau river every year at that 
particular time, which was the moulting season of 
paradise ducks and the other waterfowl, which he went 
there to procure. These birds after being plucked and 
cooked were packed in vessels formed out of large kelp 
leaves, protected on the outside with strips of totara 
bark ; the vessels so formed being air-tight preserved the 
contents for a long time. 

The Kaiapohian expedition which has ever since been 
known as Oraumoa-iti (small Oraumoa) in contradistinc- 
tion to a subsequent expedition sent up for the same 


purpose, called Oraumoa-nui (or great Oraumoa) was 
within an ace of accomplishing its object. It arrived on 
the spot along the coast where Rauparaha meant to land, 
a few hours before he reached it, and having concealed 
their canoes, they placed a number of men in ambush in 
the woods, close to the beach ; but owing to one of 
Rauparaha's men finding some trace of recent visitors at 
a short distance from high water mark, he gave the 
alarm, and though the southern men rushed from their 
places of concealment, and attacked Rauparaha's force, 
they only succeeded in killing a few of them. The old 
chief escaped by hiding in the kelp near the rocks, till 
one of his canoes, still afloat, approached near enough 
for him to get on board. Paora Taki, the well-known 
native assessor at Rapaki, who w r as with the expedition, 
recognised Te Rauparaha, and might have killed him as he 
brushed past him on his way to the water, if he had 
only possessed a better weapon than a sharpened stake 
to assault him with. 

The Kaiapohians who did not think it prudent to 
continue the pursuit of their enemies, who had recrossed 
the Straits, returned home to reorganize and recruit 
their forces. A few months afterwards, a second ex- 
pedition numbering four hundred warriors, under the 
command of Taiaroa, started for Cook's Strait in a 
flotilla of canoes and boats. They proceeded along the 
coast as far as Queen Charlotte's Sound, and at the head 
of it they met a large force of Rauparaha's men, whom 
they immediately attacked. The ground was very broken 
and wooded, and only a portion of the men on both sides 
got into action. Towards evening the northern men 
withdrew from the place, and the southerners claimed 
the victory. 


For some days in succession, encounters between the 
forces took place with varying results. In one of these 
engagements which took place on a steep hill-side two 
warriors were engaged in mortal combat, in a position 
where their movements attracted the notice of their 
respective sides, who watched with eager interest the 
struggle between them. Clasped in a close embrace, 
each one strove with desperate efforts to throw the 
other down. Te Hikoia, the southern man, feeling that 
his antagonist, Te Kaurapa, had the advantage over him 
from his being on the upper side of the sloping ground, 
and that he was about to be overcome, cried out, 
" Iwikau e ! " I am going ! 

His nephew r , who was armed with a fowling piece, 
hearing his cry of distress, flew to his assistance, calling 
out as he ran towards him, " disentangle yourself, throw 
him over your hip ; " his object in giving the direction, 
being to get a shot at the enemy without endangering 
his relative's life. Hikoia, by a supreme effort, succeeded 
in doing what he was advised ; and Iwikau seizing the 
opportunity, shot his uncle's opponent, who fell dead at 
his feet ; and then seeing the fallen man's weapon 
(maipi) lying on the ground, he picked it up, and carried 
it off as a trophy. 

Te Eauparaha, who witnessed from a short distance the 
whole transaction, remarked to his companions, "ikia 
atu ano " (I told you it would be so), alluding to the 
advice he had given his men not to come to close 
quarters with their Ngaitahu foes, whom they knew 
from past experience to be desperate fellows at a hand- 
to-hand encounter. 

The scarcity of food compelled the southern warriors 
to return before they were able to accomplish anything 



decisive. Shortly afterwards, circumstances occurred 
which led to the total cessation of hostilities between 
the two parties. Rauparaha's tribe quarrelled with their 
neighbours and allies, the Ngatiawa, and fearing a 
coalition being formed against him, the wily chief of 
Ngatitoa resolved to make peace with Ngaitahu ; and 
selecting the chiefs of highest rank from amongst his 
Kaiapohia prisoners, he sent them home under the 
charge of an honourable escort, desiring them to use 
their influence with their friends to accept his friendly 
overtures. The unexpected return of Momo, a chief of 
very high rank, and greatly beloved on account of his 
amiable disposition, and the noted Iwikau, and other 
valued leaders of the tribe, accompanied by a band of 
Rauparaha's trusted friends, whose lives were now in 
their power to spare or take as they pleased, won the 
goodwill of the Kaiapohians, who accepted the terms 
offered to them, and made peace with their late foes. 

But though peace was established the bulk of the 
Kaiapohian prisoners carried to the north were still 
kept in bondage. There were influences at work how- 
ever on their behalf, which soon resulted in their release 
and return to their own land. The humanizing in- 
fluences of the Christian religion, which was first 
introduced to the Maori people in the vicinity of the 
Bay of Islands by the Rev. Samuel Marsden, in 1814, 
had gradually penetrated the country, till in 1839 it 
reached the tribes over which Te Rauparaha ruled, who 
as soon as they embraced the Christian faith, released 
all their prisoners, and assisted them to return home. 

When New Zealand was proclaimed a British Colony 
in 1840, several of the Kaiapoi chiefs attached their 
names to the treaty of Waitangi, by which the Maoris 

The Kaiapoi Monument. 


transferred the rights of sovereignty to the English 
Crown, the deed having been brought to them for 
signature by the captain of H.M.S. Herald. 

In 1843, Tamihana, the only surviving son of Te 
Rauparaha, and his cousin Matene te Whiwhi, inspired 
with the noble desire to repair as far as they could the 
injuries inflicted upon the Ngaitahu by their relatives, 
visited the South Island, where they spent two years, 
during which period they visited every Maori settlement 
in it, for the purpose of imparting to the inhabitants 
a knowledge of the Christian faith, which they had both 
embraced : having been baptized shortly before under- 
taking their mission by Mr. Hadfield. During the whole 
time spent amongst the Ngaitahu, these two young 
men were in momentary danger of being put to death, 
either to gratify the feeling of hatred cherished in many 
hearts towards their kinsmen, or by someone who felt 
impelled by the ancient custom of blood feud, not to 
miss such an opportunity of avenging the death of 'dear 
relatives who had perished by the hands of Te Eau- 
paraha's tribesmen, during their various raids on the 
south. The heroic courage and fervent zeal of the two 
young missionaries was rewarded by the conversion of 
the entire population, who were won over to the^ 
Christian faith by witnessing in their conduct and 
demeanour, the evidence of its divine power to change 
hate into love, and the bitterest enemies into the firmest 

In 1848, the chiefs of Kaiapoi, and other sections of 
the tribe assembled at Akaroa to meet Mr. Commissioner 
Kemp, who had arrived there in " H.M.S. Fly," for the 
purpose of negotiating with them for the purchase of 
their lands. The negotiations were successful, and Mr, 


Mantell was sent shortly afterwards to survey the 
portions which the Maoris had reserved from sale for 
their own occupation. Amongst the reserves made was 
the site of the old Kaiapoi Pa, to which Mr. Mantell 
referred as follows in his despatch to the Governor, 
written in 1848: "I have guaranteed to the natives 
that the site of the ancient pa, Kaiapoi, shall be reserved 
to her Majesty's Government, to be held sacred for both 
Europeans and Natives." As long as the old Maoris 
lived who regarded with veneration the spot associated 
with so many proud and pleasant, as well as so many 
sad and humiliating memories of the past, the site of the 
old fortress was not willingly and knowingly desecrated. 

But since their removal by death, their degenerate 
representatives have shown an utter want of decent 
respect for the site of the ancestral home of their tribe, 
and for the sake of securing a paltry sum paid as rent, 
they have allowed an unsightly fence to be erected right 
across the front wall of the pa, which was before that in 
a state of excellent preservation, and cattle to be de- 
pastured within the enclosure, the result being that the 
walls have been trampled down, and the ditches filled in 
and many interesting marks of its former occupants 
obliterated. There is still time to rescue what remains 
to mark a spot rendered famous by its past history a 
spot which will be regarded with increasing interest as 
years roll on. 

Some years ago the Kaiapoi Maoris erected a 
stone monument, on which the chief incidents connected 
with the history of the pa were inscribed. 

The story of the Old Pa is ended, and if it has been 
properly told, the reader will concur with the writer in 


the opinion that amongst those whose deeds deserve to 
be kept in remembrance by the people of this country, 
are the brave defenders of 




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