Full text of "Storia do Mogor; or, Mogul India 1653-1708;"

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EDITED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

VOL. II.

AlJRANGZEB RECEIVING DaRA SHUKOH'S HEAD ON A CHARGER,

Vol. II.

Frontispiece.

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INDIAN TEXTS SERIES

STORIA DO MOGOR

OR MOGUL INDIA
1653 — 1708

BY NICCOLAO MANUCCI

VENETIAN

TRANSLATED
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

BY WILLIAM IRVINE

BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE (RETIRED)
'MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

VOL. II

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET

PUBLISHED FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
I907

CONTENTS TO VOL. II.

PART II.

PAGE

Aurangzeb ........ i-3 2 4

His first measures, I ; action against wine-drinking, 5 ; action
against bhang, 7 ; sumptuary law about beards, 7 ; the burial of
Music, 8; dancing-women forced to marry, 9; about elephant-
drivers, 9 ; of holy mendicants, 1 1 ; vengeance on holy men of
Barah, 14; the feigned faqlr who buried a horse, 15 ; mansabdars,
16; M. Zaman, Persian refugee, 17; houses and gardens, 18;
spies, 18 ....... 1-18

Dispute between Aurangzeb and his father, 19; rajahs summoned
to Court, 21; Rajah Karan, Bhurtiyah, 22; Najabat Khan's dis-
grace, 23 ; Shaistah Khan sent against Shiva Ji, 25 ; descent and
history of Shiva Ji, 26 ; Aurangzeb's tutor reproved, 29 ; Amir
Khan sent to Kabul, 33; Roshan-ara asks for Begam Sahib's
palace, 14 ; her lovers, 35 ; ambassadors from Balkh, 36 ; Aurangzeb
wants a navy, 45 ; ambassador from Persia, 47 . . T 9"54

Illness of Aurangzeb, 54 ; his children, 57 ; he remits revenue, 60 ;
the Dutch ambassador, 62; attempt to make Shahjahan die of
disgust, 64; poison ordered for Shahjahan, 65 ; Aurangzeb departs
for Kashmir, 66 ; description of the order of march, 67 ; N. M.
returns to Dihli, 75 ; goes to Agrah, 76 ; I'tibar Khan, eunuch,
77; digression on eunuchs, 80; H. Roth, Jesuit, 81; N. M. at
Allahabad, 81 ; the Ganges, S2 ; Benares, 83; Patnah, 84; bj' boat
to Rajmahal, 86 ; to Dhakah, 86 ; Thomas Pratt, 87 ; the Sundar-
bans, 87; story of Manoel Coelho, 'tiger-slayer,' 87; the iankhinl
fairies, 87 . . . . . . . . 54-87

N. M. arrives at Hugli, 89; his stay there and what happened, 90;
crocodile stories, 93 ; missionary irregularities, 94 ; N. M. returns
to Agrah by land, 95 ; Qasimb§.z§,r, 96 ; Rajmahal, 96 ; Hindu
woman drags her lover on to pyre, 96; Patnah, 96; Allahabad,
96; Agrah, 96; Jacob, a Dutch surgeon, 96; N. M. takes up
medicine, 97 ; rescues a widow from sail, 97 ; prohibition of
widow-burning, 97 . . . . . . 89-97

Mir Jumlah and the war in Assam, 98 ; death of Mir Jumlah, 101 ;
flight of T. Pratt, and his death, 102 ; Shiva Ji wounds Shaistah

vi CONTENTS

Aurangzeb (continued) : PAGE

Khan. 104; Udepuri Mahal drunk, 107; story of an indiscreet
huntsman, 108; Aurangzeb returns from Kashmir, 108; death of
Khalilullah Khan, 109; Ethiopian ambassador, 109; envoy from
the Sharif of Mekkah, 114; envoy from Basrah, 115; Shahjahan
and Aurangzeb, 1 16 ...... 98-116

Chatganw taken, 117; Portuguese there, 118; widening of gates at
Dihll, 119; wall built at L,ahor, 119; walls at Aurangabad and
Burhanpur, 119; Shiva Ji plundering, 1 19 ; meteorolite at Ujjain,
119; great mosque at Lahor, 120 .... 1 17-120

Rajah Jai Singh posted to the Dakhin, 120 ; N. M. appointed to
command Jai Singh's artillery, 121; march to Dakhin, 122;
Bahadur Khan, 122; death of Shahjahan, 125 ; story of elephant
which died of grief, 127; ambassador sent to Persia, 128; his
misadventures, 130 ...... 120-130

Returns to Jai Singh's campaign in the Dakhin, 131 ; N. M.
deputed to Ramnagar, Pent, and Chotia, 132 ; a horse bewitched,
133; bewitched radishes, 134; Indian witchcraft, 134; ven-
triloquism, 134 ; amorous spells, 134 ; country of western ghats,

135 I3I-I35

Shiva J I surrenders to Jai Singh, 135; goes to Dihli, but takes to
flight, 137; Jai Singh moves against Bijapur, 140; Sharzah Khan,
141 ; Jai Singh retreats, 142 ; Padre Damiao Viera, 143 ; attack on
Portuguese at Chaul, 143 ; N. M. resigns Jai Singh's service, 144;
proceeds to Kambe, thence to Bassein, 144; N. M. nearly murdered,
144; passes on to Goa, 145 ; speaks ill of the Goanese, 145 135-145

Shah 'Abbas defies Aurangzeb, 146 ; Tarbiyat Khan, envoy, returns
from Persia, 146 ; birth of Kam Bakhsh, 146 ; death of 'Abd-ul-
Qawi, 147 ; death of Shah 'Abbas, Safawi, 149 ; Begam Sahib
makes Mullas' wives drunk, 149 ; French envoys, De la Boullaye
le Gouz and B£ber, 150; death of Rajah Jai Singh, 152; persecu-
tions, 154; death of Father Buse"e, S.J., 154; Ja'far Khan, wazir,
156; Shah 'Alatn sent against Shiva Ji, 158; execution of a
renegade friar, 159; Shah 'Alam negotiates with Shiva Ji, 161;
pretends to rebel, 162; deception discovered, 165; Mundiyahs
attack Dihli, 167 . . . . . . . 146-167

Goa, diseases at, 169; fruit of, 169; N. M. leaves Goa in disguise,
171 ; crosses Bhimra, 172; attack by robbers in Pandharpur, 172;
arrives at Parenda, 173; stays at Aurangabad, 173; journey
through Burhanpur and Agrah to Dihli, 174; tobacco tax
remitted, 175 ....... 169-175

N. M. moves to L,ahor, 176; turns doctor — his first case, 176;
origin of Lahor and description thereof, 179; Husain Pasha
(Islam Khan) from Basrah, 187 ; marriages of princesses — Bernier
criticised, 187; the chief qazl tricked by his daughter, 188; death
of Roshan Ara Begam (1671), 189; the king of Kashghar arrives,
190; a Pathan rising — fictitious Shah Shuja', 193 ; death of Sultan
Muhammad, 194 ....... 176-194

CONTENTS vii

Aurangzeb (continued) :

N. M. accused by Muhammad Amin Khan of theft, 196 ; Muhammad
Amin Khan defeated by the Pathans, 199; Mahabat Khan sent
back to Kabul, 202 ; peace made with Shiva JI, 203 ; Shiva JI
moves into the Karnatik, 203 ; Aurangzeb takes the field against
the Pathans, 204; Mahabat Khan falls ill and dies, 204; N. M.
treats the daughter of Murad Bakhsh, 207; N. M. in trouble for
using human fat, 209; other Europeans persecute N. M., 212;
N. M. attempts to elope with a Pathan widow from Qasur, 214;
story of Daulat, eunuch, 215; N. M. expels devils, 217 . 196-217
Misconduct of 'Izzat Khan, Governor of Sind, 218; Aurangzeb
returns to Dihll, 221 ; slaughter of fifty-two Pathan chiefs, 222;
the treaty with Shiva JI broken, 222 ; Multafat Khan attacks
Agrah villagers, 223 ; houses of Agrah priests searched, 225 ;
wine of Kabul, 225 ...... 218-225

N. M. quits Lahor, goes to Bandora via Dihli, Agrah, Surat, and
Daman, 227 ; N. M. loses his money and returns to Mogul
territory, 228; Agrah priests falsely accused, 229; N. M. enters
Shah 'Alam's service, 229; march of army to Aurangabad, 230;
death of Shiva. Ji, 231 ; death of Rajah Jaswant Singh, 233;
attack on Tibet, 235 ; war against the Rana, 236 ; recall of Shah
'Alam from the Dakhin, 239; Udepur, 239; Ajmer — rebellion of
Prince Akbar, 243 ; Shah 'Alam summoned to Ajmer, 244; comet,
December 24, 1680, 246; Akbar's attack fails, 247; Shah 'Alam's
pursuit, 249; peace made with the Rana., 251; story of Mirza
Kuchak, a Persian refugee, 253 ..... 227-253

Aurangzeb goes to the Dakhin (1681), 255; still there (1700), 255;
death of Begam Sahib (1681), 255; events in the Dakhin, 256;
death of Diler Khan (1683), 257; removal of Surat Governor

(1684), 259 255-259

N. M. leaves Shah 'Alam, 260; reaches Goa via Surat and Daman,
261 ; Sambha Ji's and Akbar's project against Goa, 261 ; N. M.
employed by Governor as translator and negotiator, 262 ; Sambha
JI defeats Portuguese at Ponda (1683), 263; Portuguese send
envoy to Sambha Ji, and his return embassy to Goa, 265 ; N. M.
takes part, 266; N. M.'s visit to Mogul fleet off Vingorla, 269;
Santo Estevao Island taken by Sambha Ji (November, 1683), 269;
N. M.'s second visit to Sambha Ji, 271 ; Shah 'Alam arrives near
Goa, 272 ; he sends envoy to Goa, 273 ; N. M. sent to Shah 'Alam,
2 75; flight of Akbar to Persia, 279; peace with the Portuguese,
280; N. M. made a Knight of St. Iago (January, 1684), 281 . 260-281
N. M. forced to rejoin Shah 'Alam, 283; destruction of White
Pagoda, 285 ; return march to Bardes, 286 ; disastrous march via
Ramghat to Ahmadnagar, 287; move to Sholapur, 288; Shah
'Alam sent against Gulkandah, 289 .... 283-289
N. M. takes flight to Gulkandah, 289 ; Shah 'Alam occupies Gul-
kandah (1685), 290 ; peace made, 294 ; N. M.'s flight to Masuli-
patam and Narsapur, 294 ; is brought back, 295 ; escapes once

viii CONTENTS

Aurangzeb (continued) :

more and reaches Madras, 296; N. M.'s marriage (October, 1686),
298; infant son dies, 298; treats many patients, 298 . . 289-298

Capture of Bijapur — king deposed (1686), 299; story of BIjapur
queen mother and her marriage to a cock, 300; operation for
artificial noses, 301 ; Aurangzeb renews attack on Gulkandah
king, 301 ; Shah 'Alam and his family imprisoned (March, 1687),
303 ; Gulkandah taken and king deposed (October, 1687), 305 ;
capture of Sambha Ji (December, 1688) and execution (Marcb,
1689), 310; Ghazi-ud-din Khan blinded, 315; arrest of Kam Bakhsh,
316; Shah 'Alam released (May, 1694), 317 ; Sobha Singh, a Bengal
rebel, 318; the Jats burn Akbar Badshah's bones, 319; death of
Shaistah Khan (1694), 321 ; Prince Akbar advances on India, but
retreats, 322 ; concluding remarks, 324 . . . 1-324

PART III.

Introductory remarks ........ 329

The royal household, the palace, the mahal or seraglio, 330 ; waqi'ah-
navis, khufiyah-navis, 331; king's expenditure, 332; names of
queens and princesses, 333; of concubines, 334; of the matrons,
334; of superintendents of dancers, 335; of women slaves, 336;
expenditure, 338; life in the harem, 339; wearing of jewels, 339;
henna, 340 ; harem attire, 341 ; the hospital, 342 ; Aurangzeb's
simple habits, 342 ; precious stones, 342 ; birth ceremonies, 343 ;
allowances to princes, 343 ; birth of a prince, 343 ; presents, how
looked on, 344 ; M. Raisin, French merchant, 344 ; bribes, 34,5 ;
festivals, 345; the salgirah, 346; modes of addressing the king,
346; education of princes, 346; Nauroz festival, 348; the 'Id
and the Khutbah (bidding prayer), 349; names of eunuchs, 350;
physicians, 352; presents, 353; bloodletting, 355; names of
physicians, 356; chief male slaves, 357; names of swords and
daggers, 358 ; names of shields, 359 ; names of principal horses,
360; the chief elephants, 361; elephant fights, 364; names of
cannon, 365 ........ 33°-3 6 5

Titles of nobles, 366; mamabs and pay, 369; rate of pay for com-
manders of twenty up to six thousand horse, 369; pay and
allowances, 374; branding of horses, 375; rozlnahdars (daily
allowance holders), 377 ; recruiting and inspection, 377 ; payment
of soldiers, 379 ; disputes about pay, case in 1699 at Jinji, 379 366-379
Disobedience of orders, 380; local hindrance to Sir W. Norris, 381;
bad administration, 382 ; faith not kept, 382 ; digression on
Dutch embassy of 1688, 383 380-383

Note on the Dutch embassy of 1688 ..... 384

Bribery, 388; seal of emperor and panjah (hand imprint), 389; pensions,
389; payment of queens' and princesses' establishments, 390;
imported horses, 390 ; Aurangzeb's subtle policy, 391 ; Shah

CONTENTS ix

PAGE

'Alam's habits and character, 392 ; A'zam Shah's character and
conduct, 394; disputes between princes, 394; quarrel between
Shah 'Alam and his son, 396 ..... 3 88 "39 6

Slave girl's strange illness, 397 ; Shah 'Alam tries to make N. M. marry,
398; attempt to convert N. M., 401 ; Mogul princes' manner in
public and in private, 401 ; Rajah Bhao Singh, Hada, 402 ; Shah
'Alam and N. M., 402 ; envious rival physicians, 404 ; some cases
treated by N. M., 404; Christian physicians given the hopeless
cases, 405 ; more cases described, 406 .... 397-406

Diler Khan's death, 409; practice of abortion, 410; Prince Mu'izz-ud-
din and his wife, 411 ; N. M. treats a concubine of Shah 'Alam,
411; Shah 'Alam's affable character, 412; slaves, position of,
412; N. M. employs the actual cautery, 412 . . . 409-412

List of the twenty- four provinces with their land revenue . . 413

Table showing land revenue in 1707 ..... 4 l &

Jizyah or poll-tax, 415 ; inland customs, 415 ; pilgrim-tax, 417 ; diamond
mines, 417 ; sea customs, 417 ; escheats, 417 ; deductions from
pay, 417; miscellaneous revenue, 418 .... 415-418

Exports: cotton and cotton cloth, 418; indigo, 418; opium, 418; silk,
418; import of gold and silver, 418; export of diamonds and
saltpetre, 418 ....... 4' 8

The wazir, 419; the diwans, 419; Lord Chamberlain, 419; Mir Bakhsht,
419; second ditto, 419; qazi, 419; mufti, 419; story about QazI
'Abd-ul-wahhab, 419 ; the kotwal, 420 ; halal-khor (house scaven-
gers), 421 ; Daroghah of the Ganj (grain market), 421 ; the news-
reporters, 421 ....... 419-421

The provinces and their products, 42 1 ; Dihli, 421 ; standing army, 422 ;
audience-halls, 423 ; mace-bearers, 423 ; Agrah ( Akbarabad), 424 ;
Lahor, 424; Ajmer (Sambhar Lake), 425; Gujarat (Ahmadabad),
425; Malwah, 425; Patnah (Bihar), 426; Multan, 426; Kabul, 426;
Tattah, 427; Bhakkar, 427; Urissah, 427; Ilahabas (Allahabad),
428; Aurangabad, 428; Barar, 429; Burhanpur (Khandesh), 429;
Bagianah, 429 ; Nander, 429; Dhakah, 429; Ujjain, 430; Rajmahal,
430; Bijapur, 430; Gulkandah, 430 .... 421-430

Coinage, 431; tetfar stones, 431; latitudes and longitudes, 431; royal
agents for purchase of goods in provinces, 431 ; governors' and
zamindars' quarrels, 432 ...... 431-432

Territories of Hindu rajahs, 432; the Rana, 432; Rathor Rajah, 432;
story of Shahjahan and Chattarsal, Hada, 432 ; Sisodiah Rana,
433 ; Rathors, 433 ; Kachhwahahs, 434 ; Bhurtiyahs, 434 ; Hadas,
434; Bundelahs, 434; Rawatelas, 435; other rajahs, 435; names
of Rajput tribes, 435; story of a converted rajah, 436; names of
Rajputs, 437; their bards, a battle charge, 437; Rajah Sarup
Singh, 438; the Barfl Rajah or Ice King, 438; Bhutan, 439 . 432-439

Summing up : Mogul strength hollow, 440 ; routes and distances, 441 ;
rajahs south of Allahabad, 442 ; their tribute, 442 ; Aurangzeb's
chained lion, 443 ; court etiquette, anecdote of ja'far Khan, 443 ;
zamindars, 444; the two Karnatiks, 444; Velur and other for-

x CONTENTS

PAGE

tresses, 445 ; collusion of Mogul commanders, 445 ; anecdote of
Mahabat Khan (Ibrahim), 445; fortresses, 445; anecdote, Fort of
the Slaves, 447 ; slaves and servants, character of, 447 ; anecdote
of Asaf Khan, 448; insolence of servants, 448; hardships of cam-
paigning, 448 ; the ser weight, 449 ; high prices and plague, 449 440-449

The kayath caste, 449 ; the kayath and the soldier, 449 ; faujdars, 450 ;
the peasants are bad payers, 450 ; force used, 450 ; sales of children
and cattle, 451 ; faujdars must compensate travellers for losses,
451 ; Indians like oppression, 451 ; a tirade on the Indian
character, 452; nature of conversions to Christianity, 452 . 449-452

Mahomedan tribes : Pathans, 453 ; Sayyids, 454 ; Shekhzadahs, 454 ;
Biloch, 455 ; Ghakkars, 455 ; J at, 455 ; clever disguise of a spy,
456; Bhatis, 457; L,akhi jungle, 457; Mewatis, 458; MInas and
Baurias, 458 ; thieves — Bidaris, 459 ; Bundelah, 459 ; Purbiyah,

459 ■ • • • • 453-459

Chess-playing — anecdote.of Jahangir's envoy to Persia, 460; ambassador
from Grand Seignor (1689), 461 ; Mogul mode of government,
461 ; case of Arab merchants, 462 ; ghusal-hhanah (privy council
hall), 462 ; Shah-burj (royal bastion), 462 ; palace gardens, 463 ;
other gardens, 463; story of twelve men and eleven women
(L,ahor), 463 ........ 460-463

Deceits and false oaths of Mogul kings, 464 ; honours and gifts, 464 ;
barani gifts, 464; traditionary secrets, 464; attendance at audi-
ence, 465 ; rivalry between princes, 466 ; unruly act of Prince
Kam Bakhsh, 465 ; pigeon-flying, 467 ; A'zam Shah's behaviour
during father's illness, 467; human sacrifices, 468; anecdote of
Ibrahim (son of) Adham, 469; and of King Bikramajit, 470 . 464-470

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II.

Aurangzeb receiving the head of Dara Shukoh . Frontispiece

Blochet, ' Inventaire ' No. 14.

NO. FACING PAGB

XIII. Sultan Muhammad, eldest son of Aurangzeb . . -36

Blochet, No. 17.

XIV. Shah 'Alam, second son of Aurangzeb . . . 72

Blochet, No. 18.

XV. Sultan A'zam Shah, third son of Aurangzeb . . . 108

Blochet, No. 19.

XVI. Sultan Akbar, fourth son of Aurangzeb .... 144
Blochet, No. 20.

XVII. Sultan Kam Bakhsh, fifth son of Aurangzeb . . . 180

Blochet, No. 21.

XVIII. Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh, son of Dara Shukoh . . . 216

Blochet, No. 22.

XIX. Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, eldest son of Shah 'Alam . . . 252

Blochet, No. 23.

XX. Sultan 'Azim-ud-din, second son of Shah 'Alam . . . 288

Blochet, No. 24.

XXI. Sultan Sikandar, son of Shah Shuja' .... 324

Blochet, No. 25.

XXII. Shaistah Khan, maternal uncle of Aurangzeb . . . 360

Blochet, No. 26.

XXIII. Rajah Jaswant Singh, Rathor, of Jodhpur . . . 396

Blochet, No. 27.

XXIV. Rajah Jai Singh (Mirza Rajah), Kachhwahah, of Amber . 432

Blochet, No. 28.

XXV. Mirjumlah 468

Blochet, No. 29.

SECOND PART

OF THE

HISTORY OF THE MOGULS

NICCOLAO MANUCCI, Venetian

ON THE REIGN OF AURANGZEB, WARS OF

GULKANDAH AND BljAPUR, WITH VARIOUS EVENTS

UP TO THE YEAR 1700

VOL. II.

OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF

HINDUSTAN, AND ELEVENTH OF THE RACE OF

TAIMUR-I-LANG

Those are kings whom God appoints, but as they know not
His secret purposes, men decline to acknowledge those who
unjustly seize some kingdom. All the same, the saying in the
Proverbs of Solomon, chapter viii., is incontrovertible : Per
me reges regnant (v. 15, ' By me kings reign and princes decree
justice'). God alone raises men to the throne to be either a
scourge or a solace to their subjects. Thus, although the holy
men of Mecca declined to accept the gifts sent by Aurangzeb,
because Shahjahan, his father, was still alive, I shall not,
in this my book, delay speaking of him as king until the death
of Shahjahan, but from the commencement I feel obliged to
concede his being such, for as an undisputed monarch he ruled
over Hindustan ; and this course is demanded by this history
to facilitate the reader's understanding thereof.

Finding himself now arrived at the goal of all his hopes, his
father in prison, his brothers dead, Aurangzeb ordained a nine
days' festival, 1 during which he received congratulations and
valuable gifts from the great men of the kingdom. He continued
his accustomed sacrifice of pimento, which he began when prince
in the Dakhin. This was conducted in the following way:
Having taken a handful of pimento and said a prayer, he
threw it on some live charcoal, where it was allowed to smoke
for some moments. Then the coals and the said smoking
pimento were sent out to be thrown on some mound or other,

1 This was the jashan, or accession festival, which recurred annually. The
first one began on the 24th Ramazan, 1069 H. (June 15, 1659), though the reign
was counted from the 1st Ramazan, 1068 H. (June 2, 1658).

3 1—2

4 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

where the whole was consumed. Thus he has been accustomed
to act every Friday up to the present time. 1

He knew that the people murmured at his usurpation, and
therefore after the days of festival he set to work to restore
order in the realm, by way of showing that his object was not
merely to reign, but to work for the good of Hindustan, which
(as he said) was near to destruction by reason of the careless-
ness of Shahjahan and the bad judgment of Dara. Therefore
he began by rewarding the nobles who had aided him in his
undertaking. He confirmed to Rajah Jai Singh the present
made to him of the province of Sambar (Sambhar 2 ) ; the pay of
others was increased ; each noble received a set of robes, to the
greatest being given a scimitar covered with precious stones [2],
having a rich and handsome hilt, an elephant and a horse.
He well knew that liberality and generosity are necessary to a
prince ; but if not accompanied by justice and sufficient vigour
they are useless ; rather do they serve to the perverse as occasion
for greater insolence, as in the verse :

Oderunt pecan boni virtutis amore ;
Oderunt pecare tnali formidine poena?

Thus, after the festival, he sent an order to decapitate
500 thieves, thereby terrorizing the perverse. These execu-
tions were to take place in front of the mosque called Cadam
Racul 4 (Qadam-i-rasul) — that is to say, ' Footsteps of the Sent,'
because it has a stone on which two footmarks are cut, for

1 As Mr. A. G. Ellis points out, the prayer sanctified this pagan rite. Mr. W.
Crooke has kindly given me the following references to the use of incense against
the influence of demons: 'Popular Religion of Northern India,' second edition,
ii. 21 ; Burton, 'Arabian Nights ' (edition Smithers), i. 185, x. 407; Burckhardt,
'Nubia,' 293 ; Tylor, 'Primitive Culture,' i. 482; Bleek, 'Avesta,' i. 69; Maurice,
' Indian Antiquities,' vii. 637 ; Drew, ' Jummoo and Kashmir,' 431. See a curious
instance of consecrating mares and camels by incense, Yule, 'Marco Polo,' first
edition, i. 272. For the use of turmeric in India, see Watt, ' Economic Products,'
ii. 669. Sipand, or wild rue, is used by Mahomedans (see Herklot's 'Qanoone
Islam,' Glossary, lxxxiv.).

2 See ante, Part I., folio 221.

3 ' The good hate to sin for love of virtue ;

The wicked hate to sin for fear of punishment.'
4 This shrine lies about one and a half miles to the south-west of the Lahor
Gate of Dihli (Carr-Stephen, 'Archaeology,' 147). It was founded in a.d. 1374.

WINE IS PROHIBITED 5

which the Mahomedans have great veneration. Not content
with putting in order affairs in the city of Dihli, where his
court was, in his desire to be called just and thus cover his
usurpation, he also sent off new governors and viceroys to the
provinces and kingdoms to displace the old ones. Although he
did not fail to give the new governors good instructions, he
added unfailingly some others that served his own dissimula-
tions and intrigues. Among these was an order that they might
take false oaths, and by thus swearing gain over men and raise
rebellions in neighbouring kingdoms. When the attempt
succeeded, it would suffice for them to feed ten mendicants,
by which they would be freed from their sin and absolved
from their promises, in spite of having backed them by a
thousand oaths on the Quran.

AURANGZEB TAKES MEASURES AGAINST WlNE.

Among the other disorders, Aurangzeb observed that in
Hindustan, chiefly in Dihli, there was great licence among
Mahomedans and Hindus in the consumption of wine, although
most repugnant to this king, who declared himself a strict
follower of the Quran. This licence began in the time of
JahangTr, although Akbar was the first to give leave to the
Christians to prepare and drink wine ; but in his time the
Mahomedans did not drink. The evil example of JahangTr
established this custom among the Mahomedans. In the
days of Shahjahan they drank with full liberty, just as if drink-
ing water, encouraged by Dara's example. Nor did Shah-
jahan, although not a drinker himself, care to remedy this dis-
order, but left everyone to live as he pleased, contenting himself
with passing his days among women, as I have already said.

It was so common to drink spirits when Aurangzeb ascended
the throne, that one day he said in a passion that in all Hin-
dustan no more than two men could be found who did not
drink, namely, himself and [3] 'Abd-ul-wahhab, the chief qazi
appointed by him, as already said at the end of Part I. (I. 277).
But with respect to 'Abd-ul-wahhab he was in error, for I
myself sent him every day a bottle of spirits (vino), which he

6 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

drank in secret, so that the king could not find it out.
Aurangzeb wished to repress this disorder, and therefore
ordered that all Christians, excepting physicians and surgeons,
should leave the city and remove to near the park of artillery,
which was beyond the suburbs at one league's distance from
the city. There they had leave to prepare and drink spirits on
condition they did not sell them.

After the issue of this order he directed the kotwal (chief of
police) to search out Mahomedans and Hindus who sold spirits,
every one of whom was to lose one hand and one foot. With-
out fail the kotwal went out to search for the vendors, although
himself one of the consumers. One day I saw him carry out
such a sentence on six Mahomedans and six Hindus; after
the punishment he ordered them to be trailed to a dung-heap,
leaving them there to die discreetly. This penal order was in
force for a time, so that no vendors were to be found ; for
whenever the kotwal suspected that spirits were made in any
house, he sent his soldiers to plunder everything in it. The
regulations were strict at first, but little by little they were
relaxed ; and during the period of strictness the nobles, who
found it hard to live without spirits, distilled in their houses,
there being few who do not drink secretly.

I have said that the Christians had leave to prepare spirits
for their own consumption, but were prohibited selling them.
On this account sentinels were kept over them to watch that
they did not sell. In spite of this, the gain being great, they
did not refrain, by resorting to a thousand expedients, from
selling them on the sly, although when the offence was dis-
covered the kotwal used to send and plunder the house, the
still being hung round the offender's neck, and then he was
taken through the streets chained, and buffeted on his way to
the kotwaVs house. On arrival there half dead he was locked
up in prison, and only released after many months with a fine
and a beating.

But such was the Christians' insolence and absence of shame
that they did not desist. They were of many nations, mostly
thieves and criminals ; and without slandering anyone, I can
say with truth that the Christians who served in the artillery of

THE USE OF BHANG IS PROHIBITED 7

the Moguls retained of Christianity nothing but the mere name,
were worse than the Mahomedans and Hindus, were devoid of
the fear of God, had ten or twelve wives, were constantly drunk,
had no occupation but gambling, and were eager to cheat whom-
soever they could. For these reasons the Farangis (Franks)
have not in the Mogul country the estimation they formerly had ;
many from greed of a small pay abandon their faith and turn
Mahomedans, as if it imported little for the salvation of one's
soul whether one is a Christian or a Mahomedan.

Action against Bhang.

So accustomed are the Mahomedans to intoxication that the
poor people, who have not enough funds to procure spirits,
invented another beverage, called in the language of the country
bang (bhang). It is nothing else than leaves of dried hemp
ground down, which intoxicate as soon as taken. Aurangzeb
also wanted to suppress this disorder. He therefore appointed
an official under the title of matucib (muhtasib), whose business
it was to prevent the use of this beverage or of others similar to
it. Not a day passed that on rising in the morning we did not
hear the breaking by blows and strokes of the pots and pans
in which these beverages are prepared. But, seeing that the
ministers themselves also drank and loved to get drunk, the
rigour of prohibition was lightened by degrees.

Aurangzeb did another very ridiculous thing to show himself a
scrupulous observer of the Faith. This was the issue of an order
that no Mahomedan should wear a beard longer than four finger-
breadths. Now the Moguls are much concerned with the preserva-
tion of their big beards, using for this many unguents. An official
was appointed whose business it was, in company with his attend-
ants and soldiers, to measure beards in the middle of the street,
and, if necessary, dock them. This order was not carried out,
except against ordinary people, the official not daring to meddle
with the nobles or the soldiers for fear of receiving injury to
himself. It was, however, amusing to see the official in charge
of beards rushing hither and thither, laying hold of wretched
men by the beard, in order to measure and cut off the excess,

8 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

and clipping their moustaches to uncover the lips. This last
was done so that, when pronouncing the name Ala (Allah,
God), there might be no impediment to the sound ascending
straight to heaven. It was equally quaint to see the soldiers
and others covering their faces with their shawls when they
beheld afar off the said official, for fear of some affront.

The Burial of Music.

Not resting content with the above orders, Aurangzeb took
steps against the excessive number of musicians. In Hindustan
both Moguls and Hindus are very fond of listening to songs
and instrumental music. He therefore ordered the same official
to stop music. If in any house or elsewhere he heard the sound
of singing and instruments, he should forthwith hasten there
and arrest as many as he could, breaking the instruments.
Thus was caused a great destruction of musical instruments.
Finding themselves in this difficulty, their large earnings likely
to cease, without there being any other mode of seeking a liveli-
hood, the musicians took counsel together and tried to appease
the king [5] in the following way : l About one thousand of them
assembled on a Friday when Aurangzeb was going to the
mosque. They came out with over twenty highly-ornamented
biers, as is the custom of the country, crying aloud with great
grief and many signs of feeling, as if they were escorting to the
grave some distinguished defunct. From afar Aurangzeb saw
this multitude and heard their great weeping and lamentation,
and, wondering, sent to know the cause of so much sorrow.
The musicians redoubled their outcry and their tears, fancying
the king would take compassion upon them. Lamenting, they
replied with sobs that the king's orders had killed Music, there-
fore they were bearing her to the grave. Report was made to
the king, who quite calmly remarked that they should pray for
the soul of Music, and see that she was thoroughly well buried.
In spite of this, the nobles did not cease to listen to songs in
secret. This strictness was enforced in the principal cities.

1 The story is in Khafi Khan, text, ii. 211, and Elliot, vii. 283, under the
nth year, 1078 H. (1667-68).

MUSIC AND DANCING ABOLISHED 9

Dancing-Women forced to Marry.

In the reign of Shahjahan female dancers and public women
enjoyed great liberty, as I have said, and were found in great
numbers in the cities. For a time, at the beginning of his
reign, Aurangzeb said nothing, but afterwards he ordered that
they must either marry or clear out of the realm. This was the
cause that the palaces and great enclosures where they dwelt
went to ruin little by little ; for some of them married and
others went away, or, at least, concealed themselves.

Of the Class of Elephant-Drivers.

But from the first days of his reign there was no attempt to
disguise his intention of correcting the insolence of the elephant-
drivers. These men bring daily some highly-decorated elephants
to court for parade, and others to fight together, as is the
custom in the Mogul country. Sometimes they cause the
elephants to be enraged, when they rush through the city
killing people and destroying shops and bazars. First and
foremost they attack the shops of those to whom they are ill-
affected, and cause the destruction of all their contents.

Aurangzeb made inquiries from the elephant-drivers whether
perchance the elephants became savage of themselves, or
whether they were made mad. Thinking they would please
the king, and he would raise their pay, the drivers replied that
they made the elephants mad themselves, giving them certain
drugs for the purpose. The king then ordained that a writing
should be demanded from each driver, in which he bound him-
self to pay with his own life any deaths [6] caused by his
elephant, and from his pay reimburse any damage done in the
city. In this way he hindered the great damage they used to
cause ; and although in his reign there were always parades,
the harm done was very small. I say there were few disasters,
for it is almost impossible to prevent any injury being done by
elephants, since sometimes they turn mad all of a sudden,
through reasons hardly to be imagined, as I shall state in
Part III. when talking of elephants (III. 19-21, 144-149).

But here it is fitting to relate how one day Aurangzeb ordered

io OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to be brought before him all the elephants of Shahjahan, more
than three thousand in number, of which the principal ones
were decked out with gold and silver, and bore housings of
brocade. On the first day they wished to produce the captain
of all the elephants, an animal of wonderful size, 12 cubits in
height, and highly esteemed by Shahjahan ; its name was Calec-
dad (Khaliq-dad) — that is to say, ' Given by the Creator.' But,
for all the drivers could do, they could not succeed in making
him enter the fortress. Thus they were forced to leave him behind
and take the others to the royal presence. On arriving there,
according to signs from the drivers, the elephants either raised
their trunks as a mark of respect, or went down on their knees.

Aurangzeb was told that the elephant Khaliq-dad would not
enter the fortress. He informed the drivers that he would not
hear of any objection and they must bring the said elephant to his
presence, unless they wanted to be turned out of the service and
beaten. Frightened at such a threat, the drivers left the elephant
three days without food or drink, expecting to force him through
hunger and thirst to do the king's pleasure. After three days
they decorated the streets with green branches and sugar-cane,
brought out the elephant, and got it into the fortress. Pleased
at this, Aurangzeb then hastened to see this bold animal
standing in the space called Amcas ('Am-Khass), where public
audiences were given.

When the driver on the elephant was aware of the royal
presence, he gave the usual signal to the animal, and he made
his obeisance. Then, recollecting that he had been brought to
the place by deceptions and against his will, the elephant began
suddenly to trumpet, and flinging himself on the female elephants
who accompanied him, he pushed them aside with his trunk,
and, turning round, ran off with great fury. He knocked down
everything in his way, and threatened everyone who appeared
before him. In this manner the whole court was thrown into
confusion. In trying to make his way out of the fortress, he
came across a fine elephant made in masonry, which stood at
the gate. 1 Thinking it was a real elephant coming [7] to bar

1 See Bernier, 256, 257, and Mr. Constable's note, where, relying on Mr. H. G.
Keene's 'Handbook to Dilhl,' he states that one stone elephant is in the public

ELEPHANT DRIVERS AND MENDICANTS u

his exit, he fell upon it and destroyed it before he left the fort.
Aurangzeb, as a follower of the Quran, ordered the other
elephant opposite this one to be also knocked down. Upon
them were two figures of Jamal (Jai Mall) and Fata (Fath), who
bravely defended the fortress of Chitor against Akbar, as I have
said before (I. 77-82).

The elephant (Khaliq-dad) ran out into the great square.
There it was a curious spectacle (though one to be enjoyed at a
distance) to see the way in which he broke the palanquins, ran
at other elephants, killed horses, and pursued men, who fled
with cries and clamour, some without turban, some without
shield, some without sword, some without bow. It was an
astonishing thing to see. Relying on my horse, I put him at
full gallop, turning my head from time to time. I felt sorry for
the sufferers, but could not help laughing to see so many fleeing
in all directions, their feet bare and in the greatest hurry.

Learning what the elephant had done, Aurangzeb became
distrustful of him, and ordered the unlucky animal to be sent to
Agrah to be placed at the tomb of Taj Mahal within sight of his
master's palace. The king's orders were carried out : the
elephant was taken to the place assigned, where he remained
nine years ; and on the day that Shahjahan died the elephant
also expired, some other events also happening, as I shall relate
(II. 94, 96).

Of the Holy Mendicants.

The greatest abuse there was, and still is, in the Mogul
kingdom is due to the cheating and hypocrisy of the holy
mendicants. These men call themselves Sahedes (Sayyid),
descendants of Muhammad, and deceive the people with
hypocrisy and pretended miracles, so that many resort to them
as saints, either to ask for sons, or to obtain wives or husbands.
Others go to secure, through their intercession, employment or

gardens, but the other has disappeared. The two figures which rode on them
are in the museum. According to the Homeward Mail of September 26, 1904,
p. 1362, Lord Curzon has commissioned Mr. R. D. Mackenzie to produce two
elephants and figures in black marble to be "placed, as before, at the Dihll Gate
of the fort.

12 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

places at court ; others, that some man or woman may fall in
love with them ; others, to win victory over their enemies
or to gain success in business ; each man according to his need.

No one goes to such-like men with empty hands, but always
with something as an offering. Thus these holy men live in
luxury. They know how to cover their impostures by decep-
tion, and with the aid of the devil hold the people under their
spells by written incantations and bonds. Above all, they have
control of the women, who resort to them in large numbers.
They know how to make use of their opportunities, sparing
neither Mahomedan, Hindu, nor Christian women, if they are
good-looking. In addition, they have numerous wives and
slave girls in their houses, whom they send out at night in all
directions [8] as pretended devotees to earn an illicit livelihood,
or to act as go-betweens to bring to the house of their master
any woman that he desires. This is done under a covering of
religion. These women also serve to find out about those
who come to ask for any favour, and whether or not they
have obtained what they desired. This is done to obtain
information beforehand. These women also serve to make
excuses if any suppliants have not obtained their desires, or to
persuade people that the holy man's supplications are specially
effective ; also to find out what is going on, and thus give their
master occasion to reveal secrets, as is fitting to holy men who
know hidden things.

In fine, the devices are not to be counted of which they make
use to establish the reputation of saints ; and if they perform
any deed worthy of admiration, it is all the work of the devil.
When they leave their houses they never go on foot, but in
a carriage or on horseback, at the same time taking with them
down to their scullion-boys, to demonstrate the number of their
disciples and devotees. They carry themselves humbly, so that
in the streets many passers-by, men and women, prostrate
themselves on the ground and call to them with lifted hands, as
if to a just and saintly man. On these occasions each prays for
what he wants, whether health, or delivery from demons, call-
ing out according to his necessity. But the hypocrite, with a
severe mien, goes on his way, making signs with his hands as of

PRETENDERS TO HOLINESS 13

one who gives good hope to all, and takes on himself to satisfy
every one.

Thus they return to their houses. These are sufficiently
commodious, with a special apartment for the women and
another for receiving visitors. Among others is a fairly hand-
some room, where are drawers, such as worn by Mahomedan
women, and a chemise, the whole placed upon a rope. If any
Hindu woman turns up, after hearing her requests, should her face
please him the make-believe saint retires as if going to prayers.
Then, taking some provocative drug (of which they have no
lack), he comes back and orders the woman to remove her
shirt. Ordinarily they do this at once, out of the esteem in
which they hold these accursed men, under the supposition that
they are receiving a great favour. Promises are made of securing
what they want. If at times a woman, being of an honourable
degree, is hurt at such an extraordinary proposal put forward
by the holy man, the latter falls into a rage, saying that she is
a woman with an evil conscience, that he never told her to take
off her shirt, but to bring the one hanging on the rope, in order
to give her some letters or some other thing lying in the pocket
thereof, as a means of obtaining her desire. Then he bundles
her out with abuse, as if it had never entered his mind to do her
any wrong. Thus the woman withdraws in great confusion, for
two reasons : because she has put a wrong interpretation upon
the words of the holy man, and because, through her own fault,
she did not obtain the remedy she wanted [9] and hoped for.
The same thing is done with Mahomedan and Christian women,
who wear drawers. It is to this intent that they keep a shirt
and a pair of drawers on a rope, in order to cover the equivocal
proposals they make to women.

It often happens that the woman who was scandalized the
first time falls a second time into the trap, either through eager-
ness to get rid of her trouble, or because of the devotee women.
These go to the house of any woman who had left without con-
senting to the perverted desires of the holy man. Opening a
conversation, they dilate on the holiness of their master, and
lead her to expect all sorts of benefits to be obtained by going
to the holy man.

M OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

I cannot write the filthiness of such men, and all I shall say
will be very little, not to fall into the error spoken of by
St. Paul : Corrumpunt bonos mores eloquia prava. 1 Still, the
insolence and outrages of these deceivers are sufficiently ex-
posed. There are numbers of them, also of women, who,
under the name of sanctity, practise similar impostures. All
the same, the populace in the Mogul realm, and also the nobles,
retain great esteem for these people, sending them valuable
presents ; even gardeners carry to them the best of their fruit
and vegetables, and goat-herds their kids and milk. Thus do
these villains lead a more luxurious life than any grandee, being
at the same time obeyed by princes and governors.

aurangzeb wreaks vengeance on the twelve holy
Men of Bara who dwelt in DihlI.

To this abuse Aurangzeb applied no remedy, being the com-
panion of such men, a pretender and hypocrite like them, an
inventor of miracles and deceits quite equal to any of theirs.
Yet he resolved to take revenge upon twelve of them who lived in
Dilhi. They had prophesied to Dara that he would be emperor
of the whole Mogul empire, and as absolute lord would triumph
over all men ; for they would pray Muhammad with all their
fervour to assist him, nor could the prophet fail to hear them.

After he had arranged matters in the empire, Aurangzeb
sent for these men. When they had all reached his presence,
he made believe to appreciate highly the sanctity and good
reputation they possessed. On this account he begged them to
perform some miracle in his presence, so that he, too, might
acquire reasons for becoming their disciple. If they did so, he
would prove in what estimation the King of Hindustan held
such holy men and friends of God. For this purpose he
granted them three days in which to comply with the royal
[10] pleasure.

On hearing this speech from Aurangzeb, the holy men were
in a great quandary, recognising that now had gone by the time
for playing jokes on simple people, because Aurangzeb was not

1 'Be not deceived: evil communications corrupt good manners' (i Cor.
xv. 33, A. V.).

CERTAIN HOLY MEN PUNISHED 15

a man of jests like Dara. Thus they were thrown into a state
of much anxiety. Two of them, to cut the thing short, said at
once to Aurangzeb that they were descendants of Sultan Maxac
(Sultan-ul-mushajikh 1 ), a famous saint of Balkh, and were
thus venerated by the people as saints, although they knew
themselves to be the greatest sinners in the world, and it was
useless to look for miracles from them. Aurangzeb ignored
this reply, and told them all that it was necessary for them
within three days to perform some miracle in his presence, and
thus sent them away.

They came forth much cast down, and, according to the
habits of these men, they had recourse to demons favourable to
them, performing with this idea many sacrifices, so that at least
in dreams they might prove to Aurangzeb that they were really
saints ; thus the king would hold them to be of some repute.
However, on the third day Aurangzeb sent for them. On their
arrival in his presence he said to them in a severe tone that the
time granted was already past ; that the matter in hand was
for them to produce a miracle ; otherwise he would have them
all flogged and send them in a body to be publicly disgraced.
Thus would the people be undeceived who had so long been
led astray by their impostures and hypocrisy. Being neither
able to say anything nor perform a miracle, some were ordered
to be banished, and others were sent prisoners to fortresses.
He told them that when they showed him a miracle he would
order their release. Sharply admonishing the two men from
Balkh, he ordered them to retire to their homes, and never
again to lay claim to sanctity, else he would chastise them
without fail.

Aurangzeb discovers the Imposture of the Faqir who
buried his Horse.

The assumed devoutness of Aurangzeb served him to discover
the imposture of a soldier. This man's horse had died, and

1 Comparing this passage with Part III., 53, where the saint's tomb is said to
be at Dihli, I think the name must be meant for Sultan-ul-musha,ikh, a title
given to Nizam- ud-din Auliya (died at Dihli, 1325). But he was a native of
Buda,un, and not of Balkh.

16 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

having no funds to buy another, he decided to bury the horse
outside the city of Dihli, on a small eminence not far from the
royal road to Lahor. He took the garb of a faqlr, and pre-
tended great devoutness, collecting offerings, which were never
lacking, the Moguls having an easy method of devotion, con-
sisting in visits to tombs great or small, in order to obtain what
they are in need of. I have even seen the wives of Christians send
their sons and grandsons, when they were unwell, in order to
obtain benefit from these tombs by making the children touch
them with their bodies. For all the preaching of the priests
against this abuse, it has not been abandoned [n] ; since the
Christian women in India are more inclined to heathendom
and superstition than to the true Faith or the recognised aids
of holy Mother Church.

Aurangzeb passed close to the aforesaid tomb, and seeing so
much adornment, asked what saint was buried there. The faqlr
replied that it was the tomb of Melecdinar (Malik Dinar).
Aurangzeb began to think over this answer, and said he had
never heard of such a saint. He should therefore like to see
the body. He ordered the tomb to be opened, and in it was
the skeleton of a horse. The king directed that everything
round it should be destroyed, and after the faqlr had been
flogged he was banished. Hereby arose great fame for
Aurangzeb as being well acquainted with all the saints of
the Mahomedans, and also a diviner of occult things.

Mancebdares (Mansabdars).

It was a custom introduced by Akbar, and maintained by his
successors, to receive and to favour those who justly or un-
justly were persecuted by the King of Persia, when they took
to flight and sought the protection of the Mogul kings. They
were granted pay suited to each man's station, keeping as
soldiers and officers those who were soldiers, as physicians
those who were physicians, as doctors of the Law those learned
in the Faith. Pay was given them as mansabdars — that is to
say, as nobles. As these men were not of use to the Mogul,
since the Moguls are of a different sect, and do not follow 'AH
as do the Persians, they were sent to the province of Kashmir,

M. ZAMAN, OR PAULO, THE CHRISTIAN 17

where they lived upon their allowances comfortably and with-
out care. Since Mahomedans are subject to the same con-
ditions as other men — namely, to come to the end of their life
and die — when one of these dropped out, the others appro-
priated the dead man's allowances.

Aurangzeb desired to remedy this abuse, and therefore
ordered all the mansabdars of Kashmir to attend at court.
There were a great number of them. Among them I had the
opportunity of making the acquaintance of Muhamedzama
(Muhammad Zaman), a man of great intelligence, whom Shah
'Abbas, King of Persia, sent to Rome as a student early in his
reign. 1 He had to learn how to answer our missionaries, who
in Persia confounded the mullds and doctors of the Mahome-
dan faith. This Muhammad Zaman, well acquainted with his
own fa ; th, by study came to know the Truth ; and instead of
becoming more stubborn in the faith of Muhammad and of
'All, he renounced it and turned Christian, and taking the
name of Paul, called himself Paulo Zaman. He then went
back to Persia. There the learned men of Persia became
aware by their talk with him that he was more favourable to
the Christians than the Mahomedans (although [12] he con-
cealed his being a Christian). They began to speak against

1 It is not clear which Shah 'Abbas is intended ; the first reigned from 1587 to
1629, the second from 1642 to 1667. I have been unable to find any confirmation
of the presence of these students at Rome, either from Oriental or European
sources. The date of the party sent in the time of the Sherleys, about 1606,
seems too early. One of them became a Christian, and published a book under
the name of Don John of Persia. Mr. A. G. Ellis suggests that Manucci's
Muhammad Zaman is possibly identical with the painter of that name, by whom
there are three beautiful signed and dated pictures in a copy of Nizami's
' Khamsah.' British Museum Oriental MS., No. 2265, fols. 2036, 213a, and 2216.
The influence of European art is most unmistakable ; the date, however — 1086 H.
(1675-76) — is somewhat late to suit Manucci's story (circa 1660). But the man
may have returned to Persia after the death (1667) of Shah 'Abbas II.

Sir Caspar P. Clarke, CLE., whose article in the Journal of Indian Art,
vol. vii., October, 1896, No. 56, bears on the subject of Raphael's influence on
Persian art, tells me that when he was in Persia in 1874-76, the book illuminators
had a tradition that twelve young Persians were sent in the time of Shah 'Abbas
to study in Rome. Of the twelve, eight or nine only returned ; some died, and
some, on becoming Christians, remained in Europe. At Rome he was told that
they lived in the Borgo.

VOL. II. 2

18 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

him, and fearing some harm, he fled from Persia and claimed
protection from Shahjahan. He was given the pay of a
mansabdar and sent to Kashmir to join the other Persians.
On the occasion when they were sent for by Aurangzeb, he
came to Dihll and made friends with the Christians, chiefly
with Father Buzeo (Busee). They discussed theological
questions, he having several Latin books ; yet, although he
was, and declared himself to be, a Christian, his way of life
differed in no respect from that followed by Mahomedans.

Houses and Gardens.

Having verified the existence of the mansabdars, Aurangzeb
sent them back to Kashmir. He then issued orders that every-
one in Hindustan who owned a house or a garden must produce
his deeds. It was to see whether they all held under a royal
fir mad (farmdn, or rescript). For no one can hold any of these
things without a confirmation and a grant in writing. Such
farmans as it was necessary to admit he upheld; those that
were forged were declared invalid.

Spies.

The best means that kings possess for the good regulation of
their kingdom is through trusty spies. These report to the
prince what goes on in the realm, chiefly amongst the officials.
And with truth it may be said that the Mogul country is behind
none other in having that kind of person, from whom may be
learnt all that passes. But throughout his reign Aurangzeb
had such good spies that they knew (if it may be so said) even
men's very thoughts. Nor did anything go on anywhere in the
realm, above all in the city of Dihll, without his being
informed.

In this way he learnt one night that the wife of Allah wirdi
Khan, the man who made Shah Shuja* get down from his
elephant at the battle of Kaj wah, had left her house. Without any
delay he ordered the husband to take her back again. Through
such spies he also learnt one night of the fall of an arch at a shop
in the main street, under the ruins of which three faqlrs were

AURANGZEB SCOLDS HIS FATHER 19

buried. At early dawn Aurangzeb rode out on his way to hunt,
and seeing the fallen shop, stopped his elephant, and ordered
them to dig out the buried faqlrs. The nobles of the court were
much astonished at such an order, not knowing that under-
neath the ruins were some dead bodies. The order was carried
out, and the dead faqlrs having been reached, were pulled out.
They were buried [13] according to the king's orders, and he
remained on the spot until the corpses were recovered. He
handed over some money to pay for the funeral. From this
incident they began to talk of Aurangzeb as a saint, while all
the people shouted with a loud voice : ' Long live our saintly
king !' Up to this time they style him ' Miraculous Saint,'
either through flattery, or because with his sorceries he has
done such wonderful things.

Dispute between Aurangzeb and his Father.

Proud of administering imperial affairs, and correcting, as I
have said, the abuses which had arisen in the kingdom through
the neglect of his father Shahjahan, Aurangzeb was not content
merely to do good work, but he strained his utmost to get
himself praised by the nobles and his father discredited. He
tried to lower Shahjahan's reputation, and to take away his
name in every way he could.

In addition to this, in order to further enrage the old man
and make his imprisonment weigh on him more heavily, he
several times wrote him letters, in which he set forth the
measures being taken against previous abuses, and condemned
every rule followed by Shahjahan in his government. He
accused him of injustice to his people, of being negligent to his
ministers, of being a corrupter of others' wives, of licentiousness
in holding a women's fair, as a spendthrift in the expenses
lavished upon indulging himself with women in the Hall of
Mirrors, as I have already said (I. 130), and as a profligate by
retaining in his palace a public dancer. On the other hand, he
exalted all he did himself, glorifying his own works. Thus it may
be said that Aurangzeb was a perfect disciple of the Pharisee,
spoken of by our Saviour in the Gospel, who, instead of asking

2 — 2

20 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

mercy from God, did nothing but recite his own good works.
Above all, he prided himself on the number of hours he spent
every day in public audience, in the hearing of complaints, and
in efforts to suppress the abuses existing in the empire.

Nor did Shahjahan refrain from replying and excusing him-
self to his son, pointing out to him, among other things, that
a man who rebelled against his father, treated his brothers
cruelly, and drank so much blood, not sparing even his own
sons, would never be able to do useful work for others. As for
praising himself on account of sitting many hours daily in
audience, what more patent sign could there be that the
kingdom was badly administered ? For when he (Shahjahan)
directed the empire, officials walked so uprightly that, in spite
of the daily beating of the big drum to call into his presence
anyone wanting to complain of having received an injustice,
months and months would pass without anyone coming to
lodge a petition.

This [14] quarrel between them lasted a long time, until
Shahjahan in a rage wrote to Aurangzeb that he must remember
that, after all, whatever he did proceeded from force belonging
originally to the man from whom he derived his life. Besides the
reasons given by Shahjahan in his own behalf, Mahabat Khan,
governor of Kabul, did not fail to transmit to Aurangzeb a long
argument, in which he described the qualities of Shahjahan and
the deeds of Aurangzeb, a vigorous defence of the father against
the son. Affected by these letters, Aurangzeb began to soften
and show himself more compassionate to his father. By other
letters he attempted to mollify him, sent him numerous presents,
wrestlers to help to pass his time, players on instruments to
alleviate the weariness of prison, and other playthings suitable
to Shahjahan's habits while still free and emperor.

After these endearments Aurangzeb wrote to his father asking
for a gift of the jewels still under his control. Shahjahan
replied with a stiff letter, wherein he said that if ever again he
dared to talk of such things, he (Shahjahan) had by him a
metal mortar and a pestle wherewith to reduce the jewels to
powder ; nor would Aurangzeb ever get the jewels until thus
made useless. But in place of the jewels asked for he sent him

RISE OF A SAD KB AN, WAZlR 21

the loyal Acetcan (Asad Khan) 1 , a person whom he strongly
recommended, declaring that he might be more safely trusted
than any other living being. Others had been rebels to the
father, and thus, on the occasion arising, they would also rebel
against the son. On the other hand, Asad Khan had never
wished to forsake his king, and would without fail be loyal to
the son under every circumstance.

Aurangzeb accepted Asad Khan as his servant, giving him
some of the principal offices at court. Finally, upon the death
of Ja'far Khan, 2 he was made secretary { = wazlr) of the whole
empire, the which office Asad Khan continues to fill with great
faithfulness until this very day, the 10th of March, 1699. Never
again did Aurangzeb write to Shahjahan on the subject of the
jewels, for which he had shown such cupidity. He sent an
order to Foladcan (Fulad Khan), the treasurer, inquiring in
what space of time he could look through the jewels and make
him a report of their value. Fulad Khan asked for time for
this estimate, and six months afterwards replied that it would
take fourteen years to go through them and find out the value.
On receiving this answer, not wishing to waste so much time,
Aurangzeb abandoned his design.

The Rajahs come to Court.

Whilst Aurangzeb was restoring order in the affairs of the
kingdom, with a view to the peace and good government of his
subjects, the Hindu princes came to court, some to secure his
friendship and push their fortunes, others to obtain a position
in his military forces [15] . Aurangzeb never failed to receive
them, but he could not satisfy them all, it being a defect of our
nature that everyone thinks he deserves more than he gets.

1 Muhammad Ibrahim, son of Zu.lfiqar Khan, QaramanlQ, was the grandson,
on his mother's side, of Sadiq Khan, Mir Bakhshl. He was born about 1035 H.
(1625-26), and was created Asad Khan in the 27th year of Shahjahan. He became
Aurangzeb's deputy wazlr in 1670, under Prince Mu'azzam, and full wazlr in 1676,
retaining the office to the end of the reign (1707). He died on the 25th Jamfida II.,
1128 H. (June 18, 1716).

2 Ja'far Khan was made wazlr in 1664, and died in 1670. . le was the son of
Sadiq Khan. Mir Bakhshl, and was also sister's son and son-in-law of Asaf Khan ,
Yamin-ud-daulah (Beale, 188).

22 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Thus there were three of these princes who would not accept
the offers the conqueror made to them, putting forward the
excuse that they were princes of too high standing to accept the
pay and rank assigned to them. Aurangzeb dissembled and
made no demonstration of displeasure, whence the princes, sup-
posing he had great need of them, became more proud and
vain-glorious than ever, after having given such an answer.
But three days afterwards he gave secret orders for their be-
headal. Thus, not suspecting anything, they found themselves
with the bare sword at their necks. Their excuses and the
protestations they made were of no avail. They were all three
beheaded, and their heads stuck upon the gateway of the royal
fortress. By this act the other princes were alarmed, and
accepted without a word the conditions laid down by Aurangzeb.

He gave orders that with all haste thirty thousand horsemen
and fifty field-pieces should be sent against Rajah Caran (Karan).
The general in command was Razandascan (Ra'dandaz Khan). 1
The rajah had declined to come to court after Aurangzeb's
coronation, and precise orders were given that they should
bring back the recusant's head. The matter became known to
Rajah Jai Singh, who was related to the said Rajah Karan, and
he requested the king to have a little patience, and he would
take upon himself to make Rajah Karan come and pay his
respects at court.

To this intent he (Jai Singh) wrote to the said rajah that it
was inadvisable to set up opposition to such a powerful and
victorious monarch as Aurangzeb. Let him accept his advice,
given as a relation and a friend, to come in at once. He should
not take to arms, for Aurangzeb was powerful ; and if the king
made war on him, he (Jai Singh) could no longer be his friend
nor help him in any way ; on the contrary, he should be forced
to oppose him and join in the quarrel.

Rajah Karan, one of the most powerful of the Hindus,
replied to Rajah Jai Singh that he was grateful for his kindness,

1 I can find no mention of Ra'dandaz Khan in connection with Rao Karan,
BhQrtiyah, of Bikaner. In Aurangzeb's 3rd year (1660-61), Amir Khan, Khwafi,
marched towards that country. Karan submitted, came to court, and was
employed in the Dakhin. He died in 1077 H. (1666-67) (see ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,'
ii. 287, and 289, line 3).

RAJAH KARAN, BHURTIZAH 23

but he could not act against the precedents set by his ancestors,
none of whom had ever consented to appear at court ; thus he
was resolved rather to lose his life a thousand times than dis-
regard ancient custom. He therefore earnestly entreated him
to settle the matter with the king, but in such a way that he
should not be forced to go to court ; as for the rest, he would
approve whatever he agreed to as mediator. Rajah Jai Singh
made proposals to Aurangzeb, who, seeing the firmness of Rajah
Karan, contented himself with passing over the matter, but
ordered the rajah to proceed to the Dakhin against a Bljapur
rebel called Xevagi (Shiva Jl), as to which campaign I will
speak hereafter (II. jj).

Rajah Karan complied, but more as if he were going for a
stroll than on a warlike expedition, for he only marched at
night, and never farther than a league [16], or thereabouts.
Aurangzeb knew all, but thought fitting to conceal it, that
others might not have occasion to rebel against him, for the
reason that in the early part of his reign they saw he did not
uphold the privileges of anyone. Thus do intelligent princes
act at times with dissimulation, and content themselves with
little, in order to make a future haul of much greater value.
He who at the commencement of his authority shows himself
timid in dealing with the great, sees reason afterwards to
repent of his timidity when it is too late. This was the pro-
cedure by which Aurangzeb strengthened himself in his king-
dom, displaying harshness, where he dared, as an example to
others, and leaving alone the resolute who could injure his
plans, as can be seen in the following case, although it appeared
to be a dishonour to him.

What happened to Nezabetcan (Najabat Khan).

Among others who remained little satisfied with Aurangzeb
was Najabat Khan, 1 to whom he had promised high pay and

1 We have spoken of Najabat Khan's career under Shahjahan in notes to
I. 147, 149. In Aurangzeb's 1st year he fell into disgrace, but in 1070 H.
(1659-60) he returned to Court. In 1073 H. (1662-63) he was left with Jai Singh
to guard the camp on the Chenab, while Aurangzeb visited Kashmir. In the
same year he was made Governor of Malwah, and died there some time in

24 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

rank should he ever become king, in reward for his conduct in
the battle against Dara when he fought Rustam Khan, DakhinI,
and Chhatar Sal Rae. This man, after the first compliments and
rewards had been distributed, went no more to court. Aurangzeb
had failed to grant the very great pay promised to him when he
took Mir Jumlah, making him only a lord of four thousand
h^rse instead of twelve thousand, as promised. Aurangzeb
noticed that Najabat Khan did not come to court, and sent to
him an officer holding the rank of one thousand horse with a
message that he must appear.

The officer went, and entering where Najabat Khan was, sat
himself down without ceremony. 1 At this Najabat Khan was
put out. However, he inquired civilly the cause of the visit.
The officer replied that the king sent him to make him
accept without demur the rank of four thousand horse. The
hero retorted that he would not accept, because the king had
promised to make him lord of twelve thousand horse. The
messenger grew angry, and said contemptuously that the rank
of four thousand horse was more than he deserved. So stung
was he by this remark that Najabat Khan drew his sword, and
with one blow severed the messenger's head from his body,
and ordered him to be flung by the feet into the street.

When this was reported to Aurangzeb, he sent ten thousand
horsemen with orders to produce the head of Naja'>at Khan,
killing everyone who should resist. But, aware of Najabat Khan's
courage, he being a man of much valour and of great strength,
who with one arrow from his bow could transpierce two oxen,
even when hitting them in the shoulder-blades ; and of his being
related to many important men, whereby there would be great
slaughter and much uproar [17] in the court ; Shaistah Khan

Rabi' I., 1075 H. (October, 1664) (see ' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' 32, 42, 47, 48, and
' Mu,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 821). He was the third son of Mirza Shahrukh, of
Badakhshan (died 1016 H.), son of M. Ibrahim, son of M. Sulaiman, rank 5,000,
5,000 suwar (' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi,' year 1075 H.).

1 The ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 826, says the man so sent and killed was Mir
Abu.l-fazl, Ma'muri (Ma'mur Khan). There is a separate biography of him in
' M.-ul-U.,' iii. 503, with another version of the story of his death, which appears
to have happened in 1068 H. (1658) at the Agharabad (Shalihmar) camp near
Dihll.

NAJABAT KHAN'S UNRULY CONDUCT 25

spoke to the king and succeeded in making Aurangzeb conceal
his resentment. But Najabat Khan did not come to court,
and he died in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty-
one, two years after the above affair. After his death Aurangzeb
rewarded his two sons, making them officers with considerable
rank, assigning to the elder son the title of Khan 'Alam — that is
to say, ' Grandee of the World.'

Shaistah Khan sent against Shiva Ji.

Aurangzeb was very liberal in making promises when he
wanted to gain his ends, at the same time having quite made
up his mind not to keep his word. His maxim, as I said, was
to make use of oaths only to deceive, the truth of which the
reader will gather from my history. Thus he broke his word
to Shiva Ji, but it cost him dear. For up to this day on which
I write (? 1699) he has quite as much as he can manage to
struggle with this single prince. At the end of this book can
be seen the acts of Shiva JI and the difficulties which were
encountered by this great and powerful king on his account.
We come now to the beginning of the wars between Shiva Ji
and the Mogul.

Finding himself now fully established as king, Aurangzeb
sent Shaistah Khan in fifty-nine (1659) l with a powerful army
to compel Shiva JI to pay tribute, and prohibit him from
collecting the revenues conceded to him when the rising
against Shahjahan was begun. He treated as of no account
the deed on a plate of copper (' gold ' in the French text)
which he had given to him (Shiva JI), whereon was written
the grant, as I stated at the end of Part I. (I. 171). Orders
were also given to Shaistah Khan to threaten the Kings of Bljapur
and Gulkandah, and make them agree to higher tribute. Those
pitiful and timorous creatures did as requested by Aurangzeb.
But Shiva Ji did not act thus ; he took up arms, and, attacking
first in one direction and then in another, plundered the Mogul
country and Bljapur, taking many fortresses and territories.

1 The year 1659 seems correct; according to the ' Ma,ash-ul-Umara,' ii. 690,
Shaistah Khan reached the Dakhin before Jamada I.. 1070 H. (January, 1660).

26 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Descent of Shiva Ji.

Maybe the reader would like to know who this Shiva JI was,
and to comply with such a reasonable wish I will place here
what I meant to insert elsewhere, in order to make a continuous
story of the events in the early part of Aurangzeb's reign. For
he who writes to please others must satisfy those others' will,
while ever keeping close to historical verity.

Shiva Ji — that is to say, 'Lord One-and-a-quarter n — the
first of his family, was the bastard son of a Hindu king, of
whom [18] I spoke. His mother was the daughter of a car-
penter. When this bastard had grown up, he claimed the
crown upon the death of his father, although he had a brother
who was legitimate. As the officers and nobles refused their
allegiance, he was forced to flee and apply to the King of
Bljapur, who was then powerful. The Bljapur king took him
into his service, and gave him some provinces near the town of
Chavel (Chaul), 2 as far as Camba (Cambay, Kambhayat), near
the lands of the Portuguese towards Bassaim (Bassein) and
Bombaim (Bombay).

He served Bljapur loyally, and so also did his son Xagi
(Shah JI) ; but not so Xevagi (Shiva Ji), son of Shah JI. The
latter lived in the family territory while his father was at the court,
and began to realize money without sending any to his father.
Next he began to enlist men and attack the lands of Bljapur in
all directions, giving no heed either to his father or the king.
The latter complained to Shah JI of Shiva Jl's temerity, and
Shah JI replied that his majesty might act as he pleased. His
son neither obeyed him nor remitted to him the revenues of
their lands, and had already declared himself a rebel to the
crown.

1 A wrong etymology ; from sawde, one and a quarter. The name is obviously
that of the Hindu god Shiva, meaning ' auspicious,' ' lucky,' ' fortunate,' followed
by the honorific affix ' JI. ' The person here meant is not the celebrated
Shiva JI, but his grandfather, whose real name was Mallu Ji (see Grant-Duff,
' Mahrattas,' 40).

2 Chawal, a town and seaport, 20 miles south of Bombay, lat. 18 34',
long. 72° 59' ; Cambay (Kambhayat), 230 miles north of the same city, lat. 22 18',
long. 72 39' ; Bassain, 28 miles north of the same city, lat. 19° 20', long. 72° 52'.

SHIVA JI AND AFZAL I<HAN, BIJAPURI 27

The King of Bljapur wrote to Shiva JT that his unruly con-
duct was not the way to respond to the benefits that had been
conferred on his grandfather, and were still being shown to his
father and himself. He should desist from such courses and
repair to the court, where an office would be given him. Shiva
JI took no notice of this letter, and continued his plundering
more vigorously than before, so that the King of Bljapur, finding
himself endangered because Shiva JI had taken one of his for-
tresses, determined to send against him a famous general called
Afzel Can (Afzal Khan). This man pursued Shiva JI so per-
sistently that the rebel was forced to take refuge in the
mountains. Finding himself powerless for further resistance,
he resorted to a trick, writing to Afzal Khan a letter, in which
he made excuses, confessed himself a criminal and culprit, and
asked the general to intercede for him. He besought pardon
from the king.

Afzal Khan replied that he might come in without any hesita-
tion, that he would obtain his pardon from the king, and would
be always his protector. But he must appear without delay
to obviate the receipt of fresh orders from the king, enjoining
further exertions to defeat and capture him. It would be
better for himself and for his men to come to a friendly agree-
ment than to allow any opening for the horrors of war. In
any case, however, he (Shiva JI) could not resist long, the king
being so much the more powerful.

Shiva JI consented to appear before Afzal Khan, but begged
him to come with only five persons to a spot at a distance from
the camp, while on his side he (Shiva JI) would bring no more
than five men. He would fall at his feet and throw himself
upon his mercy. Delighted at finding that Shiva JI meant to
give himself up, Afzal Khan accepted his proposals. At a dis-
tance from the camp he caused to be made ready a splendid
tent with carpets for the reception of Shiva JI, who on his
side [19] did not neglect to send messages, imploring Afzal
Khan's friendship and assurances of the petitioners being
received with affection.

Meanwhile he (Shiva JI) so disposed his army for the carry-
ing out of his plot that when he gave the agreed signal, all of

28 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

them, spurring on their horses, could gallop straight into the
royal camp. Shiva Jl got ready a small and very sharp lancet,
which at the top was formed into the shape of a ring with
a projecting stone. Pushing a finger into the ring, the lancet
was concealed under cover of the hand. His five companions
received orders that when he embraced the general, they should
silently seize their swords, and fall each upon one particular
enemy. All the five men with their leader, Shiva JI, wore
coats of mail beneath their clothes. This precaution was not
adopted by Afzal Khan and his five men, nor did they suspect
the treachery about to be practised on them.

Afzal Khan was in his tent between the two armies, waiting
with great anxiety for the arrival of Shiva Jl, and building, I
fancy, many castles in the air. Then Shiva Jl appeared with his
five men, all on horseback. At some distance from the tent they
descended from their horses. Shiva Jl began to advance, bowing
again and again, as if he was petitioning for a good reception and
was in a state of apprehension. Afzal Khan beckoned to him with
his hands that he might approach without fear ; and as Shiva Jl
drew near, Afzal Khan raised his arms as if to embrace him.
Shiva Ji's hands came round him lower down, Afzal Khan
being a tall man and very corpulent ; then swiftly and forcibly
he rent open Afzal Khan's abdomen from the left to the right
side, so that the bowels protruded. The other five men laid
hold of their swords and cut to pieces Afzal Khan's companions.
The appointed signal was given, and Shiva Ji's soldiers arriving,
fell upon the army of Afzal Khan, and being taken unawares, it
could not resist the impetus of Shiva Jl, more especially now
its general was gone. Everything was thrown into confusion,
and the men took to flight. But Shiva Jl had adopted
measures by which the passes into the hills were already
occupied by his soldiers, and thus the whole of the royal
army was disposed of. He became more powerful than ever
through the plunder in horses, arms, and money that he
acquired.

From this time Shiva Jl began to plunder the territories of the
Mogul in addition to those of Bijapur. He took various strong-
holds, more frequently by deceit than by force of arms. He ravaged

MURDER OF AFZAL KHAN 29

towns and cities, above all Surat, 1 where he remained seven days
with seven thousand horsemen, gathering all that there was of
gold and silver in that famous port. It was through the reputa-
tion thus acquired by Shiva Jl as a valiant and quick-witted man
that Aurangzeb, when viceroy in the Dakhin, conceded to him
the lands of which I have already spoken (I. 171), so as to
make use of him in case of necessity. Aurangzeb's object was
to have someone on his side in case he failed in his attempt to
become king, and he knew how defensible Shiva Jl's territories
were, owing to their situation among [20] hills.

Aurangzeb's Tutor.

Among the others who hastened to court after Aurangzeb
had been crowned as king was one Melecsale (Malik Salih), 2 a
former tutor of Aurangzeb. This man lived in Kabul on the
allowance made him by Shahjahan. He waited a little while
before he appeared to present his congratulations to his pupil.
He knew that at the beginning of a reign it was necessary to
leave time for the arrangement of more important matters, and
that when Aurangzeb was able to rest from his greater anxieties,
he would receive him the more willingly and reward him
more bountifully for the fatigues which the teachers of young
princes usually have to undergo. Thus Mulla Salih left his
home with the prospect of some great reward. Arraying him-
self in even greater solemnity than is customary to doctors of
the Mahomedan faith, he pursued his route until he arrived
at Dihli.

There he began by paying his court to the amaraos (umard,
nobles), invoking each one's aid in working for his interest, so
that the king might receive him with greater affection, and
endow him the more liberally. Aurangzeb was told of his
teacher's arrival, but made no sign, so that in the interval he
might prepare himself for a talk with him, through which
he might instruct the teachers of his own sons in the course to

1 Surat was taken on January 5, 1664 (? O.S.). Shiva Ji was there six days
(Grant-Duff, ' Mahrattas,' 89, and ' Bombay Gazetteer,' ii. [Surat] 89).

2 Make is probably intended for Mulla (a learned man), and not for Malik
(princeling, petty king). Further on Make is rendered by Doutro (doctor).

30 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

be adopted in the bringing up of princes. The emperor was of
opinion that Shahjahan had not provided him with a good
teacher.

Thus three months elapsed before Mulla Salih was able to see
the face of his pupil, and he was forced to have recourse to
Roshan Ara Begam's intercession, and yet the sole result
was to be put to shame before all the nobles. The day
arrived on which Mulla Salih had to appear at the Audience.
Aurangzeb ordered the chief nobles, the men learned in the law,
and the teachers of his sons to be present at the ceremony.
Highly delighted at this news, Mulla Salih came to court
hoping for some great reward. He came in with the accustomed
bows, whereupon the king, leaving him no time to open his
mouth, began thus:

'Mulla Jl! Master Doctor! The first object of a king
or a prince of this world who has sons ought to be to seek
out a nurse of good constitution without disease, who, giving
the child to suck, should strengthen its feeble limbs. The
child, sharing with her milk its nurse's health, will acquire,
following the royal expectations, the vigour necessary for a good
ruler of the people. But here the anxieties of a king are not at
an end ; on the contrary, if he has great trouble in choosing a
wet-nurse, he must be still more careful in choosing an instructor
to teach the young prince, for [21] as the health of the child
depends upon the milk, so upon good teaching depends the life
of the mind, a thing more to be desired than bodily existence.
This is the reason why all emperors, kings, and princes of
intelligence have always done their best to obtain good teachers
for their sons, knowing well, as they do, that for want of such
spiritual milk the son will not retain the paternal qualities, nor
be so successful as hoped for by his people. It was thus that
Philip, King of Macedonia, urgently entreated the great
Aristotle to submit to a life at court and take charge of his son
Alexander, who promised to be of good judgment. He so
profited by his master's lessons that he ended in being the
greatest warrior spoken of in history.

' It is possible for a prince when grown up to forget the good
lessons received in his early days, and give himself up to the

HOW TO EDUCATE A KING 31

vices common to mankind. But it is impossible that an un-
trained child should grow up to be a man of virtue. This is
why Aristotle declared that children owed as much to their
teachers as to their parents ; the latter give physical, the
former spiritual, life. But, all things considered, I hold pupils
to be more indebted to their teachers than to their parents, the
reason being that corporeal life without the life of the mind is of
no value ; and it would be better for anyone not to have
material life if deprived of spiritual life. These are the virtues
that arise from sound teaching, and without them no one can
fitly reign over a kingdom.

' It was for this reason that the great Solomon, in addition to
the lessons learnt from his father, did not ask God for riches or
power, but for knowledge and prudence whereby to rule properly.
He knew it was better not to be a king at all than to be one
void of knowledge. Without knowledge no justice can be dealt
out, nor without equity is there any peace for a subject people.
Knowledge forms the trusty scales of reason, is the cure of
frowardness, the stay of the aggrieved, the refuge of the
oppressed, and a terror to them that do evil. Prudence is the
harmonizer and the conscience of the body politic and the
republic, a light in a dark place, a sun amidst the stars.
Blessed is that prince who finds a learned man, who, with
affection and fidelity, imparts to him the virtues and good
qualities fitting for a king. Nor can I do other than rejoice at
finding in our annals and elsewhere in the world's chronicles a
number of princes, kings, and monarchs who met with this good
fortune.

' But at the same time, what can I do but weep when I
remember that in my tender age I fell into your hands, Doctor
Salih, who, paying no need to the good disposition God had
given me, made me waste my time by teaching me trivialities
and things that did not concern me — or, at least, things that
could only serve me as ornaments in conversing with learned
men — overlooking meanwhile the teaching of the things neces-
sary to a prince. For example, did you tell me about the
monarchies of the world — that is to say [22], the Assyrians,
the Persians, the Scythians, who formerly were clad in skins,

32 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

dwelt among mountains, and were few in number, but nowa-
days, under the name of Turks, dominate and hold with a
heavy hand the reins over the whole of Asia and Africa ?
When was it that you related to me the valour and ingenuity of
the European Franks, who with smal 1 means met and repelled
the forces of the powerful Ottoman ? At the least, you ought
to have spoken to me of the riches and majesty of China. All
these things you withheld.

' It is possible that your knowledge did not extend beyond
the king and realm of Hindustan, for you taught me there were
no other kings in the world, that the others were petty prince-
lings of no weight. You told me nothing about their armies,
wars, customs, religions, government, and business. Hardly
did I learn from you the names of my ancestors, of the renowned
Taimur-i-lang and the bellicose Babar, the founders of this
empire. You made no attempt to give me the story of their lives,
their wonderful conquests, their mode of warfare, of ordering
their armies, of commanding their soldiers. All your purpose
and effort was to turn me into a good Arab, making me waste
my time over a language which demands from ten to twelve years
to obtain a little proficiency in it. Meanwhile my youth and
my capacity for lofty things had vanished.

' Who instructed you to educate a royal prince in that
manner ? Would it not have been better to teach me in my
mother-tongue what you taught me in Arabic ? Leaving that
out of account, was it not your duty to teach me the customs
of the Mogul princes, to inform me that one day I should be
forced to take the field, sword in hand, against my brothers, if
not to gain a crown, at least to defend my life ? Thus you should
have told me how to gain friends, to take or besiege fortresses,
and fight pitched battles. These are the things you ought to
have taught me, but you overlooked the whole of them, I know
not why, nor know I whether to charge it to the negligence of
my father or to your ignorance.

1 If I am under obligations to anyone, I owe thanks to Shekh
Mir, whom I might well call my tutor ; for he taught me the
art of war — a man who gave even his life for love of me at the
battle against Dara near Ajmer. If you did not know the

AND HOW NOT TO EDUCATE A KING 33

military art, you might at least have taught me the methods of
governing the people when my father should send me to rule in
some province. Thus you might have laid down rules for the
equal administration of justice, the way of capturing a people's
love, under what circumstances I should be severe, when to
humour the nobles in their unruliness and the ministers in
their misdeeds, and the [23] method of remedying such irregu-
larities. All this you ought to have taught me, but not a word
did you breathe to me of such things.

' Thus I owe you nothing, for you misled me. Go and enjoy
what my father has given you, and never again appear in my
presence ; for you made me waste a great deal of time, and by
your fault I have also wasted this day.'

Saying this, Aurangzeb retired, leaving the nobles in wonder-
ment at such a speech, which perplexed much the learned
class, especially those who were teachers of the king's sons and
were present. Mulla Salih left the court much disillusioned,
his head hanging, and forthwith disappeared, nothing more
being heard of him.

Amir Khan sent to Kabul.

After this speech, Aurangzeb, to show his gratitude to Shekh
Mir, his teacher, who had given up his life for love of him at
Ajmer, as I have stated in my First Part (I. 241), sent Amir
Khan 1 as governor of Kabul in place of Mahabat Khan. The
latter had not adopted Aurangzeb's side at the time of rebellion,
and had remained true to Shahjahan. But this change of
governors was effected not so much to please Amir Khan as
from Aurangzeb's fear of Mahabat Khan. That noble was
friendly with the independent Pathans, and thus might make
an attempt against him (Aurangzeb) in favour of Shahjahan.
This is why at the very beginning of his reign he cajoled the
said Mahabat Khan by several friendly letters until the time

1 Sayyid Mir, entitled Amir Khan (son of Mir Muhammad Khan, Khwaflj, died
27th Rabi' II., 1081 H. (September 13, 1670). He was the brother of Shekh
Mir, who died in 1069 H. (1659) (' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi,' year 1081). See also
Sayyid Amir Khan, Khwafi, ' M.-ulU.,' ii. 476, and Shekh Mir, ibid., ii. 668.
For Mahabat Khan II. (Lahrasp), see ibid., iii. 590. He died 1085 H. (1674-75).

VOL.' II. 3

34 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

came for ejecting him. The king had suppressed the lengthy
letter written against him by Mahabat Khan at the time when
father and son were exchanging controversial letters touching
the mode of government.

On his arrival at Kabul, 1 Amir Khan presented Aurangzeb's
letter to Mahabat Khan, whereby he was recalled to court. He
was thence to proceed as governor of Gujarat. Without a
word Mahabat Khan left Kabul, came to court, afterwards
moving on to Gujarat, and at the proper place I will speak of his
doings [II. 79]. Meanwhile he managed to insinuate pleasantly
to Aurangzeb that he ought not to discharge old soldiers as he
was doing — that is, he had his beard shaved and went thus
ostentatiously to court. The king asked in wonder what had
made him shave. Mahabat Khan replied that as, in accord-
ance with His Majesty's orders, old soldiers were being dis-
missed, he had shaved off his beard, so as not to be discharged
like the rest, being desirous of remaining in the service of such
a great monarch. Aurangzeb divined the intention of Mahabat
Khan, and, laughing, gave fresh orders to retain all the old
soldiers, and restored the pay of the veterans who had already
been turned out [24].

ROSHAN ARA ASKS FOR THE PALACE OF BEGAM SaHIB.

I stated in the First Part of my history (I. 149) that Begam
Sahib had a palace outside the fortress, where she lived when
Shahjahan was emperor and dwelt at Dihli. Roshan Ara
Begam was anxious to get similar liberty and enjoyment.
Relying upon the love and gratitude her brother Aurangzeb
had to her, she made petition to him for a grant of the said
palace, so that she might live outside the fortress and pass her
days as she pleased. Aurangzeb knew well the meaning of the
request, but intentionally concealed that fact, and replied to
her : ' Roshan Ara Begam, my beloved sister ! Most gladly

1 Amir Khan's appointment was made about the 4th Rabi' II., 1072 H.
(November 27, 1661) (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' 38). Mahabat Khan was sent on the
16th Zi.l Hijjah (August 2, 1662) to replace Rajah. Jaswant Singh in Gujarat
(ibid., 41).

ROSHAN ARA BEGAM'S DELINQUENCIES 35

would I concede what you ask, but my love to you will not
allow me to live deprived of your society ; and it being the
custom for the king's daughters not to live outside their father's
palace, my daughters resent being deprived of you. Thus it is
fitting, for many reasons, that you live with them and train them
in the habits of royal princesses. By any chance, is there any-
thing deficient in the palace where you reside ? Or have you
less state than was maintained by your sister, Begam Sahib ?
You know well that all my state and the wealth of the Moguls
are yours.'

These and other reports about the royal palace were given to
me by a Portuguese woman called Thomazia Martins, who, on
the fall of Hugh", spoken of in Part I. (p. 121), was carried off
captive by the Mahomedans. She had charge of the royal
table, and was much liked by Roshan Ara Begam. According
to the practice of soldiers' wives living in the royal palace, she
was allowed once a month to stay seven days in her husband's
house. At those periods, through the affection she had for me,
in addition to various presents that she made to me, she in-
formed me of what passed inside the palace.

A few months afterwards the under-eunuchs reported to the
head eunuch of the king how two men had entered the apart-
ments of Roshan Ara Begam. This being an important
matter, the eunuch dissembled, and, without any warning,
posted faithful watchers to ascertain the truth. In a few days
these guards seized in the garden two youths, whom Roshan
Ara Begam had just dismissed after they had complied with
her will. They were taken off to the king, who, at once under-
standing why they had gone there, gave an order, without any
inquiry, that the prisoners must go out by the way they came
in. One said he entered by the door, and by the door he was
allowed to go out. The other was so incautious as to say that
he had climbed over the garden wall. The head eunuch,
whose [25] only anxiety was to wreak vengeance for having
been convicted of carelessness, had him thrown over the
garden wall, and he was killed. Aurangzeb was much disturbed
at the eunuch's act, because he held it expedient to conceal a
matter so greatly affecting the good name of the princess.

3—2

36 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Therefore the eunuch was removed from office for some days,
the reason given being that he was too severe to the servants
working in the palace. Thus the eunuch had to take upon
him the sins of Roshan Ara Begam, but the princess began to
lose some of the esteem that Aurangzeb had for her, and after
a little time she came to lose her life from similar causes, as I
shall state in the proper place (II. 145).

Ambassadors of Balkh. 1

When the news reached Balkh how Aurangzeb, having
destroyed his brothers, had crowned himself King of Hindustan,
the King of Balkh brought to mind the bravery of the new
monarch in his youth, when Shahjahan sent him as prince to
fight him. He dreaded that, having now become king, with
so much wealth and so many valiant and victorious soldiers,
he might take the route of Balkh, and renew the former wars.
He therefore sent ambassadors to offer him presents, and
establish a firm friendship and a sincere peace.

Aurangzeb was well aware of the reasons for which the King
of Balkh had decided to send this embassy, and although he
still treasured in his mind the design of conquering that land,
he feared that the said king might ally himself to others and
cause him trouble thus early in his reign. He knew, also, that
it was almost impossible to send an army to conquer a kingdom
lying amid such lofty mountains, in a climate so cold that
the soldiers of Hindustan could not endure it. He therefore
received the ambassadors with affection and goodwill, 2 on con-
dition that they made obeisance, as usual in India, by putting
the hand on the head and lowering it three times almost to the
ground. The ambassadors agreed to the condition, and on
entering into the royal presence they made obeisance as agreed
upon, and when they wished to draw near, the second secretary,

1 See Bernier's account, ' Travels,' pp. 116-123.

2 The Balkh embassy arrived some time in the fourth year, 1071-72 H. (April 29,
1661, to April 19, 1662). Ibrahim Beg, the envoy of Suhban Quli Khan. King of
Balkh, brought a letter and gifts from Turan. He fell ill and died in a few days
('Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' p. 34).

XIII. Sultan Muhammad, Eldest Sox of Aurangzeb.

Vol. II.

To face page 36.

PRESENTS FROM BALKH 37

called Molfed can (Multafat Khan), 1 stopped them, and, taking
the letters from their hands, presented them to the king, by
whose orders they were made over to Jafar can (Ja'far Khan), 2
the chief secretary, and he should, in due course, prepare a
reply. Meanwhile, he ordered each man to be invested with
sarapa (robes of honour), and directed that their offerings
should be produced.

The first of these consisted of nine boxes of lapis-lazuli, a
marvellous thing, all full of musk, and of a kind of tuber of
violet colour, which Arabs and Persians call zeduar. 3 It is a
rare article, and most medicinal. In others was a certain kind of
fish that physicians call instinco* [26] of Mecca, which are found

1 Multafat Khan (Mir Ibrahim Husain) was the second son of Asalat Khan,
Mir Baklishl. He was Bakhshi of the Ahadis, and in the sixth year became
Akhtah Begi, or Master of the Horse, in succession to his brother, Iftikhar
Khan. He died r of wounds on the 19th Jamada II., 1092 H. (July 6, 1681)
(' M.-ul-U.,' iii. 611).

2 For Ja'far Khan, see note to Part I., 121.

3 Zeduar (Yule, second edition, 979, under Zcdoary), an aromatic medicinal
root ; in Arabic jadwar, in Persian zadwar. In Persia it is looked on as a
panacea, and is sold for four times its weight of pure gold (J. L Schlimmer,
' Terminologie Pharmaceutique Francaise-persane, ' p. 335; Tihran, 1874). See
also G. Watt, 'Dictionary of Economic Products of India,' 1889, vol. i., 84,
89, s.v. A conitum ; v., under Zedoary, black ; andii. 655, 656, 658,665, greyish black,
but when cut of a greyish orange. Also in 'Notices et Extraits,' vol. xxiii.,
Ibn-el-Beithar, * Traite des Simples,' translated by L. Leclerc, p. 347.

4 Instinco ; in the French text instinct. I am indebted to Mr. A. G. Ellis for
the recognition of this obscure word. It is saqanqur (Arabic), with the article
prefixed — that is, as-saqanqur. Schlimmer, in the work just quoted, p. 337,
defines it as the Lacerta scincus, or Scincus officinalis — Crocodile terrestre, sginque
(French) ; shink, skink (English) ; Stink, Eidechse (German). I am also indebted
to Mr. Ellis for the following references : ' There are two kinds, Egyptian and
Indian, the former found in the Gulf of Suez ; among other qualities, it increases
sexual desire' (Al Damirl, • Hayat-ul-haiwan,* 2 vols., ii. 28). In ' Alfaz
Udwiyeh ' of Nooreddeen M. Abdullah Sheerazy, translated by F. Gladwin,
Calcutta, 1793, p. 141, it appears as Iss Kun Koor, the skink. There is a long
article in Ibn-el-Beithar, 'Traite des Simples,' translated by L. Leclerc, 'Notices
et Extraits,' vol. xxv., 1881, pp. 261-264. Richardson, 'Dictionary,' 705, says
the word is from the Greek, and the thing is a species of newt or spawn of
crocodile burrowing in the sand ; when held in the hand it is said to be
stimulative of venery. Mr. D. Ferguson kindly refers me to an instance of its
use given in D. Havart's 'Op en Ondergang van Cormandel,' Deel 2, 211.
Mirza Ahmad, Prime Minister of Gulkandah, caused to be brought from Egypt
at great expense ' a certain kind of fish caught in the Nile.'

38 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

in a certain stream of the said kingdom of Balkh. The pre-
paration made from these is so pungent that one ounce of it is
equal to four ounces of Mecca instinco. Mahomedans make
great use of these fish as a remedy for impotence, and to
increase sexual desire. The second present consisted in some
eighty camels with long hair and of great strength, and one
small horse, well made and lively, of such singular activity that
it could travel eighty leagues in twenty-four hours without any
difficulty. There were other eighty fine horses, such as are
called Turki. The third present consisted in one hundred
camels loaded with fresh fruit — melons, apples, pears, pome-
granates, and grapes without seeds ; and other hundred camels
loaded with dried fruit — Bukhara plums, the best in the world,
apricots, quismis ( = kishmish, or raisins), which are a white,
seedless grape of great sweetness, and other three kinds of
dried grapes, one large and white, which looks candied and
the Italians call zebibo, and the other two kinds purple —
one large, the other small, both very sweet — and nuts, filberts,
pine-nuts, 1 almonds, and pistachios.

Aurangzeb showed pleasure at the presents, and replied that the
envoys would be speedily sent on their return journey. Mean-
while, they might come to the court whenever they wished.
They were contented and satisfied at the honours paid them by
the king, not having hoped for so much. But throughout the
interview they stood, following the custom set up by King
Akbar. When the ambassadors had gone out, Aurangzeb
ordered the little horse to be brought, to try its paces. He
wondered at the activity of the little creature, and as a further
trial ordered it to be ridden to Agrah, a distance of seventy-six
leagues from Dihli. It was to start at sunrise, bearing a letter
to the eunuch I'tibar Khan, who was to report the hour of
arrival. Before the sun had set it arrived at the gate of Agrah
Fort, as reported by I'tibar Khan to the king. It was ordered
to be placed in the royal stable in the principal rank, and the

1 Zibibbo, dried grapes, raisins. Pine-nuts, see G. Birdwood, 'Catalogue of
the Economic Products of the Presidency of Bombay' (Bombay, 1862), p. 84,
Pinus pinea, W., stone-pine; the seeds = pine-nuts ; vernacular name chilghoza
(Persian). Royle says the chilghoza of Kabul may be P. gerardiana.

HABITS OF BALKH ENVOY AND SUITE 39

name of Bad-raftar was given to it — that is to say, ' Swift as
the Wind.' It was delightful to see this horse, a pigmy among
giants, chief over them all, and more esteemed and liked by
Aurangzeb than the choicest horses from Persia and Arabia.

The ambassadors stayed four months in Dihli, at the house
of Lutfula can (Lutfullah Khan), 1 assigned by the king as their
dwelling. They were all men of dirty and rustic habits, of
green and black complexion, tall, with scanty beards and
diminutive eyes, active horsemen and dextrous archers, their
bows and arrows being large and powerful. This people fight
their enemies most vigorously with arrows, but if they meet
with resistance they take to flight at a great pace, though con-
tinuing to shoot their arrows, as I have [27] seen in several
battles. While they were at Dihli the envoy's people sold
different articles of merchandise brought by them, such as
horses, camels, musk, beaver {castor), and skins. I bought
several things from them.

They soon prayed the king to give them their leave to
depart, for they did not find themselves comfortable in that
climate, through the great heats that had come on. They
were accustomed to cold ; thus several of them died. But the
chief cause of mortality was their avarice, and in order not to
disburse what the king allowed them for expenses, they con-
sumed the flesh of sick horses and camels.

It happened that a relation of the envoy fell ill, and imagining
that I was a physician, as they suppose all Europeans to be,
they called me to their house. I knew a few secrets, but
I did not give myself out as a physician, nor was I bold
enough to teach myself medicine at the expense of others'
lives. But seeing that these savages had sent for me to their
house, I was anxious to see how they lived. I proceeded with
great solemnity to the spot. When I had gone in I found the
patient on a very dirty bed in a fetid sweat with the odour of
very rotten cheese. I ordered his urine to be shown, and it,
too, smelt the same. I felt his pulse, but my thoughts were
not given to the pulse, but to finding something I could seize

1 i'ossibly L. K. (son of Sa'dullah Khan, wazir) is meant. He died 18th Sha'ban,
1 1 14 H. (January 7, 1703).

40 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

on in the difficulty to effect a good recovery. Nevertheless, I
ascertained that he was in a high fever, and placing my hand
upon his head, bathed in malodorous perspiration, I found it
was burning hot, like a pot placed upon the fire. To induce
him to believe that I was a great physician, I asked the
patient's age, and then for a time I assumed a pensive attitude,
as if I were seeking for the cause of the illness. Next, as is
the fashion with doctors, I said some words making out the
attack to be very grave. This was done in order not to lose
my reputation and credit if he came to die.

All of them were in a state of admiration, saying among
themselves that I was a great physician, and that the Franks
had received from heaven the gift of being accomplished doctors.
The principal envoy prayed me earnestly to put forth all my
powers to cure this relation of his. I held out to him good
hope of a cure, and, being unable to stay any more in the place
owing to the smell, I told them I was going home to prepare
medicine, and that in the evening I would return once more.

I came out and repaired to a friend of mine called Joao de
Souza, a Portuguese, who was under an obligation to me, and
recounted to him all that had passed. As he had considerable
acquaintance with medicine, he was much astonished at such
a report, and did not know what to prescribe for the patient.
Still, he delivered to me some pills. For three days I went on
with these, giving them to the sick man, who did not seem to
me to be improving. But all the men asserted to me that
already he was recovering [28], whereat I rejoiced much. I
seized the opening to still more cry up the medicine and dwell
on the danger of the disease. Twice a day I visited the patient,
once in the morning and once in the evening. Each time four
horsemen arrived to escort me.

Almost every day that I went there I was obliged to dine
with the envoy, and I thus had the chance of observing their
mode of eating. Over fifty persons seated themselves together
round the cloth. The food was flesh of camels and of horses
cooked with salt in water, and some dishes of pulao of goat's
flesh. The cloth, spread upon a carpet, was very dirty. To
wait on us were two men with bare feet, who, walking upon

MANUCCI AS ME DEC IN MALGRE LUI 41

the cloth, distributed the food, each with a big spoon in his
hand. It was disgusting to see how these Uzbak nobles ate,
smearing their hands, lips, and faces with grease while eating,
they having neither forks nor spoons. The only implements
each had on him were three or four knives, large and small,
which they usually carry hanging from their waistbelt. Maho-
medans are accustomed after eating to wash their hands with
pea-flour to remove grease, and most carefully clean their
moustaches. But the Uzbak nobles do not stand on such
ceremony. When they have done eating, they lick their
fingers, so as not to lose a grain of rice ; they rub one hand
against the other to warm the fat, and then pass both hands
over face, moustaches, and beard. He is most lovely who is
the most greasy. They render thanks to God with ' Alaham
dilaha ' {Al-hamdu-l'illahi). Each man then begins to take
tobacco, and remains for a time talking. The conversation
hardly gets beyond talk of fat, with complaints that in the
Mogul territory they cannot get anything fat to eat, and that
the puldos are deficient in butter. As a salute to their repletion,
they emit loud eructations, just like the bellowing of bulls.

Although against my will, I went on with my treatment of
the sick man ; and I found out, by questioning, the kind of
food eaten by the sick man when at home. He told me that,
being a shepherd, he lived on camel's milk and ate much cheese
and curds made when the milk turns sour. I discovered in this
way that the odour of his perspiration and of his urine arose
from this kind of diet, the heat of India having drawn out the
smell. Thus I ordered him to eat what he ate in his own
country. Continuing with some tonic extract of coral, 1 I
restored him to health in five days, and the envoy was so
pleased that he made me a present of nine melons and a
quantity of dried fruit. He entreated me to continue in his
house, and did all he could think of to persuade me to go with
him, promising [29] to procure for me from the King of Balkh
lands and herds of horses and camels and flocks of sheep. He
said I should be highly esteemed by the king and all the court.

1 Alguns cordiacs de coral, possibly coral de jardim, capsicum, Guinea or bonnet -
pepper.

42 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

I was very anxious to join his suite as a means of seeing more of
the world, but, as their habits did not please me, I made excuses
many times that I should never get accustomed to their way
of life. Above all, I had seen once one of their Uzbak soldiers
lay hold of a small knife and bleed his horse on the neck with
great dexterity. Having drawn forty ounces of blood, he closed
the wound with one finger, and drank the blood with great
gusto. After he was satisfied he shared the rest with his com-
panions, who came hurriedly, each trying to be first, like so
many famished wolves. Afterwards the wound was tied up with
a cloth, and the horse was left to get well of itself. I asked
him why he drank his horse's blood. He replied that they
were accustomed to it, because in their country, when plundering
within an enemy's boundary, if provisions failed, their soldiers
sustained life with the blood of their horses ; nor from this
blood-letting did the horses lose their vigour. In addition to
this, he told me it was their habit, when they captured any
camel, horse, or sheep in an enemy's country, if they were
unable to carry it off, to decapitate it, cut it into pieces, and
place some pieces between their saddle and their horse's back,
for consumption on the march whenever they were hungry.

The envoys brought several Tartar and Uzbak women with
them for sale. They are employed [in harems] either to carry
palanquins or to stand on sentry at night, when the king or
the princes are with their wives. They are chosen because they
are warlike, and skilful in the use of lance, arrow, and sword.
Among them was one called Jacsi 1 (Yakhsh'i) — that is, in the
Turkish language, ' Good,' who was very skilful with bow and
arrow, of good stature, and strong, with a broad face and
little eyes. This woman was bought by Aftecar can (Iftikhar
Khan), 2 and by him presented to the king. Aurangzeb ordered
her to be placed upon the list of the numerous Kashghar,

1 Jacsi. I am indebted to Mr. A. G. Ellis for the identification of this word in
' Sheikh Suleiman Efendi's Chagatae Osmanli Worterbuch,' by Dr. Ignaz Kunos
(Buda-Pest, 1902), p. 96. It is Yakhsht, ' schon, gut.' See also Pavet de
Courteille, 'Dictionnaire.'p. 543.

2 Sultan Ilusain, eldest son of Asalat Khan, Mir Bakhshi, received the title of
Iftikhar Khan in the first year of Aurangzeb. He died in 1092 H. (1681) (Beale,
'Or. Biography,' 175, and ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' i. 252).

AN UZBAK SLAVE AND HER SON 43

Qalmaq, ' Partaras ' (? Pathani), and Abyssinian women, who
acted as sentinels round the king at night.

After some months had passed, the chief of these amazons
informed the king of Yakhshi's pregnancy. Aurangzeb's
answer was that, should it be a boy, he would rear him as
a son ; if a girl, as a daughter. The Tartar woman brought
forth a male child, whereupon the king adopted him as a son,
and gave him the title of Alantox Bahader (Alamtosh Bahadur) 1
— that is to say, ' Valorous of the World.' When he grew up
he was granted the establishment of a prince. But owing to
the undisciplined conduct of the youth, Aurangzeb was forced
to thrust him out and take away from him his rank as a prince,
leaving him very small [30] pay. Here it is appropriate to
remark that in India it is the custom to bring up such children
as if they were true sons. Experience teaches that such children
rarely turn out well, and are like a conflagration in a house.

The four months were drawing to a close, and the envoys
from Balkh began to talk of a return to their own country.
Aurangzeb, at their leave-taking, ordered them to receive two
sets of robes of rich stuff for each man, and eight thousand
rupees. For the King of Balkh he sent as a remembrance
many pieces of costly brocade, a quantity of very fine white
cloth to make veils (beatilhas), 2 many pieces of striped gold and

1 There was such a person of undescribed origin about the Court from 1081 H.
(1670) to 1097 H. (1686). He is styled variously Yalangtosh (' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,'
iii. 971), Palangposh Khan, and Palangtosh Khan. Bahadur ('Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,'
108, etc.). The last form is probably correct, from palang, 'panther,' and tosh,
'strength.' In 1093 H. (1682) he was made Qurbegi, or head of the armoury,
and in 1096 H. (1685) superintendent of the pages (an important office). He fell
into disgrace in 1097 H. (1686), and we hear no more of him. His son, Subhan
WirdI, was living in 1104 H. (1692).

Yalangtosh Khan, Bahadur, was a ' Turk-bachah ' (slave), brought up by 'Alamgir ;
he received a mansab and the title of Khan. In Aurangzeb's fourteenth year he
was given a sword, dagger, and spear. In the twenty-fifth year he was made
superintendent of the armoury, and in the twenty-eighth superintendent of the
pages. He was liked by the Emperor, whose ways and temperament he under-
stood. For a time he was out of favour ; the year of his death is not known (Kewal
Ram, 'Tazkirat-ul-Umara,' British Museum Additional MS., 16,703, fol. 1086).

2 Beatilha (Yule, 90, and ' Madras Manual of Administration,' iii. 233), an old
trade name for a fine kind of muslin. Beatilha, Portuguese for ' a veil ' ; from
beata, ' a nun.'

44 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

silver cloth, five pairs of very large carpets, two daggers,
adorned with precious stones, five flasks of essence of roses,
and nine costly and beautiful sets of robes, with the whole of
which the envoys were much satisfied.

Ignorance made them thus satisfied, for they were not aware
that the King of the Moguls sends sarapas (sets of robes) to
subjects only. To send a sarapa to anyone is to declare him to
be a subject. If he submit to this, no further present need be
added. The reader should understand that the Kings of
Bijapur and Gulkandah, and the Rana, when the Mogul king
sent them sarapas, were under obligation to come out one
league from their capital to be invested with the robes, after
making obeisance three times, as usual in Hindustan, with
their face turned in the direction of the court and the letters
placed on the top of their head. But the king Rana [of
Udepur ?] would never consent to put on the sarapa of the
Mogul, in order not to admit himself to be a subject, although
every year he pays for seven thousand cavalry, who are kept
continuously in the service of the Mogul king.

After the royal audience of leave-taking, the envoys sent
their baggage out of the city, while they stayed behind with
fifty horsemen in order to take leave of the greater nobles.
The first to whom they went was Ja'far Khan, chief secretary
{i.e., wazlr), and he produced, as is the custom, a box full of
betel, of which they ate as they came away. The box was of
gold, and its salver covered with precious stones, the whole
worth more than one hundred thousand rupees. Feigning the
innocent, the envoy made believe that the whole was made
over to him as a gift. He took the box and the salver and
placed them inside his clothes, which are long, wide, and
flowing, then hurriedly made his adieu with a few complimentary
words. Off went the eunuch at once to inform the secretary of
the low conduct of these rustics. The wazlr, aware of the
avaricious character of the people, gave orders that, without
the least delay, all the umaras (nobles) should be warned of
what the Balkh envoys had done. The nobles, warned at the
cost of others, when the envoys appeared, sent them betel-leaf
in silver boxes of small value. Thus did Muhammad Amin

MEANNESS OF THE BALKHlS 45

Khan, and after him [31] Multafat Khan ; whence, recognising
that no one else could be cheated like Ja'far Khan, they took
the betel, made no more visits, and, quitting the city, started
for their country, being thus filled with grease, inside and out.

The Naval Forces.

Having arranged the affairs of his kingdom with sufficient
completeness, Aurangzeb, relying upon the victories he had
gained on land, thought of establishing the fear of himself at
sea ; he therefore resolved to set up a fleet, with a considerable
number of ships. The reason for this resolve was the loss of
a Mahomedan vessel loaded with kauris. In Italian these are
called lumaquelle ; x they come from the Maldives, and are current
money in the kingdom of Bengal. After some fighting this
ship was taken by pirates. 2 The captain and the merchants
on the ship said to the pirates that the kauris would never be
of any use to them ; thus they should be satisfied to accompany
them as far as Mecca, in which port they would pay them
forty thousand patacas. 3 The proposal was accepted, and the
pirates went to Mecca. At a distance from the harbour they
awaited the fulfilment of the agreed bargain. But the Maho-
medans, instead of satisfying the pirates, laid hold of the
opportunity of two royal vessels being there. These ships had
brought faqlrs and the ladies and lords of Hindustan to Mecca.
They so arranged that with the assistance of other merchant
ships they all sailed out to capture the Frank pirate. But it
turned out very differently from what they expected. For,
going out to hunt, they were themselves hunted. The pirates,
seeing some ten or twelve vessels coming against them, pre-
tended to take to flight, in the hope of drawing these inexperienced
men out to the open sea.

The Mahomedans did all they could to catch the pirate ship,
under the belief that she could not escape, when, much to their

1 Lumachella, a small snail. Lumaca, a snail.

2 Apparently the 'pirates' were Portuguese; see further on, where the men
are called Farangis, a word then in use in Bengal and elsewhere for a low class
of Portuguese half-castes.

3 A pataca was worth two rupees.

46 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

surprise, the pirate, with great determination and courage, veered
round, and, getting amongst the attacking vessels, most dexter-
ously discharged its guns and threw them into disorder. Thus,
some dispersed one way and some another. The pirates captured
one ship, and after stripping it, set it on fire, consuming both
the vessel and all those that were in it. Nor were they satisfied
with this vengeance. Knowing the little acquaintance with
sea-life and the little handiness at sea possessed by the Maho-
medans, they sailed to the latitude of Dio (Diu), near Surat,
and waited for the royal ships. These were on their way from
Mecca with high-placed lords and ladies, besides faqlrs. There
was also much coin, chiefly Venetian, vulgarly called zequinhos
(sequins). 1 It turned out as they had hoped, for when the two
ships arrived, they attacked them and overcame [32] one of
them, when they not only took its valuable cargo, but dishonoured
the ladies aboard of it.

The damaged vessel arrived at Surat, whence the governor
reported to Aurangzeb what had occurred. This was the reason
of his wishing to create a war navy, to sweep the seas of the
pirates and make himself powerful at sea. With this object
in view the king imparted his design to Ja'far Khan, the chief
secretary, a man of judgment, who demanded time before
answering. After some days he said to Aurangzeb that his
majesty had no deficiency of money or timber, or other materials
to form a navy. But he was without the chief thing — that is
to say, men to direct it. Aurangzeb retorted that the conduct
of it might be entrusted to the Franks, who lived on his pay.
But Ja'far Khan boldly, as a faithful minister, replied that it
would not be well to confide to foreigners — fugitives from their
own country — a business of such importance. Those men
might easily abscond ; nor would they think the Mogul soldiers,
who might man the ships, of any account ; and these, not being
properly trained, would allow themselves to be completely
controlled by those commanders.

To all these arguments Aurangzeb turned a deaf ear (as he
persisted in his desire to have a fleet), and then issued an order

1 The Venetian zecchino, cecchino, or sequin, a gold coin long current on the
shores of India (Yule, second edition, 1936).

UNSATISFACTORY NAVAL EXPERIMENT 47

to have a ship constructed. He wanted to have ocular demon-
stration of the difficulties raised by Ja'far Khan. This order
was taken to my fellow-countryman Ortencio Bronzoni, a
lapidary, of whom I have already spoken, 1 who made a small
ship with its sails and rigging, guns and flags. When it was
ready, it was launched on a great tank. The king and all the
court assembled to behold a kind of machine which could not
travel by land. Here the European artillerymen, accustomed
to navigation, went aboard the vessel, and caused it to move in
all directions by adjusting the sails and working the helm with
great dexterity and cleverness. Then, as if engaging some other
man-of-war, they discharged the cannon, turning in all direc-
tions. On seeing all this, after reflecting on the construction
of the boat and the dexterity required in handling it, Aurangzeb
concluded that to sail over and fight on the ocean were not
things for the people of Hindustan, but only suited to European
alertness and boldness. Thus at last he abandoned the project
entertained with such obstinacy.

The Ambassador of Persia.

In the second year of Aurangzeb's reign the ambassador of
Shah 'Abbas [33] the second, King of Persia, arrived. Learning
that he was about to reach the boundary of the Hindustan
kingdom, 2 Aurangzeb sent to meet him an officer called Abdulbeg
('Abdullah Beg), formerly police officer of Shahjahan [abad],
a man of good judgment. His orders were to receive the
ambassador at the frontier and to discover his intentions,
not sparing expense. He must also succeed in particularly
impressing on him the ceremonial of the Indian court, the

1 Ortencio Bronzoni, Venetian ; see Part I., p. 164, where he is named as the
cutter of the diamond given by Mir Jumlah to Shahjahan. He is also mentioned
by Tavernier (Ball, vol. i., p. 396 ; ii. 440) under the form of Borgio.

2 See Bernier (Constable), 146, 147. Budaq Beg, envoy of Shah 'Abbas II. of
Iran, on the last day of Sha'ban, 1071 H., the third year (April 30, 1661), entered
Multan. An order was passed for Tarbiyat Khan, Governor of Multan, and
Khalilullah Khan, Governor of Lahor, to entertain him. He reached Sarae
Badll, and had an audience on the 3rd Shawwal, 1071 H. (June 2, 1661)
(' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' p. 35). Budaq Beg was the son of Qalandar Sultan,
Cholah, Tufangchi-aqasT (see ' Ma,asir-ul-Umarii,' i. 495, s.v. Tarbiyat Khan).

48 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

obligatory obeisances, and how it was an ancient practice from
Akbar's days up to that time that Mogul kings accord seats to
no one, and do not take a letter direct from the hand of any
man. Letters are delivered to the wazlr, and he reads them to
the king. After he had given him this information, he was to
find out if the ambassador was minded to make the accustomed
obeisances and to put the letter into the hands of the wazlr. On
all these points he was to report to court minutely.

Some men further assert with great positiveness that the
king had given a secret order to 'Abdullah Beg to send back
the Persian ambassador if he did not choose to do according to
the customs of Hindustan. He also ordered the viceroys and
provincial governors to receive the ambassador with every
honour, in order thus to gain his goodwill and to be able
to discover the more easily what intentions he had. 'Abdullah
Beg started, and went out to meet the ambassador at the
Qandahar frontier. Thence he brought him in his company
as far as Kabul. From this place 'Abdullah Beg wrote to the
king that he had already instructed the ambassador in the
practice of the Mogul kings, and that he had raised no diffi-
culties about doing what the ambassadors of other great kings
had done, as he had assured him several times.

Aurangzeb knew the discretion and power of dissimulation
of the Persians. For he remembered the rudeness shown by
another Persian ambassador in the time of Shahjahan. He
therefore wrote to Khalilullah Khan, Governor of Lahor, that
during a feast he must succeed in finding out delicately from
the ambassador himself if he meant to make the obeisances
after the Indian mode or not. Khalilullah Khan informed the
king that the ambassador had given him his word to do them
as others did.

On the ambassador's arrival within one day of Dihli,
Aurangzeb sent Muhammad Amin Khan [the son of Mir Jum-
lah] at the head of one thousand selected horsemen to meet
him and escort him to the city. He was to discover the object
of this embassy and why he had come. Gifts and presents
were not to be stinted, whether to the ambassador or to the
five hundred Persian cavaliers who accompanied him. To

RECEPTION OF PERSIAN AMBASSADOR 49

gain time for finding out the reason of the embassy and the
intentions of the ambassador in regard to the obeisances usual
in India, he further ordered him to come in leisurely, so that the
streets might be prepared through which the ambassador [34]
was to pass ; he was to bring him to a halt near the royal garden
called Xalemas (Shalihmar), 1 distant three leagues from the city.

Aurangzeb despatched various nobles on the heels of Muham-
mad Amln Khan to meet the ambassador. But the latter
would not so far state whether he would make the usual
obeisances or not, and never disclosed the object of his mission.
Aurangzeb insisted on knowing the object of the embassy, and
whether the ambassador meant to make the obeisances usual
in India. He feared that Shah 'Abbas, supported by Mir
Jumlah, Khalilullah Khan, Ja'far Khan, and many other
officers, who were Persians, might attempt something in these
early days of his (Aurangzeb's) reign. For there still lived
several men ill-affected towards him, favourites of Shahjahan,
and he wanted to adopt precautionary measures, knowing by
experience how much inclined the Persians are to treachery.

The ambassador halted near the garden referred to, and an
official was sent from the court to Muhammad Amln Khan,
instructing him to tell the ambassador that although ambas-
sadors' letters were received only by the wazlr, still, as he was
the ambassador of the King of Persia, to him would be con-
ceded the favour that one of the princes, Aurangzeb's sons,
should receive it. The ambassador seemed satisfied at this.
Meanwhile, Aurangzeb gave orders for soldiers to be posted on
both sides of the street, a league in length, through which the
ambassador would pass. The principal streets were decorated
with rich stuffs, both in the shops and at the windows, and
the ambassador was brought through them, escorted by a
number of officers, with music, drums, pipes, and trumpets.
On his entering the fort, or royal palace, he was saluted by all
the artillery.

Aurangzeb was seated on a throne in shape like a peacock —

1 The garden of Shalihmar at Dihll disappeared many years ago ; it was near
the village of Badli Sarae. Badli is mentioned in the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgin ' as
the halting-place.

VOL. II. 4

50 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

a marvellous piece of work made by King Shahjahan — but he
never had the good fortune to sit on it. Fearing that the
ambassador might not wish to make the necessary obeisances,
Aurangzeb caused four tall, muscular men to be posted near
him with orders that, should he decline to follow the custom,
they should by force make him bend his neck. The whole
court was adorned with a thousand marvellous things.

The ambassador appeared within sight of the king, accom-
panied by all the nobles, and having arrived at the place where
he had to make the salam, the nobles intimated that he had to
fulfil his duty, for now was the time. Ignoring the lessons of
'Abdullah Beg and his own promise confirmed so many times, he
made his salam in the Persian fashion by placing both hands
on his breast. Whereupon the four strong men told off for
this purpose came up ; two took him [35] by the hands, and
two by the neck, and without force or violence, as if they were
teaching him, they lowered his hands and bent his head.
They told him that thus it was the fashion to make obeisance
in the Mogul country. Upon this the ambassador acted
prudently, and allowed his whole body to bend without
resisting, and performed his bow in the Indian manner.

At this moment Aurangzeb turned his face a little, as if
speaking to his son, Sultan Mu'zzam, nowadays known as Shah
'Alam, who, rising, came to the ambassador. The latter, with-
out any token of grievance, with a smiling countenance, drew
forth the letter, and having raised it to his head, made it over
to the prince. The prince presented it to the king, who made
a sign for its delivery to the eunuch Danex (Danish), the head
of the king's household. After the ambassador had put on
a rich set of robes, the master of the ceremonies informed him
that now was the time to produce the presents he had brought
from Persia.

This present consisted of twenty-seven handsome, large, and
powerful horses, each horse having two men to lead it by reins.
Nine of these horses were decked out with precious stones, and
saddles decorated with pearls. The others had housings of
costly brocade reaching to their feet. There were eighteen
large shaggy camels, taller than any in India or in Balkh,

THE PERSIAN PRESENTS 51

clothed in lovely coverings ; sixty cases of perfect rose-water,
and twenty cases of another water, distilled from a flower
which is only found in Persia, and is called bedemus (bed-i-
mushk), 1 : it is a very comforting water against all fevers caused
by heat ; twelve carpets, fifteen cubits in length and live in
breadth, very handsome and finely worked ; four cases filled
with brocade lengths, very rich, figured with pleasing flowers,
and very costly ; also four damascened short-swords, four
poignards covered with precious stones ; also a sealed box of
gold, full of manna from the mountains of Shiraz. Aurangzeb,
with a lively expression on his face, spied out with curiosity
all these presents of Shah 'Abbas, and, meanwhile, directed
Muhammad Amln Khan to put some friendly questions to the
ambassador ; then, rising, he sent word to him that he might
retire, and if he came to court again he would be most welcome.

The ambassador came out in the company of several nobles,
who conveyed him to the palace of 'All Mardan Khan (he who
made over Qandahar to Shahjahan), which had been prepared
beforehand, and spread with carpets for the purpose. Aurang-
zeb also directed the nobles to invite and entertain the ambas-
sador with pomp throughout his stay in the city of Dihli at the
cost of the royal treasury, taking each one day, as most con-
venient to themselves [36]. The wretched 'Abdullah Beg was
expelled from court in disgrace, because the Persian ambassador
had not made at once the required obeisance. The man died
in a short time from grief. During this time there was much
whispering at court and in the city about the force used to the
ambassador in making him do obeisance in the Indian fashion,
even if it was force politely applied. The Persians complained
a great deal of this violence, imputing to Aurangzeb rashness,
and saying the King of Persia would take vengeance for such
an affront. Many rumours were current and in everyone's
mouth, even those of the great nobles, as is the habit when
any considerable event occurs in regard to foreign ambassadors.

Others said Shah 'Abbas would never pardon the ambassador
for having bowed his body in the presence of Aurangzeb, and

1 Bed-i-mushk, Egyptian willow (Salix sygostomon), according to Steingass,
' Persian Dictionary,' 2 '7.

4—2

52 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

that on his return to Persia his head would be cut off. Others
declared that the King of Persia administered reproofs to
Aurangzeb in the letter he had forwarded. He told him how
the whole world was scandalized at the harsh deed he had
done in cutting off the head of Dara, his elder brother ; and,
furthermore, in spite of an oath confirmed on the Quran that
he would raise his brother, Murad Bakhsh, to the throne, he
had, under pretext of law, caused him to be decapitated.
Farther, leaving those things out of the question, he could not
resist calling a man barbarous and inhuman who, in defiance
of the laws of nature and the inexpugnable obligations due to
parents, had seized the emperor Shahjahan, his father. The
latter had for many years concealed his son's bad qualities,
hoping that age would ameliorate his judgment. But, through
lapse of time, he came to know instead that he had a heart
more ferocious than a tiger's, more barbarous than any animal's.
Among them there were even some who taught men the right
way to behave to their aged parents, as could be seen in books
on natural history.

These and such-like things, rumour said, had been written by
Shah 'Abbas to Aurangzeb. Others declared that Shah 'Abbas
was very wroth that Aurangzeb, on his coin, had styled himself
' Conqueror of the World ' (i.e., 'Alamglr). But the truth is
that no one knew what was entered in the letter, because
Aurangzeb did not confide it even to his own wazlr, he being a
Persian. On the whole, the above statements were the nearest
to certainty. Thus, anyone who had no experience would
wonder how Shah 'Abbas could send along with such a terrible
letter presents of such value. But anyone who reads history
well knows that it was a great crime to appear before the kings
of the Lacedemonians and of the Persians [with empty hands].
Hence the kings of Asia acquired the habit [37] of finding out,
when a foreigner came to court, whether he brought presents
or not ; he who brought none was unable to obtain an audience.

After eight days the ambassador was invited by the wazlr,
Ja'far Khan, and there a splendid banquet was given after the
manner of India. In the four months and longer that he
stayed at Dihll, the ambassador would not accept any other

DEPARTURE OF PERSIAN EMBASSY S3

noble's invitation, except that of Muhammad Amln Khan.
This was eight days before his leave-taking, when Muhammad
Amln Khan entertained him most magnificently. Before every-
one else he set down dishes and basins of silver, but the ambas-
sador was served on gold alone. At the end of the meal,
Muhammad Amln Khan caused all the services of silver and
gold to be placed upon the table, and urgently entreated the
ambassador to accept them as a present. But the ambassador,
tendering his thanks, made excuses, and would accept nothing.

It was a striking thing, and I most particularly observed it,
the difference between the people of India and the Persians.
Putting them side by side, you could then recognise the
difference both in attitude and features, in speech, in acts, in
voice. Thus the Persians had the advantage over the Indians,
and it was a fine sight to see the ambassador followed by his
five hundred horsemen, almost all of the same height and
appearance, large-limbed and handsome men, with huge mous-
taches, and riding excellent and well-equipped horses. Among
them I knew one, a Muscovite, a slave of the Persian king, who
came in the ambassador's train. Owing to the friendship we
had had in Persia, he came several times to my house. Desirous
of finding out something about the embassy, I asked him in
a friendly way the favour of his telling me something about it ;
but, shrugging his shoulders and shutting his eyes, he gave me
a sign that he could not speak.

At the end of four months and a half the ambassador was
sent away honourably, and Aurangzeb made him a gift of two
horses with trappings, of a poignard mounted with precious
stones, a lovely emerald to wear in his turban, and a valuable
set of robes. Last of all, a letter for Shah 'Abbas was made
over to him, and a small escritoire of gold covered with precious
stones. This was closed and sealed up, and was to be made
over to his king ; no one knew what was in it [38]. 1 The
ambassador left the court, but at his departure there were no
festivities equal to those at his arrival. At the time of the
return journey, Aurangzeb wrote to Khalllullah Khan at Lahor

1 The envoy's audience of leave-taking was on the 10th Zi Hijjah of the fourth
year, 1071 H. (August 7, 1661) (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' p. 36, line 15).

54 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

that he must send men to every ferry to search the ambassador's
packages, and strict measures were taken to prevent his taking
any men of India to Persia. Aurangzeb acted thus because the
Persians call the people of India slaves (so it was said), but the
real reason is not known. The order of the king was carried
out with such rigour that they took away all the slaves he had
bought. Nor did it avail to hide them in boxes, for they were
found and dragged out. Thus the ambassador went back to
Persia affronted. But since kings know not how to forgive,
Shah 'Abbas took his revenge after some years when Aurangzeb
sent to him an ambassador, as in its place I shall recount (II. 96).

Illness of Aurangzeb.

Some time after the departure of the ambassador, Aurangzeb
fell ill of sudden fever, which was so severe that it caused
delirium, and the doctors were unable to reduce the heat of the
blood. 1 As a last remedy they decided to bleed him, as was
done. But Aurangzeb being very restless on his bed, it happened
that by the movements of his body the bandage came undone,
and the blood began to flow. By the time the physician, called
Aquim el Mulq (Hakim-ul-Mulk), 2 had arrived much blood had
already been lost ; the physician, though in a great fright, tied
the bandage anew.

Aurangzeb, owing to the great heat he was in, wanted to
eat water-melons, and Haklm-ul-Mulk incautiously gave him
permission. Thus, through eating water-melons, he had a
paralysis of the tongue, so that he very nearly lost his power
of speech entirely, and the physicians were doubtful about his
recovery.

Believing that there was no hope of her brother surviving,
Roshan Ara. Begam took away the royal seal and wrote to
many rajahs and generals on behalf of Sultan A'zam, then

1 The illness began about the commencement of the fifth year, 3rd Shawwal,
1072 (May 22, 1662). Aurangzeb was ill until the 10th Zi Hijjah, 1072 (July 27,
1662). On the 17th Zi Qa'dah (August 3, 1662) he bathed on recovery
(' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgirl,' 41 ; Elphinstone, 538; Bernier, 123-126).

2 Mir Muhammad Mahdi, Ardistani, came with Aurangzeb from the Dakhin in
1068 H. (1658), was made a Hazari, and soon obtained the title of Hakim-ul-Mulk
(' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' i. 599).

APPREHENSIONS OF AURANGZEB'S DEATH 55

nine years of age and actually living in the harem. 1 When
the mother of Sultan Mu'azzam learnt this, she said to Roshan
Ara Begam that what she was doing was not right, thus to
rouse the empire, setting on foot in it confusion and disquiet [39],
while the king was still alive and there was hope of his recovery.
Having said this, she proceeded to the king's bedside, but Roshan
Ara Begam boldly seized her by the hair and ejected her from
the royal chamber. The queen, not to afflict her suffering
husband, bore it quietly and patiently.

Meanwhile, it was terrible to see the city of Dihli in such
confusion. Rumours were current that the king was already
dead; wherefore everyone made preparations for doing what
best suited his own affairs. Others said that though the king
was alive, there was no hope of his recovery, that Rajah Jaswant
Singh was coming from Gujarat to free Shahjahan from prison,
and that Mahabat Khan would surely come for the same purpose.
I leave the reader to imagine what confusion there must have
been in a city the capital of a kingdom which had been accus-
tomed to recognise as king none but the one who, after the defeat
of all others, came out sole victor.

Roshan Ara Begam was the causer of all this uproar. She
allowed no one to see the sick Aurangzeb, except one eunuch
belonging to her faction. But Sultan Mu'azzam, who was
sixteen years of age 2 and lived outside the fort, in the mansion
of Prince Dara, was afraid that his father was already dead,
and that Roshan Ara Begam did not want the news to spread
until she had persuaded the Hindu princes to support Prince
A'zam Tara. Since it was clear that she favoured this little
prince, and was inimical to Sultan Mu'azzam, the latter resolved
to make use of Jai Singh. Therefore, disguising himself, he
went one night to this rajah, and, presenting to him some
jewels of great price, prayed him earnestly to take his part on
this occasion. His father was already dead. He then made
a movement as if to fall at the rajah's feet ; but the latter, taking

1 As Sultan A'zam was born on the 12th Sha'ban, 1063 H. (July g, 1653), in
May, 1662, he had nearly completed his ninth year. He was the third son.

2 Sultan Mu'azzam was born on the 30th Rajab, 1053 H. (October 14, 1643).
Thus, in May, 1C62, he was nearly nineteen years of age.

56 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

him in his arms, raised him. After lengthy discourse, wherein
he set forth the particular esteem he had for the prince and the
singular desire he cherished to be of service to him in this
juncture, he inquired if he knew for a certainty that the king,
his father, was dead.

The prince replied that it could be assumed this was so, since
Roshan Ara Begam would not allow anyone to go into the
royal harem, nor anyone to come out, who could give word of
the life or death of the king. In spite of all he had done to
ascertain the truth, no one could find out if [40] Aurangzeb
was alive or dead. Upon this the rajah asked him to take some
repose, for in a few hours he would know the condition of the
king. With this object he wrote a short note to one of Roshan
Ara Begam's eunuchs saying he offered him two hundred
thousand rupees on condition of his sending him a clear state-
ment whether the king was alive or dead. He forwarded this
note by one of his own trusted eunuchs. The eunuch of Roshan
Ara Begam replied by another note stating that the king was
still alive.

On perusing this answer, Jai Singh said to the prince that
the king, his father, not being yet dead, he could therefore
return to his house and retire to rest, and this was the best
thing for him to do. The prince trusted in the affection shown
him by the rajah ; and he asked him if it was advisable to go to
Agrah and fall at his grandfather's feet, to get him on his side
when the death of his father, Aurangzeb, should come to pass.
Rajah Jai Singh, who saw plainly that if Shahjahan got out
of prison a great many must lose their lives, answered in the
negative. It were better to dissemble till the death of the king,
and if God so willed it he would certainly get the news early.
He swore to him upon his gods that on the king's death he
would be with him at once at the head of thirty thousand
Rajputs, and would adopt his cause. Sultan Mu'azzam felt
consoled by this promise, and relying upon the rajah's oaths,
went back to his palace.

Finding there was little hope of recovery, Aurangzeb sent for
his faithful eunuch, Danish, and warmly recommended to him
Sultan A'zam. If he should die, he ordered him to hand over

AURANGZEB'S FAMILY 57

the said prince to Shaistah Khan, who, being a Persian, would
see that this small boy was protected, and would defend him
from the insults he might have to suffer. For Sultan Mu'azzam
was already grown up, while the mother of that prince and
powerful captains were also of his party. He said nothing
about Prince Akbar, 1 brother of Sultan A'zam, he being of
tender years, not more than three years old.

The Children of Aurangzeb [41].

Be it known to the reader that at this time Aurangzeb had
four sons and four daughters. The sons were Sultan Muhammad,
of whom I have already spoken (I. 237), at this time a prisoner,
and Sultan Mu'azzam, the second. These were the sons of one
mother, a Rajput by race, who offered sacrifice to idols that
Sultan Mu'azzam, her son, might be king, seeing that the eldest
was a captive. 2 She had a daughter called Zebetnixa Begam
(Zeb-un-nissa. Begam) — that is to say, ' Light of Women ' — and
she died in the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-one,
on September i. 3 The other sons were Sultan A'zam and
Sultan Akbar, who were sons of another mother, a Persian
by race, the daughter of Xanavascan (Shah Nawaz Khan), of
whom I have already spoken (I. 225). 4 This queen had two
daughters called Zinethnexa Begom (Zinat-un-nissa Begam) —

1 Sultan Akbar was born on the 12th Zu,l Hijjah, 1067 H. (September 22,
1657). Thus, in May, 1662, he was in his fifth year. Bernier is more wrong
here than Manucci.

2 The mother of Sultan Muhammad, Sultan Mu'azzam (Shah 'Alam), and
Badr-un-nissa, was Nawab Bae, daughter of the Rajah of Rajauri in Kashmir.
She died at Dihli in 1690 (' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgirI,' 343, 533, and Khushhal Chand,
' Nadir-uz-zamani,' British Museum MS., Oriental, 3288, fol, 227a). Badr-un-
nissa died on the 27th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1080 H. (April 18, 1670).

3 According to the ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 533, Zeb-un-nissa Begam died in
1113 H. (1701-02). This does not agree with Manucci, nor did any daughter of
Aurangzeb die in 168 1 (1092 H.). Begam Sahib, Aurangzeb's sister, died in that
year (1092), and perhaps N. M. here confuses the two events.

4 Dilras Bano Begam was a daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan (Badi'-uz-zaman),
Safawi, known as Mirza Dakhini. She died in 1067 H. (1656-57) at Aurangabad.
Her children were A'zam Shah (born July 9, 1653) and Zabdat-un-nissa, (born
September 7, 1651). The mother of Zeb un-nissa, Zinat-un-nissa, and of Akbar,
is styled simply ' Begam,' and this may possibly mean Dilras Bano.

58 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

that is to say, ' Riches of Women' — and the other called Bederexa
Begom (Badr-un-nissa Begam) — that is to say, 'Moon of
Women.' These princesses forced their father to get them
husbands, in opposition to the precedent handed down by King
Akbar to the Mogul kings not to give their daughters in marriage.
As Aurangzeb was unwilling to break this rule, they told him
that the Mogul kings were not greater than the great Muhammad,
who gave his daughter in marriage to 'All. Thus Aurangzeb,
overcome by their importunity, and worried by an old man
named Miyan JanI, who passed as a saint, and every Friday
when the king went to the mosque, said to him nothing beyond
these words : ' Marry 5'our daughters, and let them follow the
example of Muhammad's daughter.' They were married in the
year one thousand six hundred and seventy, one to the son of
Dara, the other to the son of Murad Bakhsh, and up to this
day they live with their husbands in the fortress of Salimgarh.
The fourth daughter's name was Facronexa Begom (Fakhr-un-
nissa Begam) — that is to say, ' Grandeur of Women,' who
was [42] the child of another particular wife. She did not
wish to marry, and she will give us occasion to speak of her
farther on. 1

When the news of Aurangzeb's severe illness reached Agrah,
the eunuch Ptibar Khan was thrown into great perplexity,
chiefly because he heard that Rajah Jaswant Singh and Mahabat
Khan were coming to deliver Shahjahan. The eunuch called
to mind the harshness he had used to Shahjahan, and looked
upon himself as lost, and saw facing him a sad and dishonoured
death. He therefore provided poison to kill himself when any
change happened. It was for this reason that he sent off
daily many couriers to find out news as to the life or death
of Aurangzeb. At this time the common people spoke bitterly
against I'tibar Khan, and said that now had come thetimeforhim

1 According to the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 120, 125, 540, these marriages took
place as follows : In the fifteenth year, 16th Sha'ban, 1082 H. (December 18,
1671), Ezad Bakhsh, son of Murad Bakhsh, was married to the fifth daughter,
Mihr-un-nissa (died April 1, 1706), and in the sixteenth year, 21st Shawwal,
1083 H. (February 10, 1673), Sipihr Shukoh, son of Dara Shukoh, was married
to Zubdat-un-nissa, the fourth daughter (died 1707). Apartments were prepared
for them in Salimgarh. No such name as Fakhr-un-nissa is on record.

MISUSE OF PRIVY SEAL 59

to be paid out for his barbarities. Aurangzeb, although still ill,
knew the importance of proving he was alive and in his senses ;
therefore he never abandoned the passing and issuing of orders
intended to take effect throughout the kingdom. Above all, he
sent to Ttibar Khan injunctions to take good care of the king,
his prisoner. Needing to seal his letters, he called for the great
seal, which was kept in a bag sealed with the small seal worn
by the king on his finger. After a search for the seal, it could
not be found ; he asked Roshan Ara Begam where his signet
ring was. The princess replied that one day when he swooned
it fell off his finger, when she had taken charge of it, keeping
it beneath her pillow. He sealed the letter and gave it back
to her, concealing his suspicion and waiting till he was thoroughly
restored to make inquiries into the affair, and find out how they
had removed the ring. Aurangzeb did not content himself with
the mere recording and issuing of orders, but to prove to the
populace that he lived, he caused himself to be carried into
a hall full of many nobles and great men, where he showed
himself in person. But in withdrawing he hurt himself, the
result lasting a long time, and greater trouble than before was
caused, for everybody supposed that now he must die.

[Note. — Here are interpolated thirty-nine pages of a French
version of the preceding Portuguese text and then three blank
pages. I have compared this French version, and it is nothing
more than a translation of the Portuguese text.]

[40 bis]. Having rested for some days, and finding himself
a little better, Aurangzeb sent for Ja'far Khan, Multafat Khan,
Muhammad Amln Khan, and Rajah Jai Singh, to disabuse them
of the then prevailing fear that he was dead. By degrees he re-
covered his strength, but with great difficulty, it taking him a long
time to get well. Even after he was sound again he remained a
little defective in speech, and up to this day he speaks deliberately.
Having now been restored to perfect health, he obtained from
the eunuchs accounts of all that Roshan Ara Begam had done
during his illness. He was much annoyed at her having written
letters to the viceroys, governors, and generals, in order to gain
them over to serve Sultan A'zam, and at her having sealed them

60 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

with the royal seal. Above all, he was much affected by her
unmannerliness to the mother of Sultan Mu'azzam, and by the
patience with which that queen endured the insolence of the
princess. For these reasons he thenceforth thought more of
the queen, increased her rank, and conferred on her the title
of Nabab Balgi (Nawab Bal Ji) — that is to say, ' Greatest
among Women ' — and felt more affection for Sultan Mu'azzam,
to whom he gave the title of Xaalam (Shah 'Alam) — that is to
say, ' King of the World.' Roshan Ara Begam lost much of
the love that Aurangzeb had borne her, he being now angered
at her behaviour.

Aurangzeb remits Tribute.

When other Mogul kings fell ill, there always arose some
trouble with the viceroys and governors, but during Aurangzeb's
illness there was no such rising. For, in spite of rumours
becoming current that the king was dead, the nobles put no
trust in them, fearing that Aurangzeb himself, out of policy,
and in order to discover which way each of them was inclined,
had set these stories in motion. They knew before this that he
was a very acute manoeuvrer, and he benefited now by being so
considered. Otherwise there might have happened some great
disaster or rebellion in the kingdom, the liberty of Shahjahan
being dependent on Aurangzeb's death and the coronation of
another king. Thus it is with trickishness ; more often the
deceivers suffer, but sometimes the habit is of profit to them
[41 bis],

Aurangzeb now found himself restored to perfect health, with
the exception of his tongue. This might be called a proof that
the illness was a warning sent by God to make him kind to
His people. It was as if an angel had come from heaven to
speak with him. He now began to announce to those who
came to give him congratulations on his restoration to health,
that God had first sent this illness and then given him back
his health to let him see that, although He had raised him to
authority, He could take away his life whenever He pleased, or
give him health at will. Through this illness he had come to
the knowledge that the followers of Muhammad were the beloved

FINANCIAL MEASURES 61

of God. He held it as pertain that this illness fell upon him,
so that at the beginning of his reign he should not demand the
same great revenues that his predecessors had imposed upon
Mahomedans. This is the reason why he decided to relieve
true believers from the payment of revenue, and by this
incentive open a door for all Hindus to embrace the faith of
the prophet Muhammad, the beloved of God. To this intent
he sent forth an order to all the kingdoms, provinces and cities,
that the Mahomedans were freed from taxation and under no
obligation to pay anything to the crown, except the duty on
tobacco, which he afterwards remitted owing to a case which
happened, as I shall relate (II. 133).

He also said that the other cause of his illness was the
collection of taxes from pagodas, which are (be it said with due
respect and without offence to our Christian religion) churches
to which the Hindus resort to pray in front of some idol or other.
For, every pagoda paid to the king every year a considerable
sum. It was very undesirable, he said, to levy such a tax, for
thereby it looked as if he approved of idolatry. He therefore
directed that such a tax should never more be collected. It
should suffice for every Hindu to pay five per cent. Afterwards
he repented of such liberality, and, indeed, he wished some years
afterwards to rescind what he had done ; but for the sake of
his credit, and also through his hypocrisy, he was prevented from
carrying out this change. Therefore he invented a new device
for getting money. He continuously reduced the pay of his
generals and officers, and ordained [42 bis] that the rupees or
coined money of silver, not worth more than fourteen sols (sous)
of France, or thereabouts, should pass as worth twenty-eight
sols. 1 In carrying out this matter Aurangzeb did a thing which
forms a lesson to princes as to the mode of making themselves
obeyed. For the sarrdfs, who are the money-changers, resisted
the royal orders, giving various excuses for disobedience, in
spite of their being sent for several times by the king to explain
that reasons of state required the alteration. Nevertheless,
these men, always contumacious, ignored the order until the

1 If, as stated in Part III., 51, 30 sols went to the rupee (16 annas), then
1 50/ = ^ of an anna, and 14 sols amounted to 7^ annas.

62 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

king in anger sent for all the money-changers in the city of
Dihll. Taking his place on his royal seat upon a bastion [of
the palace], when the sarrdfs arrived he sent them word,
quite quietly, that their resistance must come to an end and
the rupee must be passed at twice its former value. The
sarrdfs were firm in their contention, and replied that they
could not comply, as the loss caused would be beyond calcula-
tion. Aurangzeb, quite quietly, and without any movement of
his body, issued an order to throw down from the bastion one
of the oldest of the sarrdfs. Upon the carrying out of this
order, the rest, terrorized, said they would obey; and never
another word was heard on the subject. Until this time
rupees are worth double what they were in the days of
Shahjahan, and thus the people obtained relief.

The Dutch Ambassador.

About the time when Aurangzeb recovered his health there
arrived at Dihll an ambassador from the Dutch called Adrian 1
to offer congratulations on the king's accession. This man was
of sound judgment, and thoroughly acquainted with the Mogul
customs, having been for a long time at the head of the Dutch
factory at Surat. Since he knew that those who bring the
largest present and the heaviest purse are the most acceptable,
the best received, and the soonest attended to, he brought
a present for the king. It consisted in a large quantity of
very fine scarlet broadcloth, much fine green cloth, some large
mirrors, many earthenware dishes, bric-a-brac from China and
Japan, and a small throne in appearance like a litter (cherolla),
a piece of Japanese work with many pleasing paintings. For
the ministers there was a large sum in gold and silver, with
different kinds of cloth and other bric-a-brac. As soon as he
arrived he began [43] to set forth to the ministers what he

1 ' Vies des Gouverneurs-Generaux,' by J. P. I. Dubois (4to., La Haye, 1763),
p. 208. The Governor of Batavia sent, in 1662, Mr. Dirk van Adrichem, Director
of Surat, as ambassador to Aurangzeb. A farman was obtained favourable to
their commerce in Bengal, Orissa, and Patnah (see Bernier, 127, and note ;
Valentyn, ' Oud en Nieuw Ost Indien,' iv. 261). The farman was dated
October 29, 1662 : Aurangzeb bathed on recovery, August 3, 1662.

A DUTCH EMBASSY, 1662 63

desired. Thus in a few days leave was granted to him to be
presented to the king, on condition of making obeisance first in
the European, and then in the Indian manner.

Thus, on entering the court and reaching the royal presence
he did as he had promised. Aurangzeb was interested at seeing
the European fashion in dress and their way of bowing. Coming
to meet them, Morturacan (Murtaza Khan) 1 took the letter
from the hands of the ambassador and presented it to the
secretary (i.e., the wazlr). The master of the ceremonies, with
his gold cane in his hand, took the ambassador's hand, and
placed him in a fairly honourable place along with the five
persons who accompanied him. This was a favour accorded
to them. For it is not usual for more than one man to enter
with an ambassador into the royal presence. Then they were
invested with a sardpd (set of robes) of brocade.

Next Aurangzeb ordered the present to be brought, and above
everything else he prized the throne, and, as it was ornamented,
he had it covered with glass to preserve the pictures from the
great dust, and until this day he makes use of it. Then he
sent to say to the ambassador that he might withdraw, and he
would soon receive his leave to depart. But the ambassador
knew the vain-gloriousness of the Moguls, who hold it a point
of honour to keep ambassadors dancing attendance upon them.
They like to have a foreign ambassador always attending at the
court audiences. For this reason he sent more gifts to the
ministers, and succeeded in obtaining leave to go after four
months.

The letter that the ambassador brought for the Mogul stated
that the Dutch Company expended in the Mogul realm large
sums of gold and silver, besides importing a large quantity of
spices, also copper and lead. But they were delighted to incur
such expense in the territories of so just a monarch. As a token
of gratitude for his justice, the Dutch Company, masters of the
seas, offered to his majesty the use of their ships and fleets, and
all that they held in India, being many fortresses, lands, and

1 This is probably the Bukhara Sayyid with that title whose biography is given
in ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 597. He was head of the Chaukl, or palace guards,
and died in 1088 H. (1677-78).

64 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

islands. 1 The ambassador on his taking leave received a second
sarapa, and in addition he was entrusted with a rich sarapa for
delivery to the general of Batavia, a poignard covered with
precious stones, and a letter in most friendly terms [44].

AURANGZEB ATTEMPTS TO MAKE SHAHJAHAN DIE OF DlSGUST.

Although Aurangzeb's illness was at a height for only a few
days, it took him a long time to become convalescent and to
recover his strength. The medical men recommended a change
of air by a visit to the province of Kashmir. Aurangzeb was
quite willing to take the change of air, but the existence of
Shahjahan was like a thorn piercing his heart, hindering him
from resting or taking the recreation demanded by nature.
Therefore he now displayed no increase of gentleness to his
father ; on the contrary, he decided to aggravate the old man
more and more. Of a truth, this was never the inspiration of
the angel during his illness nor the teaching of God, but was
arrived at from the perversity of his own nature. In order to
bring his father's life quickly to an end, he sent orders to make
his imprisonment more severe. He ordered the bricking up of
a window looking towards the river, where Shahjahan sat for
recreation. A company of musketeers was posted below the
Agrah Palace with orders by firing to disturb the old man, and
to shoot him if he appeared at the window. In addition to
this, to increase his despondency, the greater part of the accu-
mulation of gold and silver money was carried away, 2 making
as much noise as possible, so that he (Shahjahan) might hear
and be dejected in his mind. But Shahjahan, too, played a
game of finesse, and made out he saw nothing ; responding
to the cries, noise, and musket-shots by music, dancing, and

1 Dubois (loc. cit.) says that a year afterwards (1663), Aurangzeb asked for two
vessels with the idea of a campaign against Arracan. But he managed to win
over the Portuguese pirates of Arracan, and employed them instead. In the end
both Dutch and Portuguese were his dupes.

2 'On the 1st Rajab of the fourth year (1072 H.) Fazil Khan arrived from
Akbarabad, and displayed to the Emperor a portion of the jewels and jewelled
vessels sent by His Majesty Shahjahan ' (' M.-i-*A.,' p. 38). The date is equivalent
to February 20. 1662.

AURANGZEB TRIES TO POISON HIS FATHER 65

entertainments, and carried on a joyous life with his wives and
women. I'tibar Khan, who knew everything that went on in
the palace, wrote it all to the court, so that Aurangzeb decided
to take Shahjahan's life by poison.

Aurangzeb orders Poison for Shahjahan.

It was for this reason that he sent poison and a letter to
Mocorrom can (Mukarram Khan), 1 the physician of Shahjahan,
a man who had refused to take the side of Aurangzeb when he
arrived at Agrah to make his father a prisoner. In this letter
it was written that if the physician desired to live a little longer
and be left in peace, he must administer to Shahjahan the potion
which would be made over to him by the eunuch Fahim, who
had been sent for this purpose. If he did not obey, it would
cost him his life. Mukarram Khan received the drug, and
answered that he would do better than what his majesty
required of him. The eunuch Fahim went back [45] with this
answer. Mukarram Khan came to the conclusion that it was
not right for him to murder King Shahjahan, seeing how he
had been raised by him from a humble station to this greatness,
with such wealth and the respect and veneration of everybody.
Above all, had not Shahjahan confided his royal person into
his hands ? Besides this, he perceived clearly that, should he
give the poison to Shahjahan, Aurangzeb would never spare
his life — experience had taught him that much. He therefore
resolved to die honourably, and, swallowing the poison, was
thrown into a lethargy, and in half an hour he died in his
sleep. Aurangzeb awaited the hoped-for news of his father's
death; but he learnt that Shahjahan had been more respected
by one who had only received some of his favours than by one
who had received life from him. Nor, after all, was this lesson
sufficient to make an entrance into the heart of Aurangzeb, who
perversely sought some other means of procuring his father's
death before his own departure to Kashmir.

1 Mukarram (Taqarrub ?) Khan, a Persian physician, has been named before
(see I. 199). As already stated, he died in the second half of 1662.
VOL. 11. 5

66 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN
AURANGZEB GOES TO KASHMIR.

But already the hot season was near, and it was necessary to
start for Kashmir before the sun's rays had increased in the
land of Hindustan. In this he followed the advice of the
doctors, and, above all, of Roshan Ara Begam, who longed
very much to get rid of the hindrances of the harem and be
able to indulge her libidinous propensities ; furthermore, she
wished to appear in the camp with more state than that used
by Begam Sahib in the time of Shahjahan. Having decided to
go to Kashmir, Aurangzeb selected his most faithful adherents,
in whom he had much confidence, and deputed as governor
of the city of Agrah one Osdarcan (Hoshdar Khan), 1 and as
general of the camp Murtaza Khan. He gave fresh injunctions
to Ttibar Khan, the eunuch, to take great care of Shahjahan.
Since Shah Shuja' had died in Arracan, as I stated in the other
book (I. 247), the king sent an order, before his departure, to
Mir Jumlah, directing him to conquer Axame (Assam).

Thus Aurangzeb started from the city of Dihll on the
6th December of one thousand six hundred and sixty [? T662]
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the joint decision [46] of the
astrologers being that this was the best date that could be
found for the king to start on a long journey, which must last
at least a year, or even more, in going, coming, and staying.

It is a strange thing how Monsieur Bernier says in his third
book that this departure took place in sixty-four (1664) ; for it
is a certainty that it happened at the time that I have recorded.
Nor can I persuade myself how he committed so great an error,
and suppose it due rather to the printer than the author,
although he says in his history many other things far from the
truth. 2

1 Mir Hoshdar, entitled Hoshdar Khan, was the son of Multafat Khan (A'zam
Khan, ''Alamgirl'). In the fifth year he was made 4,000, 3,000 horse, and
appointed Governor of Dihll. In the sixth year he was transferred to Agrah on
the death of Islam Khan. In the seventh year the faujdarl of the Agrah environs
was added. He was long Governor of Agrah. In the fourteenth year he became
Governor of Khandesh, and early in the fifteenth year, 1082 H. (1672), he died.

2 ' But I sympathize with him, for he was ever on duty in the house of his
Persian doctor, Danishmand Khan, and he more often encountered fraud and
falsity than the truth. I frequently warned him not to accept what the common

THE EMPEROR ON THE MARCH 67

There were rumours that Aurangzeb's departure was not for
Kashmir, but on a campaign against the fortress of Qandahar,
then held by this King of Persia. But this story was false.
The king, on leaving the city, rested for the night in an
extensive garden called Xalemar (Shalihmar), planted by
Shahjahan as a pleasure resort ; it lies three leagues distant
from the royal palace, adjoining the road to Lahor. Here
Aurangzeb halted six days to give time for everyone to make
his preparations, and when everybody had joined the army he
meant to begin his march. It is the custom in the Mogul
country when an army is in the field to order a trumpet to be
blown at nine o'clock at night as a signal that there will be no
march on the following morning.

On the sixth evening there was no trumpet, and the advance
tents were sent on. With regard to this you must know that
in the Mogul kingdom the king and many of the nobles march
with two sets of tents, so that while the one set is in use the
other may be sent on for the next day. To carry the royal
tents there were set aside two hundred camels and fifty
elephants, which were used for this purpose only.

On the seventh day at three o'clock in the morning the
march began. First went the heavy artillery, which always
marches in front, and is drawn up as an avenue through which
to enter the next camp. With it went a handsome boat upon
a large car to ferry the royal person across any river when
necessary. Then followed the baggage. In this way, when
the morning broke, the camp was free, leaving only the cavalry
and infantry, each in its appropriate position. With the rest,
in addition to the other transport, went two hundred camels,

people said, and, being myself specially informed, I gave him the true events '
(Venice Codex). The Venice Codex, fol. 179, has ' 1661'. Considering Manucci's
own erroneous chronology, this reproof of Bernier is rather bold. Bernier, 350,
says the start was on December 3 at three o'clock ; he gives no year, but the
letter is dated December 14, 1664, leading to the obvious inference that he
means December, 1664. Elphinstone, 538, gives 1662, December 6. The
' Alamglrnamah,' 763, and, following it, the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 42, fix the
actual start for the 7th Jamada I., 1073 H. (fifth year), equivalent to Decem-
ber 18, 1662, N.S., or December 8, 1662, O.S. I have here compared six folios
of the Venice Codex (fols. 178-186) with the Berlin text.

5—2

68 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

loaded with silver rupees, and each camel carrying four hundred
and eighty pounds' weight of silver ; one hundred camels loaded
with gold coin, each carrying the same weight ; one hundred
and fifty 1 camels [47] loaded with nets used in hunting tigers,
of which mode of hunting I have already spoken (I. 128).

The royal office of record also was there, for the original
records 2 always accompany the court, and this required eighty
camels, thirty elephants, and twenty carts, loaded with the
registers and papers of account of the empire. In addition
to these there were fifty camels carrying water, each camel
bearing two full metal vessels for the royal use. The princes
of the blood-royal marched in the same fashion, each according
to his rank. Attending on the king are eight mules carrying
small tents, which are used on the march when the king desires
to rest, or to eat a little something, or for any particular
necessity. Along with them are two mules carrying clothes,
and one mule loaded with essences of various odoriferous
flowers.

It is the custom of the court, when the king is to march the
next day, that at ten o'clock of the night the royal kitchen
should start. It consists of fifty camels loaded with supplies,
and fifty well-fed cows to give milk. Also there are sent
dainties in charge of cooks, from each one of whom the prepara-
tion of only one dish is required. For this department there is
an official of standing, whose business it is to send in the dishes
sealed up in bags of Malacca velvet, etcetera; and two hundred
culles (qulis), each one with his basket of chinaware and other
articles ; further, there are fifty camels carrying one hundred
cases packed with sarapa (robes of honour) : also thirty elephants
loaded with special arms and jewels to be distributed among
the generals, captains, etcetera. These arms are of the follow-
ing kinds : swords, with their accoutrements ; shields ; various
kinds of daggers, all worked in enamel and in gold, adorned
with different precious stones ; plumes ; also things to give to
ladies, jewels to wear on the breast and other varieties ; also

1 Two hundred and fifty (Venice Codex, fol, 180).

2 In the Venice Codex, 180, the earlier composition, the contrary is stated —
that the originals are left, and only copies and extracts taken.

DETAILS OF THE ROYAL MARCH 69

armlets of gold, mounted with pearls and diamonds. Again,
there marched close to the baggage one thousand labourers,
with axes, mattocks, spades, and pick-axes to clear any difficult
passage. Their commanders ride on horseback carrying in
their hands their badges of office, which are either an axe or a
mattock in silver. On arriving at the place appointed for the
royal halt, they put up the tents and placed in position the
heavy artillery. When the light artillery comes up, it is placed
round the royal tents. Aurangzeb started at six o'clock of the
day, seated on the throne presented to him by the Dutch, as I
have stated (II. 42). To carry this throne 1 there were twelve
men ; in addition, there were three palanquins of different
shapes, into which [48] he could get when he pleased. There
were also five elephants with different litters (cherollas) for his
use whenever he desired. Upon his issuing from his tents, the
light artillery began the march from its position round them.
It was made up of one hundred field-pieces, each drawn by two
horses.

The following is the order of the king's march. At the time
when he mounted the throne and issued from his tents all the
warlike instruments of music were sounded. At the head came
the son of the deceased Shekh Mir with eight thousand
cavaliers. In the right wing was Assenalican (Hasan All
Khan), son of Alaberdican ( Allah wirdi Khan). 2 This is the
Allah wirdl Khan who caused Prince Shah Shuja' to get down
from his elephant at the battle of Khajwah (I. 229). Hasan
'All Khan commanded eight thousand horsemen ; the left wing,
consisting of eight thousand horsemen, was commanded by
Muhammad Amln Khan. In the rear of these two wings were
the mounted huntsmen, each with his bird of prey (hawk) on
his wrist. Immediately in front of the king went nine elephants
with showy flags ; behind these nine were other four, bearing
green standards with a sun depicted on them. Behind these
elephants were nine horses of state, all adorned and ready

1 'It was no more than a portable chair,' adds the Venice Codex, fol. 181.

2 AllahwirdI Khan, a descendant of the Saljuqs, died 1069 H. (1658-59) (see
' M.-ul-U.,' i. 207). Hasan 'All Khan, Bahadur, 'Alamglr Shahl, was his second
son (ibid., i. 593); he died outside Bljapur the day after it was taken, 15th Zu,l
Qa'dah, 1097 H. (October 3, 1686).

70 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

saddled ; after these horses came two horsemen, one carrying a
standard with Arabic letters on it, the other with a kettle-drum,
which he struck lightly from time to time as a warning that
the king was approaching.

There was no want of men on foot, who advanced in ordered
files on the one and the other side of the king ; some displayed
scarlet, others green, pennants ; others, again, held in their
hands their staves, with which they drove off people when any-
one made so bold as to draw near. There were on the right
and on the left many horsemen with silver staves keeping the
people back. Among the men on foot were some with perfumes,
while others were continually watering the road. By their side
was an official provided with a description of the provinces,
lands, and villages through which the king must pass, in order
to explain at once if the king asked what land and whose
province it was through which he was then passing. These
men can give him an account of everything down to the petty
villages, and the revenue obtained from the land.

Other men on foot march with a rope in their hands,
measuring the route in the following way. 1 They begin at the
royal tent upon the king's coming forth. The man in front who
has [49] the rope in his hand makes a mark on the ground, and
when the man in the rear arrives at this mark he shouts out, and
the first man makes a fresh mark and counts ' two.' Thus they
proceed throughout the march, counting ' three,' ' four,' and
so on. Another man on foot holds a score in his hand 2 and
keeps count. If perchance the king asks how far he has
travelled, they reply at once, as they know how many of their
ropes go to a league. There is another man on foot who has
charge of the hourglass, and measures the time, and each time
announces the number of. hours with a mallet on a platter of
bronze. Behind all these the king moves on his way quietly
and very slowly.

So great is the dignity with which the Mogul kings travel,

1 See the ' A,in-i-Akbari ' k (Jarrett), vol. ii. , p. 414: 'Whenever His Majesty
travels, the distances are recorded by pole measurements by careful surveyors.'

2 ' Holds in his hand certain pieces of wood or glass threaded on a string
exactly like a rosary, and with these as they advance he keeps the count ' (Venice
Codex, 181).

THE ROYAL STANDARDS 71

and the delicacy with which they are treated, that ahead of the
column goes a camel carrying some white cloth, which is used to
cover over any dead animal or human being found on the road.
They place heaps of stones on the corners, so that the cloth
may not be blown away by the wind. When he passes, the
king stops and asks the why and the wherefore.

[Behind all these squadrons rode on horseback the princes
Sultan Mu'azzam and Sultan A'zam.] 1 After the king came
ten horsemen, four with the royal matchlocks enclosed in cloth-
of-gold bags : one bore his spear, one his sword, one his shield,
one his dagger, one his bow, one the royal arrows and quiver ;
all of these in cloth-of-gold bags. After the weapons came the
captain of the guard with his troops, 2 then the three royal
palanquins, and other palanquins for the princes ; then, after
the palanquins, twenty-four horsemen, eight with pipes, eight
with trumpets, and eight with kettle-drums. Behind these
mounted musicians were the five royal elephants bearing
litters (cherollas) ; also three elephants, one of which, that in the
middle, bore three hands in silver upon a crossbar at the end of a
pole, 3 covered with its hood of Malacca [velvet]. These signify
' Observer of the Mahomedan faith.' The other two bore hands
in the same style, which signify ' Augmenter and Conservator
of the faith.' On the right of this middle one was another
elephant, which displayed a plate of copper (lamina) upon a
staff, with engraved letters in Arabic, meaning ' God is One, and
Muhammad just.' The other had a pair of scales, which
means 'a king dealing with justice.' 4 On the right [? left]
hand was another elephant bearing a crocodile's head, with
a body made of fine white cloth, which, when moved by the
wind, looked like a real crocodile, signifying ' Lord of the rivers.'
On the left went an elephant showing a spear, which means
' the Conqueror '; to its left again, another with the head of a
fish having a body made of cloth, and when swaying in the

1 The passage in the square brackets is struck out in the Venice Codex.

2 In the Venice Codex this is the place assigned to the princes.

3 The word used is sirial (cirial), the frame on which votive tapers are displayed
in Roman Catholic churches.

4 'Although I hold them to be unjust judges and true sons of Astrea' (Venice
Codex, 182).

72 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

wind [50] this looked like a great fish, and it means ■ Lord of
the seas.' 1 All these elephants were decorated with valuable
housings and ornaments. They were followed by twelve more
bearing large kettle-drums, and other instruments made of re-
fined metals not employed in Europe. They are of the nature of
large dishes, which, being beaten one against the other, make
a great noise. These musical instruments are employed by
Armenians, Syrians, and Maronites in Syria at church solemni-
ties and at weddings; they are also used at such events by the
Turks. 2 After these musicians came Rajah Jai Singh with
eight thousand horsemen, serving as rearguard. Be it known
to the reader that each division of those spoken of had six
highly-adorned elephants, with rich trappings, displaying on
brilliant flags the device of its commander.

At some distance from the foregoing came Roshan Ara
Begam upon a very large elephant in a litter called pitambar, s
which is a dome- roofed throne, very brilliant, made all of
enamelled gold, and highly adorned. Behind her followed
one hundred and fifty women, her servants, riding handsome
horses, and covered from head to foot with their mantles of
various colours, each with a cane in her hand. 4 Before Roshan
Ara Begam's elephant marched four elephants with standards,
and a number of bold and aggressive men on foot to drive away
everybody, noble or pauper, with blows from sticks and with
pushes. Thus I wonder when I find someone writing in Europe 5
that he managed one day to get near enough to see a woman
servant whisking away the flies from Roshan Ara Begam, which
is an impossibility. For the princesses and nobles' wives are

1 The passage is confused in the text, and I make out the total of standard-
bearing elephants to be five, and not three. The Venice Codex presents the same
difficulty.

2 ' Ear-piercing instruments which fatigue the hearers rather than delight
them ' (Venice Codex).

3 Platts, 'Dictionary,' Pitambar, 'clothed in yellow,' a name of Vishnu.
Bernier, 372, speaks of it as mikdunber (meghdambar), which is also a metaphorical
name for an elephant.

4 ' They seemed so many ghosts or spirits of the abyss, you could not tell if
they were handsome or ugly, old or young, men or women ; for, let alone the
face, you could not see even the tips of their toes ' (Venice Codex, 183).

5 This is a covert allusion to the passage in Bernier, p. 373. In the Venice
Codex, 183, he is named.

XIV. Shah 'ai.am, Second Sox of Alrangzeb.

To face page 72.

PLAN OF ENCAMPMENT 73

shut up in such a manner that they cannot be seen, although
they can observe the passers-by.

Behind Roshan Ara Begam came her retinue, which consisted
of several sour-faced eunuchs on horseback, with others on
foot surrounding the litter; after these were three elephants
with different kinds of litters covered in rich cloth. Still
farther in the rear were many palanquins covered with different
nettings of gold thread, in which travelled her chosen ladies.
Following them were some sixty elephants with covered litters,
carrying her other women. After Roshan Ara Begam's retinue
came three queens, wives of Aurangzeb, and other ladies of the
harem, each with her own special retinue. It would be [51]
very lengthy to recount all the details of this march, the Moguls
being extremely choice in such matters, overlooking no detail
that could minister to their glory.

It remains to state that ahead of all this innumerable throng
there always moved one day ahead, at the least, the Grand
Master of the Royal Household, with other engineers, to choose
an appropriate site where the royal tents should be unloaded.
For this purpose is always chosen some pleasant spot. The
camp is divided in such a way that on the arrival of the army
there may be no confusion. In the first instance they fix the
site of the royal enclosure, which, by measurements I subse-
quently took several times, occupies five hundred paces in
circumference. Behind the royal quarters is another gateway,
where the women live, a place much respected. After this is
arranged they fix the position of the tents of the princes, the
generals, and the nobles. This is so managed that between
these tents and the royal tents there should be a wide space.
The central space is encircled by scarlet cloths, having a height
of three arm-lengths, and these serve as walls. Around these
enclosing screens are posted the field-pieces ; in front of them
is a ditch, and behind them are palisades of wood made like
network, which open and shut just like the ancient chairs of
Venice. 1 At the sides of the gateway, at a distance of one

1 Professor Dr. Coggiola, of Venice, is unable to refer me to any chair
peculiar to Venice, though there were folding - chairs there as elsewhere.
Codex XLIV., fol. 184, has : ' Che s'aprono e serrano come alle seggie che
costumano gli Barbieri e molte frequentati nelli teatri di Venetia. '

74 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

hundred and thirty paces, were two tents, holding each nine
horses, most of them saddled. In front of the gateway is a
large raised tent for the drummers and players of music.

Among the special royal tents are some where the king
gives audience ; these are supported by small ornamented
masts, upon which are gilt knobs. No one else may make use
of these knobs, only persons of the blood-royal. On the top of
a very high mast was a lighted lantern, which served as a guide
to those who arrived late. The tents of the rajahs and nobles,
although high, must not be so high as those of the king ; other-
wise they would run the risk of having their tents knocked down
and being ruined themselves.

When the king comes out of his tent to begin a march, the
princes, nobles, and generals throng round to pay him court,
each one bringing forward some short request, to which a brief
answer is given. They accompany the king to the end of the
camp in which they had halted for that day, then each departs
to his proper place in his own division. Then the king joins
the huntsmen, and announces [52] whether he intends to go
hunting or not. When he so wishes he leaves the army, and
is followed by only the men on foot and the soldiers of his
guard. Everybody else continues the march very slowly. If
he does not wish to hunt, the huntsmen move to their previously
appointed places. When the advance tents come into sight,
the musicians commence anew to play their instruments until
the king has passed through the gateway of the tents. Then
the small artillery is discharged, while the queens and ladies
offer to the king congratulations on arrival, saying, ' Manzel
mobarec ' (Manzil mubdrak), which means ' Happy be the
journey.'

It should be observed that, although the princesses and
ladies start the last, they always arrive the first, having taken
some other shorter route. Ordinarily the women start after
the baggage and move quickly. I knew that in this journey
Roshan Ara Begam did not take in her litter her maid-servant,
but in the latter's place a youth dressed as a maid-servant.
God knows what they were up to, in addition to drinking wine.
The person who told me this was a friend of mine, a eunuch

THE EMPEROR'S ARRIVAL AT A CAMP 75

who loved wine. The same story was confirmed after the
princess's death by several ladies of her suite, and much can
be inferred from what I have already said at the time the king
came to Dihli (II. 24).

I go to Dihli and then to Agrah.

To describe here the royal camp would occupy much space
and be very difficult, owing to its beauty, its order, and the
number of people who collect on such occasions ; and every-
body can infer, from what happens when a European monarch
moves out into camp, what it is like in the Mogul territory,
where the kings display indescribable magnificence. All I will
say is that it looks like a great city travelling from place to
place. For there are wanting neither bazars, nor shops, nor
markets, nor sports, nor pastimes, nor gold, nor silver; in
short, all that could be looked for in a flourishing city is to be
found in this camp. 1 Out of curiosity I marched with it three
days only, and finding it did not suit me to go on to Kashmir
while out of employ, I decided to turn back. I meant to go' to
Bengal, as it is a productive country where living is cheap,
having also many Europeans in it [53].

This is why I do not write the whole of the king's journey to
Kashmir, although in its proper place I shall touch on some
matters in Kashmir of which I have information. I leave it
to the reader's curiosity to read what Monsieur Bernier has
written about that journey, although, if I am to speak the
truth, he puts many things of his own into his Mogul history ;
and I could, through his chronology of the times, 2 make it
clear that he writes many things which did not occur — nor

1 'The numbers of an army do not consist solely in cavalry and infantry
soldiers, but the majority are the families and friends of the Rajahs and nobles,
who all follow it ; the numbers being doubled by dealers of many sorts, gold-
smiths, shoemakers, forgieri (shoeing-smiths), weavers, embroiderers, and money-
changers. The followers are four times the number of the soldiers. When you
talk of a division of 8,000 cavalry, the reader may assume that there are always
30,000 persons. However badly off a soldier is, he must have three or four
servants' (Venice Codex, 184).

2 N. M.'s own chronology being persistently two years in arrear of the true
dates, it is amusing to find this serious reproof of Bernier's inaccuracy.

76 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

could they have occurred — in the way that he relates them.
Nor could he have been too well informed, for he did not live
more than eight years at the Mogul court ; it is so very large
that there are an infinity of things to observe. Nor could
he so observe, for he had no entrance to the court. 1 As
it seems to me, he relied for what he said upon the common
people ; and if there is any good thing in his books, it is due to
the information given him by Pere Buzeo, also to what I gave
him, having then no intention of writing anything. If I write
now, I do so at the demand of my friends, chiefly Monsieur
Francois Martin, 2 Director-General, and Monsieur Deslandes. 2
Thus I returned to DihlT, where I stopped several days to
take leave of my friends. Then I started for the city of Agrah,
where I came across the Jesuit fathers. I remained there for
a while in the enjoyment of the conversation of my old friends,
with whom I had been in the fortress of Bhakkar. I did not
care to take service with Aurangzeb, but they had accepted and
at this time were artillerymen in the fort at Agrah. They were
urgent for me to enter the service ; but finding I would not
listen to their words, they went and spoke to I'tibar Khan,
fancying that he could persuade me. I'tibar Khan sent for
me, and on visiting him I presented a cup of crystal. Receiv-
ing it with a pleased face, he ordered robes of honour to be
given to me. He endeavoured to win me over, and urgently
entreated me to remain in the fortress and enter the service.
He would grant me any terms I demanded, and allot me the
pay I received from Prince Dara at Bhakkar. He would make
me captain over the Christians (which was what they desired,
remembering how well I had treated them at Bhakkar).

I tendered my excuses, and said in addition that I was most

1 ' He who goes not into the palace will find it a very difficult thing to know
what occurs inside. If medicine had not opened to me the road, I should never
have been able to learn the curious details of court life. It was medicine that
opened to me the door of many nobles, and of the principal ladies of the palace,
where I penetrated to the most hidden quintessence of their secrets. Monsieur
Bernier could well have practised medicine, it being his profession ; but, for good
and sufficient reasons, he refrained, for he knew that if he did he would be in
danger of his life ' (Venice Codex, 185).

2 For Martin and Deslandes, see Appendix to the Introduction.

HOW SHAHJAHAN WAS TREATED 77

desirous to see different parts of the world ; there was also the
aversion [54] I had to Aurangzeb ; and equally the face of
Ttibar Khan displeased me — in fact, to speak properly, he
looked like a baboon. To me it seemed that from one with a
face like that no good deed could proceed. Nevertheless, I did
not fail to go several times to court, as requested by Ttibar
Khan, he imagining in this way to overcome little by little my
resolve and bring me to take employment. But each time I
went to the audience served only to renew my determination
not to stay in Agrah.

Going thus several times into the fort, I noted that the imprison-
ment of Shahjahan was closer than can be expressed. There
passed not a day, while I and others were in conversation with
the governor, that there did not come under-eunuchs to whisper
into his ear an account of all the acts and words of Shahjahan,
and even what passed among the wives, ladies, and slave-girls.
Sometimes, smiling at what the eunuchs told him, he would
make the company sharers in what was going on inside, adding
some foul expressions in disparagement of Shahjahan. Not
content with this even, he sometimes allowed it to be seen that
he treated him as a miserable slave. Once an under-eunnch
came to tell him that Shahjahan was in want of ' papuz '
(pdposh), which are slippers without heels, such as Mahomedans
wear. He ordered several pairs to be brought, and the trades-
man produced different kinds of pdposh, some of leather worth
half a rupee, some of plain velvet, and some of velvet more or
less embroidered. Some were worth as much as eight rupees,
a very small thing for a great king like Shahjahan, even when
in prison. In spite of this, the eunuch, immeasurably stingy,
sent him shoes neither of eight rupees nor of four nor of two,
but the common leather shoes. He smiled over it as if he had
done some great deed ; and it was a great deed, being after the
nature of his friend Aurangzeb, who knew from this eunuch's
physiognomy the vileness of his soul, and selected him to receive
charge of his greatest enemy in the world, his father, so that
by force of ill-treatment the wretched old man (Shahjahan)
might die.

I know not how it was with the others who were present

78 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

when this was done, but certainly I felt it much. I knew the
dignity with which Shahjahan had lived when he was free
and Emperor of Hindustan, above all, when one remembered
that I'tibar Khan was formerly [55] a slave of this same
Shahjahan, by whom he was given to Aurangzeb. This
faithful eunuch made it his boast to do such-like things to
Shahjahan : One day while a number of us were present
and conversing, he (Shahjahan) sent him (I'tibar Khan)
two violins he used, asking for them to be repaired and sent
inside again as quickly as possible. The eunuch did not
trouble himself about having them repaired ; then three days
afterwards Shahjahan sent to inquire whether they were
mended. At this the eunuch flew into a rage, and with a
vinegary face, sent them off to be repaired. Thus it was only
after eight days that they were returned.

It is easy to understand the nature of this eunuch from what
he did to his parents. They came from the country of Bengal
as far as Agrah, having heard that their son was governor of
that fortress. They anticipated the receipt of something to
help them in their old age and poverty. On reaching the
gates, they stayed there several days, the door-keepers not
consenting to permit their entrance, until they swore they
were the parents of the governor. Thereupon came a door-
keeper at the time of full audience (I was there myself), and
reported to the eunuch that an old man and an old woman
had been at the doors for several days. As they had been
refused entrance, the old people swore that they were the
parents of his excellency.

For a little I'tibar Khan sat silent, like one to whom some-
thing has happened that he does not like, then said under his
breath, 'Are the wretches still alive?' He ordered them to
be brought into the audience-hall. On their appearing, he
inquired angrily who they were, what their names were,
where they came from, what was their village. To all this
they replied in such a manner that by this time I'tibar Khan
could have no doubt that they were his parents. Recognising
that most certainly they were such, he said publicly to them :
' How have ye the great temerity to come into my presence

ANECDOTES OF VTIBAR KHAN, EUNUCH 79

after you have consumed the price of my body, and having
been the cause, by emasculating me, of depriving me of the
greatest pleasures attainable in this world ? Of what use
are riches to me, having no sons to whom I could leave
them ? Since you were so cruel as to sell your own
blood, let not my auditors think it strange if I betray anger
against you.'

He therefore ordered each to receive fifty stripes. Through
the courage that inspired me, I took up my parable and told
him the story of Joseph and his rise to the greatest place
in Egypt [56], and how God made use of the cruelty of his
brothers to raise that patriarch to the highest dignity. Then
I made the application to his case, so that, quieting down,
he forgave them, and ordered one hundred rupees to be given
them, enjoining them never to appear again, for if they did, he
would without fail take their lives.

Let not the reader be astonished at the eunuch ordering
into his presence his miserable, poverty-stricken parents, for
it is against our nature to have arrived at high rank and
yet not be annoyed at having to disclose the misery from
which we started, and allowing it to be found out that our pro-
genitors were of lowly origin ; but it is notorious that all
eunuchs, grandees as they may be, have no other than poor
and miserable progenitors, who out of absolute hunger have
sold their sons. Nor do they themselves hold it out as other-
wise, deriving hence occasion to vaunt themselves of their
own high abilities and great deeds, through which they have
risen to such rank.

It was very revolting, the strange manner in which this eunuch
treated his own parents, and angered thereby I resolved to
leave Agrah. This eunuch was such a close-fisted fellow that
it soon came to his selling the dung of his elephants and horses,
whereby he made ten thousand rupees. With this money he
bought an elephant, which one day escaping broke one of its
legs, and the populace, who in Hindustan are very free of
speech, began to shout as a joke that it was no wonder the
elephant broke its leg, for it was an elephant made out of dung.
In spite of all this avarice, he built for a memorial during his

80 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

government an outer wall (coirassa, literally 'cuirass' 1 ) round
the whole of the Agrah Fort, which cost him a great deal of
money, it being good work and decorative.

Of Eunuchs.

Before setting out, since I'tibar Khan has given me occasion
to speak of the race of eunuchs, I will give here a short account
of that sort of brute. It may be that everyone does not know
what is meant by a eunuch, and may imagine they are like the
eunuchs of Europe who are employed as singers . . . [57]. 2 If
they are rich, they do not fail to have in their houses chosen
women, with whom they have converse. If they cannot do this,
owing to deficient income, they go in search of them in all
directions, seeing that no doors are shut to them, nor do women
hide from them.

Among the other qualities of this sort of animal, one is their
extreme covetousness in collecting gold, silver, diamonds, and
pearls, and they are immeasurably avaricious. They are afraid
to spend money even when it is necessary ; fond of receiving,
niggard in giving. Still, they are anxious to appear well
dressed, and when they are astride a fine horse, they are as
elated as if they were the greatest men in the world. Well
may they hold themselves in such estimation, for they are the
favourites of princesses, who are very liberal to them, in order
to win them, and from time to time get permission to enjoy
that of which I cannot speak. They are useful for the intro-
duction secretly of men into the harem, and through them
a husband's favour may be obtained. For the houses of the
great are ordinarily under the direction of these persons.

Another of their qualities is to be friendly to women and
inimical to men, which may be from envy, knowing what they
have been deprived of. The tongue and the hands of these
baboons act together, being most licentious in examining every-
thing, both goods and women, coming into the palace ; they
are foul in speech, and fond of silly stories. Among all the

1 Probably what is meant is a fausse-braye, or, as Anglo-Indian writers style it,
a renny or rownee (see Yule, 771).

2 Some obscene details are here omitted.

ALLAHABAD FORT 81

Mahomedans they are ordinarily the strictest observers of the
faith, although I knew some who did not fail to drink their little
drop, and were fond of wine. These men are the spies for every-
thing that goes on in secret, whereby they are always listening
among the kings, princes, queens, and princesses. Fida'e Khan,
of whom I have spoken (1. 140), aware of the character of these
monsters, did not allow such to be employed in his house,
although he retained two young men [58] who acted as pages ;
he was indifferent to the fact that this sort of people are kept
in the houses of princes and great men. This suffices for a
brief notice of what the eunuchs are.

Of the City of Ilavas (Allahabad).

When the Jesuit fathers saw that I did not want to remain in
Agrah, but was determined to go to Bengal, Father Henriques
Roa (Heinrich Roth 1 ), a German rector of the College, earnestly
entreated me to take with me two Portuguese friars, then living
in his College. They were companions of others who had fled
from the town of Chavel (Chaul 2 ), and he (Roth) did not wish
to be accused of harbouring fugitives. Although I did not
burden myself willingly with such merchandise — for I have
always held that he who flees from a convent is capable of
other misdeeds — nevertheless, to be agreeable to the Father
Rector, I took with me the two friars, turning them into my
servants. In twelve days we reached Allahabad.

I believe that the reader will be pleased to know that on the
eastern side of this city is a fortress all of red stone ; it was
King Akbar who ordered it to be built ; it is very handsome,
and very strong. For, in addition to art, Nature also has helped
to make it strong: the river Ganges, flowing on the north

1 Roa (the form also used by Bernier) is Heinrich Roth (born December 18,
1620, died January 20, 1667), a native of either Dillingen or Augsburg. He
started for the East in 1650. Some of his work will be found in P. Kircher,
'China Illustrata ' (Amsterdam, 1667); Stoecklin, ' Weltbott,' i. 113-115 (Brief
aus Rom, 1664) ; and the pamphlet ' Relatione . . . Rerum Mogul ' (Aschaffen-
burg, 1665). See C. Sommervogel, ' Bibliographie de la Societe de Jesus,' s.v.
Roth, and Bernier, edition Constable, 329 note, 330.

2 Chaul (Chehwal), twenty-three miles south of Bombay, now known as
Revadanda (Yule, 210). It is given in Thornton's ' Gazetteer,' p. 212, and is
marked in Constable's 'Hand Atlas,' plate 31.

VOL. II. 6

82 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

or left side, directs its course towards the south until it reaches
the fortress, while the river Jamnah, flowing on the east,
at the right hand of the fort, forms a junction with the Ganges
River beneath the walls. Besides these rivers, there issues
from the rock on which stand the fort and its outworks a petty
stream with blue waters, which is called Tirt (Tirth); 1 it goes
by a straight course, like a tongue, between the two rivers until
it flows into them. Just as if the said two rivers held those
waters in respect, on account of their birthplace, they allow
them to pass down for a long distance without their colour
being modified. Thus you can plainly see the waters of this
streamlet flowing in the middle of the waters of the two rivers,
Ganges and Jamnah.

I observed this very specially when, during my stay, one of
my friends named Aquim Momena (Hakim Mumin), physician
to Bahadur Khan, gave me a dinner upon the said fortification.
As it was the first time [59] I saw it, I showed my admiration
of this work of Nature. For many gave me particular informa-
tion, and told me that the Hindus worship this river Tirth,
their story being that one of their gods opened with an arrow
the spring from which the said river rises. Every five years
multitudes of Hindus assemble and wash their bodies in the
said stream. This yields a good revenue to the Mogul king,
for every person who bathes in the river pays six and a
quarter rupees. Such is the multitude of frequenters that in
the crowding many are stifled. Nor on this account do the
relations of the smothered persons make the usual lamenta-
tions. On the contrary, they boast that their relations died in
a state of grace and holiness, all of which is included in the
word Tirth.

These three rivers flow below the city of Banaras (Benares),
ninety leagues from Allahabad, pass near the city of Patana
(Patnah), forty leagues distant from Benares, then flowing
onwards, water the shores of the small town of Muguer (Munger)
at a distance of eighty leagues from Patnah, and, continuing
their course, greet the town of Ragemahal (Rajmahal) at forty
leagues from Munger. There they divide into two branches :

1 The Hindi word Tirth, a place of pilgrimage.

BENARES AND PATNAH 83

one, keeping the name of Ganges, flows as far as Ugulim
(Hugh") in Bengal, and from Hugh" goes southward to the sea ;
the other branch, under the name of Jamnah, flows near the
town of Daca (Dhakah), where it mingles with other great rivers.

We were some days in Allahabad, and the then governor was
Bahadur Khan, 1 who was absent on a campaign against some
villagers who objected to pay their revenue without, at least,
one fight, just as the villagers near Agrah do, as I have
recounted (I. 83). Leaving Allahabad, I took the road for
Benares by land, carrying with me a passport, as is the practice
of all travellers. The route was level and without hills, and in
eight days we came to the city of Benares, where we remained
several days. This city is small but very ancient, and venerated
by the Hindus, by reason of a temple there possessing a very
ancient idol. Some years after my visit Aurangzeb sent o»ders
for its destruction, when he undertook the knocking down of all
temples, as I will state in the proper place (II. 116).

In this city is made much cloth worked in gold and silver,
which is distributed hence all over the Mogul realm, and is
exported to many parts of the world. It is the fashion in
Hindustan to use [60] this proverb : ' Toracana Banarismo
Rana ' [Thord khana, Bandras mon rahnd] — that is, ' Little to
eat, but live in Banaras,' suggesting that Benares is a nice
place, with a good climate, productive land, and cheap food. 2
Here I crossed the great river, showing the Allahabad passport,
as is usual ; and by land I arrived in four days at Patnah, a very
large city with bazars, the greater part thatched, inhabited by
many merchants. For here is prepared much white cloth of
fine quality.

In this city were two factories, one of the English, and the
other of the Dutch, seeing that here, besides cloth of cotton,

1 Bahadur Khan was sent against Bahadur, Bachgoti, in Baiswarah (Eastern
Oudh), and after punishing this rebel a farm an was issued appointing him to
Allahabad subah, vice Khan Dauran. He was long governor there, and in the
tenth year, 1077-78 (1666-67), was moved to Gujarat. He died in 1109 H.
(1697-98) (■ Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' i. 801). He is the man that has been mentioned
so repeatedly, and was Aurangzeb's foster-brother.

2 In my time the young bloods of the city punned on its name, saying it meant
bana-ras, or ' Perfect Delight.'

6—2

84 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

much fine silk cloth is woven and a huge quantity of saltpetre
produced, which goes to be stored in Bengal, and is there
loaded on ships for various parts of Europe. Bottles are also
made, and cups of clay, finer than glass, lighter than paper, and
highly scented; and these, as curiosities, are carried all over
the world. When I was at Patnah I saw an Armenian friend
of mine called Coja Safar (Khwajah Safar) of Agrah. He had
a letter entitling him to receive from a sarraf (money-changer)
twenty-five thousand rupees. On his arrival he learnt that the
sarraf had become bankrupt. The Armenian dissimulated.
As all the merchants knew him, they brought him cloth, and he
took delivery up to thirty thousand rupees' worth. He loaded
up all this cloth for Surat, continuing himself at Patnah.
When came the time for paying the merchants, he, in pursuance
of the custom of the country, lighted two candles in the
morning as a sign that he had become bankrupt j 1 he sat at his
house, with no turban on his head, a simple cloth bound round
his loins, his seat an old bit of matting, and a dejected expres-
sion on his face. A great tumult arose in the city, and the
merchants thronged to learn the cause ; there was a storm
of questions, answers, and bad language. To all this he replied
with a sad countenance, calmly, and without heat, by the
word ' Divalia ' (diwala), which means ' bankrupt' No other
response could they get. They carried him off to court, but on
the quiet he had given the judge a bribe of five thousand rupees.
At the hearing he (Safar) produced the bill of exchange that he
got at Agrah upon the sarraf of Patnah, and made the defence
that this sarraf was the cause that he, too, was a bankrupt.
The judge decreed that the merchants must take the bill of
exchange and procure payment for themselves, being fellow-
citizens of the sarraf. It was unreasonable that a stranger
should suffer in a foreign country. The Armenian, being thus
absolved, made his way to Surat [61].

At this time Dautcan (Da,ud Khan) governed the city of
Patnah. This is the man who was unwilling to forsake the
service of Dara, yet was forced to leave it because Dara, in op-

1 This practice is the origin of the Hindi phrase for bankruptcy — diwala nikalna,
to come out diwala (with lamps), from diwa, a lamp.

JOURNEY BY RIVER 85

position to all reason, expelled him from the service when he
marched out of Multan. The prince acted on unfounded sus-
picions, as I have recounted in the other part (I. 208, 217).
I went to visit him, and he was very delighted to see me,
remembering that I had been something of a favourite with
Prince Dara. He gave me a set of robes (sarapa). He still
retained much affection for the deceased prince, upbraiding the
evil fortune that had pursued him. He said to me that if Prince
Dara were still alive he would never have taken service under
Aurangzeb, and now that he had accepted employment, he had
been sent to govern Patnah. He was desirous for me to become
his follower, making me great offers ; but as I wished to con-
tinue my projected journey, I asked him to forgive me, as I had
business in Bengal. He agreed to let me go, on condition that
I accepted from him a boat for making my journey by river to
Bengal, as a mark of the affection he bore me.

I accepted the offer, and of the two horses I had I sold one ;
the other I embarked on the boat. Then I got into it, taking
the two friars, with whom I was considerably incensed. We
proceeded slowly, and arriving near an island, while our meal
was in preparation I landed with my boys to go shooting, there
being abundance of game in these islands, all of them unin-
habited. Having shot sufficient for supper and breakfast, I
returned to the boat, and every evening we slept close to the
bank. 1

One day during this voyage the boatman told me not to put
any trust in the friars, for they were not my friends ; on the
contrary, they had several times wanted to resume the journey
while I was out on an island shooting. But the boatman would
never consent, knowing that Da,ud Khan would wreak vengeance
on him for daring so to act. I knew quite well that the friars
were capable of doing this ; for the more I tried to please them,
the more insolent they became. They did not recognise the
benefit I was doing them, for no other reason than their being
men of religious profession, recommended by the Father Rector
of the Jesuits in Agrah.

1 Or, in old Anglo-Indian parlance, they ' lagoed ' for the night (see Fanny
Parkes, passim).

86 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

I wanted to find out whether really they spoke thus to the
boatman, and I learnt after some days that they again did as
before. Thus, I was compelled to show myself [62] in a rage,
and I said to them that if they did not amend their impertinent
ways, I would abandon them on some island, and leave them
at the disposal of Time and the wild beasts. I hoped that they
would not thereafter venture to incur my displeasure. All men
of wisdom know that with certain characters it is necessary to
be resolute before you can make them abate their rage, and
thus was it requisite to do on this occasion to make them
thoroughly uneasy.

Finally I reached Rajmahal, the former court residence of
Prince Shah Shuja', where I delayed a few days to see the ruins
of the city, the dilapidated palaces, the great fallen mansions,
the neglected groves and gardens. At this time the city was
ruled by Mirza Jam, who had been the captain of Shah Shuja"s
artillery in the severe battle of Khajwah. Upon the defeat of
that prince, Mir Jumlah, who was Viceroy of Bengal, aware
of the prudence and valour of Mirza. JanI, made him governor
of this city. Here I satisfied myself that the affair of the cobras,
which I related before I began to speak of the rebellion in the
Mogul kingdom (I. 157), happened exactly as I told it then, for
everybody gave me the story in one and the same way.

From Rajmahal I continued my journey on the river to the
city of Daca (Dhakah), which was reached in fifteen days from
leaving Rajmahal. The city of Dhakah is the metropolis of
the whole province of Bengal, where a viceroy always resides
who wields the greatest power, although when I reached it
Mir Jumlah, the then viceroy, was not there, he having gone
to make war on Assam, a campaign of which I will speak
farther on (II. 74). The city of Dhakah, without being strong
or large, has many inhabitants. Most of its houses are made of
straw. At this period there were two factories, one English and
the other Dutch ; there were many Christians, white and black
Portuguese, with a church served by a friar called Agostinho. 1

1 Mullbauer, ' Geschichte, ' 342, refers to the Augustinian's church at Dhakah,
'Nostra Senhora da Assumpcao,' relying on Thevenot, 199. But he does not
mention the priest's name.

RAJ MA HAL AND THOMAS PRATT 87

Here I made the acquaintance of an Englishman named
Thomas Plata (? Piatt), 1 a courteous man, who had from Mir
Jumlah five hundred rupees a month. He was master of the
riverside, and employed in building boats and making ammuni-
tion for river fighting. This Englishman carried me off to his
house, and I received from him many favours ; I shall have some-
thing to say [63] about him after the death of Mir Jumlah (II. 75),
through something that then happened to him. After some
days I embarked once more, accompanied by the friars, traversing
the great river of Dhakah, on my way to Hugh". Having dis-
covered that I had little time to spare, and that there was a
shorter and safer route to Hugh", we therefore quitted the main
stream and passed by a way between forests, which are called
the Forests of Sunderi (Sundarbans). 2

The Forests of Sunderi (the Sundarbans).

These forests are renowned in Bengal for the ferocious tigers,
the buffaloes, and rhinoceroses inhabiting them. In passing
through them it is necessary to post sentinels at night, for
often it happens that tigers swim out and enter the boats,
picking out the most portly of the travellers and carrying him
off to the jungle. A short time before there passed by this way
a Portuguese from Chatigao (Chatganw), one of those Portu-
guese who know neither God nor eternity. His boat was the
Julia, and his own name was Manoel Coelho. One day he said
to his crew that they must land to cook food. They answered
that it could not be done, by reason of the jungle being full of
tigers capable of doing them injury. More ferocious than the
very tigers, he flew into a passion and insisted absolutely on

1 This must be the Thomas Pratt, Englishman, named on fol. 5b of Richard
Bell's 'Travels,' British Museum, Sloane MSS., No. 811, who assisted Shah
Shuja', and was in command of twenty brigantines.

2 Sundarbans (see Yule, 869, 870). The use of ' matos de Sunderi ' by Manucci,
referring to 1663 {circa), is interesting and important as an early example of
the modern appellation. He places the Sunderbans in their proper situation.
Apropos of Yule's remark about Sandari being the correct transliteration, it
should be noted that Manucci's Sunderi (following the Italian or Portuguese
vowel scheme) points to Sundari as more correct than Sandari.

88 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

their landing. If any tiger came, let them tell it they were the
men of Manoel Coelho, and it must therefore take good heed
not to do them harm, otherwise such conduct would cost it
dear.

Intimidated by the threats of their master, the sailors landed,
and hardly had they reached the bank when a fierce tiger snatched
up one of them and carried him into the jungle. The others
did not count their steps on their way back to the Julia, where,
arriving more dead than alive, they made complaint that the
tiger had already killed one of them. Manoel Coelho inquired
whether they told the tiger they were his men. They replied,
1 Yes, but the tiger made no account of our shouts.' Manoel
Coelho was courageous, and seized his shield with his left hand
and his dagger (cm) 1 with his right. The latter is a poignard
made in the shape of a serpent (or bill-hook ?), the wound from
which is usually incurable, they being tempered in poison.
This is the usual weapon of the Malays. 1

He (Manoel Coelho) entered the jungle boldly and alone.
Following [64] the traces of blood, he saw the tiger tearing
the dead man to pieces. He gave a shout, and the tiger,
expecting to make a fresh prize, with one bound was upon him.
He parried the attack with his shield, and plunged the dagger
into its belly so that the tiger died, while Manoel Coelho,
* Tiger-slayer,' — for so he called himself thenceforth — returned
to the boat and contemptuously ordered the men to skin the
tiger, and of it he caused a drum-head to be made.

In the forest many fires are to be seen at night, and the
common opinion is they are the fires of witches, whom in
Bengal they call sangueny (Sankhini) 2 of whom there are many.
It happened that in passing these forests a boat sent its people
ashore to collect wood. A Portuguese youth, out of curiosity,
penetrated into the interior, where there met him a beautiful

1 The 'cris ' or 'crease ' is the Malay sword or dagger (Yule, 274).

2 I am indebted to Dr. Grierson, C.I.E., for this identification. It is a word
adopted into Bengali, with the meaning of ' a fairy ' ; when further corrupted
into shhhirii, it means 'a spectre,' 'a goblin.' It is the Sanskrit iahhhirii, the
third of the four orders into which women are divided. They have treacherous
dispositions and harsh voices. Much unedifying information about these ladies
will be found on pp. 128 ff of Schmidt's ' Beitrage zur Indischen Erotik.'

SUNDARBAN STORIES— HUGLI 89

woman, with whom he fell in love. The woman made him
a sign with her hand, and he followed her. She took him
to a place where, under the shelter of a great tree, stood a
house. Every day she came to visit him, and brought him
delicate viands. There he dwelt four years, when, upon the
arrival of another boat, its crew landed to collect wood, and
he was discovered by these travellers, who took him away
from the tree, he being unable to speak. They took him on
board, and two hours afterwards there was a great upheaval
in the stream. This may have happened because his lady-love
did not find him, and therefore attempted to wreck the vessel ;
but by the favour of God they reached Hugli. The boy, being
devoted to her, always cherished a longing for his companion
and the tree. This happened in my time, and although I never
talked with the youth, I knew many to whom he had told
the story.

In forty days we got through the forest and reached the
waters of Hugli, not far from the sea. The friars made for
the harbour of Balasor, where they wanted to beg for alms.
I disembarked at Hugli, and went to see the Father Prior
of St. Augustin's, 1 named Frey Irao Bautista. Here I found
the chief inhabitants of Hugli, all of them rich Portuguese, for
in those days they alone were allowed to deal in salt through-
out the province of Bengal. The father asked me at once if
there had come with me two fugitive friars. I replied that two
fathers had come, but they were not fugitives — on the contrary,
they were religious persons much to be esteemed; that they
had come to gather alms for their convent, and were gone
[65] to Balasor. Thus did I repay the troubles they had
caused me on the journey. But they did not equally return
to me the good I had done them, as I shall relate (II. 67).
The Father Prior placed trust in my words, and made
ready two cells to receive the friars on their arrival, which
came to pass a few days afterwards, when they were well
received.

1 Thornton, 'Gazetteer,' 390, says the church bears the date of 1599, and was
built by the Jesuits. The last statement is probably erroneous, as Hugli was at
first a mission of the Augustinian Order.

90 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

My Stay in Hugo, and what happened there.

Some days after my arrival the Jesuit fathers came to visit
me, and in course of conversation they said to me that they
had a tiny church, and that only built of straw. They desired
to construct one of stone, but the governor objected, although
they were ready to pay him five thousand rupees. The
governor was Mirzagol (? Mirza Gul or Mu gh al), an old man
of Persian race, who had been in Shah Shuja"s service when
he fought the famous battle of Khajvvah against Aurangzeb. He
afterwards entered the service of Aurangzeb, and Mir Jumlah,
who knew his prudence, made him governor of Hugh". This
governor was determined that the Jesuit fathers should not
build a church, and he issued orders that no one should work
at such an edifice under penalty of losing a hand.

The fathers begged me most earnestly to speak to Mirza
Gul on this matter. To be of service to the fathers, I paid
a visit to the governor, when we had a talk over the events
in the recent wars, so that he took a fancy to me. He said
to me that if he could be of use to me in any way he would
do it willingly. Seeing an opening for carrying out the project
of the fathers, who were with me, I explained to him, after
many polite words, that I should be content if he would allow
the fathers to build their church. This was the greatest favour
that he could do for me. Then I presented to him their
petition, which he granted on the spot.

When they learnt this, the Portuguese were all amazed
that I with a few words had secured what they could not
obtain for five thousand rupees. This thing caused them
to seek every mode of keeping me in Hugh", they supposing
that, as I had managed so easily such a difficult affair, I would
prove of benefit to the Portuguese should I take up my
residence there. They found that I was not willing; on
the contrary, I wanted to go back to Mogul territory [66] to
practise the science of medicine, of which I had begun to learn
the elements, and was continuing my studies. I knew from
experience that Frank physicians are held in esteem by the
Mahomedans. Then they thought to detain me by a marriage

PORTUGUESE OF HUGLI 91

to a young lady, with the promise of thirty thousand rupees
and two pataxos 1 loaded with salt, making in the whole one
hundred thousand rupees, also a house furnished with every-
thing necessary for a newly-married couple.

I was really anxious that this contract should be carried
through ; all the same, I made a show of not caring a rap, pre-
tending, on the contrary, that I was absolutely determined to
return to the Mogul country. The Jesuit fathers were never
tired of trying to get a ' Yes ' from me, but though in reality
desirous in my heart of assenting, I made a show of refusal,
so that they might not fancy they were conferring any
benefit on me ; nor, if afterwards there chanced to be any
quarrel, could they throw in my face the benefit they had
done me.

The friends with whom I had travelled from Agrah to Bengal
were anxious on this occasion to repay me for the kindness
I had done them in taking them as my companions. They
came to interview me, and by a long argument tried to draw
from my purse three thousand rupees. They said if I gave
them the three thousand rupees, they had the power of arrang-
ing a very profitable marriage for me. They supposed that at
the time I knew nothing of this proposed marriage, and thus
they came confidently hoping to suck these three thousand
rupees out of me. With an unmoved face I gave them my
thanks, saying that I had no wish to marry. Worn out by
talking, they had to quit my dwelling without the rupees.

They (the friars) waited until a day on which my proposed
father-in-law had prepared a luncheon, and intended to come
with the Jesuit fathers and other of his friends to carry me with
them to this feast. He meant to obtain my acquiescence during
the meal. All of a sudden they (the two friars) appeared in
the company. Everybody was pleased, looking on the friars as
my friends ; and they were invited to come also to my house to
fetch me and settle about the wedding. Those two men, who

1 Can this be intended for patela, a large flat-bottomed boat ? (see Yule, 687,
s.v. • Pattello '). Or, perhaps, it is merely the Italian patascia, advice-boat,
packet-boat ; in French patache. Faria y Souza, in his ' Asia Portuguesa,' uses
the word patache for some kind of boat.

92 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

sought nothing but my harm, began to give vent to the rage that
they had against me, at not having been able to extract the three
thousand rupees from me. They expressed their surprise that
a rich man, having only one daughter, the heiress of much
wealth, should seek for her the ill fortune of being married to
a foreign youth, one [67] of little ability. On the other hand,
there were many Portuguese, of good sense, of good family,
well-established merchants in Hugh", who were willing to marry
the girl ; if others were consenting to this union, they could not
concur in such an injury being inflicted on the girl.

Everybody was amazed at this kind of talk from the friars,
they all supposing them to be my friends, as I had vouched for
them ; and their words found acceptance in the minds of many
present. The two knew that someone would come to tell me
what had happened, therefore they cunningly took the initiative
and came within the same hour to visit me. They said Hugh"
was not a good place for me ; it were better to quit it at once.
The father Prior of the Augustinians was, they said, very vexed
with me for obtaining permission for the Jesuit fathers to build
their church. He had sworn that when he came across me he
would thrust some insult upon me.

As soon as they had left my house I took pen and ink and
wrote a letter to the said father Prior, asking the cause of his
displeasure. For it did not seem to me sufficient cause to be
vexed, because a stranger had assisted in getting God glorified.
Nevertheless, if I had offended, I would come to him for my
penance. But it did not seem to me right that he should show
signs of displeasure, as recounted to me by such and such
priests. He replied to me that he had no grievance about
my gaining the permission for the Jesuit fathers, but it was
because they had promised him one hundred and fifty rupees if
the negotiation succeeded, and now were unwilling to keep
their word. Meanwhile there appeared the foster-brother of her
who was to be my wife ; he was my great friend, and he told
me all that had occurred. The story was confirmed by other
friends, who had been present during the telling of falsehoods
about me by the two friars.

I came out of my house and went to the father Prior of the

CROCODILE STORIES 93

Augustinians, where I made known what the friars were, for I
saw now they were full of guile. I told him, as was the truth,
that they collected alms not for the convent, but for themselves.
They had tried to levy from my purse three thousand rupees ;
but as I did not wish to give them this money, they invented
falsehoods about me. They supposed I wanted to get married,
whereas the thought of it had never entered my head. The
father Prior approved what I said [68], and extracted from the
hands of the fugitives the alms collected, writing to the convent
of the said friars at Goa as to what he had done. He gave
orders in his convent of the Augustinians for the preparation of
a satisfactory account of the money. The said father Prior
made complaint to me for my not having denounced them as
absconders. I replied that under the impression that they
intended to do better deeds than those they had committed in
the Mogul country, I judged myself under an obligation to
screen my neighbour's faults ; but finding that they were acting
worse than before, I held it now opportune to declare the truth.

Crocodiles of the Ganges.

My stay at Hugh" lasted two months. I observed that the
waters are full of carnivorous crocodiles, which live upon the
dead bodies thrown by the Hindus into the Ganges. No year
passes without the crocodiles killing several living persons, who
go either to bathe their bodies or to draw water. The crocodile
lies in wait, and with one stroke of its tail on the person's legs
knocks him down. A Portuguese was in the habit of bathing,
and as a protection against the crocodiles, he had erected a
palisade in the river at the place where he always took his bath,
so that the crocodiles could not reach him. One day he went
for his bath and began to undress; but a dog he had with
him hindered his taking off his clothes. This angered the
Portuguese, but still the dog would not desist from interfering
with his master and keeping him out of the water. He had
spied a crocodile, which, one knows not how or where, had
managed to find entrance into the enclosure. The Portuguese
tried his best to get rid of the dog, but the faithful creature
would not allow his master to die. Therefore, growing angry,

94 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

he barked as if he meant to bite the man in whose house
he had been reared. The Portuguese ordered the troublesome
dog to be taken away. The latter, seeing they wanted to catch
him, and that if they did so he would be unable to protect his
master from the crocodile, jumped into the water where the
crocodile was before his master could enter. The crocodile,
with one rush to the side of the water, laid hold of the dog.
Thus was the man saved, and he then knew the meaning of
the cries and noise made by the dog.

There was another thing I wondered at in the Ganges — that
is, frequently [69] the Mahomedans, as an amusement, get
into a small boat, and try to catch a crocodile by sorceries,
which are much resorted to in the country of Bengal. They
take a pot and throw into it some flowers, repeating a spell
over the pot. Then they place the pot in the river, and it
moves of itself against stream. They follow it leisurely in the
boat until the pot arrives of itself where there is a crocodile.
Thereupon the sorcerer orders the crocodile to give a paw, and
it obeys. This paw is made fast ; then he asks for the other,
and it, too, is fastened. Then the brute is dragged to shore as
if he were quite meek, or merely an old woman. They kill him
with their spears in perfect security. When I was in Hugh
they killed a crocodile, which had then in its stomach bracelets
and rings of the women it had eaten.

I know that it is not seemly for a layman to raise his eyes
to the skies (ponere os in caelum) when speaking of the ministers
of the Gospel. Yet I cannot dispense with saying something,
at any rate, to warn the superior authorities against sending
such men to mission work as give an opening for speaking ill
of the priesthood. Let them be vowed to poverty, and more
gentle in dealing with their neighbour than those I encountered
when in Bengal ; and if I must tell the truth, let them send
priests more devout than those that were there. I solemnly
declare I speak of no individual, nor wish to lay bare the failings
of anyone, but it is quite certain that the Mahomedans and
Hindus, let alone the Christians, are not edified by the lives of
some missionaries. I will not speak further from the respect I
bear to those ministering at the altar ; what I here say and do

MISSIONARY IRREGULARITIES 95

is for love of God's glory, and that in all sincerity what goes on
in these countries may be known in Europe.

It appears to me that if the orders and instructions of the
Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide were carried out,
as to the recall to their convents of the religious who have dwelt
some time in the missions, there would not be so many com-
plaints about the fathers, nor would they become the subject
of conversation. What could be better than ' vacarent studio
orationi et ministerio verbi, sicut decet sanctos,' 1 and that they
should remember that ' qui militat Deo [70] non implicat se
negociis secularibus,' 2 as said St. Paul. There can be no doubt
that missions are a great work, but missionaries must be imitators
of the Apostles, who preached by miracles and not by hector-
ing words. If I thought my book would not fall into the hands
of laymen, I would state some other matters, in the hope that
zealous superiors might provide a remedy for the many dis-
orders existing in India in this direction.

I GO ONCE MORE TO AGRAH BY LAND.

Certain friends were very anxious for me to remain in Hugh
to renew the proposals of marriage. But being quite ready for
a start, I declined to listen to anyone. Two days after the
above-mentioned event I quitted Hugh by land. Some imagined
that I was not really going, for before I had reached Cassim
Bazar (Qasim Bazar) they sent me couriers calling on me to
return, saying that already the plot of my enemies had been
discovered, and my father-in-law was anxiously awaiting me

1 ' They should devote all their time to study, prayer, and the ministry of the
word, as befits saints.' Possibly a reminiscence of Acts vi. 4.

2 ' No man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life ; that
he may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier' (2 Tim. ii. 4).

3 Mullbauer, ' Geschichte,' 343, relying on Cerri, 184, and Forteguerri,
comments on the low standard of the Augustinian mission in Bengal ; the
churches were in ruins, the monks avaricious, disorderly in life, keeping many
servants, devoid of high culture or any knowledge of the vernaculars (Urbano
Cerri, ' Etat present de l'Eglise Romaine,' Amsterdam, 1716; Nicolo Porteguerri,
* Memorie Intorno alle Missioni,' still in MS. in 1852). Le Sieur Luillier,
speaking of Hugh" in 1702, makes the same sort of remark ('Nouveau Voyage
aux Grandes Indes,' p. 48 ; nrao. , Rotterdam, 1726).

96 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to give me his daughter as my bride. I paid no heed to such
letters and promises, for I had by that time made up my mind
to go once more to Dihll.

I reached Qasim Bazar, at three days' journey from Hugh",
and here I saw that they make much high-quality piece-goods
and much white cloth. There are in this village, which is
near the Ganges, three factories of the French, English, and
Dutch. From Qasim Bazar I took the road to Rajmahal,
and there waited to see a Hindu woman burnt, although I
had already seen many. She had poisoned her husband by
reason of her love for a musician, hoping to get married after-
wards to this lover. But on the husband's death the musician
refused to marry her. Thus, finding herself deprived of a
husband and her reputation gone, she resolved to be burnt.
A great crowd collected to look on ; among them appeared the
musician, hoping to receive from her something by way of
memorial. It is usual for women who go to be burnt to dis-
tribute betel-leaf or jewels. The place was a large pit. As
she was circumambulating this pit, she came close to the young
musician, and, taking from her neck a gold chain she had on
as an ornament, she flung it round the young man's neck, and
taking him forcibly into her arms, jumped [71] into the pit.
Everyone was taken aback at this, not anticipating such a
thing. Thus did she and the youth together expiate their sin
and the murder of the husband. 1

From Rajmahal I made once more for Patnah, where I
halted several days, spending a jolly time with some English
and Dutch friends. I then started for Allahabad, and from
Allahabad I went to Agrah, where was King Shahjahan, still
kept with the same rigour as ordered by King Aurangzeb, who
was then in Kashmir. The routes I had traversed are much
frequented, full of villages and saraes, food being good and
cheap.

Some time after my arrival in Agrah there came to my house
a Dutch surgeon named Jacob, a fugitive from the harbour of

1 The same story is told by Bernier without place or date (see Constable's
edition, 311). Yule, 882, quotes it from A. Hamilton, 'A New Account,' edition
1727, i. 278, who got it by hearsay.

A RESCUE FROM SATI 97

Goa, having killed a man when the Dutch blockaded the entrance
to that place. 1 His visit was most opportune. For the governor
of the city, who suffered from a fistula, had sent for me to see
if I could cure him. None of the Europeans living in the fort
knew the proper treatment, nor was there any Mahomedan
surgeon who would venture to deal with the case. I asked
Jacob, who was unable to speak Moors, and was a poor,
miserable creature, whether he had the courage to treat such
a complaint. He replied in the affirmative, and so I went with
him to the governor, and in a short time we cured him, when
he gave us a considerable sum for our trouble, besides the
presents sent to me during the time we were attending him.
Thus little by little I began to turn myself into a physician,
although I did not make bold to announce myself as such.

During my stay in Agrah I went one day to make an excur-
sion into the country on horseback, in the company of a young
Armenian. We came where a Hindu woman had begun to move
round her pyre, which was already blazing ; she rested her
eyes on us, as if she appealed to us for help. The Armenian
asked if I would join him in saving the woman from death.
I said I would. Seizing our swords, and our servants doing
the same, we charged with our horses into the midst of the
crowd looking on, shouting, ' Mata, mata !' [Kill, kill !], whereat
the Brahmans, being frightened, all took to flight, and left the
woman unguarded. The Armenian laid hold of her, and making
her mount behind him, carried her off. Subsequently, having
had her baptized, he married her [72]. When I passed through
Surat (II. 177) I found her living there with her son, and she
returned me many thanks for the benefit done to her. When
the king returned from Kashmir, the Brahmans went to com-
plain that the soldiers did not allow women to be burnt, in
accordance with their customs. The king issued an order that
in all lands under Mogul control never again should the officials
allow a woman to be burnt. This order endures to this day.

1 The Dutch blockades of Goa were in April, 1637, October, 1637, to January,
1638, and January to February, 1639 (see Danvers, ii. 262, 264, 267). I suppose
one of these is referred to ; or it may be the blockade of 1660-61 , mentioned in
Part V., folio 202.

VOL. II. 7

98 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

The War in Assam.

It is time now to tell what happened during the time that
Aurangzeb was in Kashmir. I have already said that before
his departure he sent orders to Mir Jumlah to undertake
the conquest of Assam. 1 It was the common belief that
Aurangzeb ordered Mir Jumlah into Assam that he might be
got rid of, dreading that, as he had thrown the kingdom of
Gulkandah into confusion, and had known how to arrange for
the conquest of Dara and the destruction of Shiva Jl, he might
likewise attempt by his devices to place someone else on the
Mogul throne.

Whatever might have been the reason for this order, Mir
Jumlah at the head of his brave captains went forth to conquer
a new realm, taking with him his loyal follower Diler Khan.
Both were anxious to open to Aurangzeb a door for entering
China. For that seemed an easy thing after the acquisition of
Assam. Assam lies among mountains, is a very fertile country,
most luxuriant in food-products and fruit, which are here found
of various kinds such as we have in Europe — that is, pears,
apples, peaches, cherries, grapes. With it as a base they could
take Pegu, and through it enter into China.

They left the city of Dhakah together, at the head of forty
thousand horsemen, in addition to infantry — these moved by
land ; and by way of the river he sent a large fleet commanded
by Portuguese. These two forces reached, at a distance of one
hundred leagues from Dhakah, a small fortress called Aso
(Hajo), 2 which, years before this time, the Assamese had taken
from the province of Bengal. In a short time Mir Jumlah
captured that fort. From this place he marched for twenty-
eight days into the territory of Assam. The Assamese believed
that if the fleet were destroyed it would be easy to eat up the

1 The best account of this Assam expedition is in the ' Fathiyah-i-'Ibratiyah '
of Shahab-ud-din, Talish. There is a translation of it into French, through the
Urdu of Mir Bahadur 'All, by Theodore Pavie (Paris, 1845). See Elliot and Dowson,
vii. 199; Rieu, British Museum Catalogue, i. 266 (Additional MS., 25, 422);
Sachau and Ethe's Bodleian Catalogue, No. 240.

a Constable's ' Hand Atlas,' Ab, 30, Hajo, in the Kamrup district of Assam.

DIFFICULTIES OF ASSAM CAMPAIGN 99

land army. For it would suffice to block the way to supplies,
and then the army would waste away. It was very easy to
accomplish this, as the country is mountainous and the paths
very narrow.

For this purpose [73] a very powerful Assamese fleet appeared
one day, and coming down with the stream in its favour, it
looked as if it would swallow up all the Portuguese and their
boats. But the latter warded them off, and the force of the
current carried the Assamese past their goal, the Portuguese
meanwhile making a great din with their mortars and match-
locks. When the Assamese had passed their enemy they
veered, but the Portuguese fell upon them with such impetu-
osity that in a little the whole of that fleet was destroyed, some
ships sent to the bottom, some captured, and altogether great
loss being inflicted on the Assamese.

Glorious and triumphant, Mir Jumlah believed that by this
victory he already held the whole of Assam in his grasp. He
considered that Fortune was in his favour. Not to allow the
rajah to entrench himself in any fortified place, he continued
to advance, the rajah always retreating and doing nothing but
hindering the supplies, or killing any stray individual who had
gone in search of forage or firewood. He awaited the coming
of the rainy season, in which the floods cover the low ground,
for which reason the cities and villages are placed upon heights.

The Assamese finding, in spite of their killing all stragglers
from the army, that the Moguls were not deterred thereby
from boldly advancing, they tried a scheme for frightening
them and killing them by degrees. It was as follows : To as
many as they caught they inserted in the anus an iron like a
Turkish padlock, which, once in, could never be withdrawn ;

its shape was thus % It shut up as it went in, and once

_i_

inside it opened out, leaving the handle projecting. The poor
things returned to the army lamenting, and died in a desperate
state. The army of Mir Jumlah was terrorized, and after that
experience men were very much more cautious in going to a
distance.

Mir Jumlah and his soldiers reached the principal city of the

7—2

ioo OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Assam kingdom, called Guergao (Kharganw), 1 and fighting
bravely, ejected the rajah. The latter retired into the moun-
tains, and Mir Jumlah, after occupying the place, caused the
tombs to be destroyed, which contained great treasures, it being
the Assam custom to bury with the defunct the wealth that he
possessed. It is the practice of these people 2 that when the
master of the house dies they bury with him all his wives, con-
cubines, and servants — that is, the tailors, washermen, barbers,
and others who serve in the deceased's house, setting them all
on fire after binding their feet.

The city of [74] Kharganw is very large and fine, inhabited
by rich merchants — that is, according to the stories told me in
Dhakah when I passed through it (II. 62). The natives of
those lands take four wives. Here the women are very lovely,
and they do all the work of the house, the men being indolent,
except in war-time, when they all go forth to fight. When I
passed through Dhakah I saw huge boats which Mir Jumlah
was sending loaded with the booty taken at Kharganw and
other places. These boats had extremely high poops, carved
with ugly, fear-inspiring faces. Their armament was of small
pieces, swivel-guns (trilhoens) and petrechos 3 of bronze, of which
the muzzles whence the ball issues were fashioned into shapes
of animals — tigers, lions, dogs, elephants, and crocodiles.

Finding that though he had captured the city of Kharganw
he was still unable to overtake the rajah in his flight into the
hills, Mir Jumlah continued to amuse himself in the said city.
But the rajah blocked all supplies, setting fire to everything,
and posting soldiers so that no food from outside could find its
way into the town. Thus he continued hostilities until the
arrival of the rainy season, which also fought for him. For
food being exhausted in Mir Jumlah's army, the soldiers were

1 Guergao is evidently the Gharganw of Kha.fi Khan, ii. 153, 154 (Elliot and
Dowson, vii. 266). In Constable's 'Hand Atlas,' Bb, 30, Kuriagaon, in the
Darrang district of Assam, half-way between Tezpur and Sibsagar.

2 The same statement is made by Khaf! Khan, ii. 153 (see Elliot and Dowson,
vii. 264).

3 The dictionary for petrechos gives ' ammunition of war ' ; but that will not
suit here, as it is evident that some form of artillery is intended. Is it
hand-grenade, or, perhaps, a mortar ?

RETREAT FROM ASSAM 101

forced to eat the flesh of horses and camels, and anything of
that sort they could find. In this way Mir Jumlah was con-
strained to quit Assam, since his people began to die from such
inferior food. But if it had been easy to get into, it was very
difficult to get out of this country, owing to the floods, also to
the ambushes laid by the natives. It looked as if Mir Jumlah
would be quite used up there, and, had it not been that by his
prudence he was able to manoeuvre so skilfully, his retreat would
have been a disaster. He left with the Assamese a remembrance
of his name. It was not for want of courage nor of deter-
mination that he left to the Assamese their indigenous king, but
because the mountains of the interior cannot be overcome, and
the seasons were against him. With great difficulty he reached
the fortress of Hajo, and strengthening its defences, resolved
to go once more in the following year against the rajah. But
little did he know what was in store for him, for already was
drawing near the term of his achievements and the time to
finish with his wiles [75].

Death of Mir Jumlah.

Having put the fortress (Hajo) in order, he went back to
Dhakah to enjoy the wealth that by this victory he had added
to his store. There in a few days he fell ill with a retention of
urine. Perceiving Fate approaching to sever with her shears
the thread of his life, he sent for his wife, to whom he spoke at
length, consoling her by the fact that though he was dying he
left a son behind and a grandson. For them he gave her some
magnificent diamonds, which she was to make over to them
herself. She was to receive them on behalf of her son ; and he
charged her to have great care of the little one. Then he
wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, wherein he informed him that
there was now no time to display to him his fidelity, or to prove
the eagerness with which he ever accepted any project that
could result in His Majesty's glory. He hoped that in remem-
brance of his fidelity Aurangzeb would extend his favour to his
son, Muhammad Amin Khan ; but above all he besought a
favourable reception for his grandson, Mirza 'Abdullah, so that

102 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

he might be accounted one of the royal slaves. In a few hours
the great Mir Jumlah, who by rebellion against the King of
Gulkandah caused the ruin of that kingdom, who aided
Aurangzeb with counsel, arms, and wealth in the seizure of
Shahjahan, the beheadal of Dara, the seizure of Murad Bakhsh,
and the extinction of Shah Shuja', ended in the grave all his
glories, leaving behind him much to be said of him, both in
praise of his prudence and courage and in condemnation of the
treachery done to two kings — namely, to Qutb Shah, King of
Gulkandah, and the great Shahjahan, emperor of the Moguls. 1

The Case of Thomas Plata (Pratt).

Aurangzeb received the above letter and the news of Mir
Jumlah's death while he was in Kashmir. He appeared out-
wardly much disturbed at this misadventure, and at once sent
orders to Da,ud Khan, who was, as I have said, governor of
Patnah (II. 61), that he must proceed to Dhakah and take over
charge of the Bengal province until he could send someone
else. As Muhammad Amln Khan was at court, Aurangzeb
sent for him and consoled him, saying that if he had lost his
father, he (Aurangzeb) took his place and accepted him as
a son. Then he ordered him to be invested with a valuable
robe of honour [76], and increased his pay by one hundred
thousand rupees, informing him that he might take possession
of all his father's wealth. He was made Mir Bakhshi— that is
to say, captain-general of the cavalry of the empire. In a short
time, as Aurangzeb said he would do, he was deputed as Viceroy
to Lahor ; in addition, two hundred thousand rupees were fixed
as the annual pay of his son, Mirza 'Abdullah.

Upon Da,ud Khan's arrival at Dhakah, he began to issue
orders. One day it happened that some soldiers interfered
groundlessly with a neighbour of Thomas Plata, Englishman.

1 Mir Muhammad Sa'ld, ArdastanI, entitled Mir Jumlah, then Mu'azzam
Khan, then Khan Khanan, Sipahsalar, one of the great Shahjahan! and
'Alamgiri nobles, died in Bengal, on his return from a campaign in Assam, on
the 4th Ramadan, 1073 H. (April 12, 1663). His rank was 7,000, 5,000 horse,
5,000 duaspah. ' Tarlkh-i-Muhammadi,' 1073).

THE FATE OF THOMAS PRATT 103

Thereupon the servants of Thomas Plata ran out to find the
cause of the noise. They interceded for their neighbour, but
the soldiers abused them. Thus it ended in their coming to
blows, and the servants, being unable to resist the large
number of soldiers who had congregated, beat a retreat into
their master's house. Into it came the soldiers to renew the
fight, breaking down the house-door. Upon this Thomas Plata
seized his weapons, and aided by his servants and the Portu-
guese who had joined him, began to slay the men directly he saw
them, paying respect to none of them. He did great execu-
tion, making use of a blunderbuss (espalhafato) carrying a good
charge, and the courtyard being full of people, he discharged it
without interval several times.

At last, seeing that the matter would not terminate until he
was destroyed, he ordered the best of his goods to be carried
to a boat, and passed out by a door in his house which opened
upon the river. He took refuge in the boat with some others
who elected to follow him ; then putting out into the open, he
gave the city a bombardment, and retired to seek a refuge in
Arakan. There he said that, if his words were listened to, they
might take Dhakah and the territory of Bengal.

Da,ud Khan, who in addition to his own good judgment
had been to school under Aurangzeb, had recourse to the usual
deceptions of his master, and wrote a letter to Thomas Plata,
telling him that it was now time for him to come back to
Dhakah. But let him not forget the execution of his agree-
ment to bring with him the head of the Arakan king ! He
sent this letter in such a way that it should fall into the hands
of the said king. When the king had read the letter, being
ignorant of the falsehood of Da,ud Khan, he fancied that there
really was such an agreement between Da,ud Khan and Thomas
Plata, for he knew the Mogul king was very desirous to acquire
Arakan. Therefore orders were given to remove the English-
man's goods out of his boat [77] ; all his men were to be
bound, and the vessel, along with Thomas Plata, he and his,
was to be sent to the bottom. Thus were they got rid of,
and Da,ud Khan's mind was relieved of the anxiety given him
by this man, knowing that he could do great injury to the

104 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

province of Bengal if the King of Arakan listened to his
proposals. 1

Shiva Ji wounds Shaistah Khan.

At the beginning of this my second part (II. 15) I said that
Aurangzeb had sent his uncle, Shaistah Khan, to make war
against Shiva JT in the Dakhin. As soon as he reached the
lands of Shiva Ji he took a small fortress called Puna. Out-
side it he lived in a mud house that he had caused to be built
near a tank. There he meant to pass the rainy season. 2

Shiva JT sought every means of killing Shaistah Khan, being
thus counselled (so they say) by Rajah Jaswant Singh, who
would have liked to appropriate the treasury of Shaistah Khan.
He (Shiva JI) came to the resolve to send bold and resolute
men among the soldiers and into the dwelling of Shaistah
Khan. They were to pretend to be dependents of Shaistah
Khan, so that they could carry out the plot in security, and
digging through the house wall should slay whatever men
and women were found therein.

To put in execution such a plan, he availed himself of the
custom among the Moguls of sounding their military music
eight times in the day and night upon the anniversary of
the king's coronation. 3 This takes place near the headquarters
of the general — namely, in the morning at six, at nine, at noon,

1 I am indebted to Miss M. Anstey for some references in the India Office
Records to this Thomas Pratt. In November, 1663, he demanded of the Hugli
Council 192 rupees for 'extraordinary expences at the Durbar,' attendants, diet,
etc. He said his expenses were much less than those of the Dutch, and he was
really a loser by his office (Factory Records, Hugli, No. 1). On May 19, 1664,
the Council at Surat wrote to Hugli deploring ' the unhappy accident that befell
T. P., hee did very rashly to give the occasion, but when he was besett round
wee know not what a man may bee provokt to doe, especially when his life is
engaged, wee are persuaded to think the Nabob may be reconciled when he shall
take into consideration the Cruel 1 attempt made upon him by fyreing the house
about his eares ' (Factory Records. Surat, No. 104). On July 9, 1664, the Hugli
Council stopped Pratt's wages till he cleared himself (Factory Records, Hugli,
No. 1).

* See the account of this campaign in Grant-Duff, ' History of the Mahrattahs,'
87, and Khafi Khan, ii. 172-175 ; 'Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 45.

3 This would be the anniversary of the accession held on the first day of the
sixth year, 1st Ramazan, 1073 H. (April 9, 1663, N.S.).

ATTEMPT TO MURDER SHAISTAH KHAN 105

at three in the afternoon, at six, at nine, at midnight, and at
three of the next day. For his purpose he chose the hour
of midnight, at the time the musicians began to play. Some of
Shiva Ji's soldiers, pretending to belong to the household of
Shaistah Khan, went back and fore saying to the musicians
that, as it was a night of rejoicing, the Nawab wished them
to make a great sound with their instruments, the whole of
them playing together. This was done that no one might
hear when they were digging into the house.

The women heard the sound of the picks, and reported to
Shaistah Khan. He paid no heed to their statements, being
already somewhat elevated by wine, but said the noise was
made by troopers driving in pegs for their horses' heel-ropes.
Shiva Ji's soldiers entered by the hole they had dug. The
women were in consternation, not being accustomed to see
men in their apartments ; and thus they cried aloud, assuming
there must be treachery on foot. The eldest son of Shaistah
Khan, called Buzurg Omedcan (Buzurg Umed Khan), ran
in that direction sword in hand, but his valour served but
to get [78] his head cut off, the soldiers of Shiva Jl using
their swords against everyone they encountered. 1 The women
perceived there was a design by the enemy to assassinate the
Nawab Shaistah Khan. They lamented, saying that Shaistah
Khan was killed, and they blew out the lamps, so that no one
might see him.

The enemy rushed hither and thither, and, unable to see,
eight of them fell into a tank. Shaistah Khan stood, spear
in hand, ready to resist anyone coming at him. On their

1 Manucci mistakes the name of the son killed, who was Abu, 1 Fath Khan ;
Buzurg Umed Khan did not die till the 8th Rajab, 1106 H. (February 22, 1695),
when he was governor of Allahabad. The ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 690-702, tells
us of Shaistah Khan's doings. He replaced Mu'azzam Khan (Mir Jumlah) some
time in 1069 H. (1659). He took up quarters for the rains at Puna, but went out
to besiege Chaknah, which was taken after fifty-six days on the 16th Zu,l Hijjah,
third year (August 13, 1661). He then returned to Puna.. Shiva, Ji's attack was
early in the sixth year, which began on April 9, 1663. Abu,l Fath Khan was
killed. The report was received in Kashmir on May 8, 1663 ; Aurangzeb was
displeased, and thought Shaistah Khan had been negligent. On May 13, 1663,
Prince Mu'azzam started from Kashmir to replace him in the Dakhin (' 'Alamgir-
namah,' 819). Shaistah Khan lost his forefinger (' Ma.asir-i-'Alarnglri,' 45).

106 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

finding him, he managed to kill one, but another delivered a
sword-stroke, which cut off his index finger and severed the
spear staff. These daring men heard the voices of the women
who were saying that the Nawab was already dead ; and con-
cluding they had effected their purpose, they came away to
their own camp.

I leave it to the reader to imagine the confusion existing
in the camp during that night, everyone imagining that Shiva
Ji was in their midst and slaying all men without intermission.
In this confusion Shaistah Khan's sufferings from his wound
were increased from not being able to call in any surgeon
for fear that, in place of a surgeon, some traitor might gain
admittance. When Aurangzeb, being then in Kashmir, received
a report of this treachery, it being a little after his hearing the
news of Mir Jumlah's death, he wrote to Shaistah Khan direct-
ing him to proceed as governor to Bengal. In reply, Shaistah
Khan prayed His Majesty to leave him in the Dakhin, for
he longed to wreak vengeance for his son's death and the
loss of his limb occasioned by Shiva Jl's treachery. He took
upon himself either to lose his own life or to destroy Shiva
Ji's army and kill Shiva JI himself. A fresh order issued
from Aurangzeb directing him peremptorily to remove to
Bengal, but Shaistah Khan, anxious to gain a reputation for
courage and also eager for vengeance, wrote once more to
the king asking to be left in the Dakhin, where he would
bear all the expenses of the war until Shiva Ji was destroyed.
At the same time he wrote to his friends to save him from
removal.

His friends at court did loyally all that they could to assist
Shaistah Khan, but Aurangzeb was immovable in his determina-
tion, and replied with severity that a man in a passion could
never act with prudence, that the stay of Shaistah Khan in
the Dakhin as leader against Shiva JI could result in nothing
but the loss of his army. He therefore wrote to him once
again that without further discussion he must start for Bengal.
Thus was Shaistah Khan sent against his will to take charge
of the province of Bengal. When Shaistah Khan left the
Dakhin, Aurangzeb recalled Jaswant Singh to court, who, [79]

UDEPVRl BEG AM DRUNK 107

instead of obeying, retired to his own territory. Aurangzeb
ordered Mahabat Khan 1 to march with all rapidity possible to
take up the office of Shaistah Khan and continue the campaign
against Shiva Ji, sending also his own son, Shah 'Alam, not as
commander, but as representative of the royal person in matters
of parade.

A Ridiculous Occurrence.

The holiday in Kashmir gave rise to a ridiculous affair.
Udepuri, a Georgian by race, who had been formerly a wife
of Dara, became afterwards a much-loved wife of Aurangzeb.
She was in the habit of drinking spirits, and that more liberally
than discretion allows ; thus frequently she was intoxicated.
The other wives and concubines were jealous that Aurangzeb
was so fond of Udepuri. They waited until one day this
queen was in liquor, then went all in a body to the presence
of Aurangzeb. He was pleased at such a visit, chiefly because
they came in great glee, and resorted on this occasion to those
cajoling ways, which never fail women when they mean to
conquer their husbands' heart. After a little talk, they prayed
him to call for the attendance of Queen Udepuri, so that the
conversation might take a more elevated tone. He sent a
message to his beloved asking her to come and enjoy the
cheerful hour. The maidservant replied that Udepuri was
somewhat indisposed.

This answer caused the other ladies to laugh loudly, hoping
to arouse the king's suspicions of something wrong. He
therefore sent a second message that she should come only
to show herself and please the other queens and ladies, who
so desired. Once more the servants sent back word that being
oppressed by headache she could not leave her apartments.
This reply only made those jealous of her to laugh the more,
and in this way Aurangzeb in person went to see the patient.

1 Mahabat Khan, in the fifth year (1662-63), had been removed from Kabul to
Gujarat. In the eleventh year (1668-69) he was sent back to Kabul. His formal
appointment to the Dakhin is not recorded ; but, after Shiva Ji's attack on Surat
(1664), Mahabat Khan had an engagement with him in that neighbourhood.
Surat was in the Gujarat province (see ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 590, 592, and
' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 71). Prince Mu'azzam at this time was about twenty-one.

108 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

She was all in disorder, her hair flying loose and her head full
of drink. Aurangzeb seated himself by her, and touched her
with his hand. Thinking it was her servant-girl she asked
(drunk though she was) for more. Aurangzeb was upset by
the odour of spirits 'and by such a request. He came downcast
out of her apartments, and, although she did not lose the love
he had for her, he turned in a fury upon the doorkeepers, who
were bastinadoed for want of vigilance over the gates.

During the time that Aurangzeb was in Kashmir his usual
diversion was going [80] out to hunt, of which he was always
very fond. It happened once that, tired out, he sat down in
the shade of a tree, having with him only one huntsman, a great
favourite, who had formerly served Dara in the same capacity.
They held together conversation on various subjects, and
encouraged thereby, the huntsman asked Aurangzeb why he
ordered Dara's head to be cut off. Such a question put the
royal person into some fear, and so he answered that it was his
(Dara's) ill luck. Then, rising, he made for the palace, where
he commanded that this huntsman should never again appear
in his presence. The mere sight of the man acted as a reproof
for his unjust deed.

Aurangzeb returns from Kashmir to Dihli.

Finding that his stay outside of Hindustan was not of good
augury, and his health having already improved, Aurangzeb
decided to return to Dihli. Marching with the due slowness,
he arrived in three hundred and three days at his court in
Dihli. There he learnt that Shahjahan had sent in search of
an European (Frank) physician, but had been unable to obtain
one. He (Aurangzeb) judged it was now time to kill his father
by poison. He therefore sent him a European who had formerly
been doctor to Shahjahan when he was reigning emperor. At
this time the man was his (Aurangzeb's) servant. He expected
that Shahjahan would never distrust such a physician, a man
who had before served him a long time. But Shahjahan
refused his services, suspecting what was sure to happen if he
did accept. I could give the name of this person, from whom I
received several slights while I was in the Mogul kingdom, but

XV. Sultan A'zam Shah, Third Son of Aurangzeb.

Vol. II.

To face page 108.

ATTEMPT TO POISON SHAHJAHAN 109

I leave the dead to the good opinion of men and the judgment
of God. Since, in thus speaking, I have a fear that the man
might be supposed to be Monsieur Bernier, who is sufficiently
well known, I add that he is not meant. He was a great
friend of mine, nor while in the Mogul country did he practise
as a physician. But he gave himself out as a mathematician in
the employ of Danishmand Khan, a Persian by race, who was
the most learned man at the court.

The European, whose name I do not record, though he was
of no use to Aurangzeb for poisoning Shahjahan, served to kill
for him in that way Khalllullah Khan, who betrayed Dara in
the first battle and helped Aurangzeb on many occasions ; that
Khalllullah Khan, who received a shoe-beating from his wife
[81]; and that Khalllullah Khan, whose tent by order of the
eunuch Primavera (Basant), at the fortress of Bhakkar, I
covered from my cannon with old shoes and such like. Aurang-
zeb was already tired of seeing this traitor still alive, and when
he was governor of Labor he ordered him to court, and replaced
him by Ebraimcan (Ibrahim Khan) 1 son of Alimerdacan (All
Mardan Khan). On his arrival at court, the king bestowed on
him much honour, and ordered the aforesaid European, in whom
Khalllullah Khan trusted, to dispatch him to another world
through some cordial. The poison was very slow, and Khalll-
ullah Khan was many days in great pain ; when he died, his
lips, hands, and feet were all black as coal. For this fine
action, Aurangzeb made the European a mansabddr, raising him
every month to double the pay he already had. 2

The Ethiopian Ambassador.

During Aurangzeb's journey from Kashmir, before he had
reached Dihli, there arrived ambassadors from Ethiopia, from
Mecca, and from Basrah, to congratulate him on his accession.

1 Ibrahim Khan, son of Amir-ul-umara, 'All Mardan Khan. 1*067 H. (1656-57).
He died in 1122 H. (1710-11).

2 Khalllullah Khan, son of Mir Miran, Husaini, Ni'amat Ilahi, Yazdi, died on
the 2nd Rajab, 1072 H. (February 22, 1662, N.S.). This is nearly ten months
before Aurangzeb started for Kashmir (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' i. 775; ' Ma,asir-i-
'Alamglri,' 38 ; ' Tarikh-i-Muliammadi.' 1072).

no OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Of all of these embassies I will say something, but as a preliminary
I am obliged to warn the reader that I write for love of truth,
and thus, although Monsieur Bernier was my great friend, and
we carried on a pleasant correspondence, I cannot approve
what he has written. 1

For the Armenian Morad, one of the two men who came as
ambassadors from the King of Ethiopia to the Mogul, confided
to me one day, when he was a little elevated, what was the
truth about the embassy. If there is any truth in the saying
In vino Veritas, we must believe more in a confidence made
from friend to friend than in the pomposities recited to Danish-
mand Khan. It is not uncommon that one who poses as an
ambassador should, in the company of the great, give himself
importance, and having to speak of kingdoms and lands afar
off, and of unknown kings, should say the thing that will the
most profit him. But when his talk is with a friend, who can
do him no harm, such a person may allow himself more scope
in letting out the truth. What was recounted by him who
gave himself out as an Ethiopian ambassador is not simply
a story told me by a man who had been drinking, but he has
since confirmed it at a time when he was quite sober. The
matter runs as follows :

Morad the Armenian had already some acquaintance with
India, and on the accession of a [82] new king, he thought the
time had come for him to practise some deception. For this
he joined with a Mahomedan merchant, an Arab by birth, a very
trustworthy man, who had a number of correspondents ; and
these two traded jointly from Ethiopia to Arabia and Hindu-
stan, and from Hindustan to Ethiopia.

It is necessary to know that the King of Ethiopia calls
himself the king of musical instruments, and claims that no
king can possess such instruments without his permission.
Confiding in this his belief, he orders his music to play after he
has dined, thereby permitting other kings and princes to sound
their drums and set their music playing. These cunning
merchants made use of this mad idea of the Ethiopian to put
their plot into execution. They made a pretence of upholding

1 For the Ethiopian Embassy, see Bernier, pp. 133-144.

FICTITIOUS ETHIOPIAN EMBASSY in

the glory of their king, and going to him said that in the Mogul
country was a new king, who had excellent instruments at his
court, without having applied for leave to possess such royal
insignia. The king told them they must visit the Mogul land
and demand surrender of those instruments, and produce them
before him.

These words were enough for the merchants to equip them-
selves for that embassy, buying slaves, male and female, for sale.
As presents for the king they carried with them horses, and
a mule striped naturally in various colours, so beautiful that a
tiger could not be striped in a more lovely manner. I saw the
skin of this mule, which died in Arabia near Mecca ; and of
a truth it was a wondrous thing, fit to be presented to any great
ruler. Furthermore, they provided two elephant tusks, very
handsome, to lift one of which four men had as much as they
could do. Also they had some horns of oxen, full of civet.
They forged letters wherein the King of Ethiopia demanded
from the Mogul the instruments, a few books on the Mahome-
dan faith, and some contribution towards the restoration
of a mosque founded in honour of a Darvesh, who had died
in Ethiopia after coming from Mecca to preach Mahomedanism.
The mosque had been destroyed by the Portuguese when they
were in Ethiopia assisting the king in the suppression of a
Mahomedan rebellion. The plotters then left Ethiopia on their
fictitious embassy.

I suppose that everyone of sober judgment will decide that
this embassy was fictitious, simply from the requests entered
in the letter. It is unheard of that a great king like that of
Ethiopia should send to ask money to build a mosque. I [83]
am willing to admit that the King of Ethiopia might have
desired books on the Mahomedan faith, and for that reason
might send a request to the Mogul king. Although, had such
been his purpose, he could have sent to the Grand Seignior for
them, who could more easily have given them, having under
his rule the holy men of Mecca. These use the Arabic language,
called the Sacred Tongue because Muhammad spoke it, and in
it is written the Quran. It must not be translated into any
other language, and from Mecca could be obtained the most

ii2 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

exquisite exemplars. But to send a request for contributions
to repair a mosque, that is a thing incredible ! I do not say
here that the King of Ethiopia wanted to become a Mahomedan,
but I will admit the first part in order to show that the second
has no substance. Thus it does not appear to me that Monsieur
Bernier had any reason, in his second book, so greatly to decry
the King of Ethiopia on account of this embassy. He knew
not how clever were the inventions of these ambassadors.
Aware that Aurangzeb was a strong Mahomedan, and anxious
to propagate this accursed faith, as can be seen in my history,
they selected this bridge to arrive at Aurangzeb's favour. He
made it his glory to use such openings, and to pose as a spreader
of the Mahomedan religion. Nor did he leave them without
reward on finding that the King of Ethiopia was said to look
on him as a zealous Mahomedan.

These feigned ambassadors reached Mecca (? Mokah), where
they sold some men and women slaves and some horses to
procure funds for continuing their journey. In a short time
they reached Surat. There they sold one hornful of civet,
retaining the empty horn. At this time Shiva Jl came to
Surat, 1 and in seven days sacked the city, took from the ambas-
sadors the elephant's tusks, the horses, the other horn full of
civet, and all the merchandise they had. With them was left
nothing but the empty horn, the mule's hide, the letters, and
some slaves. In this state they were forced to ask the governor
of Surat for some help in money, in order to continue their
route as far as the court. The governor, looking on them as
genuine ambassadors, gave them assistance in money, and thus
they arrived at Dihll at the time that I was there.

Aurangzeb received the letter of the governor of Surat, in
which was given an account of these ambassadors [84] and
their misfortunes at Surat. To tell the truth this — that is,
being plundered by Shiva Jl — was the best thing that could
have happened to secure them a reception at, and a favourable
dispatch from, the court. On other conditions, seeing the few
presents they brought, it would have been exceedingly difficult

1 According to Grant-Duff, • History of the Mahrattahs,' 89, this was on
January 5, 1664 (O.S.).

CONDUCT OF ETHIOPIAN AMBASSADORS 113

to obtain a royal audience. Often it is of profit to be in misery,
and frequently do mishaps lead to good-fortune ! These ambas-
sadors, despoiled and almost naked, were very dirty and drinkers
of jdgra. 1 This last is a kind of black sugar given to horses and
elephants. It was chiefly the Armenian who was a great amateur
of this beverage. They had no money to hire a house, but put
up in the public sarde ; and walked the streets, having no
palanquin. When the Armenian met an acquaintance, he
would draw from him some present to equip himself; and
through dysentery caused by jdgra, of which they drank so
liberally, they lost several slaves.

Monsieur Bernier favoured them in various matters, principally
by speaking to Danishmand Khan, his disciple. This man was
advocate in the cause of all the ambassadors who came to the
Mogul country. Thus they obtained an audience. There the
king conferred on each a sardpd (robes) of brocade, and directed
that the sums necessary for their subsistence while at court
should be disbursed. A short time afterwards they were allowed
to depart, again receiving sardpd (robes), and six thousand
rupees — two thousand to the Armenian, and four thousand to
the Arab. By this division Aurangzeb wished to favour more
the latter, being of his own religion, although he had a very
ugly face and was very short. If the King of Ethiopia had
really sent an embassy, it is certain that he would never have
selected such an ugly being. 2

In addition he gave them a rich sardpd (robes) for the King
of Ethiopia, and two trumpets of silver-gilt, with two kettle-
drums and a canja (khanjar), which is a poignard, covered with
rubies. Here be it noted how diverse are the intentions of
man ! The King of Ethiopia sent to claim these instruments

1 Jdgra (Yule, 446a, 4466, 9246), coarse brown or almost black sugar, made
from the sap of various palms.

2 The official account is that in the eighth year, 1075 H. (began March 19,
1665, N.S.), SidI Kamil, envoy of the ruler of Habshah, and Saiyid 'Abdullah,
envoy of the ruler of Iladramaut, with letters and presents, arrived before the
Emperor. They received hhila'ts and money gifts. Nine Arab horses, sent by
Imam Isma'il, ruler of Yaman, were produced. The audience of leave-taking
was on the 17th Shawwa.1, 1075 H. (May 4, 1665, N.S.) (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,'
49. 50).

VOL. II. 8

U4 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

as the would-be lord thereof, and because the Mogul possessed
them without his previous consent ; while Aurangzeb sent them
in quite another spirit, declaring by this action that this king
was his vassal. For it is the practice, when the Mogul king
gives nobility to any of his subjects, for him to confer robes,
trumpets, and drums. In addition, he gave them twenty thousand
gold coins and rupees, and told them that he sent this money
to their king because he was told there were not any such coins
in Ethiopia.

It was thoroughly understood that this money was not
meant to reach Ethiopia, but was to be expended in the
purchase of merchandise, as was really done. They bought
different cloth-pieces and woollens for export to Ethiopia,
some lengths of cotton decorated in gold and silver, also some
pieces of silk ornamented with flowers, stuffs very rare in their
country. He also gave them a considerable sum to be spent
on the mosque, which money was also expended on goods; and
he added a Quran and other books, those most esteemed among
Mahomedans. Thus did the feigned ambassadors succeed in
their enterprise. They came to the Mogul country poor and
despoiled, and now turned their faces towards Ethiopia with
considerable wealth ; mocking at two powerful kings — at one
because they sacrificed his honour through the petitions they
laid before the Mogul ; at the other, because with lies and
impostures they extracted from him a large amount of
cash.

Ambassadors of the Grand Sharif of Mekkah.

The Grand Sharif of Mekkah, who is the head of all the
Mahomedans, repented himself of not having accepted the
money that Aurangzeb had sent to Mekkah early in his reign.
The excuse had been that they could not accept such offerings
from a son whose father was still alive. He now sent to
Aurangzeb an embassy to offer congratulations on his accession,
since there was by this time no one who contested the throne
with him. The envoys were to find out if Aurangzeb would

MEKKAH AND BASRAH EMBASSIES 115

consent to renew the offering that he had before sent
(II. i).i

The Sharif sent as present for the king a broom that had
been used to sweep the tomb of Muhammad, and with it a little
of the dust. Along with these gifts were sent some Arab horses.
Aurangzeb received these ambassadors and their presents with
great consideration. He redoubled his finesse on this occasion,
displaying the greatest solemnity at the mere sight of the broom
and the dust. He uttered a thousand praises of Muhammad
and the broom, and pretended he was sorry he had not the
honour of serving as sweeper of such a highly-esteemed place.
Furthermore, he said nothing about the money he had for-
warded to Mekkah [86], but told Danishmand Khan to speak
to the envoys about it, and inform them that, finding the Sharif
did not care to accept the money, he had already applied it to
other objects. He believed that Muhammad must have ap-
proved his good intention. Thus in a few days the ambassadors
obtained their dismissal, carrying away more in the nature of
honour than of presents.

Embassy from Basrah.

The embassy from Basrah made no great stir, although the
Prince of Basrah sent his congratulations on Aurangzeb's
accession, along with several very handsome Arab horses,
which are much esteemed. But the chief object of the
embassy was the sending of other Arab horses for sale, and
to buy cloth and piece goods without having to pay dues
either on entry or export, which is the usual liberty allowed to
ambassadors. This embassy, on receiving its farewell interview,
was paid its expenses. Nothing more was said of them beyond
their having brought some horses, which they sold well, nearly
all of them having been purchased on the king's account.

Although the orders given by Aurangzeb to the European

1 For what Bernier says, see 'Travels,' 133. The official account is in the
' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 49. In Ramazan, 1075 H., beginning of the eighth year
(March 19, 1665), Haji Ahmad Sa'id, who had been sent in the fourth year
(1662-63) to Mekkah with 6,60,000 rupees, returns, bringing fourteen Arab horses,
and Sidl Yahya, envoy from Mekkah, received audience.

8—2

n6 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

physician to kill Shahjahan by poison were secret, yet the
people observed that Shahjahan refused to take the man into
his service. Thus they suspected something, and in this way
talk against Aurangzeb once more prevailed, on account of the
barbarities with which he was treating the old man. Nor did
they fail to say that he was now without a competitor, and ought
to seek his father's friendship and beg for his father's pardon,
since, although Shahjahan was a worldly man, he remained
all the same his father ; nor was there any apparent crime for
which he (Shahjahan) could merit to be so hated by him he
had created. Already they had resumed their open talk against
Aurangzeb, and it was publicly said that God had given strength
to Shiva Ji to inflict chastisement for such harshness.

Aurangzeb feared a rebellion, as old troubles seemed to be
renewed; he therefore proceeded to secure his father's pardon.
He wrote him letters, in appearance most loving, filled with
repentances, wherein he entreated him pressingly for pardon
and friendship. Shahjahan declined to accept these protesta-
tions, the evil nature [87] of Aurangzeb being sufficiently
obvious. Not for this did Aurangzeb desist, but rather, pre-
tending to be importunate, wrote more letters with more
endearments, sending presents which delighted Shahjahan,
such as hunting-gazelles, which fought together ; hawks and
horses, which also were used to fight each other. In addition,
he asked his advice on various matters which had arisen in the
kingdom. He told him he wished to live as an obedient son,
but must be granted pardon for what he had done, there being
no remedy for it now.

To this Shahjahan replied with somewhat of resentment,
although in appearance he seemed mollified. His answer was
that he did not mind other things, but he could not excuse the
barbarity by which Aurangzeb made his few remaining years
of life weigh heavily on him by sending to him the head of
his beloved son Dara. Not contenting himself with having
committed that piece of cruelty, he (Aurangzeb) had often
designed the death of him, his father. How many times had
he been obliged to behold the sepulchre of his cherished spouse,
Taj Mahal, where, simply to grieve him, he (Aurangzeb) had

AURANGZEB AND HIS FATHER 117

sent the head of his brother Dara for interment after his
barbarous beheadal. Therefore he (Aurangzeb) might rest
assured that never could he obtain pardon for such wrong-
doing. Nevertheless, as a token that he conceded a little
something in the way of pardon and affection, he sent him
some of the jewels which he had kept by him. Aurangzeb
was satisfied, hoping by this concession to let the people
suppose that his father had pardoned him.

Chatganw is Taken.

After the departure of the ambassadors, Aurangzeb received
as a congratulation on his return to Dihli three hundred cart-
loads of silver and fifty of gold from Shaistah Khan. 1 They
were sent as the revenues of Bengal, collected by Mir Jumlah.
Aurangzeb, as a recognition of good service, sent him (Shaistah
Khan) an order to extirpate the pirates who plundered and
disturbed the lands of Bengal. They were sheltered in Chat-
ganw, a place granted them by the King of Arakan as a defence
against the design, long entertained by the Mogul [88] kings, of
conquering that kingdom. It was no slight matter they had
before them in dealing with these Portuguese, men hard of heart,
accustomed to kill even little children without a regret. They
boasted among themselves of having reached the very acme of
evil-doing. If anyone undertook to speak of these men, of their
violence, and of their barbarous habits, he would find enough to
fill several books. They were proud of their Christianity, but
had of it no more than the name. Such was their cruelty that
they did not even spare the priests who lived among them, and
were little different from themselves. There were then alive
some who had known a priest of some religious order who had
acted as their leader. He went clothed in scarlet, and was

1 After 28th Sha'ban of the ninth year, 1077 (February 23, 1667), it was
reported that in three days the fort of Chatganw, by the exertions of Amir-ul-
Umara (i.e., Shaistah Khan) . had been taken. It was renamed Islamabad.
Ainlr-ul-Umara, and his son Buzurg Umed Khan, and other leaders, received
rewards ('Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 54). For Bernier's account, see 'Travels,' 181,
182, and a reference there to Calcutta Review, liii. 1871.

u8 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

called Frey Vicente, 1 who, recommended by a letter from Shah
Shuja', came to Bengal and died there of poison.

It was granted to Shaistah Khan to put an end to these
men. This came about through the help of Antonio de Rego,
a resident of Hugh". This man had at Chatganw a brother
named Sebastiao Gonsalves, 2 who was the commander of
these robbers. Shaistah Khan sent for Antonio de Rego, and
held a long conversation with him. He requested him as a
favour to help in the execution of the royal orders. He
pledged his word that he and his brother should be well
treated and receive high pay. Meanwhile he paid him twenty-
five thousand rupees as a present, and fifty thousand rupees
on account for his brother, on condition that Chatganw was
delivered to him. The undertaking was made the easier by some
of the Farangls having assassinated a great prince of Arakan,
whereby the inhabitants feared the vengeance of that king
and the destruction of Chatganw. Sebastiao Gonsalves wrote
to his brother inviting the Mogul fleet to come as far as the
island of Sundiva (Sandwlpa). 3 He would find some method
of handing over Chatganw, but the fact must be kept secret.
They must not delay. It was done accordingly ; and without
any loss of life Chatganw fell into the hands of the Moguls.
Shaistah Khan fulfilled his word, giving high pay to the principal
men among the Farangls. Thus was Bengal delivered from
these attacks.

1 Possibly the same as Bernier's Fra Joan, Augustinian (p. 179).

2 Sebastian Gonzalves Tibao, formerly a common sailor, is mentioned in
Bernier, 178, as a FarangI leader about 1632 (see also Constable's note). Stewart,
' History of Bengal,' 206-210, relying on Manuel de Faria y Souza, gives many
details, but be makes this man flourish in 1607 (see the text of ' Asia Portuguesa,'
Lisbon, 1675, iii. 175, years 1605-9, and 269, year 1615). Gonzalves might have
been alive as late as 1665-66; but more probably Manucci got the name of
Gonzalves from Faria y Souza's work (to which he had access), and, postdating
the story, adapted it to Shaistah Khan's capture of Chatganw.

3 Sundiva (Sandwlpa) was held by Sebastian Gonzalves. It is a fertile island
lying at the mouth of the Megna River, and abounding in cattle; it is about
eighteen miles long, and six broad. Lat. 20° 30', long. 91 32' (Thornton,
' Gazetteer,' 944).

PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS 119

The King widens the Gates of Dihli.

Finding himself delivered from many dangers, and only the
war against [89] Shiva Jl on his hands (and of that he thought
very lighth), Aurangzeb took it into his head to confer a benefit
on the people. He knew that the gates of Dihli towards
Lahor were not sufficiently wide to allow entrance to the
large quantity of supplies that came from that direction.
Frequently horsemen were obliged to wait a long time at
the gate ; ard several times the king himself, on his way to
hunt, was fo:ced to retrace his steps, not being able to pass.
He issued an order for three gates to be made at this place.
To carry thii out it was necessary to knock down several
mansions, the cost of which was paid for by the king without
hesitation.

About this tine he also sent an order to build at his charges
a wall in the mture of a bastion to protect the city of Lahor
from the river tlen encroaching on it. This wall had a length
of a league and 1 half. Also, because Shiva Jl was plundering
in all directions h the kingdom of the Dakhin, he gave an order
that, without oppessing the people, walls should be built round
the cities of Aunngabad and Burhanpur, which about this
time had been sa.ked by Shiva Jl. He had carried off four
hundred Mahometan girls because the Mahomedans had inter-
fered with Hindu vomen in his territories. To make a mock
of Shiva Jl, the M.homedans had killed cows in temples ; in
retaliation he, too, ordered the throats of pigs to be cut in
the mosques of the Mahomedans. This was to demonstrate
his valour and powe of defying the Mogul armies.

In these days thee fell a meteorolite, the size of a large pot,
close to the city of Tjjain, which lies near the Rana's boundary.
The governor, with tie idea of doing a thing that would please
Aurangzeb, had the stone dug out of the ground and sent it
to the Dihli court. But the king, with a show of complying
with the counsels o] God, would not look at this marvel, but
ordered it to be caried back and placed where it had been
taken from. He sai that it was not right to oppose the will

120 Oij* KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

of Go^l, who knew wherefore He had sent this aerolite to that
particular place.

By this time the memory of Dara was so buried thAt no one
spoke jany longer of him, when an order was sent to demolish
the famous palace of that prince at Lahor. 1 On me site of
the palace a great mosque was to be erected, and k took ten
years to finish this work of devoutness. Upon it/ was spent
the sum that Aurangzeb had sent [go] to Mekkah/ which the
Sharif would not receive because Shahjahan was /living, as I
have already mentioned more than once (II., fols. i 84). Thus
was he enabled to fulfil the vow he had made of an offering
on benalf of Muhammad.

Rajah Jai Singh proceeds against Shva Ji.

Although at first Aurangzeb did not pay mum attention to
the war against Shiva JI, still, he could not heD noticing that
this prince was continuously increasing in strength. He either
captured Mogul forts or appropriated towrs belonging to
Bljapiir. Mahabat Khan, in spite of havin/ a large army,
could; not restrain the fury of this robber. /While Mahabat
Khan! was investing a fortress, Shiva Ji we/t off once more
and plundered Surat. /

Au: angzeb called to his presence Rajah J a Singh, in whose
prude nee and valour he had great confidence and in a friendly
way laid he could no longer endure the irpults of Shiva Ji ;
there; ore he had come to the resolve that heivould go in person
agairi >t this rebel. For it was necessary eiher that he should
go or this campaign, or that Rajah Jai Sinjh should undertake
to su )press Shiva JI. Rajah Jai Singh, rith due politeness,
replie i to Aurangzeb that if His Majesty (/ould deign to take
a res t, and do him the honour of appjinting him to this
expec ition, he would take upon himself jhe defeat of Shiva
Ji, w juld repress his assaults, and, if necssary, His Majesty
so requiring, would deliver him into his haids alive.

Upon receiving this answer, Aurangze

1 Tbie ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' i. 158, tells us that a fineiouse was built at Lahor

by Yaipln-ud-daulah, Asaf Khan ; he bequeathed it
was given to Dara Shukoh.

Shahjahan, by whom it

took off the small

MANUCCI ENTERS JAI SINGH'S SERVICE 121

cabaya (qaba) he was wearing next his body and gave it to
the rajah to put on, and taking from his neck the necklace
of pearls that he usually wore, placed it round his neck, adding
that he might choose the commanders to serve under him
on this expedition. But it was necessary to make haste,
for in energy consisted all good performance. The rajah
came out of the presence of Aurangzeb, and at once sent for
cavalry from his territory, and sixty lakhs of rupees. 1 Every
ten lakhs makes a million ; thus he brought six millions of
rupees to provide for expenses in addition to the large sums
given him by Aurangzeb. The rajah chose as his second in
command the renowned Diler Khan, 2 who took part in all
the important wars waged by Aurangzeb. With him went
Da,ud Khan, 2 formerly Governor of Patnah and temporary
viceroy of Bengal, of whom I have already spoken. Along
with these went many rajahs and brave captains [91].

The king having arrived at Dihll from Kashmir, I went
several times to make my bow to Rajah Jai Singh, who took
a fancy to me, and in the end requested me to teach him
how to play Hombre, as I had already done to his son,
Queretsing (Kirat Singh). 3 Several times we played together,
and we two won from the said rajah some sums of money. At
this time Rajah Jai Singh said he had need of me. He wanted
me to join him in this most important enterprise, and he would
make me commander of his artillery. For this purpose I must
search for Europeans I knew, and who were good soldiers.
Afterwards he would entrust other business to me. Meanwhile
he fixed my pay at ten rupees a day. I could not resist his
proposal, and I had great trust in his word ; nor did I like

1 Jai Singh's appointment to the Dakhin was made in the seventh year,
1074 H., after the 21st Qa'dah, or June 16, 1664 (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri, 48,
line 16).

' 2 For Diler Khan, see ante, note to I. 167, and for Da,ud Khan, ante, note to
I. 209.

3 Kirat Singh seems to have been the second son. He died in Rabi' II.,
1084 H. (July, 1673), six years after his father. Kirat Singh's daughter married
'Azim-ush-shan, second son of Muhammad Mu'azzam, Shah 'Alam, son and
successor of "Alamgir Aurangzeb. This lady became the mother of Muhammad
Karim, killed 1124 H. (1712) (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara, ' ii. 156, and ' Tarikh-i-
Muhammadi,' year 1084 H.).

122 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to offend him at such a time. For I had not yet the boldness
to announce myself as a physician. He gave me a rich sarapd
(set of robes), and a good horse, with sufficient money for my
equipment.

Everything having been arranged, we quitted Dihll with a
strong force. Aurangzeb ordered Mahabat Khan to return to
the government of Gujarat, and Bahadur Khan, 1 the king's
foster-brother, was ordered to return to court. At this time
happened an amusing affair. Bahadur Khan, as the king's
foster-brother, had been lifted from an obscure position to that
of a general. He had become very high and mighty and vain-
glorious. Everyone arriving from court was asked eagerly as
to the king's health, not calling him by his title, but speaking
of him as his brother ; thus he used to say, ' How is my brother ?'
Mahabat Khan decided to teach him a lesson. On reaching
Gujarat, he took his seat in his tent and arranged with his
foster-brother that when Bahadur Khan was there he should,
richly clad and with an aigrette of gold stuck into his turban,
gallop past on a fine horse, acting the braggart, as if on his
way to his own quarters. Bahadur Khan wondered at this per-
formance, and asked who was that mighty warrior. Mahabat
Khan did not use the man's name, but, assuming an innocent
air, he said briefly: 'These foster-brothers are shameless
creatures, and have no tact in what they do. They fancy that,
being our brothers by milk, they are equal members of our
house !' Bahadur Khan quite saw the hit, but pretended not to.
Nor by this was he turned from his line of conduct. For the
proverb is a true one : ' However many stratagems a man
possesses, they sooner or later ruin him ' [92].

Two things happened to me during this march. The first
was that, being dressed in the costume of the country, I fastened
my gown or cabaya (qabd) on the right side, as is the fashion of
Mahomedans. The Hindus fasten theirs on the left. I also
went with my beard shaved, wearing only moustaches like the

1 The only trace of Bahadur Khan's (Khan Jahan, Kokaltash) service at this
time in those parts is in the ' Ma.asir-ul Umara,,' i. 801, where he is said, in the
tenth year (1667-68), to have replaced Mahabat Khan in the government of
Gujarat, which extended as far south as Surat.

JAI SINGH'S MARCH TO THE DAKHIN 123

Rajputs, but without pearls hanging from my ears as they
have. The Rajput officers wondered at this get-up, neither
Rajput nor Mahomedan. They asked me what religion I
belonged to ; I replied that I was of the Christian religion.
Once more they asked me whether I was a Mahomedan
Christian or a Hindu Christian. For they recognise no other
religions than these in Hindustan. I seized the opportunity to
tell them a little about our faith.

The other matter was that one day Rajah Jai Singh asked
me whether in Europe there were armies, wars, and squadrons.
I replied to him that the bravery with which the Farangls
fought, of which I was an example, sufficed to show him that
we in Europe knew what war and fighting meant. We were
accustomed to fight in two ways, one by sea, the other by
land. That upon the sea took place thus :

A number of planks are joined together by nails in the form
of a large enclosed house, with many cannon in tiers. Entering
into the said house, the soldiers attach huge cloths to masts,
and driven by the winds, these serve to put the said house
in motion. The course is regulated by a large plank fixed on
the house, and capable of movement from one side to another.
In this way, with good matchlocks, pistols, and swords, and
a sufficient supply of food, of powder, and of ball, they set out in
search of their enemies. When they encounter one, the
fight begins with the firing of cannon, which breaks the
masts or makes holes in the said house, allowing entrance
to the water. But those who are within assemble and with
skill plug the hole. For this they always have materials
ready.

Meanwhile some attend to the vessel, and others fight with-
out intermission. The dead bodies are thrown into the sea, so
that they may not hinder the fight. Nor are there wanting
surgeons to aid the wounded, who are carried to a room
specially set apart. As their courage grows hotter, they bring
the vessels nearer, emptying all their matchlocks and pistols [93],
until at length the fight waxing still fiercer, they grapple one with
the other; then the sword-blows scatter streams of blood, red-
dening the sea. There being no mode of flight for the fighters,

124 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

it is therefore necessary to conquer or die. Sometimes it
happens that the captain who is losing, resolving not to be
overcome, orders all his cannon and other pieces to be double-
shotted. He then sets fire to the ship's magazine of powder ;
thus he destroys himself along with the others. The rajah
wondered at such a mode of warfare, and it seemed, to him
very hard and very cruel that a man, if he did not want to
defend himself, could not even run away.

The other mode of fighting was on land. There the foot
soldiers were separated from the squadrons of horse, and all
had their matchlocks and swords. Those who were mounted
had good carbines, pistols, and swords. When I was giving
this account, finding some pikes or spears there, I exhibited
how the spearmen stood in front of the companies to hinder
the cavalry from getting in and throwing into disorder the well-
ordered ranks of the infantry. Thus the battle would com-
mence with great order and discipline, the cavalry helping
wherever it was necessary to repress an onslaught of the
enemy. Many a thing did we tell him of our fighting in the
open country. Upon this he set to laughing, assuming us to
have no horses in our country, and thus we could know nothing
of fighting on horseback.

For this reason we agreed, I and Luis Beicao, a French
surgeon, Guilherme (William), an Englishman, 1 and Domingo
de Saa, a Portuguese who had formerly been a cavalry soldier
in Portugal, to give the next morning during the march, and
in the rajah's presence, a demonstration of our mode of fighting
on horseback. We rode out with our carbines, two pistols in
our holsters and two in our waist-belts, and carrying our swords.
We rode two and two and began to career about, our horses
being excellent. Then first of all we skirmished with the
carbine, and after some circling and recircling, letting off our
pistols, we made pretence of flight and pursuit. Then, turning
round and making a half-circle, the fugitive attacked the pursuer
and let off his pistol. Thus we went on till all our charges
were fired off, of course without bullets. Then, laying hand

1 ' William, an Englishman,' may be identical with the William Gates of
Sloane MS., 811, in the British Museum.

INDIAN IDEAS OF EUROPEAN FIGHTING 125

upon our swords [94], we made gestures as if giving sword-cuts,
which the others parried.

The rajah, who was on his elephant, halted, and when our
display was finished, we rode up and made our bow. He
asked what meant these excursions and alarms. I replied
that purposely we had done this to let him see that we knew
how to fight on horseback in the European way. He asked
me several times if really they fought like that in Europe.
I answered that this was only a small specimen. We would
show him sport when it came to reality, observing the same
order ; and if there were on the field dead men or horses, we
should ride over them as if riding on a carpet, and make no
account of them. He praised our way of fighting, saying he
thought it a sound mode of warfare, and he should like to form
a troop of European cavalry if I could obtain them. I answered
that it was not easy to get so many men in Hindustan who had
been trained in our wars. He then gave us our leave with
a good present, and thenceforth thought more of European
nations, who, if it were not for their drinking habits, would be
held in high estimation, and could aid our kings to carry out
some project there.

Death of Shahjahan.

While Rajah Jai Singh was halted in Brampur (Burhanpur)
awaiting the army which was following us, he received the
news of Shahjahan's death, which happened in the following
manner. 1 Noromgabadi (Aurangabadi), wife of Shahjahan,
had two lovely maid-servants, one Aftab, which means ' Sun,'
and the other Mahtab — that is to say, ' Moon.' Finding that
Shahjahan was attracted by them, she gave them to him for
his amusement.

One day Shahjahan was in front of a mirror adjusting his
moustaches, and these two women were standing behind him.
One made a sign to the other, as if mocking the old man who
wanted to get himself up as a youth. Shahjahan saw the
gesture, and, touched in his reputation, had recourse to drugs

1 Shahjahan died in the night between Sunday and Monday, the 26th Rajab,
1076 H. (February i, 1666, N.S.) (' Tarlkh-i-Muhammadi,' year 1076).

126 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to maintain his strength in his accustomed vices. By these
his bladder was so weakened that a retention of urine came
on. For this no remedy could be found, he being now an old
man and much enfeebled. At the same time [95] he brought
to mind what the faqlr with the two apples had said. This
was when he was Prince Corrum (Khurram), and was at Juner,
in Bijapur territory (I. 119), and it was to the effect that when
his death approached he would lose the smell of apples on his
hands. Recognising that this had come true, he lost heart
about his living longer, and thus came to an end in a short
time.

When Ttibar Khan sent the report to court, Aurangzeb called
to mind the subterfuges by which Shahjahan, being then Sultan
Khurram, gave out that he was dead, and thereby gained the
throne. Might he not have sought a similar method for getting
out of prison and recovering the kingdom ? Aurangzeb there-
fore sent a trusty man to pass a heated iron rod over his father's
feet, and if the body did not stir, then to pierce the skull down
to the throat, to make quite certain that he was really dead.
Orders were sent to Ttibar Khan not to allow his burial until
the arrival of Aurangzeb in person. 1 He journeyed quickly by
river, for it was of great importance to him to be delivered of
this uneasiness, and he cloaked his ill-will under the shadow of
filial piety, in the hope that the populace would cease to whisper.

Arrived at Agrah, Aurangzeb put up at the mausoleum of
Taj Mahal, and there awaited his father's body. It was not
carried out through the palace entrance ; through a hole made in
the wall they brought it out head first, this being a superstition
among the Mogul kings, I know not the reason why. Begam
Sahib sent two thousand gold coins to be given to the poor,
but the guards seized the whole, saying that prisoners could
not give away anything. On the arrival of the corpse at the
tomb, Aurangzeb prayed and showed much devoutness, wiping
his eyes as if he wept. Thus he found himself arrived at the
object of his desires in the year one thousand six hundred and
sixty-five (correctly, 1666), that father being now buried whose

1 Aurangzeb left for Agrah by river on 9 Sha'ban (February 14), 'Ma,asir-i-
•Alamgiri,' 53, 54.

SHAHJAHAN'S DEATH AND BURIAL 127

death he had so long desired, and to shorten whose life he had
sought so many expedients.

At the conclusion of the ceremony Aurangzeb went into the
fort, when Begam Sahib came out to meet him. After the
usual obeisances she presented to him the letter of pardon that,
as she said, she had obtained from Shahjahan, her father,
together with the valuable and ancient jewels remaining under
his control. This was all the service she could do for her
brother, for whom she had wearied herself enough, without
much profit, for some time past. Aurangzeb was satisfied [96],
although he had grounds for suspecting that the said letter was
a forgery ; nevertheless, it was enough to justify him with the
populace. To those maid-servants and ladies who were not
wives of Shahjahan he gave permission to marry freely anyone
they pleased. He took Begam Sahib away with him to Dihll,
conferring on her the title of Pacha Begam (Badshah Begam) —
that is, ' Empress of Princesses.' He allowed her to live in her
own mansion, a concession he would not grant to Roshan Ara
Begam. Begam Sahib's rank was maintained as before, and
her beloved Jam Begam, daughter of Dara, was left with her.
The wives of Shahjahan were sent into retirement in the palace
for royal widows. 1

Here is the place to speak of Shahjahan's elephant called
Khaliqdad, as I have promised (II. 7). Hearing a great noise
being made in the tomb of Taj Mahal in preparation for the
burial of his master, this elephant grew fierce and restless,
when the driver who had charge of him came up and said to
him, ' Unhappy Khaliqdad ! What will become of thee now
that he who was thy master is dead ? What is there for thee
now but to die too ? for no one will take the trouble to look
after thee !' On hearing these words, the elephant began to
gather dust with his trunk and throw it on his head. Then
with groans and cries he fell on the ground and died, just as if
he recognised his evil destiny, and took his departure as one
forsaken.

1 The so-called ' Suhagpurah,' I presume, or 'Hamlet of Happy Wives,' one
of the Karkhanahs, or divisions of the royal establishment at Dihli.

128 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN
AURANGZEB SENDS AN AMBASSADOR TO PERSIA.

After the funeral of Shahjahan Aurangzeb determined to
send an ambassador to Shah 'Abbas, King of Persia. The
real reason for such an embassy was not disclosed. But it
was commonly conceived that it was to establish peace and
friendship with the King of Persia. He apprehended that this
sovereign might make war upon him, as he had upon Shah-
jahan. On his side Aurangzeb intended to overcome Bijapur
and Gulkandah, to tempt fortune by an attack on China, to
eject the Rana from his territory, and to occupy the kingdoms
of Arakan and Pegu, which barred the door to his enterprises.

The ambassador that he selected was [97] Tarbietcan (Tar-
blyat Khan), 1 an Uzbak, a large, tall man with a huge beard,,
and possessed of good judgment, being a man of great learning. 2
As presents Aurangzeb sent many pieces of Indian cloth highly
adorned and very costly, and several elephants. With the
embassy went the usual officials, a wdqi'ah-navis and a khufi-
yah-navis, who are the public reporter and the secret reporter.
The ambassador arranged matters so that on his arrival in
Isfahan he received fresh mangoes. This is an Indian fruit
not grown in Persia. He also received there fresh betel, a leaf
that, on mastication, gives an agreeable odour to the mouth,

1 About nth Rabi' II. of the sixth year, 1074 H. (November 12, 1663), Tarbiyat
Khan was sent with a reply to the letter from Shah 'Abbas brought by Budaq
Beg, and carried presents to Persia valued at seven lakhs of rupees. In the
ninth year, about the 14th Rabi' I., 1077 H. (September 14, 1666), a report was
received from Tarbiyat Khan, envoy to Persia. He exposed the ill-will, foolish-
ness, ignorance, and bad temper of Shah 'Abbas, and his attempts to fly higher
than his wings had strength for. He was proposing an invasion of Khurasan ;
further particulars were given on the envoy's return to the Indian Court.
Aurangzeb determined to teach a lesson to that stirrer-up of needless strife. To
begin with, Prince Mu'azzam and Jaswant Singh were told off, and Aurangzeb
said he would proceed to the Panjab himself ; and, as Tarbiyat Khan had
committed faults, he was denied an audience (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 48, 56).
This return embassy is apparently not mentioned by Bernier.

2 Shafi'ullah, Birlas, entitled Tarbiyat Khan, was born in Central Asia, and
died as Faujdar of Jaunpur on the 27th Sha'ban, 1096 H. (July 30, 1685), or

1097 H. as the ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri' says, p. 261, line 3, or, as some assert, in

1098 H. ('Tarikh-i-Muhammadl,' year 1096; see also ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,'
i. 493).

THE SHAH INSULTS THE ENVOY 129

and is comforting to the stomach. I spoke of it in the First
Part of my History (I. 39) upon my arrival in Surat. They
have none of this leaf in Persia.

The ambassador was well received upon his entry into
Isfahan ; but he did not receive equal honour in the presence
of Shah 'Abbas. When permission to appear in audience had
been given to him, the king recollected what Aurangzeb had
done to his ambassador. He now took a twofold revenge.
The first was he received him while mounted on horseback, as
he was coming from the court on a promenade. In this way
the wretched Tarblyat Khan was forced to follow the king on
foot for some distance. Then he was told to go away and take
some rest ; he would be sent for another time. This was the
first mouthful the ambassador had to swallow. He was forced
to wait for about a year before he obtained leave to depart.

In this interval he was sent for several times to the court,
where they treated him with much less respect than Persian
subjects were treated. His going to court served for no purpose
but to expose him to the king's contempt. They merely made
a mock of him and of Aurangzeb. One day, speaking of
Aurangzeb's hypocrisy, Shah 'Abbas called him his slave, as
the Persians are used to do in naming Indians. Another time
he scoffed at the complexion and customs of the people of
Hindustan. Thus many months elapsed.

One day, speaking about the reception given by Aurangzeb
to his ambassador, Shah 'Abbas complained of the unusual
ceremonial. Among other things they said to Tarblyat Khan
that the Blackamoor (meaning Aurangzeb) ought not to forget
that it was the kings of Persia who established his family in
Hindustan ; for without their help never [98] would his
ancestor, Humayun, have returned there as king. The am-
bassador answered that it was the truth, but equally should the
Shah recollect that his predecessors were given the kingdom of
Persia by Taimur-i-lang. Shah 'Abbas was amused at such an
answer, and as a reward made him drink a cup of wine by
force. It was not a little of an insult to the ambassador to see
himself forced to do such a thing.

Having exhausted their stock of jests with the ambassador,

vol. 11. 9

130 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

when he had been there a year they asked him one day who
his two followers were, about whom on every day of visit Shah
'Abbas made jokes. Tarblyat Khan replied they were the
public reporter and the secret reporter, who informed Aurang-
zeb of all that took place. Shah 'Abbas laughed, and in a loud
voice said to him that one must necessarily assume he was
a man of little sense and of slight consideration, seeing that the
king had given him such followers and had not trusted in him.

Many are the things which might be told about this embassy,
but the story would be very long. It might even be that every-
body might not credit it ; for infinite were the jokes with which
Shah 'Abbas repaid the hauteur of Aurangzeb in treating his
ambassador badly. Among other pleasantries, one day when
the ambassador was at the audience, the king ordered into his
presence a lion secured by two chains of silver gilt. When the
lion appeared, he took hold of it by the mane and stroked it, to
show how brave he was. The lion, which was tame, let itself
down gently on the floor, and made friendly gestures to the
king. The ambassador was in a wonder, and Shah 'Abbas, as a
joke against the reporters, said : ' Write this, too, to Aurangzeb.'

Finally, having by this time prolonged sufficiently the misery
of the ambassador, the king decided to send him off. But it
was a sad business, this leave-taking. One day Shah 'Abbas
held the ambassador in animated conversation till late in the
evening, and it being then dark, asked if he had any coin of
Hindustan, and any portrait of his king. The ambassador
replied in the affirmative, and produced some coins of gold and
of silver. On these was written :

1 Secazad der jahan chum bader manir
Xaa Orangzeb Alamguir '

(Sikkah zad dar jahan chun badr-i-munir,
Shah Aurangzeb-i-'Alamglr)

That is

' Struck coin in the world like sun and moon,
Aurangzeb, the conqueror of the world.'

At the same time he gave him [99] a portrait of Aurangzeb
painted on paper. He was depicted on horseback, and there
was an angel in the air presenting to him a sword.

THE ENVOY'S BEARD SET ALIGHT TO 131

Shah 'Abbas returned the coins to the ambassador, directing
him to read aloud the words stamped on the coins. Beforehand
he had told the torch-holder to approach the ambassador, so
that he might be able to see ; then, when he had finished
reading, he was to make a pretence of stumbling, and in so
doing set fire to the ambassador's beard. This was done.
Meanwhile Shah 'Abbas kept calling out : ' It is nothing ! it is
nothing ! there are plenty of barbers to repair the damage.'
Then, gazing at Aurangzeb's portrait, he began to utter against
it much abuse, going through the life and the chief doings
of such a king ; then, spitting on the picture, threw it on the
ground. He ordered his slaves to shoe-beat the face, which
deserved no less. This was done, and all observing silence, he
said that on the coins there should not appear such words, but

these :

' Secazad bacurs penir
Orangzeb beradercox paderguir '

(Sikkah zad ba qurs-i-panir,
Aurangzeb, baradar-kush-i-pidar glr).

That is

1 Struck coin upon a round of cheese,
Aurangzeb, brother-slayer, father-seizer.'

At the same time he ordered forty fine horses from his stables
to be given to Tarblyat Khan, telling him to go back to his
master and inform him that he sent those horses, so that he
might not have the excuse of a deficiency of horses for not taking
the field against him. Thereby he defied him to enter the
field, hoping to teach him thus how a king became a real world
conqueror. But of the rest let us speak farther on, for the wars
of Shiva Jl here make me pause, having somewhat to say about
them. 1

Returns to Jai Singh's Campaign in the Dakhin.

While this embassy [to Persia] was in progress, we were
marching onwards to the city of Aurangabad, on reaching
which we joined Shah 'Alam. Sending for me, Rajah Jai

1 There is an account of Tarblyat Khan's treatment in Persia to be found in
Dow's 'History of Hindostan,' 1803, hi. 400.402. It differs in details from
Manucci's story.

9—2

132 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Singh ordered me to go as envoy to three rajahs — that is
to say, Ramanagar (Ramnagar), Pentt (Pent), and Chottia 1
(Chiutia), who are petty rajahs among the Hindus, and the
Portuguese call them kings of the Colles (? Kolls). It was
through their lands that Shiva Jl passed on his way to attack
Surat. 2 Rajah Jai Singh gave me a set of robes and a horse,
and sent with me thirty troopers and some infantry ; also a
considerable sum for expenses. My orders were to go to these
rajahs, and tell them they must give their word not to [ioo] take
the side of Shiva Jl, nor allow him passage. He (Jai Singh)
must declare war against them in the name of the Mogul
emperor, if they did not take up arms against Shiva Jl and
embrace the cause of Aurangzeb. As security for their promise
they must come in themselves or send their sons to attend on
the court, where they would be assigned pay and rank befitting
their condition.

I took my departure on this deputation, and the first person
I visited was the Rajah of Ramanagar, whose territories lie amidst
frightful hills and gloomy forests. I was well received by this
rajah, who invited me to take a rest while he deliberated on
what he thought it was best to do. I amused myself meanwhile,
going out to shoot and fish ; nor did the rajah fail in providing

1 Pentt — this is evidently the Peint of Thornton, 761, and of the ' Imperial
Gazetteer,' xi., a petty State in the Nasik district between Bombay and Surat,
east of Daman, lying between lat. 20 1', 20 27', and long. 72 58', 73 4',
with an area of 730 square miles. The town of Peint is 73 miles south-east
by south from Surat, and 102 miles north-north-east from Bombay. According
to the ' Bombay Gazetteer,' xvi. 189 (Nasik), Pent belonged to Punwar Rajputs,
and not to Kolis. Ramnagar is another name for the State of Dharampur,
held by Sisodiah Rajputs, now under the political agent at Surat (' Bombay
Gazetteer,' vi. 254, 256). I am indebted also to Dr. O. Codrington for calling
my attention to Purshoram Vishram Mawjee's ' Shiva Ji's Swarajya,' read before
the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society on December 17, 1903. This
essay, and the map attached to it, show that this Ramnagar was the northern-
most division of Shiva Ji's hereditary dominions. Chottia may represent a
village at the Chivtia (Chiutia) Pass, over the Sahyadri range, in the north-
west corner of the Nasik district ('Bombay Gazetteer,' xvi. 129). It is not
named among the fifteen petty states called the ' Dangs,' ' Imperial Gazetteer,'
iv. 114.

9 This statement is confirmed by the ' Bombay Gazetteer,' ii. 89 (Surat). The
invasion of Surat took place in 1664.

MANUCCI NEGOTIATES WITH PETTY RAJAHS 133

pastimes in the nature of plays and games. Meanwhile he was
corresponding with the other two rajahs, whether they thought it
suited them to take the Mogul side against Shiva Jl. I was
not backward in making promises and using threats, according
as I considered it appropriate. Sometimes I put myself into a
passion and demanded an answer, else I would be off. In the
end the rajah chose the side of Aurangzeb, giving me a horse
and a sword. He made over to me his son in confirmation
of his word.

I then went to the second rajah, where I was received in a
friendly manner, and treated just as I had been at the first
place. He petitioned for time, feigning that he had not had
time to write to the others. Here I received many honours
according to their custom — dances, plays, and the chase.
Finally, he, too, gave me a horse and a sword, and delivered to
me his son to be conducted to court. But this tall and robust
young man died on the journey by reason of the great heat
of the sun, which inflamed his blood. He would not agree
to be bled, as I counselled, he not trusting in me.

Next I proceeded to the third rajah, who showed himself
recalcitrant. But finding I was determined, he set to work to
conciliate me. Not having any sons, he made over to me his
brother to be taken to court with me ; he then bestowed on me
a sword and a horse, and bade me farewell. It happened that
at this time he was fighting the Portuguese of Damao (Daman),
so I arranged matters and persuaded them to make peace.

Here two things happened to me that I wish to recount, so
that inquiring persons may learn that these people are much
given to sorcery [101]. I had a handsome horse that Rajah
Jai Singh had given me. The Rajah of Chottia (Chiutia) took
a fancy to this horse, and requested me to sell it to him ; he
would pay me one thousand rupees. I was not willing, but
when it was time for my departure the horse had lost the use of its
legs, and was unable to move. I waited for eight days without
any good, when the rajah sent me word that, though the horse
was damaged, he would still give me one thousand rupees. In
a rage, I started from the place, telling my people that if within
twenty-four hours the horse could not move, to cut his throat

134 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

and bring the hide to me. Finding me so resolute, the rajah
sent me one thousand two hundred rupees, beseeching me not
to order the horse's throat to be cut, but to content myself with
this present, and he would keep the horse in remembrance of
me. I contented myself with taking the twelve hundred rupees,
knowing quite well that if I did not, I should lose both horse
and rupees.

Another affair happened to me in this return journey to the
camp with the hostages. It was this : One of my servants,
passing through a field of radishes, stretched out his hand to
pluck one out of the ground, when his hand adhered in such
a fashion to the radish that he could not take it away. It was
necessary to find the owner of the field to get him liberated.
This was done, and after taking something as a bribe and giving
him a beating, the owner recited some words and the man was
freed. I could never sufficiently state to what an extent the
Hindus and the Mahomedans in India are in the habit of
practising witchcraft. I quite well know that if I were to
recount that they can even make a cock crow in the belly of
the man who stole and ate it, no credit would be given to me.
Nevertheless, the truth is that many a time I heard the crowing
in different cases, and of such instances I was told over and over
again. 1

As for the spells practised by the women to bring young men
under their control, they are infinite. Of such a nature are
they that any such youth becomes mad, nor is he given any
respite to think of anything else. This subject I postpone to
the Third Part of my History (III. 248-265). Let this serve
as a warning to our Europeans who intend to travel in India,
so that they may not allow their liberty to be taken from them,
for afterwards they will weep over their unhappy, irremediable
state. It happens often to one so bound by spells that after

1 An obvious case of ventriloquism. Mr. W. Crooke refers me to a more
modern story of the same sort in Sleeman's ' Rambles and Recollections,' i. 91.
He also refers me to the passage from the 'Acta Sanctorum,' tomeii., March,
quoted in Southey's ' Commonplace Book,' third series, 355 : ' Some thieves
having stolen and eaten a ram of his [St. Finian's], and denying the fact, the
saint called upon the ram to bear witness ; and though the mutton was then in a
state of digestion, it bleated in their bellies.'

INDIAN SPELLS AND SORCERY 135

his lady-love has died he cannot endure the approach of any
other woman, remaining ever overcome by sorrow for the
defunct [102].

I have not much to say about the lands through which I
passed. For they are not of great excellence or productive-
ness. They are, as I said, full of hills and rocks, and very
difficult for fighting in. The habits of these people are
barbarous, their features ugly, and complexion black; they
go almost naked, having only a simple cloth, which at times
is insufficient to hide their shame. Among the hills aforesaid
are many tigers and other ferocious animals. It happened to
me in this journey that an unknown dog attached itself to us,
and served me as a guide in crossing streams. One night it
was sleeping near me in these forests, when a tiger came and
carried it off.

Shiva Ji surrenders of hts own Accord to Rajah
Jai Singh.

During the time that I was carrying out my deputation,
which lasted nearly seven months, Rajah Jai Singh by his
valorous enterprise gave Shiva Ji as much to do as he could
manage, never letting him rest. In the end, when Shiva Jl's
fortress of Banagar 1 was invested, Jai Singh, in his foreseeing
way, began to write to Shiva JI, pointing out to him that if he
would only listen to his words, things should be so arranged
with Aurangzeb that he (Shiva Ji) should be propitiated and
appointed by the king as governor of the Dakhin. At the same
time, opening his purse, a thing which has strong influence
over both hearts and tongues, he sent heavy bribes to Shiva Jl's
ministers, so that, should he demand their counsel about what
ought to be done, they should all tell him it were best to make an
agreement with the Mogul king, since he promised to make
him governor of the Dakhin. If Rajah Jai Singh went security

1 Is this meant for Puna-garh (see II. 107), or can it be intended for Raegarh,
which was the name of Shiva Jl's stronghold ? Rain (renamed Raegarh in
1662) was given up to Shiva Ji by the Bijapur officials in 1648 (Grant-Duff,
6 3. 85). Puna, Purandhar, Singarh, and Raegarh, were the places attacked by
Jai Singh (ibid., 92).

136 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

for the royal word, he could accept the proposal. For Aurang-
zeb would never fail in his word, by reason of the estimation
and respect in which he held that rajah.

Shiva Jl allowed himself to be persuaded by the pleasant
words spoken, and the large promises made to him by the said
rajah. Finding that in valour and experience this general was
very different from the others who had been sent against him
before, he decided to listen to Jai Singh's words and place him-
self in his hands. When Shiva Jl came to visit the said rajah,
much anxiety was caused in our camp, everybody assuming
that he must be coming to [103] attack our army.

But when it was known that he had very few people with
him, Diler Khan and Kirat Singh went out to meet him
and escort him to the tent of the rajah. But he did not wait
for all these preparations, and when he drew near to the tent,
the rajah came out to receive him with great friendliness and
politeness. Meanwhile the governor of the fortress (? Puna) went
on fighting with great energy, bombarding our camp with his
artillery ; nor would he desist until Shiva Jl wrote to him to
surrender the fortress. Thus for the time being the war with
Shiva Jl was at an end. He trusted in the various letters
written to him by Aurangzeb and the oaths he had sworn to
him, also in the words and promises of Rajah Jai Singh. A
tent was put up for him alongside the rajah's, and he had
liberty to enter and leave as he pleased ; he was always treated
with great honour and respect. Meanwhile they awaited a
reply from the court.

A few days after my arrival Shiva Jl gave himself up and
came into our camp. 1 Since I went at night to converse and
play [cards] with the rajah whenever he so desired, it happened
one night during this period that we were having a game, the
rajah, his Brahman, and I, when in came Shiva Jl. We all
rose up, and Shiva Jl, seeing me, a youth well favoured of
body, whom he had not beheld on other occasions, asked
Rajah Jai Singh of what country I was the rajah. Jai Singh

1 Grant-Duff, 93, places Shiva Ji's surrender in July, 1665. According to the
' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 51, he came into Jai Singh's camp on the 8th Zi.l Hijjah
of the eighth year, 1075 H. (June 23, 1665, N.S.).

MANUCCI MEETS SHIVA J I 137

replied that I was a FarangI rajah. He wondered at such an
answer, and said that he also had in his service many Farangis,
but they were not of this style. Rajah Jai Singh wanted to do
me honour, and responded that as a rule Nature made a dis-
tinction between the great and the humble, and I being a rajah,
she had given me a body and a mind very different from those
of others. I rose to my feet as a mark of recognition for the
compliment, and made the appropriate obeisance. This was
the opening which afforded me occasion many times to con-
verse with Shiva Jl, since I possessed, like anyone else in the
camp, the Persian and Hindustan languages. I gave him in-
formation about the greatness of European kings, he being of
opinion that there was not in Europe any other king than the
King of Portugal. I also talked to him about our religion [104].

Shiva Ji goes to Court, and after Some Months takes

to Flight.

Diler Khan, being habituated to treachery, wished several
times to kill Shiva Jl, and to this intent solicited Rajah Jai
Singh to take his life, or at least to give him (Diler Khan)
leave to do so. He would assume all responsibility, and see
that the rajah was held blameless. He said the king would
rejoice at such a result. For Shiva Jfs valour and intrepidity
would never give any rest to the Mogul. But Rajah Jai Singh,
who had pledged his word and oath not to allow of a murder,
but rather that the king should treat Shiva Jl with great honour,
never listened to the words of Diler Khan. On the contrary,
he made arrangements to send Shiva Jl to court well guarded ;
and he wrote to his heir, Ram Singh, to take precautions against
the king's murdering Shiva Jl. For he had pledged his word,
confirmed by an oath, to protect him. Better would it be for
his house to be extirpated than to permit Aurangzeb, under
cover of his words, to organize treachery.

Upon Shiva Jl's arrival at Dihll the king caused him to
appear in his presence, 1 and instead of giving him the promised

1 According to the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 55, line 6, the audience took place on
the 18th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1076 H. (May 22, 1666).

138 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

position, which was to be the highest in his audience-hall, he
caused him to be assigned the lowest place in the first circle of
nobles within the golden railing. Shiva Jl was much hurt at
this deed of Aurangzeb's, which did not conform to the promises
received, and angry (so to speak) at being still alive, he said
resolutely to Aurangzeb that the position allotted was not
according to that promised to him under oath, nor to the
agreement made with Rajah Jai Singh. From this his first
reception he could well surmise what would come to pass
thereafter. Let Aurangzeb remember that the officers in His
Majesty's presence, with the exception of Namdar Khan, 1 who
was a good soldier, were the rest of them so many old women,
whom he had overcome in the field with the greatest ease.
Thus not one of them deserved the position he held. Then in
anger he came out.

Everybody imagined that Aurangzeb would order him to be
slain ; but Aurangzeb was not used to display passion openly,
and only carried out his designs in secrecy. He gave a sign
that they were to talk Shiva Jl over, for at that time it was not
known what he might want to state to the court. Some of
them came out and managed [105] to console him, saying it was
the habit of the King of Hindustan not to give forthwith the
first place to those who had newly come to court. But he was
certain to do so afterwards ; for he held him in high esteem as a
valiant captain. But he must wait with patience for a few days.

In the interval Aurangzeb issued orders that he should be
escorted to his tent, and, as sentries over him, they should post
round his tent three corps of guards. This was until the palace
of Fida,e Khan could be made ready for him. Thus he dwelt
some months in a tent ; and finding there was no appearance
either of the execution of the royal promises or of an opportunity
of flight from the hands of Aurangzeb, he sent to ask permission
for his soldiers and captains to leave for their own country.

1 This must be meant for Namdar Khan, the son of Ja'far Khan, wazlr, by
Farzanah Begam, sister of Mumtaz Mahal. Early in the reign he served under
Jaswant Singh in the Dakhin, but was recalled to Court in the seventh year
(1664-65) (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' hi. 830). In Part III., 33, Manucci claims this
noble as a great friend of his.

SHIVA JI SENT TO DIHLI—HIS ESCAPE 139

This Aurangzeb accorded, and was contented to detain the
persons of Shiva Jl, of Sambha Jl, his son, and of Netu JT, 1
the most renowned captain in Shiva Jfs service.

Shiva Jl, on the advice of Ram Singh, son of Rajah Jai
Singh, who was one of the captains on guard over him, sent
several times each week large covered baskets of sweetmeats to
be shared among the officers and others. Aurangzeb took no
precautions about this, acute though he was, for he supposed
such presents were sent by Shiva Jl by reason of his desire to
give alms in thanks to God for his freedom. When the adorn-
ment of Fida,e Khan's mansion was completed he (Aurangzeb)
gave orders, under the pretext of honouring Shiva Jl, that on
the succeeding morning he should be removed to the said
mansion, it being intended that he should be smothered there
and buried on the spot.

Ram Singh, fully carrying out his father's instructions, and
sufficiently acquainted with Aurangzeb's character, had spent
money without stint to obtain reports of any orders issued by
the king, either in favour of or against Shiva Jl. He thus
heard of the royal order. Without delay Shiva J I was informed,
and he sent out to buy the large covered baskets of sweetmeats as
usual. Then, concealing himself within one, he arranged to be
carried away, he and his son, to a place of security, whence
with good riding-horses he could take flight for his own country.
Thus was it carried out. At seven o'clock in the evening, having
succeeded in getting away without anyone suspecting, Shiva Jl
made use of the preparations made in the villages and woods,
as arranged by Ram Singh, and escaped without detention into
his own country. 2

1 Netu Ji, Palkar (called Nathu Ji by Khafi Khan, ii. 191, etc.), became
sarnaubat, or general of Shiva Ji's cavalry, in 1657 or 1658, and from that time
was conspicuous in all the Mahrattah campaigns until 1664 (Grant-Duff, 74, 76,
81, 86). The ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 58, calls him the khwesh (son-in-law) of
Shiva JI. Grant-Duff, 99, throws doubt on his conversion, but the ' Ma,asir-i-
'Alamgiri,' 60, gives the date of his circumcision as the 1st Shawwal, tenth year,
1077 H. (March 27, 1667). His new name was Murshid Quli Khan.

2 According to the ' 'Alamgirnamah,' 971, line 16, Shiva, Ji escaped in the
night of the 27th Safar, ninth year, 1077 H. (August 29, 1666), the Court being
then at Agrah (ibid., 1021, line 10). He reached the Dakhin in December,
1666, after an absence of nine months (Grant-Duff, 96).

Mo OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Next morning they went to remove Shiva JT to the mansion
where his life was to be taken. On entering the tent they saw
a turban at the side of the cushion, as if [106] he were still asleep.
They waited for a time, then once more they went to look if he
was awake. But what was lying there was not able to move on
any account ! Thus they went in several times without noticing
any movement, nor did they hear any snoring. They uncovered
him gently to find out if he was alive or dead. By this inspec-
tion they were undeceived, and at once reported to Ram Singh,
who went to the king before anyone else could speak to him.
After making his bow, he stood, with a cast-down countenance,
in perfect silence. Aurangzeb was puzzled by this change,
Ram Singh being ordinarily of a jovial expression. He asked
what this dejection meant, and why he had not gone home.
Ram Singh replied in a low voice that he had bad news, namely,
that Shiva Jl had disappeared.

Aurangzeb was much put out by this event, and raising his
hand to his head as if plunged in thought, he sent out orders
throughout the realm for Shiva Jl to be traced. But Shiva JT
was already far on his road, traversing in one night what would
have taken anyone else three days and three nights. In this
way it was impossible to catch him, his way being through
jungle and mountains, places through which it is very difficult
to pass. Being afraid that Netu Jl also might disappear,
Aurangzeb forced him into accepting service, and sent him
off to the other side of the river (the Indus) to fight under
Mahabat Khan.

The War against Bijapur.
Shiva Jl's haste in taking to flight has caused us to get some
paces too far ahead, and leaves now for this place various
matters, including the orders sent by Aurangzeb to Rajah Jai
Singh when he was certain that Shiva Jl had already surrendered
himself. These orders were that, ceasing to campaign against
the territories of Shiva Jl, our army should proceed to the
conquest of Visapur (Bijapur, Vijayapura). 1

1 There is a long and much better account of Jai Singh's Bijapur campaign in
Kha.fi Khan, ii. 191 (Elliot and Dowson, vii. 277-279).

BIJAPUR ATTACKED „ 141

The raj ah started at the head of fifty thousand horsemen, relying
upon his knowledge of the fact that the greater number of the
Bljapur generals were on Aurangzeb's side. We were on our
way when a letter arrived from Sargecan (Sharzah Khan), 1 a
Pathan by race and captain-general of the Bljapur king, addressed
to Diler Khan, to the following effect :

' Valorous and loyal general, Diler Khan ! I do not write to
Rajah Jai Singh but to you, we being of one race and of one
faith. For this reason I believe that [107] you will give ear
to my words. I pray you as a favour to so arrange that Rajah
Jai Singh obtains from King Aurangzeb orders to desist from
this war. For the King of Bljapur is of the same sect of the
faithful, and up to this time has never evaded the payment of
the agreed tribute. If you are not able to secure this, I shall
be forced to do what in me lies to defend this kingdom. Nor
must you take it ill if I oppose your division or succeed in
routing you, and deprive you of the glory that by a victory you
would obtain.'

When Diler Khan received the letter, he replied briefly that,
until he had the King of Bljapur in his power, Aurangzeb would
never listen to the proposals of anyone. As for an encounter
in the field, he was delighted both to test the valour of Sharzah
Khan, and to give him a sample of the courage with which he,
too, could fight. On hearing this, Sharzah Khan took the field,
and dividing his army into two parts, allowed us to march
between them for fifteen days of our route. When we were
close to Bljapur, he began to devastate the Mogul provinces
without mercy.

The rajah paid no heed to this, assuming that it would be

1 This Sharzah Khan is mentioned by KhafI Khan, ii. 195, line 4, and by
Dr. John Fryer, 1675, edition of 1873, p. 406. His portrait is one of our
illustrations. He afterwards received from Aurangzeb, thirtieth year, 1686-87,
the title of Rustam Khan. In the thirty-third year, 1689-90, he was captured
by Santa, Mahrattah, and not released until the forty-ninth year, 1704-5. Grant-
Duff, 154, says Hambhir Rao was the captor, and the place Wai. Rustam Khan
was made Deputy-Governor of Barar, and in the first year of Bahadur Shah,
17078, full Governor, vice Ghazi-ud-din Khan (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 480, and
Kewal Ram, ' Tazkirat-ul-Umara.,' British Museum, Additional MS., No. 16703,
fol. 456).

142 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

easy for him to take Bljapur and its king, for he had been
corresponding with the officers. But the intrigues being dis-
covered, the king removed the officers who had written, and
replaced them by others. By this change the rajah found
himself deprived of those he relied on, and he had to beat
a retreat. This was the time when Sharzah Khan captured
three officers who were coming over to our army to join us ; he
decapitated them, and sent the heads to the King of Bljapur as
a proof that he had one loyal general, who would spare no one
when acting in defence of his king. Sharzah Khan gave us a lot
of trouble during our retirement, leaving us not a moment's
rest, either by day or by night, until we had quitted the territory
of Bljapur.

During this advance and retreat there was with our army the
Father Damiao Vieira, a Portuguese 1 expelled by the Jesuit
fathers. The cause of his appearance was that during our stay
below the fortress of Punagar (? Puna-garh) the Hindus of
Chawal came to complain to Rajah Jai Singh that the Portu-
guese were seizing forcibly the sons of the Hindus and making
them Christians. This made the rajah angry, for he was
zealous in the Hindu faith, and he made preparations to send a
force against Chawal.

On becoming aware of this I gave notice, there and then, to
Ignacio Sermento at Bassain [108]. 2 He was chief of the
northern territory of the Portuguese, which extends to Damao
(Daman). I requested him to send someone as envoy with
some presents, and I would arrange matters. He sent this
padre, with a young Mahomedan in his suite. He brought
this youth expressly to get from him half of what he might
acquire, as being well acquainted with the territories of Chawal.
He was clever enough to secure the rajah's taking this young
man into his service, and thus they shared the pay in a brotherly
manner. I spoke to the rajah, and pointed out to him that

1 Manucci, Part III., 230, says this man denounced him to the Inquisition at
Bassain in 1667.

" Danvers, ii. 327, year 1662, speaks of Ignatio Sermento, Governor of Cochin.
Possibly this Governor of Bassain in 1666 is the same man. Manucci speaks of
him again on fol. no, and on fol. 213 of Part III. we are told he was murdered
on Palm Sunday, 1676.

DIFFICULTIES WITH PORTUGUESE AT CHAWAL 143

there was no occasion for the Hindus of Chawal to complain,
since what the Portuguese were doing had gone on certainly for
a hundred years ; nor did they make Christians of anyone bat
orphans who had no relations forthcoming.

The padre was not content with having accomplished his
mission with somewhat of honour, but he must needs enter on
warlike proposals. He promised the rajah that he would so
manage that the viceroy of Goa should give aid to the Moguls
in the acquisition of Bljapur. Over and over again I told the
padre that it was not a good thing to enter into such matters,
that he had much better withdraw to Goa. For the King of
Bljapur was a better neighbour to the Portuguese than the
Mogul king would ever be. The latter, having conquered
Bljapur, would next try to take Goa. The padre was not
pleased with my views, and complained to the rajah, so that the
rajah said to me one day, without giving a reason, that I should
avoid meeting the padre. After the business had been settled,
I received from the Portuguese a certificate signed by Ignacio
Sermento, wherein he swore on the Holy Evangelists that I
had done a great service to the Crown of Portugal.

We got to Bljapur, as I said, and there we beheld the
miracles that the padre had promised us. We were to take
Bljapur with the greatest ease, whereas it all but happened that
Sharzah Khan broke all our heads. Therefore, finding, after
we had retreated, that we were going into quarters, I began to
long for a life among Christians ; and I was disgusted at the
conduct of the padre, who continued to live on in the army.
I asked the rajah for leave to resign, as I wanted to return to
my country, and I put forward as excuse that I wanted to get
married. They never refuse anyone leave when it is with that
object. The rajah asked his Brahman and the astrologers, with
whom (as I have said) these princes are always well provided, if
he [iog] should ever see me again. They replied that we should
never meet again. He believed that I was doomed to die, but
he reckoned badly, for while I got back to the Mogul country,
he was left dead far from home, as I shall relate in its proper
place (II. 115).

On my leave-taking he gave me a set of robes, and something

144 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

by way of present. Upon quitting the army I went into a
village belonging to the Portuguese called Camba (Kambe), 1
close to Galiani 1 (Kaliya.nl) and Beundi (Bhiwandl) 1 , in the
country of Shiva Jl. In this village are made many things in
wood — handsome chairs, sideboards, bedsteads, and different
playthings. Here I stayed for several days, at the request of a
friend of mine who was owner of the village, and he kept me
in his house until he had stolen some gold coins I had. Thence
I made for Bassaim (Bassain, Wasai), a Portuguese town, there
to pass Lent, 2 and I lived outside the town. I was very near
losing my life here. A gentleman (fidalgo) asked me about
some fidalgos of the Mello family, then living in the Mogul
country, who had been banished for putting to death two brothers
named Medoncas (? Mendoza), brothers-in-law of the questioner,
on the accusation of treason to the Portuguese Crown. I had no
idea that he was an enemy of these fugitives, and I replied that
they were men of worth and honoured gentlemen. This sufficed
to set him plotting against me, and he sent out men to assassi-
nate me. But it was God's pleasure that, when coming out of
the town on my horse, I should meet some gentlemen, who
requested me to put my horse to speed, which I did most
vigorously. With a pleasantry I look my leave of them, and
spurred my horse into a gallop, though it was already tired out,
getting my sword out of its scabbard ; it was as much as I could
do to get hold of it, seeing that my horse would hardly let me.
But here we must admire God's providence, who had resolved
on saving me. Here was I galloping my horse, sword in hand,
when I came up with four men at a corner round which I had
to pass. They stood there waiting for me, with naked swords,

1 Kaliyani is the well-known town (now a railway junction) in the Thanah
District (' Bombay Gazetteer,' xiv. 113). Beundi I identify as Bhiwandl, six miles
north of Kaliyan, and in the same district, lat. 28 45', long. 76 14' (ibid., 45).
Camba (Kambe) was a Portuguese fort two miles west of Bhiwandl (ibid.,
xiii. 457, Thanah District).

2 According to the ' 'Alamgirnamah,' 1021, last line, Jai Singh, after nearly
a year's absence, arrived at Aurangabad, on his return from Bijapur, on the
8th Jamadi' II., 1077 H. (December 16, 1666). Manucci says, farther on, it was
in 1666 he reached Bassain, but it was more probably the Lent of 1667. The
town of Bassain (or Basai) is twenty-eight miles north of Bombay, and was held
by the Portuguese until 1765 (' Bombay Gazetteer,' xiv. 28, Thanah District).

XVI. Sultan Akbar, Fourth Son of Aurangzeb.

Vol. II.

To face page 144.

MANUCCI AT GOA, 1667 145

ready to slay me. But guessing that I had been already
warned, and was coming at them resolved to fight to the death,
they were in fear and allowed me to pass without hindrance.
I was subsequently informed that he who laid this plot for me
was the fidalgo to whom I had praised the Mellos. Thus,
fearing that he would lose no occasion of executing his evil
intent, I left for Goa, and there I arrived in the month of May,
one thousand six hundred and sixty-six (1666). 1 Of the place
itself I shall have much to say presently, but the reader must
permit me first to state briefly [no] something about my own
stay there.

I did not obtain there what I sought, for I found myself in a
place where treachery is great and prevalent, where there is
little fear of God and no concern for strangers. Not that I can
complain myself of ill-treatment, for the viceroy desired to
honour me with the command of a war-galley. But since I had
many necessary expenses, and I was not rich enough to take
upon myself the payment of the soldiers and sailors from my
own pocket, I declined. My advice to the viceroy was that he
should take great care not to let the Mogul become master of
Bljapur ; for on finding an opportunity, he would use all his
strength to take Goa, as was his usual practice.

As I had need of money for expenses, I went several times
to the general, Ignacio Sermento, 2 to ask for the three hundred
rupees which he continued to owe me for certain articles that
he had asked me to send him when I was in the Mogul country.
Never could I succeed in getting what was due. At length,
when he was about to start for his government of Mozambique,
I begged him to make me a gift of the three hundred rupees,
at any rate, under the name of alms. As a foreigner I had
no remedy against him ; and when he heard me ask for charity,
he ordered the sum to be paid me. Thus is it the custom
of certain of these gentlemen to pay their debts after wearying
out their creditors. I was very fortunate. Others, in place
of collecting the money they had lent, have lost a limb or
even their life. I do not want to talk of that, for those who

1 More probably 1667 (see ante, II. 107, note).

2 See ante, II. 108, note, and also Part III., 213 (his murder).
VOL. II. 10

146 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

are curious may ask the Portuguese themselves ; there are
among them men of sincerity, as there are in other nations.
Such men can tell them more than I dare to write about the
Portuguese of India.

Shah 'Abbas defies Aurangzeb.

But let us return to the Moguls and talk of a year in which
several things happened. The first event was that Aurangzeb
had a son by his beloved queen, Udepuri, who received the
name of Kaembaex (Kam Bakhsh), this being the fifth and
last son. 1 But Aurangzeb could not resolve to have him
destroyed in his mother's womb, in accordance with the rule
of Shahjahan. He acted thus out of his great love for Udepuri
[in]. The second event was that Aurangzeb's ambassador
to the King of Persia arrived at Dihli with the forty horses
that Shah 'Abbas sent to Aurangzeb as a challenge to take
the field. By this the whole kingdom fell into great anxiety and
confusion, more especially the city of Dihli, for Aurangzeb,
to show that he had no fear at the approach of Shah 'Abbas,
who had already begun his march towards India, sent orders
to cut the throats of the forty fine horses at the doors of the
Persian officers, such as Ja'far Khan, Muhammad Amln Khan,
and others. This was to prove that he had no need of them,
nor did he make any account of the King of Persia. 2

The wretched Tarblyat Khan, 3 who had been the ambassador,
as we have said, received from Aurangzeb many affronts and
much abuse. Aurangzeb said to him that if he were a man

1 Kam Bakhsh was born on the ioth Ramazan, 1077 H. (March 6, 1667, N.S.)
(' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 538).

2 The account by John Cambell, • gunfounder, ' in the British Museum, Sloane
MS., No. 811, fol. 66, says he was present, and saw Aurangzeb break in
pieces the sword sent by the Persian King ; he ordered the fragments to be
stamped to 'pother,' burnt, and the ashes thrown into the river. The horses
were given away.

3 Tarbiyat Khan arrived after Zu.l Qa'dah of the ninth year, 1076 H. (after
June 3, 1666). He was appointed to Udisa (Orissa), vice Khan Dauran, about
the 25th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1078 H. (May 12, 1668) (' M.-i-'A.,' 56, 57, 62). As to the
horses and Aurangzeb's suspicions of the Persians, see Dow, iii. 405.

TARBIYAT KHAN DEGRADED 147

of understanding and capable of any shame, he should have
got killed in the Persian king's palace, first taking the life of
the heretic (for thus they style the Persians). He would like
to know why he carried a dagger at his side, if it were not
for defending the honour of his king and offering up his life
on his behalf. It had been better for him to bury himself
alive than appear again in the sight of men. Thus did he
expel him from court, and in a short space the wretched
Tarbiyat Khan ended his days. 1

Death of 'Abd-ul-Karim.

Aurangzeb had shown that he was not afraid of the Persians.
All the same, he had a certain amount of dread, for he recalled
Shah 'Alam to court in great haste, and directed Rajah Jai
Singh to make peace with the king of Bijapur. His intention
was to enter on a campaign against the Persians. He still
further exerted himself. He ordered the learned 'Abd-ul-
Karim, 2 master of theology, to take steps to ascertain what
Shah 'Abbas was doing, and transmit to court clear in-
formation.

'Abd-ul-KarTm was so energetic that it cost him his life.
For, having seized some Persian merchants who were totally
ignorant of the plans of Shah 'Abbas, he tortured them until
they should tell him what they did not know. At last one
of them, in despair at so much suffering, sought for death.
Thus, the six Persian merchants being in the audience-hall
under examination, one of them drew near to ' Abd-ul-Karim
[112], who was seated upon a carpet, his sword lying in front
of him, as is customary, and around him a number of persons.
The man said he wished to confess the truth, and would there-
fore swear upon the sword to state what he knew. Placing his
hand upon the sword, which was sheathed, he suddenly raised

1 Tarbiyat Khan did not die until 1096 H. (1685), when he was faujdar of
Jaunpur.

2 'Abd-ul-Karim is probably an error for Maulana. 'Abd-ul-Qawi, I'timad
Khan, who, according to the ' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' p. 57, was assassinated in
1077 H. (1666-67) much in the way here described (see also ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,'
i. 225, and Kha.fi Khan, ii. 203-205).

10 — 2

148 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

it and gave his torturer a mighty blow upon the head. 'Abd-
ul-Karim was killed. The bystanders seized the other five
merchants, who were lying chained in a corner of the hall,
while the brave fellow who struck the blow managed to escape
during the confusion.

Let it be learnt hereby that patience, when at last angered,
is transformed into fury, and in pursuing an inquiry :

' Est modus in rebus, sunt certi denique fines,
Quos ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum.' 1

By this event Aurangzeb was thrown into a great quandary,
suspecting that the Persians had already decided to take
possession of Hindustan by one method or another. He there-
fore ordered everyone to go about clad in shirts of mail.

Aurangzeb's apprehensions were added to when he opened
the book of Coja Afez Xirazi (Khwajah Hafiz ShlrazI). He
is a Persian author much esteemed by Mahomedans, because he
wrote good doctrine in verse. On the occasion of any important
affair they open his book at a venture, or, as we are used to say,
ad apertum libri. They regulate their conduct by the first
words upon which their eyes rest, treating them as prophetic.
He fell (I say) into greater anxiety, since on opening the said
book he found the statement : ' I am greatly amazed that the
black man should claim equality with his master.' 2 This
was as much as to say that he wondered that the King of
Hindustan should assert his ability to resist the strength of the
Persian king. For, as I said already more than once, the Persians
call the Indians their 'slaves' or 'black men.' Aurangzeb
flung the book on the ground in a great rage, and issued orders
for all copies of the work to be collected and burnt. None
was allowed to retain this book under pain of death.

1 Horace, ' Satires,' I., i. 106.

' Yes, there's a mean in morals ; life has lines,
To north and south of which all virtue pines. '

Conington.

2 Haji M. A. Hussein Khan, to whom I referred the question, can find no such
line in the ' Diwan ' of Hafiz. The nearest he could suggest were the two lines :

• Hafiz ! ba adab bash, kih darkhwast na bashad
Gar Shah payame baghulame na firistad.'

THREATENED WAR WITH PERSIA 149

Death of Shah 'Abbas.

Meanwhile Shah 'Abbas was advancing with great deter-
mination and impatience for a contest with the army of
Aurangzeb. He had three hundred thousand horsemen, and
it is quite certain [113] that if Aurangzeb had encountered this
valiant king he would have run considerable risk of losing the
kingdom, to gain which he had worked so hard with mind and
body. But it was his good fortune that Shah 'Abbas fell ill of
quinsy and died upon the march, whereby Aurangzeb was much
relieved, though by that time ready to take the field, as Rajah
Jai Singh had made peace with the king of Bijapur. 1

Upon the death of Shah 'Abbas the aged mother of that king
wrote to Aurangzeb that, now his rival was dead, he was excused
from taking the trouble of coming into the field. All the same,
if he wanted to come, he would find her there in the place of
her son, and she was waiting for nothing but a word from him
to start. Although Aurangzeb had made every preparation for
a campaign, and he was not occupied with any other matter of
importance, Shiva Ji having been already taken, he still did not
care to interfere with the Persians. He made the excuse that
it did not befit his honour to go against a woman, while God
had already chastised the evil-doer. As a revenge for what
Shah 'Abbas had attempted to do, he forbade the sending of
caravans from Hindustan to Persia, but allowed them to travel
into India from Persia.

Begam Sahib gives Wine to the Wives of the
Learned Doctors.

It was in this year that the learned, or Mullds, of the faith,
seeing the king freed of troubles, obtained from him the issue of
laws for women — that is to say, that they must not wear tight
trousers like those of men, but wide ones. They said this was
advisable to distinguish them from men, but their meaning

1 Shah 'Abbas II., son of Shah Safi, son of Shah 'Abbas I., died at the
village of Kharasman on the 1st Rabi' I., 1077 H. (September 1, 1666), aged
thirty-six or thirty-seven (lunar) years (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 58, and ' Tarlkh-i-
Muhammadi,' year 1077). Tavernier, English edition, 200, says he died at
Tehzon of an inflammation of the throat, which came on from excessive drinking.

ISO OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

was very different. They also wanted him to make a rule against
women drinking, or eating bhang, nutmeg, opium, or other
drugs. The women had paid no heed to the orders he had
given at the beginning of his reign, saying those orders did not
apply to them, but to men only.

When Padshah Begam, otherwise Begam Sahib, learnt of this
new rule, she invited the wives of the qazl and the other learned
men to her mansion, and gave them wine until they were drunk.
Aurangzeb came to her palace and referred to the restrictions
under which he had placed women. He made excuses, saying
that he was under an obligation to make the law obeyed. She
had never [114] heard, she said, that those things were entered
in the book of the Law. But Aurangzeb told her that such
was the opinion of all the learned. Thereupon Padshah Begam
invited the king within the pardah, where he saw the wives of
the said learned men all lying drunk and in disorder, and also
wearing tight trousers on their legs !

Upon this Padshah Begam said to him that if such things
were part of the Faith, the learned should not allow their wives
and daughters to go about clothed in that fashion, nor should
they permit them to drink intoxicating drugs. Instead of
issuing laws for others, they required to regulate their own
households. Thus was appeased the storm that had been
raised against women.

Ambassadors from France.

In this year it was that ambassadors arrived from the King
of France to the Mogul. One was called Monsieur de la
Bullaye le Gout, and the other Monsieur Beber. 1 They came

1 Here, as in the case of Lord Bellomont, Manucci is more correct than the
biographical dictionaries. Francois de la Boullaye le Gouz, son of Gabriel le
Gouz, was born at Bauge, near Angers, circa 1610, and, according to the
'Biographie Universelle ' (Michaud), vol. xviii. (1817), p. 216, died at Isfahan
after 1664, or, as the ' Nouvelle Biographie Generate ' (Didot), vol. xxx. (1859),
p. 414, says, ' about 1669,' without ever reaching India on this journey. Both
works say the King of Persia gave him a pompous funeral. But H. Castonnet
des Fosses, in his 'La Boullaye le Gouz, sa Vie et ses Voyages' (53 pp., 8vo.,
Angers, 1891), drawing upon local sources, confirms Manucci generally. Le
Gouz had travelled in India once before, and produced a book, ' Les Voyages et

A FRENCH EMBASSY 151

to obtain from the Mogul leave to open a factory at Surat.
Their orders were not to deliver their letters, unless into the
hands of Aurangzeb himself. But it not being the custom of
the Mogul kings to take letters from the hand of an ambassador,

Observations,' 1653, which brought him to the notice of Louis XIV. In 1664
(October), when Colbert formed his Compagnie des Indes, Le Gouz was selected
with others to proceed to India through Persia to push the interests of the new
enterprise. Le Gouz and Beber reached Swally (Surat) on April 1, 1666, and
proceeded to Agrah. On leaving that place late in 1666 they separated, Beber
returning to Surat, and Le Gouz making for Bengal en route for China. A few
miles from Dhakah he was assassinated by two soldiers, who mistook two heavy
boxes of books for treasure-chests. This must have happened at the end of
1666 or early in 1667 (see also H. Castonnet des Fosses, ' LTnde Francais au
XVIII me Siecle,' Paris, no year, pp. 41, 42).

I have failed to find any notice of Le Gouz's death in the Dutch reports from
Dhakah. There are some letters from him in • Estat de la Perse en 1660,' by
Pere Raphael du Mans, Capuchin, edited by C. Schefer, Appendix, pp. 289-321.
Tavernier mentions him in his 'Travels,' edition Ball, i. 210 (note), 224. But
really the only full account, a very amusing one, is in Tavernier's ' Recueil de
Plusieurs Relations (II., Relation de ce que s'est passe dans la Negotiation des
Deputez,' etc.), 4to., Paris, 1679 (separate paging to each part), 98 pp. Tavernier
was at Agrah at the time, and Beber left for Surat in his company. Manucci
was in the Dakhin then, and it is impossible to tell whether he used Tavernier's
narrative or had independent sources ; both accounts are in substantial agree-
ment. J. de Thevenot, 'Voyage,' 1727, v. 212, notices Le Gouz and Beber's
quarrel with a banyd, and their absurd idea at Burhanpur that a headman's offer
of a nazav of twenty-five or thirty rupees was a calculated insult.

There are a few notices of this French embassy in the East India Company's
records. The first news that a new French company was established is in a
letter from Surat to Persia of February 17, 1666 (Factory Records, Surat,
vol. lxxxvi.). The remark is then repeated, and the arrival of two Frenchmen is
announced (Surat to Bantam, March 20, 1666, Original Correspondence, 3163).
Next, in the postscript to a general letter from Surat to the Court, April 4, 1666
(O.C., 3i57),'they mention the appearance of the two Frenchmen, one sent by the
King and the other by the new company ; they had left some others at Bandar
Congo in the Gulf. The English factors do not think the answer of the Mogul,
who is a ' greate zealot, ' will be so pleasing as that of the Persian King. In
another general letter of September 10, 1666 (Surat), in O.C., No. 3185, the
difficulties of the French at the Mogul Court are detailed, Ja'far Khan having
asked at once what present they had brought. They left the Court, were set
upon by thieves, went back, and at last had an audience. Mr. Randolph Taylor
at Surat writes to Mr. John Stanian to the same effect under date November 24,
1666 (O.C., 3203). On March 26, 1667 (O.C., 3213), Surat reports to the Court
(East India Company) that one Frenchman has left Agrah — it is said towards
Bengal — while the other was returning to Surat with a Fartnan, They comment
on Beber's ' hastie and peevish nature,' and his ' foule language or blowes.'

152 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Aurangzeb, by way of showing the esteem in which he held the
King of France, ordered Shah 'Alam to take the letter from the
ambassadors. This was a thing that up to that time had not
been conceded to anyone. Although they had presents to be
offered to the king, among them some cannon of a new inven-
tion which I had seen in Sfirat, and many other articles, never-
theless, for some reason, they gave nothing, and yet secured
what they desired, the King of France being highly thought of
among the Moguls. Monsieur de la Bullaye embarked at
Patnah on his way to Bengal, but disappeared along with his
boat, nor was anything ever heard of them. The other
(? M. B£ber), when at Goa, fell ill, and, meaning to take sal
prunella (nitrate of potash) or mineral crystal, by inadvertence
took corrosive sublimate, and died there. 1

Death of Rajah Jai Singh.

In the following year, one thousand six hundred and sixty-
seven (correctly, 1 666) Shiva Jl escaped in the way I have
[115] spoken of (II. 105). Aurangzeb, owing to the death of
the Persian king, found himself no longer in need of Rajah Jai
Singh's services [for a Persian campaign] ; and he had suspicions
that the flight of Shiva Jl had been manipulated by that rajah.
He ordered Jai Singh to return to court, and on the road caused
poison to be given to him, from which he died at Burhanpur; 2
thus was he rewarded for the great services he had rendered.
The rajah might have killed Aurangzeb when he came across
him near the Lakhi jungle, during the king's march against
Shah Shuja/, and could have done the deed in perfect safety.
He had been counselled to do it by his officers, as I have
already said in the Second Book of my First Part (I. 220).
Thus, too, was the rajah rewarded for deserting Sulaiman

1 I am informed that while sal prunella is highly soluble, perchloride of
mercury is very imperfectly so ; and, although both are white powders, it would
for this reason be almost impossible to mistake them. Perhaps Beber was drunk,
a failing of his (teste Tavernier).

2 Jai Singh died 20th Muharram, 1078 H. (July 12, 1667), at Burhanpur. He
had been Rajah over fifty years, and his age was about sixty ('Tarikli-i-
Muhammadi'). Tod, 'Rajasthan' (reprint), II., 342, states that Kirat Singh
poisoned his father at the instigation of Aurangzeb.

AURANGZEB OPPRESSES THE HINDUS 153

Shukoh, son of Dara, in obedience to a simple letter sent to
him by Aurangzeb. Thus did Aurangzeb reward the fidelity
with which this rajah governed Dihll while he was in pursuit
of Shah Shuja.'. Thus did he reward the skill with which the
rajah obtained the delivery of Sulaiman Shukoh when he had
sought shelter in the mountains of Srinagar. Thus did he
reward the valour and determination with which the rajah
went against Shiva Jl, and the expenditure by which Shiva. Ji's
submission was secured. Thus did he reward the submissive-
ness with which the rajah made peace with Bljapur, under
conditions favourable to the Mogul court.

As a further piece of revenge for the flight of Shiva Ji,
Aurangzeb ordered Ram Singh, the rajah's eldest son, to
proceed upon the conquest of Assam, 1 simply in the hope of
getting rid of him, knowing what had happened there to the
great Mir Jumlah. But, on the representations of several
princes, he varied the order, and sent him (Ram Singh) to the
farther side of the river Indus, to be under the orders of the
governor of those lands, wherein to live is a severe punishment
to Hindus, as I have already said (I. 223).

When the news of Jai Singh's death reached the court, he
who brought it believed he was the carrier of melancholy
news to Aurangzeb. For the whole country knew the services
rendered by the deceased rajah to Aurangzeb and his kingdom,
and they supposed that the king could not but grieve greatly
for him. But, although it be a truth that the great make no
account of their subjects except when they have need of them,
and when the service is finished make no payment but in the
coin of neglect, Aurangzeb, most completely ungrateful of
them all, held it a maxim to withdraw from before his eyes
those who had done the most for him. Thus he publicly
declared himself rejoiced at the death of that great leader,
saying [116] at once to the bearer of the news that his greatest
joy consisted in this death of Rajah Jai Singh. Yet it had
caused sorrow to everybody except Aurangzeb. The latter,

1 This appointment was made on the 21st Rajab, tenth year, 1078 H. (January 6,
1668) ('Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 65). He left Bengal in the nineteenth year (1675-76),
and died on duty in Kabul during 1099 H. (16S7-88).

154 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDOSTAN

rid of a rajah whose influence might have been dangerous to his
kingdom, declared that very hour an open war against Hinduism.
He sent orders at once for the destruction of the fine temple
called Lalta, in the neighbourhood of Dihll. He also ordered
every viceroy and governor to destroy all the temples within
his jurisdiction. Among others was destroyed the great temple
of Matora (Mathura), which was of such a height that its gilded
pinnacle could be seen from Agrah, eighteen leagues away. In
its place a mosque was to be erected, to which he gave the
name of Essalamabad (Islamabad) — that is, ' Built by the
faithful.' Not content with this, he expelled the jogls or
sanydsls, who are the ascetics and saints of the Hindus. He
directed that the higher officers at the court who were Hindus
should no longer hold their charges, but into their places
Mahomedans should be put. He hindered the Hindus from
enjoying their merry-making (intrudo) or carnival, 1 on which
occasion Mahomedans also resort to pranks and filthy sports.
The time of this festival or carnival falls ordinarily on the
moon of March. It is their custom to disport themselves by
throwing on each other's clothes scented oils and odoriferous
dust, if they are personages of position, or dirty water and other
stinking things if they are low people. They run about in all
directions, just as with us in Europe is done at carnival time,
with noisy cries and obscene words.

Death of Father Buzeo.
The nobles in the Mogul country, above all Ja'far Khan, felt
much the loss this year of a Christian and a priest, although
they do not care a fig usually whether we live or die. They
are in the habit of calling us ' unbelievers.' This was Father
Buzeo, 2 a Flemish Jesuit well known at the court, a great
friend of Dara. and well liked by all the nobles, who delighted

1 The Holt, or spring festival, is evidently intended.

2 Bernier also mentions Father Buzeo (or Busee) and his friendship with
Dara, p. 6 (and Constable's note quoting Catrou, i. 170) ; Dara's death, p. 101,
note ; Busee and the false astrologer, p. 244 ; intimacy with Dara, p. 289. The
father apparently died on June 20, 1668. There is an inscribed stone in the
mortuary chapel at Agrah bearing that date and the name ' Henriquez [illegible] .'
See J. F. Fanthorne, p. 55.

ACCOUNT OF FATHER BUSEE 155

much in his conversation. He was a man of great judgment,
very learned, well [117] regulated in act and speech. He was
of a fine presence, tall and portly, imposing respect by his mere
appearance. He was very polished, a good mathematician, one
who in a few words could solve the most difficult problems.
In such estimation was he held that even Aurangzeb on his
journey to and stay in Kashmir wished his company.

This man of fine constitution met with trouble in regard to
a marriage that he had arranged among the Christians. The
husband, renouncing his religion, had turned Mahomedan. So
much affected was the father, that the blood went to his head
and he became delirious. To let blood would have sufficed to
alleviate nature ; but as he was fifty-three years of age, and had
never been bled, they would not bleed him. In this way his
blood so troubled him that one day, shutting himself into his
room, he opened his bowels with a knife, and, drawing out the
colon, removed a piece and threw it away. Nature being thus
discharged, his head was relieved, and he called for his servants.
As they could not get in, they knocked down the door and ran
to his assistance. But it was too late, a piece of the bowel
having disappeared.

In Dihli at this time was one of the fugitive friars of whom I
formerly spoke (II. 61, 66, 67), and among the Christians who
assembled, this friar also appeared. This priest confessed him,
and remained present until his death. Since Father Buzeo
was a wise man, he forthwith, before he expired, ordered a
writing to be drawn up in his presence, wherein he declared
that he himself had made the wound. He obtained the signa-
tures of the greater number of those present, so that this paper
being carried to the magistrate, the neighbours and the house-
servants might be saved annoyance. He died with all the
signs of a perfect holy man, and his dead body was carried to
Agrah. Speaking with the king, Ja'far Khan said to him that
the sign of understanding had fallen, alluding to the death of
this great religious person.

It was not long before some renegade servants of the Jesuit
fathers made use of this occasion to get the fathers ejected
from Agrah. They laid a petition before the magistrate that

156 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

a Farangi, having died leaving no heirs, they asked for a grant
of the houses of the defunct. From the qdzl they obtained the
order that they sought. The fathers went and sought the
good offices of Ja'far Khan, who, for the friendship he had to
the said father, let the king know what was the real state of
the case — that is to say, the deceased, being neither married
[118] nor a merchant, but a member of a religious order, could
have no heir, possessing nothing of his own. His only heirs
were the fathers of the same order. Thus fresh instructions
were issued in favour of the padres. By this death the fathers
lost much of the lustre that they had, for they did not succeed
in maintaining their ancient reputation. The Mahomedans are
very touchy, hence it is necessary for the fathers to conduct
themselves with great prudence. The slightest indiscretion of
one man suffices to ruin the rest.

Ja'far Khan, Chief Secretary to the King.

Since we have spoken of Ja'far Khan, a great friend of the
Christians and of the fathers, it is requisite to say something
about his character. He was the most famous man of learning
among the Moguls, first Secretary and Minister of State. He
was so civil and courteous that he addressed everybody as
'sir,' and he was incapable of displaying anger. He was very
polished, and his purity might be called a fetish. He declined
to listen to coarse language in any shape. On one occasion it
happened that his horse stopped a moment for a necessary
purpose. He dismounted from his horse and took a seat in
his palanquin, cloaking the feeling that caused this action by
protesting that it was very hot.

But it was a stranger thing he did when the architect brought
him the plans of a fine palace that he intended to build. For,
after asking as to various sections of the plan, he ended by
inquiring about a certain place, where were depicted the privy
retreats. The architect said it was the necessary place, where-
upon he held his nostrils with his right hand, and puckering
up his face, made a sign with his left to take the plan away, as
if it smelt merely through having this painting on it.

This man used to drink his drop of liquor, and on this

JA'FAR KHAN'S DEFENCE OF WINE-DRINKING 157

account Aurangzeb, as a strict Mussulman, caused him to be
spoken to several times, and in the end spoke to him himself,
saying that it was not a fit thing for the first minister in a
kingdom of the faithful to drink wine, he being under obliga-
tion to set a good example. Ja'far Khan replied that he was
an old man, without strength in his hands or firmness in his
feet, had little sight in his eyes, and was very poor. By drink-
ing wine he got sight for seeing, power for wielding the pen in
the service of His Majesty, felt strength in his feet to run to
court when His Majesty [119] called, and seemed in imagina-
tion to become rich. For these reasons he drank. Wine could
make the poor rich, the blind to see, the fragile robust, and the
cripple whole. Aurangzeb laughed at this speech, and Ja'far
Khan told him that, whenever His Majesty desired, he would
produce demonstration, in substance, of these assertions.

Aurangzeb was willing to behold these miracles. Ja'far Khan
therefore prepared a banquet for some beggars, choosing one
man crippled in the legs, one armless man, one blind man, and
one healthy poor man. They were given leave to do and speak
as they liked. While these beggars were drinking, he sent word
to the king that if he wanted to see the miracles done by wine,
now was the time. Aurangzeb went, more to be gracious than
for any other reason. Hidden from the beggars, he listened,
and heard the blind man launch into praise of the wine's fine
colour. Ja'far Khan said : ' Behold, your Majesty, the blind
man with a cup or two inside him can already see !' Another
beggar, the armless one, shouted abuse at the blind man,
telling him to finish drinking. If he did not, he would thrash
him and knock his teeth out. Then said Ja'far Khan to the
king : ' Already has the cripple got back his arm.' In his
impatience, the man without legs flew into a rage with the
blind man, and said if he had not been seated he would give
him a bellyful of kicks. This sufficed for Ja'far Khan to point
out to the king that the legless man had got a foot, since he
was going to give kicks. The unhappy poor man who had all
his faculties but no cash, did not mean the comedy to end
without his playing a part. Raising his voice above the others,
he egged on his companion to thump and kick the blind man,

158 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

saying he had money enough to settle for them with the
magistrate. Ja'far Khan ended by joking, as it were, with the
king, who gave him so little pay, and said : ' Now that the
poor man has wine in his head he is become rich. And your
Majesty will tell me after this not to drink wine ! For I have
to be thus (? rich) if I am to serve your Majesty, who holds
such a mighty empire.' The comedy was over, Aurangzeb
laughed, and Ja'far Khan kept to his old habit. 1

[Here the manuscript has an inserted leaf, bearing a passage
in French, relating a story about the four stages of drunken-
ness. As obviously non-historical, it is omitted.]

Shah 'Alam goes against Shiva JI.

Now it is time for us to speak of the expedition on which
Aurangzeb sent [120] his son Shah 'Alam, Bahadur — that is to
say, ' King of the world, the brave.' Aurangzeb had reason to
fear that Shiva Ji would not lose a chance of using his strength
to wreak vengeance for the treachery that he (Aurangzeb) had
plotted, and for his failure to keep the promises with which he
had lured him. For this reason he called to him Shah 'Alam,
and gave him the necessary instructions, by following which
he could catch him (Shiva Ji) again.

His instructions were to take with him Rajah Jaswant
Singh, to whom orders to proceed to the Dakhin were sent.
The rajah was to serve under the prince. Other captains, the
greatest he had, were to join, among them Diler Khan. On
reaching the Dakhin, the prince was to make a campaign
against Shiva JI. But when the day of battle drew near he
was to pretend to rebel, and seek the friendship of Shiva JI.
Letters were to be sent to the Mahrattah, as if he (Shah 'Alam)
meant to rebel and claim the crown. He must also manage to
make his officers subscribe to this, and agree to his intended
revolt. This Aurangzeb did to discover which officers were
loyal, and which desired that he should be no longer king,
taking thus an opportunity of playing off some of his finessing

1 For an account of Ja'far Khan, see note to Part I., fol. 129. He died at
Agrah in gi.l Hijjah, 1080 (April-May, 1670) ('Tarlkh-i-Muhammadi ').

SHAH 'A LAM AND SHIVA J I 159

tricks in order to find out those on whom he could thoroughly
rely. 1

Shah 'Alam, Bahadur, left Dihli with great show, state, and
strength, leaving with the king hardly more than ten thousand
horsemen. His father knew that Shah 'Alam was not the man
to revolt in reality. Thus the prince continued his march in
tranquillity until he arrived at Aurangabad. Near that city he
had a meeting with Shiva. Jl, disguised as a cultivator from a
village. It is the custom when princes pass by to present to
them goats, milk, and fruit. The pretended villager laid before
him a pot of milk. When the said pot was taken to the
kitchen and emptied, they found a note enclosed in wax (? waxed
cloth). This was carried to the prince, and it stated : ' I,
Shiva Ji, desirous to know who it is that marches against me,
that I may recognise him, present this pot of milk, and offer
congratulations on your arrival ; and if in anything I can be of
service to you, I am at your orders, et cetera.' Shah 'Alam,
Bahadur, was lost in amazement at Shiva. Ji's sharpness, but
that did not induce him to desist from the design of seizing
him if he could.

Death of a Friar, a Martyr called Frey Jacinto [121].

When he entered Aurangabad, one of the fugitive friars of
whom I spoke (II. 61, 66, 67, 117) was living there; he
had apostatized from the faith, and had turned Mahomedan.
After he had been married for many years, finding himself
scoffed at by Mahomedans and Christians, who wished neither

1 Shah 'Alam's appointment to the Dakhin was made on the 7th Ramazan of
the tenth year, 1077 H. (March 3, 1667). Jaswant Singh was deputed to serve
under him (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 56, last line but one; 61, line 1). Grant-
Duff, 99, and Elphinstone, 554, throw doubt on the rebellion of Shah 'Alam,
real or pretended. But the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' 10 1, treats it as a real
rebellion ; therefore, something of the sort must have happened. Elphinstone
objects that Jai Singh could not have joined it, because he had left the Dakhin,
and was, in fact, dead, before the date assigned. In this he is misled by Catrou
(edition 1715, third part, 78) and his Jacing ; this is meant not for Jai, but for
Jaswant Singh, who was both alive and in the Dakhin. Orme, ' Fragments,'
18, 19, believed in the rebellion, and so did Bhlm Sen, Jonathan Scott's authority
(' History of Dekkan,' ii. 24).

160 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

his company nor his conversation, he determined to give public
proof of his penitence, and remove the scandal he had caused.
He went, therefore, to the qazl, to whom he said that, recog-
nising the religion of Muhammad was not good, he found there
was in the world no other religion by which man could save
his soul except the Christian religion. He informed him of
two things : one, that he was not a Mahomedan ; the other,
that if he (the qazt) wanted to be saved he must become a
Christian.

The qazl was much put out at this talk, and, imagining him
to be deranged, kept the man in prison for several days. Then
he called him into his presence, and asked him if he was still
of the same mind. He replied as boldly as before. The qazl
made efforts to make him change his mind, but the holy man,
firm as ever, persisted in the truth. For this he had him
bastinadoed and beaten on the face. Then, desisting for several
days and reducing him by hunger, he sent for him once more
and dealt with him as before, treating him most cruelly. But
at the end of five or six interviews the man was always the
same, and the qazl reported the case to Shah 'Alam, Bahadur.
The prince informed the king, and Aurangzeb answered, as a
strict Mahomedan, that they must endeavour in every way
possible to make the man recant. Let them give him women,
horses, and liberal pay, and see if in this method they could
overcome him. But if he remained obstinate in his opinion,
he was to be publicly beheaded.

Verily Shah 'Alam, Bahadur, did his best to overcome the
resolve of the holy man. But he had already felt within his
heart the effects of grace, and rejected wealth and promises.
He spoke ill of Muhammad, and declared clearly in the Moors'
tongue, which he could speak sufficiently well, that there was
no other true religion but our Christian faith. The qazl sent
for a Portuguese renegade named Antonio Fernandez to
catechize the man in Portuguese. He was known as a good
talker, and it was thought that in the maternal tongue he could
easily persuade the other man.

But the holy man, speaking with inspiration from God, told
him at last [122] to withdraw, since he (Fernandez) did not

MARTYRDOM OF A RECONCILED RENEGADE 161

wish to listen to the truth. Thus the story comes to an end by
the public beheadal of that holy man. If he caused some
scandal by his evil life and his apostasy, he gave equal edifica-
tion by confessing the truth, weeping over his sins, and dying
for love of Christ. By this event the Christians were edified,
and the Mahomedans and renegades confounded. His body
was cast upon a dunghill, and a year afterwards the Portu-
guese managed to get the bones carried to Goa, the Christians
having concealed their intention of burying them until the
opportunity arose of which I speak. God avails Himself many
times of men's sins to exalt them, and to show that, although
to some it may appear that He has forsaken them, He may
yet save us as long as we are still alive. He can make the
greatest saints out of the greatest sinners.

Shah 'Alam negotiates with Shiva Ji.

At the time that Shah 'Alam was in Aurangabad he began
to write to Shiva Ji, 1 hoping to draw the fox into the trap.
He therefore wrote to him secretly with many professions of
friendship, after which he asked for advice whether, now that
he had his father's army under him and the officers on his side,
he would not do well to rebel, and do as his father had done
to Shahjahan. Shiva Jfs reply was that the opportunity was
favourable, and if he did not make his attempt then, it might
be that he would never again have the same easy chance.
Shah 'Alam thought that already Shiva Ji was approaching
the trap, and therefore continued to send friendly letters. In
them he stated that he had now made up his mind to make
the attempt, but he prayed him to join in the enterprise.
He pledged his word that if the plan succeeded he would
without fail make him prince of all the Dakhin ; he would
never break his word as his father had done.

Shiva Ji, who pretended not to penetrate the designs of
Aurangzeb, wrote to Shah 'Alam that most willingly would
he join him and take vengeance upon Aurangzeb, and by his
death put an end to the wars in the south. But, not having

1 See Grant-Duff, 98, 99, years 1667, *668 ; and Catrou, part iii., 77-80.
VOL. II. II

i62 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

the cash required for a grand campaign, it was necessary for
him to receive a large sum of money. With this he would
collect his men, who at the time of his imprisonment had gone
to their homes. In addition, he must have authority to plunder
several wealthy towns and villages. After that task was done,
he gave his word that he would join. All this was conceded
by Shah 'Alam [123J, a large sum of money was sent, and
he (Shiva Jl) was allowed to plunder in all directions. By
this means Shiva Jl grew rich, and recruited many men and
strengthened his fortresses.

Shah 'Alam pretends to revolt in the Hope of
seizing Shiva Ji.

During this interval Shah 'Alam employed his commanders
in matters of little importance, strict orders being given them
not to enter into the territories of Shiva J I. From this cause
these officers, who were not then in the secret, wrote letter after
letter to Aurangzeb, informing him that they could not make
out the intentions of Shah 'Alam, who was wasting their time,
whilst Shiva Jl went on robbing and plundering, to the great
damage of the Dakhin. Diler Khan wrote with the others,
but more bitterly. 1

But Aurangzeb, who knew the orders he had given to his
son, concealed everything, and replied to the officers, telling
them to obey and take no notice of Shah 'Alam's acts ; but
if he did not do well, he would recall him to court. Mean-
while he wrote letters to Shah 'Alam praising him for his
mode of working, and told him to build a bridge of gold for
Shiva Jl, so as to bring him into his camp.

Things were in this condition when Shah 'Alam, assuming
that Shiva Jl must be now satisfied, wrote him one more letter
begging him not to delay his arrival, for he (Shah 'Alam) began
to fear his father might discover the plot he had in hand.
Shiva Jl replied that he was then ready to move, but he wanted
an assurance that Rajah Jaswant Singh and the other officers

1 For the official account of the rebellion, see ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 100. The
report was received after the 28th Zu,l Hijjah of the thirteenth year, 1080 H.
(May 19, 1670).

SHAH 'A LAM'S PRETENDED REVOLT 163

had declared themselves on the prince's side. When he was
quite certain of this, he would most certainly appear in the
imperial camp with all his army. Satisfied with such a
response, Shah 'Alam began to talk to Rajah Jaswant Singh,
who, not being well affected to Aurangzeb, accepted the pro-
posal at once. Thus, one by one, all of them subscribed the
document, in which Shah 'Alam made separate promises to
each.

Finding now that he had procured the signatures of the
greater number of his officers to the agreement to rebel, Shah
'Alam ordered Diler Khan to come to him in audience, as he had
something to tell him. The talk was intended to be about the
rebellion, and Shah 'Alam hoped, by thus sending for Diler
Khan the last of all, that he would be able, by pointing to the
example of the others, to draw him over more easily [124] to
his faction. But Diler Khan, already aware of the plot for a
rebellion, put no trust in Shah 'Alam, knowing how very sharp-
witted Aurangzeb was ; hence all this plotting might be make-
believe. Thus, to protect himself, he sent word to Shah 'Alam
that he had nothing whatever to do at his audience, being in
the king's service. He was there in the field, ready to go out
to fight in any direction he might desire ; such an order he
would obey forthwith, but to his audience he would not go.

It was in vain that Shah 'Alam resorted to every device
to bring over Diler Khan to his side, for the king was desirous
of getting rid of Diler Khan out of his sight. But this general,
fully experienced by this time in every subtlety, would never
consent to appear in audience. He perceived that, even if
Shah 'Alam really rose in rebellion and obtained mastery over
the kingdom, he would not lose any reputation by abstention,
for his proved fidelity would continue to make him esteemed.

Finding that he could not convince Diler Khan, Shah 'Alam
passed him over and sent the document signed by the other
generals to Shiva Ji. He added that, to secure the proposed
object — that is, to make himself master of the kingdom by
seizing his father — all that was now wanting was the aid of
Shiva Jl's valour and his powerful army. With this intent he
would take the field fully resolved and begin his march. He

11 — 2

164 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

prayed Shiva Ji earnestly not to delay, and thereby give
Aurangzeb time to collect more soldiers ; for he (Shah 'Alam) had
not then under him more than ten thousand horsemen, and with
them he could not resist the valour and fury of so great an army
as his father's. He would publish it to all the world that his ally
was the famous Shiva JI, who was executing righteous vengeance
for the treachery that Aurangzeb had practised on him.

Thus did Shah 'Alam take the field, announcing to the
world that he was on his way to Dihli to seize his father and
crown himself king. As a demonstration that he already felt
the sceptre in his hand, he granted large pay to his generals,
distributed governments, granted provinces, remitted tribute.
In this way the kingdom was filled with the rumour; and, as
happens in rebellions, some rejoiced at the rising, others com-
plained that they would be ruined and destroyed, that there
would be an end of the prosperity then beginning to prevail
in Aurangzeb's reign. All this was mere child's play ; but at
the head of the game were persons who meant to carry out
a plot of great profit to the Mogul.

Aurangzeb feigned to be much terrified, and showed great
alarm at this rebellion. To bear this out, he ordered the
treasure-houses to be opened, and preparation to be made for
taking the field, and he began to engage [125] additional men
for his army. Meanwhile he sent Fida,e Khan, with the ten
thousand horsemen then present, to hold the fords on the
river Chambal, where Dara had taken up his position against
Aurangzeb at the first battle of which I spoke (I. 184). He
then got ready mules and camels to be loaded with gold, as
if in preparation for flight. He started a rumour to that
effect.

Fida,e Khan, to show what a valiant man he was, after
having erected his tents at the place alluded to, sent a message
to the king that he might take his ease. For, so long as one
soldier was left in the camp, Shah 'Alam should never be
allowed to advance; and even if any disaster happened, His
Majesty would still have time to retire whenever he pleased.
Fida,e Khan was a brave soldier, of whom I shall have some-
thing to say farther on (II. 152), but he was guilty of this

IN VAIN IS THE NET SPREAD FOR SHIVA JI 165

rhodomontade with the idea of procuring the royal favour.
He had already some idea of the real state of the case.

Aurangzeb simulated fear in the hope of increasing Shiva Jl's
willingness to join the undertaking, and of a truth it was neces-
sary to be very skilful if you were to hit the bull's-eye through
all this deception. Having great natural judgment, and by this
time great experience, Shiva JI mocked at the cunning fox, after
having attained his own ends by adding to his own wealth and
power. For, in place of joining Shah 'Alam, he wrote him a
letter in which he said that, since Aurangzeb had only ten
thousand horsemen, while he (Shah 'Alam) had over one
hundred and twenty thousand combatants, he might march
by himself on the said enterprise. It was very easy of accom-
plishment. He would take care that no one should come to
seize the Dakhin, and he gave his word that during that time he
would not realize for himself any more of the revenue than what
Aurangzeb had conceded to him when viceroy of the Dakhin.

Shah 'Alam was thunderstruck at such a reply, which he
sent on at once to the king. Nevertheless, he continued his
march to prove that he was in earnest, and dispatched letter
upon letter to Shiva Ji, begging him not to desert him at this
crisis. For it was on his advice alone that he had made up
his mind to enter on such an undertaking ; if he did not assist
him, it was impossible to carry out the enterprise. Of a truth,
anyone else than Shiva JI would have fallen into the net. But
he stuck firmly to his text, that he would not meet the Mogul
army otherwise than sword in hand and ready to cut off heads.
He merely sent word that the prince ought to proceed and
deliver battle. If by ill-luck any harm happened to him, he
had always a friend on whom he could rely. The officers who
had signed the paper solicited Shah 'Alam not to desert them,
nor leave the king time to collect [126] an army. Thus they
continued the march, already assured, as they thought, of
victory and of a new king.

The Deception is Discovered.

When quite certain that his plot had ended in smoke, that it
was impossible to cheat Shiva JI, and there was a fear that

166 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

through the insistence of the officers, chiefly of Rajah Jaswant
Singh, fiction might be turned into reality, Aurangzeb sent off
an officer called Abduljafar ('Abd-ul-ja'far). 1 His orders were
to seize with one hand Shah 'Alam's horse's rein, and with the
other hold out to him a letter, adding in a loud voice that by
order of the Great Aurangzeb he must return to the place
whence he had come, nor advance a single step farther.

At such words Shah 'Alam, Bahadur, betrayed terror ; his face
grew pale, and he now displayed not valour, but consternation.
He ordered a retreat upon Burhanpur and Aurangabad. The
reader may here imagine for himself the fear and confusion
into which the generals were thrown. They were discovered
as traitors, while Diler Khan passed on in pride, not having
accepted the proposal. It is certainly the fact that they were
all greatly perturbed, knowing that if Aurangzeb did not pardon
traitors who were of use to him, he would certainly never
pardon those who had wanted to thrust him forth from the
royal seat.

The war against Shiva Ji began anew ; but Aurangzeb had
lost trust in the generals in the Dakhin and displaced them,
sending other captains in their place. Among others he sent
Bahadur Khan. The displaced officers were sent elsewhere as
viceroys and governors, and he kept them ever on the move from
one government to another so long as he lived. Rajah Jaswant
Singh was dispatched to the other side of the river Indus. 2
The rajah, although he made terrible grimaces, still obeyed,
for fear that Aurangzeb might attack him and ruin his family.
Shah 'Alam went off to Aurangabad, abandoning to Bahadur
Khan charge of the campaign against Shiva JI. To the new
commander Aurangzeb issued orders to defend the Dakhin
from the ravaging of Shiva. JI ; he was also ordered to attack
Bijapur. Aurangzeb saw that unless he occupied that kingdom,

1 The ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' 101, says IftiKhar Khan (Sultan Ilusain) was sent.
For this man, see ' M.-ul-U.,' i. 252 ; he died in 1092 H. (1681-82).

2 Jaswant Singh was made thanahdar of Jamrud (in the Khaibar Pass) in the
fourteenth year, 1082 H. (1671). Bahadur Khan's appointment to the Dakhin
was made in Shawwal of the sixteenth year, 1083 H. (January-February, 1673).
On this occasion he was granted the title of Khan Jahan, Bahadur (' Ma.agir-i-
'Alamgiri,' 109, line 10 ; 127, last line).

AN OLD WOMAN HEADS A REVOLT 167

he would never be able to destroy Shiva. JI. But of these
campaigns I will speak hereafter (II. 157), so that I may not
depart from the order of time.

The Mundiyahs or Shavelings march on Dihli. [127]

Among Hindu holy mendicants is a class of people who
shave off all the hair from their body, not even sparing their
eyebrows. This is why they are called Monddias (Munda), which
means ' shaven.' They collect from all directions at a place of
pilgrimage, forty leagues distant from Dihli, and the assembly
amounts to some twenty-five thousand upon the bathing-day.
The bathing is in a great lake adjoining the country of Kirat
Singh, younger son of Rajah Jai Singh. 1 After the bathing
ceremonies were completed, an old sorceress told them that if
they would follow her orders she would make them masters of
the city of Dihli, the king not having more than ten thousand
horsemen, because all his other troops had gone with Shah
'Alam on the expedition against Shiva JI, of which I have
spoken (II. 20).

They agreed to the proposal, and marched with such vigour
that when the news reached the court Aurangzeb was par-
ticularly disturbed in mind, and sent out against them his ten
thousand horsemen. The Mundas fought with such vigour,
upheld by the sorceries of the old woman, that they routed
Aurangzeb's army. At this result he was more disturbed than
ever. They had already arrived within fifteen leagues of Dihli,
when he ordered out all the troops he had been able to raise.
Continuous reports were to be sent to him of what went on.
But he felt that these men would never have undertaken such
a great attempt without the help of sorcery. He therefore wrote
out himself several papers, and sent them to be hung on the

1 This description would apply to the Pohkar Lake, west of Ajmer. Elphin-
stone, 557, giving the year 1087 H. (1676), says the rioters were Satnamis from
Narnol (lat. 28 1', long. 76 n'), 150 miles, at least, north of Pohkar. There is a
bathing-day at Pohkar on every full moon, but October is the principal gathering.
The ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 114, 115 (Elliot and Dowson, vii. 185), says that on
the 26th Zu.l Qa'dah of the fifteenth year, 1082 H. (March 26, 1672), Ra'dandaz
Khan was sent out against the Satnamis, a set of low-caste men. See also
Khaf 1 Khan, ii. 252 (Elliot and Dowson, vii. 294).

168 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

heads of the elephants and horses, and on the standards,
fatiguing himself greatly with the preparation of all those
papers.

It may be that some will give no credence to this my
narrative ; but it is the common fate of historians to be
believed by some and doubted by others. I state the truth
in saying that if the fact were not thus, I should not so write
it. Nor should the reader be at all amazed that Aurangzeb
should act in this way, for he is a past master in witchcraft, as
may be inferred from the sacrifice of spice which he is used to
offer up, as I have mentioned (II. i). If he wearied himself
thus, it was from the great importance of the matter, for it
was a question of losing kingdom and life, since, without
exaggeration, Aurangzeb found himself at this moment in
greater danger than at any time in the rest of his life, because,
as I have said, he had very few troops. But the strength of
these magical writings overcame the Muridds, since, elated at
having gained one battle, they would not consent to march
any farther, although urged on by the old woman. Then the
spells of Aurangzeb prevailed [128] over those of the old
woman, and the Mundas were shaved of their heads, nearly all
dying, including the old woman herself. Aurangzeb came out
of this affair with the reputation of a saint, as if through miracles
he had put to flight these faqlrs. When I reached Dihll, of
which I am about to speak, I found that the cannon were still
in position in the plain. 1

Of what happened to Me in Goa, and how I left It.

I stopped in Goa a year and three months. It is a place
with a climate suited to men from forty up to old age ; but it
is very unhealthy for young men. Thus a few months after my
arrival I fell ill and could never recover my health. Therefore
I retired to the convent of the Italian Carmelite priests, where I

1 According to this assertion, Manucci must have reached Dihli again about
the middle of 1672. If he reached Goa in the spring of 1667, and stayed fifteen
months, he left it about September, 1668 ; the rest of the time may be accounted
for by the journey, and by his stay in Aurangabad and Agrah. But the interval
seems rather a long one.

GO A, ITS FRUITS— THE ACTUAL CAUTERY 169

was well received and attended to for six months, during which
I continued unwell. 1

The ordinary diseases of this country are mort-de-chien (cholera)
— that is, colic of the bowels with vomiting and laxity — and this
complaint is the death of many. The best remedy is to burn
with a red-hot iron the middle of the heel until the heat is felt,
and by this the pain is allayed and the discharge and vomiting
stopped. 2 Other complaints are spleen, the itch, and fevers.
This is why the residents of Goa have bad complexions, although
they have abundance of food, principally fruits.

Among these is the mango, the best -flavoured fruit in India,
and of it I will speak in the Third Part of my work (III. 228, 229).
In Goa the gentlemen are very particular about having good
kinds of this fruit. They give them special names, taken from
the first person to have good mangoes of that kind. Thus
they speak of mangoes of Niculao Afonco, which are the largest
and best; Melajassas mangoes, and Carreynas mangoes. Among
the other fruits are figs, 3 very sweet, but not of the same com-
position as those of Europe ; they are a palm in length, more
or less, and of various kinds. There are a quantity of Jacas
(Jack-fruit), like large melons growing on the bark of the tree,
with strong sharp thorns on the rind. There are two kinds —
the barca Jack and the papa Jack, the nature of which I will
state in my Third Part (III. 230). There are other kinds of
fruit which I will not mention at present. But I referred to
the above because they are better [129] and finer-looking here
than elsewhere.

1 For an account of the Carmelite convent, see J. N. da Fonseca, 'Goa'
(Bombay, 1878), p. 256, and No. 22 of his map.

2 See 'Lettres itdifiantes et Curieuses,' edition 1781, xi. 159, note, where
Pere Martin, S.J., quotes N. M. as recommending this treatment (a reference
kindly given me by Professor Zachariae, of Halle). Manucci refers elsewhere
to this treatment. It is also mentioned by contemporaries as a usual remedy (see,
for instance, ' Nouveau Voyage,' 1726, by Le Sieur Luillier, p. 220 ; see also
Part III., 49, 186).

3 From the description these must be meant for the plantain or banana. It
is strange he does not use one of these names, which were known and in use long
before his time. But Yule, 56, quoting Pyrard de Laval, circa 1610, says the
Portuguese called the banana the ' Indian fig. ' Barca and papa are two kinds
of Jack-fruit (Yule, 443).

i7o OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

The viceroy when I arrived was Antonio de Mello de Castro, 1
who died afterwards a prisoner in Portugal, through good works
of thieving, et cetera, of which he had been guilty in India. To
replace him came Joao Nunes da Cunha, and this new governor
as soon as he arrived undertook a great expedition. He kept
his object secret, and it would have resulted in great honour to
the Portuguese, if those who were envious of his earning this
glory had not impeded its execution. There came from Masqat,
a fortress on the Arabian coast formerly belonging to the Portu-
guese, which by their negligence they lost, 2 when it passed into
the hands of an Arabian prince — there came (I say) from this
fortress to Goa a Portuguese named Andre da Andrada, who
was commander of artillery there and passed for a Maho-
medan. This man pledged his word to the new viceroy to
deliver over the fortress if a strong fleet appeared before it by
sea, and to secure that end he would spike the guns.

The viceroy took up the proposal and hired a strong fleet
of good ships and frigates for this service. But he let no one
know what he meant to do ; and from this secrecy the Dutch
dreaded some sudden blow at them, as they could not find out
what such preparations were meant for. By the distribution
of copious bribes in all directions they won over several of the
officers. The viceroy, being desirous of equipping his ships
well, ordered the embarkation by force of every valid man,
compelled the better class of the Portuguese from the northern
parts to come to Goa, and directed that no one should be
allowed to quit the place. Thus, when the ships were well
fitted out, he made over sealed instructions to the captains,
with the order not to open them until arrival at a certain
latitude.

Thus the fleet set sail without anyone knowing its destination.

1 The twenty-ninth Viceroy, Antonio de Mello e Castro, was appointed on
March n, 1662, and received the title of Viceroy in 1663. He arrived in
Bombay on September 29, 1662. His successor (thirtieth Viceroy), Joao Numes
da Cunha, Conde de Sao Vicente, was appointed March 11, arrived at Goa
October 11, and took charge October 17, 1666. He died in India on November 6,
1668 (' Ensaios sobre a Estatisca das possessions Portuguezas no oultra mar,'
ii Serie, Livro V., Lisbon, 1862 ; and Danvers, ii. 327, 363, 364).

2 It capitulated on October 31, 1648 (F. Danvers, ii.296).

PORTUGUESE PROJECT AGAINST MASQAT 171

But the bribed pilots and captains sailed hither and thither with
the ships, without overcoming the contrary winds, until they
reached the appointed latitude, where the letters of instructions
were opened, and some of them managed secretly to tamper
with the water-casks, so that all the water was lost. The fault
was put upon the viceroy, who, in his desire for haste, had not
given time to prepare the ships properly. Thus there put into
port only one frigate, which, in obedience to orders, anchored
at Bandar Congo 1 on the Arabian coast, a Portuguese territory
that now belongs to the King of Persia. There it waited some
time for its companions until it was obliged to return to Goa,
to avoid capture by those of Masqat, who profited by the
treason.

I GO TO DlHLI.

At the time of this expedition I was anxious to quit Goa ;
but I could not do it in lay clothing. 2 I therefore left in the
garb of a Carmelite monk until I had got beyond the district
of Goa and had entered the territory of Bijapur, of which Shiva
Ji had already taken possession. There I returned to my
ordinary costume, and placed myself under the guidance of
Divine Providence. I prayed God to deliver me from many
perils, above all from robbers. For, a little time before my
arrival, they had at a certain place murdered fifteen persons.
Nor did they murder me as I passed by, but when they might
have done it they saw me to be poor and a foreigner. A few
paces farther on I met a traveller near some cattle-sheds who
was escaping in haste, and he warned me to press onwards
because the people following us were robbers. But, weakened by
illness, I could not keep up with the pace of the man, who was
acting as my guide in a country I did not know. I passed several
chungams, 3 which are places where they collect money from
people passing. The severity they exercise upon travellers is

1 Bandar Congo, on the northern shore of the Persian Gulf, about 100 miles
west of Gombroon (Bandar 'Abbas) (Yule, 246).

2 I.e., because the Viceroy had prohibited all departures.

3 The Portuguese is juncoens. The 'Madras Manual of Ad.,' iii. 183, gives it
as chunkam (Malalayam), 'duty tax,' but more probably connected, I think, with
Hindi chungl, market dues, town duties, a handful of produce taken as rent. In

172 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

great, depriving them of the smallest piece of money to be
found upon them, with no tenderness for the poor, taking from
them in default of money their shirts, coats, and sheets.

Having come to the boundary of the Bijapur territory near
the river Bimbra (Bhima), 1 I stopped for the night in a village
called Pandarapur (Pandharpur) ; 2 and on my arrival I took up
my quarters in a public bazar, as is the custom of travellers,
and deposited myself in an open shop. Some people passing said
my waistcloth was crammed with pearls. I answered that I
was only a poor traveller. God was good to me that night !
For at midnight the robbers entered the village, and the first
thing they did was to come to the shop where I had put up.
As they began by throwing a number of stones, I sought refuge
inside, dragging with me a servant boy whom I had with me,
to prevent his being killed. They did not venture inside, but
shouted for me to fling out whatever I had, thrusting with their
spears and cutting with their swords at the door. I assured
them that I could fling out nothing, for I was a poor man,
having nothing with me. Such was the terror that throttled
me [131] that I could not utter a word, for I remembered what
had been said to me that evening, that I had a waistbelt full of
pearls, and I believed that they had come resolved to take my
life ; therefore I threw out two chains, 3 each of which might
be worth some fifty rupees. They made off, robbing the bazar
and killing people, so that there was great tribulation in the
village.

Not considering myself safe in that shop, I sallied forth, and
traversing the streets I reached a house where I halted, and

our early records the word appears asjuncan, and the collectors of it as juncaneers .
See the statement of their old rights drawn up by the Madras Council in
December, 1711, printed in the appendix to C. R. Wilson's ' Surman Embassy ' ;
see also Burnell's articles ' Junkameer ' and ' Junkeon ' (Yule, 473).

1 The Bhima rises in lat. 19 5', long. 73 35', in Puna district, and falls into
the Kistna, lat. 16 20', long. 77° 20', after a course of 380 miles (Thornton,
' Gazetteer,' 82, Beema).

2 Pandharpur, on the Bhima. It is the place where Gangadhar Shastri, the
Gaekwar's minister, was murdered in 1815, and lies 112 miles south-east of Puna
(Thornton, 'Gazetteer,' 789, Punderpoor).

8 The text has colehas, which is either unmeaning or inappropriate (colehas=
counterpanes). Mr. Dames suggests cadehas, cadeas, ' chains,' which I adopt.

MANUCCI ATTACKED BY DA CO ITS 173

finding the door open, I ascended some steps and reached a
terraced roof. Here I fancied myself in security. But the
owner of the house, who had heard the outcry in the village,
came out of his room with sword and shield. On seeing me,
he ordered me roughly to make my way downstairs. I told
him I was a foreigner who had fled from the bazar, where the
thieves had robbed me, and to save my life had taken refuge
there, finding the door open. This did not persuade him to
let me remain, but he insisted on my departing. I was content
that he even let me go unharmed, for on hearing his first talk,
I feared me much he was about to finish off what the robbers
had begun.

I now went to the steps of a temple, where many persons
had taken shelter out of the way of the arrows flying about
the streets and the sword-blows being distributed in all direc-
tions. Nor was it without some trouble that I got in even there.
Next a Brahman refused to let me stop, thrusting me forth by
force. But God repaid him for his want of charity, for while
he was interfering with me, there came an arrow and hit him
on the leg and I was rid of him. The thieves withdrew, and
I, too, found a refuge again in the bazar, but not in the same
shop, for I feared greatly they might come there once more.
I spent the night in the discomfort that everyone can imagine.
At dawn, feeling much afflicted, I chewed a clove, washing it
down with a little warm water, whereupon I vomited several
clots of thickened blood, and felt relieved.

I continued my journey up to the crossing on the river [? the
Bhlma] . Although it is wide, there were no boats ; I crossed
seated on a small bedstead attached to the tops of four pots.
I then reached Paranda (Parenda), 1 in the Mogul territory,
where I came across my friends of the fortress of Bhakkar.
They took compassion on my poverty, regaled me, succoured
me with money, clothes, and a mount, on which I resumed my
travels and arrived at Aurangabad [132].

1 Parenda, now in the Naldrug district of the Nizam's dominions, lat. 18 16',
long. 75 30'. There is an old fortress erected by Mahmud Gawan, a minister
of the BahmanI kings. The district was incorporated in the Mogul Empire
by Aurangzeb when Viceroy of the Dakhin (Syed Hossain and C. Willmott,
' Historical and Descriptive Sketch,' ii. 707 ; Bombay, 1884).

174 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Travelling is a teacher of many things, and he who wanders
without learning anything can only be said to have the head of
an ass. The horse given me by Manoel Ribeiro at Parenda
had only a few days before arrived from Dihli, a journey of
forty-six days, and it was thus much out of condition. It
happened one day that my servant opened his bag, in which
he had a nutmeg, and by carelessness he left this nut on the
ground, and the horse ate it. Next day, on mounting, I noticed
that he was much more lively in his gait. I did not know the
cause of this freshness ; then I remembered he had eaten a nut
the night before, and I concluded that must be the cause. Nor
was I wrong, for, giving him each day one nut, he became ever
more ready and clever.

After my arrival in Aurangabad I lived retired. This was
the time at which, as I have related (II. 122-124), Shah 'Alam
was busy trying to get hold of Shiva Ji, and I was informed of
the friar's death in the way that I have recounted (II. 121). I
went on through Burhanpur, where I found several friends among
the servants of Jai Singh, all disconsolate at the death of that
great general. I felt his death very much, although I had no
intention of re-entering his service, for I wanted to start as a
doctor. Thence I went on to Agrah, where I visited the Jesuit
fathers, and reported to them what was going on at Goa. I
did not stay long, but passed on to Dihli. Thereupon, on
learning of my arrival, there was no fail of women who proposed
marriage to me and sent me cloth and money and banquets of
food. One of them sent me fifty gold coins and a horse, and
handsome stuff to make me clothes. I went to see Kirat
Singh, the younger son of Rajah Jai Singh, who, in remembrance
of the great affection his father held me in, and which he con-
tinued to me, gave me a set of robes, two horses, and five
rupees every day, and a handsome house to live in. By this
means those envious of my good fortune, who had expected to
see me under the necessity of applying to them for my expenses,
knowing that I was out of service, were in amazement at seeing
me well dressed, owning horses, and keeping servants. Any
foreigner who is out of employment can only subsist in a miser-
able fashion in that country.

OPPRESSIVE INTERNAL CUSTOMS DUTIES 175

AURANGZEB REMITS THE TOBACCO TAX.

On reaching Dihli, I heard that only a short time before the
king had withdrawn the tobacco tax, owing to a horrible event
that happened. All the world knows [133] that the tax-con-
tractors who engage for the taxes and duties are most shameless
and mannerless. They spare no respectable persons, except those
of the highest position, and that chiefly when Mahomedans,
such persons being, as they know, very easily roused. It hap-
pened that a soldier of strict habits wanted to enter the city,
having with him his wife in a covered vehicle, as usual among
Mahomedans. A tax-gatherer ordered him to halt, and asked if
he had any tobacco. The Mahomedans consume a great deal
of this article in smoking. This is why the chief tax-farmer
paid five thousand rupees a day at this city (Dihli) only. From
this the reader can understand what would be the revenue
from tobacco paid to the King of Hindustan throughout such
a great empire.

The soldier replied that he, being a man of serious habits,
did not smoke tobacco, neither he nor his wife, who was in the
vehicle, and he might trust his word. The tax-collector would
not believe him, and wanted to search the cart. To this the
soldier would not consent, not wishing his wife to be seen in
public, and remonstrated, saying if such an affront were done
him, he would repent of it later on. But the tax-collector
would not listen to a word, and uncovered the vehicle to make
his search. The soldier laid hand on his sword and cut off the
man's head, also wounded several attendants. Not content
with this even, he killed his wife too, and a daughter she had
with her. He was seized and carried off to prison, and a com-
plaint was laid before the king. Upon hearing the soldier's
defence, the king abolished the tax and released the soldier,
having compassion on him for his loss of temper. Among the
Mahomedans it is a great dishonour for a family when a wife
is compelled to uncover herself. By this event tobacco was no
longer so dear, and numerous merchants lost much from this
circumstance, whereby the king conferred a benefit on the
poor.

176 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

I go to Lahor and declare Myself as a Physician.

I lived in Dihli one year in splendid style, having honourable
means of making money. Then, by the king's order, Klrat
Singh went to Kabul, 1 and I determined to move to Lahor
and give myself out as a doctor. I could not start this at
Dihli, where there were already some Europeans, while in
Lahor there was none.

On reaching Lahor T found that Muhammad Amin Khan
was governor, Aurangzeb having kept his promise to make him
a viceroy. 2 As soon as [134] I arrived I put up in the sarde
with my grand carpets and my petty establishment, until I
could find a house. I hired one belonging to Barqandaz Khan,
my commander in Dara's time (I. 156, 240), and I instructed
my servants to inform everyone who asked about me that I
was a FarangI doctor. Through this many came to talk with
me, and in return I had no want of words, God having given
me a sufficiently mercurial temperament. Thus it began to be
noised in Lahor that a Frank doctor had arrived, a man of fine
manners, eloquent speech, and great experience. I rejoiced at
such a reputation, but my heart beat fast, for then I had had
no experience. It pleased God, our Sovereign Lord, to open
the door to me with a case furnished me by his Divine Providence.

There came to me in the house where I had settled an old
woman, who told me that the wife of the qdzl was very ill, and
given up by all the Persian and Indian physicians. She requested
the favour of my proceeding to the qdzl's house to see the woman,
and decide whether there was any cure ; for all the doctors
had said that if anyone cured her they would burn all their
books and profess themselves disciples of him who cured her.
I put several questions about the illness of the woman ; I told

1 There must be a mistake here, for Klrat Singh died in the Dakhin just before
the 28th Rabi' II. of the sixteenth year, 1084 H. (August 12, 1673) ('M.-i-'A.,'
128). He was the father-in-law of Muhammad 'Azim, Shah 'Alam's second son.

2 Muhammad Amin Khan became Governor of Lahor in the tenth year,
1078 H. (between June, 1667, and February, 1668) ('M.-i-'A.,' 63, line 1). In
the thirteenth year, 1080 H. (January, 1670, to January, 1671), he was sent to
Kabul, vice Mahabat Khan {ibid., 104, line 11). The latter dates do not quite fit
Manucci's narrative if he did not arrive at Dihli until 1672.

MANUCCrS FIRST PATIENT 177

the messenger to return home and I would follow, saying that,
although the complaint seemed mortal, I would see if there was
any remedy.

I mounted my horse and rode to the qazl's house, followed
by my servants. Entering the house, I felt the patient's pulse.
The attack was growing more and more severe, and no pulse
could be felt, nor could I find out the seat of the disease. I
trusted more to several secret experiments I knew, and to my
questions. I racked my brains to think of something I could
give to the patient that might do her good. I asked if she had
been relieved, and they told me that for days she did not know
what thing a motion was. This sufficed for me to start my
treatment, and I told the old woman that the only thing was
to administer a clyster. The old woman and the patient's son
were much opposed to this, the Mahomedans having objections
to this treatment. But the patient was already speechless. I
said : Agar zarurat bayad, rawa bakhshad — that is, ' Necessity
has no law ' — which are words of the Quran. Thus they gave
in to my resorting to this treatment, and I told the old woman
to come to my house in a few hours, and I would give her all
that was required for the application.

I came forth from this house leaving [135] an excellent im-
pression from my many questions and my copious flow of talk.
But now came the moment when our Nicolao Manuchy found
himself in a difficulty. For I knew not what ingredients I
must employ, nor to what implements I could have recourse
for this wonderful operation. After much searching of heart, I
recollected that the enemas administered to me at Goa were con-
cocted of mallows, wild endive, and some other herbs, with a
trifle of bran, black sugar, salt, olive oil, and C anna fistula. I sent
out for these things, and made a concoction. But the greatest
difficulty was to get the instrument. For this I sent and got
a cow's udder, and for the tube I took a piece of cane from a
huqqah snake, through which the Mahomedans draw their
tobacco. I managed to put these together in a manner that
would serve. I placed the concoction into the udder, and
fastened the tube to it. Then the old woman came, and to
her I made over the injection, teaching her how she was to

vol. 11. 12

178 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

deal with it. I enjoined on her to come and inform me when
the operation had been performed.

I declared to her that if in a period of three hours the enema
did not take effect, the patient had no hope of life. It was
advisable for me to make this assertion, since, should the
patient die I could say I had foretold the result as inevitable.
This was necessary to keep my reputation intact. Off went
the old woman, and my heart began to beat hard, knowing not
what effect the medicine might have. Soon I heard a knocking
at my door as by one in haste. My anxiety was redoubled. It
might be the news of the patient's death, through which I
should lose the reputation that I was in search of. For the
Mahomedans easily assign one a reputation, and as easily take
it away. A happy cure at the start suffices to give the greatest
credit, even if the cure be a mere accident. On the contrary,
if there is a failure in the first case, even when the doctor is
exceedingly learned and experienced, it suffices to prevent him
ever being esteemed.

I sent to have the door opened, when the old woman fell at
my feet and gave me many blessings, telling me that the patient
had already begun to mend, that she had had a large stool with
great violence, voiding pellets as hard as camel-dung. Thus
she urgently prayed me to visit the qazi's house to see the
patient and continue the cure. Proud and elated by this news,
I told her how necessary it was to confide in experienced phy-
sicians, that if I had not given her this medicament, composed
of ingredients [136] known to me alone, the patient was bound
to die. I went and found the patient had already begun to
speak, and recognise everyone who was present. She was very
different from what she had been for some days, for they told
me that she knew no one and could not speak. I thought it
advisable to discharge nature farther, so I gave her a light
medicine, continuing it daily until the system was well
cleansed. Then, with chicken-broth and bezoar stone, 1 I began
to strengthen the patient in such a way that in a few days she
was restored to perfect health.

1 Hard concretions found in the stomach of certain animals, supposed in the
East to be of medicinal value (Yule, 90).

MUHAMMAD AMlN KHAN 179

This case became notorious among the principal men in
Lahor, for this wife was much loved by her husband, the qazi,
so that he had called in all the physicians to treat her disease.
Thus there began to be talk of the Farangi doctor who was
capable of resuscitating the dead. This caused me to be called
in by many sick persons, and by adhering to certain books I
had, I succeeded by God's favour in almost every case in which
I was sent for.

My fame reached the court of Muhammad Amin Khan,
governor of the city and viceroy of the province of Lahor. He
sent for me, and after a long conversation on the subject of
diseases and good health, he wanted to make me take service
with him, offering me little pay but great liberty. But I knew
the style of man, very haughty, far from genial, just like the
character of his father, Mir Jumlah. So I said that as to
becoming his servant, I objected ; still, I should not fail to
appear at the palace whenever necessary, either for himself or
for those of his family. He was a little put out by my answer,
but I paid no attention to that, for I was already on friendly
terms with the chief people in the city, and by God's blessing
my practice was successful. Thus I knew of a certainty that,
in spite of Muhammad Amin Khan's desire to do me an injury,
he would never dare. He would not give such an opening to
the other nobles to make complaint of him at the court of
Dihll. On the other hand, although he was much aggrieved
at my not frequenting his audiences, he betrayed no anger, for
he saw I was of use for attending his wives and sons. There
happened to me a terrible business at the time of his departure
from Lahor for Kabul, of which I will speak in its proper
place (II. 150).

Origin and Description of the City of Lahor. [137]

Meanwhile I know the reader will be pleased at learning
the origin of this great city of Lahor where I made my fortune,
since I have exact information of how it came to be built. I
feel under an obligation to write about its origin as a mark of
my gratitude to a city which did me such signal benefit. The

12 — 2

180 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF^HINDUSTAN

reader will get a lesson from the fidelity of a slave, and learn
how sometimes in persons of lowly birth lies hidden great
nobility of heart. Thus the origin of Lahor was as follows.

There was a Sultan Mahmud Cazinizi (Ghaznavl), a Maho-
medan King of Kabul, who styled himself King of Ghazni,
because these kings then held their court in that city. It
stood between Kabul and Qandahar, but is to-day in ruins. This
king had a slave called Meleq Khas (Malik Khas), 1 which means
' Chosen Noble.' This title was given him because while still
a child he had great sense, as he showed on the occasion of
which I here tell the story.

There came to the king an ambassador from Persia, who had
a handsome and very expert slave. Since Sultan Mahmud was
very fond of seeing these creatures when expert, he talked with
the ambassador on the qualities of his slave. The ambassador
gave high praise to his boy, saying that he had a good under-
standing and was most exact at his duties. Sultan Mahmud
wanted to try an experiment on this boasted good judgment.
There arrived at the city a number of loaded horses and camels,
and the king asked the ambassador to send his slave to find out
what they were. The slave went, and brought back the simple
answer that it was a caravan come from Persia. On hearing
this reply, Sultan Mahmud said to the ambassador that he, too,
had a slave, and he wished to see if he had more judgment and
was more exact. He called to his presence Malik Khas, and
told him to go to the spot and find what people they were who
had come into the city. Malik Khas went, and in a short
while came back with the answer that it was a caravan from
Isfahan : it left on such and such a day of the month, rested
so many days on the way, reached Qazwin in so many days ;
it had two leaders, giving the name of both ; in the caravan
were so many mules, so many horses, and so many camels. It
consisted of such and such merchandise, and would halt for
such and such a time, and they sought [138] such and such
goods for the return journey to Persia. The ambassador was

1 More probably it ought to be read Ghiyas, meaning Abu.l Fath, Ghiyas-
ud-dln Muhammad, though, of course, he was not a slave, but a Malik (prince);
nor was he a contemporary of Mahmud Ghaznavl.

XVII. Sultan Kam Bakhsh, Fifth Son of Auranozkb.

Vol. II.

To face page 180.

THE FAITHFUL WAZlR AND THE ENVIOUS COURTIERS 181

in astonishment to see a slave of such tender years give such a
minute report of the Cafilah, and acknowledged there was a
great difference between his and the king's slave.

Malik Khas grew up, and was found to be capable of great
office. The king, who loved him much, raised him up to be
his chief minister, on whom the whole government depended.
Courts are very fertile in envy, and occasions of uneasiness
were not wanting to Malik Khas. The nobles could not endure
that a slave should hold so excellent an office, and they told
against this loyal servitor all the wicked stories they could
invent. But the king already knew the fidelity and the love
of his slave, and paid no heed to these envious speeches. One
of the things that these enviers of others' good fortune persuaded
the king to do, was to enter without any warning the room of
Malik Khas, where he would be found, they said, writing
treasonable letters to the hurt of the kingdom and the king.

Sultan Mahmud gave way to the wishes of his courtiers, and
he found Malik Khas taking a rest on his bed. At the entry of
the king, Malik Khas opened his eyes, and finding it was the
king, he shut them again ; and the king approaching, through
the love he held to him kissed him and retired. From this the
envious men found an opening for saying to the king that Malik
Khas no longer paid respect to His Majesty, for though aware
of his sovereign's appearance in the room, seeing he had opened
his eyes, he had not attempted to move, and had dissembled his
knowledge out of hauteur. He forgot that, however great he
may be, a servant is always a servant, and must honour his
lord. If Malik Khas had done no other offence, this act of
disrespect to His Majesty sufficed ; he deserved to be disgraced
and expelled from the court.

Sultan Mahmud tried to make excuses for his favourite,
saying his closing the eyes was out of respect and not disrespect.
Nevertheless, he would like to know the truth from Malik Khas
himself. Therefore he caused him to be sent for to audience,
and before everybody made a pretence of being provoked, and
complained of Malik Khas' pride, who shut his eyes in order not
to have to rise and pay his duty to his lord when accompanied by
the greatest in the kingdom. The slave asked leave to state his

1 82 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

excuses and his reasons. In the hearing of them all he said
that, worn out in doing the king service, he was taking a rest,
and he quite well saw His Majesty enter into his [139] room.
But, ignorant of His Majesty's intention in coming, he shut his
eyes, so as to afford him the greatest liberty to do what he
wanted. Even were it intended to behead him he was quite
prepared for it, being but a slave ; and when aware of his
kissing him, he did not move for fear of inconveniencing His
Majesty. The king was satisfied, finding the reply of his servant
in conformity with the conclusion he had come to himself.

This did not make the envious cease their efforts ; they employed
spies to follow Malik Khas and find out everything he did. Then
they went to Sultan Mahmud and told him that every day Malik
Khas, before he came to audience, went into his garden, where in
one corner was a little house, and in it a box. He entered the
room alone and closed the door, so that no one could know what
he was doing, and it might be that he performed some spell to
procure His Majesty's affection, or went there to conceal some
treasonable papers. The king told Malik Khas to prepare a
banquet ; he and the grandees wished to resort to his garden to
disport themselves. The obedient servant made no demur.
The king went with his greatest nobles, and in promenading
round the garden, the envious men brought the king past the
said house. Making a sign to him, they succeeded in making
him ask for the key of the said hut. On entering, he found it
full of cobwebs and an old box lying in a corner. Pretending to
laugh at such a treasure-house, he asked what precious thing
was hidden in that lovely chest. His slave replied that there
was nothing fit to show His Majesty, nor, as the box was old,
was it fit for putting precious things in.

These words were quite enough to make the courtiers urge
the king not to come out until he knew and had seen what
thing was preserved in such an escritoire. Malik Khas resisted
for a time, until the king himself said he wanted to see what
was in the box. Malik Khas drew out the key from his pocket,
opened the box, and satisfied the hunger and thirst, from which
his enemies were suffering, for getting hold of something to ruin
the faithful man. The box was opened, and it was found that there

THE WAZIR'S HUMILITY 183

was nothing in it but an old and rusty sickle and a peasant's hairy
cloak. They were all astonished at finding there was in the
box nothing of any value in the eyes of men ; and where they
had tried to catch Malik Khas and ruin him, they were only the
means of making [140] him still greater, as so often results to
those unjustly persecuted. If princes allow time to do its work
and are not precipitate, they can always attain certainty about the
machinations of the envious. The king asked the reason of
his retaining such articles, and why, every day before going to
court, he shut himself up in that room. The wise Malik Khas
replied that, aware of the bounties the king had conferred and
was conferring every day upon him, he dreaded he might grow
proud. Therefore he came every day to behold the sickle and
the cloak, so as to be reminded that if, by any evil deed, he
came to be banished from court, he would be forced to live as
his father had done, wearying himself in the sun cutting herbs
and grass. Having this consideration fresh in his head, he
ever renewed his resolve to serve his lord with fidelity.

At this time they recognised the meaning of these words, which
were often on his lips : ' Malik Khas ! jde Miud-ra shinds ' — that is,
1 Malik Khas, know your place.' This he said because, finding
a kingdom in his power, he felt at times a temptation to pride
and to rebellion. It was to say, as it were, that he had no
cause to exalt himself, being of such lowly extraction. If those
who are the favourites of fortune at any king's or prince's court
could remember that it was merely luck, and that they might fall
once more into worse condition, princes would have more loyal
servants, and the great would not be so ready to look down upon
the humble.

Malik Khas did one thing which was of great profit to the
king, wherein he acted as a man of wisdom. Sultan Mahmud
was a great hater of heathendom, and had as his nickname
' Destroyer of Temples.' It happened that in a battle he
(Malik Khas) overcame the Hindus, and, destroying a temple,
carried to the king one of the images, which the Hindus wished
to redeem by a large payment. Sultan Mahmud assembled his
council, and all voted for his taking the money, with which he
could then continue the war against the Hindus, and thus

1 84 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

destroy them utterly. The king would not carry out the deci-
sion of his councillors until he had heard the opinion of Malik
Khas. He said to the king that it was not a good proposal,
since His Majesty's greatest fame and glory was to be known
as the Destroyer of Temples. If he took this money, he would
be henceforth called the ' Vendor of [141] Temples '; thus
would he come to lose the great name he had. Better were it
to order the image to be destroyed in his own presence ; it
had a large abdomen. Sultan Mahmud listened to the words
of his wise and faithful servant, and there and then ordered
a mace to be brought, and the image to be broken. Hidden
in the abdomen there was a great quantity of precious stones,
pearls of great price, and other valuables. In this way he
(Malik Khas) preserved the good name of his master without
losing the money to be obtained by selling the image. On the
contrary, a great deal more was gained.

Finally, Sultan Mahmud wanted to test the fidelity of his
slave, or, we may say, he wished to protect him from the envy
of the courtiers by raising him still higher, and giving him his
freedom. But here the reader will see what fidelity can do
with a heart of which it has once taken possession. The king
gave to Malik Khas much money and many soldiers, so that he
might search for some lovely site, there to found a large and
handsome city in his own name. He added a secret order that
after the said city had been built he (Malik Khas) should send
a defiance to his master.

Malik Khas obeyed, and came to a bare and spacious plain
near to a fine river called the Ravi. There he constructed the
handsome and beneficent city of Lahor, called by its residents
' Allah-nur' — that is, ' Day-dawn of God.' When the city was
completed, he sent a defiance to Sultan Mahmud, calling on
him to enter the field and fight. It would be impossible to
detail the exclamations and speeches of the courtiers to the
king. They told him that now he beheld the loyalty of his
slave ; well had they recognised the pride of Malik Khas.
But the king had attached more value to the hypocrisy of a
slave than to the loyalty of so many faithful followers, who,
as members of high-placed families, were endowed with sensi-

FOUNDING OF LAHOR— ITS GATES 185

tive souls, and full of all good qualities. Now the only remedy
was to take the field and destroy this rebel, who repaid by
revolt the love of a great king.

Sultan Mahmud ordered his army to take the field, and he
marched against the pretendedrebel. They were to fight together,
and the officers of the GhaznX king, eager to show their loyalty
and valour, longed for nothing so much as the hour of battle.
They hoped for reward from the court, coupled with the death
and [142] overthrow of their hated rival. Battle was delivered,
and Malik Khas was able to dispose his soldiers so carefully that
he succeeded in defeating the army and capturing the king,
his master. He carried the king to the new city, and made him
ascend a high throne, while he (Malik Khas), with a rope round
his neck and his hands bound, came and fell at Sultan Mahmud's
feet, and exclaimed that the slave had obeyed his master. On
his part, Sultan Mahmud took him to his arms and kissed him,
and, removing the rope from his neck, caused him to sit at his
side upon the same throne, and assigning him great revenues,
confided to him the kingdom of Lahor, and retired himself
to the realm of GhaznI.

This is the origin of the famous city of Lahor, which has
twelve gates, called: Qadirl Darwazah, which is on the river
bank towards the north; Yakkl 1 Darwazah, on the same side;
Dilll Darwazah, which is used by those going to and coming from
Dihll ; Akbarl Darwazah ; MochI Darwazah — that is, ' Gate of
the Shoemaker ' — and it got this name on the following occasion :
Near this gate dwelt a shoemaker who had a lovely daughter,
with whom a Pathan youth fell in love. To get possession
of her, he had recourse to a procuress called Giho, who feigned
to be a physician. She managed cleverly to smuggle the
youth into the girl's room hidden in a box, on the pretext that
it contained medicines to treat the girl. The girl was a con-
senting party, and on Giho's advice had shammed illness.
Three days afterwards the girl found that the illness from

1 Yakki, a corruption of Zaki, the name of a saint and martyr who lost his
life close by (Syed Mahomed Latif, 'History of Lahore,' p. 85; Lahore, 1892).
Of the thirteen existing gates, eight bear the same names as in Manucci's time.
The Qadiri, Multa.nl, and Ghakkari Gates no longer bear those names. There are
five new names — Raushanai, Mastl, Khizri, Loharl, Takshali Gates.

186 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

which she suffered was alleviated. The father remunerated the
old woman, who came back to remove the box to her own
house. Since there were not enough porters, the shoemaker
lent a hand. As they went along the road they got mixed
up with a string of ill-tempered camels, and there the box fell to
the ground. Owing to this great fall it opened, and out came
the Pathan youth, who set a-running. Seeing this, the shoe-
maker found out the knavery ; and the story was told all over
the city, whereby this gate acquired the name aforesaid. [The
other gates are] Shah 'Alarm Darwazah ; BhatI Darwazah ;
MultanI Darwazah, on the road leading to Multan ; Mori Dar-
wazah ; Ghakkarl Darwazah, leading to the lands of the Ghak-
kars ; Kashmiri Darwazah, which opens on the road to
Kashmir.

The walls are all [143] of well-burnt bricks, high, and
provided with bastions. The houses are lofty, some having
eight stories. As to the number of people in this city, it is
not easy to make an estimate, for the kotwal told me that he
collected a weekly tax from six thousand houses of ill-fame ; from
this assertion careful people can arrive at the number there must
be of public /^/tfs de joie, besides those who conceal themselves.
The city is inhabited by great and rich merchants who deal with
the whole of India, and it is the key to the kingdoms of Kabul,
Balkh, Tartary, Kashmir, Persia, Baloches, Multan, Bhakkar,
and Tattah. For it is crammed with foreigners, is well provided
with provisions, and has a population of ruddy complexion
inclining to whiteness. Round the city are fine gardens filled
with various kinds of fruit, chiefly peaches, which are fine
and large and in great abundance. Once, out of curiosity, I
weighed one of them, and without exaggeration, it weighed
thirteen ounces. There are many quinces (marmelos), figs,
mulberries, stoneless grapes, mangoes, and melons of many
kinds. The air is very good and wholesome, as may be seen
by the complexions of the inhabitants, above all from the
villagers, men and women, a very simple folk, well-built and
friendly-natured. There is an abundance of wells, from which
they draw water by thick ropes 1 with the aid of oxen.

1 The text has moras, for which I read amarros, ' cables, hawsers.'

A TURKISH REFUGEE 187

Islam Khan comes from Basrah.

Before I continue with the events that I encountered in
the exercise of medicine, it is necessary to state what happened
in the kingdom, so as to preserve the order of time, which I
profess to follow as much as I can, that the reader may know
the dates at which the matters noticed took place. In this
year of one thousand six hundred and seventy-three came from
Basrah an Arabian prince called Islam Khan 1 with six hundred
Arabians, some of whom rode fine horses. The said prince
had fled because the Grand Seignor had sent orders for his
beheadal, I know not for what cause. When he arrived, he
possessed considerable wealth in pearls, and he was received
by Aurangzeb in a friendly way. Desirous of turning him
into a defender of the kingdom, Aurangzeb wished to give
the daughter of Murad Bakhsh to his son in marriage. But
Islam Khan was not attracted by such an alliance. After this
refusal Aurangzeb, who knew how to dissimulate [144], fixed
high pay for him and his son, but at the same time planned
treachery against him. He sent him to take part in the war
against Bijapur, and privately enjoined Bahadur Khan, under
whom the prince was to serve, that during a battle he should
be abandoned and left with none but his own small force.
Thus did Sharzah Khan and his troops destroy him and his
men. For never did Aurangzeb pardon anyone who had
declined to do his will.

Marriage of the Princesses.

This was the year (? 1673) of marriages, for in it was married
that same girl (Murad Bakhsh's daughter) to a Pirzadah or holy
man of Balkh, as to whom I shall speak further on (II. 60).
In it, too, Aurangzeb married two of his own daughters — that

1 Ilusain Pasha, beglarbegi of Basrah, fled to Iran, and thence to India. On
the nth Safar, twelfth year, 1080 H. (July n, 1669), he reached Agharabad, close
to Dihli. He was received in audience, given the title of Islam Khan, and made
Governor of Malwah ; but in 1083 H. (1672-73) he had fallen out of favour. He
was placed on duty in the Dakhin under Bahadur Khan (Khan Jahan Kokaltash),
and was killed in battle there on the nth Rabi' II., 1087 H. (June 24, 1676)
(see ' M.-ul-U.,' i. 241-247; 'M.-i-'A.,' 85, 121; and ' Tankh-i-Muhammadi ').

188 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

is to say, Zinat-un-nissa Begam, and Badr-un-nissa Begam,
as I said at the beginning (II. 41) — one to the son of Dara,
and the other to the son of Murad Bakhsh ; he also married
the beautiful JanI Begam to Sultan A'zam, to whom on that
occasion was given the title of A'zam-tara. She was not
married to Sultan Akbar, as stated by Monsieur Bernier, who,
from not being present, fell into error. Begam Sahib, or
Padshah Begam, to the seed-pearls which issued from her
eyes at thus losing her beloved niece, added lovely pearls and
handsome jewels as a marriage present. After the marriage,
Aurangzeb sent Prince A'zam Tara as viceroy to Bengal. 1

A curious case happened in Dihll in the matter of marriages.
For the daughter of 'Abd-ul-wahhab, 2 on learning that the king
was marrying off his daughters and nieces, also wanted to be
married. However, her father had no such intention, for she
looked after his house and had his wealth under her control.
Nevertheless, she managed to get her father to give her in marriage
without his knowing it. It was in this way : she got up a
friendship with a youth in the neighbourhood, who came and
went secretly without the father suspecting anything. Next she
decided to leave the house one day in a covered palanquin,
having first sent all the property to a place of security. Then

1 Bernier, 126, only speaks of the marriage to Akbar as 'intended,' not as
carried out. Jahan-zeb Ba.no Begam (known as JanI Begam), daughter of Dara
Shukoh, was married to Muhammad A'zam, Aurangzeb's third son, on the
17th Safar, eleventh year, 1079 H. (July 28, 1668), and the wedding-feast took
place on the 17th Rajab (January i, 1669). She died at Ahmadabad (Gujarat) in
Shawwa.1, 1116 H. (February, 1705). Muhammad A'zam was sent first to Multan
for two years (1675-77), and then to Bahar and Bengal. He arrived at Dhakah
on the 17th Rabi' of the twenty-first year, 1089 H. (June 8, 1678). There is an
anecdote of JanI Begam's bravery in KhafI Khan, ii. 317. In 1095 H. (1684),
during a fight outside BIjapur, she used bow and arrow valiantly from the top
of her elephant. Muhammad Salih, son of Khwajah Tahir, Naqshbandi, married
Asaish Ba.no Begam, daughter of Murad Bakhsh. on the 2nd Jamada II. of the
fifteenth year, 1083 H. (September 26, 1672). Ezad Bakhsh, son of the same
prince, married Mihr-un-nissa, Aurangzeb's daughter, in the fifteenth year,
1083 H. (December, 1672), and Sipihr Shukoh, son of Dara, married Zubdat-
un-nissa, another daughter, on the 21st Shawwa.1 of the sixteenth year, 1083 H.
(February 10, 1673) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 74, 120, 125, and ' Tarlkh-i-Muham-
madl,' year n 16). According to the histories, Badr-un-nissa never married; she
died on 28th ZI Qa'dah, sixteenth year, 1083 H. (March 18, 1673).

2 For 'Abd-ul-wahhab, see I. 277, II. 3, and III. 52.

QAZI 'ABD-UL-WAHHAB IMPOSED ON 189

she went in the youth's company to the qaz'is public audience.
On arriving there, the youth said to 'Abd-ul-wahhab that he and
the woman in the palanquin had made a vow [145] to be married
by him. The qazl, not recognising the woman to be his daughter,
asked her if she consented to marriage with the youth. Dis-
guising her voice, she answered ' Yes.' The qazl performed the
ceremony and dismissed them.

The youth and his bride feared that the qazl by his influence
might get the marriage annulled. The bridegroom therefore
hastened at once to the captain of the guard, an acquaintance
of his, and informing him of the facts, begged his friend to let
him speak with the king and get His Majesty to act the god-
father in the matter. Aurangzeb laughed over the story, and
at once gave an order to bring the qazl to him, before he had
gone home and found out that his daughter was not in the
house ; they were to tell him that what he had done was well
done, but not a word was to be breathed about the marriage or
anything else.

Rendered anxious by such a message, 'Abd-ul-wahhab started
for his house, and found that his daughter was not in her apart-
ments. Searching, and again searching, he discovered a small
opening made in the wall, and by this time he realized that
the marriage he had just performed had been the marriage of
his daughter. He was much cast down, but his sadness was
doubled when, on opening his boxes, he found that all that he
had gathered together by impostures had been carried off by
his daughter with a liberal hand. From this contretemps,
aggravated by heart complaint, he fell ill and died in great
pain, a terrible death. 1

Death of Roshan Ara Begam.

If this year was a joyful one for these marriages, it was a sad
one through what occurred in the apartments of Roshan Ara
Begam. She kept there nine youths in secret for her diversion.
The discoverer of this noble conduct was Fakhr-un-nissa Begam,

1 Qazl 'Abd-ul-wahhab, a Bohrah from Gujarat, died at Dihli on the
18th Ramazan, 1086 H. (December io, 1675) (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' 148, and
' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi,' year 1086 ; see also I. 277).

igo OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

the daughter of Aurangzeb. This lady, although not desirous
of marriage, had no intention of being deprived of her satisfac-
tion. Therefore she asked her aunt to make over to her at
least one out of the nine. Roshan Ara Begam declined the
request in spite of her niece's importunity. Moved by envy,
the young girl revealed to her father what there was hidden in
the apartments of Roshan Ara Begam. By diligent search they
caught the young men, who were well clothed and good-
looking. They were made over to the criminal authorities,
being announced to the world as thieves ; and following the
orders he had received, the kotwal, Sidl Fulad, destroyed them
in less than a month by various secret tortures [146]. Already
angered at the misconduct of his sister, Aurangzeb shortened
her life by poison. Thus, in spite of all she had done to get
her brother made king, she experienced herself his cruelty,
dying swollen out like a hogshead, and leaving behind her the
name of great lasciviousness. 1

The King of Kashghar.

There arrived in Hindustan in this year a king of Tartary,
who came in person to sue for help from the greatness of
Aurangzeb. This was the King of Kashghar, 2 a very old man
with a few hairs of a beard, such as have the greater number
of Chinese, a man of fair complexion. He had been obliged to
flee from his country owing to the rebellion of his son, who
had usurped his throne. At his reception Aurangzeb made a
display of his grandeur, and sent out Ja'far Khan (of whom we

1 Roshan Rae Begam, daughter of Shahjahan, died the 17th Jamad| I.,
1082 H. (September 21, 1671, N.S.), at Akbarabad, aged fifty-six ('Tarikh-i-
Muhammadi,' year 1082).

2 In the tenth year, 1078 H. (1667-68), it was reported that 'Abdullah Khan,
ruler of Kashghar, had fled, and was about to enter Kashmir. On the
8th Shawwal of the eleventh year, 1078 H. (April 2, 1668), he arrived near Dihli,
and was received on the nth. Jamdat-ul-Mulk Ja'far Khan, and Asad Khan,
were sent out to meet him. He left for Arabia after eight months, and was
escorted to Surat by Hakim Ibrahim (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' 63, 71, 83). The
name of his rebellious son is variously spelt: Bulbaras Khan (' M.-i-'A.,' 63),
Balbaras (index), Bubaras (p. 79), Bulbaras (p. 433). This son died in n 12 H.
(1700-1).

INFORMAL MEETING OF THE TWO KINGS 191

have spoken) along with other noble persons of the court, and
a number of cavalry to meet and escort him. They attended
him into the city, and conducted him to the mansion of Rustam
Khan, Dakhinl. The court was much troubled about the form
of receiving this king. For Aurangzeb did not wish to break
Akbar's rule of not allowing a seat in his presence to anyone
but his sons. On the other hand, the world would find an
opening for accusing Aurangzeb of overweening pride if he
gave no seat in his presence to this king. For although
evil fortune had forced him to quit his territories, he did
not thereby cease to be of a royal line, into which in other
times the Mogul kings had married their sons and their
daughters.

Aurangzeb, who in certain matters was unwilling that the
world should feel aggrieved at his acts, was very much per-
plexed about the way he ought to receive the fugitive king.
Finally he came to the conclusion to receive him in the mosque,
where, all being seated, it would be no dishonour for the king
to have the King of Kash gh ar seated in his presence. It is the
custom of Mahomedans on ending their prayers to turn the
head to the right and to the left, saying twice, ' As-salam
'alaikum,' saluting as it were the angels, and giving them
thanks for the support given to their prayers. 1 For they assert
that everyone [147] has two angels at his side, and thus they
make the salutation twice. This was another piece of finesse
on Aurangzeb's part, who made the salute to the angels serve
as a polite salutation to the guest ; for, turning to say the
' As-salam 'alaikum,' he became aware that the King of Kash-
ghar was present in the mosque a little behind him. The
other responded with the same words, when Aurangzeb turned
entirely round to him ; the King of Kash gh ar did the same,
and thus the conversation began. In this manner the inter-
view came off without prejudice to either of them. On finishing
their talk, each retired to his own palace, nor did these two
kings ever meet save in the mosque. The reason assigned was
that in God's house there is neither high nor low, and thus

1 This is the saldm (see T. P. Hughes, ' Dictionary of Islam,' 468). As to the
two recording angels, see the same work, p. 15.

192 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

they could pay and receive visits there without any derogation
of their dignity. 1

A curious thing happened to Aurangzeb. Going through
the street which goes straight from the mosque to the fort, he
passed close to a shop where a faqlr was seated who had
formerly been a disciple of the same teacher, Mulla Salih. On
seeing the king pass, the faqlr discharged at him a potful of
human excrement, which defiled his throne and his body. At
the same time the faqlr uttered a cry. Let not the reader be
amazed at such boldness, for it is quite impossible to set forth
completely the irreverence of these faqlrs, of whom I have
already spoken in my First Part (I. 93). They act thus in full
confidence that no one will dare to ill-treat them ; above all,
Aurangzeb could not do so, professing himself to be a faqlr.
The king sat quite still, only ordering them to arrest the faqlr,
and afterwards he sent for the man to his presence. The king
asked him why he had so affronted him, and the faqlr replied
that he did it because he, being now a king, had forgotten his
co-disciples, and himself fared most sumptuously, while those
poor wretches suffered in poverty. Aurangzeb answered that
there was no room for him to complain, it being God's decree
that one should be exalted and another left in want; and
the very same God, if he chose, could reverse the positions.
Thus the faqlr was sent about his business and received
nothing.

Aurangzeb made no stint of politenesses and concessions to
the King of Kashghar during his stay in Dihli, and as a spectacle
sent six [148] elephants to fight before him. This was some-
thing new for this king, who had never seen elephants nor their
combats. In order that he might see this sport, he was brought
to the same palace [as Aurangzeb], but not to the same seat ;
on the contrary, he was placed at a great distance from it. On
learning that he wished to proceed to Mecca, Aurangzeb sent
him some handsome horses, which were killed by this barbarous

1 The ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 72, does not bear this mosque story out completely.
But the interview began on the bank of the river at nightfall instead of in the
andience hall, and the two monarchs went thence hand in hand to the mosque
for prayers. Thus, the interview was carried out in a very unusual manner,
though, perhaps, not exactly as Manucci states.

A PATH AN RISING, 1673 193

king and eaten during his journey from Dihll to Surat. This
act offended Aurangzeb to some extent.

The King of Kashghar reached Surat, where the governor
received him with great honour, in compliance with orders from
court. He was provided with a ship, and then started for
Mecca. On the voyage a curious thing occurred, by which the
King of Kashghar was offended. It happened that a European
let wind, whereupon the king complained to the captain, who was
also a European, that his pilgrimage had been interfered with.
This sufficed to make all the crew, whenever they felt troubled
in the same way, to pass close to the king's cabin to give him
a salute. Owing to this trouble, when he returned to Dilhi,
he lodged a complaint, but no one would listen to his grievance ;
everyone treated the matter as foolishness, and he lived on in
Dilhi for some time and died there. 1

A Pathan rises in Rebellion.

This was the year in which Shah Shuja' was resuscitated,
which caused great anxiety to Aurangzeb and threw the
kingdom into confusion. Many persons believed that the
fictitious Shah Shuja' was the veritable prince and a true pre-
tender to the throne. But really he was not such, but only the
secretary of a general, who, moving to the farther side of the
Indus river, began to announce that he was Shah Shuja', who
had fled from Arakan. He was so clever at depicting the
events of his campaign against Aurangzeb that there soon
collected many men who had come to help him. To everyone
who declared himself on his side he gave a rupee, promising
him high pay. Already he had gathered together some thirty
thousand soldiers. These crossed the Indus on inflated skins,
and Aurangzeb ordered his faujddrs, who are field commanders,
forthwith to occupy the river bank and stop their crossing. The
officials hastened to the spot, and I have heard it said that a

1 'Abdullah Khan, Changezi, of Chaghatae race, returned from the Ilajaz in
the fourteenth year, 1082 H. (1671), and died at Dihli on the 10th Sha'ban of the
eighteenth year, 1086 H. (October 30, 1675) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 112, 113, 143,
and ' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi,' 1086).

VOL. II. 13

194 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

dog belonging to a general did such wondrous things against
these rebels [149], and so many died, that they were forced to
retreat.

But this did not cause the fictitious Shah Shuja.' to lose
heart. He continued his enlistment of men on the promise
that when he became king he would give high pay, and would
reward the valiant. By these promises more and more men
assembled, until Aurangzeb wrote to Faridun Beg, governor of
Hasan Abdal, stating his surprise, as it would not require much
exertion to sweep away this rising. The governor sent some
fictitious Pathans to give poison to the real Pathan, but false
Shah Shuja'. Thus was this revolt put an end to, which had
started from this side of the river. There can be no doubt that
many were not well contented with Aurangzeb, chiefly the
Pathans, who must be some three hundred thousand in
number. 1

Death of Sultan Muhammad.

I have already stated earlier that Aurangzeb suspected his
son, Sultan Muhammad, knowing him to be a brave soldier,
and therefore he had him carried off a prisoner to the fortress
of Gwaliyar. But in the end it oppressed him to see his son
for such a long time in prison. He was also in want of his
services for several undertakings he was bent upon — that is to
say, the destruction of Shiva Ji, the conquest of Bljapur and
Gulkandah, and a campaign against the Rana. He therefore
sent for him from Gwaliyar, and placed him in the fortress of
Salimgarh. Some liberty was accorded to him, and his father
took him to the mosque with him. Still he placed no trust in
him, his object being to test him more and more in order to see
if prison had weakened him.

One day he sent him in sign of love a melon, of which he
(Aurangzeb) had eaten a portion. He wanted to see if Sultan

1 This rising of Pathans, in which Shuja'at Khan was killed, took place in the
seventeenth year, 1084 H. (1673-74). Ra'd-andaz Khan, entitled Shuja'at Khan,
son of Baha-ud-din, entitled Barq-andaz Khan, Sistani, Qandahari, was killed
on the 18th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1084 H. (February 24, 1674), i n a n ght with the Afghans
of Kabul (' Ma,a&ir-i-'Alamgiri,' 131, and ' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi,' 1084).

DEATH OF AURANGZEB'S ELDEST SON 195

Muhammad retained his qualities of a son. They presented
the melon to him, saying that the king, his father, had already
tasted thereof and sent him the remainder. He asked for a
knife. The eunuch who had brought the melon, putting his
finger on the slice cut by Aurangzeb, said that it was already
cut ; there was no need of a knife to cut it. Sultan Muhammad
replied that he would not eat what he had not cut himself.
The eunuch retorted that knives were not given to prisoners.
This was enough, and Sultan Muhammad [150], flying into a
passion, laid hold of the melon and flung it with all his might
at the eunuch's head. The man returned to Aurangzeb, and
gave an account of his reception. Thereupon the king bit his
lips, and, holding his head down, said : ' What a terrible mad-
ness must that be which, after the medicine of so many years in
prison and of opium drinking, has not been cured !' He ordered
his son to be guarded with great care, and in secret caused
poison to be administered, to remove from his sight a son who
had done service to him in the fighting against Dara, and
who was so obedient to his father's orders that he seized
his own grandfather, as may be seen in the First Part of my
history.

The day on which the poison was to be given to the prince
Aurangzeb went out hunting, and in the evening the death of
his son was reported to him. He pulled up his horse and pre-
tended to cry ; then he offered up a prayer for the repose of
his son's soul, and ordered his interment at the mausoleum
of Humayun. The next day he went with his court to the
mausoleum to pray, as is usual. Seeing a white bier cloth upon
a tomb, he asked who was buried there. On hearing that it
was Dara's grave he ordered the cloth to be taken away, and im-
posed the penalty of death on anyone who should pray there ;
his object was to wipe out the remembrance of Dara. Thus
ended the name of Sultan Muhammad in the year one thousand
six hundred and seventy-one. 1

1 According to the 'Tarildi-i-Muhammadi,' 1087 H. (1676), and to the 'Ma.asir-
i-'Alamgiri,' p. 159, 1088 H. (1677), is the correct year. The former authority
states that he died on the 18th Shawwal, 1087 H. (December 25, 1676), aged
thirty- eight years one month and four days.

13—2

196 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

What I encountered from Muhammad Amin Khan.

This was the year in which Muhammad Amin Khan gave me
a lot of annoyance, for, having been ordered by the king to
Kabul 1 as governor in place of Mahabat Khan, he wanted to
take me with him by force. He made me many promises, but
I knew my man too well. He had promised me ten rupees a day
for healing a putrid venereal disease, of recovery from which
he had despaired; afterwards, ignoring what he had said, he
refused to pay me the promised sum. I therefore made my
excuses, saying I did not wish to leave Lahor.

He left with his retinue, and finding that neither by promises
nor by threats could I be made to follow him [151], he ordered
me to be carried off by force. Thus I travelled with him for
three days as far as Little Gujarat, 2 crossing the river of Lahor
and the river Chinab. He acted thus not only from his desire
to keep me, but also because his wife so willed it. She went
the length of unveiling before me her daughter's face (a most
unusual thing among them), and said to me that, if I would
not go for her sake, at the least I might for her daughter's,
whom I had brought back to health when she was very ill. I
had come thus far, but never forsook the project I intended to
carry out ; for he who serves by compulsion can never be
satisfied. Thus, the marches being at night on account of the
heat, I turned back, without saying a word to anyone except
an Englishman, whom I told I was going to the town of Little
Gujarat to buy some medicines, and if Muhammad Amin Khan
should ask him about me, he was to give that answer.

That nobleman had given an order that no one was to be
allowed to cross to the other side of the river, permitting
nothing to remain on our side except the ferry-boat for con-
veying the couriers to and from the court ; but I so took my
measures that this boat was forced to carry me across, for as I
approached I sent my servants to take possession of the boat

1 Muhammad Amin Khan was appointed to Kabul in the thirteenth year,
1080 81 H. (1670-71) (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 616, and ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,'
104).

2 Gujarat, in the Panjab, eight miles from the banks of the Chinab. Near
here was fought Sir Hugh Cough's battle of February 21, 1849.

MANUCCI FALSELY ACCUSED OF THEFT 197

and keep it till I arrived. I came up and ordered the boatman
to convey me across, pretending I was a courier from Mahabat
Khan to the court. As soon as I had passed the river it began
to be dawn, and I met a body of Muhammad Amin Khan's
people. When they asked me where I was going, I answered
angrily that Mirza 'Abdullah 1 being unwell, the prince had
sent me to treat him. Thus I got past them. I reached Lahor
by fast travelling before he could overtake me on the way.

But Muhammad Amin Khan planned a piece of treachery for
my destruction. This consisted in writing to Gitar, commander
of the fort and provisional governor, to his own agent (? wakll),
to the kotwal, and to the qazl, requiring them to forward me to
his camp. If I refused, they were to charge me with having
stolen from him five lakhs of rupees. They knew quite well it
was a false accusation, but Muhammad Amin Khan being a great
man, they did not hesitate to do everything possible to have
me seized. But I was not asleep, and I was tolerably versed in
Mahomedan tricks, for they stick at nothing to gain success in
their desires [152]. Therefore I did not stay inside Lahor at my
house, but hid myself in the gardens, moving about from one
place to another in disguise. This went on for forty days, and
proclamation was made that anyone knowing where I was hid
and discovering me, would be highly rewarded, and whoever
concealed me in his house would be compelled to pay the five
lakhs of rupees robbed by me from Muhammad Amin Khan.

At this time Fida,e Khan, who was to succeed Muhammad
Amin Khan as governor, 2 was approaching. He was his pre-
decessor's enemy. In advance of his own arrival he sent two
hundred cavalry, conveying letters to the provisional governor,
the kotwal, and the q&zi, telling them to carry on the government
in his name until he should arrive. At each court of justice was
posted one of Fida,e Khan's troopers to act as witness and verify
everything that took place. When I knew of this, I came boldly
into Lahor, and had an interview with the trooper who attended

1 Mirza 'Abdullah, the son of Muhammad Amin Khan. He was killed on the
Peshawar frontier, 3rd Muharram, 1083 (April 30, 1672).

2 Fida.e Khan was appointed to Lahor in the thirteenth year, 1080-81 H.
(January 23, 1670, to January 11, 1671) (' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,' i. 250).

198 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

the kotwaVs court, also with the man posted at the deputy-
governor's, telling them my story. Both men pledged me their
word that they would help me, but I told them not to take
action until they saw me being taken away by force to Muhammad
Amln Khan. Secure of their aid if anything happened to me,
I returned to my house. The kotwal and the other officials
were in fear of Muhammad Amln Khan, so the kotwal sent for
me and locked me up in prison, and three times, on three
different days, he asked me in public audience whether I would
go willingly to Muhammad Amln Khan or not. On my saying
resolutely that I would not go, he said that as Muhammad
Amln Khan had accounts to go into with me, I must be forced
to go. My reply was that I had no sort of account with him,
nor knew I aught about his jewels, for I was no official of his
household, but only a Frank surgeon, to whom jewels would
not be made over. Seeing me thus firm, he too spoke resolutely,
at the instigation of Muhammad Amln Khan's wakil, declaring
that I must absolutely go.

They had already removed me from the audience, and were
making me mount into a carriage prepared for that purpose,
when the trooper, whom I had already made my friend,
announced openly that if they wished to send me, they might ;
but hereafter Fida,e Khan would have something to say to them,
he having given special instructions for Hakim Niccolao, the
Frank, to be looked after, he being his (Fida,e Khan's) private
doctor. He called on everyone to bear witness how he had made
requisition on his master's behalf. Upon hearing [153] this, the
kotwal got into a fright and sent for me once more, and said to
me in a loud voice that the trooper had made a requisition on
behalf of Fida,e Khan ; but the law demanded that at the very
least I should produce bail for my person, so as to be able
afterwards to justify itself against a claim by Muhammad Amln
Khan.

Sureties were not wanting who, knowing the truth, were
willing to bind themselves for me. But neither the kotwal nor
the wakil would accept them as bail, warning them that in this
way they would have to defend themselves from Muhammad
Amln Khan, a violent and powerful man. Thus it came to pass

HE IS PROTECTED BY FIDA,E KHAN 199

that all of them were afraid to do what they wished, until at last
a Hindu turned up, who, in defiance of Muhammad Amin Khan,
became surety, I giving him an indemnity, and thus I was
free.

Meanwhile Mirza Salih, 1 the son of Fida,e Khan, arrived.
I visited him and paid my respects, having beforehand had
some good words said to him about me ; for I was tolerably
well known in Lahor. In this way, when Fida,e Khan himself
subsequently arrived, he (Mirza Salih) presented me to his
father, by whom I was well received. I presented to him a
box full of an electuary. 2 He sent for the kotwal, and told him
to take good care that no one interfered with me, and he also
gave me his word to be favourable to me. This, of a truth, he
was as long as he lived, and that, too, in things of great im-
portance, as I shall relate in the proper place (II. 162).

Muhammad AmIn Khan defeated by the Pathans.

But let us proceed and see what happened to Muhammad
Amin Khan with the Pathans. It looks as if God had inspired
me with this resolve not to go with him in order to save my
life. When he reached the territories of Kabul, puffed up with
pride as he was, he tried to interfere with the Pathans, and
was not content to do as other viceroys had done. They had
managed to keep friends with these most warlike folk. But he,
as soon as he arrived, sent word to the Pathans that he required
them to pay tribute ; otherwise he would make war, and oblige
them to do by force what they declined to do from affection.

This was enough to give the Pathans an opportunity of
destroying him. Taking no notice [154] of the affront, they
allowed Muhammad Amin Khan with forty thousand horse, in
addition to infantry numbering two hundred thousand and his
baggage, to enter into the mountains near Pexor (Peshawar).

5 Fida,e Khan, afterwards A'zam Khan, Kokah, died on the gth Rabl' II., 1089 H.
(May 31, 1678). He was the elder brother of Bahadur Khan, afterwards Khan
Jahan, Kokaltash. Fida,e Khan's eldest son was Salih Khan, afterwards Fida,e
Khan (' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,' i. 247, 251).

2 The text has detvarlo, which Mr. D. Ferguson emends to ehtvario = electuario
= ' electuary,' and this I adopt.

200 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

When the imperialists had advanced into the hills, the Pathans
blocked the routes. One morning, while it was still dark, all
the Pathans came, marching on foot, and having manned the
tops of the surrounding hills, they began to shout as with one
voice, so frightening the men of Muhammad Amin Khan that
they were like a pinha (a pine-tree — i.e., they trembled ?). Then
the hillmen descended on the Moguls with a great rush, their
bare swords in their hands.

Muhammad Amin Khan issued forth, and finding himself in
the last extremity, he sent an embassy to the Pathans through
a holy man of Balkh. He said he would pay them a great deal
of money and comply with their wishes. But the enraged
Pathans would not hear a word, and, cutting off the holy man's
head, fell upon Muhammad Amin Khan's soldiers, sparing not
a single one. Muhammad Amin Khan had recourse to a device
to save his own life. That is to say, he ordered his secretary,
Muhammad Riza, to take the seat on his elephant, and thus he
was destroyed, the Pathans supposing that it was Muhammad
Amin Khan himself. They contented themselves with cutting off
this man's head and carrying it into the mountains. Muhammad
Amin Khan, with the aid of some Pathans in his service, clothed
himself in their manner, and these men conducted him until he
had got out of the hills and arrived at Peshawar. When they
reached the city it was night, and the commandant would not
open the gate, fearing some treachery. Nevertheless, through the
urgent petitions forwarded to him by Muhammad Amin Khan,
the commandant sent men to examine well by torch-light the
marks on his face, so as to see if it were really Muhammad
Amin Khan. He had to suffer this affront in order to save his
life. But how did the Pathans deal with the wealth and the
family of Muhammad Amin Khan ?

All were made prisoners, except Mirza 'Abdullah, 1 son of Mu-
hammad Amin Khan, who on seeing the enemy make a prisoner
of his father's wife, the one who showed me her daughter's face
thereby to overcome me, cut off her head himself. After this

1 Saiyid Sultan, Karbalae, and Mirza 'Abdullah, were killed in the Khaibar
Pass in a fight with the Afghans on the 7th Muharram, 1083 H. (May 6, 1672)
(' Tarikh-i-Muhammadl,' 1083; see also ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 617).

PATHANS DEFEAT MUHAMMAD AM IN KHAN 201

the Pathans killed him ('Abdullah) along with Mirza Sultan,
brother-in-law of Muhammad Amin Khan, a well-made man of
grave demeanour, a Persian by birth. They took prisoners the
mother, the sister, and the daughter of the fugitive. The last-
named lady had already been named to Sultan Akbar, the fourth
son of Aurangzeb, but after this the marriage was not carried
out [155]. It was thought an indignity for a prince of the blood
royal to marry one who had been taken and put to ransom by
so barbarous a people as are the Pathans of those mountains.
So barbarous were they, that they were not aware of the wealth
they had acquired by the overthrow of their enemies, and
gave the gold coins away for nothing, taking them to be of base
metal. It was on this occasion that a jewel-box was lost con-
taining all the most lovely jewels and the largest diamonds
belonging to the widow of Mir Jumlah. She had refused to
give them to Aurangzeb, who had asked for them, assigning as
her reason that, being an old woman, the said jewels would serve
her as torches to lighten her old age. Some say that when
Mahabat Khan was sent back afterwards to govern Kabul a
second time, he found means of recovering these valuables, but
it is not known for certain.

When the king sent Mahabat Khan to Kabul again as
governor, Netu Ji, officer of Shiva Ji, succeeded in escaping ; but
the attempt did not end as he wished, for he was caught at
once, and they brought him to Lahor, where they put him into a
cage until the arrival of the royal orders. These orders were that
if he did not consent to become a Mahomedan his head was to
be cut off. He pretended to change his religion and recovered
once more his rank, but was ordered to go across the river Indus.
After some months had elapsed he disappeared and made for
the country of Shiva Ji, and fought anew against the Moguls
in the accustomed way.

Those who escaped death were afterwards ransomed ; Muham-
mad Amin, unlocking his treasure-house at Peshawar, ransomed
his mother, who had been wounded in the side, his sister, and
his daughter. If anyone wants to know if Muhammad Amin
Khan was rich, he can conceive an answer from what was said
to him by his secretary — that is to say, that without drawing

202 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

pay or income from the king, he could of himself, with the
rank he had, maintain twelve thousand horsemen for eighty
years.

Mahabat Khan returns to Kabul.

Upon the receipt of the above news at court, Aurangzeb
ordered Mahabat Khan to go once more in all haste to take
charge of Kabul ; l nor would he accede to the petition of
Muhammad Amin Khan, who offered, if not superseded, to
undertake himself the charges of the war against the Pathans,
and wreak vengeance for the previous affront. When [156]
Mahabat Khan came the Pathans allowed him to pass, for he
was a prudent man, who kept up a friendship with them.
Thus Muhammad Amin Khan, on his way to his government
of Gujarat, passed through Lahor, and he then confessed
before everyone that truth was on my side. Thus did he restore
to me the honour of which he had robbed me by a false accu-
sation.

He went on to his government in Gujarat. After he had
arrived there, on the day that he had to attend at the mosque,
he gave an order to the door-keepers not to allow the common
people to enter during the time of his prayers. For this reason,
when he came out of the mosque the people rose against him
with shouts, and stones, and shoes, so that he was obliged to
hide in a neighbouring house. He wrote about this insult to
the king, hoping that he would send him troops, or would give
him an order to chastise the people. But Aurangzeb replied
that it was God's punishment for his hauteur; he was astonished
at his promptness in complaining, whereas it would be better to
amend his own ways, and not be so high and mighty. From
vexation he ended his life in a little time. 2

1 Mahabat Khan was recalled from the Dakhin, and sent to Kabul in the
sixteenth year (December, 1672, to December, 1673) (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 593).
In refusing Muhammad Amin Khan's offer, Aurangzeb acted on the advice of
Amir Khan, who said he would act like a wounded boar and attack regardless
of all consequences (ibid., iii. 619). Amir Khan had served under Muhammad
Amin Khan in Kabul (ibid. , i. 278).

2 Muhammad Amin Khan died at Ahmadabad on the 8th Jamadi II., 1093 H.
(June 4, 1683) (' M.-ul-U.,' iii. 619).

MAHRATTAH AFFAIRS 203

AURANGZEB MAKES PEACE WITH SHIVA JI.

Although Aurangzeb was anxious to obtain satisfaction from
the Pathans for this outbreak, he found he could not punish
them, being involved in war with Shiva Ji and Bijapur. He
therefore sent Fida,e Khan to Peshawar to try and smooth
things over ; but, discovering that he (Fida,e Khan) was not of
that opinion, he sent his artillery general, Ra'dandaz Khan,
a valiant man, with a large army to overawe them. But when
he got among the mountains the Pathans cut off his head and
destroyed his army as they had done to that of Muhammad
Amin Khan. 1 This was the opening of a new war. Since the
Pathans were strong, there was no army sufficient to reduce
the fury of these men, who once claimed the crown of Hindustan
and the lordship over DihlT. Ever since they lost King Sher Shah
they had refused to bind on turbans, wearing in their place a
fragment of cloth. This custom is, they say, to endure until there
is a Pathan king. Thus was Aurangzeb obliged to obtain peace
from Shiva Ji, who was content to give him the time he wanted
to fight the Pathans. Aurangzeb took the field against them
with a firm determination to extirpate them, believing it would
be easy [157] to accomplish this purpose, just as he had suc-
ceeded in his previous undertakings. Thus he withdrew con-
siderable forces from that quarter (the Dakhin), leaving Bahadur
Khan to continue the war with Bijapur.

Shiva Ji enters the Karnatik to make War.

Shiva Ji had no idea of allowing his soldiers' swords to rust. He
therefore asked the King of Gulkandah to grant him a passage on
his way to a campaign in the Karnatik 2 against certain princes
who had risen against Bijapur and Gulkandah. The King of
Gulkandah having consented to his passing through, he came
to the Karnatik, and there, by his valour and determination, he

1 Ra'dandaz Khan (Shuja'at Khan) was dispatched on the 7th Sha'ban, sixteenth
year, 1084 H. (November 17, 1673). He was killed on the 18th Zu,l Qa'dah,
1084 H. (February 24, 1674) (' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' 129, 131).

a Grant-Duff, 123. Shiva, Ji was at Gulkandah early in 1677 ; at Jinji in May
of that year; the investment and capture of Vellur followed. Three other forts
were taken.

204 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

took a great fortress called Gingi (Jinji). 1 It includes seven
fortifications upon hills. There are many princes in the Karnatik,
but they would not agree to a joint defence; then he, like a
dexterous falcon, pounced upon them, and took many other
fortresses of great value, and lands containing many subjects of
the Bljapiir kingdom. By these victories he increased his
strength, and subsequently was able to resist the armies of
Aurangzeb. But in the course of these victories he met with one
cause of vexation, for his son, Sambagi (Sambha Jl), was a man
of unruly habits, who seized other men's wives. This gave rise
to complaints from the officers and others ; and their dis-
satisfaction was likely to be the cause of great injury to Shiva
Jl, if thereby any revolt were occasioned. Finding that
Sambha Jl would not listen to his words, his father decided
to have him seized and sent as a prisoner to some fortress.
He intended then to leave the crown to his younger son, called
Ram Raja, in these days known under the designation of
Shiva Jl. But Sambha Jl became aware of his father's inten-
tions, and knowing that the king (? Aurangzeb) would be
delighted to have him within his territories, he made an appeal
to him, and was received most amicably. 2

Aurangzeb marches against the Pathans.

Aurangzeb took the field against the Pathans, riding his
horse in the sun, with lance in hand, and taking no shelter
from heat or dust. He did this to prove his determination
to destroy them. He refused to listen to the petitions of his
officers. They had practical knowledge of the fierceness and
persistence of the Pathans [158], and of the strength of the
positions which they held. They advised him to deal other-
wise with these people. But he was of opinion that when
he was present in person everything was easy, forgetting what
had happened to the great Akbar, who lost against them eighty
thousand horsemen. He would listen to no one, but continued

1 Jinji, lat. 12 16', long. 79° 27', eighty-two miles south-west of Madras.

2 Grant-Duff, 129, has this under the year 1679, but he says Sambha Ji was
actually a prisoner of his father at Panalla, and then escaped to the Moguls
under Diler Khan.

AURANGZEB GOES TO HASAN ABDAL 205

his onward march. On arriving at Lahor, he directed that
the harem should proceed no farther, taking with him thence
only a few women. Thus the rest remained in Lahor awaiting
the king's return, or his permission to advance. The king
marched on and took up position with his army at Hasan
Abdal, 1 near the river Indus.

This campaign lasted twenty-six months without the king
gaining the least advantage over the Pathans. On the
contrary, he lost some of his most valuable soldiers. Thus
the son of Shekh Mir, a man of valour, was taken by the
Pathans, and the king had to ransom him. 2 Finding
himself unable to overcome the Pathans, and that he would
lose thereby much of his honour and reputation, Aurangzeb
had recourse to other measures. As he suspected that Mahabat
Khan was encouraging the Pathan resistance, he sent an order
for his removal.

Offended at this supersession, Mahabat Khan proposed, with
the help of the Pathans, to rise in revolt and declare himself
King of Kabul. But he was counselled to the contrary by true
friends, who reminded him of the loyal conduct of the great
Mahabat Khan, his father, who had refrained from killing
Jahanglr when he could have done it if so minded. Mahabat
Khan came in anger to the king's camp, the Pathans allowing
him to pass without hurt. On arrival in the royal presence,
Aurangzeb ordered him to proceed to Hindustan ; but on the
way he had him poisoned. There were two reasons : one was
because Mahabat Khan's enemies said to the king that as he
was friendly with the Rajputs he might, on reaching Hindustan,
try to revolt ; the other reason was that, on this occasion, when
issuing from the royal presence, being in an angry mood, he
ordered his kettledrums to beat in the midst of the royal
encampment. This was a great affront to the king; it was

1 Hasan Abdi.1, in the Rawal Pindi district, lat. 33 48', long. 72 45', in a valley
watered by springs. Aurangzeb started for this place on the nth Muharram,
1085 H. (April 16, 1674), and his camp reached it on the 2nd Rabi' II. (June 6,
1674) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 132, 133).

a Other authorities say that this man, the third son, Muhammad Ya'qub,
Shamsher Khan, lost his life (' M.-ul-U.,' ii. 670). It was in Rabi' I., 1086 H.
(May or June, 1675).

2o6 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

as much as to say that he did not care in the least for his
life, and was no longer a subject of Aurangzeb.

He (Aurangzeb) ordered, as I have said, that poison should
be given to him secretly ; and since he was on his way to
Lahor, they told the king there was in that city a Frank
physician who might cure him. For this reason there came
to me a letter without any name, which stated that in no
way must I afford aid to Mahabat Khan. He who brought
me the letter, a man unknown to me, took me by the hand,
and pressing it, said I must pay great heed to the letter and
not act to the contrary, and then off he went.

Mahabat Khan calls Me in.

Knowing that Mahabat Khan was on his way, and being
on very friendly terms, I sent out to him a present of some
good spirits that I had prepared myself. His doctor, who had
the order to give him the poison, seized the opportunity for
my ruin and his own preservation. On the day that the
Nawab drank my wine, he gave him the poison in an elixir
such as the Mahomedans are accustomed to take to reinforce
their sexual powers. Mahabat Khan found himself troubled
with sharp pains, and suspected that there must be poison
in my spirits, and that I had acted thus at the instigation of
Fida,e Khan, his enemy. He sent to fetch me in the greatest
haste, just as I was ready to go out for a stroll. At once I
suspected something. I jumped on my horse and went off
to him, he being eighteen leagues away.

Entering the tent, I found everyone in astonishment, for they
had the idea that I would never come, being, as they asserted,
the culprit. He ordered a tent to be prepared for me and a
good supper, sending to entertain me several of his nephews,
great friends of mine ; also a captain called Mlrak 'Ata-ullah.
This man was to spy upon me, and see if I spoke with any
sign of fear or surprise. But as I was quite innocent, I spoke
in my usual manner. Next morning I went to see Mahabat
Khan again, and I asked him if he had tasted the spirits that I
had sent, and he said he had. Thereupon I prayed the favour

DEATH OF M AH A BAT KHAN (II.), 1675 207

of his giving me a drink of it. They brought me the bottle
from which he had drunk. I drank, and after I had done so I
gave some to his nephews, who praised the liquor. I did this
to let him be satisfied that it was not my liquor that had made
him bad, but some other thing. I remained with him in talk
a long time, and he observed that the spirits did neither me
nor his nephews any harm. He then invited me to treat
him.

I made excuse, saying that he was provided with his own
doctor, a very wise man, and that I was not acquainted with
that disease. Thus I remained with him nineteen days, and
he detained me to find out if the spirits we drank did any harm
[160] either to me or to his nephews. He was obliged to let
me go without being able to find out from me whether he had
poison in his inside or not. At my departure he conferred on
me a set of robes, and sent the same captain with twenty
horsemen to escort me, so that his men, who thought me the
cause of his illness, should not harm me. He died a few days
afterwards of fetid discharges, a sign that his bowels were
ulcerated. 1

I ATTEND THE DAUGHTER OF MURAD BAKHSH.

Hardly had I reached Lahor when a terrible affair happened.
This was that the holy man of Balkh, 2 to whom Aurangzeb
had married the daughter of Murad Bakhsh, went mad. I
was treating him as such. But Fida,e Khan, 3 being away at
Peshawar, Amanat Khan 4 was in his place. He listened to the

1 Lahrasp, entitled (1) Lahrasp Khan, then (2) Mahabat Khan, son of Zamanah
Beg, Mahabat Khan, Khan Khanan, Sipah Salar, died the 4th Shawwal, 1085 H.
(January 1, 1675), near Sahodrah (Panjab), aged sixty-four (lunar) years. His
father died 1044 H. (' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi,' 1085).

2 See back, II. 149, Muhammad Salih, son of Muhammad Tahir, Naqshbandi.

3 Fida.e Khan started from Lahor for Peshawar on the last of Muharram,
fifteenth year, 1083 H. (May 28, 1672).

4 Amanat Khan (alias Saiyid Ahmad Khan) was in the thirteenth year, 1081 H.,
dlwdn of Bengal; in the sixteenth year, 1083 H., diwan of the Khalisah ; in the
eighteenth year, 1086 H., he resigned that office, and was put in charge of Lahor ;
in the nineteenth year, 1086 H., he came out to greet Aurangzeb on his return
from Hasan Abdal ('M.-i-'A.,' 105, 126, 143, 148). See also Part I., f. 103,
and V., f. 26.

208 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

proposals of the sorcerers, who said that the holy man was
possessed by a demon, and not mad. I was obliged to abandon
the treatment, Amanat Khan being aggrieved that I had taken
on myself to treat a royal connection without first of all con-
sulting him. My answer was that, being by profession a medical
man, I went to the house of anyone who sent for me without
making any distinctions. But since he did not approve of my
continuing my treatment, I would that very hour quit the
house and the patient.

It happened that a few days afterwards, the sorcerers
assuring him that the man was now sane, and had no longer
a demon in his inside, they allowed him to go for a walk in
a garden along with the princess and her ladies. Having a
dagger in his waist-belt, he drew it, and, seizing the princess,
stabbed her beneath the ribs towards the side. When the
ladies and the eunuchs, on hearing her cries, ran to the spot,
he killed one woman with the same dagger and wounded
another in the arm. After this he jumped into the reservoir,
playing (bailando) with the dagger and other obscenities. Then
they carried away the princess in a palanquin as speedily as
possible to the palace, and a eunuch came careering on horse-
back to my house. I was urged to make all haste ; I knew not
why or wherefore. I sent an order to harness my carriage for
us both to go together. But I could not extract from his
mouth where it was necessary to go, until at last he told me to
carry with me remedies for the [161] treatment of a wound
that the holy man had inflicted on the princess. I protested
that I could not go without permission from the governor,
because the princess was of royal blood, nor could I treat
her without the king's orders. He paid no heed to those
words, and most urgently intreated me not to delay, for the
princess was in danger of death. He then told me the whole
story.

We started in the carriage, and he made out I was drunk,
ordering the carriage to be driven with all speed, stopping for
neither hucksters' stalls nor people. Everybody was amazed to
see a Frank, who usually went by rather quietly, rush past so
desperately. We reached the palace, and on being told the

THE PRINCESS RECOVERS 209

facts as to the wound, I feared a lesion of the bowels. How-
ever, continuing my inquiries, I found that the wounds were
not mortal. I did my utmost to get an examination before I
began the treatment. But the Mahomedans are very touchy
in the matter of allowing their women to be seen, or even
touched by the hand ; above all, the lady being of the blood
royal, it could not be done without express permission from
the king. Thus an examination was impossible. But I ordered
them to describe the wound, and I had the dagger brought,
and I saw that it was only by God's grace that it had not cut
the bowels. I made my tents and plasters, mixing in them a
balsam which I made, and since the persons in the service of
these great people are intelligent, I instructed them as to what
they had to do. By God's help the treatment succeeded, and
in eleven days I healed her completely.

When for the first time I had applied the medicine, I went
to the governor and reported the facts. This was to prevent
his expressing surprise afterwards on hearing such news, and
becoming frightened that the king would remark on the want of
care with which he had guarded a man who had been declared
mad. He entreated me earnestly to make my best efforts to
cure the princess. Meanwhile he wrote to the king about the
case, and told him that a demon had entered the body of the
holy man, and the princess had been mortally wounded with
a dagger. But a Frank doctor named Hakim Niccolao had
attended her, and held out hopes that she would be well in a
short time. This event brought me to the notice of many
nobles who were in the camp. For on the matter becoming
public, my friends wrote to their acquaintances ; and the
princess herself, as soon as she was well, wrote to the king
that I had perfectly restored her, and she gave me a handsome
present.

Corpulence of a Mahomedan.

Another case occurred which made me famous throughout
the kingdom. It was as follows : Fida,e Khan ordered the
beheadal of a powerful rebel, who plundered in all directions in
the king's territories ; he was brother-in-law of the qdzl of

vol. 11. 14

210 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Lahor. His name was Theka Araham (? Thika, Arain), 1 and
he was extremely fat. I thought it was a good chance of lay-
ing in a stock of human fat, procuring it from the man and his
companion, who was also very obese. I spoke to Fida,e Khan,
pointing out the necessity I was under of having this medica-
ment. As the opportunity was favourable, would he give orders
to remove the fat from these two condemned men ? He then
ordered the kotwal to have this done, and in compliance with the
order men were sent to carry out the operation. I thus acquired
eighteen sirs — that is, five hundred and four ounces purified. 2

This matter caused great talk in the city, and the qazl,
assembling many of the learned, sent men to complain to the
king against Fida,e Khan for protecting a Frank. On his
behalf he had committed the sacrilege of removing the fat of a
Mahomedan, a man who read the Quran and yet had been
thus afflicted. According to the strict law the Frank deserved
to be burnt, but as Fida,e Khan declined to listen to argument,
they were forced to come to His Majesty to present a complaint
and demand justice.

I was warned of the plot, and spoke to Fida,e Khan about
the qazts intentions. He sent at once a messenger to court to
report that the population of Lahor were restless, and if there
came in any complaint about the beheaded man, Thika, Arain,
it must not be listened to, for the qazl and others had been his
supporters. This was enough to secure that on the arrival of
the complaint at court, where many had clad themselves in
mourning to present the petition, the king should send them
away after saying very little, with the remark : ' Caziey zemi,
bessare zemi ' {Qazayd-i-zamln bar-sar-i-zamln). This means :
' Cases about land are settled on the land itself.' Thus I was
left unharmed for that once and freed from a great persecution
that would have cost me my life.

1 Ibbetson, 'Panjab Ethnology,' 1883, p. 267, paragraph 486, Arains, or Rains,
a class of vegetable growers. ' They are almost without exception Mussulmans.'
They are numerous in the Lahor district. N. M. mentions this man again
(iii. 73), where he says he was a Jat. So the name may be Thika Ram instead of
Arain; but in that case he would be a Hindu, and not a Mahomedan.

2 Taking the ser at 2 pounds, or 32 ounces, 18 ser would be 576 ounces. But the
ser referred to may have been a local one of 28 ounces.

USE OF HUMAN FAT AND FLESH 211

God was also pleased to deliver me once more after several
months. For [163] there came a relation of the beheaded man
expressly to kill me. By a lucky chance he came when I was
prescribing for the sick, distributing medicine, adding alms for
those who were in want. He came into my dlwan with his
sword and shield, leaving his spear and horse at my door.
Without any salutation he sat down in front of me and watched
my movements, the humanity with which I spoke to the sick,
and the liberality with which I succoured the needy. Nor did
I fail from time to time to observe the face of this new guest,
without knowing either who he was or what he wanted. I
wondered at his wrathful countenance, his head- shakings, and
other signs of a man in anger. Having got rid of my patients,
I asked him more than once if he wanted anything in which
I could be of use, but he returned no answer. At length,
there being no one else left, he asked me if I knew the cause
of his coming. I replied that I did not. He said he had come
resolved to kill me because I had removed the fat from his uncle.
But finding that in my hands it was being well employed, he
felt satisfied at making my acquaintance. He rose to his feet,
refusing to eat, or take betel, or listen to my words. He could
have killed me quite safely, but God was pleased to change his
intentions in reward for the little or much that I managed to
do for the pooi who were in ill-health.

The qazl did not find it so easy to forget his anger against
me. Fida,e Khan did not stay much longer in Lahor. He
(the qazl) then sent someone for me, and on my presenting myself
he was very affectionate, but did all he knew to trip me up in
my talk. He began a conversation about the fat of his brother-
in-law, asking me if I ever gave such fat to be taken for a
medicine, and for what complaints it was used. I answered, in
ignorance of his maliciousness, that fat was not administered
by the mouth, but served simply to make ointments in nervous
disorders. It was lucky that I answered thus, for if I had said
that the fat was also given by the mouth, it would have been
enough to afford him an opening for planning a fresh persecution
against me, and ordering me to be tortured.

It appeared to him most barbarous to prescribe human fat

14—2

212 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to be taken, imagining I did [164] this to make mock of the
Mahomedans by getting one man to eat the fat of another.
After this, I fell into conversation with him and discovered his
malice, and saw the kindness God had done me in making me
reply as above. For it was this which had delivered me from
death. But he who came to catch me got caught himself!
On his demanding of me some remedy for a cough he had, I
told him of various drugs ; among other things I said that,
as he was an old man, human ' myrrh ' would be good. He
answered that he had already taken it, but it had done him not
the least good. Upon this, with a smile, I said openly to him
that to me it did not seem much of a thing to give human fat
through the mouth by way of medicine, when at the same time
he had no scruple in eating human flesh and fat. For that is
what is meant by human ' myrrh.' He also could not help
laughing, and told me such medicines were to be taken secretly
only, so that no one knew.

The Europeans persecute Me.

This persecution was bad enough, but without a doubt the
Christians persecuted me worse than the Mahomedans. It arose
from their envy at seeing me with name and fame, whereas at the
place where I had settled down I had done no harm to any one
of them. God alone knows how many times they tried to
murder me, and they sent men to steal my books, on which
I relied. Finding their projects had no success, they made up
their minds to do openly what they had failed to do in hiding.

To this end they sent four Europeans of various nations to
murder me. Two came into the house as friends and began to
talk to me ; another who was to do the deed stood in the door-
way, shouting hoarsely a thousand abusive terms at my servants ;
and the last sat on his horse with his pistols ready, to back up
what was going on at the door. Hearing this row I came out,
begging the disturber to hold his tongue ; he might come in if
he wanted to, but if he did not come in let him go his way. When
he heard this he fired his pistol, which was already at full-cock,
when one of my servants, grappling with him, took the pistol
from his hand. He drew his sword to defend himself from the

ATTEMPT TO MURDER MANUCCI 213

servants, who had begun settling his business for him with thick
sticks, applying them without remorse to him and his servants
until they fled. Then I recognised that it was planned treachery,
and ordered one [165] of my servants with a drawn bow to see
that the one on horseback should not move his hand in the
direction of his pistols ; if he moved, an arrow was at once to
be let fly at him. Thus terrorized, he was afraid to stir or to
assist his companion, who was getting his beating. I told the
others with their bows and arrows to watch without a word
over the two men in the house. Meanwhile I ordered a good
thrashing to be given to the insolent fellow. While drawing
his sword to defend himself from the servants he cut his hand,
and one of my servants seized him round the body so violently
that he was brought to the ground. But he would not let his
sword be taken away ; I therefore ordered them to give it him
well until he let go the sword. Seeing that still he clung to it,
one of the men planted one foot on his chest, and so crushed
it that he had to give up the sword. Thereupon I told them
to bind him and carry him to the magistrate. But the man on
horseback dismounted and earnestly begged me not to pass this
affront upon a white man. His petition was his undoing. I
told him to fall at his protector's feet. He declined, but my
servants by thumps and holding his neck got him to his knees.
Then I left all the four and rode off at once to Fida,e Khan,
who at the time this happened was in Lahor. He recognised
that I had good reason for anything I had done, and sent men
to escort my assailants to the other side of the river Chinab,
and on the road he who was the leader died. I will state here
that my enemies seized this occasion at the time the Europeans of
the army were on their way to the attack on the Pathans, since,
being war-time, no one would be able to know afterwards who
had made the attempt. But God, who seemed to cherish a
special desire for my protection, would not permit my death at
the hands of those who had wished to do so on the quiet, by
entering my house in the guise of friends. They did not succeed
in this or other treacheries ; but my enemies managed to give
me poison, from which I escaped, although I felt its effects for
some years [166J.

214 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN
I FAIL IN MARRYING THE DAUGHTER OF DlNDAR KHAN.

So great was the name that I had of being fortunate with
the cases that I undertook, that they came from many places
distant from Lahor to call me in to visit patients. This was
of great profit to me, even to the extent that many wanted me
in marriage. If I had been of little wisdom, I should have had
no want of marriage proposals of exceptional quality among
the Mahomedans. But, thanks to God, although I left my
home a mere youth, there remained ever graven on my memory
the good teaching of my parents.

But I cannot resist telling of one case that happened to me
with a well-connected widow woman, the daughter of Dlndar
Khan, Pathan. On one occasion I had treated one of her
sisters at Qasur, 1 twenty leagues from Lahor. This lady was
present, and took such a fancy to me that she wanted to marry
me. She herself spoke to me about it, and told me she would
make her own arrangements for flight. At first I paid no heed
to these things; still, seeing the woman so determined, and
she being rich, well proportioned, and intelligent, I began
to entertain the idea of carrying her off to Europe as she
desired.

The agreement was that she should give sufficient money to
buy a big ship, on which would be placed the bulk of her
wealth. Then she would pretend that she had vowed a
pilgrimage to Mekka, would obtain permission for this, and
leave home. When she was on her voyage and had left the
port of Surat, I with my ship was to fall upon the vessel going
to Mekka, and carry her off with me to Europe. The agree-
ment was in process of execution, but she was not sufficiently
prudent. She roused suspicions of her affection for me by
forwarding message upon message by an old woman in her
service. But the special cause for the non -execution of the
agreement was a Portuguese called Joao Rodrigues de Abreu.
After having done him many favours, and proved him suffi-
ciently faithful, I confided our plans to him, intending to take
him along with me. But he did not act in correspondence to

1 Qasur, a Pathan town, south-east of Lahor, lat. 31 g', long. 74° 27'.

MANUCCI AND THE PA THAN WIDOW 215

my friendship, for he went off and told Misri Khan, who was
a suitor for marriage [167] with the same woman.

Discovering thus the agreement we had made, and the
friendship of the said widow, which she had declared by
sending me messages with valuable presents, Misri Khan,
through fear of Fida,e Khan and other nobles who were very
fond of me, was content not to do me any harm, or send men
to murder me, but only wrote me a letter in which he said that
he knew quite well why Jam Blbl, the widow's maidservant,
came so often to my house ; but he saw quite well that
what I was doing would in the end cost me my life. I
pretended I did not understand the letter, and replied that
Jam Blbl came and went as if she were my mother. If it
displeased him that she came to my house, he had only to tell
her not to go again. By this means I found out we were
already discovered. When JanI Blbl came, I asked her to
inform her mistress that it was no longer safe to come, and she
must conceal everything, otherwise she would cause my death.
On finding that her project could not succeed, the widow
married Misri Khan, but only lived for eight days after her
marriage. If I had been like many Europeans in the Mogul
country and Hindustan, I should have accepted the money
that she wanted to give me for buying the ship, then taken
flight for Europe, disregarding the marriage and all my
promises. I did not act thus, not for fear of discovery, but
because I had always professed to be an honest man, and thus
I did not allow myself to fall into this temptation. The only
thing that weighed upon me was that, through the treachery of
that Portuguese, the lady continued to be a Mahomedan when
she desired to become a Christian.

Daulat, Eunuch.

The fame I had acquired as a good surgeon and physician was
the cause, among other things, that I was importuned by the
eunuch Daulat, a man of staid habits, rich, and well known.
This eunuch was in the employ of 'Ali Mardan Khan, he who
made over the fortress of Qandahar to the King Shahjahan.
When his master died in the year one thousand six hundred

216 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

and fifty-two, 1 this eunuch of his carried his bones to Persia to be
buried in the tomb of his forefathers. The fact became known
to Shah 'Abbas, at that time King of Persia, who ordered the
arrest of the eunuch Daulat. 'Ali Mardan Khan's remains he
directed to be burnt, and the eunuch's nose and ears to be cut
off. He was then to be expelled from the country. The king
held it an act of presumption [168] to bring the bones of a
traitor into a kingdom, of which in his lifetime he was a declared
enemy.

The wretched Daulat retired full of shame to Lahor, and
kept close within his house. Knowing the work I had done,
he several times requested me by some art or ingenuity to
make his nostrils and ears grow again — an impossible thing.
But he imagined that Christians could do miracles with elixirs.
He therefore besought and entreated me that I would do him
this favour, and he would give me anything I asked. I answered
that now there was no remedy, the wounds being old, for if they
had been fresh something might have been done. This reply
of mine only inspired greater hopes, and he asked me to renew
the sores by making new wounds. Then I was to cut off the
best-shaped nose and the finest ears from one or other of his
slaves, and apply them to his face. He embraced me, he styled
me Galen, Bu 'All (i.e., Avicenna), Aristotle, and Plato ; he
begged me to do him this favour, and make him happy all the
rest of his life.

The slaves then present were in a great state of mind lest
I should accept the eunuch's proposal, and gazed at me with
mournful faces, as if entreating me not to comply with the
request. I was laughing inwardly at them, contrasting the
eagerness of Daulat with the fright of the slaves. But
as a final answer I stated that even if I did what he asked,
and cut off the noses and ears of the slaves, it would be of
no avail, for being another's flesh it would never unite, the
only result being to disfigure his slaves without any benefit
to him. Finding there was no remedy, and being a facetious

This surrender of Qandahar took place in 1637 (Elphinstone, 510). 'Ali
Mardan Khan died near Nihara., on his way to Lahor, on the 12th Rajab,
1067 H. (May 7, 1657, N.S.) (' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi ').

XVIII. Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh, Son of Dara Shukoh.

To face page 276.

MANUCCI AS EXORCIST 217

fellow, he said in joke : ' I know not what sins I have committed
to be made an out-and-out eunuch twice over, first in my
inferior part, and, secondly, in my upper half. Now there is
nothing more to deprive me of, nor do I fear anything but
losing my head itself.' This saying served us often afterwards
as a subject of conversation.

Not only was I famed as a doctor, but it was rumoured that
I possessed the power of expelling demons from the bodies of
the possessed. This idea spread because I was a man capable
of conversation, in which I showed my nimbleness of wit whenever
an occasion presented itself. [169] Once some Mahomedans
were at my house consulting me about their complaints when
night came on. I did not want to lose the chance of overawing
them, and letting them see that I had the power of giving
orders to the devil. In the middle of our talk I began to speak
as if to some demon, telling him to hold his tongue and not
interrupt my talk, and let me serve these gentlemen, for it was
already late. Then I resumed my conversation with the
Mahomedans. But they had now only half their souls left in
their bodies, and spoke in trembling tones. I made use of their
terror for my own amusement, and raising my voice still more, I
shouted at him whom I assumed to be present, lying invisible
in some corner. I resumed my talk to the Mahomedans ; and
this I did four or five times, each time showing myself more
provoked and fierce. At length I threatened the demon with
expulsion from the house, and rising to my feet, angrily laid
hold of a coarse glass bottle in which I had a little spirits of
wine, and going near the candle, set light to it, and uttered
a lot of abuse to the supposed unquiet spirit. Then approach-
ing the window, I made a noise with the bottle like a
pistol-shot. I returned the bottle to its place, and said to
the demon that I objected to his coming any more into my
house. I then turned again to the Mahomedans, and resumed
the conversation. They were unable to speak a word out of
fright, and prayed for permission to leave ; they would come
back another time. But the special joke was that they were
afraid to go out, dreading that the demon might attack them
in the street. I reassured them by saying that the demon

218 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

stood in fear of me, and would not do such a thing ; for I
had the means of punishing him. It would suffice, while
going to their houses, for them to say en route that they came
from the Doctor Sahib. A grand medicine certainly, and a
great exorcism for a make-believe phantasm !

But this was not enough to induce them to venture out ;
whereby I was forced to send with them one of my servants,
who as they progressed was to mutter, ' Duhal Hakim Jl ' — that
is, ' On the part of the Doctor Sahib.' Under these conditions
I got rid of all those Mahomedans. Being credulous in
matters of sorcery, they began to bruit abroad in all direc-
tions that the Frank doctor had the power of expelling demons,
including dominion over them. This was enough to make
many come, and among them they brought before me many
women [170] who pretended to be possessed (as is their habit
when they want to leave their houses to carry out their tricks,
and meet with their lovers), and it was hoped that I could
deal with them. The usual treatment was bullying, tricks,
emetics, clysters, which caused much amazement, the actual
cautery, and evil-smelling fumigation with filthy things. Nor
did I desist until the patients were worn out, and said that
now the devil had fled. In this manner I restored many to
their senses, with great increase of reputation, and still greater
diversion for myself. It may be that some reader will not
put faith in me, but Europeans who are acquainted with the
Mogul country, and my character in India, know that I was
capable of many practical jokes of this sort. What is certain
is that I very seldom lost my temper, and knew how to divert
myself in proper time and place with harmless amusements.

'Izzat Khan, the Viceroy of Sind, dresses Himself as

a Woman.

Before we proceed to speak of the retirement of Aurangzeb
[from the Panjab to Dihll] the reader will be pleased to hear
of a curious matter which happened in the city of Tattah, 1 in

1 Saiyid 'Izzat Khan began life in the employ of Dara. In the twenty-third year
of Shahjahan (1650) he was made 'Izzat Khan, and sent as Governor to Multan.
In the thirty-first year (1658) he replaced Bahadur Khan as Governor of Lahor ;

FOOLING THE GOVERNOR OF TATTAH 219

the province of Sind, to the governor, or viceroy, called 'Izzat
Khan, a man I knew very well. This great lord was a great
lover of women, nor did he content himself with the liberty
or with the wealth he had, by use of which he could choose
everywhere whomsoever happened to please him. He learnt that
a certain citizen of Tattah had a beautiful daughter, whereupon
he set to work to see if he could bring her over to his designs.
Great were the solicitations by the medium of procuresses ;
and at last the girl revealed to her father the messages sent
her by 'Izzat Khan. The father rejoiced to hear the news,
seeing in it an opening to avenge himself on 'Izzat Khan for
the harshness with which he treated the inhabitants of Tattah.

He told his daughter that if the procuress came again she
was to make a good deal of difficulty, but end by saying that
the viceroy might come. But he was not to arrive till nine
o'clock at night, when her father was on the point of retiring
to rest. He must come wearing woman's clothes, for should
her father appear at the same time he would suppose it to be
some woman come on a visit. When 'Izzat Khan arrived he
was to be taken into a room, and she was to fasten the door on
the outside, and tell him that after she [171] had seen that her
father had gone to bed, she would come back to pass the
night. The daughter obeyed, and carried out in full her
father's instructions. Thus 'Izzat Khan passed the night in
solitude, locked up in the room, and deprived of the hoped-for
companion.

Here he remained till it was clear daylight, and the father of
that clever girl failed not to send word to his friends of what was
up. Thus the following day, being the day of audience, many
men assembled on pretext of having business with the governor,
but really to be witness of his downfall, and to insist that in-
formation on the subject should be sent to the king. All awaited

left it with Dara for Multan (1659), but did not go on to Bhakkar. He joined
Aurangzeb, and was made 3,000, 500 horse ; he took part in the battle against
Shah Shuja'. In the fourth year (1662) he replaced Sanjar Khan as faujdar of
Bhakkar, and in the tenth year (1667-68) became Governor of Tattah, vice
Ghazanfar Khan, being raised to 3,500, 2,000 horse (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 475).
In the twenty-second year, 1090 H. (1678-79), he was sent to Multan as deputy
of Prince Akbar (' M.-i-'A.,' 173).

220 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

the Nawab's coming out to hold audience, or at least the arrival
of word that he was not to appear. The eunuchs were at a loss
what to say, and reported him to be ill. But as it was obligatory
to write to the king that the Nawab was unwell, the public
reporter and the secret news-writer both demanded an inter-
view with the doctor and admission to see the viceroy.

Thus everything was in great confusion, for the medical man,
ignorant of what had happened, said he had heard no word of
his master being ill. Some went so far as to say that the
Nawab was dead, and thus a turmoil arose in the city and
crowds rushed to the palace. Among them was the venerable
citizen who held the Nawab prisoner in his house. He asked
why there was all this uproar in the audience hall. They told
him it was because they did not know what had become of the
Nawab. Thereupon he replied that he knew quite well where
he was, and if they wanted to see him they had only to go to
his house and he would show the Nawab to them. This was
enough to make everyone follow him, the greater part of them
already informed of the truth. On reaching his house the citizen
took from his daughter's hand the key of the room, and opening
the door, showed them the Nawab. All were astonished to see
an old man with a big beard dressed as a woman. 'Izzat Khan,
out of countenance and ashamed of himself, hid his face and
went off to the palace in a palanquin. There he shut himself
up and never appeared, making the excuse that he was ill.
The officials wrote at once to Aurangzeb about the facts. The
king ordered 'Izzat Khan to be removed frojn his office, to be
deprived of rank, and sent to court on foot in the charge of
cavalry [172]. But yielding to the petitions of many friends,
the king varied his order, and allowed him to come to Lahor on
horseback, where he was to remain for the rest of his life, as
he did.

Aurangzeb returns to Dihli from the Campaign against

the Pathans.

Finding that the death of Mahabat Kh§.n had been of no use
to him in securing an honourable conclusion of his enterprise
against the Pathans, Aurangzeb decided to beat an honourable

A'ZAM KHAN'S TREACHERY TO THE PATH AN S 221

retreat. He arranged with Cassam Can (? Qasim Khan) 1 and
other commanders that they should report in public audience
that the Pathans had now submitted, and that A'zam Khan took
upon himself to stand security for them. In this way he was
able to satisfy the army, after having lost the flower of his
soldiery. Thus after two years and two months Aurangzeb
returned to Dihll. 2 On this return march he passed near the
mausoleum of Jahanglr, his grandfather, but declined to pray
at it, saying that it was the burial-place of an infidel. On the
contrary, he issued orders to remove the precious stones and
jewels from it, and [stop] the alms which gave him the kingdom.

While the king was on his return march, A'zam Khan, who
had taken upon his shoulders the pacification of the Pathans,
went to visit them, leaving his troops at some distance. He
interviewed them all, and told them that it was he who had
persuaded the king to retire and had restored peace. For he
wanted to live in amity with them, as had been so long the
case. Muhammad Amin Khan had been the means of breaking
the ancient peace, but he pledged his word to them that he
would maintain their former privileges. The cunning A'zam
Khan made himself like one of them, going about among the
Pathans without sword or shield, totally unarmed. This was
to show how much he confided in them, and in this way he
made friends with them, waiting for the opportunity of executing
his project of destroying their leaders easily and quickly.

To this intent he decided to have a son circumcised, and, as
is usual among Mahomedans, he invited the principal com-
manders among the Pathans, who accepted the invitation but
announced that they must be allowed to come armed. He
declared himself satisfied at their coming on that condition.
His idea was that by this concession he would prove more
completely the absence of suspicion, letting them come with

1 Qasim Khan .- I can find no man of this name to suit these facts. The
Governor left behind by Aurangzeb was Fida,e Khan. ' Cassam Can ' must refer
to him under his newly given title of A'zam Khan, but negligently spelt.

2 On the nth Shawwal, nineteenth year, 1086 H. (December 29, 1675), he
started from Hasan Abdal, and halted at Kala Bagh. On the 15th Zu,l Qa'dah
(January 31, 1676) he entered the grove of Faiz Bakhsh at Lahor (' Ma,asir-i-
'Alamgiri,' 148).

222 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

their spears, arrows, swords, and shields, just as in war-time.
When they were all seated together, A'zam Khan called for a
melon, and plunging his knife into it, cut his hand slightly on
purpose. He asked leave from the company seated to retire
to have the wound seen to, saying he would be back in a
moment. He went into a room, and then his soldiers, posted
in readiness for the attempt, with their matchlocks and arrows
destroyed the whole of the Pathan leaders, being fifty-two in
number. Thus he got rid of the Pathan chiefs, so that they
could not attempt another revolt, and at this result the king
was highly gratified. Since there could be no further rebellion,
he sent to supersede him (A'zam Khan) Prince Akbar, accom-
panied by Asad Khan, chief secretary (grand wazir) to the king. 1
On their way they distributed robes of honour, and announced
that the king had recalled A'zam Khan to court to punish him
for the treachery he had planned and his breach of the con-
ditions of peace. The Pathans were appeased, but Akbar
wanted to use the opportunity to rebel against his father and
make use of the Pathans, if they would join him in the rising.
But prudent Asad Khan drove this idea out of his head. 2

The Peace with Shiva Ji is broken.

When Aurangzeb arrived at Dihll 3 he sent an order to
Bahadur Khan to break the peace with Shiva JI, and make
continuous war on him. At the same time he was to menace
the King of Gulkandah for having allowed Shiva, Ji, his

1 On the 12th Rabi' I. of the twenty-second year, 1090 H. (April 23, 1679),
Prince Akbar was sent off towards Lahor ; on the 2nd Sha'ban, 1090 H.
(September 8, 1679), he arrived from Lahor ; and on the 7th Sha'ban
(September 13), at Palam, he was sent off to Ajmer (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,'
175, 180).

2 In the twentieth year, 1088 H. (1677), on the recommendation of Prince
Shah 'Alam, A'zam Khan, Kokah (Fida.e Khan), was replaced at Kabul by
Amir Khan. He was sent to supersede Shaistah Khan in Bengal. In 1089 H.
(1678) he is mentioned as the dismissed Governor of Bengal, then on his way
to Bahar; he died at Dhakah on the 12th Rabi' II., 1089 H. (June 3, 1678)
(' M.-i-'A.,' 157, 159. 168).

3 Aurangzeb reached Dihll on the 22nd Muharram, nineteenth year, 1087 H.
(April 5, 1676). Bahadur Khan is Grant-Duff's ' Khan Jehan Bahadur,' his
newer title (see pp. 121, 122).

EXACTIONS FROM GULKANDAH AND BlJAPUR 223

enemy, to cross his territories on the way to the Karnatik,
where he had increased his power by the conquest of fortresses,
of which we have spoken (II. 156). As a penalty for allowing
this passage across Gulkandah, much money, munitions of war,
and jewels, were to be demanded; also, in addition to the above,
an elephant that the king owned — all of which he agreed
to. This elephant was not only of great size, but had its tusks
crooked — that is, not straight like others but bent like buffalo's
horns, which, after describing a great circle, ended by meeting
at the side of its head. So large was the circle made by these
tusks that in spite of the width of the fort gate at Aurangabad,
it was still [174] necessary to make the elephant move with the
greatest care to avoid the corners of the gates. It was from
this peculiarity that once when moving hastily it caught one
tusk, which was broken in half, and they were forced to join it
together with a massive ring. But it was impossible so to
mend it as to preserve its beauty.

The manner in which Aurangzeb treated the Kings of
Gulkandah and Bljapur was full of policy. For he went on
diminishing their power little by little ; to-day asking from
Gulkandah one thing, to-morrow another ; one year some
money, another year munitions of war. With Bljapur every
year, when the rainy season came on, he made peace, getting
them to give him by agreement some fortress, or so much
money, or so much land, or a province. Finally he asked for
the king's daughter in marriage for his son A'zam Tara, swear-
ing an oath that after this alliance all wars should cease.
Then, the rainy season over, he commenced afresh, until he
took all the king's country and made him a prisoner, as I
shall state in its proper place (II. 236).

Multafat Khan marches against the Agrah Villagers.

But let us now make mention of the peasants of Agrah, of
whom I spoke before in my First Part (I. 91). When Aurangzeb
had returned to Dihll, these men rose and refused to pay their
revenue. Owing to this he was obliged to send an army
against them, and for this purpose he selected an officer called

224 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Multafat Khan, 1 with whose fidelity the king was not satisfied,
and sent him out to force the villagers to pay. On this man's
arrival near to a village where these rustics were collected and
ready to defend themselves, he sent for the oldest in age and
the greatest in authority to come to his presence.

On the old man's appearing, Multafat Khan met him cheer-
fully and gave him a seat, and informed him most tenderly that
he had not come to harm a soul, or to deal with them as
enemies, but only as sons or brothers. But he must insist
that payment of the revenue was necessary. It were better to
pay peacefully [175] than run any risk of life, and provoke so
many deaths and misfortunes, leaving fathers without sons and
wives without husbands, grandfathers without grandsons. If he,
like a man of understanding and capacity, would persuade the
others to pay without a fight, he gave his word to support him
at court in everything he could desire or demand.

The old man smiled and said he knew quite well they would
never listen to his words, they being rapacious, insolent, and
over-bold. Never would they abandon their ancestors' prac-
tices. All the same, he had no objection to saying to the men
of the village whatever was required. The old man took his
leave of Multafat Khan, and, drawing near to his village, in-
cited them all to hold fast their ancestral practices, for better
were it to die fighting than admit they were subject to revenue
payments. Thus they all came out, resolved to die rather than
pay revenue. They fought with such desperation that they
routed the force of Multafat Khan, and took him a prisoner.
After they had given him a thorough shoe-beating they let him
go, and told him to be off. They spared his life, for they had
discovered he was a woman and not a soldier. The report of
this affair reached the king, and he sent a man with poison to
be given to Multafat Khan. He was told it was better to die
from a hidden cause with honour intact, than to die in sight of
all the court a dishonoured man. Coerced by this message

1 Multafat Khan, having been removed from the faujddr-ship of Ghazipur-
Zamaniyah, was made faujdar of the Akbarabad (Agrah) environs. In an attack
on a village he was wounded, and died on the 19th Jamada II., twenty-fourth
year, 1092 H. (July 6, 1681) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 209).

THE AGRAH JESUITS IN TROUBLE 225

Multafat Khan, in desperation, took the poison, and put an
end to his life. 1

aurangzeb orders a search in the houses of the
Padres at Agrah.

The death of Father Busee and the want of prudence of
a Jesuit father were the cause of the padres undergoing
many disagreeables. It ended in some of them being expelled
from the kingdom. At this moment Aurangzeb was incensed
by having his recollections of Jahangir revived on the sight of
his mausoleum, and he (Jahangir) had been a great favourer of
the priests. They said to the king that these priests had idols
in their houses (thus did they designate the images that the
fathers possessed), and that though there was no longer any
heathen temple elsewhere in the realm, these men retained such
idols in contravention of the royal orders. This was enough.
Aurangzeb sent forthwith to have a search made in the house
of the priests, fully determined to destroy them [176] if the
searchers came across any figures in the said house. The
priests were warned in time by some friends, and at once
removed all the figures, leaving only the cross, which, as
everyone knew, was our device. The men deputed went and
searched diligently everywhere, but could not lay hands on
any figure. Now, among them were some friendly and some
inimical. The news-writer, who was opposed to the priests,
wanted to record falsely that they had found two figures ; but
the other officials forbade him, saying that it was not just to
write falsehoods against poor people who did harm to none.
Thus this tempest passed over the padres.

Wine of Kabul,

Aurangzeb feared that some powerful person might make use
of the bravery of the Pathans for some attempt in the direction

1 Ibrahim llusain, entitled Multafat Khan, son of Mir 'Abd-ul-hadi, Asalat
Khan (' M.-ul-U.,' i. 167), who died 1057 H., son of Mir Miran, Ilusaini, Ni'amat
Ilahi, Yazdi (ibid., iii. 341) ; he died at Akbarabad on the 19th Jamfida II., 1092 H.
(July 6, 1681), rank 2,500. His brother, Sultan Kusain, Iftikhar Khan, died
shortly before him (' Ma.anr-ul-Umara,' iii. 611, i. 252, and ' Tarikh-i-Muliam-
madi,' 1092).

VOL. II. 15

226 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

of Kabul. Therefore, after Akbar had been some time in that
kingdom, he issued an order for his supersession, and sent Shah
'Alam Bahadur in his place, 1 to keep a bridle upon the neigh-
bours of the Pathans. Here Shah 'Alam gave himself up to
pleasure, drinking wine and feasting, for at that place there is
good wine.

They do there a marvellous thing. On making the wine they
put it into clay jars, and throw into some of them that they wish
to keep a ball of clay, hollow inside. The jar is then thoroughly
closed. After two years, on opening the jars, they find the
ball at the bottom. This is a mark that it is full of wine, and
its contents are given only to great lords, as being the finest
extract of the whole jar.

Shah 'Alam enlivened his spirits with this wine to such an
extent that his tutor wrote to the king. The latter sent him a
reproving letter, recalling him to court. But the tutor on the
journey back paid the penalty of acting as spy, for Shah 'Alam
gave a secret order to one of his officers to kill him when he
was marching a little apart from the army. This was done
accordingly while Shah 'Alam was at Kabul. Aurangzeb next
sent his son Akbar as governor of Ujjain. As there was a rajah
in rebellion, a secret order was given by letter to open a corre-
spondence with this rajah, and manage so that he should come
in. 2 He was at once to be put into durance. Akbar carried
out his father's order without fail [177]. He was very skilful
in making pretences to the rajah, writing that he had an im-
portant business to make over to him, in which he had need of
his counsel and valour. The rajah allowed himself to be de-
ceived, and came to the court of Prince Akbar. On his arrival
the people kept in readiness for the purpose slew him. But
this lesson given by Aurangzeb to his son was afterwards used
by him to subject his father to great danger, when this same
Akbar rose in rebellion, as a little farther on it will be necessary
to relate (II. 190).

1 Shah 'Alam reached Kabul on the 25th Rabi' II., twentieth year, 1088 H.
(June 27, 1677), and arrived at Dihli again on the 6th Zu,l Ilijjah, twenty-first
y ear, 1088 H. (January 30, 1678) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,* 161, 165).

2 Probably this is a distorted tradition of the death of Kishan Singh, Hada, at
Ujjain in 1088 H., Rabi' II. (June, 1677) (' M.-i-'A.,' 161).

MANUCCI RETIRES TO BAN DORA 227

My Departure from Lahor.

Having acquired a sufficient capital, I became desirous of
withdrawing from the Mogul country and living once more
among Christians. This I could not effect by moving to Goa,
for the mode of life of those gentlemen did not suit me. I
resolved to retire to a village called Bandora, which is under
the Jesuit fathers, who do not allow any Portuguese to live
within it beyond a few of their own faction. 1 For as soon as
any white man appears, they put a spy on him, who follows
him constantly. On no account will they allow such a man to
sleep in the village. Nevertheless, as they knew that I was
not a troublesome man, they were content to allow me to
become a resident. In the village dwelt many merchants of
different nations, it being a place of trade. One could live
there in security, through the efforts of the fathers in defending
themselves from the thieves, who traversed the ocean in such
numbers that it was necessary for many vessels together to
leave the port, for the Malavares (? Malabaris) and Sanganes
(? Sanjanls) infest this coast. 2

The news spread that I meant to leave Lahor, and I was
forced to affect that the report was false, for they would never
have let me get away, neither the nobles nor the lower orders,
for I had great repute and was much thought of. To keep me
they placed spies upon me to hinder my departure. But I
carried out rrry intention in such a way as to mislead the spies ;
I left at night without letting anyone know. Thus I was able
to proceed on my journey, for I left my heavy baggage behind,
and everything in my house in its usual order. I reached
Sihrind without interference, and from Sihrind, passing outside
Dihll, I rested in Agrah. From Agrah I went to Siirat, where
I came across the woman of whom I spoke earlier (II. 71),
she who married the Armenian. From Siirat I went on [178]

1 In Part III., fol. 198, N. M. says he left Mogul territory in 1676. Bandora
is nine miles north of Bombay Fort (Thornton, ' Gazetteer,' 65). In Part III.,
fol. 265, the author says he was at Bandora in 1677.

2 Yule, 540, quotes from Barros the form ' Malavar ' (1653), and Pietro della
Valle (1623) speaks of the 'Malabar pirates.' Sanganes, from Sindan, a ruined
town eighty-eight miles north of Bombay (ibid., 782).

15—2

228 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to Dama.6, 1 then through the territories of the Portuguese,
where the fathers of the society (i.e., the Jesuits) did me
many kindnesses, and at length I arrived at Bandora.

Here I was advised by some people to buy a ship and thus
not to leave my capital without fructifying. They proposed to
me for taking charge of the ship a certain Ignacio de Taide,
a Portuguese, who lived with the reputation of being a good
Christian. To him I made over my ship and its cargo, which
in all cost me the sum of fourteen thousand rupees. This
caused others to confide to him considerable sums on seeing
that I had faith in him. My orders to him were not to stray
from the convoy. But having other views of his own, he went
with the convoy only for a certain time. After that he began
to fall behind, and, abandoning the ship, disappeared, for he
had raised large sums on Respondentia bonds ; he now started
the story that the pirates had seized the ship. In that case he
would not be obliged to pay the money that he had borrowed.
By this means I was left devoid of capital, having nothing left
but a little money for daily expenses. This necessitated my
asking payment from Diogo de Mello de Sampayo, 2 son of
Luis de Mello de Sampayo, called the Roncador (the Bully),
of whom I have spoken (I. 123), he who fought so valorously
at Damao. I asked him to do me the favour of returning the
two hundred rupees, with which I had helped him in his
necessity, out of which he had only repaid twenty. But all I
received was the answer that he had given me the twenty
rupees in charity ; as for the money he owed me, I might
collect it from the Mogul, who was indebted to him in a large
amount. 3

My Return to the Mogul Country.
Finding myself without means and very ill, I made up my
mind to return, on recovering my health, to the Mogul country

1 Damao, Damaun, 101 miles north of Bombay, on the coast. An incident at
Daman is spoken of in Part III., 198, as happening in 1676.

2 Query the same as Diogo de Mello Sampaio mentioned by Danvers, ii. 370,
in 1690.

:i In Part III., fol. 265, N. M. says Antonio de Teixa, of Bandora, wanted him
to marry his daughter.

MANUCCI RETURNS TO DIHLI 229

and try my fortune once more. Thus when I had got well I
left Bandora with a friar in my charge, whose name out of
respect I will not disclose, and Antonio Machado, a man well
known for his bravado and talk, which led to his murder at
Goa. God alone knows what I endured with this fellow-traveller,
who, looking on the Mahomedans of Hindustan as being the
same as the Portuguese, tried to carry everything off by bravado.
He ignored the fact that Hindustani Mahomedans are very
touchy, and possess sense and judgment just like any other nation.
If I wanted to write here the foolish acts [179] done on the road
by those two men, my story would become a very long one.

On arrival in Agrah, I left behind me the friar, who stayed on
account of some business. The other man wished to come with
me as far as Dihli ; then he attempted by force to take up his
quarters in my house. But I declined, and he was forced to
search for a home elsewhere. He encountered all that I had
prognosticated, for I was fairly acquainted with the Mogul
country. It wanted very little more for this man to have
brought the fathers of the society (the Jesuits) to perdition ;
for in his desperation, having nothing to eat, he tried to
denounce them to the qazl of Agrah. He said that the only
object of the fathers' stay in the Mogul realm was to buy
Qurans and transmit them to Europe. There on a fixed day in
each year a festival took place, when they burnt the image of
Muhammad. This was quite enough to have caused the fathers
to be burnt alive ; and, seeing themselves in such danger, they
collected as an alms the sum of five hundred rupees [for
him], and were thus delivered from a great peril. For, being
a man of little understanding, he was capable of doing such
a silly thing. He wandered hither and thither, and then
quitted Mogul territory, I giving him his expenses to take him
as far as Surat. 1

I ENTER THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'A.LAM.

On my reaching Dihli several nobles took notice of my
arrival, and called me in. The chief of these was the Master
of the Ceremonies to Prince Shah 'Alam, whose wife was very
1 For the fate of Antonio Machado Supico, see Part III., p. 221.

230 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

ill and given up by the other doctors. My treatment of her
renewed my reputation, which during my absence of a year
had been somewhat diminished. But the Persian doctors in
the household of Shah 'Alam did not approve of my continuing
at court after having cured the said woman, whose case they
had given up. This caused me to decide on a return to Lahor,
for I saw that the court was not for me.

With this intention I left secretly, but the princess, wife of
Shah 'Alam, who had learnt of the benefit I had effected in the
case of the wife of the Master of the Ceremonies, brought to
mind the cases I had cured at Lahor when her parents were
there. I had also treated her in secret for a small abscess she
had in her ear. Accordingly she besought [180] the prince one
night to take me into his service, allotting to me noble's pay.
Not to discontent the princess, whom he loved much, the prince
fixed for me three hundred rupees a month, and gave me in
addition the title of a man?abddr — that is to say, of a noble.
This was a singular favour, the Mahomedans not being accus-
tomed to grant such honours to Christians ; furthermore, such
physicians and surgeons remain subordinate to and under the
orders of the head physician. But I was a privileged person,
for I agreed to serve on no other condition than that I must
be left free, nor must anyone else give me orders. Thus I
took service with Shah 'Alam, although my Christian enemies
did all they knew to prevent the prince's accepting me. And
thus, unwilling as I was to serve Aurangzeb, I was the servant of
his son, beginning my service in the year one thousand six
hundred and seventy-eight. 1

Shah 'Alam goes to Aurangabad, and the Death of

Shiva Ji.

It was in this year that Aurangzeb, dissatisfied at the way in
which Bahadur Khan was conducting the war against Shiva JI
and Bijapur, ordered him to be superseded by Diler Khan, and

1 The year is most probably correct. Shah 'Alam reached Dihli from Kabul
on the 6th Zu.l Hijjah, 1088 H. (January 30, 1678, N.S.) (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri',
p. 165). The prince was appointed to the Dakhin on the nth Sha'ban, 1089 H.
(September 28, 1678, N.S.) (ibid., p. 169).

HE MARCHES TO THE DAKHIN WITH SHAH 'ALAM 231

directed him to return to court. 1 He came, but with such
ostentation that Aurangzeb was forced to show his displeasure.
He took away his pay and rank, and paid no farther attention
to him. He remained in this position for some time, until Shah
'Alam interceded for him in such a way that in the end the
king gave way to the prince's petitions, and restored his pay
and rank. But this caused no improvement in Bahadur Khan,
who remained as convinced as ever that the king was under
some obligation to allow him his pay and rank, or even greater
than that he held.

Meanwhile Diler Khan did what he could to defend himself
from Shiva Ji, who did nothing but plunder in every direction.
It was not possible to attack his territories as they lay among
hills very difficult of access, forming as it were a defence unto
themselves. For if any force penetrated them, the passes were
so easily closed behind them, that the greater portion of the
invaders were kept there unable to do anything [181]. The
most that Diler Khan could do was to fight with Bljapur and
Gulkandah ; and from consideration of this war, Aurangzeb
once more ordered Shah 'Alam to the Dakhin. Shiva Ji, to
show how little he thought of Shah 'Alam, advanced to the
gates of Aurangabad without Shah 'Alam being able to do
anything — nay, he was in great fear lest Shiva Ji might attack
the suburbs and sack the whole environs. 2 For he had such
vigilant spies that he was informed of the places where this
man and the other had buried their wealth through fear of him.
But Shiva JI could not tarry long, for by rushing hither and
thither he tired himself out, and died vomiting blood in one
thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. 3

1 For Khan Jahan's (Bahadur Khan's) recall, and Diler Khan's succession,
see Grant-Duff, p. 126 (? 1677). Diler Khan was ordered to the Dakhin before
Muharram of the nineteenth year, 1087 H. (March, 1677). In the twenty-first
year, 1088 H. (late in 1677, or early in 1678), Khan Jahan was recalled, 'Abd-ur-
rahman Khan, Bakhshx and Waqi'ah-nigar being put in command till Diler
Khan's arrival (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 150, 161).

' 2 Grant-Duff, 129, ascribes this event to 1679, and says the place plundered
was Jalnah, where Shiva Ji remained three days without Shah 'Alam moving from
Aurangabad, a distance of a little over forty miles (see Khaff Khan, ii. 270, 271).

:i The * Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' 194, line 7, and the • Tarlkh-i-Muhammadl,' state
that Shiva Ji died on the 24th Rabi' II. of the twenty-third year, 1091 H.

232 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Aurangzeb was gratified at the death of this great enemy.
When he was dying, the rajah forbad his officers to recognise as
their lord anyone else than Ram Raja, 1 who was his second son,
seeing that from an early age he had declined to acknowledge
Sambha Ji as his son. Thus he ended his life, after having
risen against his benefactor the King of Bljapur, and, sword in
hand, had cloven his path to power, killing and devastating,
giving full occupation even to so powerful a sovereign as the
Mogul king, and creating a new realm in Hindustan. This
kingdom became such a powerful opponent of the Mogul — that
overcomer and captor of kings — that it compelled him to leave
his capital and dwell in camps for more than nineteen years.
At this date of writing, which is the twenty-first of May in one
thousand six hundred and ninety-nine, my spies, who arrived at
four o'clock in the afternoon, bring me letters from the army,
and inform me that the royal camp was in great difficulty and
confusion. The reason is that another rebel has joined [the
Mahrattahs] ; he is called Chanda, a Hindu prince. They have
invested the camp, and are carrying off the treasure coming in
for the army from Hindustan, blocking the roads and defeating
the forces sent against them.

But when Sambha JI 2 heard that his father was dead, he left
Bljapur at once and entered his father's territories, some of the
officers being his partisans. These men joined him, his brother
being a minor. Thus he took upon himself, employing the
valour of his captains, to give trouble to the Moguls. In order
that the officers might not quarrel among themselves, he sent
his brother a prisoner to a fortress. He signalized his accession

(May 22, 1680, N.S.). The latter describes him as Shiva Ji, Bhonslah, son of
Sahu JI, a big man in the Dakhin and a gainer of victories ; while the former
yields the detail that, ' having come in from a ride, he vomited blood twice through
excess of heat.' Grant-Duff's date (p. 131) is April 5, 1680. Kafire ba jahannum
raft (' An infidel went to hell ') is a chronogram for the event.

1 Rama JI, or Ram Raja, the second son by the second wife, was born
circa 1670, and died in March, 1700 (Grant-Duff, 133, 134, 175).

2 Sambha JI was the eldest son by the first wife ; he was born in 1657, and
executed on the 24th Jamada II., 1100 H. (March 14, 1689). Grant-Duff,
pp. 133, 134, 1G0, has August; the 'Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' 325, has the 29th of
Jamada II.

DEATH OF SHIVA J I AND J A SWA NT SINGH 233

to power by beheading the officers [182] considered by him
wanting in zeal for his cause. On the proper occasion (II. 207)
I will state how he (Sambha Jl) showed me his sword, and told
me that he himself with that sword had cut off the heads of
thirty of his officers, and as for the others, he had their eyes
gouged out.

Death of Rajah Jaswant Singh.

In this same year (? 1678) died Rajah Jaswant Singh 1 on the
farther side of the river Indus. On obtaining information of
this death, Aurangzeb sent an order to the viceroy to forward to
court the two sons of the rajah ; he also wrote to them direct
that he wished to reward the valour of their father. They
came with five hundred horsemen, leaving the surplus men to
find their way to their own country. 2

When they arrived at DihlT they heard that, instead of reward-
ing them, Aurangzeb meant to cut off their heads. On finding
this out, they fled from the city before daybreak, and posted
two hundred and fifty horsemen on the bridge with twelve
arches 3 which stands opposite Humayun's mausoleum. Their
orders were to hinder anyone from passing and seizing the
little rajahs. In the morning Aurangzeb knew of the rajahs'
flight, and at once sent a force to pursue and seize them. But
the two hundred and fifty Rajputs defended the passage most
valorously, and prevented anyone getting past them. Men
were killed on both sides, but no one was able to pass. Then
night fell, and the Rajputs who had barred the way rejoined
the others who were in charge of the rajahs. Among the dead
were two women clothed as men, who gladly offered their lives
to defend their princes against the cruelty of Aurangzeb.

The death of Rajah Jaswant Singh was used by Aurangzeb

1 Jaswant Singh died on the 6th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1089 H. (December 18, 1678,
N.S.). He was then faujdar of Jamrud in the Khaibar Pass.

2 Here Manucci has not got the right story, which was much more romantic
(see the ' Fatuhat-i-'Alamgiri,' by Ishar Das, Nagar, of Patan, a protege of
Shekh-ul-islam, son of Qazi 'Abd-ul-wahhab ; Rieu, ' Catalogue of Persian
Manuscripts,' 269, and compare Tod, ' Rajasthan. ' ii. 56, 57).

3 The well-known Barahpulah, or Barahpalah, Bridge, which still stands in
the position indicated.

234 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

as an opening to oppress the Hindus still more, since they had
no longer any valiant and powerful rajah who could defend them.
He imposed on the Hindus a poll-tax, 1 which everyone was
forced to pay, some more, some less. Great merchants paid
thirteen rupees and a half, the middle class six rupees and a
quarter, and the poor three rupees and a half every year. This
refers to men and not to women [183] ; boys began to pay as
soon as they had passed their fourteenth year. Aurangzeb
did this for two reasons: first, because by this time his treasures
had begun to shrink owing to expenditure on his campaigns ;
secondly, to force the Hindus to become Mahomedans. Many
who were unable to pay turned Mahomedans, to obtain relief
from the insults of the collectors.

Annoyed at the flight of the rajahs, Aurangzeb took the field
for a campaign against the famous Rani, wife of Jaswant Singh,
although that princess had sent to the king many letters
inquiring the nature of his grievance. She represented to
him the privileges conceded to them by all the previous Mogul
kings. But with a powerful man it is no use to argue. Thus
this princess was obliged to cede to Aurangzeb a province and
the town of Mairtha. Thereupon the king withdrew, having
thus repaid the benefits received from Rajah Jaswant Singh,
who, if he had taken the side of Dara when the troubles began,
could have been of much hindrance to Aurangzeb in acquiring
the sovereignty. 2

After Aurangzeb had made peace with the Rani, he retired
to Agrah to enjoy the palaces and gardens made by Shahjahan,
his father. But he did not repose for long ; he had been born
to trouble others and be troubled by them. Although he had
quite as much as he could manage with Shiva Jl and the other
two territories, Bijapur and Gulkandah, he sallied forth in
search of further warfare. It very nearly happened that he
came to entire ruin through a great rising which followed the

1 The jizyah. Elphinstone, 559, says it was imposed in 1677 (1088 H.) — that is,
two years earlier. However, according to the ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 174, the
correct year is 1090 H., twentieth year (1679-80), which agrees with Manucci.

2 Manucci here forgets that Jaswant Singh did at the beginning take Dara's,
and not Aurangzeb's, side, as he has himself told us.

KASHMIR GOVERNOR'S INCURSION INTO TIBET 235

war with the Rana which he entered upon. The beginning
of this war was when Ibrahim Khan, 1 governor and viceroy
of Kashmir, in his anxiety to acquire glory, attempted and
succeeded in an enterprise. It was as follows : On the confines
of Kashmir is the province of Tibet, which belongs to China,
divided from Kashmir by extremely high hills and chains of
mountains. These are so steep that it is impossible to climb
over or descend from them. But Nature taught a way of
establishing friendship between the peoples, even though
divided by such lofty walls. For the inhabitants carry out
their intercourse with great fairness, those of the province of
Tibet placing rope ladders for the descent, and when the
business is over they remove these ladders. If they have no
ladders, they let down their merchandise in a basket, and
then carry on a conversation from the heights. In this way
they conclude their bargains.

Ibrahim Khan managed to find out that the people of the
town nearest the mountains were under the necessity of coming
for a pilgrimage to another town [184]. Through the medium
of some traders in that second town he arranged that the
ladders should be left hanging on the mountains. On the
appointed day he sent out his soldiers, who sacked the afore-
said city, carrying off much wealth, including some gilt images
of great size. Upon the return of the soldiers, Ibrahim Khan
ordered the said images to be sent on to Agrah for presentation
to the king. He wrote to His Majesty that he had taken
the figures from the territories of China. Owing to their
country being protected by inaccessible cliffs and rocks, he
could not make war, but he had found a method of sending
some infantry to plunder a town on a fitting opportunity.
It was quite impossible to get horses over places where men
had to climb by ropes. The figures arrived at Agrah, and

1 Ibrahim Khan, son of 'Ali Mardan Khan, Amir-ul-Umara. In the twenty-
first year (1677-78) he replaced Quwam-ud-din Khan in Kashmir. He was next
transferred to Bengal, where he was replaced in the forty-first year (1697-98) by
Prince Muhammad 'Azim. In the forty-fourth year (1700-1) he returned to
Kashmir ; in the forty-sixth year (1702-3) he was removed to Ahmadabad ; in the
first of Bahadur Shah (1707-8) he was sent to Kabul. He died in Rabi' I., 1122 H.
(April, 1710), aged eighty (while Governor of Kashmir ?).

236 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Aurangzeb was flattered at having viceroys zealous of his
honour and eager to augment his glory. Then he had an
attack of envy that his vassals were able to seize idols and
destroy temples, while he, at the head of his great forces and
professing such bigoted Mahomedanism, was unable to carry
anything out against the head of the Hindus — that is, the King
Rana — though this potentate lived in the very midst of his
dominions.

Aurangzeb sends an Embassy to the Rana, and
declares war.

This was the reason, or at least one of the reasons, for which
Aurangzeb determined to declare war against the said Rana.
In order that it might not seem that he was acting without
cause, he sent him an embassy with such and such requests.
It amounted to telling him that he had either to become a
Mahomedan, or had to feel the strength of his (Aurangzeb's)
spears, the sharp edge of his swords, the strong flight of his
arrows, the hot fire of his artillery, and the consuming courage
of his soldiers. The overtures were of this nature, and were
sent through a gurz-barddr (a mace-bearer) carrying his golden
mace, who intimated to the Rana that the first demand was
for his daughter in marriage to one of his (Aurangzeb's) sons.
This is a thing the Rana would never do, for although some
rajahs gave their daughters as wives to the Mogul, they only
did it because they were petty princes compared to the Rana.
If he had consented [185], he would have done great injury
to his family. 1

But this was a small thing in comparison with the next demand.
This was that he should no longer coin money in his own
name, but in that of Aurangzeb. This was the same thing
as saying that the Rana was not the king of his realm but a
simple governor, since the money would be graven with
Aurangzeb's name. The third thing he asked was one that

1 A good account of this campaign against the Rana of Udepur will be found
in Tod, 'Rajasthan,' i. 351-360; the treaty is given in a note on p. 361. He
refers to Orme's ' Historical Fragments,' p. 104, edition of 1782.

THE RANI'S REPLY TO AURANGZEB 237

touched very closely the Hindu religion. He asked permission
to kill cows within the Rana's kingdom. Now, the Hindus
being great worshippers of cows, which they hold in the
greatest estimation, this asking leave to kill cows was to the
Hindus as if he were to take away their religion.

As a further indication of his design to abolish Hinduism
throughout his kingdom, he asked, in the fourth place, for
the destruction of all temples and the erection of mosques in
their stead. Finally, Aurangzeb, as a declaration of absolute
sovereignty over the Rana's kingdom, requested that the juris-
diction of the qdzl should be acknowledged — that is, the law
of the Quran should be introduced. If the Rana did not
wish to consent to these things, let him abandon his kingdom.
What harder conditions could one king demand from another
as an excuse for declaring war than what Aurangzeb demanded
from the Rana ? x

But although these Hindus were very much afraid of the
Moguls from what had happened in the invasion of Taimur-i-
lang, who with twelve thousand horsemen defeated the Rana
at the head of one hundred thousand, of which I spoke at the
beginning of the Second Book of the First Part of my History
(I. 60), still, even this did not persuade the Rana. to concede
to Aurangzeb what he demanded. He replied to the following
effect : As to the first request, it had never been the custom for
the Rana to give his daughters in marriage to the Mogul kings.
He could not break the ancient rule of his predecessors, nor
was it right that he should be the first to do this injury to his
family. As for the second request, he replied that it was
entirely opposed to the privileges conceded by all the Mogul
kings from Mir Shah up to the present reign. It would suffice for
Aurangzeb to read the chronicles of the great and famous kings
of his own family to ascertain the truth of what was now said.

As to the third and fourth requests, the wisdom of His

1 In the twenty- second year, 1090 H., a letter came from the Rana (Raj Singh),
and his son, Kunwar Jai Singh, was presented in audience at Ajmer on the
29th Safar (April 11, 1679). The jizyah (poll-tax) was imposed at this time. On
the 18th Rabi' I. the Rana's son left for his home. In the twenty-third year,
1090 H., Zu,l Ilijjah (January, 1680), Hasan 'AH Khan was sent against the
RanaCM.-i-'A.,' 174, 175, 187).

238 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Majesty should be judge whether a king could admit such
demands, they being directly contrary to a religion which had
lasted for so many centuries in Hindustan. You might as well
demand from the Rana his head and the destruction of his
kingdom [186] as demand the things asked for by His Majesty.

Here let me briefly inform Europeans that the Hindus of
Hindustan are wedded to their religion for no other reason
than that their ancestors observed it. Nor do they approve of
its being said of their sons and grandsons that they have
abandoned the customs of their old folk. Although this is
reasoning unworthy of attention, still, it is so riveted into their
heads, that it is impossible to convert them to any other religion,
unless God endows them with powerful grace or it be done by
force of arms. Otherwise they can never be made to change
their religion. The padre Busde, of whom I have spoken
(I. 259; II. 117), a man well acquainted with the people of
India, used to say that the way to preach in Hindustan,
whether to the Mahomedans or to the Hindus, was with a
well-sharpened sword. 1

As for Aurangzeb's last request, the Rana answered that since
he could not accept the third and the fourth, he attached less
importance to the fifth, because every religion had its courts of
justice conformable to its tenets. Then, in respect to the addi-
tional remark that if he were not willing to consent to these
things he must quit his kingdom, his reply was that it had
been acquired by his ancestors by just title ; they had never
interfered with anyone, and were ever contented with the much
or little which their gods granted. All this His Majesty would
easily understand, while he knew also that the Rana could place
in the field many soldiers whose valour had enabled him, long
before Taimur-i-lang descended into the plains of Hindustan,
to conquer many rajahs then existing in the Mogul country. All
these words being the very truth itself, he earnestly entreated
Aurangzeb to leave his kingdom in peace. There were many
other kingdoms hostile to him, against whom he could give
proof of his valour. The Rana had never failed to maintain
under his (Aurangzeb's) control and in his service seven

1 Surely a very unchristian sentiment !

SHAH 'A LAM RECALLED TO MALWAH 239

thousand cavalry. If he wished it, in order to conquer some
other kingdom, he would send him even more men.

Aurangzeb knew quite well that the Rana. must reply in this
style. Nevertheless, he meant to await the reply, and when it
arrived he sent at once couriers to recall Prince Shah 'Alam
from the Dakhin, with an order to make peace with Bijapur
and Gulkandah. Just as a father might pardon the fault of
his little children, so must he deal with those kings, leaving
behind nothing beyond a small force to resist Shiva Ji. To carry
out this plan he sent Bahadur Khan to replace Shah 'Alam [187]
and Diler Khan, in order that these last might march and arrive
punctually at the positions where we were ordered to camp.

We encamped near a great lake called Rana-sagar 1 — that is
to say, ' Made by the Rana..' Its wall on one side is formed
by the mountains ; on the other side are stairs of handsome
hewn stone. This lake was so large that it took more than
eight hours to go round it, and I say this because I proved it
myself with my horse. In the middle of the lake there are
three large boats, 2 gilded and beautiful, which are anchored in
the centre so that no one may get upon them, they being used
by the Rana. for his amusement.

Other couriers had been sent to A'zam Tara. in Bengal,
telling him to march with his army, and fixing the point at
which he must invade the Rana's territory. Diler Khan, as a
veteran and experienced general, was directed to reinforce with
his army that of the said prince. Aurangzeb also wrote to
Akbar, who, after he had killed the rajah (Kishan Singh), had
proceeded to Multan, that he must come with his forces, bring-
ing also Tabercan (Tahavvar Khan). 3 For them also a place was
fixed from which they were to attack the Rana. Letters were
also written to the governor of Gujarat to join with all haste,

1 On the 2nd Muharram, twenty-fourth year, 1092 H. (January 22, 1681),
Aurangzeb received a report that Shah 'Alam had reached Rana-sagar (at
Udepur). The word means ' Rana's Lake. '

2 Pataxos (pataches, or pinnaces).

;1 On the 25th Jamada I., twenty-first year, 1089 H. (July 15, 1678), Akbar was
appointed to Multan ; on the 7th Safar, twenty-second year, 1090 H. (March 8,
1679), he arrived at court. Tahavvar Kl1a.11 was appointed faujdar of Ajmer in
1090 H. (1679) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri, ' 1G6, 173).

240 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

and take up his position against the Rana. Thus for this
campaign Aurangzeb put in pledge the whole of his kingdom,
and the people were astounded at the whole realm being turned
upside down for a war against a king who did not want to
fight, who only relied upon the rights of his forefathers, and at
the same time intended only to defend himself against the
Mogul, without undertaking the task of overthrowing him.
This fact may be seen in the course of this account, and thereby
the reader will understand how inflexible are these Hindus in
the preservation of the rules made by their mightier pre-
decessors.

The scheme of the campaign having been worked out in the
way stated, and the Rana's territory encircled, Aurangzeb
started from Agrah in the year one thousand six hundred and
seventy-nine. 1 He took an army with him, and was firmly
resolved to make himself master of the Rana's kingdom. He
advanced as far as Ajmer, where he halted, and thence sent out
fitting orders to his generals for fighting valiantly, and invading
that kingdom with vigour. He also invaded it on his side,
sparing neither time nor fatigues. When the Rana heard
that Aurangzeb was advancing with a great army, he sent orders
into the provinces situated beneath the mountains for all the
inhabitants [188] to move into the hills and abandon their
houses. In addition, the Rana ordered that the royal abodes
should be left carpeted. Nor did he omit to send messages
to Aurangzeb, begging him as a favour not to penetrate farther.
But Aurangzeb, instead of moderating his ire and ambition on
finding that the Rana dealt with him so courteously, even
leaving his rooms with their carpets spread, assumed that this

1 The start was made from Dihll, not Agrah. The following are the dates of
Aurangzeb's movements : On the 7th Sha'ban, twenty-second year, 1090 H.
(September 13, 1679), his tents went out to Palam ; on the 29th (October 5) he
camped at the Ana-sagar outside Ajmer. On the 7th Zu,l Qa'dah (December 10)
he left Ajmer for Udepur ; on the way, at Deorani, Prince Akbar arrived from
Mairtha. On the 15th Zu,l Hijjah (January 17, 1680) there was a march from
Mandal, and camp was pitched at the pass of Dahbari ; the Rana had fled
from Udepur. On the 2nd Muharram, 1091 H. (February 3, 1680), Aurangzeb
visited the Rana-sagar, and on the 1st Safar (March 4) Chitor. On the 14th Safar
(March 14, 1680) he began his return march to Ajmer (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,'
180-190).

THE CAMPAIGN IN UDEPUR 241

was done from fear. He did all the injury to the Rana that
he could — sent out orders to knock down and make ruins of
every temple, and to kill cows in them. 1 As a farther aggrava-
tion, finding himself by chance in a palace where there were
statues of the ancient Ranas, and of the reigning one with his
wives and their ladies, he, out of contempt, ordered them all to
be broken to pieces. But the Rana proved to him one day
how easily he could destroy him, and yet how much he desired
his friendship.

With this design the Rana barred the roads in such a way
that the Moguls, being now surrounded by mountains, could
find no exit, nor knew they where to pass ; for the roads are
provided with labyrinths, and none but the natives know the
right road. Aurangzeb was amazed at finding himself by one
stroke thus encircled, unable to move either forward or back-
ward. He knew likewise that if the Rana up to that time had
made no movement against his person, it was not because he
could not, but because he would not. Still more was he
alarmed when he found that his beloved Udepurl put in no
appearance ; nor was there the slightest news of her. Neither
was there word of any supplies. The Rana, to show that he
did not want to fight, sent him supplies from his own country.
He allowed him to suffer hunger for one day, so that hunger
might inspire him with good sense. Thus Aurangzeb, as well
as his army, had to content himself with a little kichrl — that
is, rice and lentils cooked with a little butter.

Then in the evening the Rana sent in the Mogul's wife
(Udepurl Begam), in the company of his soldiers, again begging
him as a favour to withdraw and leave his kingdom in peace,
and made the excuse that his soldiers had stopped the roads
without his orders. This would have been enough to pacify
the most barbarous of kings, enraged by some great insult or
another which he had received ; while, on the contrary, this
was a king unjustly assailed who yet granted life to his enemy,

1 Three temples on the bank of the Rana-sagar were destroyed. Hasan 'Ali
Khan reported the destruction of 173 temples in Udepur town and neighbourhood.
At Chitor sixty-three temples were knocked down by the Emperor's order
(' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 188, 189).

VOL. II. l6

242 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

when he could have killed him with impunity. But not for
such courtesies would Aurangzeb refrain from his fixed purpose ;
on the contrary, he sent order upon order to his sons [189] and
generals to penetrate farther and farther. He himself withdrew
to Ajmer, so as not to incur again any evil fortune. Leaving
himself with no more than two thousand men, made up of
household slaves and clerks, he divided up his forces and sent
them to all four quarters with orders to invade without hesita-
tion. But his sons and generals, more prudent than Aurangzeb
himself, perpetually made excuses, for they knew how easy it is
to get into a labyrinth, yet how difficult to follow it up to the
appointed limit, and then return by the same route. They
knew the mishap that had happened to the king himself. Yet
he, in his over-boldness, would not agree to desist from the
enterprise, and insisted on carrying all before him.

Aurangzeb deserved to have had Pathans to deal with in
those mountain ranges, and of a certainty they would never
have sacrificed such a good chance for cutting off the head of
him who had decapitated his own brothers. But the Rana was
more concerned in following the rules of his foregoers than in
defending himself; thus, though not afraid of the Mogul, he
did not care to take well-deserved vengeance for the harm done
to him by Aurangzeb. In order to relieve himself of the obli-
gation of doing more, he worked to get up a mutiny in the army
of Aurangzeb.

It is necessary to state how the adventurous Mogul proved
that he did not mean to give up his enterprise of conquering
the kingdom of the Rana. Whilst he was in Ajmer he ordered
the fortress of Chitor to be put in order and garrisoned. I
spoke of it in the history of Akbar in the Second Book of my
First Part (I. 82). Yet. as I said there, one of the conditions
of peace between Akbar and the Rana was that both of them
should relinquish the said fortress of Chitor, a stone being
placed on the gateway of that fortress, on which were cut these
words: 'Neither I nor you for evermore.' Thus Aurangzeb
was not constant in following the rules of his fathers — at any
rate, not in those things where he found his advantage. There-
fore he ordered the said fortress to be garrisoned, and commanded

PRINCE AKBAR JOINS THE RlTHORS 243

the destruction of the pillar that the famed PadmanI had caused
to be erected in the fortress, bearing a graven stone stating you
should never place faith in Moguls [190].

Prince Akbar Rebels.

Seeing how much Aurangzeb was willing to risk in order to
master his kingdom, the Rana, equally persistent not to attack
Aurangzeb, resolved to arrange matters so that the Mogul's own
sons should make war against such an unjust father. He found out
that Akbar, 1 although the youngest of all, was the boldest and most
turbulent, as he had shown when quite small. To him (Akbar)
selected persons were sent into the very camp of Aurangzeb.
These men counselled him not to lose this chance of becoming
king. If he did not act now, when his father was without his men
and all the other princes were in the Rana's territory, at a much
greater distance from his father than he was, it would not be
easy a second time to capture the crown. He embraced this
advice, being liked by his officers and soldiers, and began his
march for the seizure and beheadal of his father.

Spies came to Shah 'Alam about this rebellion, but he would
not put trust in them, or at any rate appeared not to attach
credit to them. For, it being a matter of great importance, he
would be obliged to inform his father, and he feared to write
such matters to Aurangzeb, who from his love for Akbar would
not believe his (Shah 'Alam's) letters. On the contrary, he
would suspect that Shah 'Alam wrote them in order to carry
out some plot of his own. Nevertheless, as such news was
very important, he sent for his generals and captains, and in
their presence caused the exact words of the spy to be written
down. The man said that a commotion would arise, that Akbar
had already publicly declared himself king, and with the inten-
tion of arresting his father had already begun his march. The
generals and captains signed at the foot of the spy's statement.
Thus the news was sent at once by Shah 'Alam to Aurangzeb.
The latter, for the love he bore to his other son, would not

1 For a much better account of Akbar's rebellion, see Khafi Khan, ii. 261-270 ;
Elliot and Dowson, vii. 298-304. Akbar's flight was reported to Aurangzeb on
the 26th Zu,l Hijjah, 1091 H. (January 18, 1681), (' Ma,asir-i-Alamgiri,' 197).

l6 — 2

244 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

believe Shah 'Alam's letter, and said they were mendacious
tales and the rebellion non-existent.

But on the same day came in news from Akbar's own camp
that he had in reality rebelled, and was advancing energetically
with thirty thousand Rajputs belonging to the Rani, the widow
of Rajah Jaswant Singh, commanded by two famous leaders,
Durga Das and Sonoegi (Soning), 1 besides the other troops
that he had. Aurangzeb was thrown into great anxiety, and
he arranged to put into a state of defence the house [191] he
occupied, which stood upon a great lake. He refused to shut
himself up in the fortress ; he distributed among the few men
he had the charge of the windows and doors, enjoining great
vigilance. He saw the time arrive for appreciating the saying,
1 Per que quis peccat, per hcec et plectetur'; what he did he
received, and he had to pay the penalty for what he had done
to his father. But he sought every mode to evade that issue,
and he fortified as well as he could the house, posting round it
field-pieces, swivel-guns, and matchlock men.

He sent letters to Shah 'Alam, A'zam Tara, and other generals
to reinforce him at once with the greatest haste. From this
reason we turned right-about-face and came to rejoin Aurangzeb,
who had already left Ajmer, and pitched his camp in the same
place 2 where Dara was encountered at the second battle. We
reached the spot three hours before the arrival of the rebel
prince. Aurangzeb, before he marched, had also written to
Akbar, and told him that he had heard false reports about his
loyalty, and how evil-designing people had written that he had
rebelled against his father, one who held him dearer than his
soul. He longed to know the truth. If it were the fact that
he had rebelled, he asked him the cause of his rebellion. Let
him remember that it was not a right thing for a beloved son to

1 I take ' Sonoegi ' to be Tod's ' Soning,' which he uses on p. 60, vol. ii. ,
'Rajasthan,' as if it were an epithet of Durga Das. Soning was, however, a
separate man, as his sudden death on August 26, 1681, is lamented (ibid., p. 63),
while Durga Das survived long beyond this time. In the ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,'
ii. 873, the name is spelt ' Sonig. ' The lake referred to would be the Ana-sagar
at Ajmer, which still exists.

2 The ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 200, says he moved out on the 5th Muharram
(January 25, 1681) to the village of Dobarah, thirty-five jarlbs distant.

AURANGZEB'S DANGEROUS POSITION 245

rebel, above all at a time when the father, for the glory of his
sons, was busy with a grand enterprise. He admonished him
that he ought now, at such a time, to abate his ardour and
not throw the realm into disorder. Let him keep quiet at
present, and allow progress against the Rana to be continued.
At a fitting time he would let him see how much he loved
him.

Akbar received the letter and demonstrated, even more clearly
than was necessary, what were his intentions. For he wrote
boldly to his father that he had really rebelled, that it was with
firm resolve to fight that he had come forth from the mountain
abysses. The cause of his revolt was the same that his father
had himself taught him, for had he not risen against his father ?
The whole realm was by this time tired at seeing his tyrannical
acts, more especially the abrogation of the rights and privileges
that his far-off ancestors had conceded to different persons in
Hindustan. Therefore let him prepare for battle and mount
his horse, for he was coming straight to fight him personally.

On hearing this message, Aurangzeb began to be still more
disquieted [192]. It was not so much his son that he feared,
but the thirty thousand Rajput horsemen. He knew their
object was to take vengeance, this being a good opening, for
the insult done to their Rani and the sons of Jaswant Singh.
Still, to show that he was not afraid, he wrote to Akbar to
come on, and he would await him on horseback. For this
purpose he ordered a long steel spike to be made and affixed
to the head of a fine horse that he possessed.

When our armies became aware of this news there was great
uproar ; those who were acquainted with Akbar's vigour and
the small force round Aurangzeb began at once to deliberate
whether they should not desert to Akbar's side, as that of the
more powerful protagonist. I know myself that Shah 'Alam
was thrown into considerable anxiety by this outbreak. Akbar's
mistake was not to carry through his project. If he had only
learnt from his father, along with the lesson of rebellion, that
also of energy and of not losing time, it is certain that he would
have made himself king, Aurangzeb having no men to defend
himself. But as Aurangzeb had in Akbar's division men who

246 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

loved him, he found means to make the astrologers order Akbar
to wait some days before marching. The time was occupied in
making thrones and preparing supplies for the coronation
festival. This they did to give Aurangzeb time to gather men
for his defence.

At this time Aurangzeb wrote a letter and made it over to the
Master of the Horse, a big, tall man who attended the king
when he rode out. It was this man himself who told me the story.
He was directed to place the said letter between two tombs,
and remain there on the alert to notice if during the night the
tombs made any movement, as if striking each other. He put
the letter between the two tombs, but saw no movement what-
ever the whole night through. Reporting this to the king,
Aurangzeb declared that Akbar would never come to meet him
with his army. All the same, he did not slacken his efforts,
sending a flying camp on ahead to watch the movements of
Akbar's force.

Some men came and said to the king that the vanguard
of Akbar was advancing with such determination that they
were too few to resist their fury and impetus. From this cause
Aurangzeb, although still relying upon the sorcery, had already
given himself up for lost [193], not having yet sufficient men,
although more were coming in hour by hour. It was the period
of the short rainy season in those regions — that is to say, it was
the month of January one thousand six hundred and eighty-one. 1
The rain and the wind gave us enough to suffer from, coupled
with the mud and mire of the roads. All the same, we arrived
(as I have said) (ante, II. 191) three hours before the appearance
of Akbar and his army, although we had been much farther off
than Akbar had been ; and he took four days in coming to
execute his project, when he could have done it in two, at which
time Aurangzeb was without soldiers and without strength.
It looked as if the heavens wished to announce this rebellion,
for on the vespers of the Nativity (December 24) of one
thousand six hundred and eighty there appeared a large comet
with a tail. It was at the time that we were encamped near
the tank of which I spoke (Rana-sagar, ante, II. 187). From

1 This date fits in with the Indian histories, and is probably correct.

AKBAR S ENTERPRISE FAILS 247

this occurrence (the comet) our camp became perturbed and
concerned, not knowing what was about to happen.

Although we had joined him, Aurangzeb did not yet count
himself safe, being in great dread of the Rajputs. He therefore
resorted to his usual devices. Learning that on the next day
battle would be offered, he wrote a letter to Akbar. In it he
said that he had always found him to be an obedient son, above
all was he so in this pretence at a revolt, but it was now neces-
sary to complete the operation with the same dutifulness. Let
him remember to post the Rajputs in the vanguard, and then
during the battle he should carry out his part in their rear, slay-
ing as many as he could. Aurangzeb and his army would kill all
the others, and thus would he execute the wished-for vengeance
on the Rajputs, and destroy them all. He wrote thus because
he knew that the Rajputs of themselves had offered to fight in
the vanguard, and when they intercepted the letter they would
suspect Akbar and leave him. This came to pass ; for the
Rajputs, getting hold of the letter, feared they had been
betrayed. Forthwith, without any warning to Akbar, they
took to flight.

Akbar rose at midnight to make ready for the great attempt,
when it was already too late to begin. Supposing the Rajputs
to be still in their due place, he found instead the camp
evacuated, for the rest of his army had also fled, leaving him
with only a few soldiers. The prince fell into profound dejection
[194] at finding himself abandoned, and felt unable to decide
what ought to be done. Tahavvar Khan, who was in the
king's service, seeing that the cause was lost, now staked his life
on making Akbar king. He said to the prince that, since they had
not men enough, the rebellion could not be carried to comple-
tion. Let him wait where he was with the few men he had left,
while he went to assassinate the king. 1

In pursuance of this design he entered the royal camp, clad all

1 Jan Beg, Harawi, entitled, first, Tahavvar Khan, then Badshah Quli Khan,
one of 'Alamgir's great nobles, joined Prince Akbar during his revolt, and,
coming to the Presence with an evil intent on the night of the 6th (i.e., 5th)
Muharram, 1092 H. (January 24, 1681, N.S.), was killed (see ' Ma,asir-i-
•Alamgiri,' 201; ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' i. 447; and ' Tarlkh-i-Muharnmadi,
1092).

248 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

in mail, telling the sentries who challenged him that he was
Tahavvar Khan, and, being a known man, he was allowed to pass
without difficulty. During a storm of rain and wind he arrived
close to the royal tent. If he had found entrance then, he and
his companions could have killed the king and Shah 'Alam and his
sons, who were quite unprotected, the rain and the cold having
made the soldiers retire into their tents. At this time the
guard on the royal tent consisted of only a door-keeper or two.
Lutfullah Khan, 1 son of Sa'dullah Khan, who commanded the
guard, was inside the entrance to the tent. He challenged the
traitor and asked who he was, and the intruder responded
freely that he was Tahavvar Khan, feeling confident that, being
of the king's service, he would be sure to let him pass in without
hindrance. But Lutfullah Khan made him wait till he had
carried a message to His Majesty. He was given permission
to enter on condition of giving up his arms. On hearing this
message from Lutfullah Khan, Tahavvar Khan said that he
could not give up the sword that this very king had attached to
his side. Upon this Lutfullah Khan said he should never enter
unless he left his sword, and there was between them some
exchange of words. Men collected to hear the cause of dispute,
and his blood getting heated, Tahavvar Khan laid hold of his
sword to force his way in. But Lutfullah Khan and the others
also seized their weapons, and a fight began. Tahavvar Khan,
being clad in mail, made no account of them. In a few
moments the king heard the disturbance, and shouted out
orders to kill the intruder. Trying to escape, Tahavvar Khan
became entangled in the horses' heel-ropes and the tent-ropes,
and fell to the ground. The others cut off his head. When
they told the king that Tahavvar Khan was dead, he issued
orders to bury him at the entrance of the tent door. Thus died
Tahavvr.r Khan in trying to make a king of Akbar.

The latter, when he heard of Tahavvar Khan's death, went
into his tents, broke open his boxes of jewels and of [195] gold
coin, and, disguising his women in men's attire, fled again
into the Rajput territory. When the day dawned he met the

1 For Lutfullah Khan, see ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 171. He died on the
18th Sha'ban, 1114 H. (January 7, 1703).

A TTEMPTED A SSA SSINA TION OF A URA NGZEB 249

Rajput captains and generals. By the time they had learnt
the reason of his flight, and the deception played off on them
by Aurangzeb, there was no longer any remedy either for the
death of Tahavvar Khan or for the abortive result of their
project. The sun rose, and it seemed as if heaven meant to
congratulate Aurangzeb on having escaped from the net that
his son had spread for him. Men were to be seen going and
coming from Akbar's camp with their clothes and chattels.
Others were arriving to demand pardon from Aurangzeb for
what they had tried to do. They made excuse that they could
not have done less, for if they had refused, Akbar would certainly
have cut off their heads ; and they had taken advantage of the
darkness to flee from a son who had rebelled against his own
father. But Aurangzeb's only reward for these good excuses
was to send them prisoners to the fortress of Gwaliyar.

Shah 'Alam marches against Akbar.

Aurangzeb, who never allowed delay in matters of importance,
upon being told that Akbar had fled, gave orders the same day
to Shah 'Alam to pursue until he had seized him. 1 Shah 'Alam
replied that on his part he would do what was possible to
capture him ; but as Akbar was a man of resolution, it might
be that he would turn to give battle. In the battle he might
be killed. He therefore prayed His Majesty that if such an
unwished-for event resulted, he should not be blamed. Aurang-
zeb answered that even if Akbar were killed, it would be well,
for a rebellious son is unworthy to live.

Thus we issued from the royal camp with a considerable
force, and we had to suffer enough from the recent rains. We
were also worn out by the haste we had made in coming from the
Rana's country to reinforce Aurangzeb. Now we marched out
in search of Akbar, who fled through the lands of the Rajputs,
and kept us running in one direction, and then in another, up
to the end of March (1681). During this time Shah 'Alam,
who had learnt the lesson from his father, wrote letter after

1 Akbar's flight took place in the night between the 5th and 6th Muharram,
1092 H. (January 24-25, 1681). Shah 'Alam was sent in pursuit on January 26,
1681 (' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgirI,' 202, 203).

250 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

letter to Akbar telling him to surrender, and he would find
a way to procure their father's pardon. Akbar, who by
this time knew Aurangzeb tolerably well [196], although he
had no faith in him pretended to believe. He wrote to Shah
'Alam that very willingly would he come in, but having incurred
some debts, he was in need of four thousand gold coins. Having
paid his debts, he would, without fail, come and place himself
under his brother's protection and pledged word.

Shah 'Alam, who imagined his brother to be speaking the
truth, sent him the four thousand coins, which were used to pay
the Rajputs. Akbar then made for the Dakhin, there to throw
himself upon Shiva Jl's (i.e., the Mahrattahs') protection. We
were unable to pursue him over the impassable roads of those
mountain ranges. In this negotiation between Shah 'Alam
and Akbar, Kanealam (Khan 'Alam), son of Nazabatcan (Naja-
bat Khan), a very fat man, who was a partisan of Akbar, wrote
a letter to Shah 'Alam that if he were willing to pledge his
word to protect him, he would quit Akbar and desert to his
(Shah 'Alam's) side. Shah 'Alam pledged his word, and Khan
'Alam came and put himself in the hands of Shah 'Alam, and
he was sent to court with a recommendation. But Aurangzeb,
who did not pardon sons, was not likely to pardon Khan 'Alam.
As soon as the man arrived he ordered him to be built up in
a room, leaving only a small aperture through which they gave
him poisoned food, and he was forced to do there the offices of
nature, and there he died.

On this occasion Shah 'Alam wrote that Akbar had now
escaped. The king had spies who informed him of everything
that happened, and he replied that before he (Shah 'Alam) had
thought of writing, he had already received news of Akbar's
flight ; and as he (Shah 'Alam) was doing no good, he must
come back to headquarters. Thus we retraced our steps by
the orders of Aurangzeb. He saw that Akbar's revolt had
thrown the kingdom into confusion ; he therefore wrote to all
his governors and viceroys with orders to beat the kettledrums
and hold festivals, to let the people know that he had gained
the victory over his rebel son Akbar. During this time the
defeated prince fled hither and thither. In spite of all the

AKBAR ESCAPES TO THE MAHRATTAHS 251

efforts to seize or kill him, there were no results, for by this
time Akbar had found refuge in the country of Sambha Ji, who
made it his pride to have within his territories a son of his
deadly enemy [197] . l

AURANGZEB MAKES PEACE WITH THE RANA.

Despairing of success in his attempt to conquer the Rana's
country, owing to the difficulty of making his way into it, and
finding that Akbar had beaten a retreat to the territories of
Sambha Ji, Aurangzeb became desirous of concluding a peace
with the Rana, for which that ruler had several times made over-
tures. Aurangzeb was now eager to strengthen his position in
the Dakhin, fearing that Akbar would lose neither time nor
opportunity in making himself formidable with the aid of
Sambha Ji. Thus in the very same region where he (Aurangzeb)
began his contest for the throne, Akbar would acquire power,
wealth, and soldiers. The chief difficulty was, however, to
make a peace with the Rana, for Aurangzeb could not make
overtures without loss of honour. He also feared that the
Rana and the nobles in his kingdom, as also his own officers,
among whom were some friendly to the Rana, might mock at
him for having refused the proffered peace, which he was now
himself compelled to sue for. For these reasons he directed
Diler Khan to undertake the office of mediator between him
and the Rana, and conclude a peace. 2

Diler Khan wrote to the Rana saying that, looking to the
long-established friendship between the Rajput realm and that
of the Moguls, considering also the chivalry with which the
Rana treated his enemies in time of war, there were signs
that His Majesty the Rana had no desire for further war. The
writer had therefore undertaken to mediate and arrange a
peace between him and King Aurangzeb, his master, if His

1 Khan Jahan (Bahadur Khan) reported that on the 7th Jamada I., 1092 H.
(May 25, 1681), Akbar, passing near Burhanpur, had entered Sambha. Ji's
territory (' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIrI,' 205, last line).

2 R. Orme, ' Historical Fragments,' p. 106, edition of 1805. Tod, ' Rajasthan,'
i. 360, mentions that Diler Khan made use of a Rajput officer (Shyam Singh, of
BIkaner). He also gives the terms of the agreement or treaty (i. 361, note a).

252 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Majesty (the Rana) should so desire. The Rana saw quite
clearly that this was mere policy on the part of Aurangzeb,
who was in want of peace, and he therefore dissimulated, in
order to convince Aurangzeb that he was under no necessity to
make terms. He therefore replied to Diler Khan in a dilatory
strain, excusing himself from discussing peace terms, as he had
other business on hand within his territories. Diler Khan, by
order of Aurangzeb, persisted in talking of a peace, and sent
letter after letter to the Rana ; now detailing [the Mogul] strength
and valour; now stating that his forefathers [the Rana's] had
never wished to make war upon the Mogul ; now threatening a
farther advance, talking of setting fire to everything found on
the way ; now pointing out to him how he would confer a great
favour on the Mogul by consenting to a peace [198] at a time
when he was so embarrassed by the rising of his son. But the
Rana, although desirous of peace and escape from further war-
fare, gave various excuses, such as that he was quite willing,
but being in ill-health, he could not apply his mind to such an
important affair as making a solid and durable peace with the
Mogul.

In this manner he kept Aurangzeb in expectation, and the
delay was very heavy to bear. For, meanwhile, his son Akbar
and Sambha Ji were far from wasting their time. These
negotiations went on for some five months, and in the end the
Rana sent his brother to the court to complete the treaty of
peace. 1 He was received with great honour; and, in truth,
being the brother of a powerful king, such honour was politic
on Aurangzeb's part, in order to facilitate the negotiations.
Peace was made ; nor were there any new provisions, beyond the
grant by Aurangzeb to the Rana of a province which formerly
belonged to his state, but had been ceded by his ancestors to
the Mogul. The Rana's ancient privileges were confirmed. In
addition thereto the Rana was under obligation, as I have said
(II. 187), to keep seven thousand horseman in the Mogul

1 This must be Bhim Singh, brother of Rana Jai Singh, of whom Tod tells
a romantic tale of renunciation (i. 364). Bhim Singh was received by Aurangzeb
on the 13th Sha'ban, 1092 H. (August 28, 1681) (' M.-i-'A.,' 212). The negotiator
(Tod, 360, note) is said to have been Sur Singh, uncle of the Rana.

XIX. Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dIn, Eldkst Son of Shah 'alam.

Vol. II.

To face page 252.

STORY OF QUWZM-UD-DlN KHAN 253

service at his own expense. But these men had a bad name,
and committed great oppression in the Mogul country ; no one
dared to interfere with them ; they stole, buffeted, and slew, with-
out anyone being able to question their acts. Aurangzeb there-
fore judged it to be of greater profit to the Moguls to dismiss
instead of retaining such people. But not desiring to prejudice
the rights he had over the Rana, he contrived that the Rana
should undertake to give every year the necessary money for
the pay of that number of soldiers, but should send no more
horsemen. Thus the Rana's brother had his audience of leave-
taking, and Aurangzeb was satisfied at having secured peace
with a king who had spared his life once, and would be able
to do him still greater harm by merely delaying to make
peace.

During the time that these things were going on, it happened
that Mirza. Kuchak, of whom I spoke during my stay in Isfahan
(I. 28), who had been expatriated, came to ask assistance from
Aurangzeb. 1 He gave this man various appointments, and in
the end made him viceroy of Lahor. At this time it was
reported to the viceroy that the qazl had killed two Hindu
women in his house, and had [199] buried them in a pond.
The governor, being zealous to see justice done, ordered the
kotwal to institute a search in the qdzfs house and discover the
truth. But the qazl would not allow the kotwal into his house,
not wanting to be prejudiced, and took arms in his own defence.
The stiff-neckedness of the qazl having been reported to Mirza.
Kuchak, he directed an entry by force, and if necessary they

1 In the seventeenth year, 1084 H. (1673-74), Quwam-ud-din Khan, Isfahan!,
Sadv of Iran, and brother of Khalifah-i-Sultan, the wazir, appeared in India,
and was made 3,000, 1,500 horse. In 1085 H. (1674-75) ne was promoted; in
the nineteenth year, 1087 H. (1675-76), he was appointed Governor of Kashmir.
After his return to court in the twenty-first year, 1088 H. (1677-78), he was
appointed to Lahor, 1089 H. (end of 1678). In the twenty-third year, 1091 H.
(1679-80), 'All Akbar, the qazl of Lahor, having been killed, the governor and
the kotwal were removed. Quwam-ud-din appeared before Aurangzeb at Ajmer,
and was so tortured in the ecclesiastical court that the deceased's son withdrew
his claim for retaliation, the accused being an old man. He died of shame about
the 18th Zu,l Qa'dah of the same year, 1091 H. (December 11, 1680) (' Ma,asir-i-
'Alamgiri,' 130, 139, 151, 163, 166, 188, 195; ' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi, ' 1091 ;
* Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 109-115 ; Khafi Khan, ii. 256, but wrong year).

254 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

were to fight. If anyone were killed, he would accept the re-
sponsibility.

Off went the kotwdl and fought with such vigour that the qazl,
too, fell along with the other dead. Thereupon the learned
men assembled and wrote to the king about this mournful event,
and said that never had it been heard of in Hindustan that
anyone had ventured to put forth a hand upon the sacred
person of a qazl. None but a Persian would be guilty of such
a deed, for, being of a different faith, he made no account of
persons who professed and taught the true religion. Upon re-
ceiving this petition, Aurangzeb removed Mirza Kuchak and
ordered him to court. Hardly had he arrived when he resorted
to the royal presence. Aurangzeb, a subtle Mahomedan, said
to him that he would have to talk to him about the qazts case.
Mirza Kuchak understood, and was well aware that if the
qazts case was in issue, he would die subjected to great shame
and affronts. Therefore, leaving for his house, he took poison
and died. This was the end of the man who pronounced the
sentence that for a Mahomedan who killed a Christian it was
sufficient punishment to make a slight cut on the end of the
little finger until he had lost three drops of blood, and make
him pay ten patacas. 1

Aurangzeb was determined, on various pretexts, to pursue
Akbar, but foresight induced him to consider what might
happen. He was afraid that the King of Persia might
seize the opportunity to make some attack on the kingdom;
therefore Mirza Baffa (? Wafa), 2 grandson of the Sahedcan
Bahadur (Sa'id Khan Bahadur), of whom I spoke in Shah-
jahan's reign (I. 145), was sent as ambassador in ordinary or
resident to the King of Balkh. If there should be any move-
ment of the Persians against the Mogul kingdom, he (the King
of Balkh) was to take the field against them, and Aurangzeb
would not only pay all the expenses, but give him a reward.

1 A pataca is said elsewhere to be equal to two rupees.

2 On the 25th Rabi' II., 1096 H., twenty-eighth year (April 1, 1685), Wafadar
Khan, grandson of Sa'id Khan, Bahadur, was made Zabardast Khan, and sent
to guard the frontier of Balkh. He carried presents for Subhan Quli Khan, the
ruler (' M.-i-'A.,' 255). For Sa'id Khan, Bahadur, Zafar Jang, who died 1062 H.,
see ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 429-437.

AURANGZEB STARTS FOR THE DAKHIN, 1681 255

The King of Balkh, in order to preserve the friendship of
Aurangzeb, and attracted by the hope of lucre, accepted the
proposal made to him by Aurangzeb [200].

As soon as the peace negotiations with the Rana were com-
pleted, Aurangzeb left Ajmer early in September of the year
one thousand six hundred and eighty-one. 1 His object now
was a war against Sambha JT, all unmindful of his fate — namely,
that this departure was for ever, that there would be no return
for him either to Agrah or to Dihli; for it is now nineteen
years [i.e., in 1700] that he has been in camp without effecting
anything against that rebellious people, the Mahrattahs. God
only knows what will come to pass in the end ! For the
reports continually brought in to me are that he is in a very
bad way, closely pressed by the aforesaid Mahrattahs. Thus
until this day he has not been able to accomplish the enter-
prise he intended (as he said) to finish in two years. He
marched, carrying with him his three sons, Shah 'Alam, A'zam
Tara, and Kam Bakhsh, also his grandsons. He had with
him much treasure, which came to an end so thoroughly
during this war that he was compelled to open the treasure-
houses of Akbar, Niir Jahan, Jahanglr, and Shahjahan.
Besides this, finding himself with very little cash, owing to
the immense expenditure forced upon him, and because the
revenue-payers did not pay with the usual promptitude, he
was obliged at Aurangabad to melt down all his household
silver ware. In addition to all this, he wanted to empty the
great store-houses filled with goods left by deceased persons,
or with property collected in Akbar, Jahanglr, and Shahjahan's
time from the men, great or small, who had been servants of
the State. But afterwards he ordered these store-houses not to
be opened, for he rightly feared that, he being absent, the
officials would embezzle more than the half.

Death of Begam Sahib.

But let us begin to recount the royal march. The women
also moved with us, except Begam Sahib or Padshah Begam,

1 Aurangzeb started from Ajmer on the 2nd Ramazan, 1092 H. (September 15,
1681, N.S.K'M.-i-'A.,' 212).

256 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

who, being now old, had desired to remain in Agrah. During
this march to the Dakhin we heard that she had ended her
life, 1 fulfilling her own prophecy. For before Aurangzeb left
Agrah this princess tried to prevent the king beginning hostilities
against the Rana. She told him the undertaking was very
difficult, almost impossible, and that it was very probable they
would never meet again, as [201] turned out to be the case.
At the time of her death this princess divided her property
and jewels among her nieces, leaving to each a good deal of
money and jewels. Nor did she overlook her beloved Jam
Begam, to whom she bequeathed her finest jewels and a
greater share of money. Upon this news reaching the camp,
we halted for three days by the wish of Aurangzeb, who showed
himself touched by the death of a princess of good ability, who,
although she had her faults, left behind her, on the whole, the
name and fame of a wise woman.

On hearing of Aurangzeb's approach to the Dakhin, Sambha Jl
did not desist from his usual plundering expeditions in all direc-
tions. This was meant to show what little fear he had of that
great army. Before we reached Burhanpur he sacked a large
village four leagues distant from the royal camp. Shah 'Alam
was quite pleased, for Aurangzeb had withdrawn him from the
Dakhin, after reproving him for allowing Shiva Jl during his
government to get so close to him. Thus now Shah 'Alam
rejoiced to see that Sambha Jl made no account of his father ;
on the contrary, he plundered quite close to his encampment.

Angered at the temerity of Sambha Jl, Aurangzeb marched
with the greatest haste to Aurangabad in order to distribute
his army in different positions, and see if he could not capture
Sambha Jl, and draw forth this thorn which was giving him
so much annoyance. We arrived at Aurangabad, and here
the king fixed his court. He kept with him his sons and
grandsons, and sent out generals in different directions to
invade the territories of Shiva Jl (the Mahrattahs). During
this time the latter was ravaging the Dakhin. Some detach-
ments he allowed to penetrate his territories, and there destroyed

1 She died on the 3rd Ramazan, 1092 H. (September 16, 1681) ('Tarikli-i-
Muhammadi').

AKBAR AND SAMBHA J I 257

them by throwing poison into the water or closing the routes.
He thus caused great losses in Aurangzeb's armies. The king
did not know what course to adopt to impede Sambha Ji's
assaults and conquer his lands. Assuming that his best plan
would be to conquer the kingdom of Bijapur, he once more
declared war against that king. Looking on him as a child,
on one hand he made war against him, and on the other wrote
him friendly letters.

The general sent against Bijapur was Diler Khan, who did
his duty as a good soldier [202] . But Shah 'Alam had a
grievance against him for his refusal to sign the paper of the
feigned rebellion (II. 124), also for his not treating him (the
prince) with sufficient respect. A splendid opening had now
been found by Shah 'Alam for ending the life of this famous
commander, and he caused poison to be administered to him
whilst he was conducting the campaign against Bijapur. 1
Aurangzeb was grieved at the death of so great and so faithful
a general, for whom he had considerable affection, in spite of
his being a Pathan. It is the rule in the Mogul realm not
to trust that race.

The unhappy Bijapur ruler, in addition to an invasion from
Aurangzeb's army, found himself attacked by Sambha Jl, who
at this time took from him some fortresses, and was thus ever
strengthening himself against the Mogul.

It happened just then that some of Sambha Ji's officers
quarrelled with him because he continued to interfere with
other men's wives. 2 They signed a treasonable letter against
their prince, in which they promised to join Prince Akbar,
to whom the letter was sent. The latter was eager enough
to make use of such a good opportunity, but he would not
act without the advice of the [Rathor] leader Durga Das, to
whom he confided the secret. Durga Das counselled him not
to rely on such a letter, and said it was possible that Sambha
Jl was himself the originator of this fiction, in order to see

1 Jalal, entitled Diler Khan, son of Darya Khan. Rohelah, Da.udzai, died
at the end of 1094 H - (about December, 1683) in Aurangabad ('Tarikh-i-
Muhammadi '). For his biography, see ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 42-56.

2 Grant- Duff, 155, speaks of Sambha Ji's profligacy.

VOL. II. 17

258 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

whether he (Akbar) would countenance such a rebellion, or
was in reality a prince grateful for the many favours done to him.
The safe course would be to confide the said letter to Sambha
Jl himself, and prove to him the fidelity and gratitude felt
towards him.

Sambha Jl received the letter, and since the writing was
genuine and also treasonable, he forthwith ordered those
officers to be beheaded. He returned thanks to Akbar for
his good faith, and assured him that he would always continue
to favour his cause. By this time the prince had repented of
not having seized the occasion, but now it was too late. It is
incumbent on me to state that Sambha Jl's victories were not
the fruit of his own valour, but were due to his officers. He was
much more inclined to spend his time with women, amusement,
and wine, than to take the field and emulate the example of
valour and untiring exertion bequeathed him by his father [203].

Aurangzeb heard of the plot that the officers of Sambha Jl
wished to carry out, and of Akbar's refusal of such a good
opportunity. He feared that, owing to Sambha Jl's irregular
life, those men might a second time propose to make Akbar
their prince, that he might then accept, and be able then to
come against him (Aurangzeb) with a strong army. He there-
fore sent endearing letters to Akbar, pressing him to return ; he
knew well (he said) that the rebellion the prince had headed
during the campaign against the Rana was not his own doing,
but the work of his officers. He could now return with confi-
dence, and he would be pardoned. Aurangzeb pledged his
word, backed by an oath on the Quran, that no harm would be
done to him. Letters went back and fore, but Akbar knew his
father, and was not such a fool as to trust himself to the hands
of one who had already murdered one son. But he wrote
such humble and submissive letters that Aurangzeb dispatched
his tutor to him, and a considerable sum in gold accompanied
by a letter, which declared that he (Aurangzeb) was anxiously
expecting his son's return.

Finally, Aurangzeb, finding that his son still hesitated to
start, wrote to him another letter, in which he pretended
astonishment at the delay, and once more invited him to come

OPPRESSIVE GOVERNOR REMOVED 259

back. But Akbar, who had now drawn from his father enough
funds to last him a long time, wrote that most certainly he
meant to come, but it could be in one way only — sword in hand,
and at the peril of his life to make himself King of Hindustan,
after killing his father. By this time Aurangzeb recognised
that the procedure of Shah 'Alam in sending money to his
brother, at the time when he first went in pursuit, was no such
great fault of judgment, since he (Aurangzeb) himself had fallen
into the same mistake.

It was at this juncture that news reached Aurangzeb about
the governor of Surat, called Cartalab Can (Kar-talab Khan). 1
At the said port he had committed many wrongful acts, so that
many times the inhabitants were forced to send complaints to
the court. But as he was rich, and gave bribes to the ministers,
the complaints never reached the royal ear ; or if they did
reach it, they were depicted as much more trifling than they
really were. But God will not suffer for long the screening of
the evil-doer, and opened a door by which [204] Aurangzeb was
informed of the truth. He then sent the governor an order
calling him to Aurangabad. As soon as he arrived, before he
had been presented in the royal audience-hall, Aurangzeb sent
a eunuch with poison to be given to the said governor. When
the eunuch reached the tents of Kartalab Khan, he called for
him in a loud voice, and according to the custom of these over-
bearing instruments, said it was the royal order that in his
presence, and without delay, the poison sent by the king should
be swallowed. Thus he was forced to take it, so as not to give
the king a chance of issuing an order for the destruction of his
entire family. In this way did the man end his life who had
given rise to so many complaints, affording a warning to others
to comport themselves with greater equity, and carry out the
king's service with more tenderness.

Finding that he could not effect anything of value against
Sambha JI, Aurangzeb became desirous of completing his
acquisition of the Bljapur kingdom. He therefore corre-

1 On the 4th Shawwal, twenty-eighth year, 1095 H. (September 15, 1684),
Salabat Khan replaced Kar Talab Khan (Muhammad Beg) as Muiasaddi (manager)
of Bandar Surat (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' 247).

17 — 2

260 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

sponded with the generals of that realm, sending them large
gifts and presents in the hope that they might rebel against
their king and come over to his army. Among those who con-
sented to Aurangzeb's proposals was Abdul Aquim ('Abd-ul-
haklm). This man, knowing by experience the bravery of the
Goa Portuguese, for they had defeated him, counselled Aurang-
zeb to make friends with those Europeans. If they continued
their hostilities, Sambha Jl would be forced to keep two armies
in the field, one in the direction of the Dakhin, the other
opposed to the Portuguese. Thus it would be more easy to
stop him from plundering in all directions.

Aurangzeb wrote to the viceroy, Francisco de Tavora, Conde
de Alvor, 1 asking him to make war on Sambha Jl, and offering
to make him a gift of all the lands he took from that prince.
Aurangzeb's rebellious son, Akbar, was in Sambha Jl's company :
they must refuse him any passage, and decline to give him any
assistance ; in fact, if they could capture or kill him, they would
be doing him (Aurangzeb) a great favour. In due time he would
require such a service. To carry these things through, he sent to
them Sec Mahamed (Shekh Muhammad) as his envoy. Mean-
while, on the advice of the said 'Abd-ul-hakim, he made
preparations to send Shah 'Alam in the direction of Goa to
invade the territories of Sambha Jl. A fleet was to go by sea
[205] from Surat, taking supplies of provisions for the army of
that prince.

My Return to Goa, and the Various Events which
happened There during my Stay.

It was at this time that out of disgust I resolved to live
no longer among Mahomedans, now that I had put together a
sufficient sum. Nor did Shah 'Alam pay me at all punctually.
I therefore decided to return to Goa, where I had some money
in the hands of the Theatine fathers, 2 meaning to leave
eventually for Europe. For this reason I asked several times

1 Francisco de Tavora, Conde de Alvor, arrived in Goa on September 11,
1681, and left India on December 15, 1686 (Danvers, ii. 361, 370).

2 The Theatines first arrived at Goa on October 25, 1640 (MUllbauer,
' Geschichte,' 351). The Fathers at Goa were Italians from Milan.

MANUCCI OBTAINS LEAVE 261

for my discharge, which he (Shah 'Alam) always refused me,
till at length I told him that 1113' private affairs needed my
presence at Surat, and he must give me leave for at least two
months. He consented to this, and I went to Surat ; there
Senhor Francisco Martin, 1 at this day general of the royal
company of France, gave me an armed sloop to carry me as far
as Daman in Portuguese territory. Thence I got to Goa, and
lived in the gardens. When Aurangzeb's letter reached the
viceroy he had me sent for to translate it into Portuguese. On
hearing the proposals I gave him advice as to what he should
do. For this war could not be of any benefit to the Portuguese,
seeing that the Mogul would never be content to leave the
Portuguese to themselves after he had destroyed Sambha JI.
In spite of this, the viceroy engaged in the war against that
prince, and thereby all but lost Goa [206].

Akbar seeks the Means of delivering Goa into the
Hands of Sambha Ji.

Sambha Ji learnt the above news, and Akbar, who was living
in that prince's territories, not far from Goa, was anxious to
show his gratitude for the honour Sambha JI had shown him.
He also sought occasion to prepare for the flight which he
designed to make into Persia, and wanted to ask the viceroy
to provide him with a ship for that purpose. He sent an envoy
to the viceroy, forwarding at the same time some rubies and
diamonds for sale. He prayed as a favour that permission
might be granted him to build a ship on the river of Goa for his
flight into Persia, he being persecuted by his father, Aurangzeb.

He really wanted to build the ship, but also hoped to land, a
few at a time, a large number of his men, and then, all of
a sudden, to seize Goa. Knowing as I did the tricks of the
Mahomedans, I advised the viceroy to take great care and
find out how many men were disembarked, for they might

1 Francois Martin, Director- General of the French East India Company at
Pondicherry, was at Surat from 1680 to 1686 — first, as second to Baron, and on
his death in 1683 as Director. He returned to Pondicherry in 1686 (see article
by P. Margry in ' Biographie Universelle, ' Michaud, new edition). Daman lies
about fifty miles south of Surat.

262 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

cause damage to Goa before His Excellency could prevent
them ; and truly Sambha Jfs intention was to get a number of
men into the island. Then he meant to come in person to
attack, after the men already landed in the island had occupied
the best positions. Thus would he manage to accomplish his
purpose. The viceroy gave heed to my words, and he noticed
that the next day a great number of men came from Sambha
Ji's territory for work at the ship, but many fewer withdrew at
night. Orders were therefore given that all must withdraw,
and that the next day as many as came in the morning must go
back at night.

Nor did the Viceroy content himself with giving Akbar leave
to build his ship ; he also made ready some presents to be sent
to him. I held my tongue till I saw that these things were
already prepared, when, out of the affection I bore to my fellow-
Christians, I went to the viceroy. I said to him that to me
it seemed that His Excellency was not acting with sufficient
caution. He intended to write to the Mogul (Aurangzeb),
agreeing, at his request, to make war [207] on Sambha Jl ;
while by these presents he acted as if he thought that great
king to be of small account. For, not content with allowing
Akbar to build a ship, he was sending him presents. By this
the Mogul would be angered, and would seek an opening for
some attempt against Goa, because of the favour shown to his
rebellious son. The viceroy was pleased to listen, and came
to a stop, and did not send the presents. Meanwhile the ship
was finished, and Akbar had it removed to the port of Vin-
gorla, 1 twelve leagues distant from Goa, and in the territory of
Sambha Ji.

Battle between Sambha Ji and the Viceroy of Goa,
and how Some Portuguese asserted I was a Traitor.

Finding that by using the chance afforded by the matter of
the ship he could not carry out his design, Sambha JI sent to
the viceroy tutored spies, who told him that in the fortress of

1 Vingorla, in the Ratnagiri district, is a little to the north of Goa— say,
thirty-three miles. The removal of the ship from Goa to Vingorla is confirmed
by Orme, ' Historical Fragments,' edition 1782, p. 179.

PORTUGUESE DEFEAT AT POND A 263

Ponda. were great treasures. His object was to get the viceroy
to leave Goawith a large force for the conquest of that fortress.
Then he meant to cut off the Portuguese retreat and prevent
their return, in this way making himself master of Goa. The
facts became known to a French trader then in Rajapur, 1 and
he wrote to me to warn the viceroy of Sambha Jl's purpose.
He was coming down with his army.

I told His Excellency, but he would not heed my words.
He issued forth with eight hundred white soldiers and eight
thousand Canarese. 2 He crossed with them to the other side of
the river and began his campaign. With him went five pieces
of heavy artillery. The men inside Ponda 3 defended themselves
until the arrival of Sambha Jl along with Akbar's men. They
attacked with great fury the viceroy's army, and gave him as
much to do as he could manage. His best troops were killed,
and if he had not used wooden obstructions with which to im-
pede the onset of the cavalry, he would never have been able
to get back to Goa, nor could he have made any defence. The
rainy weather impeded the discharge of his matchlocks ; thus,
coming on still closer, a trooper among the Rajputs dealt His
Excellency [208] a sword-blow on the ribs. Retreating slowly,
he reached the river bank with great difficulty, and once more
entered Goa. He recognised, although too late, that he had
been misled. Great grief was caused in the city from the fruit-
less loss of so many lives.

In the interval Goa was governed by the archbishop, Dom
Manoel de Souza de Menezes. 4 There came a boat sent by the

1 Apparently Dhunda Rajapur, close to Jinjirah, is intended (see Grant-Duff,
138). It is in lat. 18 18', long. 73 3' (Thornton, 811). Sambha Ji's troops were
then besieging Jinjirah.

2 F. C. Danvers, ii. 369, 370, copies Grant-Duff, 139, 140, verbatim, and the
latter relies upon Orme, 'Historical Fragments,' edition 1805, 122-124. Orme
says the Viceroy took the field in September, 1683, and his camp having been
surrounded by Sambha JI, he had to force his way step by step back to Goa.

3 Pondah, nine miles south-east by east from Goa (Thornton, ' Gazetteer," 773).
Orme, 123, calls it thirty miles. The place had been taken from the Portuguese
by Shiva. Ji in 1675 (Grant-Duff, 119).

4 Manoel de Sousa e Menezes became Archbishop on September 20, 1681, and
died on January 31, 1684 (M. Mtillbauer, ' Geschichte der katholischen Missionen
in Ost Indien,' p. 365. Freiburg, 1852).

264 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

general of Aurangzeb's fleet, which was on the watch to pre-
vent Akbar leaving Vingorla in the ship he had built. It
brought a message for the viceroy, urging him to make a
valiant fight of it, and before very long he (Aurangzeb) would
arrive to his assistance. But the archbishop would not listen
to the envoy, and gave the answer that he must go and deal
direct with the viceroy. I knew this because I translated the
letters, and I did not wish to forsake the [vicejroy at such a
time, so that he might have no cause of complaint against me.
I therefore demanded permission of his lordship, and with
great difficulty he granted me a boat to travel in. We in Goa
did not then know the miserable plight of the viceroy.

I left, but the archbishop, I know not why, sent an order to
the guards posted on the river to seize me. Thus, while I dis-
bursed my coin to aid and serve the Christians against the
power of the Mogul, they made me out to be a traitor. They
persuaded the archbishop that I was taking with me five
hundred Shivajls (i.e., Mahrattahs) to cut off the viceroy's
retreat, and prevent his returning again to Goa. For this
reason he directed my arrest. The captains of the guards
knew quite well I was innocent, for when I reached them I had
with me no one but a servant. In spite of this, as the orders
were absolute, they civilly made me a prisoner without com-
municating to me their orders. I made pretence of not recog-
nising that the way they were treating me betrayed suspicion
of my acts. At this time I saw the arrival of several boat-loads
of dead and wounded, a proof that Sambha Jl had defeated
the viceroy.

But if I took as a joke this treatment of me by the arch-
bishop, it was not really such. Nor did the envoy look upon
the manner in which he had been received as any joke; for
wishing to make him out greater than he was, they placed him
in danger of losing his head. They began to spread a rumour
[209] that he was not an envoy, but the very Sambha Jl
himself. This story was so much accepted that men were
already in search of him to slay him. Such is the power of
fear when it enters into people who are otherwise of good
sense! When I saw what their purpose was, I did my very

EVENTS AT GOA, 1683 265

best that they should not kill him, but only arrest him. I
assured them he was not Sambha JI, but a Mogul, as he really
was. For if they had killed him, I, too, ran a very great risk
of losing my life, and that for nothing else than trying to help
His Excellency at the time the said envoy arrived.

It pleased God that at last the viceroy should arrive, and
he, too, was at first persuaded that the man was Sambha Ji in
person. But after I had spoken with him, I assured him that
even if he were really Sambha Ji in person, no violence could
be done by him, for I would keep close to him when the letters
were presented. Thus I conducted the envoy into the presence
of the viceroy, who was already in a fright.

Then, taking myself the letters from the envoy's hands, I
presented them to His Excellency. Thereupon he recognised
the great mistake which had held the whole island in perturba-
tion. He (the envoy) had with him only two servants.

Sambha Ji, under Pretext of an Embassy, tries to
assassinate the vlceroy.

But let us now return to Sambha Ji. He had missed his
blow when he fought the viceroy, for if he had only occupied
the river bank, it would have been easy for him to slaughter
everybody, and equally easy to take Goa. All the same, he
did not despair of success in his attempt ; for, after the defeat
of the viceroy, he took possession of the lands of Salseite
(Salsette) and Bardes, between which lies the island of Goa,
and after stiff fighting, tried to disembark men on the island [of
Goa]. But the Portuguese resisted valiantly, above all the
Augustinian fathers, who were at a crossing against which
Sambha JI made his principal efforts. 1

Thus, finding he had not carried out what he wanted to do,
and seeing that by force [210] of arms he should not conquer,
he adopted the way customary in Hindustan — that of deceit.
He therefore made Akbar act as mediator and send in a letter

1 For Salsett and Bardes, see map at the end of vol. ii. of F. C. Danvers'
' Portuguese in India.' The Bardes district lies to the north, and that of Salsett
to the south, of Goa. See farther on, ii. 214, the part taken by Frey Pedro,
Augustinian, in the defence.

266 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to the viceroy. In it he said that, being on the point of leaving
for Persia, as a friend of both sides, he wanted to restore peace
and amity between Sambha Jl and the Portuguese. With
this object would they send a trusty person capable of dealing
with such a negotiation ? He would bring it to a conclusion to
the satisfaction of both parties.

The viceroy selected me for this business. On my side I
recognised that I was a foreigner, so I took along with me one
priest and one layman, both Portuguese, to bear testimony to
my acts and words. I made declaration to the viceroy that
they would never conduct me to Akbar, but to Sambha Jl instead.
I questioned the viceroy as to what I should do in that case.
He said to me that under no circumstances did he wish me
to approach Sambha Jl. With this point determined on, I
quitted Goa.

Hardly had I arrived within Sambha Jl's country when they
wanted to carry me to him and not to Akbar. Thereupon I
declared that I would not go, that I would sooner lose my head
than act against the orders I had received. Akbar learnt this,
and dispatched Durga Das, 1 as representing his person during
the negotiation with Sambha JT. On these conditions I, too,
attended, or else they would have carried me there by force.

We reached the presence of Sambha JT, who received me
with great politeness. During the conversation he made bitter
complaint of the viceroy's declaring war against him in spite of
the King of Portugal's orders. The king had ordered him to
maintain peace with his neighbours. Many other things against
the viceroy did he say to me during this talk. It was on this
occasion he told me that with his own sword he had decapi-
tated his chief captains, owing to their disaffection. He showed
me the sword. 2

Finally, he gave me my leave to go, adding that, seeing the
viceroy would not send him an envoy, he meant to be the first
and send one to him, and so let him see how much he desired

1 Durga Das, Rathor, the chief guardian of the infant Ajit Singh, son of
Rajah Jaswant Singh.

2 Possibly this was BhawanT, the sword of his father, to which Grant Duff
alludes (p. 140). For the executions, see Grant- Duff, p. 136.

MANUCCI'S EMBASSY TO SAMBHA Jl 267

to uphold peace with the Portuguese. Taking one of his officers
by the hand, he said to me : ' This is the man I mean to send ;
he is the key of my treasure-house.' Then, laying hold of my
hand also, he made the man over to me, and said he was doing
him (the viceroy) much honour, for the man was his chief
favourite. He sent me away, handing me two handkerchiefs
of gold thread, and in the evening the envoy came to visit me.
He set forth [211] his pretensions, which were that he should
land in the isle with one thousand, or at the least five hundred,
men as his guard, taking also seven horses (as he said) to show
his rank. We hammered away for a long time at this subject,
he beseeching me earnestly to secure this honourable treatment
for him from the viceroy. But I displayed total indifference,
saying it lay with the viceroy to concede to him or not what he
asked ; at the same time I would lay his requests before His
Excellency. But horses were not necessary, the fortress being
quite near, nor could the horses climb to it.

The reader must be made aware here of what the envoy's
intentions were. The first was to get with this large number
of men into Goa, where there was not a large enough garrison
to defend all the posts. Coming, thus attended, to pay his court
to the viceroy, it would be very easy to carry out their object.
For they would enter with the fixed intention of assassinating
the viceroy, and consequently would come wearing concealed
chain-mail. Having succeeded, some of them would jump on
the horses, and, careering about, would strike terror into the
inhabitants, and throw everything into disorder. Thus Sambha
Jl would have time to land his force without any difficulty and
capture defenceless Goa.

I returned to Goa and reported to the viceroy what was going
on, and of the probable intentions of Sambha Jl. For the time
being he should not, I thought, give audience in the royal hall,
but in the fortress of Dangi (Dangim), 1 which was quite close
to the sea. Strong guards should be posted so as to hinder the
envoy from carrying out his plans. Although there was some
difficulty in doing what I said, nevertheless, acknowledging

1 Dangim is shown on the map of Goa territory inserted in Danvers, vol. ii.
t lies about a mile east of Goa town.

268 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

that I had some acquaintance with the tricks of people in
Hindustan, the viceroy did as I advised. Thus I went back to
tell the ambassador that he might come. I took with me no
more than three boats, so that too many people might not
come. But so many crowded in that our boat was in great
danger of going to the bottom. I complained to the envoy of
this carelessness, and he grew angry ; for he saw that with so
small a number he would not be able to carry out his project.
He wanted to give up coming. But, encouraging him, I brought
him to the above-mentioned fortress. Matters were disposed
in such a way that not more than seven persons were able to
enter with him. These were received by the viceroy with great
pomp.

The envoy's design was unmasked during the audience [212] ;
for he made no statement about terms of peace, stating that
his coming was for nothing more than to know if the Portu-
guese gentlemen really desired to make peace or not, and
whether they would pay tribute to his prince. The viceroy
replied that he wanted peace, but would not pay any tribute.
The envoy answered that he would take this reply to his prince,
and then took his leave, far from well-contented, not having
been able to make himself a name by a piece of treachery
(i.e., assassination) ; for amongst them this mode of going to
work is proof of great valour.

Although peace negotiations were going on, there was no
suspension of arms ; for continuously Sambha Ji went on
fighting at Goa with great vigour. In the course of these
contests, as there were not many troops in the island, there
was reason to fear that Sambha JI might land his soldiers
there. The viceroy therefore sought someone who would go
to the Mogul fleet, then off Vingorla, to request the admiral to
sail with his ships till he was within sight of Goa. Thus some
fear would be instilled into Sambha Jfs men then in Salsette
and Bardes. But the principal thing was to get some one who
would consent to go. For all they could do, they could not
find any person willing to take upon himself to risk his life for
the public benefit. Then, knowing the heartiness with which
I had laboured to the utmost of my power, he asked me if I

AND TO THE MOGUL FLEET 269

would perform this benefit on behalf of a city which found
itself in such a sorry plight.

I gave a favourable reply, and, as I was leaving Goa, Dom
Rodrigo da Costa, 1 in command of the fleet, declared that I
was on my way to destruction. God was pleased to show the
care He had over my person, for one morning in the dark I
found myself with my boat in the midst of thirty-seven galliotes' 2
belonging to Sambha Jl. As soon as we discovered that the
fleet was not that of the Moguls, but of Sambha Jl, we were
very apprehensive, and already the master of the vessel and
several seamen wanted to jump into the sea. But I laid hold
of my matchlock and frightened them, saying that the first who
moved was a dead man. If they set to work to row with all
their strength, I would give them five hundred xerafins (asharfl,
a gold coin) on arrival in Goa. This was in addition to several
pieces of gold that I distributed among them on the spot. As
the man who guided the helm was very skilful, we feigned to
be part of that fleet until we had forged ahead of all the galliotes.
Then, putting on a spurt, we drew away from our enemies, who
began a chase in the hope of capturing us.

Keeping on our course, we arrived at the Mogul fleet, and
I carried out my instructions. But the commander replied
that he could not come away from Vingorla for fear that Prince
Akbar might escape. Thus it turned out that I had put my life
in danger without doing any good. Nevertheless, I went back
to Goa by another route, and there I reported the Mogul fleet
to be already on its way to give assistance against Sambha Jl.
This I did that all might recover heart and resolution and con-
tinue the war with greater courage.

Sambha Ji takes the Island of Santo Estevo from the

Portuguese.

A few days after my return to Goa a thing happened which
placed the Portuguese in very great danger. The viceroy, as

1 Dom Rodrigo da Costa, Captain-General of the fleet of galleons, succeeded
the Conde de Alvor as Governor in December, 1686, and died in June, 1690
(Danvers, ii. 370).

2 Galliot, a kind of galley or war boat (see Yule, second edition, 361, 362).

270 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

much from deficiency of men as anything else, had neglected to
post any soldiers on a little island called Santo Estevao, 1 where
there was a castle armed with mortars. Sambha Jl had spies
everywhere.

It was on the 25th November of some year long ago that the
Portuguese had obtained possession of Goa. In memory of
that conquest they built a little church called St. Catharine,
which at this day is close to the hospital. 2

On that very date in the year 1683, at ten o'clock at night,
Sambha Jl sent four thousand men at low tide to occupy the
said fortress (i.e., Santo Estevao). The soldiers entered it, and
without any loss to themselves decapitated the whole of the
garrison. As a signal that they had carried out their orders,
they discharged several mortars to inform Sambha Jl and his
army that they were masters of the place. A great uproar
arose in Goa.

The following day the viceroy, against the judgment of Dom
Rodrigo da Costa, wished to reoccupy the place. Dom Rodrigo's
advice was to post two pieces of artillery at the entry of a bridge
to prevent any sally, meanwhile to patrol with small boats and
stop any attempt to take Goa. This would have been quite
easily done, whereby those within it (Santo Estevao) would have
been obliged to surrender. But the viceroy, confident in his
own judgment, preferred to reinforce the place directly with
some men. He selected some [214] one hundred and fifty
soldiers, shouting in a loud voice that anyone who meant to
come should follow him. He went as far as the castle walls
and marched round them, during which Sambha Jl's troops
slew a great many. Some reinforcements arrived, and by good
luck the viceroy and Dom Rodrigo were able to reach their
boats and take to flight, otherwise they would certainly have
been killed like the rest.

Their getting time enough to retire was due to the conduct

1 For Santo Estevao, see the map in Danvers, vol. ii. It lies about two miles
north-east of Goa.

2 November 25 is the Festival of St. Catherine, Virgin. The church is marked
on the map in Danvers, vol. i., p. 258 ; it was at the north-west corner of the
town (see also Pyrard de Laval, edition Gray, ii. 54). The chapel is No. 10 on
Fonseca's map (' Historical Sketch of Goa,' 1878).

SAMBHA JPS ATTEMPT ON GO A 271

of a friar, one Frey Pedro de Sylveira, an Augustinian and a great
friend of mine, he who had defended the crossing, as I have said
(ante, II. 209). Seeing that the viceroy was in great peril, he
exerted himself to make up a fictitious body of troops close to
the bridge. He gathered caffres (African slaves), serving men,
and scullions, whom he ordered to plunder a neighbouring open
field of its sugar-cane. They were all to hold a sugar-cane at
their side, standing all in a row, and making a noise with a few
matchlocks. Thus they stood drawn up in front of the enemy,
who, on beholding them, imagined that they were reinforcements
on the way. They, too, called a halt, and relinquished pursuit
of the viceroy. The latter had thus time to re-embark, but
many men stuck fast in the mud, and were killed by the enemy's
arrows or bullets ; others were drowned. The viceroy, on
embarking, took his matchlock and shot his horse to prevent
its falling into the hands of the enemy, and Dom Rodrigo did
the same to his. On this occasion the viceroy came back with
a slight bullet wound in the left arm.

Sambha Ji's soldiers retained the island and were very near
to Goa. They gave so much trouble to the city that the
viceroy resolved to send an embassy to the said prince to see
if he could obtain a peace, and I was obliged to go a second
time to Sambha Ji. But on my arrival I found a spy, then in
his service, who gave me a faithful report of the latest news.
He told me that the army of Shah 'Alam was already quite
close. This was enough to decide me not to pursue my nego-
tiation ; therefore I determined to retrace my steps, and to
advise the viceroy that the deliverance of Goa was at hand
with the aid of Shah 'Alam. I stayed in Goa, in order after-
wards to visit that prince and negotiate as soon as he arrived.
In my place they sent to Sambha JI Manoel Saraiva and an
Augustinian father. But the fighting still went on with great
energy. Well was it for the Portuguese that Sambha Ji never
knew exactly how few [215] men there were in the island. If
he had known, he could have carried out his scheme in its
entirety.

I do not know if it was from carelessness, or from real want
of soldiers, that the vessels which were on guard had not more

272 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

than seven or eight men to each vessel. I know the fact because
one night the viceroy invited me to go with him in his boat on
his rounds, to see if the officers were doing their duty. We
found them nearly all asleep, and instead of challenging us, it
was necessary for us to accost them to find out whether there
was anyone in the vessel or not. Not aware that it was the
viceroy who was passing, they gave us ill-conditioned replies,
and we ascertained that there was not a single officer in the ships.
But what was my astonishment, on reaching the fort opposite
the bar at the entrance to the river, to find we had to beat at
the door for a long time, making much noise, without getting
any response. Finally came a soldier, who replied to us by
stating there were only eleven men. Yet this fort was of the
greatest importance, and Sambha Jl had only to take it to get
possession of Goa without any farther difficulty.

The viceroy was angry at getting such a reply, and asked
why the men of the garrison had not answered. The soldier
said that they could not answer, for there was no one, only
a boy who tended the goats. These were the preparations that
we found in the ships and at that fort at a time when Sambha Jl
was doing all he could to capture a city that had ever remained
the glory of the Portuguese ! From this the reader may judge
how little these gentlemen thought of the courage of veteran
soldiers such as those of Sambha Jl ; or else, overconfident in
themselves, they imagined that their mere name would bar the
way to the enemy, or it may be that in reality there were no
troops available. In any case, those they had in their service
could not have cared much whether they lived under the rule
of the Portugal king or that of Sambha JL

Arrival of Shah 'Alam close to Goa, and the Embassy
to the Viceroy.

Aurangzeb received the reply of the Goa viceroy, in which
he promised to allow free passage up the river to his fleet
coming from Surat with supplies for the army of his son, Shah
'Alam. The king ordered that prince to march with forty-five
thousand horsemen in the direction of Goa, traversing the

SHAH 'ALAM NEAR GOA 273

kingdom of Bijapur. His instructions were to capture the
island of Goa by treachery, thus becoming able thereafter to
invade easily the territories of Sambha Ji.

On this march Shah 'Alam took several of Sambha Ji's forts,
and arrived near Goa in time to deliver the island from the
hands of that prince. It was already in great danger. Sambha
JI made every possible exertion to take it before Shah 'Alam
arrived, but it did not happen according to his desire. Thus,
on the arrival of the Mogul fleet, he was obliged to decamp ;
but before he disappeared he ordered the mortars in Santo
Estevao to be charged, with the idea of bursting them, seeing
that he could not carry them away. But in this he did not
succeed, for only one of them burst ; then, spiking the rest, he
fled.

As soon as Shah 'Alam arrived, he sent an envoy to the
viceroy as far as the river bank. On learning this, His
Excellency ordered me to go and speak to this envoy, who
was the brother of Sec Mahamed (Shekh Muhammad). I
went to the spot, and while afar off I saluted him in the
European fashion. But he, remaining seated in his palanquin,
paid little or no heed to me, and, ignoring the politeness
customary in India, which is to raise the hand to the head, he
placed it on his breast, as usual among the Persians. This
made me angry, and I declined to advance any farther. His
example was not followed by the slaves and servants of Shah
'Alam ; they knew how anxious their master was to retain me
at his court. They all bowed to me with great respect.

I did not neglect to say in a loud voice what seemed to me
necessary against such a messenger, and, turning my back,
cheerfully accosted my friends. All the same, I did not lose
the words said by the envoy. They amounted to nothing
more than that the Portuguese [217] were under great obliga-
tions to Shah 'Alam, and they ought to commence at once to
count out the millions they would have to give for having been
delivered from Sambha Ji. Then spies went off to Shah 'Alam
and told him that the viceroy had sent me to treat with the
ambassador, and that the latter had failed to render me due
honour.

vol. 11. 18

274 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

The prince was much put out, and in that man's place sent
my friend, called Miraxam (Mir A'zam)," 1 with orders to con-
ciliate me in every way. On his reaching the river bank I
advanced to meet him, but he, having received different in-
structions from the first man, rose to his feet when he saw me,
and coming towards me, embraced me. He told me the
prince's orders were that he was to do whatever I might
suggest, as he had no knowledge of the viceroy. Then he
delivered to me a letter sent to me by the prince. In it he
begged me to come to him, as he greatly desired to speak to
me, and he trusted I would not refuse, having eaten the salt of
his house.

I did not wish to take him (the envoy) into Goa, so I
escorted him to a little island called Ilha de Manoel de Mota.
There I regaled him during the night. On the day following
I conducted him to the viceroy, who was in the fortress of
Santiago, 2 near the mainland. There he presented Shah
'Alam's letter. It began by requesting that Hakim Niculao,
his old servant, should be sent to him. As soon as he arrived
they would arrange things to the satisfaction of both sides.
Next it stated how, in conformity with the letter of the viceroy
sent to the great Aurangzeb, permission was given for the entry
into the river of the ships carrying supplies for the army sent
against Sambha Jl. Yet the fleet in question had not arrived.
Fulfilment of the promise was now requested.

The viceroy replied that he would certainly carry out what
he had promised, but the route taken must be by the other
river, that of Bardes, not by that of Goa. But the envoy
persisted in his demand that they wanted to pass through the
river of Goa, as had been promised to His Majesty. Finally,
the viceroy answered that I would go to His Highness, and
that there matters would be settled.

During the discussion the king's fleet, which was at the

1 Or Mir Hashim.

2 There is a Santiago shown on the map of Goa territory in Danvers, vol. ii. ;
it lies about two miles east of Goa town towards the mainland. It is also on
Fonseca's map, and is mentioned by Pyrard de Laval, ii. 54, edition A. Gray.
Manoel de Mota, or Acado Island (Fonseca, p. 4), is apparently the Acoro of his
map, lying between San Estevao and Ilha de Piedade.

THE MOGUL FLEET OFF GO A 275

harbour mouth, continued to advance. When a report of this
reached the viceroy, I said to Dom Rodrigo da Costa that now
was the time for a display of courage and energy. Therefore,
without any delay, the fleet ought to be fired upon. He
hurried to the spot, where he found that, by the carelessness
of the commandant of Aguada [218], x some five-and-twenty
galliots had already entered, and were close to the Fort of the
Kings. When he arrived he ordered at once the discharge of
three loaded cannon, to intimidate them and cause their retire-
ment. They replied that they were friends, and had come
under protection of the viceroy's promise ; they should there-
fore stop firing, as that was not the way to receive friends.

When the Aguada fort became aware that the Fort of the
Kings declined to allow a passage, it, too, fired several times, in
order to prevent the remainder of the fleet which was following
from completing its purpose. Thus was Goa saved this time,
for without a doubt it would have been lost had the fleet
entered. The twenty-five galliots which were already inside
took refuge behind the Fort of the Kings in a river which is
called Nelur. 2 Here they remained until the receipt of fresh
orders from Shah 'Alam. They plundered along the shore,
and carried off any goods and women or girls found there.

My Visit to Shah 'Alam.

At nightfall I issued from Goa with the envoy in order to
go to the encampment of Shah 'Alam. 3 When we disembarked,
the spies informed us that the enemy were in sight. Mir A'zam
feared some harm to my person, and ordered twenty horsemen
to accompany me as far as the camp. He stopped behind
with thirty horsemen. In this way I reached the camp, where,
being known, many greeted me with loud voices. I cannot
express the affection with which they came to embrace me.

1 Aguada, a fort on the sea coast, at the north point of the bay, and outside
Goa River (see map in Danvers, vol. ii.). Manucci's Fort of the Kings is
apparently identical with that of Reis Magos (Fonseca, p. 44). It lies about
two miles to the north-east of Aguada.

2 Nerul, about half a mile north-east of Aguada, on a small river, the mouth
of which lies between Aguada and Reis Magos.

3 The subject of this embassy is returned to in Part III., fol. 196.

l8—2

276 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

If the reader could only know the manner in which I had
behaved to all the officials and ministers, he would not be
surprised that they received me with as much love as if I
had been one of their relations.

1 proceeded to the prince's tents, and there the eunuchs,
who knew how eagerly the prince and the princess were
looking for me, came forward to receive me. The chief
eunuch told me that Shah 'Alam had ordered that at whatever
hour I might arrive he should be forthwith informed ; he had
also directed the whole army to be in readiness the next
morning. For, if I did not arrive, he meant to send his troops
across the river by swimming it. I said to the man that the
prince should not be roused ; it was already midnight, and I
could wait, nor was it right that a tired prince should be
woke on account of one of his [219] servants.

When the prince got up in the morning, they reported my
arrival. He was more anxious for this than for the taking of
Goa, and was now content. He issued orders for his soldiers
to return to their quarters, as he no longer meant to take
any action. Next, he sent word inside to the princesses and
princes that I had come, and called them all together with
great glee, and ordered a letter to be written to his mother,
Nabab Baegi (Nawab Bae JT), 1 telling how he had now caught
me. For this queen had complained bitterly about his giving
me leave of absence. She called me within the pardah, where
I first made my bow as a European, and then did obeisance
in the court fashion.

She was much amused at seeing me in European costume,
my beard shaved off, and wearing a peruke. As the princess
had not been used to seeing me in such a get-up, she asked
me what drugs I took to return to youth. Then, jokingly, I
gave her my reasons, and let her understand that I did not
want to serve any more, because the officials did not carry
out the promises made to me by His Highness. The prince

1 Nawab Bae (Rahmat-un-nissa) was the daughter of Rajah Raju, of Rajauri
in Kashmir. She died at Dihli in 1102 H. (1690-91). It was through her that
Shah 'Alam claimed descent from the Prophet (see the ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' and
the ' Bahadur Shah Namah ' of Danishmand Khan (A'll).

MANUCCI VISITS SHAH l ALAM 277

replied that I ought not to trouble myself about this ; I had
only to apply to him on the occurrence of any difficulty, and
without fail he would ensure me whatever satisfaction I could
desire. Laughing at the liberty I was taking, I told him that
I could no more rely on His Highness than on the rest, for
many times he had broken his promises. Then he brought
forward his heir, Sultan Mazudin (Mu'izz-ud-dln), 1 as security,
and added one hundred rupees a month to my former pay.
He ordered my pay to be disbursed for the whole time of my
absence from his court. In addition, he promised to maintain
four horses to carry my baggage and eight men to carry my
palanquin, with my food daily sent from his table.

After this we entered upon a conversation over the differences
with the viceroy. As I was obliged, in my capacity of envoy
from the viceroy, to take the part of the Portuguese gentlemen,
I said to His Highness that the viceroy could not on any
conditions allow the royal fleet to come through the river of
Goa, such being the orders of the King of Portugal. If His
Excellency disobeyed such orders, his head would be in great
danger.

Shah 'Alam persisted that at least the galliots already in
the river, behind the Fort of the Kings, should continue their
course. He assigned as reason that, other ships being allowed
to pass, they might just as well allow the said galliots to go
up, since they were already inside. I retorted that other ships
allowed to pass were merchantmen, as to which there was
no prohibition. But in respect of His Highness's ships and
those of other crowns, there was a rigorous [220] order not
to let them pass. If the viceroy in his letter to Aurangzeb
had promised a passage, that must be understood not of the
Goa River, but of the lands belonging to the Portuguese. He
did not decline to comply, but offered a passage through other
rivers. To show better to His Highness that the viceroy
maintained friendship with His Highness and with his father,

1 Mu'izz ud-din, afterwards Emperor under the title of Jahandar Shah, born
on May 10, 1661, N.S. ; executed on February 11, 1713, N.S. The objection is
quite in character, for Shah 'Alam was very profuse in promises, and never paid
anybody.

278 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

he would provide men to guide the vessels to any port His
Highness wished.

This proposal so much approved itself to Shah 'Alam that
he was willing to order the galliots already inside to go out
again. He sent with me people to carry this order to the
captain-general of the fleet ; and I left with him other men
to act as guides in conducting him by land to the mouth of
the river of Bardes.

To conclude the story, before giving me my leave, he sent
to me an exquisite sarapa (set of robes) and a horse. I was
made to promise that I would return to him next day at two
o'clock in the afternoon. I took with me the men carrying
to the captain-general of the fleet the orders to turn back and
proceed to meet the prince by way of the Bardes River.

I went to Goa and recounted to the viceroy what had
happened. He was considerably gratified at the way I had
arranged matters, and at deliverance from the peril he had been
in of losing the island. I urged him to give the ambassadors
their dismissal with the presents he meant to send to His
Highness. In the morning I did my very best to be sent off
early, in order to fulfil my promise to reach His Highness at
two o'clock in the afternoon. But His Excellency wanted me
to carry a letter to the prince, and kept me waiting longer than
was necessary. For this reason the prince, finding I did not
arrive at the appointed hour, ordered Bardes to be plundered,
and thereby force the viceroy to send me at once.

His Highness had ordered that as soon as ever they perceived
me approaching, they were to stop further plundering. The
sentries, who recognised me, shouted and ran about to make
the soldiers give over, but that did not help the poor wretches
already stripped bare. I reached the prince, and was well
received ; but I made somewhat of a remonstrance at the
irregularity of the soldiers plundering Bardes, when we were
friends. The prince smiled and said to me, ' It would have
been still worse for them if you had not appeared.' There we
halted for several days, until the supplies for the army had been
landed. It is impossible for me to detail the gifts I received
from all the court, and even from the princesses and sons of

SHAH 'ALAM MARCHES FROM GOA 279

Shah 'Alam. The latter was aware that I was serving him
reluctantly, and thus instigated these others to propitiate
me [221].

Flight of Akbar into Persia.

In this interval Akbar fled from Vingorla to Rajapur; 1 he
could not make his escape in the vessel he had prepared, for the
royal fleet had burnt it. At Rajapur, with the help of some
French merchants there, he acquired means of flight, and
reached Persia, where he was received in state by Xaasoliman
(Shah Sulaiman), 2 son of Shah 'Abbas. Great gifts were con-
ferred on him, but he was not permitted to leave the court.
There he dwelt till the death of that king. I shall have to speak
hereafter (II. 253) of how this prince once entered the Mogul
realm in the days of Xaa Houcem (Shah Husain), 2 son of the then
existing King of Persia, and caused a certain amount of appre-
hension.

When Aurangzeb knew that his son had reached Persia,
where he was favoured by King Sulaiman, who gave him daily
three hundred patacas* for expenses, he wrote a letter to the
following effect : ' I know from trustworthy reports that the
rebel Akbar is with you. Thus, at sight of this, forward him
to me in chains. If you do not act as I command you I will
chastise you severely, as I did Dara.' The wazlr, Asad Khan, 4
after having sealed the letter, laid it before the king, saying :
' Here is the letter, in conformity with your Majesty's com-
mands ; now you can nominate the person who is to take it ; as
for the answer, I know not who will bring it.' Thereby he
conveyed to the king that he who carried the letter would
be beheaded, and King Sulaiman would march in person against
India. On hearing this opinion, Aurangzeb said some evasive
words, but the letter in question was never dispatched.

We went to Vingorla, and the prince captured that place

1 For Rajapur, see ante; it is near Jinjirah.

2 Sulaiman, Safawi, succeeded in 1667, and was followed by Husain, 1694-
1722 (S. L. Poole, ' Mohammadan Dynasties,' 259).

3 Elsewhere the author tells us the pataca was equal to two rupees.

4 Muhammad Ibrahim, Qaramanlu, entitled Asaf-ud-daulah, Jamdat-ul-Mulk,
Asad Khan, became wazlr in 1086 H. (1675-76). He died in 1129 H. (1716-17),

280 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

easily, seeing that nearly everybody took to flight. The fleet
continued to accompany us. After a few days the Portuguese
ambassadors arrived ; they were Joao Antunes Portugal and
Manoel de Santo Pinto. They brought some showy presents,
and lengths of ornamented China cloth, some lovely branches
of coral, and six small pieces of artillery, with other objects, the
whole being worth a good amount.

They were well received, and sarapd (sets of robes) were ordered
for each of them, in addition to two thousand rupees. For the
viceroy there were given a caparisoned horse, a dagger mounted
with precious stones, a little bottle of essence of roses, and an
honourable formao (farman, or rescript ?) [222].

It should be noted here that at the presentation of these
ambassadors I did not act as interpreter, but some other
European. In reading out the conditions he succeeded in
doing a piece of bad work for the Portuguese. For in one
paragraph the viceroy desired Shah 'Alam either to give him
eight hundred horses, or permit him to buy them in the camp.
The European stated as the viceroy's proposal that, if the
prince gave him eight hundred horses he would consider
himself a subject. This was as much as to say that he would
place Goa in the prince's hands. When I heard this, I prayed
the royal scribe to stop writing, for the interpreter did not
understand the viceroy's proposal. All he said was, that being
in want of eight hundred horses to continue the campaign
against Sambha Jl, he asked for these eight hundred horses ;
and should His Highness decline to give them, he prayed leave
to buy them in his camp. The interpreter was angered, but I
judged it necessary on such an occasion to speak up, to defend
truth, and protect Goa from a pretext under cover of which
Aurangzeb would proceed to occupy that island.

In the evening of the same day I encountered Shekh Muham-
mad at the entrance of the prince's tents. He is the man
who had gone first as envoy from Aurangzeb to the viceroy
(ante, II. 204), and had promised Aurangzeb to make over Goa
to Shah 'Alam. He complained to me, telling me it was not
for me to intervene in the royal affairs, nor was it my business
to act as an agent for the Portuguese. In time we began to

MANUCCI MADE A KNIGHT OF SANT I AGO 281

raise our voices, so that the prince heard the altercation and
asked the cause, and who were the men making so much noise.
Then they told him how Hakim Niculao and Shekh Muhammad
were shouting at each other over the pending negotiations.
The prince, who did not want any violence, sent word to Shekh
Muhammad to go away and not open his mouth on such affairs.
As for me, he called me inside, reassured me, and gave me his
word that he would not touch the Portuguese. Of a certainty,
had he listened to Shekh Muhammad, he must have taken Goa,
for that man was very familiar with the ground, being a native
of those parts.

Manoel de Santo Pinto then returned to the viceroy, and
reported to him the above two affairs. On this account the
the viceroy sent me, through him, the proposition that I should
accept either the knighthood of Sant' Iago, or a village yielding
annually a thousand xerafins (ashraft). 1 I did not want to accept
one or the other, but Manoel de Santo Pinto pressed the
accepting of one of the offers [223], as it would affront the
viceroy if I refused. I therefore accepted the knighthood of
Sant' Iago, which he forthwith conferred on me, together with
the letters patent, in which are set forth the two particular
services aforesaid which I rendered to the crown of Portugal,
as may be seen from the following copy of that patent :

' Dom Pedro, by the Grace of God, Prince of Portugal and
of the Algarves, 2 on this and that side of the sea in Africa,
of Guinea, and of the conquered commercial navigation of
Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, et cetera; As regent and
successor, and ruler of the said realms and lordships, and
governor and perpetual administrator, as I am, of the Master-
ship and Knighthood of the three Military orders :

' Be it known to all beholding this Patent, that having regard
to the services done by Niculao Manuchy in our Indian

1 Yule, 974, says the xevafin is a silver coin current at Goa, in value somewhat
less than is. 6d. ; it varied from 300 to 360 reis of Portuguese money. But surely
Manucci uses it here for the gold ashrafi of Northern India, worth 10s. or us.
£75 a year would not be a reward to boast of ; one of over /500 a year
would be.

2 Algarve, the southernmost province of Portugal, said by Yule, 595, to be
from rjharb (Arabic), ' the west.'

282 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

dominions on various occasions arising in our service; by
translating the letters written by the Mogul King to the Count,
our viceroy in the said Dominions ; and by being present during
the conferences with his ambassador, Shekh Muhammad, upon
the matters under negotiation ; subsequently, upon the approach
of the prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, Shah 'Alam, eldest son
of the said king, with his army, to the vicinity of the said
Dominions, by accompanying the envoy that the said Count,
our viceroy, sent to the said Prince ; and by going more than
once to the said army on various matters of great importance
appertaining to the said Dominions. Wherein the said Niculao
Manuchy conducted himself with great fidelity and zeal in our
service ; from which we anticipate he will act in the same way
from now henceforth.

' For all these reasons he is worthy of every honour and
favour, and to prove to the said Prince the esteem in which
we hold his person ; We hold it expedient to make a grant to
the said Niculao Manuchi of the vestment of the order of Sao
Tiago which he can wear on his breast like a true knight, for
which he will be recognised, and respected as such, enjoying all
the honours and privileges thereto appertaining.

1 Wherefore I order that this patent now issued be made
over to him, that it be carried out and observed in its entirety,
as therein set forth, and that it be sealed with the seal bearing
the Royal Arms of the Crown of Portugal. Our Lord the
Prince issues it through Francisco de Tavora, Count of Alvor,
one of His Councillors of State, Viceroy and Captain-General
of India, Executed by the Custodian Souza Moreira in Goa
[224] the twenty and ninth of January of one thousand six
hundred and eighty-four.

* Ordered to be recorded.

1 The Secretary,
1 Luis Gonsalves Cota.

'Count of Alvor.
* luis gonsalves cota.'

MANUCCI ATTEMPTS TO LEAVE MOGULS 283

* Patent by which Your Highness is pleased to grant to
Niculao Manuchy the vestment of the Order of Sao Thiago,
to be borne on his breast as a true knight enjoying all the
honours and privileges pertaining thereto, as is above declared.

' Verified by Your Highness.

' Registered in the Book of Grants in the State Secretariat
on page twenty-nine. 1

1 Luis Gonsalves Cota.'

I Seek Means of Flight, but Fail.

I did not wish to continue in the service of Shah 'Alam, for I
did not feel happy living among Mahomedans. I saw that these
campaigns would not soon come to an end, and thus I should
be forced to wander here and there and everywhere with the
prince's camp. I took my measures for flight, as was my
intention. The first thing I did was to pray the ambassador
from the Portuguese to wait for me with his galliot (armed
boat). For when the prince started to march with his army
I meant to get back to Goa with him (the envoy). He gave
me his word that he would await me. Then I resolved to
return the two thousand rupees given me by Shah 'Alam to
enable me to march with the army. I did not want it said of
me that Hakim Niculao fled after having received two thousand
rupees. So I took them to Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln, Shah 'Alam's
heir, and asked him to consent to holding the said two thousand
rupees, as I had no place to put them. He ordered his eunuch
to take charge of them.

I waited until the prince had set out, and then I made off,

1 My friend Mr. J. Batalha-Reis, M.V.O., Portuguese Consul-General and
Commercial Attache in London, thinks this document is genuine. The three
military Orders of Sant' Iago, Christ, and Avis (or St. Benedict), were still in the
seventeenth century of high standing, and only given to nobles or for important
services. He thinks the document was actually made out in Goa by the Viceroy
acting for the King. From 1667 to 1683 King Alfonso VI. was held to be mad,
and his brother, Dom Pedro, was Regent. The King died on September 12,
1683, when the Regent became King as Pedro II. But this fact could only be
known in India some months later, and the wording of the Patent is thus
accounted for.

284 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

hoping to catch up the ambassador and his boat. But he had
gone off to feast himself in the Dutch factory, and thus the
attempt failed. When the prince knew of it, he fell into a
great rage at my attempted flight, and ordered his foster-
brother, Mir Muhammad, to whose charge he had committed
me, to go off in search of me, and not to come back to
his presence until he brought me with him. He sent an
order to the commander of the fleet to proceed in search
of me and carry me off by force or persuasion. For he
declared unconditionally that he meant to keep me in his
service.

But he knew I was no lover of violence, so he sent to the sea-
shore a caparisoned horse for me to ride, and an elephant,
along with five hundred horsemen to escort me. This was all
to do me great honour, but they were to seize me if they came
across me.

I was much affected when I did not find the ambassador in
the boat. While I was waiting for him, I felt happy at
having got away from the camp. Then the sentries re-
ported to us how a galliot belonging to the Mahomedans
was approaching. Putting my head to the window, I saw
that it was Mir Muhammad, and thereby my courage at once
evaporated.

He came aboard the envoy's boat, and earnestly entreated
me to save his life ; for the prince would never see him until
I went back to the camp and spoke with His Highness, who
was waiting for me. While we were still in talk, the sentry
said that all the Mahomedan army had come from Vingorla.
Thus I lost all hope of being able to flee, and, entering Mir
Muhammad's galliot, we went off to find the prince, who had
already gone four leagues farther off. The commander of the fleet
notified my arrival to the prince. But owing to the land route
being closed by the enemy, who were plundering in all directions,
thus causing great risk of the elephant's capture, which would
be a disgrace ; he ordered them to embark the horses and the
troopers told off to escort me, while the elephant was put
aboard some other vessel. Thus we all went to a port distant
two days from Vingorla, where the prince had gone to destroy

SHAH 'ALAM IN THE KONKAN 285

a temple known as the White Pagoda, or of the Virgins. 1 It
was sent into the air by gunpowder.

The prince was pleased and happy at my return. Remon-
strating lovingly with me, he said he did not know what was to
happen to me. For he saw that I had no love for him or for
his family. Other Farangls would adopt any and every method
to find a prince who had for them a mere fraction of the interest
he displayed in me. I replied that I fully admitted the love
with which His Highness was pleased to favour me ; but my
expenses were heavy, nor did I deserve less pay than that given
to the other physicians. Thus I could not continue to serve
him. Besides this, his ministers and the officials made me wait
a very long time for the little His Highness gave me. In this
way while in his service I was expending my patrimony with-
out benefit and with nothing but distress.

Before putting faith in this speech of mine, it is necessary
for the reader to know my temperament, and he should in
addition know the wonderful cures I had effected among the
Mahomedans. Well might I talk thus, for I neither sought
for, nor was I in need of, the prince's pay, and thoroughly con-
tent should I have been had he grown angry and said, ' Be off
with you !' But he, instead of getting angry and expelling me,
ordered, in my hearing, a guard of horse and foot to be put
upon me, as he did not want me to escape again. Seeing thus
how determined he was, I said I could not follow him, not

1 I have failed to trace this place, but I think that probably it is identical with
the ' Pagode ' marked on the Sieur Sanson's Map of India (1652), of which a
tracing has kindly been sent me by Mr. W. Foster, of the India Office ; it can
also be seen in Baffin's Map of 1619, in Mr. Foster's ' Sir Thomas Roe,' vol. ii. It
is placed between Kharepatan on the north and Banda on the south, both of which
can be seen on Plate XXXIV. in Constable's ' Hand Atlas.' An alternative, and
perhaps preferable, suggestion is made by Dr. O. Codrington. He thinks the
place intended must be Malwan (including the Mahrattah fort of Sindhudrug),
on the coast, some fifteen to twenty miles to the north of Vingorla. As it was a
Mahrattah possession, and much reverenced by them, Sindhudrug was the sort
of place the Mahomedan invader would endeavour to destroy. The White
Pagoda may have stood near Malwan, where there are still Hindu temples of
note (see 'Bombay Gazetteer,' x. 348, Ratnagirl District). On the map in
Baldoeus' ' Coromandel ' (first published in 1672), ' Pagoda ' is shown opposite a
creek, between Wingerla (Vingorla) on the south and Coropatan (Kharepatan) on
the north (see Churchill, ' Voyages,' ed. 1745, vol. iii.).

286 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

having the necessary equipment ; all my baggage was in Goa.
On this account I prayed leave to visit Goa to fetch my things,
and bid farewell to my relations. I pledged my word to come
back within the term of seven days.

He was reluctant to give me this leave, but in the end said
he would grant it if I swore to come back again. I swore after
the manner of Hindustan — that is, by the feet of His Highness
— I would appear again. But he refused this oath, and called
upon me to swear by the name of the Messiah, and that then
he would place faith in my words and permit me to quit the
royal camp. Finding he required this of me, I swore by the
terrible, venerable, and admirable name of Jesus that I would
be faithful to my promise. Then he granted me the leave, and
conferred on me another set of robes (sardpa).

Though thus obliged to abandon Goa, which I had wished to
serve to the utmost of my power, I resolved to seize the occasion
for alleviating the great necessity from which it was then suffer-
ing. There was a famine from want of [227] supplies, especially
of wheat, of which there was none in Goa, not even enough
to prepare the host. I asked the prince to let me have a cargo
of wheat, his army being fully supplied. It was to be delivered
at Goa on the account of the merchants, for I wished to confer
this benefit on my intimates by way of a parting gift. My peti-
tion was acceded to, and embarking on the same vessel, I went
to Goa, where the Portuguese were much pleased at the benefit
I had gained for them from the prince, and the merchants
acquired their profit. After two days I took leave of the viceroy
and my friends, and returned to the royal camp, where the prince
awaited me with great eagerness.

When I arrived I learnt that the prince was already prepared
for the march, having completed the destruction of the White
Pagoda and other edifices belonging to Sambha Jl. We took
the road for Bardes once more, halting on the bank of that
river. Shah 'Alam had given orders that everyone caught
entering or leaving the camp at night should be beheaded with-
out fail. This was to frighten the spies and hinder them from
coming to pry about in the camp. It happened that they caught
among others some Canarese who had come from Goa to sell fruit

A DISASTROUS MARCH THROUGH THE GHATS 287

butter, et cetera, in the camp. Already they were on their way,
early in the morning, to be beheaded, when my servants, hearing
of this, informed me of the miserable plight of these Canarese.
I therefore hurried to the prince, who was already on the march,
and besought him for an order to release my people, who had
carried me from Goa. He smiled and directed the release of
the men for whom I had petitioned. Thus some men were
released whom I had recognised to be Christians.

After this we marched and climbed a mountain called Ramgat
(? Ramghat), 1 a league and a half of ascent. Here Sambha Ji
might have killed the whole of us, for it was a place difficult to
climb, with narrow paths passing through jungle and thorny
scrub. But he did not choose to attempt it, and they said he
was acting in collusion with Shah 'Alam.

But what Sambha Ji did not do by attacking us, God carried
out by the pestilence which raged in the army with such violence
that in seven days of its prevalence everyone died who was
attacked — that is, about one-third of the army. Of this disease
there died every day five hundred men ; nor was the mortality
confined to men only — it extended to horses, elephants, and
camels. This made the air pestilential [228], and it being a
confined route, supplies also failed, and this was like encountering
another enemy. For although, as I said, wheat was abundant,
from this time there were no animals to carry it. Thus the
soldiers had more than enough to undergo. Many of those whose
horses died had no money to buy others, nor was there anyone
in the camp ready to sell. They were thus forced to march on
foot, and many died of the great heat and thirst they under-
went.

Having reached the top of this pass, we marched for the

1 Grant-Duff, 145, calls the pass the Ambah-ghat, and states that, after it had
been ascended, Shah 'Alam cantoned his army for the rains at Walwa (in Satarah,
lat. 16 28', long. 74 15'). He mentions (p. 148) the pestilence, and also the
cavalry being reduced to marching on foot. Khafi Khan, ii. 291, speaks of
Ram-darrah (pass), and the difficulties of the march. Dr. Codrington informs
me that Ramghat is a pass in the Western Ghauts, south of the Amba-ghat,
in 15 52' N., 74 4' E. Making for the Ramghat from Vingorla, it would be
necessary, in order to avoid the mountains, to march south as far as the Chapora
or Convalle River, the northern limit of Bardes. It is up the valley of this river
that the route to Ramghat lies, as may be seen from the Indian Atlas sheet.

288 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

kingdom of Bljapur. Several times we were watched on the
march by the enemy, who, whenever occasion served, spared
neither our baggage nor ourselves, plundering in all directions.
Finally, we arrived at Aamadanaguer (Ahmadnagar), 1 where,
as I stated in the First Part of my History (I. 75), Chand Bibl
caused golden and silver balls to be fired from her cannon, with
an inscription that the ball should belong to the finder. Here
we met the army of Aurangzeb, who was waiting for the rainy
season to pass before venturing farther into the kingdoms of
Bljapur and Gulkandah. During these marches and halts,
it was observed that in the morning there were on the tents
various scarlet imprints of hands. Everyone was in astonish-
ment; we could never discover the signification of these imprints,
unless it could be judged to be some witchcraft. For no one
could climb so high as to make these hand-prints on the royal
tents.

On the conclusion of the rainy season the whole army removed
to Sholapur. 2 On reaching the outskirts of that place, which
had already been taken by Aurangzeb from the King of Bljapur,
the king ordered Shah 'Alam to proceed with Bahadur Khan to
invade Gulkandah 3 as a punishment for having allied itself to the
King of Bijapur. Setting out on our march, we reached Malquer
(Malkher) 4 on the frontier of Gulkandah. There we found
Mahamed Ebraim (Muhammad Ibrahim), 5 a Persian, who had
risen from oilman to the dignity of chief minister at Gulkandah.

1 The arrival of Shah 'Alam at Ahmadnagar took place on the 13th Jamada II ,
1095 H. (May 29, 1684) (' M.-i-'A.,' 244).

2 Aurangzeb left Ahmadnagar for Sholapur on the 2nd Jamada II., 1096 H.
twenty-eighth year (May 7, 1685); he reached Sholapur on June 4, 1685
('M.-i.'A,'258, 259).

3 Shah 'Alam was detached against Haidarabad on the 6th Sha'ban, twenty -
eighth year, 1096 H. (July 9, 1685) (' Ma.agir-i-'Alamgiri,' 260).

4 Malkher (Thornton, 644, Mulkair), a town on the Bhima, eighty-six miles west
of Haidarabad, lat. 17 io', long. 77 19'.

6 For Muhammad Ibrahim, holding the Qutb-Shahi title of Khalilullah Khan,
see ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 627, under his 'Alamgiri title of Mahabat Khan. He
is mentioned again by N. M. in connection with Governor Gyfford's letter to
'Alamglr, sent through N. M. (see Part III., fol. 154). His portrait forms one of
our illustrations (No. 38). There is an engraved portrait of him in D. Havart,
' Op en Ondergang van Coromandel,' 1693, part ii., 226, under which he has
inscribed the words from Seneca : ' Ingrato terra nihil pejus alit.'

XX. Sultan 'Azim-ud-din, Second Son of Shah 'alam.

Vol. II.

To face page 288.

MANUCCI'S FLIGHT TO GULKANDAH 289

To the lucky fortune of the famous Mir Jumlah he united the
same treasonable practices, for he subsequently betrayed his
king, as by reading farther will be seen (II. 231). To start
with, he did not fail, however, in proving himself a valiant
soldier, planting from time to time one on our ribs. Neverthe-
less, it was revealed by his style of fighting that he did not mean
to exert all his force, for he could have punished us much more
than he did [229].

Once more I take Flight and go to Gulkandah.

As I was already dissatisfied with all this marching, I con-
tinued to reflect on modes of retiring to Europe, there to
enjoy the much or little that I had fairly earned by my labours.
I therefore asked Shah 'Alam for leave to visit Surat on some
business I had there. But as he knew by experience that my
determination was to proceed still farther, he ordered his slaves
to watch carefully that I did not take to flight. He refused to
give any other answer.

Seeing him to be thus positive, I adopted another plan, which
was to write to Muhammad Ibrahim begging him to assist me
in my escape. He wrote that he would most willingly do so.
To this end he sent daily four thousand horse to patrol, as if
they meant to make an attempt upon us ; and this caused some
anxiety to Shah 'Alam. This went on for several days, until
the day fixed for my escape arrived. I sent my books out of
the camp by the hands of my spies, who moved about in safety.
Then contenting myself with carrying off my hoard of gold
coins and my case of instruments, I left my tent mounted on a
horse followed by a palanquin, as if I were going out to take
the air. I halted at the tent of one of my friends, an English-
man named Thomas Gudlet, 1 and there I drank a cup or two,
so as to mystify Shah 'Alam's spies. Then on the pretext that
at night I had to give a dinner to some friends, I sent the spies
to procure various dishes of food, some to one place, some to

1 This must be Thomas Goodlad, who found his way to Gulkandah, and is
mentioned in the letters of Governor Gyfford sent through N. M. He is
spoken of elsewhere as a renegade, and probably belonged to the family referred
to in Sir R. C. Temple's note (1), p. go, ' Bowrey,' Hakluyt Society (1905).
VOL. II. ig

290 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

another. I also ordered my palanquin to be taken away, as
I intended to ride home that evening.

When I found myself free of these spies, I sent out two
faithful servants to wait for me in a village across the river, near
which were posted the four thousand horsemen of Muhammad
Ibrahim. On arriving they were to display a small white flag
as a signal that the horsemen were there, and that I might come
safely. As soon as I got this warning, I rode out on my horse as
if taking the air, but, in truth, I was on my way to escape.
When I reached the river I moved most leisurely, as if I only
meant to give my horse a drink.

When the sentries saw I was crossing the river they began to
shout and warn the horsemen that I was clearing out. But
they were too late to catch me, for giving my steed the rein, I
moved off in fine style. The horsemen of Shah 'Alam pursued
me, describing a half-circle in the hope [230] of surrounding
me. But Muhammad Ibrahim's troopers at once rode up,
lance in rest, and put Shah 'Alam's horsemen to flight. Thus
delivered, I reached the village, and from the village the army,
where I gave thanks to Muhammad Ibrahim for the favour he
had done me.

Nor must I omit to mention how some Christians in the
service of the Gulkandah king, aware that I was seeking to
escape from Shah 'Alam, came out to meet me and escort me,
so as to take my side in case any of the Gulkandah troops
attempted to interfere with me. Hardly had I reached the
presence of Muhammad Ibrahim, when one of Shah 'Alam's
spies also turned up. He delivered letters to the general, and
informed him in private that I was much valued by Shah
'Alam, who would take it very ill should he assist a person that
the prince had sent after several times, and had put sentries
over to prevent his escape.

The spy left, and also the other persons present, and I was
aione with Muhammad Ibrahim. He already regretted having
helped me in my flight, and as he had been planning to desert to
the prince's side, he feared being badly treated by His Highness.
This was why, after having congratulated me on my escape, he
prayed me to remain with him a few days; he said he felt

HIS FORTUNES AT GULKANDAH 291

unwell, and wanted to purge himself. I quite understood the
design of Muhammad Ibrahim ; he meant to make me over
once more to Shah 'Alam. Placing my hand on my dagger, I
said to him that if he did not give me leave to go on to Gulkan-
dah, I should without fail rip open my bowels in his presence,
and would rather die than go back to the service of the prince,
Shah 'Alam.

He became alarmed at finding me thus resolute, and, retiring
inside, told me to wait a little. He wrote me a passport for
Gulkandah, and coming out again handed it to me, telling me
privately to make all the haste I could. As this was all I was
waiting for, I jumped on my horse at once, and travelled for
three days, until I arrived at Gulkandah. There I repaired
to the house of a friend, Monsieur Francisco Guety, and he
conducted me to the mansion of Xarif Elmulq (Sharif-ul-mulk), 1
brother-in-law of the Gulkandah king. He held several con-
versations with me ; and the king's sister suffering from
palpitation of the heart, I was able to alleviate her complaint
a great deal. In this way I began to be talked about in
Gulkandah [231].

Thus the king heard of my arrival. As his European
physician, a Frenchman named Monsieur Destremon, was
dead, the king sent for me to his presence. There, after some
conversation, he directed me to go and bleed a woman in his
harem, much cherished by him because she knew where the
treasures of the King of Gulkandah, Cotobxa (Qutb Shah),
were concealed. She was a Georgian, and so extremely stout,
and the fat covered the veins so much, that blood could not be
drawn from her except from the capillary veins. Her arms
were covered with lancet marks. I felt for the vein, and after
fixing the bandage, I took a measure twice the size I used
for others ; and I reached the vein with such dexterity that the
blood gushed out with great force. Everyone was in admira-

1 For his biography, see ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 688. He, with his two sons,
surrendered to Shah 'Alam, and was sent to Aurangzeb at Sholapur. He died
on the 4th Sha'ban, 1098 H. (June 15, 1687). Monsieur Guety is probably
identical with the French merchant of that name who was living at San Thome
in 1704-06, and is mentioned several times in Part V.

i g — 2

292 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

tion at seeing a thing that had never happened with this woman
before.

The king himself, who was standing behind looking on,
became desirous of being bled also. But though they made
me wait for that day, in the end he would not have it done.
It may be that someone had frightened him that I might be an
emissary from Shah 'Alam and Aurangzeb, sent to bleed him in
such a way that he would never want to be bled again. In
place of having himself bled, he made over to me for treatment
one of his nephews who had an ulcerated leg, and for this
purpose he presented to me seven hundred rupees for my
expenses.

Shah 'Alam takes Gulkandah.

But whilst I was treating the king's nephew, Muhammad
Ibrahim had deserted to Shah 'Alam's side. 1 The Gulkandah
forces being left without a head, Shah 'Alam seized the occasion,
and fell at once on the enemy's army. The soldiers of Gulkan-
dah fled in all directions in great confusion. During the fighting
the second in command, called Rustam Rao, 2 who had declined
to go over to Shah 'Alam, was wounded. When the army
had been defeated, Shah 'Alam advanced with rapidity against
Gulkandah.

As soon as a report of this defeat reached that city, the king
retired into the fortress, 3 carrying with him his friends and
ministers, Madana and Ancana (Madana and Akana), 4 who
were Hindus, Brahmans, hateful to the Mahomedans. The
populace, setting fire to the houses of those Brahmans, fled

1 On the nth Zu,l Ilijjah, twenty-ninth year, 1096 H. (November 9, 1685),
Muhammad Ibrahim, head of the Gulkandah army, received from Aurangzeb,
on Shah 'Alam's recommendation, the rank of 6,000, 6,000 horse, with the title
of Mahabat Khan (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 269).

2 Rustam Rao, uncle's son of Madana Brahman, chief minister of Gulkandah
(' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 630).

3 On the last day of Zu.l Qa'dah, twenty-ninth year, 1096 H. (October 29, 1685),
a report was received from Shah 'Alam that Abu,] Hasan had retreated into
the fortress, and that Ibrahim, his general, had come into the Mogul camp
(' M.-i-'A.,' 267).

4 See Khafi Khan, ii. 292; Elliot and Dowson, vii. 315. In the ' Ma,asir-ul-
Umara,' iii. 628, the second name is spelt ' IkanaV

FIRST CONQUEST OF GULKANDAH, 1685 293

from the city and scattered themselves. Without loss of time
I mounted my horse, and [232] rode until I reached Mussula-
patao (Machhlipatanam). I evaded seizure by the three
hundred troopers sent after me by Shah 'Alam for my arrest.
After a halt there of two days I came to Narsapur, 1 where,
considering myself secure, I enjoyed myself with the English
and Dutch. Here I remained until the king sent for me once
more; but let us retrace our steps, and speak of Shah 'Alam's
doings in Gulkandah.

It is quite certain that Shah 'Alam is of a generous nature,
and of such a good temperament that he is disinclined to harm-
ing anyone. If he took any action, it was under the orders of
Aurangzeb, who, by letter after letter, forced him to act.
It was due to this good nature that he had done neither to the
Portuguese nor to the Shiva Jl (i.e., Sambha Ji) all the harm he
could have done, and did not behave to Gulkandah with
warlike rigour ; for he ordered his captains and generals to do
no harm to that city (Haidarabad). Thus the soldiers went
about the city without plundering it, and killed no one but a
faqlr, who, being of the Persian religion, was killed by some
Uzbaks, who hate the followers of 'All. 2

The king [Abu,l Hasan], finding himself in this great
difficulty, secured Shah 'Alam himself as mediator with
Aurangzeb for making a peace. The prince wrote to his
father that it would require a long delay to take the fortress
(Gulkandah). Therefore, if His Majesty would content himself
with things as they were, it might seem to him well to make
peace with the Gulkandah king. For the fault had not been his,
but that of his ministers ; and he (Shah 'Alam) would arrange
that the king should give every satisfaction that His Majesty
could desire.

Aurangzeb wrote to his son that he required the death of the

1 Narsapur, a town now in the British district of Rajahmundry, presidency
of Madras, forty-eight miles south of Rajahmundry, lat. 16 20', long. 8i° 47'
(Thornton, 685). Masulipatam lies on the same coast, lat. 16 10', long. 8i° 13'
(ibid., 605).

2 The report of the capture of the city of Haidarabad was received by
Aurangzeb on the last day of Zu.l Qa'dah, 1096 H. (October 31, 1685)
(' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' 267), but the chronogram on p. 268 assigns it to 1097 H.

294 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

Brahmans, a large sum in money, jewels, elephants, and war
materials, with a promise to give no more aid to Bijapur. On
receipt of this reply, Shah 'Alam opened negotiations with
the King of Gulkandah. The latter continued to live in
the fortress like a prisoner ; and the first thing he did was to kill
the Brahmans and fling them down from the fortress walls. 1
The King of Gulkandah conceded everything that Shah 'Alam
asked for, and the latter gave his word that Aurangzeb, his
father, would not break the peace. Thus did the poor King of
Gulkandah become a petty prince. He attempted no farther
to turn himself into a valiant warrior, but passed his time
continuously in feasting among musicians and dancers. When
matters had been arranged, Shah 'Alam retired into the province
[233] of Cohir (Kohlr), 2 a distance of twenty leagues from
Gulkandah, keeping in correspondence with this king, with
whom he left an ambassador.

I go to Gulkandah, and flee once more as far as

Madras.

While Shah 'Alam was halted in that province (Kohlr)
waiting for the receipt of the treasure, elephants, jewels, and
war materials, in accordance with the treaty, he requested the
king to have a search made for me and send me to him, as
he wanted me. Horsemen were sent by the king to fetch me,
with orders to the governors that if I refused to come willingly
I was to be sent by force. The soldiers came upon me in
Narsapur, and showed me the royal farman, whereby the king
recalled me to court on the pretext of continuing the treatment
of his nephew. He promised me that whenever I wanted my
liberty it should be given without difficulty.

1 The head of Madana Brahman was sent in by Abu.l Hasan on the
1st Jamada. I. (March 26, 1686) (' M.-i-'A.,' 272). One of our illustrations is a
portrait of Madana. D. Havart (pp. 219, 220, 224) has portraits of Madana
(Siiraj Parkash) and Akana, also a fancy picture of their naked bodies being
dragged through the streets.

8 Kohlr, a place forty-eight to fifty miles west of Gulkandah (see the map in
S. H. Bilgrami and C. Willmott's 'Historical and Descriptive Sketch of the
Nizam s Dominions,' 2 vols., Bombay, 1884). Shah 'Alam returned to court at
Sholapur on June 27, 1686 (25th Rajab) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 274).

MANUCCI MAKES FOR NARSAPUR 295

I could see quite well that there was no escape from going,
for they would carry me off to the court whether I liked it
or not. I therefore dissembled, and made display of goodwill
and a desire to be of service to His Majesty. I mounted my
horse and went with them, in all pomp and magnificence, until
we got to Gulkandah. When I appeared to make my obeisance
to the king, he declared himself pleased at my coming. Urgently
I begged him, as I had come under protection of his word,
not to deliver me into the hands of Shah 'Alam. By this he
was somewhat disconcerted, and fixed my pay at seven hundred
rupees a month. But I declared that I would not accept pay,
that I meant to serve him for nothing. Nevertheless he sent
seven hundred rupees to my abode, and while I was with him
he ordered a set of robes to be conferred on me. He gave a
private order to post a hundred horsemen in the street where
I was staying to prevent anyone interfering with me.

For the envoy of Shah 'Alam, called Momencan (Mumin
Khan), 1 sought an opening for carrying me off to the prince.
In addition to the guard of horsemen, Abu,l Hasan gave me
over in charge to his dlwan, who was responsible for my
personal safety. I began the treatment of his nephew once
more, and remained two months in Gulkandah, by which time
the patient had recovered. But I was obliged to seek safety
in a secret flight. For the ambassador [234] of Shah 'Alam,
when he was taking leave, once more tried to induce the king
to make me over into his hands. He (the king) replied that
if at his departure he carried me away with him, no one would
come forward to defend me. For this purpose he ordered the
withdrawal of the hundred horsemen placed as sentries to
prevent interference with me.

This conversation was heard by one of the said ambassador's
soldiers, who years before had come under an obligation to
me for treating him in an illness, and he hurried to warn me
of the ambassador's intentions. The information reached me
when I was at cards, and suppressing my tribulation, I went
on for a time with the game. I then went out and betook

1 A Mu.min Khiln is mentioned on p. 275 of the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamglri,' year
1097 H. (1686), as being then in the service of Shah 'Alam.

296 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

myself to the house of the Dutch envoy, who was then Lourenco
Pit, 1 and begged his assistance in this delicate situation. After
that I sent for the Father Vicar of Gulkandah, named Frey Fran-
cisco, of the order of St. Augustin, and most urgently entreated
him to see Rustam Rao and procure leave to remove to Mach-
hlipatanam a brother of his called Augustinho, who had fallen ill.
I furnished him with this name so that, if asked for his
invalid brother's name, he should be in no perplexity, and
thereby avoid suspicion of there being some deceit. The
arrangement succeeded perfectly, for the permit was obtained.
I got into a palanquin and feigned to be unwell ; and praise
be to God ! the spies never discovered me. Thus did I make
my journey without the envoy of Shah 'Alam being aware of
my departure. I went on until I arrived at Madrasta (Madras)
or Fort St. George, which belongs to the English, and there
I was free of all danger. My escape from Gulkandah was
the cause of some discomfort to the king, for Shah 'Alam made
great complaint of his want of energy in arresting me; but
he knew quite well that by that time I was no longer in
Gulkandah. Still, he made various searches, and in the end
sent Rustam Rao as a prisoner into the fortress because he had
issued the permit for my departure. The prisoner was forced
to pay fifty thousand rupees, which were forwarded to Shah
'Alam as a present to procure pardon for the fault of the king's
officer [235].

My Arrival in Madras and Marriage.

On my arrival in Madras the Portuguese gentlemen, who
knew the zeal with which I had worked for their nation at Goa,
came to see me. They congratulated me on my arrival, and

1 This is Laurens Pit the younger, who was Dutch chief— first at Palicat, near
Madras, and then at Negapatam — in 1688-1693. He captured Pondicherry from
the French in the latter year. He was sent up to Gulkandah in 1686 (see Dubois,
* Vies des Gouverneurs Generaux,' p. 246). The ' Sieur Pite (or Pitre) of Bremen,'
met at Palicat in 1652 by Tavernier (Ball's edition, i. 268), must be the father,
who was also a Dutch Company's official. There is a full account of L. Pit
the younger's embassy to Gulkandah in D. Havart, ' Op en Ondergang van
Coromandel,' 1693, part ii., 154-164. There are also plates of his entry in state
on March 26, and of his audience with King Abu.l Ilasan on April 3, 1686. He
left Gulkandah on June 4.

REACHES MADRAS AND MARRIES, 1686 297

offered their services in whatever way would be of use to me.
Such help they would give most willingly. But I was all
anxiety to see Senhor Francisco Martim (Francois Martin), 1
Director- General of the Royal Company of France, who had
come back to Pudichery (Pondicherry) from Surat. I got into
a palanquin and went off to visit him, where I was well received
and well entertained for several days. He gave me the advice
not to return to Europe, but to marry in India. He informed me
of a lady born in India, but of good English Catholic parents.
She lived in Madrastapatao (Madras), and her name was Sen-
hora Ilizabet Ihardili (? Elizabeth Hartley), legitimate daughter
of Mestre (Mr.) Christovao Ihardili (? Christopher Hartley),
president of Machhllpatanam, and of Donna Aguida Pereyra, a
Portuguese lady. At that time the lady Ilizabet Ihardili was the
widow of Mr. Thomas Klark (Clarke), an English Catholic ;
he was a judge, and second at the station of Madras. 2

This is what I was told by Monsieur the General, confirmed
by some Capuchin friars, and thus I began to relinquish the
idea of going back to Europe. For, as they told me, having
become accustomed to the climate and the food of India, and
being already advanced in age, I should not last very long in
Europe. Thus I quitted Pondicherry and returned to Madras,
meaning to find out the intentions of the said lady. There I
arrived at the end of June in one thousand six hundred and
eighty-six ; and I talked with the well-known fathers Zenao
(Zenon) and Ephrem Ephraim), 3 Capuchins, and apostolic

1 Francois Martin (born at Paris, 1634 > died at Pondicherry December, 1706)
had come back from Surat in this year (1686). He reached Pondicherry on
May 20 (MS. ' Memoires de Francois Martin, 1664-1694,' fol. 401, Archives
Nationales, Paris, Serie T,* 1169).

2 'Fort St. George,' by Mrs. Frank Penny, pp. 13, 191. Thomas Clarke,
junior, died October 6, 1683. His tombstone has a Latin inscription, and a
coat of arms with crest. He was interpreter to the Company, and his father had
been chief at Machhllpatanam.

3 Father Zenon, Capuchin, a native of Bauge, near Angers, went to Madras
in 1642 with Father Ephraim, of Nevers. Zenon is mentioned several times by
Tavernier, edition Ball, i. 209, 224, 225-233, 269. He was also De la Boullaye le
Gouz's travelling companion on his first visit to India. Le Gouz was also from
Bauge. Ephraim's appointment as Catholic chaplain in Madras, dated June 8,
1642, is set forth in Father Norbert's 'Memoires Utiles et Necessaires . . .'
(Lucca, 1742), p. 95.

298 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

missionaries in Madras, otherwise Fort St. George. They were
aware of the virtues and sound doctrine of the said lady, and they
gave me such a good report of her qualities and virtues that
I decided to marry. By the favour of God I was married on
St. Simon's and St. Jude's Day of that same year (1686) - 1

I had a son, but God chose rather to make him an angel in
Paradise than leave him to suffer in this world. In this way I
was fixed to a residence in the said Fort St. George, where
came many that knew me, or heard speak of me, in order to be
treated. Among those who came was Rajah Champat, 2 son of
Champat, Bundelah, who, as stated [236] in the First Part of my
History (I. 186), was sacrificed by Aurangzeb as a foundation
for his victories, in reward for having found him a route in his
combat with Dara.

Nor did Shah 'Alam fail to send in search of me in several
directions, while the princess sent one who had formerly been
my servant to seek me in Madras. She gave him as a present
a dagger, which he sold to one of my friends for eight hundred
patacas (Rs. 1,600). This she did only through her desire to
know where I was, so that she might send to fetch me.

All my acquaintances know that very few months passed
without gifts coming from the Mogul grandees, who gave me
many presents, and sent to me patients of title and many
others. Experience was my great teacher, whereby I had
acquired several secrets, in which, it may be, I shall allow the
world to participate, for I have no heir to whom to bequeath
these treasures that preserve our bodily health. But among
the others I may as well mention that I manufactured certain
cordials regardless of expense, the same being wonderful in
certain complaints, as many can testify. Yet it is only a short
time ago that I began to distribute these cordials, for I have
no wish to imitate those who, keener for others' gold than the
health of their fellow-men, make up mixtures of various things
and sell them as cordials. I did not begin to sell mine until

1 St. Simon's and St. Jude's Day is October 28.

2 The correct name is Dalpat Rao, Rajah of Datiya in Bundelkhand (see
Part III., f. 198, under year 1690). He was not the son of Champat, but of
Subhkaran. Bundelah.

BIJAPUR CONQUERED, 1686 299

experience had taught me that the purchasers would not be
cheated. My residence in Madras will offer no prejudice to
the continuation of my History, for, besides the spies I em-
ployed, the nobles were pleased to forward me news of what
took place in the camp.

Capture of Bijapur and Imprisonment of the King.

It is now time for us to begin talking of the war with
Bijapur. Aurangzeb, finding that he could not come easily to
a settlement with Bijapur, made for that reason a peace with
Gulkandah. He then went with his whole army to the con-
quest of a kingdom which he had already pillaged, taking from
it little by little, as I have said (II. 174), strong places,
revenues, and materiel of war. Thus Secander (Sikandar), a
youth of fifteen, 1 the last King of Bijapur, was forced to seek
shelter in the fortress there with not more than twelve thousand
soldiers. Aurangzeb appeared before it with his whole army
[237], and, encircling the city, forced it to surrender when all
provisions had been exhausted.

It was his misfortune that Xaabudican (Shahab-ud-din Khan), 2
Aurangzeb' s general, of whom I shall have to speak again
(II. 239, 240), seized the supplies of coin and provisions which
were on their way from Shah 'Alam's trenches to the fortress.
For this prince was not pleased at the King of Bijapur losing
his liberty and his kingdom. But when Aurangzeb heard of
this attempt he drew his lines still closer, and thus Sikandar in
one thousand six hundred and eighty-six delivered himself up
to Aurangzeb, who kept him captive in his camp. This con-
cession was made because he was still only a boy, and of the
same religion as himself.

With this event came to an end the Kings of Bijapur, but it

1 Compare Fryer, 'Account of India,' edition of 1873, p. 406, where he says
Sikandar was scarce ten (in 1675).

2 This must be Mir Shahab-ud-din (1649-1710), whose first title was Shahab-
ud-din Khan. Afterwards, on the 15th Muharram, 1095 H. (January 2, 1684),
he was made Ghazi-ud-din Khan. He was the father of Nizam-ul-Mulk, Asaf
Jah, of Ilaidarabad (died 1748). The incident as to the seizure of supplies sent
to Bijapur by Shah 'Alam is historical (see Yahya Khan's ' Tazkirat-ul-Muluk ').

300 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

must be noted that Sikandar was not of the ancient royal
family, 1 for his father was no son of the king, only a servant of
the queen's. When she became a widow, the king having left
no sons she made this servant of hers king, so that she might
have liberty to move about as she pleased. Four times did her
devotion take her to Mecca, and here happened what may not
secure the belief of readers, but it is very certain that it
occurred as I state it.

When she arrived the first time at Mecca and requested to
be admitted, they refused permission as she was a widow ; for
no one may enter who is not married. 2 In order that those
not married may marry, there stand at the gates old men and
old women, boys and girls, ready to marry the unmarried.
But the queen declined to marry in this way, there being no
one there of her rank. After a good deal of talk to the holy
men, they invented a remedy by making a ridiculous marriage,
taking a nice little sum as bribe for doing it. They married
her (who will believe it ?) to a cock, which she carried in her
arms to the tomb of Muhammad. In this way she was able to
pay her devotions, leaving the judicious to laugh at and wonder
over the foolishness and madness of those holy men. They
displayed this subtlety and power of refining in the interpreta-
tion of their books simply on hearing the rattling of patacas and
rupees. For it being stated in their books of ceremonial that
no one can enter the sepulchre of Muhammad without being

1 Bijapur was taken on the 30th Zu,l Qa'dah of the thirtieth year (October 18,
1686) (' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' p. 279). ' Said-i-Sikandar girift ' is a chronogram
for it. Sikandar 'Adil Shah, son of 'Ali 'Adil Shah, son of Sultan Muhammad
'Adil Shah, the ninth and last Sovereign of Bijapur, after a lapse of fifteen (lunar)
years from his deposition, died in Aurangzeb's camp in 11 12 H. (June 17, 1700, to
June 7, 1701) (' Tarikh-i- Muhammad! ').

a As to any such law or rule, there is no evidence. Through the kindness of
Mr. G. P. Devey, H.B.M.'s Consul at Jeddah, I have been favoured with a
valuable note by the Vice-Consul, Dr. S. M. Ilusain. The story must have been
invented out of two facts : (1) That a woman on pilgrimage must have a mahram,
or guardian, a father, brother, husband, son, or some relation within the
prohibited degrees; (2) that the habit of divorce is much more frequent at
Mecca than elsewhere in Islam. The first point is borne out by Hadji Khan,
M.R.A.S., 'With the Pilgrims to Mecca,' 1905, pp. 32, 94, and the second can
be gathered from Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje's ' Bilder aus Mekka, ' 4to. , Leiden,
1880.

AURANGZEB ADVANCES AGAINST GULKANDAH 301

married, they got hold of this grand and famous device of a
marriage with a cock ! [Here a coarse, abusive sentence is
omitted.]

The campaigns against Bljapur began from one thousand
six hundred and seventy, and [238] lasted until this year
(? 1686). At the commencement of the war, when the men of
Bljapur caught any unhappy persons belonging to the Moguls
who had gone out to cut grass or collect straw or do some other
service, they did not kill them but cut off their noses. Thus
they came back into the camp all bleeding. The surgeons
belonging to the country cut the skin of the forehead above
the eyebrows, and made it fall down over the wounds on the
nose. Then, giving it a twist so that the live flesh might meet
the other live surface, by healing applications they fashioned
for them other imperfect noses. There is left above, between
the eyebrows, a small hole, caused by the twist given to the
skin to bring the two live surfaces together. In a short time
the wounds heal up, some obstacle being placed beneath to
allow of respiration. I saw many persons with such noses, and
they were not so disfigured as they would have been without
any nose at all, but they bore between their eyebrows the mark
of the incision.

The March against Gulkandah ; the Imprisonment of
Shah 'Alam and his Family.

Aurangzeb was pleased at having overcome the kingdom of
Bljapur, partly by arms, partly by deceit. It was a realm in
which the ancient kings kept up ordinarily fifty thousand horse-
men. Already he (Aurangzeb) found his projects half executed,
and imagined he could now move forward without obstacle to
the destruction of Sambha Jl ; for all that remained was to
capture Gulkandah and seize the king.

This he purposed, although very little time had elapsed since,
in pursuance of his orders, Shah 'Alam had made peace with
that king. Little did he care about that, it being his maxim to
keep neither his own nor another's word, so long as he succeeded
in his desires. For this reason, even when Bljapur was taken,

302 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

he did not go into quarters ; on the contrary, he set his army
in motion against Gulkandah.

The prince Shah 'Alam was much hurt that his father, for
no reason at all, should break the treaty of peace which by his
order had been concluded with Gulkandah, and in the end he
complained to his father. He said the world would wonder
that so great a king should pay no heed to the promises made
by his son and heir. He therefore entreated him to abandon
this intention of his, for the King of Gulkandah [239] was
quite helpless, and could not impede His Majesty's projects
against Sambha JT.

Aurangzeb had resented greatly this prince's want of effort
when trying to take Goa, which he might easily have achieved,
and was also turned against him by his having sent off supplies
to the King of Bijapur, as I have stated (II. 237). He also
feared that the prince, to revenge himself on his father for
breaking without cause the peace with Gulkandah, might
send some succour in secret to that king. Aurangzeb therefore
determined to make Shah 'Alam a prisoner.

Some scent of this resolve of Aurangzeb was perceptible, and
Shah 'Alam's eldest son, called Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, wanted
to end the business by killing his grandfather. But though he
was a resolute young man, he would not do it without com-
municating with his father. He quoted to him as a precedent
how his grandfather had not spared his brothers nor his father,
nor Sultan Muhammad (his son). Equally they ought not to
spare him, for he had fallen short in his behaviour to the King
of Gulkandah. But Shah 'Alam, a benign and tender-hearted
prince, forbade any such attempt, saying that he had no wish
to leave such a bad example to posterity.

Aurangzeb, the cunning fox, concealed his intentions by
causing the preparation of several caparisoned elephants, and
many gifts, robes of honour, arms, and horses, and he let it be
spread abroad that he was going back to Hindustan. He
would leave his son, Shah 'Alam, as lord of the Dakhin, and
he might then deal with the King of Gulkandah as he thought
fit. All this he did in order not to displease his son, who was
in low spirits. He also professed to be broken, as it were, by

SHAH 'A LAM IMPRISONED, 1687 303

the marches and fatigues of so many campaigns, and meant at
last to take repose, and leave what had yet to be done to his sons.

Shah 'Alam was informed of his father's talk, and in a few
days the camp was full of such rumours ; thus the prince
remained satisfied, not knowing that he was on the edge of
the abyss. For these purposes the army halted some days.
One day Aurangzeb gave a secret order to Shahab-ud-dln
Khan and Asad Khan, the chief ministers, to remain in the
council-chamber. When Shah 'Alam arrived, they were to
disarm him. After this he sent at once for the prince, every-
body imagining he was called inside to receive robes of honour
and promotion.

Therefore the prince came joyfully, hoping to see carried out
his wish [240] of preserving peace with Gulkandah, while he
would become lord of the Dakhin. He entered the royal tent,
but on seeing him, Aurangzeb prevented his approach by say-
ing at once with simulated joy : ' Shah 'Alam, Bahadur !
Retire into the privy chamber and take council with my
ministers as to what has to be done ; they await you.' Hardly
had the prince reached the designated room, when Shahab-ud-
din Khan and Asad Khan, accompanied by the other ministers,
told him it was the order of the Badshah (that is, 'emperor'),
Aurangzeb the Great, that he deliver up his arms. He knew
well it was useless to resist ; undoing his sword and pulling his
kattarl (dagger) from his waist, he let the whole fall to the ground.

While Shah 'Alam went into the inner room, Aurangzeb sent
for Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln, eldest son of Shah 'Alam, as I said
above, and he, believing it to be a fortunate day, appointed for
the distribution of robes of honour, came with great delight,
but hardly had he entered the presence of that schemer than
he was treated the same as his father. Before he could get
close Aurangzeb said to his grandson, with haste, as if relying
on his judgment: 'Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln ! Go into that
adjoining chamber, where your father and the ministers are
waiting for you to hold a council and decide what ought to be
done.'

The prince went in with great vivacity, being then arrived at
twenty years of age. When he had entered, the ministers said

3<H OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

to him what they had said to Shah 'Alam. But he was of
another temper, and would not yield readily ; grasping his
sword, he turned his eyes towards his father, waiting for such
orders as he might give. But the prudent Shah 'Alam told
him that it was no longer a time to hope : let him unbuckle his
sword and deliver up his arms, for it was necessary to obey.
Then Mu'izz-ud-din, lowering his eyes, full of tears of rage,
allowed his sword and dagger to fall to the ground.

When this had been carried out, Aurangzeb sent a messenger
for Sultan 'Azimudin ('Azim-ud-din), and dealt with him in the
same manner ; so also with Sultan Daulat-Afza. Orders were
issued to place the father and the sons in different prisons
under strict watch and ward, so that they could send no
messages, nor for seven years were they left with more than a
small knife. 1

During this period of imprisonment Daulat Afza died. 2
There remained the little princes, named Rafia Elcader (Rafl'-
ul-qadr) and Coja Sactar (Khujistah-Akhtar), and these were
placed in a separate prison together, so that they might play
with each other. Afterwards the order was given that the
women of Shah 'Alam, of Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln, and of all the
family should be removed to the fortress of Agrah, to the house
of the widows. 3 The treasure and the rest of the wealth [241]
in the prince's house were appropriated, including a large sum
in pagodas* coinage of the kings of Gulkandah and Bijapur.

1 Khafi Khan, ii. 332, assigns these arrests to the 17th Rabi* II. of the
twenty-ninth year, 1097 H. (March 13, 1686, N.S.). But, according to the
4 Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' where the chronology is more reliable, it must be put in
the thirtieth year. On p. 293 a friend of Shah 'Alam is expelled from camp
on the 18th Shawwal of the thirtieth year, 1097 H. Then, on p. 294, follows
Shah 'Alam's arrest, and on p. 295 the thirty-first year (1st Ramazan, 1098 H.)
begins. Thus the arrests, if made on the 17th Rabi' II., fell in the year 1098 H.
(thirtieth year), and not in 1097 H. (twenty-ninth year) — that is, they took place
on March 2, 1687, N.S.

2 Daulat Afza died on the last day of Safar, 1100 H. (December 24, 1688, N.S.),
aged nineteen lunar years, seven months, and some days (' Tarlkh-i-MuhammadI,'
and ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 314).

3 The Suhag-khanah, one of the imperial Karkhdnahs, or establishments.

4 Pagoda, a coin long current in Southern India, generally of gold. In 1818 it
was reckoned as worth three and a half rupees (Yule, 653).

FALL OF GULKANDAH KINGDOM 305

Shah 'Alam decided to play a game of finesse, and shortly
after his imprisonment he said to his guards that he was
willing to show his obedience to his father, and that he took
no offence at what had been done. They went off to inform
Aurangzeb of his son's words. The king smiled and sent him
food, which Shah 'Alam ate as if such an affront as imprisonment
did not matter to him. But afterwards food was so sparingly
supplied that it was grievous to see princes of such high lineage
treated in such a manner. When they marched with the camp,
they appeared like shadows, devoid of all ornament and without
spirit, shut up in litters put on elephants, and without retinue,
just like ordinary prisoners.

Of them all he who felt the imprisonment most was Sultan
Mu'izz-ud-dln. His room being close to the royal audience-
hall, he used, on the days when Aurangzeb was distributing
justice, to shout his complaints as a demonstration against the
injustice of his grandfather, who conformed neither to the
rights of humanity nor followed the Quran. So troublesome
was he, that Aurangzeb was obliged to send him to another
room farther away from the audience-hall.

Capture of Gulkandah.

When the King of Gulkandah heard the above news, he
recognised at once that his affairs were in a bad way. He
attempted through his envoys to placate Aurangzeb, and
requested him not to make war, for he was ready to obey orders
and look on himself as in the position of any other governor, and
would hold Gulkandah in that way only. Aurangzeb sent him
a message that he might take his ease ; his territory would be
spared. Aurangzeb only meant to march to Calbargue (Kul-
bargah), 1 a burial-place of saints, to offer up prayers and implore
their protection.

The King of Gulkandah assumed that Aurangzeb was telling
the truth, and sent him five lakhs of rupees to be distributed to

1 In the Nizam's territory, lat. 17 19', long. 76 51' (Bilgrami and Willmott,
ii. 631). The shrines are those of Banda Nawaz or GIsu-daraz (died 1422),
Rukn-ud-din, and Siraj-ud-din.

VOL. II. 20

3o6 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

the poor present at the said shrines. Aurangzeb took the
money, and instead of moving in the direction of the shrines,
came straight at Gulkandah. The king might have come
forth with the thirty thousand horsemen he had, and taking
the field, could have blocked the roads and contended for
victory. But such was his fear and dread that he retired [242]
into the fortress with such soldiers as chose to follow him.

Aurangzeb was informed of this retreat, and at once felt
happy in having got the rat in a trap. He ordered Shahab-
ud-dln Khan to march with all haste before the king could
adopt any other plan ; and after him was sent A'zam Tara 1 to
invest the fortress, Aurangzeb advancing behind that prince
more leisurely himself. On reaching the spot, the Mogul forces
seized the city, and appointed officials on Aurangzeb's behalf.
That king, when he arrived, wanted to draw up near the
fortress. But the Christians in the Gulkandah service fired
on him from a culverine, which had once on a time been at
San Thome. Their shot fell so near his horse that he deter-
mined not to run such great risk, and moved farther off.

The Moguls pressed the fortress hard. But those inside it
defended themselves so valorously that the besiegers were
forced to lay mines and blow up two of the bastions. Several
assaults were delivered, but Abdul Razac ('Abd - ur - razzaq)
defended the place so valiantly that they could never effect an
entrance. At length by promises and gratuities they brought
over some of the officers and soldiers, and finally the garrison
was reduced to a few men. Thus the besiegers found their way
in and destroyed the small force left with 'Abd-ur-razzaq, who
fell after receiving eighteen wounds. His soldiers fled, some
hither, some thither ; while Shahab-ud-dln went on to the
palace and brought forth the dishonoured king by force, the
palace resounding with the shrieks of the women. 2

It was sad to see this king carried off upon an elephant
openly. He was removed to the tent of Prince A'zam Tara,

1 A'zam Tara, the title of A'zam Shah, Aurangzeb's second surviving son ; also
known as A'la J ah.

a Gulkandah was taken on the 24th Zu,l Qa'dah, 1098 H. (October I, 1687,
N.S.) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' p. 299).

GULKANDAH KING A PRISONER 307

where he was kept waiting for more than an hour in the sun
until the prince awoke. As the heat was very great, he asked
a man who was distributing water, as is the custom among the
Mahomedans, for charity's sake to favour him with a vessel of
water to drink. The kind-hearted man was about to comply,
when the armed men round the elephant interposed, saying
that prisoners were not allowed to drink without the leave of
their captors. But at the entreaty of others they permitted
him in the end to drink. I know not if there could be greater
misery for a king than to be unable even to drink water when
absolutely necessary.

The prince awoke, and a report was made to him of the
prisoner's arrival. He ordered him to be brought before him,
and there, after the necessary obeisances, he fell at the prince's
feet. But A'zam Tara raised him and made him sit opposite
him. Everybody else was made to retire and they held a
conversation together. On this occasion the King of Gulkandah
made a present to A'zam Tara of a bag of diamonds [243],
among which, as was presumed, there was a diamond weighing
two patacas, and as broad as one ; thus it by itself was a very
great treasure. On finishing the conversation, both rose, and
A'zam Tara, seating the captive at his side on his elephant,
carried him off to the king's court. There A'zam Tara dis-
mounted, leaving the prisoner on the elephant without any
shade, until Aurangzeb ordered him to be removed to a prison
separate from that of the King of Bljapur.

Here even the affronts put upon the wretched King of
Gulkandah did not finish ; for that kingdom being very rich by
reason of its diamond mines, Aurangzeb sent to ask where his
treasures were. The prisoner replied that there were now no
treasures in Gulkandah, for he had dissipated them. Aurang-
zeb was not satisfied with this answer, and once more sent to
ask how he had spent them. He might have sent back to say
that little by little His Majesty had removed them. But looking
on himself not as a captive, but as a king only, he answered that
he had expended them as a sovereign, and had no account to
render to anyone of what he did when king.

This answer was brought to Aurangzeb, who in his pride

20 — 2

308 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

expected all the world to bow the head before him and speak
as captives, and he used this opening to further molest a king,
who, entirely through negligence and devotion to women and
musicians, had lost a kingdom. He ordered the same question
to be put once more, and, should the same answer be returned,
the king was to be beaten. Thus it came to pass. For on
hearing the old question put on behalf of Aurangzeb, he replied
that he had spent the treasures as the absolute master which he
then was ; nor was he under obligation to account to anyone
for the manner, the cause, the object, or the time of his
expending them.

Hardly were the words out of his mouth when the officials
beat him unmercifully, and told him it was great temerity on
the part of a prisoner to reply with such haughtiness to such
a great conqueror as Aurangzeb, at whose name he ought to
tremble and bow his head. On the order, accompanied by
the above message, having been complied with, Aurangzeb
directed his removal to the fortress of Daulatabad. It is a
close prison on a great eminence. 1

Thus ended the Kings of Gulkandah in one thousand six
hundred and eighty-seven in the month of February ; and
to show more strongly how little he esteemed that family,
Aurangzeb married two of this king's daughters to two of his
officials [244].

The victorious Aurangzeb, puffed up at the conquest of two
kingdoms, was pleased to leave in Bijapur and Gulkandah two
governors. He now ordered a march against Sambha Ji, sup-
posing it would be easy to destroy this prince, whose country
was now surrounded by provinces and kingdoms belonging to
the Mogul.

The march began, he taking with him the imprisoned princes,
and in the rear of everybody came the King of Bijapur. On the
way he sent Muhammad Ibrahim as viceroy to Lahor, 2 as a

1 On Aurangzeb's arrival at Bijapur, 14th Rabi' I., thirty-first year, 1099 H.
(February 18, 1688), Ab.ul Hasan was sent to Daulatabad (' Ma.asir-i'Alamgiri,'

309)-

2 Muhammad Ibrahim, entitled Mahabat Khan, one of the greatest 'Alamgiri
nobles, died in 1100 H. (1688-89), while Subahdar of Lahor. He was formerly at
Haidarabad as generalissimo of Abu.l Hasan, and there held the title of Khalilullah

AURANGZEB PRESSED BY THE MAHRATTAHS 309

demonstration of his having approved his treason. But as experi-
ence teaches, princes delight in getting men to act treasonably
to their profit, but have no joy afterwards in keeping the traitors
about their own person. Furthermore, Aurangzeb was accus-
tomed to pay any traitors who helped him in his enterprises by
shortening their life. Thus he did not spare Muhammad
Ibrahim, who, before he arrived at Lahor, ended his life with
the pangs of poison. In the same way he rewarded the other
officers, to whom he had promised various offices. Some he
made away with, others he dispersed in different places ; the
soldiers of Bijapur and Gulkandah were also disbanded. God
made use of this very expedient of Aurangzeb's to counteract
his projects. In disbanding the soldiers of those other king-
doms, he imagined he was making his future enterprises a
certainty. But Sambha JI was thereby only rendered the more
powerful ; for although he had no sufficient resources to
entertain so many men, he welcomed all who resorted to him,
and in place of pay allowed them to plunder wherever they
pleased.

In this way, before Aurangzeb could inflict any harm, he
himself was much injured, these soldiers stopping the supplies
for the royal camp, seizing camels, horses, and mules, killing
everybody they came across, and sparing only those horses
which could be of use to them in war. If by chance they
captured any grandee, they kept him till they could extract
from him a handsome ransom, and then they liberated him.
So abundant were the goods they seized that they set up
markets, where the owners came to redeem their property.
Thus these plunderers acquired pay enough, and were able to
continue the campaign.

In spite of all his huge army, Aurangzeb found that he could
not by force of arms accomplish his purpose ; for Sambha JI
continuously evaded giving battle in the field, and was satisfied
with plundering everywhere, never remaining many days in the

Khan (' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi ' ; see also ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 627). His
nickname was qimar-baz, the gambler. His seal bore the lines :

' Zi iltafat-i-padshah wa pandit-i-roshan-rawan
Gasht Ibrahim-i-sar-i-lashkar Khalllullah Khan.'

310 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

same place. Relying on the activity of his horses, already
trained to go long distances and eat little, he wore out
[245] and incommoded the Mogul commanders and soldiers.
Aurangzeb became aware that he would never succeed in this
campaign, except by his usual intrigues. He therefore set to
work, and wrote letters to Cabcales (Kab Kalish), the chief
minister of Sambha Jl, and by large bribes and presents so far
succeeded, that this minister undertook to make over Sambha Jl
to him alive.

Capture of Sambha Ji.

It has been said that custom becomes nature ; and a man
accustomed to any vice cannot, even when he would, free him-
self from the tendency that by repeated acts he has contracted.
Thus was it with Sambha Jl. Habituated to interfering with
other men's wives, now when it had become necessary to act
the hero, he could not rid himself of his perverse inclinations.
This was the cause of his losing liberty and life. Kab Kalish
availed himself of this evil propensity to deliver him into the
hands of Aurangzeb.

He told Sambha Jl that two leagues away there was a village
where abode a lovely married woman. This was enough.
Sambha Jl resolved to halt at this place, in order to secure his
impure desires. As soon as Kab Kalish knew his master's
resolve, he warned Aurangzeb to send at once five thousand
horsemen, and without fail Sambha JT would fall into his power.
The eager king did not fail to send the soldiers, who awaited
in ambush the coming of Sambha Jl. The latter quitted his
soldiers, and followed by a few men, came to meet his doom.
Before he had reached the village in question, he found himself
encircled by his enemies, who took him and carried him away
to the camp of Aurangzeb. 1

Let the reader hear how this king rewarded those who had
worked in his favour. The first to pay for the capture of
Sambha Jl was the selfsame Kab Kalish, who by a horrible

1 Orme, 'Historical Fragments,' 1805, pp. 162, 163, confirms this account in
outlines. But probably he only copied Catrou, 182 — that is, Manucci at
second hand.

EXECUTION OF SAMBHA JI 311

death proclaimed to all the world the barbarity of the man who
had already drunk so much blood, as may be seen from the rest
of my history. Aurangzeb ordered that the tongue should be
pulled out by the roots from the throat of the traitorous Kab
Kalish, so that he might be unable to state that this great
treason had been plotted at his (Aurangzeb's) instigation.

What could Sambha JI hope for when his first minister,
against whom the war had not been waged, came to such a
miserable end ! He well understood that death must be the
end of all his [246] doings. But he did not foresee the mockery
he should have to suffer before he died. Aurangzeb ordered
him to be bound strongly upon a camel, and on his head was
placed a long cap covered with little bells and rattles. 1 This was
meant for mockery of the Hindu princes and the Brahmans, who
usually wear pointed caps, but without rattles. The licentious
man having been thus bound, Aurangzeb directed that he should
be paraded through the camp. The camel was made to run, so
that the rattles made a great noise and aroused everyone's
curiosity, and thus men issued from their tents to see who it
was coming. In the course of the procession they made the
camel turn from time to time with such suddenness, that the
person on it looked as if he must fall from the various move-
ments he made, but the cords with which he was bound pre-
vented it and at the same time wearied him out. Finally,
when the perambulation of the royal camp had been completed,
the tyrant ordered him to be dragged into his presence. When
there he ordered his side to be cloven open with an axe and
his heart to be extracted. The body was then flung on a

1 The account of the capture (thirty-second year, 1100 H.), as given in the
' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 320, is as follows: Shekh Nizam (Muqarrab Khan) was
sent against Fort Parnalah. He heard Sambha Ji was going from Raheri to
Fort Khelnah to attack the Bairagis (a class oifaqirs), with whom he had a quarrel.
Sambha Ji was at Sangamner. The Khan advanced from Sholapur, forty-five kos
off, by a forced march. Sambha Ji was warned, but merely scoffed. A fight
took place, when Kab Kalish was shot with an arrow and captured. Sambha Ji hid
in Kab Kalish' house and was caught there. The capture was reported to Aurang-
zeb at Akloj (renamed Sa'dnagar). Orme, * Historical Fragments,' edition 1805,
p. 164, also mentions the binding on a camel, and the parading round the camp
with rattle and bells. But probably Orme got it from Manucci via Catrou,
p. 184.

312 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

dunghill and abandoned to the tender mercies of the dogs. Thus
did the licentious Sambha JT pay for interfering with others. 1

It seemed as if the death of Sambha Jl was bound to secure
Aurangzeb's lordship over all the lands of Hindustan down to
the sea. But the commanders of valorous Shiva Jl, father of
this unfortunate man, were by this time practised in fighting
the Moguls, and expert in the way of dealing with those
foreigners (? Persians and Central Asians) who deserted from
his side. They determined to continue the campaign and
uphold the cause of Ram Raja, younger brother of the deceased.
Therefore they took him out of prison and made him their prince.

This determination caused a revolution in the principality,
for the mother 2 of Sambha Jl, who had sons by her husband,
claimed the government during the minority of those sons. She
asserted that the crown belonged to them ; but the commanders
turned a deaf ear and sided with Rama Raja, 3 or, to adopt the
usual way of speaking, of the newly selected Shiva JT. In this
way the princess was forced to have recourse to the Mogul, to
whom she delivered herself up and her sons, along with over
twenty-two forts, in this way taking the nerve out of her
competitors.

It seemed as if now the matter was decided, for the princess
had a number of leading officers on her side. Aurangzeb
detained the princess in his [247] camp, and sent to take pos-
session in his own name of the ceded forts. He also ordered
out a large force against the fort of Parnalaguer (Parnalagarh),
a fortress defending the frontier of Bijapur. 4 It is placed

1 Sambha Ji : according to the ' Ma.asir-i-'Alamgiri,' pp. 320-326, the capture
was made on the 4th Rabi' I. of the thirty-second year, 1100 H. (December 28,

1688, N.S.). He arrived in the imperial camp on the 10th Jamada (March 3,
1689), and his execution took place on the 21st or 28th Jamada I. (March 14 or 21,

1689, N.S.).

a For ' mother,' I think we ought to read • wife.'

3 Raja Ram, usually styled Ram Raja, son of Shiva. JI by another wife, was
born about 1670, and died in March, 1700. Sambha JI left three sons; the
eldest, Sahu, was born in 1684, and died in 1750.

4 Panalah, or Parnala, is, according to Grant-Duff, p. 62, ' in the Kolhapur
district.' Orme, 'Historical Fragments,' 1805, speaks of it as 'one of the
strongest forts in the Concan.' Probably it is the same as the Parnala of
Tieffenthaler (Bernouilli, i. 362, with a plate), a fort on a hill.

THE MAHRATTAHS PERSIST 313

on an eminence and is very strong, and once before this time
Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, when attacking it, had been so badly
repulsed by the bravery of its garrison that he was obliged to
retreat for twenty-four hours without a halt, through fear of the
enemy who were at his heels.

This force went against the fortress, but Shiva Ji ( = Ram
Raja) never ceased rushing about everywhere with the officers
who sided with him, and everywhere succeeded in his enter-
prises. Finally, when the Mogul army was scattered, he came
and occupied the fortress of Gingi (JinjT) 1 in the Choromandel
Karnatik, and there fixing himself, his faithful captains did not
fail to operate with energy. Then, to get rid of a stone of
stumbling and give an opening for those who had deserted the
princess (Sambha Jfs widow) to take up the cause of Shiva
Ji (i.e., Ram Raja), they played off an imposture on the
impostor, and paid out the old fox with cunning equal to
his own.

The affair happened in this way. The officers at the fortress
of Parnalagarh saw that Aurangzeb's force, though it had no
intention of raising the investment, yet could not take the
fortress, which was too well provisioned. Accordingly they
sent envoys to inform Aurangzeb of their willingness to surrender
the fortress, finding he was so tenacious about acquiring it.
But they desired to deliver it into the hands of the princess
and her sons, if she would come in person to take possession.
The victor imagined they were speaking the truth, and sent
Sambha Jfs family to the said fortress along with the
princess [except the eldest son, whom he detained as a
prisoner]. 2

Upon their arrival there was a great festival and much
rejoicing. But before giving up the fortress they asked that,
according to custom, they might issue invitations for some
days' festivity. This being a very reasonable request, the
officers of Aurangzeb made no difficulties in conceding it. The
entertainments began with a great banquet, Shiva Jl's officers
going out and in. On the third day they mixed so much poison

1 Grant-Duff, 163, 164. Raja, Ram escaped to Jinji in 1690.

3 The words in brackets have been added in French in the margin.

314 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

with the food that before the fourth day dawned the princess,
her sons, and many of Aurangzeb's officers were dead. 1

Next morning the officers and soldiers issued from the fortress
and fell upon the enemy's force with such valour and vigour that
their army was routed, being deprived of its officers (as it was)
and quite unsuspicious. The tents and treasure were appro-
priated. Aurangzeb was much concerned at this trick, but to
repent himself of having believed them was now too late ; and
this deed [248] was a reason for many of the officers in the
princess's faction declaring themselves once more enemies of
the Mogul. They joined Shiva Jl (Ram Raja), and thus in
one thousand six hundred and eighty-nine the war recommenced
with greater fury. It was not enough for Aurangzeb to have
made himself master of Bljapur and of Gulkandah ; he must
needs oppress a little prince, who yet was strong enough to
compel so potent a king to remain away from his kingdom (i.e.,
Hindustan) and dwell in camp merely to prevent the loss of his
previous conquests.

Aurangzeb removes the Eyes of Shahab-ud-din Khan.

This was the time at which Aurangzeb, seeing Sambha Jl
was dead and the princes delivered into his hands, imagined
he no longer needed his generals. Therefore he sent for the
great Shahab-ud-din Khan, who was away elsewhere on a cam-
paign against Shiva JT. But this general, who now found
himself great, rich, and beloved by all the soldiers and captains,
answered that his presence was necessary for the reduction of
a fortress called Adunl. 2

Aurangzeb was afraid that this general meant to attempt
some plot, and after two or three letters recalling him to court,
finding he made excuses, he sent him one more letter directing

1 This is quite unhistorical. The princess, Sambha Ji's widow, and her
younger children remained prisoners until 1719, while Sahu, the eldest son, was
released in 1707.

2 Adunl is in the Ballari district, lat. 15 38', long. 77 20'. The fort was taken
by Tippu, and dismantled in 1786. Khan Bahadur, Firoz Jang (Shahab-ud-din),
was sent against Adunl in the thirty-first year, 1099 H. (between January and
June, 1688). It was taken on the 18th Shawwal of the thirty-second year, 1099 H.
(August 7, 1688) (' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri,' 308, 316).

RAM RAJA BESIEGED IN JIN J I 315

him to return absolutely. On reading the said letter, this
famous general's eyes began to drop blood, whereby he became
blind. 1 Nor were the remedies of any avail that were sent him
by the selfsame Aurangzeb to be applied to his eyes ; for he
had found by this time that he wanted him, since Shiva Ji
(i.e., the Mahrattahs) had deceived him in the matter of Parna-
lagarh, which he had reckoned on getting. His repentance
was somewhat tardy, for already the general had become blind,
remaining so to the end of his life, and he could not, for want
of sight, continue his deeds of valour and good judgment. 2

It is fitting for me to say here that I know no one who can
boast of having attained to perfect trust in the administration
of Aurangzeb, unless it be Asad Khan, 3 he who was faithful to
Shahjahan, and is a loyal minister to this same Aurangzeb.
Up to this day he prospers ; but we can only judge finally after
his death. This noble will indeed be a phoenix in the reign of
Aurangzeb, whose renown others may recount hereafter, if he
ends his life felicitously [249].

As Aurangzeb wanted to catch the lion's whelp before he
grew up, he sent an army into the Choromandal Karnatik to
prevent Shiva Ji's [i.e., Ram Raja's] departure from JinjT. 4
He hoped to destroy him within that great fortress. For this
purpose he sent Julfecercan (Zu,lfiqar Khan), son of Asad
Khan, and other commanders ; but Shiva JI being well

1 In the ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 872, it is stated that Ghazi-ud-din Khan
(Mir Shahab-ud-dln), Firoz Jang, became blind from plague in the thirty-second
year of 'Alamgir, 1100 H. (1688-89). The author of that book vehemently
denies a story then current that 'Alamgir persuaded the physicians to put out
Firoz Jang's sight.

2 This statement is quite mistaken. Ghazi-ud-din Khan remained in active
employment till his death, about 1710 ; the only difference made was his being
excused from appearing in darbar.

3 Asad Khan and his son, being Persians, were used by Aurangzeb as a
counterpoise to Ghazi-ud-din Khan and his relations, who were Mughals from
Bukhara. Asad Khan remained chief minister to the end of the reign (1707),
surviving Aurangzeb for ten years. His son was Amlr-ul-umara, or second
minister, to Bahadur Shah, Shah 'Alam (1707-1712), and chief minister to
Jahandar Shah (1712). Muhammad Ibrahim, Asad Khan, subsequently Amlr-
ul-umara, and then Asaf-ud-daulah, died on the 25th Jamada II., 1128 H.
(June 17, 1716), at a great age.

4 Jinji, lat. 12 16', long. 79 27', eighty-two miles south-west of Madras.

316 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

provisioned, Zu,lfiqar Khan could not accomplish his task. In
writing his report to the king, he stated the necessity of re-
inforcements ; therefore Aurangzeb sent his youngest son
Kaembacx (Kam Bakhsh) 1 to command, accompanied by Asad
Khan himself.

The fortress was already about to surrender. But if the war
were ended many soldiers would fall out of employ, and their
officers be without income ; so they managed to make it appear
that Kam Bakhsh was in correspondence with Shiva JI (Ram
Raja), and meant to forsake his father and desert to the
Mahrattahs. Two days before the fortress was to be made
over Asad Khan carried off Kam Bakhsh a prisoner to Aurangzeb.
The latter imagined it to be true that his son meant to rebel,
and was much concerned. But as he (Kam Bakhsh) was his
youngest, and son of his beloved Udepuri, he showed no resent-
ment. 2 At this fact the reader may well be astonished, knowing
from the course of my history how Aurangzeb forgave no one
who attempted to oppose his designs.

Meanwhile Zu,lfiqar Khan continues until this day in the
Karnatik as viceroy, without having reduced the fortress of
Jinji. This went on until Aurangzeb, angry at seeing that in
eight years he could not take this strong place, wrote him re-
treated letters, when he so conducted matters that Shiva Ji
(Ram Raja) was able to escape. 3 If the generals had obeyed
the king's orders, there can be no doubt that the campaign
would be already over. With the great treasures he had and
the large army he kept on foot, Aurangzeb could have made

1 K§.m Bakhsh was sent to Jinji on the gth Kama/an, 1102 H., thirty-fifth year
(June 6, 1691, N.S.). He returned to court from Jinji on the 20th Shawwal,
1104 H., thirty-seventh year (June 25, 1693, N.S.) (' M.-i-'A.,' 339, 359).

2 Zu.lfiqar Khan, at Kam Bakhsh's arrest, behaved with unnecessary brutality,
calling him a pisar-i-mutribah, ' a dancing woman's child,' struck him in the face,
and put him in chains (Yahya Khan. ' Tazkirah-ul-Muluk,' India Office Library,
fol. ma). The arrest was in 1104 H. (1692-93) ('M.-i-'A.,' 359). A courtier
muttered the appropriate line :

' There is a joy in forgiving that there is not in punishing,'

and Aurangzeb seized the opening, and imposed no penalties on his son.

8 Grant-Duff, 171, says Jinji was taken by escalade early in January, 1698.
Ram Raja, escaped through the Mogul lines in December, 1697.

A NINE YEARS' SIEGE 317

much greater conquests. For in spite of Shiva Jl (Ram
Raja) being at this day stronger than his father (Sambha Jl), it
would be quite easy to destroy him. But this suits neither
the interests of the officers nor the purposes of Aurangzeb's
sons.

These latter know they will have to struggle with their
brothers for the crown by force of arms, and they do not wish
to get rid of that prince (Ram Raja), hoping at the proper time
to be able to carry out their plots. Among those who want to
preserve Shiva Jl (Ram Raja), it is of certain knowledge that
A'zam Tara must be counted as the principal, and it may well
happen that before this my book is laid before the eyes of the
learned, I may be able to record the end of this [250] war, and
the disappearance of Aurangzeb.

My third book (? Part) will explain the way in which the
generals and commanders behave in Hindustan. They aim
only at their personal advantage, and ordinarily make no
account of the royal commands, except only when it is necessary
in order not to be expressly found out as traitors. But let us
leave this subject for another time, and go on with the con-
tinuation of the war waged by Aurangzeb against Shiva Jl
(Ram Raja), leaving Zu.lfiqar Khan behind in this Karnatik
to continue the contest with Shiva Jl and back up him (Aurang-
zeb) in these parts.

Release of Shah 'Alam and his Sons.

Aurangzeb with his army continued the campaign against
Shiva Jl (the Mahrattahs), but his operations were more de-
fensive than offensive. For that prince (Ram Raja) followed
his father's plan of avoiding a meeting in the field, and instead
plundered in all directions without ever allowing any rest to
Aurangzeb's forces. The generals were forced to rush with re-
inforcements wherever they heard that Shiva Jl was pillaging.
While they were advancing to the east, that prince would
appear all of a sudden on the west, and this was his invariable
custom.

Meanwhile there appeared in the lands of Bengal a rajah

3i8 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

called Saba Singh (Sobha Singh), 1 who raised a great disturb-
ance in the province, slaying governors and seizing treasures,
taking possession of lands, and penetrating as far as Rage-
mahal (Raj-mahal). Owing to these events, Aurangzeb was
forced to send a second army against him, but this army
suffered worse. From this cause Aurangzeb already began to
consider the release of Shah 'Alam and his family. Although
it was not done with a good grace, he was obliged to do it ; for
news was brought to him that Sultan Sulaiman, 2 King of Persia,
had given a golden crown to Akbar, and promised to favour
his claim to the throne. He said he would take Akbar's side
against his father Aurangzeb.

On the arrival of this news at court, Aurangzeb, who knew
Akbar's enterprising character, resolved to depute Shah 'Alam
against him at the head of a great army in defence of Hindu-
stan. To resist the rajah in Bengal he determined to send
'Azlm-ud-dln, the second son of Shah 'Alam, thus separating
father and son. But the reader will like to know the way in
which Aurangzeb sent off these princes.

Their release took place on a Friday 3 without [251] anybody
knowing of the intention, for fear that A'zam Tara, a rash and
determined prince, might not, on learning of his brother's
release, head an outbreak which would throw the kingdom
into confusion. Therefore, very early, long before the usual
hour, he (Aurangzeb) started for the mosque, and called into
his presence Shah 'Alam and his sons without sending

1 In 1107 H. (1695-96) Sobha Singh, zamindar of Chetwah and Bardah, in the
Bardwan district, rose and killed the Rajah (Kishan Ram). He and his Pathan
allies, under Rahim Khan. BIni, then took possession of Hugli. The Europeans
at Chinsurah, Chandarnagore, and Chuttanati (Calcutta) fortified their factories.
Murshidabad was taken, and the rebels reached within ten miles of Calcutta
(C. Stewart, 'History of Bengal,' 328-336; Ghulam llusain, Salim, 'Riyaz-us-
Salatin,' ' Bibliotheca Indica,' 224-226).

a Sulaiman, Safawi, reigned 1667-1694.

3 According to Jag Jivan Das, ' Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, ' British Museum,
Additional MS., No. 26,253, fol. 366, they were released on the 5th Shawwal,
1105 H. (May 30, 1694, N.S.). The place was BIjapur, and the mosque story is
confirmed by Jag JIvan Das, who wrote in 1719. The river Bhlma. is about
fifty miles north of BIjapur. The prince reached Agrah on the 9th Shawwal,
thirty-ninth year, 1106 H. (May 23, 1695).

SHAH 'A LAM SENT TO AGRAH AND KABUL 319

word to A'zam Tara. The king was already in the mosque
with Shah 'Alam on his right hand, a post where A'zam
Tara had been accustomed to stand during his brother's
captivity.

Then spies reported to A'zam Tara that the king, his father,
had already begun his prayers, and he issued forth in all haste,
and went also to the mosque. But seeing that his brother
occupied the place usually held by himself, he angrily took up
his position at the back, and, hurrying through his orisons,
made his exit, resolved to raise a disturbance. But Aurangzeb,
like the clever politician he was, directly the prayers were over,
started in company with his son (Shah 'Alam) as far as the
river Bimbara (Bhlmra). Thence without delaying he furnished
him with a retinue, and ordered him under his own eyes to
cross to the other side of the river. He received orders to
march and take up the government of Hindustan. Letters
followed, directing the governors to obey his orders; the king
also forwarded his baggage after him, and further retinue
afterwards. For time did not allow of his being detained
near him (Aurangzeb) until all these matters were put in
order.

At the same time he ordered 'Azim-ud-dln to cross the river
with his father, and then separating from him to make for
Bengal. 1 Thus he deprived A'zam Tara of any opening for
perpetrating a misdeed. There can be no doubt that if any
king ever had recourse to foresight to prevent disorder, it was
Aurangzeb.

The Villagers of Agrah burn the Bones of
King Akbar.

King Aurangzeb had his worries, which are unavoidable by the
great, who, delighting in lording it, get hold at times of very hard
bones to digest. One of these worries arose from the villagers
of Agrah, of whom we have spoken several times (I. 83, II. 59).
But their daring had never reached such a pitch as it did in

1 The ' Ma,asir-i-'Alamgiri ' does not confirm this; it places the appointment
later — in 1109 H., forty-first year (1697-98) (p. 387).

320 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

one thousand six hundred and ninety-one. On other occasions
they had contented themselves by declining to pay revenue :
this time they did the greatest affront possible to the house and
lineage of Taimur-i-lang [252] ; for, seizing the occasion of
Aurangzeb being in the Dakhin near to Bijapur, they proved
that they cared neither for his power, his policy, nor his
governors. They planned, and succeeded in, a very bold
undertaking.

Already angered by the demands of the governors and faujddrs
for revenue, a great number of them assembled and marched
to the mausoleum of that great conqueror, Akbar. Against
him living they could effect nothing ; they therefore wreaked
vengeance on his sepulchre. They began their pillage by
breaking in the great gates of bronze which it had, robbing
the valuable precious stones and plates (lastras) of gold and
silver, and destroying what they were not able to carry away.
Dragging out the bones of Akbar, they threw them angrily into
the fire and burnt them. 1

Aurangzeb was much afflicted at this piece of boldness and
this outrage. It also gave him other anxieties, for he foresaw
that when the villagers were masters of the roads between
Agrah and Dihll, not a soul would be allowed to pass. He
was, therefore, obliged to send his foster-brother Badercan

1 The only other author who speaks precisely about the plundering of Akbar's
tomb islshar Das, Nagar, in his ' Fatuhat-i-'Alamgiri,' British Museum, Additional
MS., No. 23,884, fol. 131a et seq. The first attempt by Rajah Ram, Jat, of
Sansani, was repulsed by the Jaujdar, Mir Abu,l-fazl, who was rewarded with
the title of Iltifat Khan. Mahabat Khan, on his way from Gujarat to his new
government of Lahor, was encamped at Sikandrah, and, taking the field against
the Jats, killed 400 of them. At this time Shaistah Khan, the Emperor's uncle,
was appointed Governor ; but, before he took charge, the Jats renewed their
attack on Sikandrah, and plundered the tomb, taking the carpets, with the silver
and gold vessels, and damaging most of the tombs and the mausoleum. The Deputy
Governor, Muhammad Baqa. (Muzaffar Khan), did nothing, and, with the retiring
Governor, Khan Jahan, Bahadur, fell under Aurangzeb's displeasure. Bishn
Singh, Rajah of Amber, was then employed against Sansani ; but Rajah, Jat, was
killed in a fight between the Shekawats and the Chohans, for which he had hired
himself out to one of the parties. The year is apparently 1098 or 1099 H.
(1686-87). But Churaman, brother of Rajah Ram, was still carrying on the fight
in 1102 H. (1690-91).

SHAlSTAH KHAN DIES, 1694 321

(Bahadur Khan). 1 Although brave, this man recognised that
he could do nothing against the tenacity of such ferocious
beasts. He therefore called in the grandsons of Rajah Jai
Singh and many other Rajahs, so that at the least the villagers
might be forced to retreat. He could not manage anything
more without heavy casualties in his force, and without entirely
ruining the lands. Even this much was not easy, nor was it
desirable to reduce these lands to uninhabited waste. He
managed to make them retreat without attempting anything
more against them.

Death of Shaistah Khan.

Five years after the above occurrence died the famous
Shaistah Khan, 2 son of Asaf Khan, but not by the same mother
as Nur-mahal, or Nur Jahan, sister of Shaistah Khan — she was
the beloved wife of King Jahangir. When the said king was
told that the mother of Shaistah Khan was pregnant, he was
very glad, and he resolved that if she brought forth a son he
would at once assign him pay of three millions of rupees a
year. He was born in the year one thousand six hundred, and
received the title of Shaistah Khan, which means ' Perfect,'
and he continued to draw the above pay until he reached his
majority.

When Shahjahan married his sister of the full blood Shaistah
Khan received an addition of a million [253] every year. Then
Aurangzeb married one of his sisters, and on his accession to
the throne gave him an augmentation of another million.

1 Early in the thirty-first year, 1099 H. (1687-88), Prince Bedar Bakljt and
Khan Jahan, Bahadur, Zafar Jang (i.e., Bahadur Khan), were sent against Rajah
Ram, J at, of Sansani. The place was taken on July 14, 1688 ('Ma,asir-i-
'Alamgiri,' 311).

2 Abu Talib, entitled, first, Shaistah Khan, then Khan Jahan, then Amir-ul-
umara, son of Yamin-ud-daulah, Asaf Khan, Khan Khanan, Sipahsalar, son of
I'timad-ud-daulah, Ghiyas Beg, Tihra.nl, died in the middle of 1105 H. (February
or March, 1694), while Subahdar of Agrah. His age was ninety-one (lunar)
years, and he was maternal uncle of Aurangzeb. His father died in 1051 H.
He was son-in-law of Mirza Iraj, Shah Nawaz Khan, son of 'Abd-ur-rahim,
Khan Khanan (' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi.' 1105). As before, Manucci wrongly calls
him the brother, instead of the nephew, of Nur Jahan.

VOL. II. 21

322 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

This was in addition to the large presents that the king made
to him.

This Shaistah Khan lived for ninety-five years and had many
sons and daughters, all of whom married into the best families
of x Hindustan. Up to this day there are a number of his
descendants, his sons occupying great offices in the empire.
Shaistah Khan was a man of ripe judgment, very wealthy and
powerful, and of good reputation, for he was very charitable,
distributing every year in alms fifty thousand rupees. For this
purpose, in each of the principal cities of the empire he em-
ployed officials, who looked after the daily gifts of food and
clothes to the most necessitous of the poor, and succoured the
widow and the orphan.

He constructed on the river at Narwar, 1 on the route from
Agrah to the Dakhin, a large bridge as his memorial. For its
completion, in spite of his employing many officials, five-and-
twenty years were required. Shaistah Khan was very fond of
Europeans, above all of the priests ; he was loved and respected
by everyone, and he was a great amateur of precious stones.
He died in the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-five,
leaving to his heirs a large fortune. He gave their liberty to a
thousand women, adding as a gift sufficient for their support.
To Aurangzeb he made a bequest of two hundred millions of
coin in gold and silver, two hundred millions of jewels, over
two millions in goods and household furnishings, elephants,
camels, and horses. He was buried in the tomb of his father,
Asaf Khan, in the city of Agrah.

Akbar comes from Persia and then retreats.

Shah 'Alam's arrival in Hindustan was well timed, for a
false rumour having got abroad that Aurangzeb was dead,
Akbar advanced at the head of twelve thousand Persian horse-
men to test his fortunes. But encountering the great army
of Shah 'Alam not far from Multan, he was obliged to retreat.

1 Tieffenthaler (Bernouilli, i. 179, and Plate XX., opposite p. 320) : 'Un pont
elegant construit en pierres de taille sur le Sindh, porte par 24 arches hautes et
larges, dont 3 ou 4 sont detruites aujourd'hui (circa 1750 ?), par la violence des
pluies.' The plate shows only thirteen arches.

PRINCE AKBAR THREATENS AN INVASION 323

Then it was heard that he had halted at the fortress of
Qandahar, within Persian territory, there to await his father's
death. Since that time, as it would appear, there has been no
want of people to collect and espouse his cause. Therefore
Shah 'Alam continued [in those regions] with his sons and
family, excepting 'Azlm-ud-dln. He did not remain in one
fixed place, but scattering [254] his troops, kept watch, so that
his brother Akbar might not invade India.

Things went well with Shah 'Alam, favoured by Fortune
as also with his son, Sultan 'Azim-ud-din, in Bengal. The
latter, imitating his grandfather, denuded the rajah little by
little until the rebel was forced to retire into his own
country. 1

It now remains to remark that when Akbar fled he left
behind him two daughters. Aurangzeb married one to Sultan
Mu'izz-ud-dln, and the other to Sultan 'Azim-ud-din. 2 It is
not known why he carried out these marriages. Another
matter having reference to Akbar is that, when he took flight,
he left in the hands and under the protection of the famous
Rani, widow of Jaswant Singh, two pregnant wives, who both
gave birth to sons. Repeated excuses were made for not send-
ing the little ones to Aurangzeb ; the Rani hoped that Akbar
would return from Persia and make himself king. In the
end, finding that this prince never came, she sent them to
be delivered to their grandfather. 2 It was an amusement to
the old man to get two grandchildren who could speak nothing
but the Rajput tongue, which differs from that used at the
court. He gave them establishments, and kept them lovingly
near his person. Aurangzeb was very anxious to draw Akbar
back to the Mogul kingdom, and with this view he went on
writing him friendly letters with invitations to return. Promises

1 This refers to Sobha Singh {ante, ii. 210), who was killed by a woman
captive. The rising was suppressed by Zabardast Khan, son of Ibrahim Khan,
the previous Governor of Bengal.

2 I cannot find any confirmation of the asserted marriages of two daughters
of Akbar to Mu'izz-ud-dln and 'Azim-ud-din. There were certainly two daughters
captured in 1681. There were three children — one son and two daughters— born
in Rajputanah ; the boy was surrendered by Durga Das, Rathor, in May, 1689,
and the youth died in prison at Ahmadnagar in 1706 (' M.-i-'A.,' 209, 395).

21 — 2

324 OF KING AURANGZEB, SIXTH KING OF HINDUSTAN

were given to make him master from Bhakkar as far as Tattah,
which is the province of Sind. But he knew his father's nature,
and up to this day (? 1700) has put faith neither in his letters
nor his promises.

Thus do matters go on in the Mogul kingdom ; sons, grand-
sons, and great-grandsons are making preparations for the
terrible wars which must ensue upon the death of the old
king. For there are many aspirants to dominion, it being
among them a saying that in such a case a father should not
trust a son, nor a son his father.

The thing most to be wondered at in my History is the
wisdom of Aurangzeb, who, in spite of being an old man
of eighty-four years, knows how to regulate affairs with such
skill that he maintains himself as king against the will of
so many claimants ; and at this great age he still mounts
on horseback [255].

I know quite well that some in reading this History will
comment on my leaving the Mogul country so many times
and then going back. Some will say to themselves that in
those lands there must be some delectable fields which caused
my return there. But in reality, granting that by God's favour
I did have the luck to attain some good fortune, yet never had I
any desire to settle there. For, of a truth, they have nothing
that can delight or win people from Europe, or make them
desire to live there. The country is not good for the body,
much less for the soul ; for the body, because it is requisite
to live ever on the qui vive and keep your eyes open, since
no one ever says a word to be relied upon. It is continuously
requisite to think the worst and believe the contrary of what
is said ; for it is the habit there absolutely to act according
to the proverb of my country, ' Pleasant words, sad actions.'
They deceive both the acute and the careless ; thus, when they
show themselves the greatest friends, you require to be doubly
careful.

The country is not good for the soul, as much from the
licence one has there as from the absence of Catholic obser-
vances. Thus, when I could leave it, I did so ; nor should
I ever have gone back there had I not been forced by necessity.

XXI. SlI.TW SlKANDAR, SON OF SHAH ShLJA'.

Vol. II.

To face page 324.

GENERAL REFLECTIONS 325

I offer up many thanks to God that at length He granted me
means to deliver myself; and I assure the reader that few
Europeans could live there with the advantages and honours
I was able to achieve. Nor let him be led away by the hope
that, resorting thither, he would be able to improve himself
in any degree. For few indeed are they who return thence
bettered, and many are those who have been made worse.

END OF PART II.

THE THIRD PART*

OF THE

HISTORY OF THE MOGUL

NICOLAS MANOUCHY, Venetian,

First Physician to Shah 'Alam, eldest son of Aurangzeb

WHEREIN IS GIVEN AN EXACT ACCOUNT OF THE

RICHES AND GRANDEUR OF THE MOGULS AND

THE HINDU PRINCES, HIS NEIGHBOURS,

WITH MANY CURIOUS DETAILS AND

REMARKABLE EVENTS

[The Phillips MS., 1945, bears at the top, ' Collegii Paris. Societ. Jesu,' and
on the margin of the first page, ' Paragraphs au devis de l'arrest du 5 Juillet,
1763. — Mesnil.']

1 The Third Part begins in French, and so goes on up to f. 66, when it
continues in Portuguese. There is an abridgment of this part in F. Catrou,
4to. edition of 1705, pp. 232-272. Part III. begins on fol. 149 of the Venice
Colex XLIV. in Italian, and has no headings.

HISTORY OF THE MOGUL

THIRD PART

Although by perusal of the first two (parts it is easy to learn
the riches, the grandeur, and the policy of the Mogul kings and
those of the other princes of Hindustan, their neighbours, still,
as those subjects are scattered here and there throughout the
History, I have not thought it useless to write a separate book.
It forms the subject of this Third Part of my History ; it will,
I feel assured, be a great help and most useful to those who
undertake a journey to India to see those far-off lands. I
pledge my word that if before starting they will take the
trouble to read what is here written, they will be able after-
wards to judge whether I have faithfully aided Europeans by
the investigations and observations which I here communicate.

I must add to these remarks that my object in writing has
not been merely to satisfy the curiosity of readers, but to be of
use to them. This is the reason that I have not relied on the
knowledge of others ; and I have spoken of nothing which I
have not seen or undergone during the space of forty-eight
years that I have dwelt in Hindustan. Nor have I remained
in one place, but have been always travelling, holding an
honourable and lucrative post, which has given me the means
of acquiring a more exact knowledge of everything occurring
in this vast empire.

I have decided to give in this Third Part : first, an exact
description of the mahal, or Mogul seraglio [2-22] ; secondly,
an account of the ruler's policy, and how he deals with the
kings and princes who are his vassals [22-49] ; thirdly, I shall
speak of the kingdoms and provinces dependent upon the

329

330 THE MOGUL COURT

Mogul — what are the rents and revenues of each separately, and
other notable things [49-59]; fourthly, I shall say something
about the chief rajahs or princelings either within or round
about this empire [59-89] ; fifthly, I shall give a short account
of the Hindu religion [90-136]; sixthly, I shall offer some
remarks on elephants and other animals [144-155] ; seventhly
and lastly, I shall report certain curious events which have
happened in India [155 to end].

Most Europeans imagine that the grandeur of kings and
princes in other parts of the world cannot compare with what
is found at the courts of their sovereigns. Excluding the
principal ones — those of the Emperor, the King of France,
and the King of Spain — nowhere else can be found, as they
think, those airs of grandeur and of majesty which follow in
a sovereign's train. But, without speaking of the Emperor
of China's court, which, according [2] to the accounts we have,
is extremely splendid and majestuous, I assert that in the
Mogul kingdom the nobles, and above all the king, live with
such ostentation that the most sumptuous of European courts
cannot compare in richness and magnificence with the lustre
beheld in the Indian court.

Customs of the Royal Household, and the Way of
dealing with the people living in the palace,
commonly called the mahal, or seraglio.

Ordinarily there are within the mahal two thousand women
of different races. Each has her office or special duties, either
in -attendance on the king, his wives, his daughters, or his
concubines. To rule and maintain order among this last
class, each one is assigned her own set of rooms, and matrons
are placed over them. In addition, each has usually attached
to her ten or twelve women servants, who are selected from the
above-named women.

The matrons have generally three, four, or five hundred
rupees a month as pay, according to the dignity of the post
they occupy. The servants under their orders have from fifty
up to two hundred rupees a month. In addition to these

THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD 331

matrons, there are the female superintendents of music and
their women players ; these have about the same pay more or
less, besides the presents they receive from the princes and
princesses, whose names I will record lower down, in order
to divert the reader by a little variety. Among them are some
who teach reading and writing to the princesses, and usually
what they dictate to them are amorous verses. Or the ladies
obtain relaxation in reading books called ' Gulistan ' and
' Bostan,' written by an author called Sec Sadi Chiragi (Shekh
Sa'di, ShirazI), and other books treating of love, very
much the same as our romances, only they are still more
shameless.

The way in which these kings are waited on by these women
in their mahal deserves mention. For, just as the king has his
officers outside, he has the same among the fair sex within the
mahal. Among these ladies are some who occupy the same
offices that are held by grandees outside ; and it is by the
mouth of these illustrious persons, when the king does not
come forth, that the officials outside receive the orders sent
them from within. All the persons employed in these offices
are carefully selected ; they have much wit and judgment, and
know all that is passing in the empire. For the officials out-
side are required to send written reports into the mahal of all
that the king ought to know. To these reports the women
officials reply as directed by that prince. And to carry this
out there are eunuchs who take out and bring back the
sealed letters written from one side to the other on these
matters.

It is also a fixed rule of the Moguls that the vaquianavis
(waqi ( ah-navls) and the cofianavis (khufiy ah-navls), or the public
and secret news- writers of the empire, must once a week enter
what is passing in a vaquia (wdqi'ah) — that is to say, a sort of
gazette or Mercury, containing the events of most importance.
These news-letters are commonly read in the king's presence
by women of the mahal at about nine o'clock in the evening,
so that by this means be knows what is going on in his king-
dom. There are, in addition, spies, who are also obliged to
send in reports weekly about other important business, chiefly

332 THE KING'S EXPENDITURE

what the princes are doing, and this duty they perform through
written statements.

The king sits up till midnight, and is unceasingly occupied
with the above sort of business. He sleeps for three hours
only, and on awakening offers up his usual prayers [3], which
occupy an hour and a half. Every year he goes into peni-
tential retirement for forty days, during which he sleeps on the
ground, he fasts, he gives alms — the whole to secure from God
continuance of victory and the accomplishment of his designs.
But, nowadays, being old and his enemies hindering him from
undertaking anything, he must perforce remain at rest. Not-
withstanding, he never fails every morning to consider and
give orders as to what should be done. Thus in the
twenty-four hours his rule is to eat once and sleep three
hours. During sleep he is guarded by women slaves, very
brave, and highly skilled in the management of the bow and
other arms.

Every day one thousand rupees are disbursed for the ex-
penses of the king's kitchen, and the officials are required to
furnish therefrom all that is necessary. They have to lay
before the prince a fixed number of ragouts and different dishes
in vessels of China porcelain placed on gold stands. As a
great favour the king sends of these, or of what is left over,
to the queens and princesses and the captains of the guard.
This honour is always dearly paid for, since the eunuchs who
convey the food never fail to get themselves well rewarded.
When the king is in an enemy's country, where provisions are
dear, the total expense is disregarded. There must always be
produced a certain fixed number of ragouts ; so much is this
the case that on the march there is no control over the expen-
diture. But in the mahal the queens, the princesses, and all
the other women have their separate allowances.

Since I have promised to give a list of the various names,
and their different meanings, of the titles that the Mogul kings
give to the queens and princesses, to their concubines, to the
chief matrons, to the dancing-women, to the singing-women,
and to the slaves of the mafyal, I think it advisable to begin at
this point.

NAMES OF QUEENS AND PRINCESSES

333

The principal names given by the kings to the queens and

the princesses, with their meanings, are :

Taj Mahal 1 Crown of the Mahal

Nur Mahal Aurora of the Mahal

Nur Jahan Aurora of the World

Farzanah Begam

Akbarabadi

Aurangabadi Begam

Nawab Bae J I

Taige Mahal
Nur Mahal
Nur Jahan
Farsana Begom
Akabarabady
Orangbady Begom
Nawab Bahigi
Udepury
Guescuor
Chater Matz
Jany Begom
Maha Canon

Cha Canon
Fiar Conda Canon
Pur onor Begom
Acla Begom
Fasela Canon
Cha adma Canon
Nur nechan Canon

Jefea Canon
Nafesa Canon

Dur Dan Begom
Nadera Begom
Jahanara Begom

Begom Saheb
Roxanara Begom

Udepuri
Kesar ?
Chattar-watI
Jani Begam
Mah Khanum

Shah Khanum
Farkhundah Khanum
Pur-anwar Begam
'Aqilah Begam
Fazilah Khanum
Shadman Khanum
Nur-un-nissa, Khanum

Jafa Khanum (?)
Nafisah Khanum

Durr-i-durran Begam
Nadirah Begam
Jahan-ara Begam

Begam Sahib
Roshan-ara Begam

Liberality of Good Things
Sovereign in Prosperity
Prosperity of the Throne
The Great
Full of Joy
Shadow of Riches
Glorious in her Designs
Loved or Cherished One
Light of the House, which is
a high title. It is as if one
said, 'The Light of France,'
for by ' house ' is under-
stood the empire, or the
royal or imperial house
King of the House
Bounty of the House
Filled with Industry
The Instructed or Discreet
Wisdom of the Court
Mirth of the House
Aurora of the Women of the

House
Prosperity of the House
The Most Exquisite of the

House
The Pearl among Princesses
The Excellent Princess
Princess Renowned in the

World
Lady among Princesses
The Light among Princesses

These queens and princesses have [4] the title of Begam, which
signifies that they are void of care, 2 while others have the title
of Canon (Khanum), signifying that they are of the royal house-
hold ; 2 the word also means ' a noble.' When they travel on

1 The middle column of all these lists— an attempt to give the strict trans-
literation — has been added by the translator. The third column is Manucci's
own. No attempt has been made to correct these meanings, many of which are
doubtful, and some absolutely erroneous.

2 This is due to an erroneous etymology, the word not being be-gham, ' devoid
of care,' but begam, the Turkish feminine of beg, a lord, a noble. In the same

334

NAMES OF CONCUBINES

elephants they are made to enter a tent near the palace gate,
and the elephant-driver covers his head with a coarse cloth so
that he may not see them.

The names of the mistresses, or concubines, with the mean-
ings, are :

Ranadel

Ra'nah-dil

That is, Clear or
Faithful Heart

Badam Cheshm

Badam Chashm

Bold-eyed

Nazac Badam

Nazuk-badan

Pretty Body

Mat Lub

Matlub

Given by Destiny

Sue Den

Sukh-dain

Repose

Catol

Kutuhal

Joyous

Sangar

Singar

Adorned

Piar

Piyar

Loving

Mahan

Proud

All the names given are either Persian or Hindu ; for the king
takes into his house several daughters of Hindu princes, and
gives them Hindu names, as the fancy takes him, and also in
the same way to those who are Mahomedans. It is also the
practice of these kings and the Mogul princes to entertain
matrons as spies, and eunuchs who give [blank ; ? information]
to these old ladies of the loveliest young women in the empire.
Afterwards these matrons, by promises and deceit, lead them
astray, and have them carried off into whatever palace the king
or a prince requires. There they are detained among the
number of mistresses or concubines, as I have recorded in the
first part of this history, when speaking of the King Jahanglr
(? Shahjahan) and the Prince Dara (I. 131, 152). When it
happens that he does not wish to keep them, the king sends
them back with some great present. I say this because I have
had a special acquaintance with all these secrets and of many
others, which it is not in place for me to state.

The names of the matrons, with the meanings, are :

Nias Bibi Banu
Faima Banu
Falica Banu
Cader Bibi Banu

Niyaz Bibi Bano
Fahimah Bano
Falaki Bano
Qadir Bibi Bano

The Present Lady
The Philosopher Lady
The Fortunate Lady
The Powerful Lady

way khanum is not connected with khanah, ' a house ' ; it is the feminine of
&£«», 'a lord, a noble.'

NAMES OF DANCING-WOMEN

335

Noschaba Banu
Gol Sultan Banu

Dil jo Banu
Sin tan Banu
Mer niguer Banu
Nevel Bay Banu
Chater Bay Banu
Lai Bay Banu
Ira Bay Banu
Manse Banu 1
Maha Biquer

Noshabah Bano
Gul Sultan Bano

Dil-ju Bano
Sim-tan Bano
Mihr-nigar Ba.no
Naval Bae Bano
Chatarai Ba.no
La'l Bae Bano
Hira. Bae Ba.no
Manik Bano
Mah-i-bikr

The Lady Presenting Liquor
The Lady of the Royal

Flower
The Lady Heart Repose
The Lady Golden Body
The Lady of Pitying Glance
The New Lady
The Discreet Lady
The Ruby Lady
The Diamond Lady
The Pearl Lady
The Full Moon

The matrons are very much more numerous, but not to
weary, I give the names of only a few principal ones, who are
set over the whole mahal, and I shall adopt the same course in
regard to the singing-women, dancing-women, and others.

In spite of Aurangzeb's having forbidden all music, he never-
theless continued always to entertain in his palaces, for the
diversion of the queens and his daughters, several dancing and
singing women ; and even conferred special names on their
mistresses or superintendents. Those names are as follows :

Names of the Superintendents of the Dancers and Singers,
with their Meaning.

Sondar Bay
Soroc Bay
Chalol Bay
Merg nen
Lai Bay
Ira. Bay
Manca Bay
Chalian Bay
Ras Bay
Nen jot Bay
Merg mala Bay

Gol ro Bay
Chanchel Bay
Sanchel Bay
Dian Bay
Gian Bay

Sundar Bae
Surosh Bae
Chulohla Bae
Mirg-nain
La'l Bae
Hira. Bae
Manasa Bae
Jaliya. Bae
Ras Bae
Nain-jot Bae
Mirg mala. Bae

Gul-ru Bae
Chanchal Bae
Chanchal Bae
Dhyan Bae
Gyan Bae

Superintendent of Music

The Good Voice

The Happy [5]

Gazelle-eyed

Ruby

Diamond

Pearl

The Net

Liquor

Light of the Eyes

Flowery, or she who is

covered with flowers
Rose-visaged
The Bold
The Subtile
The Well-informed
The Inventive

1 The only word approaching this form, and having a meaning which might
be rendered ' pearl,' is the Hindi manik, a jewel, a ruby.

336

NAMES OF SLAVE WOMEN

Ar Bay
Morad Bay
Mathalab Bay
Akas Bay
Abshera Bay
Caldar Bay
Becond Bay
Coshal Bay
Nial Bay
Ferae Bay
Golal Bay
Castury Bay
Carsewad Bay
Bessina Bay
Ader Bay
Sanchel Bay
Guecer Bay

Har Bae
Murad Bae
Matlab Bae
Akas Bae
Apsara Bae
Khaldar Bae
Baikunth Bae
Khushhal Bae
Nihal Bae
Farah Bae (?)
Gulal Bae
Kasturi Bae
Kar-i-sawab Bae
Basna Bae
Udar Bae (?)
Chanchal Bae (?)
Kesar Bae

Flower-adorned

The Desired

The Foreseeing

The Celestial

The Seraphic

The Freckled

Paradise

The Happy

The Abundant

The Healthy

The Rose

Musk or Musk-perfumed

Taste

The Pleasant-scented

The Replete

The Sufficient

Saffron

All the above names are Hindu, and ordinarily these over-
seers of the music are Hindus by race, who have been carried
off in infancy from various villages or the houses of different
rebel Hindu princes. In spite of their Hindu names, they are,
however, Mahomedans. Each has under her orders about ten
apprentices ; and along with these apprentices they attend the
queens, the princesses, and the concubines. Each one has her
special rank according to her standing. The queens and the
other ladies pass their time in their rooms, each with her own
set of musicians. None of these musicians are allowed to sing
elsewhere than in the rooms of the person to whom they are
attached, except at some great festival. Then they are all
assembled and ordered to sing together some piece or other in
praise of, or to the honour of, the festival. All these women are
pretty, have a good style and much grace in their gait, are
very free in their talk and exceedingly lascivious, their only
occupation, outside the duties of their office, being lewdness.
' Bae ' in the Hindu language means ' madam ' or ' lady.'
The names of the principal slaves or women servants in the
mahal are :

Golal

Gulal

The Rose

Chambely

Chambeli

The Jasmine Flower

Narguis

Nargis

The Tulip Flower

Guecer

Kesar

Saffron

NAMES OF SLAVES

337

Gaal badam

Gul-i-badam

Almond Flower

Sosen

Sosan

The Lily Flower

Hyassaman

Yasmin

The Festival [i.e. , Jashan]

Castury

Kasturi

Musk

Continuation of the names of the principal slaves in the
mahal :

Chumpa

Champa.

Name of an Indian flower

Rubel

Bel

Name of another such flower
[? jasmine]

Sentz

Sainti

Another flower name

Senovor

Nainufar (?)

The Tuberose 1

Gola Basoy

Gul-i-'abbasi

The Head of Flowers

Gol Frang

Gul-i-farang

The Girofle

Ranagol

Ra'na-gul

The Good Flower

Gole Andam

Gul-andam

The Shape of a Flower

Golonour

Gul-anar

Pomegranate Flower

Anar caly

Anar-kali

Pomegranate Blossom

Salony

Saloni

The Holy Sweetened with
Sugar

Sobaty

Suhbati

The Pleasing

Neguy

Neki

The Good-natured

Jasgar

Khas-kar (?)

The Well-placed

Doulany

Daulati

Riches

Madraotty

Madhumati

The Terrible

Sogundara

Sugandhara.

The Scented

Geony

Gyani

The Lively or Expert

Choel

Koil

A bird in India

Lambac

Lambuka (?) 2

Lily Flower

Benofchu

Banafshah

The Violet

Gol rang

Gul-rang

Flower-coloured

Mendy

Mendhi

Red Colour [henna]

Sud barg

Sad-barg

Hundred-leaved

Cosh negu

Khush-nigah

The Courteous

Sandal

Dila Feros

Dil-afroz

Heart-delighting

Ginda del

Zindah-dil

Life of the Heart

Guet qui

Ketaki

Name of an Indian flower
[keora]

[6] Nias bo

Niyaz-bu

Pleasant-smelling

Much naz

Machh-naz (?)

Smart and Agile

Moty

MotI

The Pearl

Nee Cadam

Nek-qadam

The Well-footed Beauty

Achanec

Achanak

The Unexpected

1 In the dictionaries the tuberose is shab-bu, ' night-scented.'

2 Lambuka, the name of an apsara, a nymph in the court of Indra.
VOL. II. 22

338

EXPENSES OF THE HAREM

Nas bo

Naz-bue

Balm, Basilicum

Morgnen

Mirg-nain

Gazelle-eyed

Nen sue

Nain-sukh

Repose of the Eyes

Calval nen

Kamal-nain

Lotus-eyed

Dil pasant

Dil-pasand

Flattering the Heart

Dil alam

Dil-aram

Repose of the Heart

Rang mala

Rang-mala

Crowned with Flowers

Bassenty

Basanti

The Day of Festival

Gombary

Kamwari (?)

Full of Industry

Ira

Hira

The Diamond

Coch-andam

Khush-andam

Perfect in Bearing

Sareo gol

Sarv-gul

A Flower among Cypresses

Quis mix

Kishmish

The ' Escuse ' > (?)

Pesta

Pistah

The Pistachio

All these names, and those which preceded, are more Indian
than Persian. The kings are very choice about giving names
to suit the persons receiving them. So much is this the case
that they call these principal slaves by names having some con-
nection either with their walk or their gestures, or their speech
or their acts. They are all very well clad, and adorned with
valuable jewels. They receive the same pay as the other slaves,
and are under their orders ; and each has under her about ten
women, over whom she rules.

The expenses of the mahal are extraordinary, for they never
amount to less than a carol (karor) of rupees— that is, ten mil-
lions of rupees — which makes about fifteen millions of livres 2 of
Touraine. But out of this the king draws the money required
for the sardpds, or robes, which he presents to generals and
officers, as I have said (I. 54). The above expenditure will not
appear incredible when we consider that all persons in India
being extremely choice about, and fond of, scents and flowers,
they disburse a great deal for essences of many kinds, for rose-
water, and for scented oils distilled from different flowers.
Besides all that expense, there is the betel, which is always in
their mouths. It must also be noted that these are the daily
expenses, to which must be added the continual purchases made

1 Kishmish means ' raisin,' and perhaps escuse is intended for asciugato [Italian],
' dried ' [grapes],

2 According to Tavernier (Ball), i, 411, a livre was one-third of an ecu (held to
be worth 4s. 6d.), and therefore equal to is^ 6d., and 15,000,000 livres equals
£1, 125,000.

HAREM JEWELLERY AND ORNAMENTS 339

of precious stones. From this cause the goldsmiths are almost
continuously busy with the making of ornaments. The best
and the most costly of their productions are for the king's
person, the queens, and the princesses.

The latter make it one of their diversions to examine and
show to others their jewellery. But they have their reasons for
this ; for I have noticed several times myself when introduced
into the rooms of these ladies, they having asserted that they
had some reason for consulting me, that they often caused their
ornaments and jewels to be brought, solely as an opening for a
conversation. The things are brought in great trays of gold.
They would inquire from me their virtues and properties, and
make other similar remarks. During this time I had sufficient
leisure to examine them, and I may say I have seen every
sort of stone, some of an extraordinary size, and strings of
pearls very equal in size, which at the first start I often took
for various kinds of fruit. I say various kinds of fruit, for
there were strings of rubies pierced and strung together just
like the pearls, and about the size of a nut. These, by their
red colour, diversified that of the pearls, and I took the whole
for fruit.

These ladies keep their rubies in this condition in order not
to diminish their size and weight, for they know quite well that
no one but themselves would be able to wear them, and, on the
other hand, they have no need to sell them. Thus they do
not mind their being pierced. They wear these necklaces of
jewels like scarves, on both shoulders, added to three strings
of pearls on each side. Usually they have also three to five
rows of pearls hanging from their neck, coming down as far as
the lower part of the stomach. Upon the middle of the head
is a bunch of pearls which hangs down as far as the centre of
the forehead, with a valuable ornament of costly stones formed
into the shape of the sun, or moon, or some star, or at times
imitating different flowers. This suits them exceedingly well.
On the right side they have a little round ornament (boucle), in
which is a small ruby inserted between [7] two pearls. In their
ears are valuable stones, round the neck large pearls or strings
of precious stones, and over these a valuable ornament having

22 — 2

340 DRESS OF HAREM LADIES

in its centre a big diamond, or ruby, or emerald, or sapphire,
and round it huge pearls.

They wear on their arms, above the elbow, rich armlets two
inches wide, enriched on the surface with stones, and having
small bunches of pearls depending from them. At their wrists
are very rich bracelets, or bands of pearls, which usually go
round nine or twelve times. In this way they often have the
place for feeling the pulse so covered up that I found it difficult
to put my hand upon it. On their fingers are rich rings, and
on the right thumb there is always a ring, where, in place of a
stone, there is mounted a little round mirror, having pearls
around it. This mirror they use to look at themselves, an act of
which they are very fond, at any and every moment. In addi-
tion, they are girded with a sort of waistbelt of gold two fingers
wide, covered all over with great stones ; at the ends of the
strings which tie up their drawers there are bunches of pearls
made up of fifteen strings five fingers in length. Round the
bottom of their legs are valuable metal rings or strings of costly
pearls.

All these princesses own six to eight sets of jewels, in
addition to some other sets of which I do not speak, worn
according to their own fancy. Their dresses are superb and
costly, perfumed with essence of roses. Every day they change
their clothes several times ; this is due to the vicissitudes in the
weather, which occur continually in the Mogul country. When
these ladies want to dispose of their jewels, it is almost im-
possible for them to do so. For Prince Akbar, when he was in
the territory of Shiva Ji, finding himself without money, sent
five rubies to Goa to be sold. They were equal to those I
spoke of above. Yet no one wanted to buy, owing to the high
prices he asked, also because they were pierced.

All women in India are in the habit of scenting their hands
and feet with a certain earth, 1 which they call mendy (mehndi),
which colours the hands and feet red, in such a way that they

1 In the French text the word is passe ; in Portuguese the author uses it many
times in different forms — pauso, poco, posso, and so forth — and, collating all these
passages, I find it means either a pond, a marsh, or else clay and mud. I have
not found it in any dictionary, French or Portuguese. Menhdl {hernia) is, however,
not an earth, but the leaves of a plant pounded and formed into a paste.

HAREM LIFE 341

look as if they had on gloves. They do this because they can
wear neither gloves nor stockings on account of the great
heats which prevail in India. They are also obliged thereby
to put on such exceedingly thin raiment that their skin shows
through. They call these clothes siricas {?sari) f and others
malmal {i.e., muslin). Ordinarily they wear two or even three
garments, each weighing not more than one ounce, and worth
from forty to fifty rupees each. This is without counting the
[gold] lace that they are in the habit of adding. They sleep in
these clothes, and renew them every twenty-four hours, and
never put them on again, but give them away to their servants.

Their hair is always very well dressed, plaited, and perfumed
with scented oil. They cover their heads with a sheet of cloth
of gold, and these are of different makes and colours. During
the cold weather — that is to say, the less hot season ; as for
winter, they do not know in India what that means — in that
season, I say, they wear the same clothes, covering themselves
on the top of the other things, however, with a woollen cabaye
(qaba, a long open gown), of fine Kashmir make. Above
their other clothes they put on fine shawls, so thin that they
can be passed through a small finger-ring.

Their amusement at night is generally to have large torches
lighted, on which they will spend more than one hundred and
fifty thousand rupees. The torches are made with wax or oil.
Some of these princesses wear turbans by the king's permission.
On the turban is a valuable aigrette, surrounded by pearls
and precious stones. This is extremely becoming, and makes
them look very graceful [8]. During entertainments, such as
balls and such-like, there are dancing-women who have the
same privilege.

These queens and princesses have pay or pensions according
to their birth or the rank they hold. In addition, they often
receive from the king special presents in cash, under the pretext
that it is to buy betel, or perfumes, or shoes. They live in
this way, with no cares or anxieties, occupying themselves with
nothing beyond displaying great show and magnificence, an
imposing and majestuous bearing, or making themselves
attractive, getting talked about in the world, and pleasing the

342 AURANGZEB'S PERSONAL ATTIRE

king. For, in spite of there being among them many jealousies,
they conceal this as a matter of policy.

In the midst of so much idleness, enjoyment, and grandeur,
they cannot fail to get their minds loaded with the impurity of
many vices. For they never reflect on death, and through all
the palaces such a thing is never mentioned, nor anything to
bring it before the eyes or mind. When these ladies chance to
fall ill, they are carried away to a very pretty set of rooms
in the palace, which they style the btmdr-khdnah, or house for
the sick. There they are nursed and tended with all possible
exactitude, and they only come forth either well or dead.
When the latter is the case, the king seizes all the wealth
of the defunct. If the patient is one esteemed by the monarch,
he goes to see her at the beginning of her illness, and if she
does not recover promptly, he does not go back to her again,
but he sends from time to time a slave to ask after the state of
her health.

Although the women in the mahal treat themselves so sump-
tuously and display all the dignity that I have reported,
Aurangzeb sees no harm. For all Mahomedans are very fond
of women, who are their principal relaxation and almost their
only pleasure. Further, it is an ancient custom of the Mogul
kings to act in this way. As for the present king, he hardly
conducts himself so pompously as his father, Shahjahan.
His clothes are very plain, and he wears few ornaments —
nothing but a small plume or aigrette in the middle of his
turban and a large precious stone in front ; on his stomach
another. He wears no strings of pearls, as all his descendants
do, down to the fourth generation. His coats are always made
of a very moderately-priced material, for each qabd (gown) does
not exceed ten rupees in cost.

All the stones he wears have special names, almost always
taken from some planet, such as the sun, the moon, or that
of a star, or other similar names, such as he judges appro-
priate. He finds it strange to call for them by their own
name, which would be to ask for stones ; therefore when he
wants to wear one he orders them to bring him the 'sun,' the
' moon,' et cetera.

ALLOWANCES TO PRINCES 343

Of these precious stones the Mogul has a quantity inherited
from Taimur-i-lang and the other kings, his predecessors, also
those obtained in the conquests of the Bijajur and Gulkandah
kingdoms. In addition there are those he is daily buying.
This takes no account of the fact that in these days he has
become master of the diamond mines, and there is no stint
of stones, the largest and best. For, although King Humayun
was dethroned and expelled from his kingdom by Sher Shah,
he did not thereby lose his jewels, for he took them away and
brought them back with him [9].

When a princess is born in the mahal the women rejoice, and
go to great expense as a mark of their joy. If a prince is born,
then all the court takes part in the rejoicings, which last several
days, as the king may ordain. Instruments are played and
music resounds ; the nobles appear to offer their congratula-
tions to the king, bringing presents, either in jewels, money,
elephants, or horses. The same day he imposes on the infant
[a name] and fixes his allowance, which is always more than
that given to the highest general in the army. He furthermore
nominates officials to look after the lands which have been
assigned to the child. At the year's end any surplus left from
the income of any such prince is kept apart in the treasury.
When he is married and has a palace of his own this money is
made over to him.

The allowance of no prince exceeds the rank of fifty hazdrl
(fifty thousand), that ordinarily granted to the eldest son. At
the present time this is Shah 'Alam, who has an income of
twenty millions of rupees. This prince has in his ma/ial two
thousand women, and maintains a court as superb as that of
the king, his father. When these princes once leave the
paternal house, they work and scheme to make themselves
friends. They write secretly to the Hindu princes and the
Mahomedan generals, promising them that when they become
king they will raise their allowances. The others close with
the bargain, and if any of these princes mounts the throne, he
fancies that they have been faithful to him.

When a son is born to any of the princes it is the grandfather
who fixes the child's name. He also grants an allowance,

344 PRESENTS AND OFFERINGS

different, however, from that of his own children, giving the
child two or three hundred rupees a day. The child's father
also gives something, and supports an establishment for the
child according to the income assigned him. This continues
until he is of marriageable age, and then he is given a grander
retinue. The king's sons are called Pacha-zadah (Badshah-zaddh)
— that is, ' Born of the King ' — and the sons of princes are
called sazadah (shdh-zddah) — that is, ' Born of a Prince ' — and
they bear the title of Sultan.

Any presents made to the king are accepted in his capacity
of sovereign — that is to say, he believes or makes out that these
gifts are his by right, as homage rendered to his supreme
majesty. Even those of ambassadors are so considered ; he
receives them with demonstrations which prove his belief that
in accepting he is conferring a signal favour. For he estimates
himself to be the greatest monarch in the world. For this
reason, when he writes to any king he designates him by the
titles of consul, syndic, or president.

If anyone makes a present at court in the hope of obtaining
some charge or an appointment, and, as sometimes happens, he
gets nothing, his present is useless. I was witness of some-
thing of the sort, which happened to Monsieur Raisin, 1 a French
merchant. He presented to the king an emerald worth one
thousand rupees on the supposition that the king, in considera-
tion of the gift, would buy all the jewels he had for sale. Yet
he never bought one. Then he (Raisin) was sorry at having
given the present, and spoke to Multafat Khan, 2 at that time
superintendent of the king's wardrobe, and prayed that he
would use influence to get him back his emerald. It is true
that he obtained it, but it cost him half of what it was worth
[10]. Even then it was a favour the king showed him, because
he was a foreigner.

It is a custom established throughout India that without
friends and without interest nothing can be done. Even princes

1 Tavernier (Ball), ii. 304. M. Raisin is mentioned as dining along with
Tavernier and another Frenchman at the table of the Augustinian Fathers who
resided at the court of Gulkandah. The year was apparently 1660 or 1661.

2 More probably it was his brother Iftikhar Khan, who became Khansaman
(Lord Chamberlain) in the sixth year (1663-64) (' M.-ul-U.,' iii. 612).

NEW YEAR'S DAY GIFTS 345

of the blood royal, if they want to carry out any purpose, cannot
do so without paying. It is such a usual thing to give and to
receive that when any eunuch or any princess asks the king for
something as a favour to some general or officer, be it an ap-
pointment or some other favour of any consequence, the king
never omits to ask how much has been received. The other
side ordinarily admit the exact amount, which the prince is
aware of, and he leaves a portion with the intercessor and takes
the rest himself, sending it to be locked up in the treasury.

He did not act thus, however, with the wazlr, Ja'far Khan.
All he did was to direct one of his officers to collect together
the money for the appointments granted, with instructions to
render an account daily of what had been received, if the total
were twenty-five thousand rupees or more ; if less, no account
need be sent in. Thereupon it happened one day that a certain
Fida,e Khan 1 had returned from Ilavas (Allahabad) to court.
He was no friend of Ja'far Khan, so one day when presenting
to the king an officer seeking employment, he said : ' This trifle
has been worth twelve thousand rupees to Ja'far Khan.' The
king resented so public a reproach ; nevertheless he dissembled,
and soon after sent Fida,e Khan to Lahor as governor.

Upon birthdays and other days of festival, above all on that
of the New Year, when the king and the princes have them-
selves weighed, as I shall state farther on (III. 12) — oh those
days, I say, the chief ladies of the court are obliged to attend at
the palace to make their compliments to the queens and prin-
cesses. From this ceremony the wives of Pathan captains are
exempted. When the ladies attend there they never go in with
empty hands, but always carry costly presents to be offered.
They remain at the court until the end of the feast, which lasts
usually six to nine days. The dancing-women and singing-
women receive on these occasions handsome presents from the
princesses and other great ladies. They either sing to compli-
ment them on their birthday, or invoke on them all kinds of
prosperity when congratulating them at the New Year.

1 This must be the Fida.e Khan (or A'zam Khan. Kokah), brother of Bahadur
Khan, or Khan Jahan, Bahadur, Kokaltash, of whom there have been several
mentions before.

346 BIRTHDAYS— THE KING'S TITLES

The ladies respond then to all the praises, which the singing-
women never fail to shower on them, by full trays of gold and
silver coin which they throw to them. All the matrons re-
ceive sarapas (robes) and jewels, and their allowances are
increased. The great ladies are well received upon their arrival ;
they also obtain costly sarapas (robes) and jewels. At the time
when they say good-bye their hands are filled with kicharl,
which is, in its literal meaning, a mixed dish made up of several
kinds of vegetables. As to this, it must be remarked that
the kicharl of these queens and princes is not of that sort, but,
on the contrary, a mixture of gold and silver coin, with all
kinds of precious stones and pearls, large and small.

The day when a prince or a princess is born they give the
infant a string of yellow silk with a knot in it, which is a mark
of the day he came into the world. The next year, on the same
day, they make another knot, and a feast is held as before, and
thus they continue to the end of life. 1 Upon the very day of
birth they place in a [n] small bag the navel-string which has
been severed by a thread, and for forty days the whole is left
under the prince's pillow along with certain superstitious
writings. At the end of the forty days the bag is hung round
the child's neck, and this is never omitted in the Mogul country.

The following is the manner in which the Mogul's vassals
address him, or, rather, the titles that they give to him, with
their meaning :

Azarat Salamat Hazrat salamat Holy in Health

Gueble Dia Danie Qiblah-i-din-dunya The Temple of the Faith

and the World
Gueble do Jania Qiblah-i-du jahanan The Temple of the Two

Universes
Gueble Ja Sam Qiblah-ja-i-sama' The Temple of the World

Alam Pana 'Alam-panah The Support of the World

Usually Aurangzeb is called Plr-i-dastglr — that is, ' Holy man
who removes with his hand sorrows and cares.'

When the little princes, of whom I have spoken above, have
reached the age of five, they are taught to read and write the

1 Herklots, ' Qanoone Islam,' p. 26, the s&l-girah (annual knot). There the
string is said to be red, and not yellow.

EDUCATION OF PRINCES 347

paternal tongue, which is the Tartar, or the ancient speech of
the Turks. After this they are made over to learned men and
courteous eunuchs, who bring them up with great strictness,
and teach them the liberal and military arts. The teachers take
the greatest care to hinder the princes from acquiring bad
habits. Usually to amuse them they have acted before them
many comedies, or their teachers conduct before them legal
argumentations, actions at law, or some imbroglio, after which
judgments are pronounced. They show them combats and
fights and similar things, the whole with a view to their having,
should they ever obtain rule, some knowledge of the world's
business, and be able to judge in every matter with discernment
and without passion.

In regard to this it once happened to me that I was treating
a little child of Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din for a small sore he had on
his head. One day I said laughingly, to make him forget the
pain he felt, that he must not be angry. The eunuchs and the
matrons who were present found what I had said to be most
extraordinary, and replying to me, they said that Mogul princes
were never disturbed in mind, and all they did was void of
passion and full of prudence.

When the king goes out to hunt or to visit the mosque, he
takes these young princes with him. This is the mode in which
they are brought up inside the palace until the age of sixteen
years. At this age they are married. . . . l The tutors are re-
tained all their lives in the palace with a decent pension. After
a prince is married the king gives him a separate palace, with
a great income and a large establishment ; but along with all
that he always keeps near them good tutors and most careful
spies, who inform him of all that passes every day.

When these princes have gone to live in separate palaces
they observe their birthday or other festival themselves in the
manner I have stated (III. 10), and their officers are obliged to
make them presents in proportion to their wealth. Thus, on
this head it happened that in the year 1679 2 at the town of

1 Some indecorous details are omitted.

2 The 30th Rajab, 1090 H., which was Shah 'Alam's birthday, fell in 1679 on
September 6, N.S. He was then thirty-seven.

348 NEW YEAR FESTIVAL— WEIGHINGS

Aurangabad, where Shah 'Alam was celebrating his birthday,
the queen, his mother, then living with him, made him a pre-
sent of many curiosities to the value of fifty thousand rupees,
at which the prince [12] was not satisfied, and complained,
saying that his mother had been very niggardly compared to
other years. In this way the queen was forced into giving him
more presents. The other princesses of his household in the
same way gave according to their means and substance. So
much is this done, that on such an occasion it is generally
indispensable for everyone, small and great, to act in this way
and see that their present corresponds to their means and rank.

Their year commences on the 22nd March, 1 at which time a
great festival is held, as I have said (III. 10). The palaces are
decked inside and out with high and costly hangings, made by
order of Shahjahan along with the throne, like a peacock, of
which I have spoken (II. 34). This is of very great value, and
the maker never had the felicity of seating himself upon it.
Aurangzeb was the first, who, upon the day of his coronation,
had the benefit of ascending this superb seat. It was placed
under lofty tents, and he continues to use it on the festival day
of which I speak. It is at that time the usage to place on each
side of the throne, but a little lower, all the thrones used by
the kings of Hindustan who preceded the present monarch.

It is upon that day that the persons of the blood royal are
weighed, according to ancient custom, in different ways — that
is to say, first against seven kinds of metal, such as gold, silver,
copper, iron, et cetera ; the second, against seven kinds of cloth —
cloth of gold, cloth of silver, velvet, et cetera; and the third
against seven kinds of grain — that is, wheat, rice, barley, et cetera.
All this is done to discover the difference between one year and
another. All the things weighed out are given to the poor, and
what everyone has weighed is recorded in a book in memory of
the occasion.

The king makes great gains on that day, for everybody in the
palace, and all the nobles of the court, are obliged to make him
large presents. The day is called Nauroz — that is to say, ' New

1 This is the old Persian year, of which the Nauroz, or New Year's Day, agrees
with the sun's entry into Aries.

THE 'ID— PUBLIC PRAYERS 349

Day.' On his part, also, the king scatters his favours to his
subjects by placing and displacing governors and officers, by
giving jewels, elephants, and horses, and sets of robes (sardpas).
When he is in camp the festival is not celebrated with the
same magnificence, and the thrones are not used, since they are
never brought outside the fortress of Dihli.

Another festival is also celebrated, which they call Hid Corban
{'Id-i-qurban) — that is to say, ' the Festival of Sacrifice '; it
comes at the end of their Lent. 1 On that day, at nine o'clock,
the king comes forth from his palace with great display and
majesty, and visits the great mosque, where the chief qazl
awaits him, standing on a platform with seven steps. Behind
him is a slave with a drawn sword in his hand, held
upright.

After the first ceremonies the qazl is required to announce in
a loud voice the names of all the Mogul kings, beginning with
Taimur-i-lang, [and] the years of their reign. All this he must
utter with much force and eloquence. On coming to that of
the then reigning king he must make a panegyric of him, with
which he never fails to mix much flattering praise. He gives
him the title of propagator and conservator of the Mahomedan
faith. Finally, he applauds all his doings, exalting also to the
best of his power his valour and equity. In giving out this
discourse the qazl needs to be very careful, and display much
presence of mind, for if he made any mistake and omitted some-
thing, the executioner stands ready at his back to remove his
head.

This harangue having been finished, the qazl is rewarded
with seven sets of robes, given him by the king. On leaving
the mosque, they find standing at the bottom of the steps a
camel ready for the sacrifice. The king, having mounted his
horse, gives the camel a lance-thrust in the neck ; or if he does
not do it himself, he orders one of his children to do it. Usually
when Shah 'Alam was at court it was [13] he who performed
that ceremony, or sacrifice, as they style it. After that the

1 N. M. here mistakes the names; the feast at the end of the Rama?an fast is
'Id-ul-fitr, ' Festival of Breaking the Fast.' The 'ld-ul-qurban is held on the tenth
day of the month Zu,l Ilijjah (the twelfth month of their year).

35°

NAMES OF EUNUCHS

slaves stretch it (the camel) on the ground, and divide its flesh
among themselves, as if it were a saint's relics.

As I have already given a list of many names of the mahal
women, I consider it is not without use to give those of the
principal eunuchs of the royal household, serving inside and
outside that mansion, or rather prison, for the ladies.

Among these principal eunuchs there is always one set above
the rest who directs and looks after everything that goes on in
the mahal. The man holding this office is highly esteemed by
the king. He has a large allowance, has charge of the treasury,
is master of the wardrobe, decides on the details and the pattern
of the sarapas (robes) to be prepared ; in short, it is he who has
charge of all the mahal expenditure of the clothes, the linen,
and the precious stones, of the jewellery, of everything that
goes into or comes out of the palace. Each of these eunuchs
has a separate title given him by the king.

Nader

Nadir

The Excellent

Danial

Danyal

Of Good Family

Danech

Danish

The Learned

Doulat

Daulat

Riches

Matlub

Matlab

Intention

Issof

Yusuf

Goodness

Yacut

Ya'qQt

Ruby

Almas

Diamond

Semerad

Zumurrud

Emerald

Nilem

Nilam

Sapphire

Marjan

Coral

Macbul

Maqbul

Graceful

Meva Jan

Mewa-i-jan

Fruit of Life

Inayat

'Inayat

Favour

Nee nam

Neknam

Good Name

Feros

Firuz

Valour

Imaet

Himmat

Courage

Fata

Fath

Victory

Faem

Fahim

Learned

Mahalat [? Mahabat]

Mahabat (?)

Of Good Family

Sahadet

Sa'adat

The Efficient

Salamat

Health

Ayat

Haiyat

Life

Daem

Da.im

For Ever

Elal

Hilal

New Moon

Balat

Loud-voiced

Anvar

Anwar

Limited

DUTIES OF THE NAZIR AND EUNUCHS

35i

Abnus

Ebony

Maharem

Mabram

A Confidante

Amit

Amrit

The Precious

Coja Sara

Khwajah Sara

The News-writer
the Seraglio

Holfat

Ulfat

Friendship

Macul

Ma'qul

Prudent

Sadec

Sadiq

Confident

Maclhad

Maslahat

Imagination

Assalat

Asalat

Noble

Amanat

A Deposit

Atbar

1'tiba.r

Faithful

All the eunuchs whose names are given above have the title
of nazir — that is to say, guardian or superintendent. The
kings, princes, queens, and princesses, place great confidence
in these people, and each queen, princess, or other lady of
quality has a nazir in charge of her property, lands, and income.
All the officials, servants, and slaves are bound to account to
the nazir for all they do, and for whatever they have in their
hands.

This nazir generally has under him other eunuchs, young
and old, of which some have access to the mahal, either to carry
billets or do other messages, as the service of the person em-
ploying them requires. There are others who are posted at the
doors to see who comes in and out of the mahal. They search
everything with great care to stop the entry of bhang, wine,
ophion (opium), nutmegs (noix muscades), or other drugs which
could intoxicate, for all women in mahals love much such
beverages. Nor do they permit the entry into the place of
radishes, cucumbers, or similar vegetables that I cannot name.

When any women come to pay a visit or otherwise, if they
are not known they are searched, no respect being paid either to
the position or rank of the person. What forces the eunuchs
to such strict measures is the continual fear in which they exist
that some young man in disguise might enter in female dress.
When masons or carpenters, or other workmen are wanted to
carry out any job, their names are registered at each gate they
pass through ; the descriptive marks on their faces, and so forth,
are taken down. A paper showing all this is delivered to other
eunuchs, who are required to conduct them out in the same

352 HAREM RULES— VISITS OF PHYSICIANS

way, and to take care that they are the same persons with the
same physiognomy and the same personal marks. All this is
for fear of anyone remaining inside, or any [14] change being
made.

There are also at the doors women, ordinarily natives of
Kashmir, who are employed to carry away and to bring back
anything that may be necessary ; these women do not veil
themselves to anybody. The chief doors of the mahal are
closed at sunset, and the principal door of all is guarded
by good sentinels posted for the purpose, and a seal is
attached. Torches are kept burning all night. Each of
the ladies has a clock, and a scribe who is obliged to report
to the ndzir all that comes in or goes out, and everything
that happens.

When a physician enters, he is conducted by the eunuchs
with his head and body covered as far down as the waist, and
he is taken out again in the same way. All the nobles exercise
the same exact supervision of their women that the king does.
The reason is that Mahomedans are most extraordinarily dis-
trustful upon this chapter ; and what deserves mention is that
some do not even trust their own brothers, and do not permit
their women to appear before them, being jealous of them. Thus
the women, being shut up with this closeness and constantly
watched, and having neither liberty nor occupation, think of
nothing but adorning themselves, and their minds dwell on
nothing but malice and lewdness. Confession of this was made
to me once by one of these ladies herself.

It was the wife of Asad Khan, the wazlr ; her name was Naval
Bae, and she told me that her only thoughts were to imagine
something by which she could please her husband and hinder
his going near other women. From this I can assert that they
are all the same. If they have any other thought, it is to
regale themselves with quantities of delicious stews ; to adorn
themselves magnificently, either with clothes or jewellery, pearls,
et cetera ; to perfume their bodies with odours and essences of
every kind. To this must be added that they have permission
to enjoy the pleasure of the comedy and the dance, to listen to
tales and stories of love, to recline upon beds of flowers, to

PRESENTS FROM PRINCESSES 353

walk about in gardens, to listen to the murmur of the running
waters, to hear singing, 1 and other similar pastimes.

There are some who from time to time affect the invalid,
simply that they may have the chance of some conversation
with, and have their pulse felt by, the physician who comes to
see them. The latter stretches out his hand inside the curtain ;
they lay hold of it, kiss it, and softly bite it. Some, out of
curiosity, apply it to their breast, which has happened to me
several times ; but I pretended not to notice, in order to conceal
what was passing from the matrons and eunuchs then present,
and not arouse their suspicions.

Physicians are very well treated by these ladies, and they
too, on their side, maintain much discretion both in their way
of acting and in their speech, which is always restrained and
polished. These ladies are also very liberal in making presents
to the nobles of the court, and most industrious in obtaining
appointments and promotion for those that they esteem. The
presents they make consist of horses, sarapds (robes), plumes,
and other things. Very rarely is any service done them or any
civility shown that they do not acknowledge it in one way or
another, subject, of course, to treating everyone according to
his merit, or, rather, according to how he touches the heart of
the lady. Thus I have seen how the daughter of Aurangzeb
acted towards the Nawab Zu,lfiqar Khan and his father.

This Nawab, having been sent by the king to govern the
Karnatik, 2 went before starting to take leave of this princess,
because he was married to one of her relations. She presented
him with a box for betel-leaf and a spittoon of gold, all covered
with precious stones. A year afterwards the king sent his son,
Kam Bakhsh, to the same place, for reasons of state, under

1 The text is here in French, and the words used are le cong, which I take as a
misspelling of le chant. The only other possible word is sankh, but blowing that
shell is hardly a harem amusement, and its use in Hindu worship makes it an
abomination to Mahomedans.

2 Kam Bakhsh was sent against Jinji in the thirty-fifth year, 1102 H. (1691)
' Ma,asir-i-'AlamgIri,' 339. Asad Khan joined Kam Bakhsh at Kharapah
(Cuddapah) on the 21st Muliarram, 1103 H. (October 13, 1691). They reached
Jinji on the 5th Rabl' II. (December 26, 1691) [ibid., 344). Zu.lfiqar Khan had
gone there a little earlier in the year.

VOL. II. 23

354 ETIQUETTE WITH PRINCESSES

charge of the wazir [15], Asad Khan, father of the Nawab above
named. He, too (the wazir), went to bid good-bye to the same
princess ; she gave him a present of another box for betel, which
was only of enamelled silver. Asad Khan, seeing a present of
such small value, complained, and said that at the least he
deserved a present equal to that of his son, for he was the
father, and held higher rank, being, moreover, chief minister of
the empire. The princess in reply said there was a difference,
he (the son) being her relation, while he (the father) was only
in their service. The good man was overcome by this retort,
and having made her an obeisance such as is rendered to the
king — this being done to all persons of the blood royal, how-
ever distantly related they may be — he retired.

The mode in which one bids adieu to these ladies is not such
as one might imagine, for you never see them at all. Here is
what happens at these meetings : First you go to the door of
the mafyal, and there speak to the eunuchs, stating the purpose
for which you have come. You say you wish your presence
announced to the person from whom you are to take leave.
The eunuchs carry the message and bring the reply, for, as I
said, none of the ladies appear, except when they go out, when
they sit in their covered seat, whence they see everything by a
little window made of a netting of thread of gold. In a word,
no man ever approaches these ladies except their husbands and
the doctors who feel their pulses.

Nobles dismount, and from afar off make their bow ; to those
whom they think more highly of the ladies send word to draw
near, and themselves move on for some steps at a gentle pace.
Then, when they wish to proceed, they send from their seat some
betel-leaf by the hand of a eunuch, as if to send their compli-
ments and a farewell. On receiving this, the noble makes
another bow and goes on his way. This is an honour that I
myself have received on various occasions.

Among other occasions there was one when the king's wife, the
mother of Shah 'Alam, was graciously pleased to give me this
testimony of her goodwill towards me in recognition of my having
accompanied the prince, her son, from Goa to the court. This
princess showed me great affection because I had attended her

ROYAL BLOOD-LETTING 355

and bled her several times, in addition to which she had often
to send for me, as she suffered much from gout. As it was I
who prescribed for her, she often sent me some dainty, as is the
fashion of these ladies to do to those they esteem. When I
bled her, she put her arm out from the curtain, but wrapped
up, leaving only one little spot uncovered, about as wide as
two fingers, close to the veins. For that attendance I got from
her four hundred rupees and a sardpd (set of robes) as a present,
and I bled her regularly twice a year.

It should be understood that before a European can acquire
the office of physician among these princes he must be put to
the proof for a long time, for they are extremely distrustful and
nice in such matters. Every month the princesses and the
ladies have themselves bled, which is done in the way I have
above described. It is just the same when they want them-
selves bled in the foot, or have any wound or fistula dressed.
Nothing is ever shown but the part affected, or the vein they
wish opened. When I bled the wives and daughters of Shah
'Alam, each of them gave me two hundred rupees and a sardpd ;
but when I had to bleed that prince who was my employer,
and he was at the court, I could not do it without the leave ot
the king. For this bleeding I got four hundred rupees, a sardpd,
and a horse.

When I had finished I had to report [16] to the king the
quantity of blood I had drawn, what was the prince's reigning
humour, and reply according to circumstances to the inquiries
made by the king on this subject. After this he would give me
my dismissal, granting me a sardpd. For each bleeding of one
of the prince's sons I received two hundred rupees, a sardpd,
and a horse.

Since I have spoken of physicians, and the way the princes
and princesses act towards them, I shall state here that the
Mogul himself is extremely choice and scrupulous over the
selection of his physicians, appointing always the most learned
and the most experienced, in order the better to preserve his
health. What is more, as there are so many people in his
palace, and his court extraordinarily numerous, he keeps in his
employ several physicians, to whom the following names are

23 — 2

556

NAMES OF PHYSICIANS

given, which agree either with their knowledge or the treatment
and cures they have accomplished :

Great Physician
Physician of the Country
Physician of Sight
Beneficent Physician
Life-giving Physician
Physician of Believers
Physician in Place
Instructed Physician
Physician Slave of Victory
Favoured Physician
Good-natured Physician
Physician of the Pulse
Physician Cherished by God
Physician Unparalleled
Physician Friend of God
Physician Giving Repose
Physician Divine
Physician of the Body
Faultless Physician
Physician Assistant
Plato of the Century
Aristotle of the Century
Galen of the Century
Hippocrates of the Century
Bu Ali (Avicenna) of the
Century

All the physicians whose names are recorded above are
Persians by race. Those bearing the title of khan — that is,
' noble ' — have a gross allowance of from twenty, thirty, fifty,
one hundred, to two hundred thousand rupees a year. I have
seen among them men who cured hot complaints with cooling
remedies. Few of them know anything about, or can cure, the
stone, paralysis, apoplexy, dropsy, anaemia, malignant fevers, or
other difficult complaints. They follow the ancient books of
medicine, which say a great deal, but tell very little. However,
illnesses in the Mogul country are very easy to cure, owing to
the heat, which causes perspiration and thus relieves the patient.

1 This may be 'Abd-ur-rahman, 'Abd-ur-rahim, 'Abd-ur-rabbani, or 'Abd-ur-
ruhani ; but none of these is an appropriate title for a physician, nor do they
mean ' Divine,' but ' Slave of God.'

Aquim Busurg

Hakim-i-buzurg

Aquim Elmulq

Hakim-ul-mulk

Aquim Bina

Hakim i-bina

Aquim Mossen

Hakim-i-muhsin

Aquim Janbalch

Hakim-i-jan-bakhsh

Aquim Momena

Hakim-i-mu'min

Aquim Muzin

Hakim-i-muzaiyan

Aquim Fased

Ilakim-i-fazil

Aquim Abdul Fata

Hakim 'Abd-ul-fattah

Aquim Taccarrob can

Hakim Taqarrub Khan

Aquim Salle

Hakim Salah

Aquim Nabas

Hakim Nab?

Aquim Alayar

Hakim Allahyar

Aquim Nader

Hakim Nadir

Aquim Coda Doste

Hakim Khuda-dost

Aquim Faradbach

Hakim Farah-bakhsh

Aquim Emteriani 1

Aquim Badan

Hakim Badan

Aquim Becata

Hakim Be-khata (?)

Aquim Moccorrom can

Hakim Mukarrab Khan

Aflutum El zamana

Aflatun-uz-zamanah

Aristu El zamana

Aristu-uz-zamanah

Jalisny El zamana

Jalinus-uz-zamanah

Pocraig El zamana

Buqrat-uz-zamanah

Bualy El zamanah

Bu * Ali-uz- zamanah

NAMES OF SLAVES

357

When these physicians enter the seraglio {mahal) the eunuchs
lead them, their heads covered with something thick, which
falls as low as their stomach, as I have already said, and they
are brought back equipped in the same fashion.

It is the habit of these kings to have usually in their service
seven thousand slaves of different nations, and some among
them are established as chiefs to govern and guide the rest.
The king gives them names, and in my time these chief slaves
were called as follows. I append a list, in which one will not
be displeased at finding the meanings as entered below :

Hiaesi Bahuder

Ghiyas Bahadur (?)

Good and Brave

Farrad

Furada.

Haughty or High

Nee Ruy

Nek-roz

Good Morning

Nee Cadam

Nek-qadam

Good Prince

Nee Del

Nek-dil

Good Heart [17]

Nee Niet

Nek-myat

Good Intention

Serrotar

Sar-utar

Meeting (?)

Ilachi

Ilaechi

Grain of Paradise [carda-
mom] 1

Mabarec

Mubarak

The Well Placed

Bactavar

Bakhtawar

Good Fortune

Uchara

Isharah

Vigilant

Faim

Fahim

Judgment

Zirac

Zirak

Understanding

Cuchala

Khushhala

Happy

Chalawa

Good Walker

Doulat

Daulat

Riches

Salamat

Health

Mahama

Mahama (?)

Repose

Nazer Bahader

Nazar Bahadur

Valiant Sight

Jam sid

Jamshid

Divining Cup

Hiay

II ay a.

Shame

Esselam

Aslam

In the Faith

Ala Berdy

Allah-wirdi

God took him

Faridum

Faridun

Great among the Little

Matalub

Matlab

Wish

Mamara

Ma'mur

Replete

Massur

Mashhur

Clear

Azer

Ilazir

Present

Niamat

Ni'mat

Ragout

1 Mr. D. Ferguson says : ' The word has long been familiar to me as the
alternative name for Guinea grains or Malajucta grains. See " New English
Dictionary," s.v. Cardamom, Grains (4a), and Guinea.'

358

NAMES OF KING'S SWORDS

Tara

Shining

Corcom

Khurram

Happiness

Delavar

Dil-awar

Lively

Atam

Hatim

Liberal

Sujan

Discreet

Maharam

Mahram

Confidante

Macbul

Maqbul

Gentle

Elal

Hilal

New Moon

Belal

Balal

Shouter

Cambar

Qamar

Full Moon

Nazer

Nazar

Sight

These are the names of the king's principal slaves. They
are all gentlemen troopers, and have good pay. Set over all
the slaves are two captains, and the horsemen are three thousand
in number, the foot or infantry four thousand. They have
various employments, both within the household and in other
duties connected with it. They are resorted to when some
coup has been decided on ; it is they who write about it, and
execute the royal commands. In addition, they are used as
spies to report what is going on, as well among the nobles as
the common people.

Just as these princes give names to the queens, the prin-
cesses, and all the other ladies of the mahal, so do they impose
them upon many other things which they use, such as their
swords and shields, their finsst horses, their elephants, their
heavy artillery, and the principal generals in their army. Of
all of these will be given lists, each separately, with the mean-
ing opposite each name. With these I will include the names
of several Hindu princes and others of that race. At present
I make a beginning by the names of the cattarres (katarah), or
sabres of the king, which are as follows :

Duch man Coch

Var par

Bigily

Be cata

Duch man setan

Be gererem

Alam satam

Abdar

Fate Lascar

Kam kam

Dushman-kush

War-par

Bijli

Be-khata

Dushman-sitan

Be-qarari (?)

'Alam-sitan

Abdar

Fath-i-lashkar

Qamqam

Killer of Enemies
From Side to Side
Lightning
Without Fault
Menacer of the Enemy
Devoid of Doubt
World Astonisher
Fine-tempered
Army Vanquisher
The Worker

NAMES OF HIS SHIELDS

359

Kafar Coch
Cha Enaet
Duch man Pe
Zauro Catell
Coda Baech
Ali madat
Atiar
Damdar
Farque Dota
Camarzeb
Alamguir

Hiar Bafadar
Hioson Gusar
Zore zareb
Zolom Coch
Zarab
Fate Alam

Kafir-kush

Shah-'inayat

Dushman-pai

Zahr-i-qatil

Khuda-bakhsh

A'la-madad

Hathi-yar

Damdar

Fariq-i-du-tah

Kamar-zeb

'Alamgir

Yar-i-wafadar

Joshan-guzar

Zor-zarb

Zalim-kush

Zahr-ab

Fath-i-'Alam

Infidel-slayer

Royal Gift

Enemy-pursuer

Murderous-poison

God-given

Great Assistance

Hand's Friend

Life-giving

Divider in Two

Waist Adorner

World Conqueror (the one

Aurangzeb usually carries

in his hand)
Faithful Friend
Helmet-cleaver
Violent Stroke
Tyrant-slayer
Venomous
World Conquest [18]

The king values all these swords very much ; they have gold
hilts covered with costly stones. The daggers are also made in
the same fashion, and they are of three kinds, called canjar
(khanjar), banc (bank), and cataris (katdrah). The king gives
them names much the same as those of the swords. Every
Friday morning this prince inspects them as part of his devo-
tions, and asks of God that with them he may obtain victory.
These swords and daggers have come down from the ancient
kings. The prince gives them away to no one, not even to his
own children ; as to those of which he makes presents to the
generals and captains, they are swords that he orders to be
made expressly, or that he buys, or else those acquired in some
conquered country.

Names of the King's Shields.

Aftab Alem
Matab Alam
Sae Alam
Roshonay Alem

Aftab-i-'Alam
Mahtab-i-'Alam
Sayah-i-'Alam
Roshanae-'Alam

Sun of the World
Moon of the World
Shadow of the World
Splendour of the World

Besides the shields herein given, there are many others made
of rhinoceros hide, which will resist a musket-ball. There is a
different kind, made of buffalo hide, which an arrow cannot

360

NAMES OF THE KING'S HORSES

penetrate, and it is some of these that are presented to
officers.

Names of the Principal Horses ridden by the King.

Bad Raftar

Bad-raftar

Agile as the Wind

Cosh Raftar

KhOsh-raftar

Good Mover

Chaa Passand

Shah-pasand

Approved by the King

Dil Roba

Dil-ruba

Heartily Loved

Surrot Siret

Surat-sirat

Art and Judgment

Coch Andam

Khush-andam

Fine Posture

Coe Telia

Koh-i-tila

Gold Mountain

Coe Necro

Koh-i-nuqrah

Silver Mountain

Zemidoz

Zamin-doz

Field-flyer

Cochad Raftar

Kushadah-raftar

Wide-stepper

Radar

Rahdar

Speedy

Forga

Farjah

Expert Goer

Serbeland

Sar-buland

High Head

Torai Garden

Tura.i-gardan

Arched Neck [tura
trumpet]

Ans

'Ans

Eagle

Manec

Manik

Jewel

Lai Bebaha

ULl-be-baha

Priceless Amadavat 1

Ira jot

Hira-jot

Diamond Lustre

Polvari

Phulwari

The Flowering

Caldar

Kaldar

Marked

Ablac

Ablaq

Piebald

Zuderas

Zud-ras

Quick-goer

Bedel

Be-dil

Despairing

Delavar

Dil-awar

Animated

Chinasor

Sinah-zor

Strong-chested

Char Raftar

Shah-raftar

Royal Stepping

Baz

Falcon

Ain

Hiran (?)

Gazelle

Be-aram

Restless

Aram

Repose

Ab Ravan

Ab-i-rawan

Flowing Water

Tes Ro

Tez-rau

Fast Mover

Chaman

Samand

The Sea 2

Sanjab

Ash-coloured

All these horses that I have named are ridden by the king.
The names he gives them refer either to their action, their
size, or their colour ; they are Arabs, Persians, or the finest
horses from Turkey. The rest he names according to the

1 Should be ' Priceless Ruby ' (laH) ?

2 Samand, a high-bred or bay-coloured horse, is mistaken for Samudra, the sea.

XXII. Shaistah Khan, Maternal Uncle of Aurangzeb.

Vol. II.

To face page 360.

NAMES OF THE KING'S ELEPHANTS

361

results of trying them. They are marked thus *j on the near
quarter. They are provided with good grooms, are well looked
after, and well trained ; thus nothing is wanting to these
animals, either in the way of food or sumptuous equipment.
As their morning feed they get bread mixed with butter and
sugar, and in the evening cooked rice, and cow's milk, in which
there are pepper-corns, cumin-seed, anise-seed, and betel. All
these are given to reduce any flatulence in their insides.

Two hours before the king mounts his horse the chief groom
mounts it without his shoes on (a mark of respect), and rides
it up and then down, so as to make it more willing and free its
stomach. When the king does go riding it is not from necessity,
but choice. For this reason he changes his position frequently —
one hour on the throne [the tahht-i-rawdn, a sort of sedan-chair],
another on an elephant. The horses the king rides are trained
to stand fire and anything else likely to frighten them. By a
custom which has lasted at this court since Taimur-i-lang,
who began it, four horses, ready saddled for any emergency,
are kept near the door of the Ghusl-lchdnah, the place where
audience is given and justice dispensed. "When the king
wishes to gratify any of his children, he makes him a present
of one of his favourite horses, along with twenty or fifty others
of the ordinary sort, about which I will discourse more amply
hereafter (III. 27) [19].

The names of the chief elephants on which the king rides,
and the way they are kept, are as follows :

Orang gas

Calec Dad
Memun Mabarecq
Codad Dad
Surou Ziret
Rael Cusha
Dil passand
Buch Bahadur
Hiec Danta
Cabra

Madan Mast
Sada Mast

Aurang-gaj

Khaliq-dad
Maimun-mubarak
Khuda-dad
Sarv-sairat
Rel -kasha
Dil-pasand
Bakht-Bahadur (?)
Yak-danta
Kabra [Hindi]

Mudam-mast
Sada-mast

Throne-elephant, the Cap-
tain of all the Elephants

Creator-given

Highly Sedate

God-given

Pretty Artist

The Worker

Heart's Friend

Valiant with the Cut Ear

One-tusked

Enamelled Head [or
Speckled]

Ever- bold

Always Drunk

362

NAMES OF ELEPHANTS

Nim Ta

Dil Cocha

Baba Bach

Nee Bach

Mac Na

Come Ria

Belia

Sarila

Latif

Nar Sing

Quo Dero

Fate Mabarecq

Dil Dalel

Chainaet

Inae Bach

Ala Bach

Fate nasaret

Daem Chacu

Dilasa Charot

Fate Jang

Fate Lascar

Rar Git

Dul Singar

Lascar Soba

Dusman Cut

Cala Paar

Gas onor

Quecha vorcucha

Zell Zella

Cuny

Cof Nay

Mahan Mohan

Ma Mohon

Op turn

Bagmar

Pur zor

Maha Ru

Setara

Quechavar Gurur

Sonder Gas

Pay Tat

Otha Chi

Nur

Lai

Ira

Coch Raftar

Thes Roeh

Manec Surot

Nimt&o

Dil-kusha

Baba-bakhsh

Nek-bakht

Maknah

Kamari

Buland

Sarila

Latif

Nar Singh

Khub-rau

Fath Mubarak

Dil-diler

Shah-'inayat

'Inayat-bakhsh

Allah-bakhsh

Fath-nusrat

Da,im-shukoh

Dilasa-sairat

Fath-jang

Fath-lashkar

Ran-jit

Dal-singar

Lashkar-sobha

Dushman-kush

Kala-pahar

Qhussah-war

Kashawar-kasha

Zalzalah

Khuni

Khauf-nak

Madan-mohan

Maha-mohan

Uttam

Bagh-mar

Pflr-i-zor

Mah-ru

Sitara

Kashawar-gharur

Sundar-gaj

Pae-takht

Atashl

Nur

La'l

Hira

Khush- raftar

Tez-rau

Manik-surat

Expert

Heart-opener

Father's Gift

Handsome

Tuskless

Short [in back]

Tall

Polished

Exquisite

Male Lion

Fine Mover

Fortune of Victory

Heart of Hearts

Royal Gift

Gift of Grace

God-protected

Victor Victorious

Ever Great

Polished Face

Victory in War

Army Conqueror

Overcomer in War

Army Ornament

Army Beauty

Enemy-treader

Black Mountain

Industrious

Faithful Worker

Earth-shaker

The Slayer

Frightener

Heart-ravisher

Amorous

Exquisite

Lion-slayer

Full of Strength

Moon-faced

Star

The Proud

Good Name

Foot of the Throne

Burning

Dawn

Ruby

Diamond

Good Mover

Quick Walker

Pearl-like

TRAINING AND FEEDING ELEPHANTS 363

Bay La Baghela, Lion's Whelp

Daem Nasser Da.im-nasr Always Advancing

Jund Cuor Chand-kunwar (?) Good Ball

Queleso Can Qila'h-shikan Fortress-destroyer

Coeh Secan Koh-shikan Mountain-destroyer

Coch Saquel Khush-sakil Supreme Beauty

The greater number of these names are Hindu. Gas (gaj)
means an elephant, and although several slaves, of one and the
other sex, have similar names, one must not be astonished,
for the king gives these names according to his fancy or some
aptitude he detects in these animals.

Usually the king has one hundred very tall elephants which
he uses himself, and there are also female elephants, on whom
he does not disdain to ride. All the elephants he rides are
trained to stand fire of both artillery and musketry, of rockets,
and other fireworks. This is done so that when they come
across such things they may not be afraid. Others are taught
not to be frightened of tigers or of lions, so that they may be
used in hunting. To teach them, they take a tiger-skin or
lion-skin, and stuff it with straw. Then, just as if it were alive,
they move it here and there by a rope. The driver encourages
the elephant, and urges him towards the dummy, which with
feet and trunk he tears to pieces. The elephants are well
looked after ; they are given spirits to drink to increase their
courage in a fight. It is the rule that there shall always be
one elephant on sentry duty day and night on the river bank
[20], stationed within a little gateway just underneath the
royal seat.

Among these animals is one stronger and taller than the rest
which bears the title of ' General of the Elephants.' When he
appears at court he is very richly caparisoned, and attended by
a number of other elephants, by flutes, trumpets, cymbals, and
flags, all of which makes a grand show. The chief elephants
have every day for their ration each one hundred and sixty-five
pounds of food-stuff — namely, flour, rice, meat, butter, fine
spices, and thirty pounds of sugar-cane. This is in addition to
straw, grass, and leaves, for which they have twenty-five rupees
a day. To wait on each elephant there are ten servants — that
is, two drivers to ride on and direct him ; two to fix on his

364 USES OF ELEPHANTS

chains ; two men with spears ; two for the fireworks and to
assist the others, if necessary ; one to remove the dung, and
another to give him water for drinking and cooling himself.
All these men are paid out of the twenty-five rupees a day
allotted to the elephant, and these attendants have each four
rupees a month, besides what they can steal from the elephant's
food.

In addition to the above elephants there are fourteen hundred
others that are employed to carry the queens, princesses, and
the prince's concubines, the tents, the baggage, and the kitchen
utensils. The strongest of all, who have no tusks, draw the
heavy artillery over difficult ground and perform such-like
duties. The lowest among them has three rupees a day and
three servants. All the elephants move with bells attached to
their body, serving to warn the passers-by and give them time
to move and get out of the way ; for when an elephant runs, or
merely walks, he does not stop like a horse would.

When the king makes them (the elephants) fight, the wives
of the drivers remove their ornaments, smash their bracelets,
and put on mourning, just as if they were widows. If their
husbands come back alive they give a great feast, just as if
newly married ; for in these encounters and combats the
drivers put their lives in great jeopardy, as I have seen several
times. Moreover, though these animals are enormously strong,
they do not have long lives, for often they fall suddenly to the
ground and die in a short time. For, once they have fallen
down, there is no hope of getting them up again ; that is why
they remove their tusks and leave them where they are.

The Mogul has within his empire many great forests and
mountainous regions where it would be easy to let loose some
of these animals to multiply. But this is not done ; the king
observes the rules of his predecessors, who, ages ago, were told
by astrologers that the male must not be allowed to approach
the female, in case they might have young. That event would
menace the empire with misfortune, and be of very bad augury.
Hereafter (III. 144) I will speak of the manner in which these
beasts produce young, the method of capture, also about the
dogs of the country, and other curious matters [21].

NAMES OF GREAT CANNON

365

The names of the principal cannon at the court are :

Orang var
Calle can
Bigily Passant
Band Cassab
Dal Dani
Fata Lascar
Ati Tel

Dobtol Maydan
Mulve Maydan

Jang Aumar
Sitom
Delavar
Chae naet
Daem Cuchat
Tir Cor
Barge Sican
Nacer Aby
Chae Doblot
Ser Cuchat
Nechan Rach
Bee Cata
Zafar Mulq
Cha aramcor
Chor Car
Nam Dar
Ganie avor
Jang Talem
Zal Zelah
Ser Cor
Johan Taleb
Sitab Dam
Turn Darec
Dasnir
Nazer Noma
Zolom Alam
Babal fata
Tars

Cozana Couchad
Duchman Coch
Atash parsha
Tafan
Rad
Fayan Car

Aurang-bar

Kale Khan

Bijll-pasand

Band-kushao

Daldali

Fath-i-lashkar

Hathi-thal

Daulat-i-maidan

Malik-i-maidan

Jang-awar

Sitam

Dilawar

Shah-'inayat

Da.im-kushad

Tlr-khor

Burj-shikan

Nasir-abi

Shah Daulat

Sar-kushadah

Nishan-i-rast

Be-khata.

Zafar-i-mulk

Shah-haram-klior

Shor-kar

Namdar

Ghani-awar

Jang-talib

Zalzalah

Sher-khor (?)

Jahan-talib

Shitab-dam

Tumturaq

Dastur

Nazar-numa

Zalim-i'Alam

Bab-ul-fath

Tars

Khazanah-kushad

Dushman-kush

Atash-pazhoh

Tufan

Ra'd

Fahim-kar (?)

Strength of the Throne

Great House

Rajah-pusher

Cruel Killer

Black Cinders

Army Victor

Elephant Empress

Riches of the Camp

Destructress of the Camp
[Aurangzeb found one
exactly the same when he
took Bijapur]

Bail for War

Punisher

Lively

Royal Gift

Wide Mouth

Valley-consumer

Bastion-breaker

Conqueror in Water

Royal Riches

Wide-headed

Straight-hitter

Faultless

Conqueror of the Earth

Rebel-conqueror

Noise and War

Famous

His Highness

Desirous for War

Terror of the Earth

Earth-consumer

World-desiring

Quick-firer

Prompt-goer

Custom

Clear-sighted

Tyrant of the World

Gate-conqueror

Fear

Treasure-opener

Enemy-slayer

Fire-piece

Whirlwind

Thunder

Sound or Noise

366

TITLES OF GENERALS

Pur Nar
Zolom Coch
Amac Abad
Dad Bedad
Cana Carab
Guiran vazan
Adam Cor
Lascar Cor
Chaa burgi
Aft tios
Alamgir
Coch Acol
Zor Zabar
Mulq Zabar
Arrangan
Mac Chud
Car Anyan
Atash Car

PQr-i-nar

Zalim-kush

Ahmaq-abad

Dad-bedad

Khanah-i-kharab

Giran-wazn

Adam-khor

Lashkar-khor

Shah-burji

Haft-josh

'Alam-gir

Khush-'aql

Zor-zabr

Mulk-zabr

Arghaw&n l

MaqsQd

Kar-anjam

Atash -kar

Full of Fire

Tyrant-slayer

Teacher of Fools

Unjust

Household-ruiner

Dear and Heavy

Man-eater

Army-eater

Royal Bastion

Seven Metals

World-taker

Good Judgment

Violent

World-violent

Strength

Intention

Work-doer

Work of Fire

The above comprises the principal and best artillery the
Mogul possesses at his court. When he goes on a campaign
he has some of these pieces carried with him, those taking a
ball of from twenty to one hundred and twenty pounds. I also
noticed that during the time of the war against the King of
Bljapur he sent some of those pieces to Diler Khan and
Bahadur Khan [22].

The names of the principal generals, with the meanings,
are :

Vizir Can
J afar Can
Zafar Can
Azel Can
Chaaiste Can
Alimarda Can
Aset Can

Chaf Chequen Can
Fadae Can
Baramud Can
Buala Can
Calilula Can
Mir Can
Sic Mir
Asadula Can

Wazir Khan
Ja'far Khan
Zafar Khan
Fazil Khan
Sha.istah Khan
'AH Mardan Khan
Asad Khan
Saf Shikan Khan
Fida.e Khan
Baramad Khan
Bu 'Ali Khan
Khalilullah Khan
Mir Khan
Shekh Mir
Asadullah Khan

The Chief Minister

Flourishing

Victorious

Experienced

Perfect

Great among Men

Lion

Field-clearer

Sacrifice

Vanquisher

God's Dawn

God's Least One

Great Captain

Captain of Faithful

Lion of God

1 ' Red,' a name of the planet Mars.

TITLES OF GENERALS

367

Lutfula Can
Maharmat Can
Bam Near
Facar Can
Mostecar Can
Cassam Can
Amed Can
Janet
Nacir Can
Ranemast Can
Dalel Can
Bahader Can
Adula Can
Asis Can

Sahadet Can
Alayar Can

Dinder Can

Nezabt Can

Kaen Can

Mahobet Can

Nuchur Can

Can Cana

Afiet Can

Nee Nam Can

Baravar Can

Amanet Can

Queranda Can

Carazat Can

Molfet Can

Facordin Can

Salle Can

Canezam Can

Camordin Can

Feat Can

Jahan nezar Can

Jahan sopar Can

Suyavar Can

Chefi Can

Bairn Can

Semchir Can

Fosdar Can

Mirza Sultan

Mirza Nauzer Can

Gaeb Nazer Can
Danesbad Can
Maharam Can
Salabet Can
Quifaet Can

Lutfullah Khan
Marahmat Khan
Baman-yar
Fakhr Khan
Mustaqar Khan
Qasim Khan
Hamid Khan
'Inayat
Nasir Khan
Ranmast Khan
Diler Khan
Bahadur Khan
'Abdullah Khan
'Aziz Khan
Sa'adat Khan
Allahyar Khan
Dindar Khan
Najabat Khan
Qa.im Khan
Mahabat Khan
Nauruz Khan
Khan Khanan
'Afiyat Khan
Neknam Khan
Barawar Khan
Amanat Khan
Khair-andesh Khan
Khanahzad Khan
Multafat Khan
Fakhr-ud-din Khan
Salih Khan
Khan A'zam Khan
Qamar-ud-din Khan
Fayyaz Khan (?)
Jan-nisar Khan
Jan-sipar Khan
Shuja'-war Khan
Shafi' Khan
Bina Khan
Shamsher Khan
Faujdar Khan
Mirza Sultan
Mirza Nauzar Khan
Ghaib-nazir Khan
Danishmand Khan
Mahram Khan
Salabat Khan
Kifayat Khan

God's Grace

Given

My Friend

The Great

Taker of Favour

The Sharer

The Chosen

Favour

Victorious

Bold in War

Animated

Brave

Slave of God

Beloved

Fortunate

God's Friend

Firm in Faith

Noble

Constant

Loved

New Day

Noble of the House

Profitable

Good Name

Gainer

Deputy

Good Care

Brought up in the House

Loving

Praise of Faith

Obliging, Useful

Great of the Age

Moon of Faith

Profitable

Sacrificed

Life-sacrificer

Valour

Alert

Pitiable

Great Sword

Lord of the Army

Chief Captain

Captain of New Coin

Seeing the Future

Philosopher

Confidante

Majestic

Acquirer

368

TITLES OF GENERALS

Cammiab Can
Rostum Can
Namdar Can
Kaemgar Can
Asmat Can
Adel Can
Purdel Can
Camaludin Can
Chaabudin Can
Que Azudin Can
Guelis Can
Zabar Dest Can
Chaazor Can
Dahem Can
Fate yan Can
Mazar Can
Julfacar Can
Zenali Can
Afzel Can
Daut Can
Ganiali Can
Ebraim Can
Assen Can
Sarfaras Can
Zaquer Can
Dianet Can
Assolet Can
Miragol Can
Mobares Can
Rassod Can
Diaraaut Can
Fatula Can

Gazafar Can

Addi Can

Abach Can

Ahe Bet Can

Naby Can

Tabar Can

Chuchurula

Etcad Can

Izet Can

Rangit Can

Atach Can

Barcandas Can

Janguir Can

Cochnazar Can

Aref Can

Abdul bafa

Kamyab Khan
Rustam Khan
Namdar Khan
Kamgar Khan
A'zrnat Khan
'Adil Khan
Purdil Khan
Kamal-ud-din Khan
Shahab-ud-din Khan
Ghiyaz-ud-din Khan
Qilich Khan
Zabardast Khan
Shah-zor Khan
Da.im Khan
Fath-yab Khan
Mazhar Khan
Zu.lfiqar Khan
Zain 'Ali Khan
Afzal Khan
Da, fid Kh&n
J an 'AH Khan
Ibrahim Khan
Hasan Khan
Sarfaraz Khan
Zakir Khan
Diyanat Khan
Asalat Khan
Miran Gul Khan
Mubarak Khan
Rashid Khan
Ni'mat Khan (?)
Fath-ullah Khan
Ghazanfar Khan
Hadi Khan
Habshi Khan (?)
Haibat Khan
Nabi Khan
Tabar Khan

Khusru, Chela (?) or Allah (?)
I'tiqad Khan
• 'Izzat Khan
Ranjit Khan
Atash Khan
Barqandaz Khan
Jahangir Khan
Khush-nazar Khan
'Arif Khan
'Abd-ul-wafa

Intention

Powerful

Renowned

Firm

Divine

Just

Full Heart

Perfect in Faith

Crowned in the Faith

Pedant in Faith

Sword [the word is Turkish]

Strong-handed

King of Strength

For Ever

Victorious

Clearness

He of the Sword

Good and Great

Sage or Learned

David

The Great Diwan

Abraham

Alert

Great Head

Devout

Well-meaning

Of Good Family

Great Flower

Of Good Fame

Arrived
Delights

Victorious by God

Victorious in War

The Guide

Flower

Astonishment

Riches

Hatchet

God's Grace [23]

Steadfast

Honoured

Conqueror in War

Great Fire

Great Lightning

World-seizer

Good Sight

Advice

Profit

RANK OR MAN SAB 369

Abdul fata 'Abd-ul-fattah Victory

Abdul Azis 'Abd-ul-'aziz Slave of God

Abdur Razac 'Abd-ur-razzaq Daily Bread

Camel Can Kamil Khan Greatness

Osdar Can Hoshdar Khan Quick-witted

All the persons here dealt with are Mahomedans by religion,
but of different races. They are the principal noblemen in
Hindustan, and the king confers these names either as a mark
of distinction and of the esteem he holds them in by reason of
their services, or else from friendship and liking. These lords
can acquire more wealth as well as more titles — that is to say,
when any new title is given them their allowance is augmented.
At present there is a very great number of them ; but in Shah-
jahan's days it was not so, and it was very hard to acquire
these titles, for it was at once necessary to give a heavy pay-
ment and produce enough to maintain a great display. But
nowadays Aurangzeb pays less heed to the matter, and gives
the titles but with much less pay. ' Can ' (Khan) means
' noble.'

The way in which the Mogul king pays his soldiers, the
captains and generals of his armies, the rajahs, the queens,
the princes and princesses of his blood, was all laid down by
King Akbar, in different fashions, to demonstrate his great-
ness. 1

Hi hec Bisti (Yak-blsti) — that is, ' A Twenty.'

It is necessary to state that these kings pay every one of those
above-named according to three different titles or degrees.
The highest and first title is called ' of twelve,' the second ' of
six,' and the third ' of four months.' But it is so arranged,
however, that he who has only pay of the third class receives
in the year the amount promised him, or even somewhat in

1 In this section on mansab (official rank), and the pay attached to it, Manucci
does not seem to have penetrated to the real meaning of the system. He couples
the rank {mansab) and the pay together, as if the one directly indicated the other.
But in the phrase (let us say) ' a Hazarl ' (of or belonging to 1,000), the suppressed
noun is not 'rupees,' but 'horsemen.' A Hazarl appointment means, to start
with, 'command over 1,000 horsemen'; hence the discrepancies in the rates,
which Manucci only makes more obscure. The tables and remarks in Blochmann's
' A,in-i-Akbari,' vol. i., pp. 236-249, should consulted.

VOL. II. 24

370 RANK OR MAN SAB

excess. The others receive much more. To make the matter
clearer, you must know that when the king' gives a horseman
twenty rupees a month in the first class, he ought to receive
seven hundred and fifty rupees in the year ; in the second,
three hundred and seventy-five ; and in the third, two hundred
and fifty. This last is the amount that pay at twenty rupees
a month comes to plus ten rupees. This sum is thus given
because it is a rule made by King Akbar, as I have said.
According to the above you can calculate all the different sorts
of pay that exist, by following the more detailed account
which I am about to give.

Another thing is that when a man has risen to the amount
of one thousand rupees, when he is called azari (hazdri), the
pay increases considerably ; for this reason it is unnecessary to
see whether it is or is not much above the others according to
the rule of proportion. When we get to five hazdrls — that is,
' five thousand ' — the pay rises still more above that of the
' thousand,' a matter that will seem to the reader very
strange ; but such is the custom and the established rule,
from which in this country there is hardly ever any dis-
pensation [24].

Do Bisti — that is, ' Two Twenties.'

When a man has forty rupees a month in the first class of
twelve months, he receives in the year five thousand rupees ; in
the second class, of six months, seven hundred and fifty ; and
in the third class, of four months, five hundred. The king
fixes these rates according to the merit and the services of the
persons, sometimes from favour or caprice, or in many cases
from the man's sheer luck and good fortune; for in India, as
elsewhere, virtue is not always rewarded.

Ce Bisti (Sih-blstl) — that is, ' Three Twenties.'

When a man gets sixty rupees a month in the first class, he
receives annually two thousand two hundred and fifty rupees ;
in the second, one thousand one hundred and twenty-five ; and
in the third, seven hundred and fifty.

RANK OR MAN SAB 371

Charbisti (Chahar Blsti) — that is to say, ' Four Twenties.'

When a man has eighty rupees a month in the first class, he
receives annually three thousand rupees ; in the second, one
thousand five hundred ; and in the third, one thousand.

Hi Hec Sadi (Yak-sadl) — that is, ' One Hundred.'

When a man has one hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually three thousand seven hundred and
fifty rupees ; in the second, one thousand eight hundred and
seventy-five ; and in the third, twelve hundred and fifty.

Do Sadi (Du-sadl) — that is, ' Two Hundred.'

When a man has two hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives seven thousand five hundred rupees a year ;
in the second, three thousand seven hundred and fifty ; and in
the third, two thousand five hundred.

Sih Sadi (Sih-sadl) — that is, ' Three Hundred.'

When a man has three hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually eleven thousand two hundred and
fifty rupees ; in the second, five thousand six hundred and
twenty-five ; and in the third, three thousand seven hundred
and fifty.

Char Sadi (Chahar- sadi) — that is, ' Four Hundred.'

When a man has four hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually fifteen thousand rupees ; in the
second, seven thousand five hundred ; and in the third, five
thousand.

Pange Sadi (Panj-sadT) — that is, ' Five Hundred.'

When a man has five hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives eight thousand seven hundred and fifty rupees ;
and in the third, six thousand two hundred and fifty.

Chech Sadi (Shash-sadl) — that is, ' Six Hundred.'

When a man has six hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually twenty-two thousand five hundred

24 — 2

372 RANK OR MAN SAB

rupees ; in the second, eleven thousand two hundred and fifty ;
and in the third, seven thousand five hundred.

Aff Sadi (Haft-sadl) — that is, ' Seven Hundred.'

When a man has seven hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually twenty-six thousand two hundred
and fifty rupees ; in the second, thirteen thousand one hundred
and twenty-five ; and in the third, eight thousand seven hundred
and fifty.

Ast Sadi (Hasht-sadl) — that is, ' Eight Hundred.'

When a man has eight hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually thirty thousand rupees ; in the
second, fifteen thousand ; and in the third, ten thousand [25].

Nou Sadi (Nuh-sadl) — that is, ' Nine Hundred.'

When a man has nine hundred rupees a month in the first
class, he receives annually three thousand seven hundred and
fifty rupees ; in the second, sixteen thousand eight hundred and
seventy-five ; and in the third, eleven thousand two hundred
and fifty.

All the rates of pay given above, from twenty up to nine
hundred rupees a month, are those the king gives to the
mancebdars (mansabddr) — that is, ' nobles of the royal court.'
To get the hazdrl or the pay of one thousand, it is necessary
to wait a long time and work hard. For the kings only grant
it sparingly, and only to those who by their services or their
skill in affairs have arrived at the stage of deserving it. In
having this rate of pay accorded to you, they give you also the
title of omera (umard) — that is, ' noble.'

Hi Hec Azary, Omarao (Yak Hazdrl, Umard) — that is, 'One
Thousand ' and the title of Umard.

When you hold a hazdrl (one thousand) per month in the first
class, you receive annually fifty thousand rupees ; in the second,
twenty-five thousand ; and in the third, sixteen thousand six
hundred and sixty-six and two-thirds. Men who have once risen

RANK OR MAN SAB 373

to this rate of pay and the title of hazdri are obliged to maintain
at the court one elephant and six horses for the king's service.
Those who are absent are required to leave orders with their
representative to see after this duty, otherwise a deduction is
made from your pay to meet the upkeep of an equal number of
these animals. Men who hold the two hazdri must maintain
two elephants and twenty horses, and thus with each rise in
pay a man is obliged to increase the number of these animals
and their keep, in proportion to the number of hazdrls that he
holds.

Do Azary Omarao (Du-hazdrl, Umara) — that is, ' Two Thousand'
and the title of Umara.

When a man has two hazdri (thousand) a month in the first
class, he receives annually a hundred thousand rupees ; in the
second, fifty thousand ; and in the third, thirty-three thousand
three hundred and thirty-three.

Sih Azary, Omarao, Saeb Nobat (Sih-hazdri, Umara, Sahib-i-
Nanbat) — that is, ' Lord of Musical Instruments.'

When a man has three thousand in the first class, he receives
annually one hundred and fifty thousand rupees ; in the second,
seventy-five thousand ; and in the third, fifty thousand. When
you have reached this rate of pay and this height of honour,
the king allows you to have a retinue of drums, flutes, and
trumpets, which is almost the retinue of a prince.

Char Azary, Omarao, Saeb Nobat {Chahar -hazdri, Umara, Sdhib-
i-Naubat) — that is, ' Lord of Musical Instruments.'

When a man has four hazdrls a month in the first class, he
receives annually two hundred thousand rupees ; in the second,
one hundred ; and in the third, sixty-six thousand six hundred
and sixty-six.

Panje Azary, Omarao, Saeb Nobat (Panj-hazari, Umara, Sahib-
i-Naubat)— that is, ' Lord of Musical Instruments.'

When a man has five hazdrls in the first class, he receives
two million fifty thousand rupees a year ; in the second, one

374 PAY AND ALLOWANCES

million twenty-five thousand rupees ; in the third, six hundred
and eighty-three thousand six hundred and thirty-three [26].
Ordinarily persons who attain this rate of pay and this grade are
already advanced in age, men of understanding and experience.
When they hold it in the first class, they are viceroys or generals
leading armies, and at court occupy all the most important
positions ; but of these there are very few. Those holding this
rank in the second class fill offices of the same kind as the
first class, only of less importance ; these are more numerous.
Finally, those of the third class have also charges similar to
the others, and are also employed throughout the empire, each
one according to his capacity and his birth. Of this last class
there are still more than of the second class.

Chech Azary, Omarao, and Cavany (Shash-hazdrl, Umard, and
Khawdnln 1 ) — that is, ' Gentleman of the Royal Household,'
' Lord of the State and Instruments.' These men are
required to maintain soldiers of Do-aspa (Du-aspah) and of
Ce-aspa (Sih-aspah) — that is, ' Soldiers with two and with
three horses.'

Those persons who have six hazdrls a month receive annually
three millions of rupees ; those who have seven, three million
five hundred thousand rupees, coupled with leave to keep a
larger and more splendid retinue than others. But they are
obliged to do the same duties as the rest, as already described.
In the empire there are not usually at one time more than five
or six persons who have reached this pre-eminent honour.
These are the highest lords, and no subject who is not a
prince can rise any higher. Their retinue is as large and as
superb as a prince's. The only difference is that the allowances
of the latter are much greater than those of the former. Never-
theless, over and above their fixed income, the king rewards
them at times, and causes various amounts to be paid to them,
under pretext that it is for their betel-leaf, their fruit, or their
sweetmeats, and so forth.

When the king fixes, or gives orders about, the allowances of
a manmbddr or an umard, he does not talk of ' rupees,' but of

1 The Arabic plural of Kjban.

PAY AND ALLOWANCES 375

dams, which is a money of account, of which they make forty
go to the rupee. When he fixes the rate of pay of these gentle-
men, or he makes any gift, he says they are to give to So-
and-so so many thousands, so many lakhs, or so many karors
of dams.

The foremost of those noblemen of whom I have just spoken
is the Secretary of State ; the next is the Viceroy of the province
of Kabul ; the third the Viceroy of the Dakhin ; the fourth the
Viceroy of Bengal ; the fifth the Viceroy of Ujjain (= Malwah).
Ordinarily these five lords may seat themselves in the presence
of princes of the blood when these give them permission.

Officers and soldiers on small pay are usually paid from the
royal treasury ; ten per cent, is deducted from their pay under
the regulations made by King Akbar.

The queens and princesses are paid half from the royal
treasury and half in land or in rents, which always yield more
than the amount in exchange for which they have been granted.
All the other women [27] of the royal household are paid in
ready money. Some of the chief physicians and some men of
learning are also paid as the queens and princesses are,
in proportion to their allowances. For paying the great multi-
tude of people in the prince's service four places [of payment]
are fixed, where all is carried out with much order.

The persons who have three sadls of pay and higher rates,
as far as seven hazaris, are required to maintain horses according
to their pay. For this purpose they have assignments which
produce a good revenue. A man getting the pay of a hazarl
in the first class is obliged to keep two hundred and fifty horse-
men of different races — that is to say, sixty-four Pathans, sixty-
four Mu gli als, sixty-four Rajputs; the remainder are Saiyids,
Shekhzadahs, and so forth. The regulation still observed up
to this day was made by King Akbar.

Those with the same rate in the second class are obliged
to keep one hundred and twenty-five horsemen of the above
races, and the same with all the other classes. So much so
that all these lords are obliged to have cavalry, but propor-
tionally, according to the rate of pay and the class they hold.
In addition to their pay the king gives them, for the upkeep of

376 BRANDING OF HORSES

this cavalry, lands and a special income, which ought to pro-
duce thirty rupees a day 1 for each horseman. But usually
these assignments bring in more than is set down in the king's
registers as the sum for which they are allotted.

A man, then, who has a hazarl in the first class receives
altogether every year — that is to say, in cash for his own pay
and what is fixed for his soldiers — the sum of one hundred and
forty thousand rupees. Those who have lower pay, such as
four, five, and seven §adls and the rest, who are also under an
obligation of maintaining cavalry, conduct themselves by the
same regulation and in the same order. This governs all ranks
up to seven hazarls.

Troopers in the king's service who have the pay of a bisti
(twenty), are required to keep each one horse ; those who have
two bisti must keep two ; and those who have the sad panjai
(?ad-panjdhl) — that is, one hundred and fifty rupees — ought to
keep three horses ; those with a ?adl, two ; those with two
§ad%, four. Although in the course of time a man may get
advanced as far as seven hazarl (thousand), he remains always
under the same obligation of maintaining four horses bearing
the king's brand.

All the horsemen who are man§abdars under the king must
have impressed on the right flank of their horses a mark made

like this y*), which is the royal brand. From the day that they
get this mark made their pay begins. The generals also cause
a brand to be placed on the horses of their troopers, but it is
made on the left flank. Their brand is usually the first letter
of their name, and their men's pay begins also on the day that
the brand is imprinted.

Every horseman in the king's service must have a Turkish
horse, and not one reared in India. The latter are timid and
restive. They must also equip themselves with amies blanches
and a coat of mail. The princes of the blood royal administer
their households in the same manner, but from the pay of their
soldiers there is a deduction of twenty per cent.

In spite of all that is said above, I must give warning that

1 Evidently a mistake for 'a month.'

ROZlNAH OR DAILY ALLOWANCES 377

the king does not generally pay everyone by the rules that I
have inserted. For since there are in his service an innumer-
able crowd of men with varying employments and duties, he on
his side makes many differing rates of pay, giving from a blstl
(twenty) and a blstl and a half to some, up to a sadl (hundred)
and a sadl and a half to others, going on increasing, to some
more to some less, till one hazarl (thousand) is reached. At
that point the title of umara (noble) is given, and from hazarl
(thousand) a man rises from rank to rank by gradations.

There is still another mode of payment called ruzindar
(rozlnah-ddr) — that is, pay by the day given to infantry and
cavalry. Yet, although they have this name, they are not thus
paid : several months are allowed to elapse. Usually in the
mahal, or the apartments in which are secluded the women
of the king's household, as I have described several times
(III. 3-10), all allowances are of this sort, excepting, however,
those of the queens and princesses. Of these [allowances], the
lowest are of half a rupee ; the rest are of one, two, four, seven,
ten, and up to twenty and thirty ; in this the quality of the
person and his merits are regarded. Christians — that is to say,
the gunners and the surgeons — are also paid after this manner.

All soldiers, high and low, generals and captains, are forced
to give surety, and without it they cannot obtain employment.
This practice is so common and so general that even the
princes find it necessary to conform to the custom.

Whenever the king, or some commander in his name, wants
to raise soldiers, infantry or cavalry, it is not necessary to make
any great stir. For a thousand at a time will attend to take
service, and of these the best are chosen. This applies as
much to the cavalry as to the infantry ; still, there are more
who present themselves for the latter service than the former.
When the horse of a trooper dies, he must on the same day
bring the hide with the brand and the other marks on it for
inspection of the officer in charge of that duty. He is given
seven days to buy another, otherwise his pay is reduced.

Twice a year the bachi (bakhshi), the chief commander of
cavalry, holds a review of all the cavalry present at court,
examines all the horses, and sees whether any of them are old

37« MUSTERS AND INSPECTIONS

and unfit for service. In the latter case he makes the owners
get rid of them and buy others. Throughout the empire there
are similar officers bearing the same name, and these are
required each in his locality to perform the same duty. When
the king dispatches any officer, it is necessary for him to
appear at the head of his troops and show them in review
order on the river-bank below the royal palace, and three days
after that he is bound to start.

If the troopers are not good men and do not make a good
appearance they are turned out, or their pay is deducted from
that disbursed to the generals or captains. These gentlemen
(the generals) have generally each in his stable fifty, a hundred,
and up to two hundred horses for show or service. On the
day of the review they equip their servitors and mount them
on these horses, and pass them off as soldiers, putting to the
account of profit the pay these men draw. In every quarter of
the empire there are officials who keep an eye on everythiug,
or, at least, ought to do so ; for, being at a distance from the
court, they do not acquit themselves of their duty as loyal
subjects ought. But they are negligent by reason of the
presents given them to that intent by the persons interested.
Owing to these considerations they practise concealment, and
never dream of enforcing the performance of duties. Many
a time have I witnessed this. Those who ought to keep fifty
horses, more or less, very frequently have no more than six to
eight, and entertain no soldiers, although there are men ready
to enlist with branded horses, such as I have described. To
all these regulations they pay little or no heed, thinking solely
of their own [29] enjoyments, without troubling about any-
thing else.

The generals and officers keep to no fixed rules in paying
their soldiers, for to some they will give twenty or thirty rupees,
to others forty, fifty, or a hundred. Usually they make great
promises, but not even a half is received, each one paying
according to his caprice and the reputation that he is emulous
of acquiring for his efficient retinue or establishments. The
wretched soldiers naturally agree to anything, all the more
readily since they have no other means of livelihood. All this

IRREGULARITY IN PAYMENT 379

contributes much to the bad payment of everyone that is so
common ; for the money they get comes to them only in
driblets, and when all is said and done it does not come to
a great deal. For in respect of one year's service they receive
six or eight months' pay. Even that is not all in coin ; they
are always foisted off as respects two months' pay with clothes
and old raiment from the household. Over and above this,
there is almost always due to them the pay for two or three
years' service. The soldiers are obliged to borrow money at
interest from the sarrdfs, or money-changers. These men lend
to them, it is true, but it is hardly ever without a command
from the general or officer ; and these latter have an under-
standing with them about the profit from interest, which they
share between them.

Sometimes the soldiers sell their papers to these money-
changers, who for a note of hand for one hundred rupees will
give them twenty or twenty-five. It is by these and such-like
extortions that these generals ruin the wretched soldier, who,
unable to find other means of gaining his bread, is forced to
remain on in his service. Speaking generally, it is impossible
for them to escape such extortions, for these disorders reign
throughout all the princes' establishments. If anyone resigns
service at his own request, they deduct two months' pay.

Actually, as I am writing on this subject, an affair has arisen
at St. Thome which proves the truth of what I say. One
thousand soldiers from the fortress of Gingy (JinjI), which is
in the Carnate (Karnatik), have come to the aforesaid St.
Thome to pray the dlwan to give them enough to meet their
expenses, not only for themselves, but for seven thousand
others who had remained behind in the fortress. They ask
this as a sum on account in respect of three years of pay
owed to them by the king. At first he refused, but in spite
of that they have so pressed him that at last he has given
them five months' pay, half in money and half in old clothes,
reckoned by him at a good deal above their value.

In these days many similar disputes occur, owing to the
want of order in the government, and everybody's only thought
is to steal. But whatever happens, it rarely reaches the king's

380 DISOBEDIENCE OF KING'S ORDERS

ears, for he being old — some eighty-five years of age — and also
taken up with this war against the Shiva Ji (the Mahrattahs),
his empire, too, being of such a vast extent, he is unable to
put a stop to all this injustice and misrule, which his ministers
carry on with impunity. They tell him what they please, and
having their friends and agents at court, they cause presents
to be made to this man and that, by which means they obtain
what they want, joined with impunity for everything.

There are even some officers who, being far away from
headquarters, do not obey the orders coming to them from
the king ; and when they are [30] commanded to relieve any
place or assist any person, they invent excuses on the ground
that they have not the requisite funds. Thereupon the king
makes payment to them of some money out of his treasury,
to be deducted thereafter from their pay. But in the interval
it often happens that the enemy invade the country and carry
off all they can find. These officers think only of their own
interests, and they occasion great loss to private individuals
recommended to them. This I have seen happen many times,
and here is an instance which is quite recent.

It consists in what happened to the Chevalier Nouris (Sir
William Norris), ambassador of England, 1 this gentleman

1 Sir William Norris (1657- 1702) came as envoy to the Mogul in the interests
of the new East India Company. He landed at Masulipatam on September 25,
1699, and left it again on August 26, 1700. He reached Swally (Surat) on
December 10, and proceeded thence to the Mogul camp via Burhanpur. On
Novembers, 1701, he quitted the Mogul camp without permission. He sailed
for England on May 5, 1702, and died at sea from dysentery on December 10,
1702 (' Dictionary of National Biography,' vol. xli., p. 144, by S. L. Poole).
A few details can be gleaned from the India Office archives, ' Factory Records
Miscellaneous,' vol. xix. On January 12, 1700, he was waiting for a safe conduct
to the camp, 800 miles distant. On March 11 he was still waiting. On April 15
Consul John Pitt's letter to Manucci at Madras and his reply were read (see the
Introduction). Imam Quli Beg, with camels for carriage, was expected (April 23),
but they were trying to get ox-carriage. On April 24 a protest at the delays was
delivered, but the President and Council were indignant at it. Norris retorted
by calling Masulipatam a ' barren place. ' The start fixed for May 1 could not
take place for want of palki-bearers and coolies, and on May 4 an Englishman
was sent to Gulkandah to procure them. May 31 came, and still no start had
been made. Norris suspected underhand dealings to cause delay. On June 4
it seems a mace-bearer had been several times to the jaujdar of Goodra (? Gudur)
to obtain oxen, but without success; and the next day the messenger returned to

CASE OF SIR W. N ORRIS 381

being on the point of starting from the port of Machhlipatnam
on his way to court with four halberdiers with silver maces,
men sent to him by the king to accompany him, and also a
asbelocum (hasb-ul-hukm) — that is, a special order to all the
viceroys, governors, and deputies to allow him passage, and
to escort him to the frontier of each man's province.

He made a start, but from the very first stage he was
stopped by the faujddr, or king's deputy, who asserted that
he must pay customs duty on what he was carrying. The
man said the king's orders were worth nothing in this matter ;
the halberdiers wanted to intervene, but their protestations
were equally without effect. The result was that the ambas-
sador was forced to retrace his steps and sell all the animals
he had, such as horses, camels, bullocks, etc., his carts, and
other requisites for such journeys. This has caused him
considerable loss through the great expense incurred, the
whole of which was thrown away.

This ambassador afterwards embarked for the port of Surat
in the month of August of the year 1700, meaning to travel
thence to the court, and there renew his efforts for the establish-
ment of the new English company's trade within the Mogul

say that the Guntur official would give no help — his only orders were to conduct
the embassy safely through his jurisdiction. Next, the faujddr of Masulipatam
was appealed to. He said he had ordered the coolies, but there were no oxen ;
still, he would try to get them from Guntur. On June 6, 1700, the land journey
was given up, and the party resolved to take ship for Surat. All horses (10),
oxen (58), hackeries (carts, 24), and camels, the, whole costing Rs. 18,659.7.0,
were sent to the President for disposal. Noiris declared he had been betrayed
and the native governors bribed. On June 15 a declaration was made to the
waqi'ah navis (official reporter), Mir Muhammad Sa'id, stating these grievances.
The waqi'ah navis, a new man, offered help, and said he heard the oxen were not
refused ; the difficulty was about their price. It appears the contract was for
600 oxen, and advances were given. The ambassador had moved out some two
miles before the final refusal arrived from Guntur, and the approach of the rains
made the journey impossible. Norris refused to change his intention of going
round by sea. Then Mir Salih, faujdar of Gudur, offered an escort of horse, and
even resorted to threats. On August 15 the whole party embarked on the
Sommers (Captain John Douglas) for Surat. Guntur (Kistna district) is forty-four
miles west of Masulipatam ; Gudur is three and three-quarter miles west of same
(' Madras Manual of Administration,' iii. 335, 321). Manucci returns to the
subject of Norris in Part IV., fol. 33.

382 A PERSISTENT OLD WOMAN

empire. Those gentlemen wrote me several letters, principally
Jean Pitt, consul of the new company, praying me to help
them in their business at the court, which I was unable to
perform for many reasons. 1

By all that I have stated above it can be seen that the
government of the Mogul empire is nothing but one vast
disorder. Upon this it will not be, I think, inappropriate to
recount another adventure concerning an old woman. This old
woman complained to the king that the officials had taken her
land ; and in reference thereto at six different times did the king
give her his asbelocums (hasb-ul-hnkm), or his written order, to get
her back her property. In spite of all this, nothing came of it.

When she came with a seventh rescript, the officials lost
their temper, and had her thrust out with the words that, if
she came again with orders like that, they would throw her into
a place wjiich they named plainly enough, but decency requires
me to leave unsaid. Back went the good lady to complain
to the king while he was seated giving audience ; she shouted
out to him the answer she had got from his officials. Without
getting angry, the prince replied that as they would not obey,
he could do nothing, and she must lay her plaints before God.
Yet it is by similar neglect that the kingdom has now been
brought to ruin, for if Aurangzeb followed [31] the course
of his father, there would not be seen so much disorder as is
to be found nowadays. For any such disobedience he (Shah-
jahan) had the man's head cut off, or took his life by means
of venomous snakes.

In addition to all this, it is not alone the Mogul's officials
who cause the maladministration, but the prince himself many
a time does not keep his word. For he may make, be it
to a prince or to a subject, the present of a province or of
some allowance from it, or some other thing of considerable
extent ; and he may confirm it by the royal farmdn usually
issued in such cases (I will give a delineation of one further on). 2

1 The subject of Sir W. Norris's embassy is resumed in Part IV., f. 33. For
John Pitt's letters and Manucci's answers, see the Introduction.

2 N. M. seems to have forgotten to carry out this promise — at any rate, in the
Berlin Codex.

LITTLE VALUE OF FARM AN S 383

Nevertheless, it often happens that the present Mogul has no
hesitation in falsifying his word and that of others, and making
a mock of his own farmans.

As an example of what I say, Shahjahan had given a village
to 'All Mardan Khan, quite near the river Chenon (Chinab) ; it
was called Nicader (Nikodar). 1 It was given in perpetuity, for
himself and his descendants. Aurangzeb, disregarding the
word of his father and his king, and without the commission of
any fault by 'All Mardan Khan, took possession of the place
and ousted the possessor.

He did just the same to Rajah Jai Singh, and occupied the
lands conquered by that noble from the rebel Mewatls and those
in the province of Saomber (Sambhar). This is just the way he
behaved to Shiva jT, as I have related (II. 17). The Hindu king,
the Rana, and many others that I do not mention, have suffered
from the same sort of deception, not to call it anything more.
He also broke faith with the Dutch. On different occasions
they sent embassies to the court to ask for a farmdn according
them some privileges that they had long asked for without ever
being able to obtain.

At last, in the year 1688, they sent a person called Mr. Bald 2
as their ambassador, with a superb and magnificent retinue, as
a means of demonstrating their power. They also sent a con-
siderable present for the King, which had cost more than two
hundred thousand pieces of eight, 3 this without counting all
the expenses he incurred during the year's time he was made
to wait before he got his letters answered. Nevertheless, during
his stay the king gave him many marks of favour, honoured
him with the title of Golzar can (Gulzar Khan) 4 — that is,

1 Nikodar, in the Sarkar of the Beth Jalandhar Duabah of the Lahor Subah (see
' A,In-i-Akbarl, ' ii. 317, Jarrett), lat. 31 10', long. 75 28', seventy miles south-east
by east from Lahor (Thornton, ' Gazetteer,' 681).

2 See separate note at the end of the next paragraph.

3 ' Piece of eight ' was the dollar or pataca, and therefore, according to
Manucci, worth two rupees (see Yule, 638). Fryer, edition 1873, p. 223, says the
' piece of eight ' was worth nine fanam.

4 The fact is confirmed by a letter in the Dutch archives from Bisharat Khan.
dlwan of Gulkandah, in which he addresses the ambassador as ' Commandeur
Johannes Bacherus Gooljaar Chan ' (i.e., Gulza. Khan).

384 DUTCH EMBASSY, 1688

' Great and Flourishing ' — and at length sent him away with a
properly-executed farman, which granted to his nation the
privileges they asked for.

When the ambassador had returned to Masulipatam, the
Dutch, relying on the king's word and on the farman they had
obtained from him, sent some bullocks and carts loaded with
merchandise, such as spices, broadcloth, copper, and other
things, to be sold at various spots in the empire. But at the very
start the whole was stopped by the king's officers, who demanded
payment to them of customs' duty, saying that the farman did
not deal with that question. This affair raised some amount
of dispute between the two parties, and the officers wrote to
court that the farman obtained by the Dutch had raised their
pride and haughtiness to such a degree that, abandoning all
respect for His Majesty's officers, they had raised their hands
against them. They aggravated still more the offence [32]
they pretended to have received by several additional details.
Thereupon the king, without having heard the Dutch story,
set aside the farman he had issued to them, and declared it of
no effect.

NOTE ON THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO THE
MOGUL IN 1688.

N. Manucci is wrong in the name of the envoy ; it should be
Bacherus, and not Bald. The only Balde or Baldaeus known is
Philip Baldaeus, a Dutch chaplain, who died in 1672, the year
his book appeared, being a description of the island of Ceylon,
of Malabar, and Choromandel.

There is abundant evidence of the mission of Johannes
Bacherus in 1688. Let us take first the English records.
Porto Novo reports to Fort St. George on November 27, 1687
(Factory Records, No. 30), that the Dutch are keeping high
festival for four days on account of a qaul (written order) freeing
them from customs duty for four years, and thenceforth to pay
only half duties throughout the Gulkandah kingdom. We
must remember that Gulkandah had just been absorbed into the
Mogul empire. Fort St. George rejoins, December 9, 1687,
that it understands not the festival, as the Dutch were already
free of customs in Gulkandah ; there must be something else
behind. On January 17, 1688 (letter to Surat), the English say

JOHANNES BACHERUS SENT 385

they heard that the Mogul had ordered the Dutch to send up
an ambassador, and was demanding sums of money for the
confirmation of their former privileges. Again, on September 13,
1688, they write that the Dutch Commissary-General (? Van
Reede) 1 at Pulicat (close to Madras) was preparing a great
' Pishkas ' for the Mogul, said to be worth 40,000 pagodas —
elephants, horses, palkis, plate, jewels, etc. ' Heer John
Vakeerus ' (Bacherus), the second in council, was to deliver it.
Daniel Chardin, brother of the traveller, wrote from Bhagnagar
(Haidarabad) on February 11-21, 1687-8, saying that the Mogul
had gone on to Bijapur, and that the Dutch had interviewed
Ruhullah Khan, the new governor. D. Chardin on February 22
wrote again that the Dutch had not obtained their farman. On
August 28, 1688, the Fort St. George authorities again speak
of Hendrik van Reede, Dutch Commissary-General, proposing
to send Johannes Bacherus to the Mogul from Pulicat with a
very large present. It was said the Dutch were trying to get
the English excluded from the Mogul's dominions by offering a
payment of 8 lakhs of rupees a year. In a letter to the Court
of Directors (Original Correspondence 5658) of January, 1689,
it is stated that the Dutch envoy had started. On July 12 and
20, 1689, they speak of the ' late ' embassy, and assert that it
met with no success, their ' present ' being plundered by the
Mahrattahs. Pulicat Fort, held by the Dutch, was to be re-
duced to a mere factory (Fort St. George to Court, February 1,

1690, Original Correspondence No. 5698).

Thus far from the India Office records ; we will now turn to
the Dutch records at the Hague. The instructions, forty-three
pages in extent, were issued by Hendrik van Reede to Johannes
Bacherus from Pulicat on .September 22, 1688. Bacherus is
described as the second on the Commission, then on a visit to
the northern factories of Coromandel. On December 24, 1688,
the envoy started from Masulipatam, and on January 26, 1689,
van Reede reports to the Seventeen at Middleburg to that effect.
We have a letter from the wazir, Asad Khan, of the 7th Zu,l
Hijjah (September 20, 1689), the wdqi'ah entry in the Court
official diary, 10th Zu,l Hijjah (September 23), and a second
letter from Asad Khan of the 26th Zu,l Hijjah (October 9) ; then
comes the farman, dated the 12th Muharram of the thirty-
third year — i.e., 1101 H. (October 24, 1689). There is the sub-
sidiary order or Hasb-nl-hukm of the wazir, 27th Muharram,

1 Hendrik Adriaan van Reede, of Drakensteyn, born at Utrecht early in 1637.
In 1690 made Commissary at Surat, and Governor-General of Malabar Coast.
He is the author of ' Hortus Indica,' folio, 1678. He died at sea on December 15,

1691, and was buried at Surat early in January, 1692. D. Havart, 'Op en
Ondergang,' has a plate of the funeral procession.

VOL. II. 25

386 CONCESSIONS GRANTED TO DUTCH

iioi H. (November 8, 1689), another order of November 11,
and the dlwan's (Bisharat Khan's) vise or executive order of the
same date.

The provisions of the farman are as follows : After reciting
the petition of the envoy for a confirmation of the grant and
privileges accorded in writing by 'Abdullah and Abu,l Hasan,
the former rulers of Gulkandah, a renewed grant is made in
the following detail. A gift is made of five villages, three at
Pulicat (Ergam, Mansiewarom, Awieriwaka) and two at Masuli-
patam (Pallicol, Contera).

At Pulicat the following concessions are made in respect to
the Dutch share in customs and their right to coin. On goods
over a candy 1 in weight, liable to 4^ pagodas of duty, the county
officials are to take 2^, and the Dutch Company 1% pagodas; but
goods liable to less than that amount, according to the
Mutasaddis' (native officials') weights, shall be divided, half to
the emperor and half to the Dutch.

At Eragam and Mansiewarom the division was to be :

Customs of 4-g- pagodas and over to pay three-fourths to

the Mogul, one-fourth to the Dutch.
Customs of 4 pagodas to pay 1 J pagodas to Dutch.
Customs of less than 4 pagodas to pay half to Mogul, half

to Dutch.

On cloth brought in from villages, when the bale contains
20 pieces of 72 cobidos (cubits) each, 3^ pagodas are to be paid,
the king taking half and the Dutch half. If the goods are
afterwards sold, the same tax shall be paid and divided as before.
If goods so bought are liable to over 4 pagodas, the division
shall be three-fourths to the king and one-fourth to the Dutch.

Ground-rents on inhabited land to be equally divided.

All dues on goods brought in ships from abroad to be equally
divided. When the Dutch bring their own money to be coined,
the mint tax, which is f per cent., shall be equally divided ; if
the money is not theirs, the Dutch will only receive one-third
of the dues.

Masulipatam. — The Dutch Company are freed from certain
dues : (1) Cabaratn, a sort of ground-rent ; (2) Baatpoelerij, an
imposition on exported goods ; and (3) Molliwidaal, road dues.
Formerly, on every two ox-loads to Haidarabad the freight
was 4 pagodas (2 of which went to the governor) ; now 5 are
demanded. A return to the old rate is asked. The emperor
ordered that the Company must make the best terms it could
with the carriers, but the governor's 2 pagodas were remitted.

1 Candy, a weight in use in South India of, roughly, 500 pounds (Yule, 155).

PULICAT AND MASH LIP AT AM 387

Fort Palliacatta. — For a long time this had been the sole
property of the Company, and no other Europeans had any
share. Petty disputes were decided by the king's officers and
the employes of the Company ; those of more importance were
referred to 'Abdullah and Abu,l Hasan. The emperor orders
the same practice to continue, but great and weighty causes
must be sent to Haidarabad to be there decided by the
emperor's representative.

For the villages of Gollepalem and Gondewarom close to
Daatcherom the Company paid yearly, by way of lease, the sum
of 150 pagodas. This was allowed to remain on the old footing.

Narsapur. — Here there was a piece of land used for storing
timber, and a smith's shop, where various things required for
ships were stored, and the workpeople who resorted there had
been free of dues for a long time ; nor was anyone allowed to
hinder others from settling there, the said people being, like the
Narsapur dwellers, in the service of the Company. Yearly from
each household 3 pagodas were collected. The demand is con-
ceded by the emperor to the Dutch on the old footing.

In the village Mansiewarom (subordinate to Masulipatam)
forty households of washermen used to pay each 3 pagodas a
year. There are now six families left. When the water rises
they go to wash in Suguram (or Sury) village, and ought not to
be hindered. The request is granted.

Certain taxes or dues were remitted, viz. :

1. A tax on coolies whose wages are paid by the merchants,
provided they are permanently in the Company's service.

2. The tax of Callagads, or writers' fees.

3. Rahdari, or road tax, inland in going from Bimlipatnam
to Siccacol.

4. Rahdari on travellers from Eloer, Ragiemandree, Daat-
cheram, Palicol, and Nagelwance.

5. Rahdari from Masulipatam and Paliacatta, going and
coming.

6. Tolls or other imposts upon any victuals for the Company's
own use, coming either by water or land.

7. Tolls on all merchandise or wares sent out by the Company
and brought in by it from abroad and here sold.

8. Mint. — The charges of the Taksdl, or Mint, on the coining,
whether of gold or silver, together with the exchange on Pallia-
cat and Chinapatnam (? Madras) pagodas, are remitted.

9. On ghaza-am [ghiza-i-'am] — that is, grain and all such
wares — the dealers had to pay the king, causing prices to rise.
From all such dues the Company and their servants are
exempted.

25—2

3S8 RETIRING ALLOWANCES

The farman bears the titles and attestations of Asad Khan,
the wazlr.

The correspondence is continued in twenty-four more letters,
beginning with Laurens Pit and Council at Pulicat to the
Seventeen at Middelburg (a long letter), dated January 6, 1690,
and ending with the Governor-General's letter from Batavia to
the same body, dated March 26, 1691.

There is also mention of the Bacherus embassy in D. Havart,
1 Op en Ondergang van Coromandel ' (1693), Part II., 165.

It is not difficult to have a valid Jarmdn, but if the officials
are not your friends, it serves you very little. This is why those
who want to carry out their business must always make some
presents to these men, a custom followed throughout India.
For I have always noted that in order to succeed well, you
must gain the goodwill of the employes, for they do and undo
everything with their masters, as to them seems fit.

The figure opposite is a representation of the seal with which
the Mogul attests all the farmdns and the grants that he accords.
Usually the seal is stamped in ink, and below it the king,
dipping his hand into a red liquid, impresses its shape upon the
document to be dispatched. 1 This serves as a still more
authentic confirmation of the favour or gift that he makes.
This ceremony is only employed in matters of importance, for
in other cases they use another small seal, with which letters
and dispatches are sealed [33] .

After this digression, which I have thought necessary to
make to display the bad faith of the Moguls and their officials,
and the very little reliance to be placed upon their word, I go
on with the relation I began about the prince and his conduct
in paying his army, et cetera.

When any general or great commander quits the service,
either from old age or any other reason, the king as a favour
continues always to pay to him an allowance for his support.
But there is no fixed rule. To some less, to some more, is

1 For an instance of the use of the panjah, or impressed palm of the hand, see
Tod, 'Annals of Rajasthan ' (Calcutta reprint, 1894), vol. i. , p. 361, Aurangzeb's
treaty with the Rana, 1680. In the Venice Codex XLIV. (Zanetti) there is
inserted at fol. 419, below the seal, an imprint of a hand of reddish colour ; it is
a very small hand, and represents, I suppose, that of Aurangzeb,

THE IMPERIAL SEAL

389

assigned, according to the king's inclination towards them.
For example, Shaistah Khan had two brothers, one called
Bamenear (Bahman-yar) 1 and the other Faracfal (? Farrukh-fal).
The first was incapacitated by hernia, and the other declined
to serve, being very misshapen. The king allowed to these
gentlemen one hundred thousand rupees. Yet to the son of

Ja'far Khan, called Namdar Khan, 2 who declined service upon
the death of his father, Ja'far Khan, because he considered the

1 I'tiqad Khan, Mirza Bahman-yar (' Ma, asir-ul-Umara,' i. 232), died 1082 H.
(1671-72). The other brother I cannot trace.

2 Namdar Khan, eldest son of Jamdat-ul-Mulk, Ja'far Khan (' M.-ul-U.,'
iii. 830). On p. 833, line 1, we read : ' In the seventeenth year (1673-74) he fell
into disgrace, was removed from his mansab, and given 40,000 rupees a year.
He retired to Ubgadh.'

39° PAYMENT OF QUEENS' SERVANTS

post offered him was above [query read ' beneath '] him, he
gave no more than ten thousand rupees. The reason was that
Namdar Khan was the son of one of Ja'far Khan's wives, named
Farsanah Begam, 1 who had been the wife (I should say the
mistress) of Shahjahan, as I have stated in my First Part
(I. 129). They even said that he was son of that prince ; as
for myself, I have no doubt about it, for he was very like Prince
Dara.

This gentleman (Namdar Khan) was a great friend of mine,
and as I knew him intimately, I may say that his qualities and
his actions were altogether those of royalty ; he was also a
great soldier. But all that did not prevent the king, when this
great man fell ill of a cancer which formed in his throat, from
sending his physicians to cure him, and forbidding anyone else
to approach him, of which he died in the year 1678. 2

The soldiers, eunuchs, and servants of the queens and
princesses are more regularly paid, and do not endure so much
as the other soldiers. They never go on active service unless
the king and the princes of the blood royal are going. But,
since on those occasions the wives, daughters, and concubines
accompany them, these troops also follow the campaign.
These ladies travel generally in the rear of the army, riding on
the greatest elephants, which are followed by others bearing
the gold coin and precious stones that these princes carry also
with them, to be made use of in case of disgrace or misfortune.
They say that since Taimur-i-Iang, in all the generations of the
Moguls, no queen has been made a prisoner in war, except
Humayun's queen, who was taken by Sher Shah, the Pathan ;
and even that prince sent her back to the king as far as Persia,
where he had gone, which I have already mentioned, if I
mistake not, in my First Part (I. 70).

Most of the horses used by the Mogul come from the regions
of Balkh, Bukhara, and Kabul. Thence come every year more
than one hundred [34] thousand, and on them the king makes
a great profit by the duty he imposes. At the crossing of the

1 Farzanah Begam, sister of Mumtaz Mahal, the wife of Shahjahan ('Ma.asir-
ul-Umara,' iii. 830).

2 The native writers do not mention the year of his death.

SHAH l ALAM DECEIVES HIS FATHER 391

Indus alone a payment of twenty-five per cent, on their value
is made. The best are chosen for the king's service, the usual
number taken being twelve thousand. Among them are some
selected for his own stable, and the others he uses as presents
to the great lords of his court. There also come from those
regions many camels loaded with fruit, such as melons, pears,
seedless pomegranates, raisins, and other dried fruits.

The horses are called TurkI ; they are courageous in war, can
stand much fatigue, and never forsake their masters unto death.

The policy of the present Mogul is so fine and so delicate
as to surpass that of all his predecessors ; and he has had
peculiarly hard work to maintain himself on the throne up to
this time against the wish and the will of several persons.
First, there are his children, upon whom he always keeps a
vigilant eye, so that they may commit no treason similar to that
he did to his father. It is for this reason that formerly, besides
the spies he kept to report all that was passing, he used at night
to go in person incognito into the house of Shah 'Alam to spy
out what was going on there.

The prince, on the other hand, detected the movements and
ruses of his father, and set his own wits to work. He had
cunning spies to inform him of all he (Aurangzeb) projected.
One night it happened, when there was very bright moonlight,
the prince was enjoying himself with some ladies who were
his mistresses : they came and warned him that the king, his
father, was coming to visit him. As soon as he heard this
news he promptly rose, and having hidden the ladies in different
places, he went into a room and set to work reading the Quran
aloud, as is the custom. Aurangzeb came in, and finding Shah
'Alam thus occupied, said to him that what he was engaged in
did not suit the season, which invited rather to delectation than
the reading of the Quran.

Shah 'Alam replied that what he read appeared to him more
lovely than the moon, and afforded him more delight than the
light of the sun. The father was charmed at this answer, and
as a mark of his satisfaction thereat he augmented the prince's
allowance, and gave him more frequent tokens of the esteem in
which he held such virtue.

392 SHAH 'ALAWS CHARACTER

Several times Shah 'Alam's favourites, seeing the manner in
which his father acted, coming and going just as he pleased,
asked him (Shah 'Alam) to allow them to kill him (Aurangzeb).
To incite him to this, they brought up the example of the king,
who had acted thus towards his own father and brother. They
said that after the death of the old fellow he could [35] easily
crown himself as king. But the prince would never give his
consent, saying that if he did so, his children would one day
treat him the same, and thus this pernicious custom would be
established in the family from generation to generation. This
is why he hoped that God would never allow him to imitate
his father in that respect ; and, what was more, he was still a
young man.

When this prince reached the age of twenty-five, he knew
quite well he was endued with little courage, and this forced
him into attempting to acquire the magical arts, in order to
guide himself thereby in case of necessity, just as his father had
done when he was a prince. To accomplish this design he
busied himself with the study of books of magic. But in a short
time this occupation destroyed his mind, which his father dis-
covered without knowing the real cause. He believed this
arose from illness, so came to visit him. No sooner had he
entered than his son seized him by the beard and demanded in
a fury who he was, and why he entered his house. Seeing the
prince in this condition, the king was greatly concerned, the
more so that he (his son) had always been very submissive, and
he had tenderly loved him. Plunged into affliction, he placed
him in charge of his own physicians, conjuring them to use
their best efforts on his behalf. The gentlemen met in con-
sultation, and after discussing the symptoms, concluded that
the evil arose from blood to the head. As a remedy, they bled
and purged, whereby he recovered his senses. Having thus by
sad experience learnt that such studies would be his destruc-
tion, he thought no more about them, and forsook them
entirely.

Adopting another style of life, he gave himself up to pleasure,
but only in secret, his occupation being drinking and other
pastimes, according to the whim of the moment. His father

SHAH 'ALAM A FREE LIVER 393

heard nothing of all that, for the son knew his father's disposi-
tion, and his love of seeing his children imitate his feigned
strictness. Thus, to gain his approval the prince displayed as
many signs of devoutness as ever he could. As he perceived
that humility was also much to the taste of the old fellow, he
showed the greatest contempt for the riches of this world. He
ordered his bowls and dishes to be made of wood, and caused
it to be noised abroad that he ate out of these. Further, the
trappings of the horse he rode were of plain leather, devoid of
all ornaments, although those of his retinue were not of that
simple style.

As for myself, I knew quite the contrary of all this ; and in
his palace he led a jolly life of it, drinking and eating out of
dishes and cups of gold. Above all, as to the drink, that I
know to be exact, for he had charged me with procuring good
wines of Persia and Europe. These I caused to be brought
from Surat, and frequently, when he was out of them, he sent
to my house for some, for he had more trust in me than in his
Mahomedans. One day when he was elated I heard him say
that despicable was that king who did not eat out of vessels of
emerald.

His children were just as great hypocrites as he was, and all
to propitiate their grandfather. For in secret they led the
same life as their father. One day, as it happened [36], one of
the spies reported to the king that he had seen a bottle of wine
being taken into the house of Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln. It was
one that he had sent to me for. Upon this the old fellow made
a long discourse to Shah 'Alarn and Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln.
The latter said as his excuse that the wine was for some medicine
to be given to a sick lady; while Shah 'Alam made it appear
that he had no part in the matter. In order better to persuade
and satisfy the king, he caused the uterine brother of his son
[query read ' foster-brother '] to be ejected from his palace as
the man who had sent the wine ; while I was thereby saved
from the penalty which would otherwise have fallen on me had
they known that the wine came from me.

The Prince A'zam Shah, or A'zam-tara, also drank wine ; but
it was not in concealment like the others. On the contrary,

394 AMBITIONS OF KING'S SONS

frequently he even caused scenes while drunk, without paying
any heed to his father. The latter was much chagrined at such
conduct, but as he loved this son, he overlooked his faults.
One day the prince was on his way to court in a boat ; he
asked the rowers how many days it would take them to reach
Bengal in that boat. The eunuch seated behind him signed to
them to hold their tongues, so that they answered not a word.
But directly they had reached the court, the eunuch intimated
to the king that the prince had put such a question. No sooner
had he entered the palace than he was arrested and locked up,
and there he remained for a whole year, getting no wine to
drink. But having been married to Janl Begam, daughter of
Dara, he was released.

From what is above stated, it will be seen that these princes
are under surveillance, and if any servant of the king, or the
princes themselves, should dare to open his mouth to make
even the slightest objection, he would be forthwith exiled from
court and turned out of the service. This is a sufficiently heavy
punishment to induce them to hold their tongue, for they have
no other means of gaining a living.

Aurangzeb could not ignore the fact that each of his children
wanted to become king and made pretensions to the crown.
But one day, out of curiosity, he asked them if they wanted
to reign. Shah 'Alam replied that he would be glad enough to
be king should His Majesty ever wish for repose and should
cede the kingdom to him, and that to him it seemed only just
that the eldest son should succeed — still more so when he was
a good man, and endowed with habits and qualities which should
rather lead him to, than exclude him from, the throne. In spite
of this, it was his bounden duty to remain quiet during the life
and good health of His Majesty. He meant to be understood
as intending on his father's death to do his best to succeed him.
A'zam-tara stated that he was born to be a king, even though
he had an elder brother, for (said he) my father and my mother
are both Mahomedans, and both of royal blood.

Akbar's reply was that his birth took place at a propitious
hour and moment. For was it not then that had begun the
happiness and good fortune which had ever since followed in

THE KING'S ATTITUDE TO HIS SONS 395

his (Aurangzeb's) train ? Was it not in that very year that he
had won the victory over Rajah Jaswant Singh and Qasim
Khan, and had also defeated Prince Dara? 1 [37^ Briefly he
had had many other lucky advantages that favouring Fortune
had conferred on him ; and for all these reasons he believed
that the crown was his by right.

Kam Bakhsh answered that, without a doubt, the kingdom
was his, as of right, because, said he, ' I am the son of a king,
while the others are only sons of a prince.' Then, lifting his
eyes to heaven, he added, ' But be it as God wills !' This last
reason was extremely pleasing to the king, and on this account
he esteemed this son more than ever, and raised his previous
income. All the same, he did not allow his feelings to appear,
but kept them hidden in his heart. Then he said, as a general
answer to them all, that their claims were still in the remote
future ; for the calculators had assured him that he was to
reign one hundred and twenty years, and to their findings he
accorded implicit faith. Nevertheless, the cunning monarch
only said this in order to see if any one of the sons would say
anything more, betraying any passion or grief at what he had
said. But no one opened his mouth : the example of the im-
prisonment and death of Sultan Muhammad was more than
enough to keep them within the limits of humility and of filial
and prudent obedience.

Aurangzeb had more confidence in Shah 'Alam than in any
of the others, for he knew him down to the ground, and had
tested his not having enough boldness to try rebellion. When
this prince was very young, he was performing the offices of
nature, when a young rat passed in front of him. He was
so frightened that he came out shouting, holding up his
drawers with his hands. The eunuchs present thought at first
that he had been bitten by a snake. His father, on being told
what had happened, exclaimed that it was an astonishing thing
that in the race of Taimur-i-lang should be born a prince
who was such a poltroon. He added that the courage in

1 Akbar was born on the 12th Zu,l Hijjah, 1067 H. (September 22, 1657, N.S.).
The battle with Jaswant Singh, near Ujjain, was fought in Rajab, 1068 (April,
1658) (Elphinstone, 521). The first defeat of Dara was on June 8, 1658.

396 MU'IZZ-UD-DlN AND HIS FATHER

which he was lacking was in excess in his brother, Sultan
Muhammad. 1

In spite of all this, however, as Aurangzeb himself counter-
feited the bigot, he imagined that Shah 'Alam was counter-
feiting the coward. With the idea of putting him to the proof,
he said to him when he was somewhat older that the astrolo-
gers predicted that he would rebel. At those words the prince,
all in a tremble, drew his sword and flung it at his father's
feet, saying he would rather have his head cut off than that he
should ever do such a thing. Having noticed his emotion at
hearing such a remark, his father embraced him, restored his
sword, and bound it on him, saying that he never expected any
such action on his part.

The distrust among these princes is so acute that the father
does not trust the son, nor the son his father. Here is an
instance : Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, eldest son of Shah 'Alam, was
graciously pleased to act as intermediary, and to intercede for
me with his father, to get me back into his service, as I have
related more at length in my account of Goa, contained in my
Second Part (II. 219). The father, without any other reason,
commanded me not to go to the court of the said Sultan, giving
him orders at the same time not to send for me. Let him,
Shah 'Alam said, employ his own doctors and not me. Upon
this subject they had some words, and thereupon separated.
Some time afterwards Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din feigned the invalid,
and no longer went to the court of his father. As soon as the
latter heard of the illness, he sent him his Persian physicians,
and these men reported that he was not in the least unwell.
To give them the lie and show that he required my treatment,
he made one of his women servants suck a place on his neck,
and thereby raised a blue mark. On learning that he was
suffering from this blue mark, Shah 'Alam, without knowing
the cause of it, had the idea that he required bleeding. So he
ordered me to see him at his residence, and with a view to
satisfying his son, told me to go whenever he sent for me, and
in this manner they made it up and were at peace.

1 A'zam Shah was accustomed to call his brother 'the baniya'— that is, one
who is the very incarnation of timidity (Catrou, 4to. edition, 1715, p. 200).

XXIII. Rajah Jaswant Singh, Rathor, of Jodhpur.

Vol. II.

To face page 396.

A GIRL SUCCESSFULLY CURED 397

Maybe astonishment will be expressed at all the details I
give of this court, but just to afford some satisfaction to my
readers, I will tell a little story showing how I came to a
knowledge of these things. In the palace was a female servant
called Dil-jo, who acted as valet-de-chambre to Shah 'Alam.
This girl fell ill, and no one could diagnose her complaint, nor
its source. She was quite young, but suffered from insomnia,
and from time to time frightful things overtook her, even to
biting her own body. After some remedies had been adminis-
tered which did her no good, I was instructed to treat her.
I fathomed at once the origin of the disease, and I said to the
prince that I could not cure her, but I would instruct them as
to a remedy they might give her, by means of which I hoped
that her health would be re-established.

Subsequently I stated the remedy, which was nothing more
than to counsel them to get her married. That was (I added)
what I believed to be the healing medicine for her malady.
They believed me, and forthwith married her off to a slave of
the prince's household. Two months afterwards they sent for
her to the palace, just to see if there was any change in her.
They noticed that her colour had returned, that she enjoyed
perfect health, and, in fact, she was with child. The other
women servants on seeing her longed for their fellow-servant's
disease in order to obtain the same remedy. To succeed in
this design, they let me know that they would pretend to be ill,
and I must be so good as to ordain the same medicine to be
given to them as had been given to Dil-jo. I carried out this
commission to the best of my power, and thus several were
married, according to their wish. These people were subse-
quently very grateful for the kindness I had done them, and
gave me proof of it from time to time. Thus it is through
them that I have been informed of many particulars as to what
went on in the court of this prince [39].

Perhaps it will not be found altogether devoid of utility if I
impart to my readers several events that happened to me,
which are proof of the prince's kindness and of the friendship
he bore me. Seeing that I was not married, he inquired from
me, through the first princess in his mahal (seraglio), why I did

398 MANUCCI REFUSES TO MARRY

not take a wife. I replied that I found none of my standing
that took my fancy. This lady and her husband were both
desirous to get me married so as to retain me, and hinder my
leaving Hindustan and his court. She said to me that she
would send for all the daughters of Christians, whether
Europeans or Armenians, and I had only to choose the one I
liked best. She would see that I obtained the girl, would
give her away in marriage herself, and provide all the expenses
necessary on such an occasion, adding a number of other
promises. I thanked her, and made her understand how
grateful I was for all her favours ; but, being a man of family,
it was not correct for me to accept a bride such as she pro-
posed for me. To that she replied by a great many things,
among others that Mahomedans took anybody without regard
to their birth. Although a Christian could never have preten-
sions to such an honour, yet if I would agree she would have
all her maids of honour brought before me, and I had only to
select the one I most liked, and she should be given to me as
wife, nothing remaining but to carry her away to my dwelling.

Being weary of all this woman's talk, I gave an off-hand
answer that I was incapacitated for marriage. But on she
went, and, with a number of other remarks, refuted me by
saying that my bearing and complexion showed the falsity of
what I told her. Finally, after all this discourse, she ordered
me to put my hand inside the curtains of the bed to feel her
pulse ; for this is the way one has to deal with these ladies, as
I have said (III. 14, 15). I noted that the arm was thick,
muscular, and hairy, and by these signs I knew at once it was
a man's arm, and it turned out to be Shah 'Alam himself.
Without delay I rose, and said that the arm I had touched was
a man's, not a woman's, and it could be none other than that
of the King of the World. At these words the prince burst
out laughing, and told me I knew how to distinguish the
difference between a man and a woman. 1

If the prince intended in this interview to show his esteem

1 For a parallel instance of testing a physician's discernment, see Fryer,
edition 1873, p. 346. The hand of a healthy slave girl was put out to him
instead of the patient's.

ATTEMPTS ON HIS VIRTUE 399

for me, it may be added from the way of it that he also meant
to put me to the test. It is also the custom to probe the
physicians by such trickeries, in order to be assured of their
ability and of their recognition of diseases. Another adventure
took place with the princess which led to the same result.
She made out she was ill, and caused to be sent to me a vessel
full of urine with an inquiry whether I could recognise [40]
from it the disease she was suffering from. Seeing that the
liquid was green, and seemed to have some drug mixed with it,
I set my imagination to work, and answered with a smile that
the urine came from a person who had eaten largely of green
stuff the preceding night. As soon as I pronounced these
words there was a great outburst of laughter behind the
curtains of the bed, and they said I was a great doctor. In
the end they informed me it was the urine of a cow.

Wishing to retain me and gain me over entirely to his
interest, the prince thought that women would be a good
vehicle to secure his object ; for it is very common for men to
be destroyed by this snare. Here is how he set to work. He
asked me if I knew there was a European in his palace. I said
I did not. Instantly, while we were speaking, there came out
of a room a very pretty girl, dressed as a man in European
style, with a gold-mounted sword at her side. As soon as she
saw me she lifted her hat and saluted me. I was conscious at
once that it was the prince who had put all this in play to
amuse himself, and see if he could gain me over. But I feigned
the ignoramus, and as if I had not noticed anything, returned
the bow and proffered some compliments. Speaking French,
I went up to her to kiss her, when at once she turned her
back on me and fled. I ran after her as if wishing to embrace
her ; but she ran faster than I did. However, I did my utmost
to overtake her. Laughing, the prince cried out to me. At
his voice I came back with slow steps close to him, much put
out at not having succeeded in embracing the young person.

When I had come close, he asked me what I had wanted to
do. I replied boldly that I wanted to embrace and kiss the
would-be young man. He assumed to be astonished at such
a piece of audacity, then took to smiling at it ever so long, as

400 HAREM CONSULTATIONS

did all the princesses. Afterwards he told me that the Farangi
I had seen was not a man, but a woman, and if I would have
her, he would give her to me, and she could serve to carry my
medicines into the mahal. I answered, with a serious air, that
she was no use for that, and medicines administered by a
woman's hand produced no effect. The prince for a long time
joked with the princesses over what I had said. This is the
greatest amusement he has. All other Mahomedans also pass
the greater part of their time among their women. This is so
much the case that through them much important business at
court is transacted. For my part, I have done a great deal
thus, principally through the first princess.

I have said already (III. 16) that it is the custom in the
royal household, when a physician is called within the mahal,
for the eunuch to cover his head with a cloth, which hangs
down to his waist. They then conduct him to the patient's
room, and he is taken out in the same manner. The first time
that [41] I was led through the palace I was fitted out in the
above fashion, but, by premeditation, I walked as slowly as I
could, in spite of the urging of my guides, the eunuchs. The
prince, having seen this, ordered them to uncover me, and that
in future I was to be allowed to come in and go out without
being covered. He said that the minds of Christians were not
filthy like those of Mahomedans.

This prince held me in such affection that he granted me
permission to enter the Ghusul-Jchanah, which is a secret place
where the second audience is given and the council sits. Into
it only the principal lords and officers of the court enter. If
anyone fails to attend, whether by accident or otherwise, he
cannot enter any more without a fresh permission. To obtain
this renewal he must make some present to the prince, at the
very least one gold and nine silver coins ; but with respect to
me, I had liberty to enter and come out without anything of
that sort. As the prince was in a fright that I would quit his
service, he sought from time to time means of obliging me, and
paid me all the honours such as I have reported. However,
finding he could not capture me through women, he resolved
to have a friendly talk with me on religion.

MANUCCI AND SHAH 'A LAM 401

Having sent for me, he begged me not to take it amiss if he
gave me a warning ; his religion forced it upon him, and to
discharge his conscience he was obliged to give it thrice.
Following on this, he said it was his intention to elevate me to
the rank of a noble at his court ; but before this could be I
must adopt his religion, which was assuredly the best, and
through it I would gain salvation. The moment he had finished
his discourse I made a very low bow, and said I knew very
well what was contained in the Quran, also what the Gospel
imposed on me. There I had learnt that without baptism no
one could enter the kingdom of heaven, and to gain it I was
ready to spend and give up my life.

Seeing me so determined, he changed the subject, and he
ordered me to send at once to procure him some crystal vessels
for drinking water from. I sent off a man to Bombay to bring
some. This order he executed — nay, those he brought were
very handsome. These I presented to the prince. He seemed
to be astonished to see so many crystals at once — more than he
had ever seen in all his life — for he imagined them to be of rock-
crystal, which is extremely costly in the Mogul country. This
is the reason of his asking me what the whole might be worth.
Quite happy, I answered him that it was a present from me,
and that Doctor Nicolas stated no prices to kings. He was so
satisfied with this reply that, coming to me, he patted me on
the shoulders, and said, should God ever be gracious and make
him king, he would remember my generosity. At the same
time he ordered them to give me a valuable set of robes and a
very nice horse.

I must here make the remark that, when these kings and
princes give [42] audience, they display all imaginable gravity
and majesty, in order to inspire fear in everybody ; but in their
mahal and in private they are lowly as infants. This I have
experienced several times, they going so far as to play with me
with all possible familiarity. It is true that it may be said that
all these petty stories referring to me are of no great value to
the public, but I thought a charitable reader would easily
pardon me this small satisfaction which I have ventured to
give myself. Moreover, if anyone were about to travel in these

vol. 11. 26

402 BHAO SINGH, HApA

far-off places, it may be that in some conjuncture these tales of
my humble adventures will not be entirely useless to him.

As the entire thoughts of these princes are turned in the
direction of the throne, they search out carefully any means of
conferring favours on the most powerful men, in the hope of
having them on their side. Shah 'Alam had usually with him
a Hindu prince called Bau Sing (Bhao Singh), 1 leader of twelve
thousand horsemen and a vassal of the king. He served under
the orders of Shah 'Alam. Noticing that he had ceased to
come to court, being unwell, the prince sent me to visit him on
his behalf, and to offer my services. This was merely to oblige
him, and gain him to his side should any occasion present itself.

The rajah was already old, and was suffering from his lungs.
The prince, however, directed me to observe him and reckon
how long he might yet live. Bhao Singh received my visit
but refused my services, and told me if I gave him any medicines
he would put them with the rest I saw there. He had a whole
roomful. God might do with him according to His pleasure,
but he would not take the medicines, beyond looking at them.
All this care was because he was afraid of being poisoned.
This fear was increased by the example he had in Rajah Jai
Singh and several others, to whom such a fate had happened.
I must say the prince never had designs of that sort, and all
he did was intended to oblige. I may add that, during all the
time I had the honour to serve him, he never suggested em-
ploying me for such a purpose.

Still, he made a trial as to whether I was of a nature that
would carry out such devices. This I discovered in the course
of time. For example, he sent to me some unknown persons
who offered me large sums to bring to their death other
patients that I was treating. Others asked me to sell them
poison, but no one ever got me to accede to such a demand.
Another stratagem was also made use of to test me, and
attempt to find me out in a fault. This was the sending to
my house of a young and very pretty girl in charge of an old

1 For Bhao Singh, Hada, of Bondi, see the ' Ma.asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 305, where
it is said he was long at Aurangabad, and was very friendly with Shah 'Alam.
He died in 1088 H. (March, 1677— February, 1678).

WOMEN TEMPT MANUCCI 403

woman on the pretext that the young beauty was ailing. She
was barely eighteen, and I found out from her pulse that she
was the very reverse of indisposed. I asked her if she suffered
from any pain, which could not be detected from the pulse.
As I interrogated her, the old woman, making believe that she
was a simpleton, left us and took a turn in the garden. The
young girl seemed at once to grow very free with me, as well
by word as by deed. She told me she longed for my friendship,
while hers would not be useless to me. She could secure me
many advantages. As soon as I heard her talk I was disgusted,
and, quitting her, I came out and shouted [43] to the old dame
to take her away. I then grew angry, and, calling my men,
ordered them both to be ejected.

Two months afterwards there came another still more
lovely; but she was alone, and in a palanquin. Under the
same pretence of illness she told me she came from a great
distance to obtain a cure. She entered my house wrapped in
a shroud, but on nearing me she uncovered, and throwing
herself at my feet, implored me to keep her in my house ;
for, being a stranger, she knew not where to turn. Her
prayer was repeated several times. I noticed she had on her
several jewels of great value, and her clothes were those of a
person of quality, so fine that her skin showed through. All
this troubled me, and I fancied that it all might be intended to
betray me. Still more did I think so, for the same thing had
happened to others ; and as I had no intention of marrying, it
did not suit my views to get entangled.

With the object, then, of getting her away, I expressed my
sympathy, and by pleasant words sent her off. Some time
afterwards I was warned that this was one of Shah 'Alam's
tricks, only resorted to in the hope that she would take my
fancy — that I should have an affair with her, and by this means
he would obtain an opening for compelling my continuance in
Hindustan, with a change in my religion, or else the loss of my
life, as has happened to many who have lost their souls for a
woman's love. Only a few years ago two Capuchins, or rather
Portuguese, in the town of Isfahan fell into this sad soul-
destroying misfortune. One of them was prior of the convent,

26 — 2

404 CHRISTIAN PHYSICIANS

and both were forced to become Mahomedans through similar
events. Afterwards, under the pretext that they were of that
religion, they robbed a merchant of their own nation. God
forgive those who send out characters like this to be
missionaries.

The kings and princes delight in showing themselves to be
just, and when taking cognisance of important business, they
endeavour to hold the balance even. Since I was in Shah
Alam's service in the capacity of physician, I was an object of
envy to the other physicians, the Persians, who sought means
to ruin me. It chanced that a brother-in-law of the prince,
named Mirza Sulaiman Beg, fell ill from a fullness of blood.
The prince directed his chief Persian physicians, named Aguins
(Hakims), Moquins (Muqlm[?]), and Mosencan (Muhsin Khan),
to prescribe for him. They failed in curing him, and instead
of bleeding him and cooling him down, they gave him hot
remedies. They treated him in such a way that in a few days
he was in the throes of death. When he was in this state, one
of his brothers, named Mirza Mahomed Moquim (Muhammad
Muqim), took me to the patient's house, hoping I might help
him. I saw at once there was nothing more to be done. On
the prince hearing the opinion I had expressed about his
brother-in-law, he asked his physicians the reason he had fallen
into this condition. They had the ill-will to say that I was the
cause. To find out the truth Shah 'Alam sent the ndzir
Daulat, the cnief eunuch of his palace. This man, on his
return, reported that the patient complained that the said
physicians had killed him, whereas, had the Doctor Nicolas only
treated him, he would not have lost his life. While saying
these words the poor [44] man expired. But the testimony he
had given for me conferred much credit upon me at the court,
and gained me the esteem of everybody.

After a time it came to pass that Mirza Muhammad Muqim,
brother of the deceased, of whom I have just spoken, went out
of his mind. In an access of his madness he slew his father-in-
law and some servants, and committed many other crimes.
On hearing this the prince made him over to his physicians.
Their report was that such a man could never recover the

ARE GIVEN THE HOPELESS CASES 405

senses that he had lost. To demonstrate the force of their
opinion, they cited as proof a passage in the Quran which says
that for madness there is no cure.

Shah 'Alam heard this sad decision pronounced, and at once
ordered the patient to be placed in my care, as he believed I
should find a remedy. I know not whether this was actually
because he thought me cleverer than the others, or because I
was a Christian. For I had often noticed that many patients
were made over to me when their health was in a desperate
state, because they had taken it into their heads that the
Saviour had invested me with some virtue or other. With the
permission of God I cured this lord in a few days. To reward
me for my trouble and for any expense I had incurred, he sent
me a horse with very good paces, but made no other payment.
The reason of such a meagre present was his miserliness. On
my side I was much put out at getting so little for all the
trouble I had taken. So, without any words of thanks, I sent
the horse back, telling the groom who had brought him, when
many men were present, that his master was in no state to
send gifts before he had recovered his reason perfectly, and
when he had recovered his health I would accept what he sent
to me. He had hardly heard my message when he sent me the
same horse with a thousand rupees and a very handsome set of
robes. The truth is that he did not send me the present
willingly, but felt constrained to do it for fear I might tell
everyone he was still mad. By this means he would lose the
office he held at the court, and also lose everyone's confidence.
Shah 'Alam, when he learnt what had passed, was very satisfied
at the cure, and still more with the answer I had given about
the present. On his part he gave me a horse and a set of robes,
adding many praises from his own lips, a habit common enough
to these princes with physicians who succeed in curing patients
they have made over to their care.

Shah 'Alam had directed the physician Muqlm to treat the
wife of one of his captains called M abarescan (Mubariz Khan),
a man much beloved by that prince. This woman had been
long in a decline, and was worn out by the quantity of blood
she had lost. The doctor, finding that his remedies did her

406 MANUCCI BOASTS OF HIS CURES

no good, lost all hope of her, and intimated to the prince that
her life was in danger. On hearing this, Shah 'Alam ordered
me to take over the case. I applied myself to her relief with
all possible care and diligence, and in a short time I had
pulled her through. The physician was vexed in his mind,
but outwardly he displayed much goodwill to me, just the
contrary of his real feeling. I was not taken in, for I had
known that pilgrim for many a long day [45].

The physician Muhsin Khan treated a uterine (? foster)
brother of the prince, whose name was Muhammad Riza.
He had a severe fever, which made him delirious. The
physician, not recognising his complaint, came to the con-
clusion that there was no remedy, and gave him up. After
that I was ordered to treat the man, and in a short time I
put him on his legs again. There were other patients who
had been given up in the same way by these gentlemen,
but subsequently recovered their health under my hands,
to those physicians' disgrace and loss of reputation. This
is the reason they were no friends of mine ; still more so
that, though their patients came to me, none of mine went
to them.

I also cured a noble from Balkh called Fath-ullah Khan, a
title conferred on him by the king. 1 He had afterwards married
an extremely pretty woman, who had served up to him nothing
but delicious plats until he had got ill and lost his appetite. He
grew so thin that he looked like a skeleton, and no physician
was able to do him any good. In the end Shah 'Alam ordered
me to take charge of him. I knew the constitution of these
savages, so I gave him a comforting syrup, which could do him
neither harm nor good. Then I ordered him to get his stews
made of horseflesh, and by this means he was in a short time
restored to his former rude strength.

From this I acquired such renown that many men of this
race came to me for treatment. But I got very little out of
them, for they are very avaricious, and paid me highly in
compliments only. Moreover, I had the reputation of being

1 Possibly this is Muhammad Sadiq, Khosti. entitled Fathullah Khan Bahadur,
'Alamgir-shahi, who died shortly after 1707 (see ' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' iii. 40).

ENCOUNTER WITH AN ANGRY SLAVE 407

charitable and of curing the poor for the love of God. Thus
everybody flocked to my house. The Mahomedan and Hindu
surgeons and physicians were very much provoked, for their
interests were involved and they lost their practice. However,
as they saw they could not injure me directly, they started the
rumour that I drank the blood I drew from Mahomedans;
that it was by this means I was made so brisk and energetic,
and had such a high colour. All this was simply to hinder
people coming to me to be treated. Everybody supposed that
what they had published was true, and great repugnance was
shown to be bled by me. Aware of what it was that troubled
them, I told them to bring with them a china vessel, and
all they had to do was to carry the blood home, and there
bury it, for fear any dog or cat might consume it ; for if that
happened, they would make noises exactly like those animals.
By this measure I put an end to the false rumours, and they
were no longer spoken of.

One day, as I was attending to the treatment of some
patients with all possible care, there comes into my house a
king's slave in a great rage and a great hurry, making much
noise and throwing everything into confusion. This, man, I
imagine, had been sent by the other doctors, my enemies. I
went up to him and begged him most civilly and even humbly
to do me the favour of not upsetting the sick men. But he
paid me no heed, and went on worse than before, and abused
me. Seeing how insolent he was, I signed to my men to
fall upon him without giving him time to draw, which they
forthwith did. Our man, finding himself caught, flew into a
fearful rage, and made more noise than ever. He said he
would kill me and my men, and such other outrageous
speeches.

Thereupon I assumed [46] an aspect of mingled severity
and sadness, and said I had compassion for him, seeing he
was suffering from blood to the head. His was a case for
bloodletting. This remark made him more furious still,
and he struggled to get free. Without heat, I ordered them
to undress him and then bind him ; and sending for a lancet,
I made ready to bleed him. The slave, still angry, insisted

408 A DIFFICULT ACCOUCHEMENT

that I must not bleed him ; if I did, he would kill me. My
answer was given in an amiable tone before every one, that
it was absolutely necessary to bleed him, that the blood had
got to his head, and assuredly if not treated he would be
the death of someone.

In the end, by force, I opened two veins in his arm. The
fellow was still angry, and wanted me to close the veins ; but,
ignoring what he said, I showed sorrow at beholding his
blood, from time to time feeling his pulse and saying that
his blood was very vitiated. Then, raising my eyes, I looked
in his face and asked if he did not already feel an alteration
in his body. Finding that his menaces and loud talk were
of no good to him, nobody listening to them, he adopted at
last the mode of humble entreaty, and said in a feeble voice
that God had brought him to my house to be cured of the
ills he had suffered from through many years. He thanked
me for my trouble. In spite of this, I did not trust him without
precautions, so, closing the veins with two fingers, I put several
new questions. Having replied very properly and civilly to
these, just as he ought, I closed the veins and had his clothes
and his weapons returned to him. After this he said a thousand
flattering things about me, and never more passed in front
of my door. When he met me at the king's or elsewhere,
he was very polite to me. I have always thought that he
did this only from the fear he had that I might announce he
was mad, or that I might drain all the blood from his
body.

The physician of whom I have spoken had a daughter, who
became with child, and at the term she failed to be delivered
and was in danger of death. Neither the father nor the other
doctors could relieve her. They called in the cleverest and
the most experienced in their profession. They even made
use of sorcerers. Yet neither the one set nor the other could
do anything to relieve her. At last they were forced to come
to me ; embracing me and flattering me, the father begged
me to succour his daughter if it were in my power. At once
I informed him of a very easy treatment, which was to anoint
her navel. This brought on her accouchement at once. He

JEALOUSY OF NATIVE PHYSICIANS 409

afterwards asked me the secret, and I taught it to him, telling
him at the same time that my religion commanded me to do
good to everyone, even to my enemies ; how much more, then,
to him (this by way of a compliment), to whom I was under
an obligation ?

It was by this application that he conducted the accouche-
ment of Prince Kam Bakhsh's wife, whereat the said prince
and his father, Aurangzeb, were so grateful to him that they
made him many presents of great value, without, however,
his acknowledging in the very least the benefit I had secured
to him. Instead of being thankful to me for it, he sought
means to take my life. It was he who advised one of his
friends called Mir 'Adil, the criminal judge, to assert to the
prince that I vomited forth curses on the prophet Muhammad,
a crime for which the only penalty was death. But the prince
knew me, and had a friendly feeling for me. He perceived
plainly that all this was only jealousy, and he answered that
the information was wrong, and that he himself would go
surety for my innocence [47]. In this way my enemies gained
only confusion from their accusation, and eight days afterwards
Mir 'Adil lost his office. But as I saw myself every day
pursued and persecuted, and there were also other reasons, I
resolved to quit the Mogul territory.

It is not the practice among these princes for nobles to have
converse with the favourites and servants of other princes, for
fear they may spin some web of treason. If it is ever the case,
it is always with the permission of their master. It happened
that Diler Khan fell ill ; he was Shah 'Alam's enemy, yet he
sent for me to prescribe for him. He knew of the prohibitions
on the subject ; he sent word that if I went to his house, it
would afford a good opening for him to become friends with the
prince. He would be always ready to assist him with all the
cavalry under his command on any and every occasion that
might arise.

As I knew the custom of the court and the scurvy tricks of
the Mahomedans, I informed the prince of this affair, and
pointed out to him that Diler Khan had sent for me. Hardly
were the words out of my mouth when his face began to flush,

4io POISONING AND ABORTION

and he asked me very hastily whether I wanted to go there.
To that I replied with a smiling face that, if I was anxious to
go there, it was only to see the state he was in — whether he
would live or die, so that I might make my report to His
Highness. These words appeased him, and he forbade me to
go. Diler Khan died, and it was found to be from poison
administered by his son-in-law, Azil Can, and by one of the
prince's commanders. 1

I have stated that it is usual for Mogul princes to rear only
four of their sons. Nevertheless, Shah 'Alam, by a very special
grace from the king, has five. It happened that one of his
wives — the one he loved best — was with child. Her name was
Nur-un-nissa Begam. Aware that Aurangzeb would never con-
sent to let her offspring live, she took drugs to procure abortion.
What she had taken produced no effect, and in her husband's
presence she asked me for drugs for that purpose. I betrayed
my astonishment, and said to her that I felt persuaded His
Highness kept me in his service for the preservation and not
the destruction of human beings. Such a thing was no part
of my business. They rejoined that they took on themselves
the penalty. To that, after alleging further reasons to dissuade
them from this evil course, among others what is written in
the Gospel — that he who kills by the sword shall perish by the
sword — and having held forth a long time on the subject, in the
end I persuaded them to allow the innocent thing to live. The
child lived some year and a half, when the unnatural monarch
caused him to be secretly poisoned. If they did not procure
an abortion, it was because they dreaded to hazard the life of
the mother, as they wrote it. 2

It was at about this time that Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din conceived
a raging jealousy [48] against his wife, for reasons that I cannot

1 Jalal, entitled Diler Khan, son of Darya Khan. Da.udzai, died in the
twenty-seventh year of Aurangzeb, 1094 H., between the 1st Ramazan (August 24,
1683) and the end of that year (December 18, 1683), at Aurangabad (see
'M.-ul-U.,' ii. 42, and ' Tarikh-i-Muhammadi '). The former mentions (only to
deny it) the rumour that Aurangzeb poisoned him. According to the ' Ma.asir-i-
'Alamglrl,' he died about the 25th Ramazan, 1094 H. (September 17, 1683), when
N. M. was in Goa, and could not have been in Aurangabad.

2 The last words are obscure.

MU'IZZ-UD-DlN POISONS HIS WIFE 411

state. She was the most lovely and perfectly formed creature
of all those in the mahal. This is why he poisoned her with
his own hands in some betel he gave her. The mother of the
princess, seeing her in this sad state, begged me to aid her and
give her medicine. This I did in secret, and she escaped ; but
again he gave her poison on three occasions, while I continued
to give her antidotes. Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, having learnt
this, refused to see me. At last he found his opportunity. He
was sent to govern at Burhanpur, while his father, Shah 'Alam,
continued at Aurangabad, and I with him.

Again he gave her poison. Then her mother wrote to Shah
'Alam that if he wanted her daughter to recover, he must send
me in the greatest haste. The prince replied to this that there
was no necessity to send me ; they could employ the other
doctors, who were then present with the princess. But before
the reply arrived she was dead. After this tragic occurrence,
Mu'izz-ud-din became my friend again as formerly, and showed
me much affection.

There was also a concubine in the palace of Shah 'Alam who
fell ill ; she had taken various purges given by the Persian
physicians without any of them affording the least relief. Her
abdomen was much distended, and she was in risk of death. I
was ordered to treat her. I began by sending her an enema
with a view to an evacuation. I gave directions how it was to
be used, as they do not have recourse to these in India. The
implement was wrapped round with a towel sealed with my
seal. The doorkeepers and eunuchs seeing this strange thing,
and not knowing what was to be done with it, carried it straight
to the chief eunuch, and said it was I who had sent it. He
was just as surprised as the others, having no idea what it was,
and sent for me to inquire the use of such an instrument. I
made him understand what it was and for whom it was pre-
pared. Thereupon he directed my orders to be at once
obeyed. As I detected that they did not trust me, I petitioned
the prince, showing that it was inexpedient for me to serve
longer at a court where I was mistrusted. Obtaining the
particulars of the affair, he ordered everything bearing my seal
to be admitted.

412 SHAH 'ALAM'S affability

This prince (Shah 'Alam) is naturally affable and benign ;
and since I know him well, I am of opinion that, should he
become king, he would do no harm to anyone. There is much
difference between his temperament and that of his father.
One day when he was out hunting in the country of Kabul, he
was forced to take shelter in a shepherd's hut, owing to the
rain. While there a very pretty girl appeared before him ; it
was the shepherd's daughter. To amuse himself, he asked if
she was willing to marry him. The young person, without
knowing to whom she spoke, answered that there was no
scarcity of fair men whom she could marry, rather than take
him, who was dark. He laughed heartily at the answer ; but
the eunuchs present wanted to beat her, which he strenuously
forbade [49]. Then he asked her if she would be content to
espouse a fair young man then present, one of the prince's
slaves. She assented cordially. This marriage gave her access
to the palace, and she was much liked by the prince.

Among the slaves of the princes are some who are gentlemen
soldiers and hold good positions. Some are purchased, others
offer themselves to serve in that station. The woman spoken
of above fell ill of an intestinal complaint which no one could
overcome. In the end I was directed to treat her ; and, dis-
covering that drugs did her no good, I came to the conclusion
that a ring of red-hot iron would be most effective. Accord-
ingly I applied one upon her navel. It began to set in motion
the contents of her bowels, and without any other remedy they
passed away. I believe this remedy would be of benefit to those
attacked by colic and iliac passion (obstruction of the bowels)
when in extremity, and thereby often save life. 1

From what I have said above, I imagine that the reader will
have understood the policy with which these kings and princes
conduct themselves. He can also see what remains for me to
say. For, although I may have omitted several things, I have
yet mentioned enough to give a complete acquaintance with
this vast empire.

1 See also II. 128, and III. 186.

THE MOGUL REVENUE 413

List of the Provinces in the Mogul Empire, Twenty-
four in Number, with a Statement of the
Revenues drawn from Each, from Grain only and
Other Products Necessary to Life, over and above
Other Revenue to be noted hereafter. 1

First let us state the names of the divisions, towns, and
villages which are in these provinces or are dependent on
them. Sarkar means ' division ' ; pargana means a government
subordinate to a division.

Karors. Lakhs. Rupees.
i. The province of Deli (Dihli) has under it eight sarkdrs

and two hundred and twenty parganahs, which yield

one karor twenty-five lakhs and fifty thousand rupees 1 25 50,000

2. The province of Agra or Akbarabad has under it

fourteen sarkavs and two hundred and seventy-eight
parganahs, which yield two karors twenty-two lakhs
and three thousand seven hundred and fifty rupees 2 22 03,750

3. The province of Lahor has five sarkar s and three

hundred and fourteen parganahs, which yield two

karors thirty-three lakhs and five thousand rupees ... 2 33 05,000

4. The province of Ajmer, which yields from its sarkdrs

and parganahs two karors nineteen lakhs and two

thousand rupees ... ... ... ... 2 19 02,000

5- [5°] The province of Gujarat has nine sarkar s and
nineteen parganahs, which yield two karors thirty-
three lakhs and ninety-five thousand rupees ... 2 33 95,000

6. The province of Malwah has eleven sarkdrs and two
hundred and fifty parganahs, which yield ninety-nine
lakhs six thousand two hundred and fifty rupees ... o 99 06,250

1 By ' from grain ' the author means the land revenue. These figures are
correctly enough reproduced in Catrou, 264, 265, 266, and have been largely
relied upon by E. Thomas, ' Revenue Resources,' 1871, and other writers. I
think myself they must be accepted with much reserve. As usual in such tables,
the sum total is not obtainable by adding up the details, and it is impossible to
find out where the error lies. Then, the round numbers opposite Nos. 20-24
show that these entries, at any rate, are mere guesses or approximations, and
the province of Audh is entirely omitted. There remains the objection that
applies to all similar tables— those of the ' A, in- i-Akbari ' included — that we do
not know what the figures represent: whether (1) a standard assessment (jama'-
i-hamil), (2) the demand of some particular year (jama'-i-wajib), or (3) the actual
collections (jama'-i-ivapdl). I insert another table drawn up for Bahadur Shah
(Shah 'Alam) in 1707 (see Jag Jivan Das, Gujarat!, ' Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikk,'
British Museum Additional MS., No. 26,253, fol. 51a et seq.). Here, also, the
totals are wrong, and there are, unfortunately, some blanks ; but I have filled
these in by figures from the other columns, so as to give an approximate total.

414

THE MOGUL REVENUE

7. The province of Patnah or Bihar has eight sarkars and

two hundred and forty-five parganahs, which yield
one karor twenty-one lakhs and fifty thousand rupees

8. The province of Multan has fourteen sarkars and

ninety-six parganahs, which yield fifty lakhs and
twenty-five thousand rupees

9. The province of Kabul has thirty-five parganahs,

which yield thirty-two lakhs and seven thousand
two hundred and fifty rupees

10. The province of Tattah and its dependencies, sixty

la khs and twelve thousand rupees

11. The province of Bhakkar and its dependencies yield

twenty-four lakhs

12. The province of Urecha [Orissa] has eleven sarkars

and [one hundred] 1 parganahs, which yield fifty-
seven l&khs and seven thousand five hundred rupees

13. The province of Kashmir has forty-six parganahs, which

yield thirty-five lakhs [and] five thousand rupees . . .

14. The province of Allahabad, with its dependencies,

yields seventy-seven lakhs and thirty-eight thousand
rupees

15. The province of Aurangabad or Daulatabad, in the

Dakhin, has eight sarkars and seventy-nine parganahs,
which yield one karor sixty - two lakhs and four
thousand seven hundred and fifty rupees ...

16. The province of Barar has six sarkars and one hundred

and ninety-one parganahs, which yield one karor
fifty-eight lakhs and seven thousand five hundred
rupees

17. The province of Burhanpur or Khandes has three

sarkars and one hundred and three parganahs, which
yield one karor eleven lakhs and five thousand
rupees

18. The province of Baglanah has forty-three parganahs,

and yields sixty-eight lakhs and eighty-five thousand
rupees

19. The province of Nande [Nander ?] yields seventy-two

lakhs ...

20. The province of Dhakkah or Bengal yields four karors

21. The province of Ujjain yields two karors

22. The province of Rajmahal yields one karor and fifty

thousand rupees

Karors. Lfikbs. Rupees.

50,000

72'

25,000

07,250

12,000

00,000

07,500

05,000

77 38,000

04.750

07,500

05,000

68 85,000

00,000

00 50,000

1 The text has ' ses,' and Catrou renders it ' un assez grand nombre ' ; in the
* A.in ' lists, ii. 142-144, there are ninety-nine parganahs. I therefore read
ses — cent.

* Sic in text ; in the words, probably ' soixante-douze ' should be read for
' soixante deux.'

THE MOGUL REVENUE 415

Karors. Lakhs. Rupees.

23. The kingdom of BIjapur, with the Karnatik, yields six

karors... ... ... ... ... ... 5 1 °° 00,000

24. The kingdom of Gulkandah, with another portion of

the Karnatik, yields five karors ... ... ... 5 00 00,000

38 2 71 94,000

[51] Although the Mogul asserts himself to be ruler over
fifty-four provinces, I do not name them all, because they are
for the most part in these days subdivisions of the provinces
that I have just enumerated.

To understand the revenues of which I have just given the
figures, it should be known that a karor is one hundred lakhs,
or ten millions, and that a lakh is one hundred thousand rupees.
When summed up the whole comes to three hundred and
eighty-seven millions one hundred and ninety-four thousand
rupees, or in French money at thirty sols to the rupee, five
hundred and eighty millions seven hundred and ninety-one
thousand livres. 3

In addition to this revenue obtained from grain, et cetera,
there are other considerable receipts. One is the tribute paid
by the Hindus, as I have stated in my Second Part (II. 182).
This has no fixed total, being sometimes more and sometimes
less. This variation is caused by deaths, and by travellers
moving from one place to another. If carrying with them a
receipt for what they have paid, the latter are allowed to pass
free. But if they chance to lose this paper, or it be stolen,
they are made to pay again either in the same or in another
province. The officials embezzle their collections most terribly,
to such an extent that the king gets more often than not less
than half.

There is a second customs duty upon goods brought by
Hindu merchants ; it is five per cent. ; and though Aurangzeb

1 In words the text has 'six,' but in figures 5 karors; and the latter figure
seems correct, judging by the total at foot.

2 The correct addition I make Rs. 38,72,59,000, or Rs. 65,000 more than in
the text.

3 If 580,791,000 livres of 30 sols equal 387,794,000 rupees, then 1 rupee equals
i£ livres, or 10 annas 8 pies equal 1 livre. Taking the rupee at 2s., 1 livre equals
is. 4d., and the revenue given above equals £38,725,900.

STATEMENT OF REVENUES PREPARED FOR BAHADUR SHAH IN 1707,

TAKEN FROM THE 'MUNTAKHAB-UT-TAWARIKH ' OF JAG JIVAN DAS,

GUJARATI (British Museum Additional MS., No. 26,253, fol. 51 et seq.).

Hindustan, 15 Subahs ; Dakhin (including BIjapur and Gulkandah), 6 Subahs;

Total, 21 Subahs.

Standard Assess-

Full Assess-

Last Recorded

Manucci's

Sfibah.

ment in Dams

ment (reduced

ment

Receipts

Figures

(40=1 Rupee).

to Rupees).

(in Rupees).

Hindustan :

i. Akbar&bzLd ...

1,14,17,06,057 2,85,42,651

1,06,97,671

68,92,897

2,22,03,750

2. Shahjahanabad

1,22,29,50,658 ' 3,05,73.766

94,04.030

63,49,110

1,25,50,000

3. Ajmer ...

65.33,45,702

1.63,33,642

1,06,97,371

68,92,895

2,19,02,000

4. Allahabad [Pan

12,00,000} ...

45,65.43.248

1,14,13,581

1,05,79.371

68,92,890

77,38,000

5. Audh

32,13,17,119

80,32,928

91,25,551

47.85,871

[Omitted]

6. Ahmadabad ...

45.47.44.135

1,13,68,603

89,61,806

71,84,685

2.33.95.ooo

7. Lahor (5 dud-

bahs and Kang-

rah Hills) ...

89,81,32,107

2,24,53,302

87,40,383

30,42,327

2,33.05,000

8. Kabul

H.10,39,354

27.75.983

47,40,221

30.42,337

32,07,250

9. Bahar

40,71,81,100 ; 1,01,79,527

93,50,931

57,14.873

1,21,50,000

10. Tatthah

6,88,II,800 17,20,295

53.65,397

34.49,657

84, 12.000 1

11. Malwah

40,39,80,658 ! 1,00,99,516

84,72,291

48.13,283

2,99,06,250-'

12. Multan

22,43,49,893 | 56,08,747

51,69,389

24.75,649

50,25,000

13. Kashmir

22,99,11,300! 57,47,782

29,62,593

24,80,389

35,05,000

14. Bengal

52,41,31,240 1,31,03,281

[Blank]

81,19,267

5,oo,5o,ooo a

15. Udissah
Total

14,28,11,000 1 35.70.275

ii,57-82i

[Blank]

57,07,500

7.26,09,55,371

18,15,23,879

10,54,24,826

7,21,36,130

98.78,558 4

8,20,14,688

22,90,56,750

Dakhin :

16. Aurangabad ...

1,00,49,65,000

2,51,24,125

1,00,51,000

91,99,006

1,72,04,750

17. Barar

8l,40,25,000

2.03.50,625

90,11,309

75,89.219

I , 5 8 ,07,500

18. Khandesh

34,81,30,200

87,03,255

40,06,019

31,19.017

i,79,90,ooo 5

19. Zafarabad

Bidar

37,29,74.307

93,24,357

[Blank]

42,42,932

72,00,000

20. Bijapur

21. Haidarabad ...

Total

2.35,55,oo.oo°

5,88,87.500

[Blank]

5,89,87,501

5,00,00,000

1,15,13,00,000

2,87,82,500

[Blank]

2,47,82,500

5,00,00,000

6,04,68794^507"

15,11,72,362

2,30,68,328

10,79,20,175

15,82,02,250

9,69.94,357*

Grand total
Totals, according to

12,00,62,685

18,99,34,863

38,72,59,000

13.30.78.49.878

33,26,96,241

22,54,87,511

text of MS. :

Hindustan...

7,25,26,91,767

18,13,17,294

—

8,20,14,688

—

Dakhin

Total

Difference in excess

6,08,73,00,074

15,21,82,501

—

10,79,20,173

—

13.33,99.91,841

33.34.99,795

—

18,99,34.861

—

in MS

3,21,41,963

8.03,554

—

This table brings into relief the great exaggeration of Manucci's figures, which are about
£5,000,000 in excess of the assumed standard land revenue demand of seven years later than
his time ; while the actual demand for that later year was £16,000,000, and the actual collec-
tions £19,000,000 to £21,000,000, less than his figures. It must also be remembered that his
total does not include the province of Audh, of which the standard assessment in Jag J Ivan
Das's table is over 80 lakhs of rupees— say, £800, coo. Of what value, then, can elaborate com-
parisons of the Mogul revenue with present-day taxation be worth when founded on such
inflated statements ?

1 Including Bhakkar.
4 Estimated for Orissa.

2 Malwah and Ujjain.
6 Including Baglanah.

3 Dhakah and Rajmahal.
6 Estimated for 3 subahs.

MINES, SEA CUSTOMS, ESCHEATS AND TRIBUTE 417

had remitted it for Mahomedans, he has not failed all the same
to take two and a half per cent, [from them]. He makes
those whom he had exempted pay the rents and customs duty.
He also draws large sums from the bathings which the Hindus
perform at various points in the empire. There is also another
source of revenue, the diamond mines in the kingdom of
Gulkandah, over and above the largest and the best of the
stones. Any which weigh above three-eighths of an ounce be-
long to the Crown. The seaports also yield him a large
revenue; among them are those of Sindl, Bharoch, Surat, and
Kambaya. Surat alone brings him in usually thirty lakhs,
besides the eleven 1 lakhs derived from the profit on new coin
struck there.

In addition to all these items, he has the revenue from the
whole coast of Choromandal, from Masulipatam (Machhlipa-
tanam), from Narsapur, 2 and of the whole coast from Pundy 2
(Pundi), or from Ginzerly (Gingerli), 2 as far as Ballasor
(Baleshwar) ; 2 also from all the ports on the river Ganges.
Over and above all these items, he seizes everything left by his
generals, officers, and other officials at their death, in spite of
having declared that he makes no claim on the goods of de-
funct persons. Nevertheless, under the pretext that they are
his officers and are in debt to the Crown, he lays hold of every-
thing. If they leave widows, he gives them a trifle every year
and some land to furnish a subsistence. He also causes the
goods of merchants to be seized if they die without heirs.
Again, added to all that, he receives very considerable presents
from the Hindu princes, zamlndars, and their servants.

The rajahs, the generals of the army, and the commanders
are made to contribute a certain sum, according to the number
of Hindus in their service. Usually this is taken as a deduction

1 In text ' s s,' which Catrou, 266, renders as ' eleven.'

2 Narsapur, lat. 16 26', long. 8i° 44', thirty-nine miles south of Rajahmundry,
Godaveri district ('Madras Manual of Administration,' iii. 565). It had an
English factory (1677-1827) ; a French factory was there in 1758 ; the Dutch had
one from 1665. Pundi, a small fort on the Orissa coast, 467 miles north east of
Madras {ibid., iii. 707). Gingerly, the east coast between Vizagapatnam and
Jagarnath in Orissa (see Yule, 375, and Sir R. C. Temple, ' T. Bowery,' 120).
Balasor, in Cuttack, 116 miles south-west of Calcutta (Thornton, ' Gazetteer,' 61).

VOL. II. 27

418 FOREIGN TRADE

from the pay disbursed to them. The king's sons even are not
exempted, and Shah 'Alam, my prince, paid in my day eighty
thousand rupees a year. These revenues amount to something
near the same total as the revenue from grain, of which I gave
the figures above. 1

It ought to be remembered that the whole of the merchandise
which is exported from the Mogul kingdom comes [52] from
four kinds of plants — that is to say, the shrub that produces
the cotton from which a large quantity of cloth, coarse and
fine, is made. These cotton goods are exported to Europe,
Persia, Arabia, and other quarters of the world. The second
is the plant which produces indigo. The third is the one from
which comes opium, of which a large amount is used on the
Java coast. The fourth is the mulberry-tree, on which their
silk-worms are fed, and, as it may be said, that commodity
(silk) is grown on those trees.

For the export of all this merchandise, European and other
traders bring much silver to India. They also carry away
great quantities of diamonds and saltpetre. The traders also
bring much gold from China, from Achln, 2 situated on the
coast of F. Su (?) — I mean upon the island of Sumatra. Also
from the coast of Persia there came Venetians* (a coin) and
sequins 3 (coins), in addition to some fruits and liqueurs, almost
all of which are for the use of Europeans living in India.

Since I have given an account of how these kings and princes
pay their soldiers and servants, I think it convenient to add
something about the government of this vast empire. It is
carried on through three principal officials. The first is the
chief Wazlr, who is first minister and principal counsellor. He

1 The statement that the miscellaneous revenue equalled the land revenue can
hardly be accepted ; it must be a great exaggeration. In fact, many of the
miscellaneous items, such as sea customs, collected by the dlwdns, were entered
as mahdls (heads of receipt) in the mal (land revenue), and not in the sa.ir
(miscellaneous) accounts, and thus are already included in Manucci's total of
^■38,725.900. Most of the sa.ir items (fines, market dues, ferry tolls) were
collected by the police — that is, by the kotwals and faujdars.

2 A:hin, a state and town in the north-west angle of Sumatra Island (Yule, 3).

3 ' Venetians ' (Yule, 9646), a name for sequins (ibid., 1936), the Venetian zecchino
or cecchino ; from zecca, the mint at Venice, a word of Arabic origin (sikkah,
a die) .

THE CHIEF OFFICIALS 419

it is who has charge of letting out the lands on rent, and
collecting from them the income for the benefit of the Crown.
He it is, also, who confers all offices, as well upon the nobles
as upon subordinates.

The second high official is the Dlwan of the salaries. 1 His
duties are the receiving all the revenues of the empire, the
realizing the property of deceased persons, whether nobles or
poor men. It is also his duty to resume the property of those
persons who are removed from the service ; he also carries out
any alteration in offices or in allowances. The third great
official is the Mir Sdmdn. He has charge of the whole expen-
diture of the royal household in reference to both great and
small things.

In addition to these three officials there are others. One is
the Mir Bakhshi, who is in charge of all the cavalry of the
empire ; there is another who is placed over all the infantry ;
another, called the qdzl, who decides cases in the last resort.
In spite of having those powers, when he condemns anyone to
death he cannot order execution without first reporting to the
king three times. Joined with him are always two muftis, who
act as judges in cases. If any woman objects to living with
her husband and goes to lodge a plaint, he (the qdzl) keeps her
three days in his house ; and after that interval he pronounces
judgment on the dispute between them just as he thinks best.
No one can demand the reasons for his acts in that respect,
whether his decision be a good or bad one.

As I was friends with the qdzl 'Abd-ul-wahhab, 2 who invited
me frequently to his house, I will recount a judgment delivered
by him in my presence. There was a woman who came to him
requiring the condemnation of a young man then in custody for
having slain her husband. The qdzl in a mild tone counselled her
to forgive, and if she would listen to him, he would advise her to
marry the man, or else some other should she object to having
the murderer. The woman consented to the proposal, the

1 The word used is traites (French), ' draft, order of payment,' and I take it to
represent Diwan-i-Tan, tan being a contraction of tankhwah (literally, ' body ' +

' need '), meaning pay and salary. This dtwan's chief duty was the regulation of
jagirs, or assignments of land revenue in lieu of pay and allowances.

2 For 'Abd-ul-wahhab, see I. 277, and II. I45.

27 — 2

420 QAZIS AND KOTWALS

young man was released [52*], and she married him. Seeing
this easy way of proceeding, I took the liberty to say to the
qazl that the sentence he had just pronounced was likely to be
the cause of several murders ; for there being many women
who were not content with their husbands, they would procure
their murder by the hand of their lover, in order to marry again
at once with the latter. He admitted the force of what I said,
but he made believe to laugh at it, and said it was a charity to
secure a benefit to the young man and save his life. But if the
woman had persisted in her complaint, he would have con-
demned him to death. All the same, from all that I could see,
I believe that the qazl acted thus merely to keep the woman
three days in his house ; for, in spite of his age, I fancy that he
was not a stranger to such matters, and the woman was very
pretty.

As a proof of the absolute justice of the decisions that the
qazl delivers, I will report a case which happened a month or so
after the flight of his daughter from her home, carrying off all the
best of his property, in the manner that 1 have related (II. 144).
This qazl had a son, or, rather, a nephew, whom he greatly
loved. This youth often heard cases and pronounced sentence
in his uncle's place. The nephew, having learnt that a Hindu
had a very lovely wife, caused her to be carried off, and detained
her in his house. On learning this fact, the husband com-
plained to the qazl and other officials, but without effect. All
the qazl said was that he deserved death for having behaved to
his wife in an illicit way, only to think of which was horrible.
Although angered at such injustice; the Hindu concealed his
vexation for some days. But one day, while the nephew was on
his way to the court, the Hindu hid in the crowd surrounding
his palanquin, and thrust his dagger (kattarl) into his abdomen.
Leaving it there, he instantly mingled again with the crowd and
disappeared. When the bearers had lowered the palanquin,
they opened it and found their master a corpse.

There is still another subaltern official that they call the
kotwal, who is a sort of lieutenant of police. It is his business
to stop the distillation of arrack (spirits, 'arq), the eau-de-vie
used in the Indies. He has to see that there are no public

THE PROVINCES— DIHLI 421

women in the town, nor anything else forbidden by the king.
He obtains information about all that goes on, so as to be able
to send in his report. For this purpose there are throughout
the Mogul Empire certain persons known as 'alarcor '(##/&/- M-or), 1
a word which means ' men who live on what is well earned.'
These men are under obligation to go twice a day to clean out
every house, and they tell the kotwal all that goes on. On his
part, the kotwal must render an account to the king of what he
he has heard has happened, whether it be by night or by day.
He also has the duty of arresting thieves and criminals. He is
subordinate to the qazi, and receives orders from him ; and if
anyone is robbed within the bounds of his jurisdiction, he is
forced to make good what has been taken. It is also his busi-
ness to collect the income from the town. 2 Under his orders
there is a considerable body of cavalry [53] and a great number
of foot soldiers ; for in every ward there is a horseman and
twenty to thirty foot soldiers, who, in a sort of way, go the
rounds. There is another official in charge of the grain supply,
who informs the king daily of the price of everything sold. In
all the mansions of the nobles, and of those holding important
offices, there are wdqi'ah-navis and khufiyah-navls, who are
under obligation to send word to the court of all that happens.
It seems to me now convenient to give a statement of the
cavalry that the Mogul keeps in garrison in all the provinces
of which I have spoken, of the merchandise to be found in
them, in what latitude their capitals are situated, and other
notable particulars.

Deli {Dihli).

The province of Dihli is in the middle of the empire. Its
capital bears the same name, and it is in this town that the
Mogul ordinarily dwells and keeps his court. For it was in
this place that of old the powerful Hindu kings resided ;
also the Chinese governors, and the thirty and one Pathan
kings who reigned ; and divers other potentates, such as the

1 Halal-khor (' eaters of lawful things '): theword is applied ironically, and actually
means ' unclean eaters,' ' eaters of refuse. ' They are the house scavengers.

2 That is, the various dues and cesses.

422 DIHLI CITY

Sayyids and the Rajputs ; and, finally, all the Mahomedan
rulers.

Although it is the seat of the principal court, there are not
many manufactures. But its territory is fertile in grain, from
which is collected the amount I have recorded. You can see
still up to this day round the town several ancient edifices built
by the Chinese, by Hindu princes and Pathan kings. There is
even a town called Tocklabad (Tughlaqabad), built by the ninth
Pathan king. The greater part of it still stands.

This prince, called Chatoclug (Shah Tughlaq), reigned nine
years and nine days. He died when entering one of the gates
of the said town, through the treachery of his son perpetrated
at that place. The son had expressly prepared a trap, which fell
upon the poor man and took his life. It is for this reason and
others similar that these kings have not the slightest trust in
their children.

There are also in this province other ruined cities, where the
Mahomedans sometimes resort out of piety. For example,
there is one where there is a pretended saint buried that they
call Coja Catobdin (Khwajah Qutb-ud-din), and in another of
them close by there is another similar saint called Sultan
Machac (Sultan- ul-mushajikh). 1 I have noticed at these places
that many tricks are resorted to as excitements to the devotion
of the superstitious.

Ordinarily the king keeps fifty thousand horse in garrison
besides those in movement every day, an almost equal number.
He has twenty thousand infantry, all Rajputs : out of them
twelve thousand are in charge of the artillery; the rest are for
guarding the royal palace, mounting sentry, et cetera. As regards
the royal establishment, there is an officer styled Daroga Do
Cossa Choqui (Ddroghah of the Khas Chauki) — that is, ' officer
of the chosen sentinels '; the reason is that the company to
which this name is given are all picked men, and of the noblest
families. Ordinarily they number four thousand horsemen.
This officer has charge of the Gousal-cana (Ghusal-Jchdnah) .

1 This must be meant for the well-known tomb of Nizam-ud-din Auliya, who
is styled Sultan-ul-Musha,ikh, ' King of Holy Men ' (Beale, ' Oriental Biography,'
302).

COURT CEREMONIAL

423

Under his orders are some slave officers with their men, who
are called Cheala (Chelah) — that is, 'branded.' There is another
officer at the head of five hundred halberdiers, who carry golden
maces ; their pay ranges from three hundred up to one
thousand rupees a month, according to the class they are in.
They are employed for sending messages to princes and for
other business of importance. Again, there is an officer who
commands one thousand halberdiers with silver maces. These,
too, are mansabddrs, and their pay is from two hundred up to
five hundred rupees a month. Their duty is to carry letters
and orders to the generals and captains. These men also
attend at the reception of ambassadors and other business of
less importance. There is still another officer set over two
thousand mansabdars with iron maces, who have the same
pay as soldiers. They are used for the lowest affairs and
business.

These three orders of mace-bearers also add to the pomp and
parade when the king holds audience. They are in addition to
the other soldiers who are posted all round the royal courtyard.
On such occasions there are nine elephants highly caparisoned
and decorated, followed each by ten others, male and female.
The nine chief elephants remain until the end of the audience ;
the others that accompany them, after making their obeisance,
withdraw. Besides the elephants there are nine horses saddled
and fitted with beautiful trappings. During the reign of Shah-
jahan the retinue was as large again. Especially was this seen
after any prince had left that emperor's court, taking with him
as many as two hundred thousand men. Yet it seemed as if
not a single person had gone away.

This town lies near thirty-one degrees forty-five minutes of
latitude, and one hundred and twenty-three of longitude. Once
a week all the inhabitants, great and small, are obliged to
attend and mount guard outside and inside the fortress. When
anyone quits the service he has to give up two months' pay
before getting his discharge. As for the rest of what is due to
these men, it is made over to them in old clothes, and even
these are valued at high rates, and are obtained with the greatest
difficulty.

424 AGRAH—LAHOR

Agrah, or Akbardbdd.

This province abounds in white cloth, silk stuffs, cloth of
gold and of silver of great fineness, used for turbans, in lace
and other adornments for women. All the above goods are
manufactured in this place. The country round produces much
indigo, which is collected there. The capital town has the
same name ; it was built by Akbar. It is at this town that are
gathered together in a treasure-house all the coin received from
the direction of Bengal. The garrison maintained is of fifteen
thousand horsemen ; this great number is kept to resist the
peasantry, who [55] are much inclined to rebellion. It is
situated at twenty-nine degrees twenty minutes of latitude, and
one hundred and twenty-three of longitude.

Laor (Lahor).

The town of Lahor was founded by the faithful and famous
Melekas (Malik Ghiyas), 1 of whom I have spoken in my History
(II. 137). It is the capital of a province. A quantity of fine
white cloth is made there ; many pieces of silk of all colours,
which are called elattchas (aldchah) ; 2 also much work in em-
broidery, carpets, plain and flowered, good bows and arrows,
tents, saddles, swords, coarse woollen stuffs, boots and shoes.
Much rock-salt is gained from neighbouring mountains, and
there are other commodities, which are exported to Dihll,
where everything finds a sale and is consumed. The people
here are well-built and almost white; they are very friendly
and helpful. There are many learned men, called Talebelem
(tdlib-i-'ilm). It has a fertile soil, yielding rice and corn. Sugar
is very dear (grand-marche). The province is styled the ' Panjab'
because there are five great rivers. There are twelve thousand
cavalry in garrison ; and the capital lies in thirty-three degrees

1 See ante, Part II., 137 et seq., where I transliterated ' Malik Khas ' according
to Manucci's interpretation. But I think it must be meant for Ghiyas-ud-din
Muhammad, Ghori, died 599 H. (1202-3) ; but he was not a slave.

2 For alachah, see Yule, 13a, 13&, a silk cloth, and 'Abdullah bin Yusuf 'All,
'Monograph on Silk Fabrics,' 95. The rock-salt 'from mountains' must be
meant for salt from the Salt Range between the Jihlam and the Indus.

AjMER— GUJARAT— MALW AH 425

of latitude, and one hundred and nineteen degrees forty minutes
of longitude.

Asmir (Ajmer).

The name is that of the chief town of a province of the same
name. They make much fine white cloth ; they harvest much
grain ; milk, butter, and salt are abundant. The last article
comes from the district of Sambhal (Sambhar), 1 subordinate to
this province. The province pays yearly a revenue of seventeen
lakhs of rupees. It adjoins the territory of the Rajputs, called
Rathor, and the Rana's country. There are kept in the pro-
vince six thousand horsemen as a garrison, and the chief town
lies at thirty degrees of latitude, and one hundred and twenty
and a half of longitude.

Gujarat, or Ahmadabad.

In this province there is made a prodigious quantity of gold
and silver cloth, and of flowered silks. These goods are in
demand in all the courts throughout the empire. They also
make much gold and silver work, and a quantity of jewellery
set with stones. The dealers who give the orders for this class
of work go themselves, or send agents to the diamond mines,
to the kingdom of Pegu, to the Pescaria' 2 coast (Fisherman's
Coast), and other places, to buy the precious stones they require.
All these merchants are Hindu by religion, and are called
Gujaratis. Their persons are well made, and their women
always smothered in jewellery. The country is fertile in cereals;
it was conquered by King Akbar from Sultan Bahadur. Usually
a garrison of ten thousand cavalry is kept there. The capital
town lies in twenty-three degrees of latitude, and one hundred
and sixteen degrees thirty minutes of longitude.

Malwah.
This province produces white and coloured cloth abundantly.
The country is fertile in cereals ; a garrison of seven thousand

1 The Sambhar salt lake is about fifty miles north of Ajmer. I presume that
N. M. means that seventeen lakhs of rupees were obtained from the salt.

2 Piscaria (Yule, 700), the coast of Tinnevelly, so called from the great
pearl-fishery there.

426 BIHAR— MULTAN— KABUL

horse is maintained, and the capital lies at twenty-six degrees
of latitude, and one hundred and three degrees fifty minutes of
longitude.

Patnah, or Bihar.

Fine white cloth is very plentiful in this province ; they find
there the materials for a great quantity of saltpetre, which is
carried by the Europeans to Europe. At the principal town,
called Patnah, much earthen pottery is made, which emits a
pleasant odour, and is so fine that it is no thicker than paper.
It is sent to court as a rarity, and is used by the nobles. A
garrison of seven thousand horse is kept ; and it (Patnah) is
situated at twenty-five degrees thirty minutes of latitude, and
one hundred and thirty-two of longitude.

Multdn.

Much printed cloth is made in this province, also bows and
arrows. The country has many short-haired camels, mules, and
asses. It is in this province that there are powerful zamindars,
Biloch by race, who have always been loyal to the crown.
They are all Mahomedans. Six thousand horse are kept there
as garrison, and the capital town lies at thirty-three degrees
forty minutes of latitude, and one hundred and fifteen degrees
twenty minutes of longitude.

Kabul.

This province abounds in good horses, called Turkl, also in
large hairy camels ; and it has many good fruits, the equal of
those of Europe. It is very cold there ; the people are fair, and
they eat at tables like in Europe. They allow no black men to
sit down with them, and call them gullum (ghulam) — that is,
' slaves.' The traders of India go to this province to buy
beavers (castors) and the skins of those beasts, musk, zedoar,
and rubies. These things are brought there from the countries
of Badakhshan and Balkh, and from neighbouring lands.
Although this province yields little revenue, it has a garrison of
sixty thousand horse. The reason is that it is near the kingdom
of Persia, that of the king of [omitted], 1 and the Pathans. The

1 Probably the word to be supplied is Balkh.

TA TTA H—BHAKKA R—URlSSAH 427

capital town is situated at thirty-six degrees twenty minutes of

latitude, and one hundred and thirteen degrees fifty minutes of

longitude.

Tatthah.

The province of Tatthah abounds in very fine white cloth,
also in coarse cloth and printed cloth of two kinds, and has much
leather, which is exported to Arabia and Persia. The country
produces much grain, and butter is very plentiful, which is
exported to Masqat. A garrison of five thousand horse is main-
tained, and the capital town is situated at twenty-five degrees
thirty minutes of latitude, and one hundred and nine degrees
forty minutes of longitude. When I first reached Hindustan I
found many persons still living who had been alive in the time
of Akbar ; among others one of the sons of the King of Tatthah,
who became a great friend of mine. The poor man was blind,
Akbar having deprived him of sight with a red-hot iron. This
was for fear that he might flee, and once more make himself
master of his father's realm ; for at that time, as a young man,
he seemed of a very enterprising and restless disposition.

Bhakkar.

In this province is made much white and coloured cloth ; the
soil is fertile, and the grain produced is excellent. The in-
habitants are, speaking generally, very miserable and very poor
[57]. The greater part of them live by dealing in the products
of their cattle. A garrison is kept there of two thousand horse-
men, and the capital town is situated at twenty-eight degrees
thirty minutes of latitude, and one hundred and twelve degrees
twenty-five minutes of longitude.

Unssah.

This province lies among the lands of very powerful and
redoubtable Hindu princes ; much fine white cloth is made
there. The land produces much rice. It is in this province
that stands the pagoda called Jagrenat (Jagarnath). The chief
town is situated at twenty degrees twenty-five minutes of lati-
tude, and one hundred and twenty-five degrees twenty-five
minutes of longitude.

428 KASHMIR— A LLA HAbAD—A URA NGABA D

Kashmir.

In the province of Kashmir much fine linen 1 cloth is made,
of which a great deal is used by the nobles, for this cloth is
very convenient and very healthy in cold weather. They make
many beds, ink- boxes, trays, boxes, spoons, et cetera, out of wood,
both in plain and carved work. Fruit is plentiful, just as in
Kabul ; the inhabitants are fair and with fine features. As for
their disposition, I believe them to be descended from the Jews,
seeing the way they act. The Moguls keep there four thousand
horse as a garrison ; and the chief town is at thirty-six degrees
forty minutes of latitude, and one hundred and twenty of
longitude.

Illavas (Allahabad).

At the capital of this province no cloth is made ; nothing
but dishes of different colours, and not very durable. At the
town of Benares and others dependent upon it are made many
stuffs of silk, cloth of gold and of silver, turbans, waist-belts,
and goods suited to women's use. Eight thousand horsemen
are kept there, most of whom are usually in the field, for the
peasantry of this region are much inclined to rebellion. Many
vegetables and cereals are grown here. The chief town lies at
twenty-nine degrees twenty minutes of latitude, and one hundred
and twenty-nine degrees fifteen minutes of longitude. In the
first year of Aurangzeb's reign the water in the two rivers
there (Allahabad) rose to such a height that almost the whole
town was under water, and many people were drowned ; the
fortress alone escaped the inundation.

A urangabad.

In this province much white cloth and silk stuffs are pro-
duced. Aurangzeb founded the chief town as a memorial to
himself when he was only a prince. Formerly a strong
garrison of cavalry was kept there, because it was on the
Bljapur and Gulkandah frontiers, and near the territory of
Shiva Jl. But nowadays there are only a few men, as the rest

1 Surely lin (linen) must be a mistake for laine (wool). The woollen products
of Kashmir are celebrated.

BARAR—BURHANPUR—BAGLANAH—NANDER 429

are engaged in the war against Shiva Ji [i.e., the Mahrattahs].
Aurangabad is at nineteen degrees twenty-five minutes of lati-
tude, and one hundred and twenty degrees twenty-five minutes
of longitude.

Barar.

The soil of the Barar province is productive in cereals.
Corn and vegetables are found there in abundance, as is also
the poppy, the plant from which opium is made. There is a
great quantity of sugar-cane. A garrison of seven thousand
horsemen is maintained ; and the chief town [58] lies at twenty-
three degrees of latitude, and one hundred and twenty-five
degrees forty minutes of longitude.

Burhdnpiir, or Khdndesh.

In this province they make much very fine white and coloured
cloth, also printed cloth, which are exported in quantities by
Persian and Armenian merchants to Persia, Arabia, and
Turkey. The soil is productive in grain. The garrison kept
there is one of six thousand horse ; the chief town lies at
twenty-three degrees of latitude, and one hundred and twenty-
three degrees thirty minutes of longitude.

Bagldnah.

They weave in this province much coarse white cloth, but
little of fine quality. Much grain grows in it. It has a garrison
of five thousand men. The chief town is at nineteen degrees
of latitude, and one hundred and eighteen of longitude.

Nande (? Ndnder).

In this province also much white cloth is made. The soil is
fertile in cereals. The garrison consists of six thousand horse ;
and the chief town lies at twenty-seven degrees of latitude, and
one hundred and four degrees twenty minutes of longitude.

Dhdkah.

Dhakah is the largest town in, and the capital of the province
of Bengal. It is in this vast region that they produce the

43o phAkkah-ujjain—rAjmahal—bijapur

prodigious quantity of fine white cloth and silken stuffs of which
the nations of Europe and elsewhere transport annually several
shiploads. This town has under its rule many adjacent
countries, as far as Goaty (GauhatI) and the fortress of Azo
(Hajo), near to Achami (Assam) and to Chatigan (Chatgariw),
which are on the frontier of the Racan (Arakan) kingdom.
Owing to the proximity of these countries, a garrison of forty
thousand horse is maintained. Dhakah is at twenty-three
degrees thirty minutes of latitude, and one hundred and thirty-
three degrees forty minutes of longitude.

Ujjain.
This province produces nothing but grain and salt. It is
here that resides one of the principal generals with a garrison
of ten thousand horse. Sometimes a prince of the blood
occupies this post, because this country is situated in the midst
of the territories of strong and powerful rajahs. The town of
the same name is very ancient, and it was once the seat of a
Hindu rajah's court, and is an important holy place. It remains
a place of pilgrimage until this day, although almost in ruins.
It lies at twenty-eight degrees twenty-five minutes of latitude,
and one hundred and twenty-two degrees thirty minutes of
longitude.

Rajmahal.

It was in this province that the prince Shah Shuja', second
son of the king Shahjahan, dwelt. They make much fine
cloth, and a great quantity of rice is harvested. The garrison
is of four thousand horse. The name Raj-mahal means
' Rajah's Palace.' The chief town lies at twenty-four degrees
twenty minutes of latitude, and one hundred and thirty-two of
longitude.

Bljapur.

This province is at present the theatre of the war waged by
Aurangzeb against Shiva JI [i.e., the Mahrattahs]. Aurangzeb
has fixed his abode within it in the dread that Shiva JI might
otherwise render himself master of it. The chief town is at
seventeen degrees twenty-five minutes of latitude, and one
hundred [59] and eighteen degrees fifty minutes of longitude.

GULKANDAH 431

Gulkandah.

In this province are the diamond mines. A quantity of
printed cloth is made, and these goods are the best to be found
in India. They also make a great deal of white cloth, coarse and
fine. Iron is abundant. The garrison kept there is of about
twenty thousand horse, although the king pays for sixty
thousand, since the Karnatik has been annexed. But the
officers make a profit out of the difference, and embezzle
without any fear. The capital of the province lies at nineteen
degrees forty minutes of latitude, and at one hundred and
twenty-four degrees forty minutes of longitude.

Money is coined in every one of the provinces spoken of
above.

In Gulkandah, of which I have just been speaking, is a
district called Bezoar 1 (? Baizwada), near the country of Chanda.
In that part goats are very numerous, and in them grow the
bezoar stones. It is from this place that the stones take their
name. It is found that these stones grow in the small in-
testines of the goat, and the goat-herds who tend them are
aware of how many there are in each goat, and the weight of
each.

As for the latitudes and longitudes of the above places, as
recorded by me, they are founded on the calculations and
estimates of the astronomers in this country. They have a
great reputation for strict exactness. 2

The king and the princes keep officials in every one of these
provinces, whose business it is to put in hand the best goods
that can be fabricated in each place. With this object in view,
they keep an eye continually upon what is being done in that
respect. Usually the viceroys and governors are in a constant

1 Probably the place meant is Baizwada, now in the Masulipatam district of
the Madras Presidency (Thornton, ' Gazetteer,' 101), lat. 16 31', long. 8o° 41',
twenty miles northeast of Guntur, and now a railway junction. Chanda is some
230 miles or more to the north of Baizwada. As to the bezoar stones, see ante,
Part I., 33, and Yule, 90, second edition. Manucci's etymology is very far out,
as Yule refers the word to the Arabic form of the Persian pa-zahr, an antidote
to poison.

2 These do not accord with the statements in the ' A,in-i-Akbari ' (Jarrett),
iii. 46-105, and I do not know on what data they are founded.

432 THE HINDU PRINCIPALITIES

state of quarrel with the Hindu princes and zamlndars — with
some because they wish to seize their lands ; with others, to
force them to pay more revenue than is customary.

It now remains to say something of what grows in the terri-
tories of the Hindu princes. In the country of the King Rana
there is much grain, many papoles (? papaya), 1 which is a certain
fruit of India, poppy plants from which opium is obtained,
ginger, and Indian saffron 2 (turmeric), which is a kind of small
yellow root. The Rana owns several copper mines, and in his
country are manufactured several kinds of coarse printed cloth.

The lands of the Rathor, who rules nine districts, are for the
most part all sand ; they have little or no water. The wells in
some places are so deep that the water is drawn with the help
of oxen. When water is to be drawn, those who set these
animals to work beat a drum as a warning that the pot is at
the mouth of the well, and they are about to draw water. The
cereals grown in this country come up by help of the rain
only. There are a great many camels and dromedaries with-
out [long] hair.

In the lands of the other rajahs there grow the same crops
as stated above. There is much iron, which is used for swords,
lances, and other weapons. With respect to the weapons of
this country, there once happened a comical adventure to King
Shahjahan. This prince said one day to Rajah Chattar Sal
Rae that he should like to pay him a visit in his country. The
rajah replied that the very next day he would show him all he
wanted to see. Next morning at sunrise [60] Chattar Sal Rae
brought out a division of cavalry twenty thousand strong, all
provided with swords and holding their lances in their hands.
He posted them before the royal palace on the river bank.
Then he set round them a number of infantry, also with spears.
On beholding this array the king seemed astonished.

1 Perhaps papole is a copyist's error for papote, and the thing meant may be
papotan or popta, a kind of winter cherry, Physalis angulata (Platts, 223, 276) ; or
fapra, Gardinia latifolia, also a name for the plantain, Musa paradisiaca, and the
fruit of the dhak-tree (ibid., 213) ; or pippali, long pepper (ibid., 223).

2 ' Indian saffron ' is haldi, or turmeric (Yule, 780).

XXIV. Rajah Jai Singh (Mirza Rajah), Kachhwahah, of amber.

Vol. II.

To face page 432.

THE RANA AND THE RATHOR 433

Then the rajah spoke. He said to the prince : ' Sire, by this
spectacle your Majesty is absolved from going any farther to
inspect my country, for I can assure you that it is all exactly
what you have under your eyes.' The king concealed the
vexation caused him by such a compliment, and then retorted
that he knew very well that he was a loyal vassal, whose valour
would be useful against his enemies. Afterwards he gave him
a set of robes (sardpd), with some horses, and sent him back to
his own country. He was sent for again when Aurangzeb and
Murad Bakhsh came against Prince Dara, and there he lost his
life, as I have stated in my First Part (I. 191).

[Here follows a statement of the chief Hindu rajahs and
princes to be found in Hindustan, who are vassals of the Mogul.
There are eighty-four of them, and they dwell between the
Indus or the Ganges, as far as Allahabad and the Narbada
river. These lands are called Hindustan — that is, ' Hindudom.']

The most powerful rajahs are three in number :

1. The first is the rajah Rana, a word which means
' Graceful Carriage.' 1 All his descendants bear the same name,
and he calls himself son of him who was saved from the
Deluge (? Noah). He is lord of the town of Udepur, and his
tribe call themselves Sedussje (Sisodiyah). He is the sovereign
lord of a large country, which yields him a great revenue. He
has always ready for the field fifty thousand horse and two
hundred thousand infantry, all of his own race. If he wanted
to enlist more he could do so ; all the more easily that he is
extremely powerful and wealthy. He moves under the shelter
of an umbrella, an honour conceded to no one but the Mogul
king.

2. The second is called Rathor. He rules over nine districts
called Nacott Marvar (Nau-kot Marvvar ka). 2 The capital of
the country is called Judarpur (Jodhpur). These districts
were formerly governed by Rajah Jaswant Singh, which is
the name of a lion. I have spoken of him several times in

1 Manucci is confounding ra'nah (Arabic), 'beautiful,' and rand, from the
Sanskrit, the title of a Hindjj prince.

2 Tod's 'Nine Castles of Maru ' (• Rajasthan,' ii. 39 note); the subdivisions
of the Marwar State.

VOL. II. 28

434 KACHHWAHAH, HApA, BUN DEL AH

my History. This rajah can put into the field as powerful
an army as the Rana's, and all of his own race. The descen-
dants of Rajah Jaswant Singh are the present rulers of the
country.

3. The third is called Chaque (? Kachhwahah) ; his capital
town is called Amber. This country was formerly ruled over
by Rajah Jai Singh, a name meaning ' Lion's Victory.' He
was of great use to Aurangzeb, and as payment for his services
that monarch caused him to be poisoned. His descendants
have done good work against the peasants of Agrah and
Mathura, as may be seen in my Second Part (II. 252). This
prince or rajah [61], can produce for a campaign forty thousand
horse and one hundred and fifty thousand infantry, all of the
the same race.

Besides the above three there are other thirty smaller and
less powerful rajahs. Of these, the first is Rajah Quaran
(Karan), ] and this is also the name of his race; the word
means 'liberal.' I have spoken of him already (II. 14). He
has an army of twenty-five thousand horse and eighty thousand
infantry, all of one race.

The second is of the Ara (Hada) race ; one of their princes
died in the battle fought by prince Dara against Aurangzeb
and Murad Bakhsh near the Chambal river on the fourth June,
1656 [correctly 1658]. His name was Chatar Sal Rae — that
is, ' Beauty of the Umbrella.' 2 He is master of twenty thousand
horse and fifty thousand infantry, all of one race.

The third is the Rajah of Bomdela (Bundelah). This race
is much given to robbery and rebellion. One of these princes
revolted against Shahjahan, and allowed a passage through
his country to Prince Aurangzeb when marching against Prince
Dara. He was beheaded the very day of the battle, as I have
stated in my First Part (I. 186). It was the son of this rajah

1 Rao Karan, BhQrtiyah, of Blkaner (' M.-ul-U.,' ii. 287); he died 1077 H.
(1666-67). The state is an offshoot from Marwar. The word is mistaken for
haram (Arabic), 'generosity,' 'liberality.'

2 Here again there is confusion, the termination not being ara (Persian), the
root of arastan, 'to adorn,' but Rae, a Hindu title, derived from the Sanskrit.
For Rao Sattar (or Chattar) Sal, Hada., see ' M.-ul-U.,' ii. 260. An anecdote of
him was given a page or two back.

THE RAUTELA— HINDU TRIBES 435

just spoken of who came to seek me out at San Thome to
ask me to cure him of a disease he had (II. 235). His name
was Dalpat Rao 1 — that is, ' The Honourable Army.' He is
at the head of fifteen thousand horse and of much infantry.

The fourth is Rotella (Rautela). The prince of this country
was called Ram Singh, 2 Rotella (Rautela), and his name means
' God's Lion.' He died of an arrow wound inflicted by Prince
Murad Bakhsh in the battle against Dara on the fourth June,
1656 (1658), as I stated in my First Part (I. 191). The tribe
can place in the field as many as twenty-five thousand horse
and seventy thousand infantry, all of one race.

There are some twenty-seven rajahs of about the same
strength as the last-mentioned, and I proceed to note some
of the races they govern, some of them bearing also the same
name. The greater number are in the service of the king,
where they draw good honourable pay, equal to that of the
Mahomedan generals and captains.

Names of the [Hindu] Tribes.

Chevan (Chohdn), Pavar (Pwiwar), Badorie (Bhadauriyah),
Bandare (? Bandhalgotl), Rambanci (Rdm-bansl), Bach Gor
{Bachhgaur), Botia (Bhurtiyah), Chandrahot (Chandrdwat),
Chasfadele (? Chandel), Benofal {Banaphir), Solancy (Solankhl),
Saran Brancy (Surajbansl), Sumbanci (Sombansi,) Jodo Bansy
(Jddubanst), Metuvar. 3 All these names are Hindu. The
other rajahs' states, which remain unmentioned, are somewhat

1 Manucci has already (I. 186) called him Champat. If the son was really
Dalpat Rao, Bundelah (Rajah of Datiya), then his father was Subhkaran of
Datiya, and not Champat, Bundelah, of the Dangiya Raj. But see note to
Part I., 186.

2 This must be Ram Singh, Rathor, son of Kurmsi (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 266),
who was killed at Samugarh. I cannot find ' Rautela ' as a subdivision of the
Rathors in Tod's list (' Rajasthan,' i. 83, reprint of 1894). As Mr - Crooke
suggests to me, the form seems to have in it a slight indication of inferiority
or bastardy. Perhaps the proper form is Rawat-ela, the ' Rawat ' branch or
division.

3 Mr. Crooke has been kind enough to look over this list, and he suggests
' Chandel ' as a solution for * Chasfadele ' ; ' Bandhalgotl ' is the only name
approaching at all to ' Bandare ' ; for ' Metuvar ' I can find no equivalent. If it
be a South Indian name, Mr. R. W. Frazer suggests it is either meda-war (Tamil),
' hill people,' or meti-war, ' noble people.'

28—2

436 'HINDU RAJAHS

less powerful than these, and the other fifty are even less so
than these last.

Three of these rajahs became Mahomedans owing to the great
promises made to them by Aurangzeb. But after they had been
circumcised he seized their territories, and has given them
the title of ' noble ' in his kingdom ; but with it he leaves [62]
them very little to live upon. All that he has given them
is some offices in his household. To one he gave the super-
intendence of the store-house (Almazem) — that is, the man
who supervises the making of carpets for use in the royal
household. Another he has placed over the goldsmiths and
enamellers, who work at jewellery for the royal palace. The
last received the appointment of charge over the perfumes and
essences. This last man was a great friend of mine, and in
secret was a drinker of wine. I have often heard his complaints,
repenting of what he had done, saying he had turned himself
into one of the king's slaves.

These three are not given any power by the king for fear
that they might recant and return to Hinduism, and raise a
revolt against the crown. This is what happened to Fida,e
Khan when he was governor of Allahabad. 1 He deceived a
rajah by promises of making him a greater man than before.
But when he was in his power, he kept him a prisoner and
carried him away to the city of Lahor, and there forced him
to become a Mahomedan, ordering him to receive weekly
one hundred strokes with a whip. The rajah, unable to stand
this torture, fell ill, and I treated him for the illness and cured
him without any charge. Afterwards I lent him one hundred
and ten rupees, which he employed in his journey. For
immediately afterwards he took to flight and sought shelter
in his own country, and returned to Hinduism. Then he
began incursions upon the king's territory, and plundered as
much as he could. He was, however, ungrateful so far as I
was concerned, for he never recalled to mind the good turn I
had done him.

1 I do not find that Fida.e Khan (A'zam Khan, Kokah) ever served as Governor
of Allahabad. Lahor must be intended, as it is mentioned a line or two
afterwards.

NAMES OF RAJAHS

437

Usually these rajahs have such names as the following :

Quesor Sing
Bau Sing
Gueret Sing
Guesen Sing
Bessen Sing
Bim Sing
Caliam Sing
Dal Sing
Sajan Sing
Bam Sing
Dalian Sing

Kesar Singh
Bhao Singh
Kirat Singh
Kishan Singh
Bishan Singh
Bhim Singh
Kaliyan Singh
Dal Singh
Sujan Singh
Ram Singh
Daliyan Singh

Yellow Lion
Wishing to be a Lion
Lion's Beauty
Black Lion
Lion's Whelp
Lion's Strength
Lively Lion
Lion's Army
Experienced Lion
God's Lion
Adverse to Lions

The others call themselves the lions of different idols. On
the whole, it may be said of these rajahs that they are modest
men and religious, keepers of their word ; in that being very
different from the Mahomedans [63], who treat as a joke the
deception of other men in every possible way.

The greater number of these rajahs dwell in the plains, where
their lands bring them in many sorts of supplies. The land
is cultivated by their vassals or subjects, who are called Rajputs
— that is, ' rajah's son.' They have no other occupation,
knowing nothing but how to till the soil or take a part in
warfare. For this reason the rajahs pay them only in land,
which is given for them to cultivate as a means of subsistence,
on condition that they keep horses and be ready to go out
to fight when they are called upon. When they have assembled,
the rajah joins them ; then, at the end of a twelvemonth, fresh
men arrive from their home country, and the first levy returns
home. They all conduct themselves in one manner. They
all eat opium, and on the day of battle they swallow a double
dose. They also give some to their horses to enable them
to endure fatigue. They dress in yellow, dyeing their clothes
that colour with saffron. Many of them wear gold armlets,
so that, if killed, those finding the body may see to its cremation.
The greater number are spearmen.

When they draw near to the enemy, their musicians begin
to sing songs in a loud voice, with a violin accompaniment,
in praise of their courage. These musicians are also on horse-
back and well armed, all drunk with opium, their eyes flaming

438 A RAJPOT BATTLE-CHARGE

and red. In place of saying that they will slay, they say
Me mariche — that is, ' We mean to die.' Then, grasping their
lances firmly, they throw themselves on the enemy like madmen.
If by mischance the spear is broken, they draw the cattane
(? kaftan, or dagger), and blindly cut and stab at all they meet
and never retreat, so that they either conquer or lose their
lives.

I have sometimes seen some of them so impatient that, on
hearing the violins strike up, though the enemy was still far
off, they rode out of their squadron, and, putting their horses
to their full speed, galloped like madmen into the middle of
the foemen, and there sacrificed their lives. When they till
the ground they always hold their spear ; and in the midst
of the fields they are never without sword, shield, and dagger
at their side. Thus equipped, they lay hold of their plough
and urge on their oxen.

There are other rajahs who live in mountains to the north,
about one hundred leagues or so distant from the cities of
Lahor and Dihll. These mountains are on the boundaries of
China, and in this expanse of country there are many rajahs,
and the lands of some of them adjoin the Mogul realm and
even pay him tribute. The chief of them is the Rajah of
Serinaguey (Srinagar in Garhwal), although he pays no tribute,
because his country is so strong and inaccessible. This is the
man who cut off the noses of Shahjahan's army (I. 147), and
gave shelter to the prince Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh, as told in
my First Part (I. 277).

Near Kashmir there are several other rajahs, of whom some
also pay tribute ; but frequently they refuse to obey, for which
reason war is made against them. One of them is Rajah Rup 1
— that is, ' good-looking.' He is at the head of twelve thousand
cavalry and eighty thousand infantry. All the same, I call him
a traitor and a thief for having broken his promise to Prince
Dara, and carrying off a large sum of money given him to
collect soldiers against Aurangzeb, as may be seen in my First
Part (I. 210). In one of the mountains, the nearest to Dihll,
one of these rajahs pays one hundred and fifty rupees of
1 Sarup Singh in I. 210, and this seems correct.

THE HIMALAYAS 439

tribute, besides some boat-loads of ice that he sends down
by the Jamnah river during the hot season. This rajah asked
Aurangzeb to exempt him from this money tribute, when he
would undertake to send him every year enough ice for the
whole city of Dihll, if he were empowered to sell it. But the
king refused his consent for three reasons. The first was that
much coin would be exported from his court, for everybody
would buy. The second was that the rajah would become
wealthy. The third was that he did not want anyone to use
ice, except those to whom he should deign to accord such a
favour. 1

When travelling from Dihll towards Lahor these high moun-
tains are visible, all covered with snow throughout the year.
Ice also is brought down from the hills nearest Lahor ; it is
brought to the governor by way of tribute, and comes down the
river Ravi. The mountains begin in Pegu and are found as far
as Kashmir, and thence to the river Indus, to Kabul, Balkh,
and Tartary. The inhabitants of these mountains are 2 of an
almost white complexion, eyes and nose small, and their speech
different from that of the Mogul country and much similar to
Chinese.

In these mountain ranges, twenty-four days' journey from
the city of Patnah, is an absolute king called Botand (? Bhutan).
He has in his territories much gold, perfect musk, rubies, and
precious stones. For this merchandise some traders travel
there, but they are few, for there are great hindrances from the
many petty rajahs. They suspect the traders to be Mogul
spies. When they reach their destination they pay the rajah a
visit, making him a present of some small rarity, such as a
bottle of rose-water, or a piece of fine cloth, or a morsel of
sandal-wood, or other similar article, with which he is con-
tented. The travellers are then given great liberty, without
any fear of robbers. The soil produces good food-supplies

1 The Rajah intended is the ruler of Nahan or Sirmur, in the outer hills, who
still in the eighteenth century retained the nickname of Barfi Rajah, or ' Snow
King,' owing to his sending ice to the Dihll court.

2 Page 65 of the text is blank, and on page 66 the unfinished sentence is com-
pleted, but in Portuguese instead of French. The text now is in Portuguese
again.

440 BHUTAN HABITS AND CUSTOMS

and delicious fruits, all cheap. Strangers are allowed to keep
women in their houses, who act as slaves, and they may employ
them as they please, without anyone interfering. When any
foreigner dies the rajah seizes everything, and passes whatever
order comes into his head. Some of the bodies he causes to be
buried, others to be burnt, others to be cut into pieces. These
last are thrown out into the open country as food for the birds
of prey, or they are sent to the fields as sustenance for the
serpents (boes), foxes, and wild beasts. Others will be thrown
into the rivers, cut into pieces, as food for the fish.

Such is the custom of that country, where the priests are
much venerated. If these men desire to favour anyone with
the gift of a holy relic, they give him some of their own excre-
ment. The recipients carry it with them hanging from the
neck, placed in a little box of gold and silver in which it is
preserved. It is their fond imagination that if they die
with such filth hanging from their neck they will acquire
salvation.

It is through this country that lies the route to China, but it
is a very long way, and the roads most hazardous from the great
mountains and many rivers. I state this on information given
me by some Armenians and others who had been there, in-
cluding two Jesuits, who came from China by this road. One
was a Fleming and the other a German, with whom I had
many a talk about this country.

These rajahs [i.e., the Rajputs] are powerful and brave ; they
preserve all ancient customs, are friendly to those who were
their father's friends, inimical to those who were their enemies,
and although they are necessitous, none the less they do not
refrain from observing the rules of their ancestors. The Mogul
draws his profit from their barbarous ways, and out of policy
reinforces them when it suits him, and employs them to destroy
each other. If they were only united among themselves, the
Rana and the Rathors, Kachhwahahs and Bundelahs, they
could easily expel the Mogul from Hindustan. As an example
of what I have just said, there is the case of Rajah Jai Singh,
whom a Rajput soldier tried to kill by a spear -thrust, but
missed him, all but a graze on the side. This Rajput was a

BOUNDARIES OF THE EMPIRE 441

soldier sent by the Rajah of the Botia (Bhurtiyah) race, 1 whose
ancestors were at enmity with those of Jai Singh, and the feud
had lasted for five hundred years. On the seizure of the soldier,
he confessed what I have just recorded. Thus let the reader
reflect on the way these Hindus keep up their ancient customs,
but still more their religion.

Having set forth all this grandeur and power of the Moguls,
I will, with the reader's permission, assert from what I have
seen and tested, that to sweep it entirely away and occupy
the whole empire nothing is required beyond a corps of thirty
thousand trusty European soldiers, led by competent com-
manders, who would thereby easily acquire the glory of great
conquerers.

To add to the reader's information, I will also state the
length and breadth of this empire. The roads are not direct,
owing to the forests and mountains and the interposition of
territories belonging to the different rajahs and zamindars, 2
who allow no travellers to pass through, out of the fear they
have of the Mogul. Nor are the roads there secure, for you
would be robbed if you went by them. I will indicate the
open and frequented roads, beginning with the east and ending
on the west.

From the port [67] of Madrasta (Madras) to Gulkandah the
distance is two hundred and sixteen kos — that is, leagues ; from
Gulkandah to Oramgabad (Aurangabad) it is one hundred and
sixty-eight leagues ; from Aurangabad to Brampur (Burhanpur)
it is seventy-two leagues ; from Burhanpur to Serong (Sironj)
it is one hundred and forty-four leagues ; from Sironj to Agrah
it is one hundred and forty-four leagues ; from Agrah to Dihli
it is seventy-six leagues ; from Dihli to the town of Sorend
(Sihrind) it is eighty-four leagues; from Sihrind to the city
of Lahor it is one hundred and four leagues ; from Lahor to
Little Gujarat it is thirty-six leagues; from Little Gujarat to
the Indus river it is one hundred and thirty-six leagues ; from

1 The Bhurtiyah Rajputs, a clan of the Solanki race, are Rajahs of Bikaner.

2 Here and elsewhere (see, for instance, III. 68) Manucci uses the word
zamlndar in its then usual sense of a petty, semi-independent chief. The great
Rajahs, even, were called zamindars by the Mogul officials.

442 THE HILL RAJAHS

the river Indus to the city of Paxor (Peshawar) it is thirty-
six leagues ; from Peshawar to Kabul it is one hundred and
forty-four leagues ; from Kabul to Cazenj (Ghazni), now in
ruins, it is seventy-two leagues. At a distance of twenty leagues
from Ghazni is the boundary of Qandahar, which belongs to
the King of Persia. Here on this side end the dominions of
the Mogul, and on the north side they touch the kingdom
of the Usbeques (Uzbak). From this point as far as Ugullim
(Hugli), which is in Bengal, there will be about the same
number of leagues [? as from Madras], excluding the lands
which adjoin the Axames (Asham, Assam).

The width, beginning from Surat, which is on the south,
until you reach the town of Burhanpur, is one hundred and
sixty-eight leagues; from Burhanpur to Agrah it is two hundred
and eighty-eight leagues ; from Agrah towards the north, up
to the boundary of the hill rajahs, of whom I have spoken,
there may be one hundred and twenty leagues ; from the town
of Tata (Tattah), which is on the south, as far as Multan,
there are two hundred and seventy-eight leagues; from Multan
to Lahor it is one hundred and seventy-eight leagues; from
Multan to Lahor it is one hundred and forty-four leagues; from
Lahor to the mountains of Kashmir it is one hundred and sixty
leagues. The reader must remember that the kos or leagues of
the Mogul country are different from the leagues of Europe,
for ten European leagues make twelve of India, and this is the
traveller's ordinary day's journey. 1

Besides the above rajahs, I have not spoken of those on the
farther side of the river Ganges, which is joined by the river
Jamnah below the fortress of Allahabad, as stated in my
Second Part (II. 58). A considerable number of these rajahs
are powerful, and of the smaller sort there are many ; most of
them are vassals of the Mogul. These last are under obligation
to send to court the rarities produced in their country. Some
send gavioens (sparrow-hawks), falcons, and other birds of prey,
pretty birds, honey, and wax. With the last article they pre-

1 If 1 league equals 3 miles, and 10 European leagues equal 12 Indian kos,
then 12 kos equal 30 miles, or 1 kos equals 2 \ miles. Yule, 261, estimates
Akbar's kos at 2 miles 4 furlongs 158 yards.

COURT REGULATIONS 443

pare a waxed cloth for the lining of tents and other uses in the
royal household. They also make of it candles for the harem ;
in these is mixed verdigris or vitriol, for certain reasons which
I cannot mention. Other rajahs send fruits such as grow in
their country, slaves (viloens), tigers, et cetera.

Aurangzeb, as proof of his justness and to advertise his good

deeds, sends out every day to walk through the principal square

a fierce lion in the company of a goat that has been brought up

alongside it from birth. This is to show that his decisions are

just and equal, without any bias. 1 This is done at court solely

that the world may be notified of his justice. But I say, having

experienced it, that at this day neither at court nor in any

other part of his empire is there any justice ; no one thinks of

anything but how to plunder. Nor can the king find any remedy.

Although he prides himself on his high sagacity and perfection

in every point, Ja'far Khan did not fail to give him once a good

lesson, just to let him understand how defective was his policy.

I say that the Mir BakhshI, Roalacan (Ruh-ullah Khan), 2

general of cavalry, who is inferior in rank to the vizil (wazir),

one day, when presenting a petition to the king, advanced too

near and took the position assigned to the wazlr. The king

made no remark. Noticing this, Ja'far Khan dissembled for

that day. When next he came to court he placed one foot

farther forward than was allowed by the regulations. On

seeing this, the king said to him it appeared he was oblivious

of the general customs and regulations [68], having put himself

in advance of the customary position. Ja'far Khan made the

wise reply that wazirs held the first place, and to show the

difference between himself and the Mir BakhshI he was forced

to step more forward. The king recognised the error he had

made, and instead of reproving the general he made excuses to

1 The allusion is to the usual laudatory phrase still used in reference to a
just ruler :

' Bher bakrl ek ghat pan! piwen '
(Wolf and goat drink water together).

2 Ruhullah Khan, second son of Khalilullah Khan (' Ma,asir-ul-Umara,' ii. 309).
He was made second BakhshI in the twenty-fourth year (1680-81), and died in
1103 H. (1691-92).

444 THE TWO KARNATIKS—TANJOR

his wazir, saying it should not recur, and the petition made to
him was granted. Thus was Ja'far Khan still more respected
at the court.

All of these men spoken of above [the rajahs] maintain at
the court their own agents, provided with considerable sums
of money, and these men assist their employers whenever it
is found necessary.

There are also in this empire other lords who call themselves
zaminddrs — that is, ' lords of land.' Among them are many
powerful men who could place in the field, more or less, forty
thousand soldiers, matchlockmen, archers, and spearmen.
Such men do not maintain cavalry : the greater number live
in the midst of jungles, and these usually pay no revenue,
unless it be taken by force of arms. At this day, taking the
whole Mogul empire, these rajahs, great and petty, and the
zamindars, exceed five thousand in number.

The reader should note that in the kingdoms of Bljapur and
Gulkandah, of which Aurangzeb has now made himself master,
there are two Karnatik provinces. In that of Bljapur there still
survive some Hindu principalities. Those which lie on the
shores of the sea near Cape Comoj (Comorin) and Ceilao
(Ceylon) do not pay the Mogul any revenue. Besides these,
there is the kingdom of Chetrepalj (ChhattrapatI) l and the
Rajah of Taniaur (Tanjor), 1 who pays six millions of rupees
every year. Up to the present time the Mogul has not con-
quered them, owing to his wars with Shiva Jl [i.e., the Mah-
rattahs]. If Aurangzeb lives a few years longer he will over-
come all of them ; it is his practice to denude them slowly of
their wealth, then of their territory, finally of their life. Yet,
with this experience, they do not preserve union so as to resist
the Mogul strength.

In the Karnatik subordinate to the kingdom of Gulkandah

1 For ' Chetrepalj ' I propose to read ' ChhattrapatI,' ' Lord of the Umbrella ' ;
but what potentate is intended I do not know. It may possibly be for ' Setupati,'
' Lord of the Bridge,' an epithet of the Marava ruler of Ramnad, close to
Rameshwaram. Tanjor (now a British district) lies between lat. 9 50' and
il° 25' N., long. 78 55' and 79 55' E. It was a Mahrattah state, founded about
1674 by Venka. JI, younger brother of Shiva Ji (' Madras Manual of Administra-
tion,' ii. 126 ; iii. 876).

CHIEF FORTRESSES 445

there are sixty fortresses, among them one called Velur. 1
When it was in the possession of Shiva J I, he made hence
incursions into the surrounding territory, which belongs to the
Mogul. This was done with th