129429
THE
^ HEIMSKRINGLA
VOL.4.
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THE SAGA LIBRARY
EDITED BY
WILLIAM MORRIS
AND
BIRIKR MA GNUS SON
Voi~ VI
HEIMSKRINGLA
VOL. IV
THE STORIES F THE
KINGS OF NORWAY
CALLED THE ROUND
OF THE WORLD
(HEIMSKRINGLA)
BY SNORRI STURLASON
DONE INTO ENGLISH
OUT OF THE ICELANDIC
BY
WILLIAM MORRIS
AND
EIRfKR MAGNtfSSON
VOL. IV
BV
EIRfKR MAGNtiSSON
LONDON
BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 PICCADILLY
1905
C1H8WJCK If'RKSS :
TOOKS COURT, CHANCKRV UNK, LONDON
CONTENTS
PREFACE, vii-xvi.
INTRODUCTORY. Snorri Sturlasoii:
I. THE CHIEF : Family, xvii Character of his father, xvii-xviii
Fostering at Oddi, marriage, xviii-xx First entry on public
life, xx Dealings with his uncle Thord Bodvarson, xxi
With Thorkel Walrus, xxi-xxii Children in and out of wed-
lock, xxii-xxiii Removal to Reykholt, xxii Acquisition of the
godordof the Avellings, xxiii Speaker-at-lawfor the first time,
xxiii Contest with Magnus the Good, xxii-xxiv Relations
to Earl Hakon Galinn, xxiii-xxv In Norway for first time,
honours and gifts lavished on him, xxv-xxviii Ssemund of
Oddi and Sigurd Swinefelling, xx Saemund and the Biorg-
vinians, xxv-xxvii Snorri's return to Iceland, hostility with
Scemund's kindred, fickle treatment of Lopt Paulson, xxviii-
xxx Snorri, Speaker again, friendship re-established with
the family of Oddi, first meeting with Hallveig Orm's daughter,
xxx-xxxi Snorri and Thorvald Snorrison of Waterfirth,
xxxi-xxxii, xxxv Snorri gives his daughter Ingibiorg in mar-
riage to Gizur Thorvaldson, brings Hallveig to his house,
befriends Lopt Paulson, xxxii Snorri and Thord in conflict
with their brother Sighvat and his son Sturla over the godord
of the Snorrungs, xxxiii-xxxv Jon Snorrison, xxxvi-xxxvii
Snorri's and Sturla Sighvatson's dealings in respect of
the latter's slaying of the sons of Thorvald of Waterfirth,
xxxvii-xxxviii, xli Snorri and Koibein the Young, xxxiv,
xxxvii-xxxix, xlii-xlui Bishop Gudmund Arison, xxxix-xl
Sturla Sighvatson's journey to Norway and Rome, xli-xlii
His persecution of Snorri, xliii-xlvi Snorri second time in
Norway, xlvi Sturla and Gizur Thorvaldson; Sturla's fall
vi 'Contents
at tl\e*. Battle of Orlygstead, xlvi-xlix Snorri's return to
Iceflafop^xlix-l Snorri's last attendance at the Althing;
deatfi *6f Hallveig; dispute with her sons, Mi Snorri's
visit to his nephew Tumi Sighvatson; return to Reykholt,
li King Hakon orders Kolbein the Young and Gizur
Thorvaldson to send Snorri to Norway or else kill him;
he is murdered by Gizur Thorvaldson's orders, 1-li His
character, liii-liv.
II. THE AUTHOR: The historical school of oral tradition, liv-lvii
The era of letters; writers known before Snorri : Sa?mund
Sigfusson Ari Thorgilsson Eric Oddson Odd Snorrison
Gunnlaug Leifson, Ivii-lxv Snorri's works: Edda, Ixv-lxxiii
Heimskringla: MSS. of, Ixxiii-lxxvi Sources, l\x\*i-Ixxx
Egil's Saga, Ixxx-lxxxi Relation of the Saga of Olaf the
Holy to the other Sagas of Heimskr., Ixxxii-lxxxv Snorri as
historian and stylist, Ixxxv-xc.
Kings of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, xc-xcii.
INDEX I. Names of Persons and Peoples, 1-238.
II. Names of Places, 239-292.
Ill Subjects, 293-515.
CORRECTIONS.
GENEALOGIES.
PREFACE
AT last, ten years after the publication of the third volume of
the Heimskringla, and nine after the death of the originator of
the SAGA LIBRARY, the indexes to Snorri's work see the day.
No one can regret the extent of this delay more keenly than I
do myself, especially as I do not pretend to be personally free
from all blame in the matter. In the main, however, it has been
due to causes over which it was not in my power to exercise
any control.
The Saga Library was an idea conceived by William Morris,
suggested to and taken up by the late Mr. Quaritch. The work
on it was divided between Morris and myself in the following
manner: Having read together the sagas contained in the first
three volumes, Morris wrote out the translation and I collated
his MS. with the original For the last two volumes of the
Heimskringla the process was reversed, I doing the translation,
he the collation ; the style, too, he emended throughout in ac-
cordance with his own ideal. Morris wrote pp. v-xii ic of the pre-
face to vol. i ; the rest of it was drawn up by me, as was also
the preface to the second volume and submitted to Morris'
revision. Indexes, notes, genealogical tables I took in hand,
also the drawing of the maps which Morris had printed in his
own way.
As to the s/yk of Morris little need be said except this that
it is a strange misunderstanding to describe all terms in his
translations which are not familiar to the reading public as
* pseudo-Middie-English.* l Anyone in a position to collate the
Icelandic text with the translation will see at a glance that in
the overwhelming majority of cases these terms are literal trans-
1 Corpus poet, Boreale I, cxv. X will not attempt an analysis of the breath-
less eloquence ot" the anathema of the Corpus, for the good reason that I
fail to make out the sense of it* Middle-English scholars who in the 3rd
ptur. pros* done (faciunt) detect led. *#>"=: clown, cad (Dictionary s.v. d6ni)
are apt to have strange M. E. visions.
vii
viii Preface
lations of the Icel. originals, eim er Snorri setti saman,'
literally: to have writ Saga-books after the books that Snorri put together.
I do not see that this means anything more than that Sturla laid himself
out for securing for his library copies of his uncle's historical (and other?)
writings. SturL, i. 298-299.
Introductory xxxvii
up the day's doings by taking a bath ; thereupon the wound
inflamed, and he died shortly afterwards. Gizur went to Iceland
the next summer with the story of Jon's death and what things
of value he left behind. He did not himself in person bring
the news to the bereaved father, but sent a messenger to tell
him the story. On hearing the messenger's tale reported again,
Gizur considered it altogether unfair to himself. Rumour was
busy with scandal, and when Thorvald heard thereof he arranged
a meeting between Snorn and Gizur at which Gizur swore the
so-called ' fifth-court oath ' (Gragas la, 78), to the effect that he
had concerted no plan with Olaf against Jon, nor connived with
him in any way. And Snorri was perfectly satisfied with Gizur's
declaration.
Ingibiorg and Gizur now went to live together. Their matri-
monial life was alway a troublous one, and, according to rumour,
more through her faults than his. Snorri and Thorvald did all
they could to right matters between them, but to no avail. 1
At the Althing in 1231 there was, at last, a brotherly entente
between Sighvat and Snorri, and between Sturla and Snorri
there was * dear friendship ' (all-ksert). At this Thing all three
kinsmen made alliance against Orm Jonson, surnamed * Swine-
felling,' who had caused to be slain by a hired assassin an out-
law named Dagstyggr (Dayshy), to whom Snorri had extended
his protection. The matter ended by Sighvat persuading Orm
to handsel sole judgement to Snorri, who inflicted on Orm a
fine of 4,000 ells' worth (by a low estimate = ^300). 2
This same year Snorri entertained his brother Thord with his
son Bodvar at a splendid feast, to which also Sturla Sighvatson
was invited. He wanted to bind trusty friendship with Thord
and Bodvar, because he had now a dispute with Kolbein the,
Young relating to the estate of Hallbera and the godord in the
north country. Behind the invitation to Sturla was the desire
to ensure safety to the sons of Thorvald of Waterfirth, whom
he wanted to see in the Lent season; for though Sturla was
formally at peace with them after their having paid him the
fines he imposed on them at Holt in Onundfirth, 1230, for their
outrageous raid on Saudafell, 3 Snorri knew his nephew's temper
well enough to misdoubt how far he thought full satisfaction
1 Sturl., i. 299-300, 302. a Ibzd., i. 300-301. 3 Ibid., i. 298.
xxxviii Introductory
had been given to his pride and lust of revenge. Therefore
Snorri wanted him to give him fresh assurance that he would
not set upon them in their journey to him as arranged. Sturla
replied that Snorri knew well enough they were at peace ; but
Snorri objected that all sorts of rumours were floating to the
effect that Sturla did not consider the peace of Holt holden to
carefully in all points. { I see/ answered Sturla, c that it is your
own conviction that they have not kept the peace in all things
well, I will let you now see to the truce, and I give you my
hand thereon.' So Snorri pronounced the formulary of truce
and afterwards Thord, who was present at Snorn's pronounce-
ment, said to his brother: ' I did not think our kinsman Sturla's
expression was very satisfactory while the truce was being con-
cluded. 7 e He will hold the truce, sure enough,' was the answer,
and on the strength of the truce Snorri invited the Thorvaldsons
to him, with the result that in their journey Sturla slew them
both. 1
For this breach of faith Sturla sent word to Snorri offering
peace and asking for truce in return. Snorri gave truce as far as
he himself and his heirs were concerned, but said he would not
come to peaceful arrangement on behalf of the Waternrth family
until he knew their views. They put their case into the hands
of Snorri for arbitration with a view to peace, and he spoke
favourably about making terms of peace between them, for he
was anxious to retain the support of Sturla in view of the coming
contest with Kolbein at the next Althing. In the spring the
peace settlement was agreed upon, Snorri and Sighvat, his
brother, being appointed arbitrators for either side. 2
The case of Kolbein terminated on the whole in Snorri's
favour. Snorri was to possess one half of such godord in the
north as Kolbein was rightly owner of, but Kolbein should
retain rule over them and yield his support to Snorri at Things;
he should also pay at his ease money to Snorri if he claimed it.
Further, Kolbein was to consent to giving his sister Arnbiorg in
marriage to Snorri's son Oraekia, etc. As to this settlement it
was remarked that, while Kolbein's assent to Snorri's terms was
being sought by Thorvald Gizurson and Thord Sturluson, he
was utterly unamenable to any terms, but suddenly came round
1 Sturl., i. 303-312. 2 Ibid., i. 312-313.
Introd^lctory xxxix
when these peacemakers, hopeless of bringing about an agree-
ment, had withdrawn from the case. Thorvald then asked
Thord what his opinion was on this sudden change in the dis-
position of Kolbein. c I know not surely,' said Thord, but it
misdoubts me that brother Snorri has now made an exchange
of friends and has sold the friendship of Sighvat and Sturla for
that of Kolbein, from whom I fear we kinsmen will have to
sustain the heaviest brunt ere all be over.' Thorvald answered:
That seems a wonder to me that Kolbein is willing to give his
sister of legitimate birth to the bastard son of Snorri , but true
is the saw: Owners know best what kind of goods they sell.' 1
After this Thing Snorri went west to Waterfirth, and all the
goodmen through Icefirth became his liegemen. Olaf of Eider-
isle came to Snorri to atone for misconduct with his daughter
Thordis, resulting in the birth of a child; and for the disgrace
inflicted on the family of a godi he had to pay as penalty his
island property. 2
In the autumn of this year (1232) Kolbein the Young was
busy preparing the wedding feast of his sister and Orsekia,
counting for certain on Snorn's attendance. But instead of
putting in an appearance, he sent two deputies on his behalf,
and omitted to confer on Orsekia the godord in Midfirth, which
had been stipulated for at the peace-meeting in the last Althing.
Kolbein was incensed at what he called betrayal all round on
the part of Snorri; but Thorleif of Gardar, one of Snorri's
deputies, handselled Kolbein on Snorri's behalf c two hundred
hundreds ' and the manor of Stafholt, declaring that he had in
commission from Snorri to make this offer in case Kolbein
should complain of Snorri's pledges being broken. Kolbein
agreed and the wedding took place/
This same autumn letters arrived from the new Archbishop
of Nidoyce, Sigurd c Tafsi,' son of Eindndi Peini, summoning
Sighvat and Sturla to his presence to answer for their high-
handed dealings with the Bishop of Holar Gudmund Arison.
This prelate had now for nearly thirty years been at constant
feud with the chieftains of the land from various causes, chief
among which being the immunity from the jurisdiction of secular
courts which he claimed for his clergy, after the example of St.
1 Sturl., i. 313-314. 2 JUd., i. 314. 3 -# i- 3H*
xl Introductory
Thomas of Canterbury. 1 This claim was in direct conflict with
' the constitution of the land, according to which all breaches of
the law must be dealt with by the judicial authority of the courts
of the Althing. The chiefs who regarded themselves rightly as
the guardians of the constitution opposed the prelate's pretences
not only by argument, but, when he remained obdurate, with
armed force as well. Bp. Gudmund was a man of singularly
narrow mind and an ideal bigot. He had a singular fancy for
the class of people he called ' God's alms,' meaning alms people,
and they flocked to him in most embarrassing numbers whereso-
ever he was and went. They were received by him without dis-
crimination, and when they had devoured his own substance,
made unceremoniously free with the means of his neighbours,
for, indeed, a large proportion of them consisted of vagrants
and vagabonds. Such treatment of their liegemen the neigh-
bouring chiefs could not tolerate. But on remonstrating with
the prelate and demanding the dismissal and dispersion of the
' alms,' they were answered with instant excommunication. This
punishment the prelate dealt out so mechanically and with so
lavish a hand that its value sank to nothing ; it was disregarded
and laughed at by priest and laic alike. The exasperated lords
of the north country had fights with him and his men repeatedly,
drove him from his see, and as a fugitive he wandered, accom-
panied by his 'alms,' through the land, and sought the hospital-
ity, now of one, now of another chieftain within the diocese of
Skalholt, and always met with sympathy from Snorri Sturluson.
This deadlock between the authority of state and church in the
northern diocese suggested a mutual appeal to the archbishop
of the province at Nidoyce, in Norway, who eagerly availed
himself of the opportunity to further King Hakon's political
plans in Iceland, which aimed at the subversion of the constitu-
tion of the commonwealth and the submission of the island to
the crown of Norway. 3
While Sturla, in obedience to the archbishop's summons, was
making arrangements for his journey abroad, which did not take
place till the summer of 1233, Snorri was busy in settling affairs
with his son Oraekia in respect of his matrimony. Orsekia
desired above all things that his father should settle on him the
1 See Thomas Saga (Rolls Series), ii. xxiv ff.
2 Sturl., i. tasstm, Biskupasogur, i. 488-558.
Introductory xli
Manor of Stafholt, but Snorri ordered him to go to Waterfirth
and to take possession of that property and the godord of the
Waterfirth chiefs, to which Einar, son of Thorvald and Thordis,
yet a minor, was the heir. And * as Snorri willed so things had
to be.' Orsekia went with his wife to Waterfirth, forcing his half
sister Thordis to quit the place. He gathered round him a
multitude of retainers far beyond his means, and, as was usual
in the house of Waterfirth, household provisions had soon to be
procured by harsh methods. 1
Snorri rode this year to the Thing as usual, c for he had the
speakership-at-law.' After the Thing he invited to a feast his
brother Sighvat with his son, Thord Kakali, and others. At this
feast Snorri and Sighvat made a final award in Sturla Sighvat-
son's affairs with the Waterfirthers and were well agreed,' and
Snorri saw Sighvat off with the gift of a gold-adorned spear. 2
This summer Sturla Sighvatson sailed for Norway, and on
making land went first to the haven of Borgund, near where now
is the port of Aalesund. Here he met Earl Skull's brother-in-
law, Alf of Thornberg, who urged him much to go see the
Earl : he would make him the most of men, seeing how greatly
he excelled all other men, the Earl, moreover, being the greatest
friend of the Icelanders, and of the Sturlungs in particular.
Sturla, knowing that severely strained relations now existed
between the King and the Earl, took his party and went to the
King. After staying on in Bergen till the beginning of winter
he went south to Rome, where he received absolution himself
and procured the same for his father, having to undergo severe
penances; for he was led from church to church in Rome and
flogged before the door of most parish churches. He bore him-
self manly. Most people flocked out wondering, smiting their
breasts and sorrowing that so goodly a man was so grievously
dealt with. Returning to Norway Sturla met King Hakon in
Biorgvin and accompanied him to Tunsberg ; he was very well
received by the King and he tarried here long; the second
winter he spent in Norway (1234) he and K. Hakon were
always conferring. 3 The King was much troubled on hearing
from Sturla the account of the great disturbances that prevailed
in Iceland. The King asked what obstacles there would be in '
1 Sturl., i. 315- 2 IN*., i- 3i6. 3 JMt., I 318.
xlii Introductory
the way of introducing a monarchical form of government in the
island, for it seemed to him that there would be a more
peaceful state of things in the land if there was one supreme
ruler over it. The rash and reckless Sturla took the matter
lightly, and said the difficulty would be slight, if he who under-
took the charge was a man of resource and unsparing of hard
dealings. The King then asked if he was ready to undertake the
task. Sturla answered that he would risk it under the King's
advice and direction, in the hope that in return he should be
the recipient of such honours as the King deemed him worthy
of in case of success. The King laid down that he should not
attempt the subjection of the land by manslaughters; he should
rather secure the person of the chiefs and send them abroad or get
hold of their godord in some other way, if that could be brought
about. Sturla was often with the King discussing this matter. 1
Sturla returned to Iceland in the summer of 1235. In his
absence the turbulent Orsekia had in various ways oppressed
and mishandled his liegemen, and when at last he gave himself
time to think of his day of reckoning, he saw it his wisest course
to try to secure for himself peace from Sighvat. To this the
latter was not adverse, but he made it an express condition that
whatever Orsekia had done to offend Sturla should await settle-
ment until he came back from Norway. Sighvat got secret news
of the sudden arrival of his son and persuaded Oraekia to be off
by a route where he should not meet Sturla. For Snorn Stur-
luson these two years had been a season of anxiety and worry.
He had taken in two fugitives from Kolbein the Young's domain
whose death Kolbein had decided on, and at the Althing of 1234
Kolbein would have settled matters with Snorri by the sword,
if the bishop of Skalholt and other men of moderation and
influence had not interceded and extracted from Kolbein a
promise to keep peace at the Althing. 2 The affair thus stood
open for further treatment In the course of this summer
Kolbein and Sighvat, by the advice of mutual friends, agreed, at
a meeting in Horgardale, to make up their differences and to
desist from worrying each others' liegemen wherein Kolbein
particularly had been busy of late. Sighvat was to declare the
award m this case, but deferred it to another time. But this
1 Hakon's Saga (Rolls ed.), p. 158. 2 Sturl., i. 326-328.
Introductory xliii
was not all. The two agreed that Kolbein, in company with
Kolbein the son of Sighvat, should go with a band of more
than 120 to the south country, and quarter themselves upon
the manors owned by Snorri Sturluson at Dale c 'neath the Isles'-
fells' and at Leira-bank, and elsewhere. 'They sat in the
summer for a very long time at Leira-bank and behaved riot-
ously in many ways and robbed far and wide.' This was the
first outcome of Sturla's compact with King Hakon, and shows
clearly that Snorri, in the first instance, was to be the special
victim of Hakon's unscrupulous policy towards Iceland. As
summer advanced Snorri sent for Orsekia to join him with as
many men as he could muster, for he intended to march against
the ' Northlanders,' who had quartered themselves upon his
properties. He gathered himself a force of 600 men and went
into the disturbed parts. Before Orsekia and other allies of
Snorri had time to join their forces with his, a word came from
him to say the two Kolbeins had left and gone to the north,
after having inflicted very severe losses on Snorri and damage
to his properties. 1
After the session of the Althing, 1235, the two brothers
Thord and Snorri had a very brotherly meeting at the place
called Hraun in the district of M^rar; they talked together all
day, and vowed to each other livelong friendship, and this
bond was made still firmer by an arrangement whereby Thord's
son Sturla, the future historian of the family, now twenty-one
years of age, should go to live with his uncle Snorri. 2
Snorri Sturluson must have suspected Sturla Sighvatson of
having entered into some ominous alliance with King Hakon
who, Snorri was well aware, meant to effect the subjection of
Iceland to Norway by any means, fair or foul. He knew Sturla's
impulsive and reckless character, his overweening ambition. He
knew how brutally his son Orsekia had treated Sturla's liegemen
while he was abroad, and that he himself would also have to
pay the penalty for Oraekia's misdeeds. He was also conscious
of having done nothing towards the fulfilment of the compact
of 1220 with the rulers of Norway. So in the autumn of the
year that Sturla returned Snorri sent word to his nephew
Bodvar Thordson of Stad, requesting him to stay at Reykholt
1 Slurl., i. 328, 329. 2 Ibid., i. 338.
xliv Introductory
during the ensuing winter. He came to Reykholt with eleven
men and took up his quarters there. After Christmas, 1236,
Sighvat and Sturla sent orders to their liegemen of Willowdale
to shoe their horses and to be ready to take the field whenever
the word of command should come to them. The Willowdale
liegemen of Snorri sent him word of warning of what was going
on. Then Snorri sent word to Oraekia in Waterfirth to say that
Sighvat and Sturla were calling out a muster of men in the
north; they had better bestir themselves lest each of them
should be penned up by himself. Orsekia whipped up 600 men
and went to his father's assistance, who had already been joined
by his brother Thord and his cousin Thorleif of Gardar, At a
counsel held by all these kinsmen Oraskia advocated an imme-
diate march to the north, but Snorri 'was not prepared to
march against his own brother m the season of the high
festivals which were at hand ' (Easter). 1
In Palm-Sunday week news came from the north to the effect
that all the country there was up in arms. Snorri now desisted
from calling out a levy of his men, but left Reykholt and went
south to Bessastead on Alptaness leaving Reykholt in the
charge of his brother Thord. Sighvat and Sturla came down
on Borgfirth at the head of an army of 1,000 men. Thord went
out from Reykholt to try to mediate peace. He was in an in-
dignant temper and upbraided Sighvat severely for setting on
his own brother with an armed force in the midst of the festive
season of the church; he, an old man, would surely have to yield
sore penalties to God for such things. Sighvat : * Neither of
us need taunt the other with old age, or art thou turning out a
prophet, kinsman?' Thord: 'I am not a prophet, but to thee I
shall be one. So great as thou vauntest thyself now, trusting in
the might of thyself and thy sons, there shall yet pass not many
winters before it will be said that in your case a collapse of the
greatest has befallen.' Sighvat: 'Wroth art thou, kinsman; angry
words go for naught; perhaps we shall get better on anon when
we are both in a better temper.' Thord went away. Sturla went
to Reykholt and behaved as if the whole property was his own;
he made his own the whole district of Borgfirth and Thorleif
of Gardar assented to every order issued by Sturla. 2
1 Sturl., i. 340-341.
2 Ibid.) i. 341-342, Hakon's Saga, 158.
Introductory xlv
This unceremonious confiscation by Sturla of all his uncle's
landed property in Borgfirth seems incomprehensible except on
the ground that King Hakon explained to him that these lands
he had conferred as a royal grant on Snorri when he accepted
the position of the King's 'landed-man ' in 1220. At any rate,
after Snorri's death Hakon c maintained that the former's herit-
age had come to him together with all lands that he possessed
on his dying day, and he charged Snorri's grand-nephew,
Thorgils Skardi, to prosecute the case and to settle it in accord-
ance with what the law should provide in respect of the manage-
ment of that property.' l If Snorri held his lands of Hakon as
a royal grant, the King's claim was legitimate. In no other case
did he, while he was subduing the godar of Iceland, advance a
claim of this nature. But possibly this was Hakon's own con-
struction of the significance of the act of grace; it is scarcely
conceivable, if it was frankly explained to Snorri that this was
the meaning of the conference on him of the title, how he
could ever have been vain and weak enough to consent to
accepting it. If he did, then surely the dreadful penalty he in-
curred was in a measure his own fault.
When Snorri heard that Sturla had appropriated the whole
Borgfirth district he left Bessastead and went first to his manors
in the south country and then east to Orm Swinefelling, who
dwelt at Skal, in what now is called western Skaptafells-sysla,
and here Snorri spent the summer. In Snorri's absence Sturla
dealt with men and matters in Western Iceland just as he
pleased. Orsekia he forced to go abroad, 1236, after having
dealt in a most masterful manner with him, though the story
related of the mutilation inflicted on Orsekia at his behest must
be a fiction. 2
When Snorri heard, while he was still at Skal, that between
Sturla and Thorleif of Gardar friendship was waning in conse-
quence of the arduous services exacted by Sturla, he opened
secret communications with Thorleif and with other relatives in
the west. He himself left Skal first for his manor of Dale and
then for Reykir in Olfus, the home of Gizur, his son-in-law ; he
further extended his journey even west to Bessastead. But later
he returned to Gizur and remained with him through Lent, I237. 3
1 Sturl., ii. 116. 2 Ibid.* i. 345-346. 3 Rid.* i. 347.
xlvi Introductory
Sturla Sighvatson, suspicious of Snorri and Thorleif planning
an up-rising against him, called a muster of his liegemen through
the Westfirths and got together a band of 600 strong. During
Passion-Week Snorn came from the south from Reykir, and he
and Thorleif gathered men from all the Nesses south of Borg-
firth, and had a force of 480. At Mid-Thwaites (MrSfitjar) in
Borgfirth they held a counsel of war and Snorri was now all for
a surprise night attack on Sturla. Thorleif feared that the great
odds against them would tell disastrously. Then Snorri ad-
vocated turning back, which Thorleif deprecated ; and when
Snorri further asked him what plan he favoured, he suggested
they should push up farther inland and there build them a fort,
and defend themselves or attack as opportunity should serve.
Snorri answered that he would take care not to fall into the
power of Sturla, or of any other of his enemies whatever else
might betide him. After much talk he parted from Thorleif and
went south to the Nesses. 1
All of a sudden he now resolved to go to Norway, and em-
barked at Eyrar in the south of Iceland. It seems obvious that
this resolve was taken because Snorri felt nowhere safe for
Sturla. He may also have speculated in the chances that would
open in Norway for supplanting Sturla whose course of violence
was distasteful to King Hakon. 2 He remained through the en-
suing winter at Nidoyce with Peter the son of Duke Skuli, while
the Duke together with King Hakon spent the winter in Oslo ;
but Orsekia dwelt the same winter in the house of Duke Skuli. 3
After Snorri's departure Sturla Sighvatson had a busy time
in Iceland, but we must pass over most of his doings, noticing
briefly only those which in particular concern the man he now
most feared in Iceland Gmir Thorvaldson, hitherto particularly
noted for his inscrutable neutral attitude in his father-in-law's
contests at the Althing. In the early winter of 1237 Sturla
managed to get himself mixed up in affairs in which the still in-
fluential family of Oddi were interested. The actual case con-
cerned a man named Kol the wealthy. He had promised Orm
Swmefelling a considerable sum of money for having Dagstyggr
Jonsson slain by a hired assassin (p. xxxv), but when the deed
was done he refused to pay. Orm appealed to Sturla for help,
SturL, i. 352-353- a Hakons Saga, p. 167. 3 SturL, i. 356.
Introductory xlvii
but Kol threw himself under the protection of Biorn, son of
Saemund (of Oddi), who sent men with friendly messages and
goodly gifts to Sturla asking him not to undertake the case
against Kol. Sturla refused the gifts and sent an angry and
threatening answer. In the spring of the next year, 1238, he
sent messages to Gizur to notify that he intended to come to
the south country to exact from Kol the promised payment (for
the assassination of Dagstyggr). His father, Sighvat, warned him
seriously against this plan and said : c Thou hast an evil errand
on hand, for here there is money in question from which great
harm will befall many a man.' In due time, however, he set
out with a band of 360 armed men, but when he came to
Ravenbergs (Hrafnabjorg), east of Thingvellir, a messenger
from Gizur brought him the information that the Kol affair was
settled in a peaceful manner, and Sturla might therefore return,
if it seemed good to him. Evidently Gizur was apprehensive
lest sinister things might lurk behind Sturla's journey. Sturla
said the Southlanders should not drive him about like a herd
to pasture, and sent word to Gizur to meet him at Apewater.
Sturla asked what news there were. c Peace/ said Gizur, ' and no
need of going with a band of armed men to where there is no
warlike gathering ' But Sturla pretended to have misgivings as
to the trustiness of the Southlanders, and at last, after much
deceitful talk on his part, he had Gizur laid hands on and his
forty followers disarmed. On Gizur's wondering at this treat-
ment in the circumstances, Sturla bade him have no doubt that
he intended for himself a share of power greater than that of
any other man in Iceland, ' and I deem when thou art over-
come all the rest is, for thou art the only man in Iceland I fear
if matters go not smoothly between us.' Then a book (a plenary,
probably) was handed to Gizur, and Sturla ordered him to swear
an oath that he would go abroad and remain faithful to him.
Said Gizur : ' Shall I swear a Norwegian or an Icelandic oath?'
Sturla said he might choose. ' Then / swear the Norwegian^
since to Norway I must go ; but with this promise I will preface
my oath that, not being in drink, I shall never speak a dis-
paraging word of you?- The Norwegian oath-formulary was not
law in Iceland, so that in strict law no oath was sworn. What
Gizur said about words slily excluded deeds, as time proved.
1 Sturl., i. 357-361.
xlviii Introductory
Sturla handed Gizur over to Orm Swinefelling to keep him
as a prisoner until he should go abroad. But Gizur managed to
send letters to faithful friends that they should come and meet
him if his kinsmen should be able to gather together any con-
siderable force. They got together a company of eighteen who
rode east to Orm Swinefelling and persuaded him to let Gizur
off, once more a free man he departed with his friends riding
west until he came to Beitiwalls (Beitivellir, east of Thingvellir)
where he joined the forces of his kinsmen and those of Kolbein
the Young who now was recruiting in the south country, open
hostility having broken out between him and Sturla in the north.
After various futile attempts at coming to blows with Sturla,
Kolbein and his ally Gizur succeeded in drawing together an
army of some sixteen hundred fighters with which they marched
against the combined forces of Sighvat and Sturla stationed at
the homestead of Willow-walls in Skagafirth, and fought on sist
August, 1238, with them the memorable engagement of Orlyg-
stead in which Sighvat and Sturla, besides three more of Sig-
hvat's sons were slain and the dominion of these able, even
popular, but reckless men was destroyed for ever. 1
When the news of this event came to Norway it created a
great impression. King Hakon was foiled once more in his
attempt at subduing Iceland. But for so astute a politician as
he was the experience gained by Sturla's failure was anything
but discouraging. He could not mistake the fact that a wave of
reckless ambition swept over the ' godar ' of the land. Left to
themselves they would go on fighting, confiscating each other's
properties and 'godord,' until the most successful of them should
find himself one day in possession of all the 'godords' in the
land, and in the position of supreme ruler. Even the sequel
to the fight of Orlygstead gave an unmistakable hint in this
direction. Kolbein the Young, now the most powerful chief in
the north, ' laid under him ' the whole of the North Quarter of
the island; 2 and had there been no Hakon Hakonson in Nor-
way there is no telling how far Kolbein might have carried his
conquest. Hakon saw the trend of the chiefs' aims and took
his measures accordingly.
On hearing the news Snorri took sorely and sincerely to heart
1 Sturl., i. 362-381. a Ibid., i. 381.
Introductory xlix
the loss of his brother and four nephews, and in a verse he sent
to Thord Kakali, Sighvat's son, he gives expression to his sym-
pathy, and to his sorrow at the fatality that besets his family. 1
During the winter, 1238-1239, Snorri, Orsekia and Thorleif
of Gardar remained with Duke Skuli, while Thord Kakali stayed
with King Hakon. The relations between the Duke and Snorri
seem to have been as cordial as ever. 2 In the spring, by the
Duke's advice, his guests chartered a ship for Iceland. But when
they were ready and had gone from Nidoyce out to Monkholm in
the bay of Thrandheim messengers came from the south with a
letter from the King wherein it was written that he forbade all
Icelanders to leave Norway that summer. They showed the
letter to Snorri and received the laconic answer: 'I will out!'
When they were c allboun ' the Duke invited them to a farewell
banquet; and few men were present at the conversation of Snorri
with the Duke. Arnfinn Thiofson, afterwards Skuli's marshal,
and Olaf White-Poet, Snorri's nephew, were with the Duke,
while with Snorri there were Orsekia and Thorleif. According
to Arnfinn's relation, the Duke conferred the title of Earl on
Snorri. 8 But Snorri's biographer, his nephew Sturla Thordson,
the singularly accurate and impartial author of Islendingasaga
(Sturl.), says: 'However, none of those Icelanders confirmed
that to me.' 4 There is only one historical evidence which, in
some way, seems to support the statement of Arnfinn. Sturla
says that, in putting down the obituary of Snorri, Styrmir the
historian, Snorri's friend, entered him as 'Snorri F61gsnarjarl,'
which, by the spelling of the word, should mean 'Secret Earl;'
but Vigfusson (Sturl., i. 384, footnote 4) takes Folgsnar to be the
genitive of the name of the island of Folksn (Folkn, Folsn),
now Stor-Fosen, outside the mouth of Drontheim Firth. Skuli
should accordingly have made Snorri an earl of this small island,
which, of course, is impossible. This story about Snorri's earl-
dom tells of a most improbable if not an impossible act. No
one could appoint an earl for Iceland except the King himself.
Of course, Skuli could have given Snorri a promise of an earldom
when he should be in a position to confer it on him, /. Hakon's Saga, p. 237.
Introductory liii
Such, in brief, is this terrible story, as written by Snorri's
nephew, the justiciary, Sturla Thordson. To carry it further
here answers no purpose, nor does space allow it.
This martyr to treachery was the unfortunate child of an evil
age. Right was superseded by might. Success by any means,
fair or foul, was honour. Laxity of morals, blind lust for wealth,
power, and revenge, were qualities that made a mighty godi.
The very constitution of the c godar-doom ' (sit venia verbo)
contained from the beginning the germs of the fatal disease that
brought the so-called * free commonwealth ' into its grave an the
thirteenth century; and would have done it anyhow, even if
there had been no perfidious Hakon Hakonson of Norway.
Personal rivalry among thirty-nine independent local chieflets,
not devotion to law and order, was now the animating principle
of that commonwealth. Patriotism had ceased to exist; family
aggrandizement had taken its place. Purely insular, however,
the process of dissolution was not. ' In this land all men deemed
it a proper thing to follow the example set by Norway,' says the
author of the Saga of St. Thorlak, in dealing with Jon Loptson's
opposition, in the matter of jus patronatus, to the good bishop,
whose own sister was one of Jon's sundry concubines. 1 It is not
a pure accident that the social disorganization in Norway, brought
about by the lawless factions with which one pretender after the
other infested that unhappy land for a century, falls within the
same period as the somewhat similar state of things in Iceland.
It is not an accident that the concubinage of Norwegian Kings
finds such a ready imitation among the little sovereign chiefs
of Iceland. This state of social and moral decomposition was
not a soil likely to bring forth healthy produce.
Though a man of business, Snorri was not a man of action.
There is nothing in him of the rowdy brutality that characterizes
so many chiefs of his time. Circumstances, rather than choice,
drew him into the vortex of political strife. Appeals to arms he
avoided as much as he could, employing methods of arbitration
and compromise instead. He was altogether a man of peaceful
disposition. He was lacking in firmness at decisive movements.
Vanity and adulation, coupled with weakness, seem to be the
causes that underlie his fatal attitude to the Court of Norway.
1 Bisk. Sogur, i. 284.
liv Introductory
The bestowal of the hand of his young daughter Thordis on the
infamous Thorvald of Waterfirth just after Snorri had had him
condemned for brigandage to full outlawry, and forfeiture of all
his possessions together with his godord, a sentence which
Snorri speedily remitted altogether as soon as Thorvald hinted
at marriage alliance would be most reprehensible but for one
reason: Snorri probably wanted to get rid of Thordis; for her
after conduct proved that she was, even in her years of discre-
tion, by no means a very heedful guardian of her own honour.
Still the alliance does little credit to Snprn's sense of propriety
in choosing means for the increase of his power and influence.
Of the cause of the separation from the heiress Herdis nothing
is known. Snorri's known relations to other women were a
matter of aristocratic fashion at the time. His dealing with
Thorkel Walrus was within the law. He had killed one of Snorri's
men. Though not formally sentenced he was, if so facto a wood-
man (outlaw) of forfeit life, whom any one was free to kilL
That Snorri from love of money sometimes could act in a mean
manner we have seen in his dealing with his mother's bequest
in favour of Sturla Thordson, but he never enriched himself
by the viking methods of raiding and plundering. Though not
blameless as a citizen, he really compares very favourably with
the leading contemporary godar of the land, exceptionally so
in respect of his sympathy for the luckless bishop Gudmund of
Holar. The great fault of his life, his countrymen maintain,
was his promise to bring Iceland into subservience to Norway.
He rued the mistake and did nothing. He paid the penalty
with his life.
II THE AUTHOR
SNORRI, as a writer, no less than as a chief, was a child but an
exceptionally brilliant one of his age.
He was born in the first century of the lettered era of Iceland
the twelfth which, in respect of mental culture, stood, as we
shall see, in a peculiar relation to the preceding the eleventh,
which was a really illiterate period, though runes were known
and used for lapidary inscriptions, and sometimes, as we learn
Introductory lv
from Egilssaga, 1 for memorial songs cut on logs of wood. How-
ever, the illiterate eleventh century forms a period the most re-
markable in the history of Icelandic literature ; for, in the course
of it the art of truthfully and attractively telling a story is so
carefully cultivated as to be raised to a classical standard. A
few words in explanation of this statement are in place here.
The colonists of the country settled in it without any plan, ex-
cept so far that the ultimate abode was reared on the nearest
habitable spot to that where the sacred high-seat pillars, when
such were on board, were washed ashore. A dreadful solitude
prevailed throughout the land for a long time while the process
of colonization was going on which lasted for two-thirds of a
century. 2 The result was an unquenchable curiosity for news
from without, 3 which grew into a national characteristic and re-
mains so in the sparsely inhabited land to this day. The chief
settlers were men of high birth, who had seen better days. They
left behind lands, homes, kindred, environment; they took with
them family traditions, family pride, martial mettle, uncurbed
ambition. In the widely-scattered homes the family circle be-
came the centre of orally rehearsed family stories during the even-
ings of the long winter. These stories were easily learnt by heart
by mmbleminded listeners. They were the first nuclei of the Saga
of Iceland. They were recited at religious festivals which were
presided over and conducted by the temple godi \ at wedding-
feasts, and at Thing-motes and other popular gatherings. In
course of time the nucleus expanded into a complex saga re-
cording the acts of the colonists themselves and their dealings,
hostile or friendly, with one another. Ultimately the Althing
at Thingvellir, where the elite of the little nation congregated
yearly, became the great centre for the display of the story-teller's
1 F. J6nsson's ed., p. 286. 2 Ari, Islendingab6k, ch. 3.
8 Out of a great number of notices in the sources illustrative of this state-
ment let me adduce one: Magnus Einarson consecrated Bishop of Skalholt,
1134, came back to Iceland, 1135, and rode straight-way to the Althing.
A contested case at law was being argued before the court. * Then some one
came up to the court and said that now came Bishop Magnus riding up to
the Thing. At this news all men were so glad that they went home (z.*.,
left the court). The Bishop stepped forth unto the pavement in front of the
church and told all the people the tidings which had befallen in Norway
while he was abroad and all the people marvelled much at his eloquence
and lordliness.' Hungrvaka, ch. 13, Bisk. Sogur, i. p. 77.
Ivi Introductory
art, and from there the saga travelled into every part ^ of the
country, more or less faithfully remembered and recited to
curious listeners. 1 The interesting part of this business was that
the teller of the story was, in most cases, placed face to face
with critical audiences. The chiefs themselves, their children
1 In illustration of the above review we may introduce here the remark-
able story of the Icelandic Saga teller and Harald Hardready, Morkm 
