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Full text of "The story of the Indian mutiny, 1857-58"

THE LIBRARY 

OF 

THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA 

PRESENTED BY 

PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND 
MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID 




LORD CLIVE AND THE NABOB OF BENGAL. INDIAN MUTINY. 
(Frontispiece.'] 



THE STORY 



OF THE 



INDIAN MUTINY 

(1857-58) 



EDINBURGH 
W. P. NIMMO, HAY, & MITCHELL 



MORRISON AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. 



CONTENTS. 



TAGB 

INTRODUCTION, ... . . 5 

CHAPTER I. 

THE PROPHECY, .... . , 17 

CHAPTER II. 

LOTUS-FLOWERS AND CHUPATTIES, '. . . , .21 

CHAPTER III. 

THE GREASED CARTRIDGES, ...... 2J 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE MASSACR2 AT MEERUT (SUNDAY, MAY IO, 1857), . . $1 

CHAPTER V. 

CARNAGE AND PLUNDER AT DELHI, ..... 40 

CHAPTER VI. 

SIR HENRY LAWRENCE AT LUCKNOW, . . . q? 

CHAPTER VII. 

NANA SAHIB AT CAWNPORE, . . . . . -59 

CHAPTER VIII. 

A PROSPECT OF THE MUTINOUS REGION IN JUNE, . ,, 76 

CHAPTER IX. 

SIR JOHN LAWRENCE IN THE. PUNJAUB, . . . 92 

CHAPTER X. 

BEGINNING TO STEM THE TORRENT, . . . .98 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE SIEGE OF DELHI, .....; 103 

CHAPTER XII. 

CAWNPORE RECAPTURED AND LUCKNOW RELIEVED, . . UO 



M368339 



4 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

WHAT AND HOW THEY HAD SUFFERED IN LUCKNOW, . 

CHAPTER XIV. 

THE MUTINY AT DINAFOOR THE DEFENCE AND THE DISASTER AT 
ARRAH, . . . . . , . 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE MUTINY AT AGRA, ...... 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE RECAPTURE OF DELHI, ..... 

CHAPTER XVII. 

LUCKNOW RELIEVED BY SIR COLIN CAMPtELL, . . 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

DISASTERS AT CAWNPORE REPELLED, ..... 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE ARMY OF OUDE, . . . .... 

CHAPTER XX. 

LUCKNOW RECONQUERED, ...... 

CHAPTER XXI. 

OTHER STRUGGLES IN MARCH, ... 

CHAPTER XXII. 

STRUGGLING STILL IN APRIL, . . . , 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

PROGRESS OF THE STRUGGLE IN MAY, . . . 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

SIR HUGH ROSE AT CALPEE AND GWALIOR, . , . 

CHAPTER XXV. 

THE TURN OF THE TREMENDOUS T1EE, ., , . 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE BEGINNING OF THE END, .... 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE END, * L . . , , 



INTRODUCTION. 



A MUTINY is an event of much deeper and wider signifi- 
cance than a riot or a tumult. It always supposes, which 
these do not, a plot and a plan, as well as leaders and 
followers, mutually pledged to a particular line of insur- 
rectionary action. On the other hand, a mutiny is on a 
more limited scale than a rebellion, although, like the latter, 
it is always put down ; and it is in this respect that a 
revolt differs from both. With a revolt we generally asso- 
ciate the idea of a successful issue to the hostile rising. 
In very ancient times, ten tribes of Israel revolted from 
allegiance to the royal house of David ; and certain colonies 
in America revolted last century from Great Britain, under 
the rule of the regal house of Brunswick. A mutiny is 
commonly spoken of as an unsuccessful insurrection in the 
army or navy. Mutineers are usually soldiers or sailors; 
but a mutiny may arise wherever bodies of men are under, 
special disciplinary restraint. Restrictive regulations fret 
the mutinous spirit. Slaves have mutinied ; so have con- 
victs ; and it would not be difficult to imagine a mutiny of 
monks. In the ordinary sense of the term, however, there 
is always a suggestion of sadness associated with mutiny. 
It implies oppression, daring, defeat, with ever a gleam of 
benefit secured in the remote issues of despair. Good 
reasons can generally be discovered for a great mutiny in 



6 INTRODUCTION. 

the oppressive arrangements of government, and in the 
way in which these are carried out, or alleviations of them 
neglected, by the immediate superiors of mutineers. Great 
bravery, and intelligence of no mean degree, are required 
to organise such a rising, while there must be considerable 
force of character in those who can inspire men with con- 
fidence in an enterprise which must always end in a cruel 
demonstration of its hopelessness. The result of nearly 
every one of the gloomy historical events of this sort has 
been, and is bound always to be, a crushing overthrow in 
the meantime, and an ultimate triumph of the principle 
contended for. The leading mutineer has not unfrequently 
been the martyr of his order, just as has often been the 
advanced political agitator. Those were true martyrs who 
suffered imprisonment and death for the principles of the 
great Reform Bill, before it was passed in 1832; they 
sacrificed liberty and dear life for privileges of much 
narrower range than those we now regard as still in need 
of large extension. Amid all the tumult to be told in the 
stories of great mutinies we may descry here and there a 
martyr mutineer,. and many a very dissimilar sort of char- 
acter. 

Wherever men are marshalled there may be a mutiny, 
and this has been the case in all time, among all tribes 
and nations. We meet with such insurrections at the very 
beginning of history. It was a mutinous host which Moses 
led out of Egypt into the wilderness of northern Arabia. 
When that great leader and legislator " delayed to come 
down out of the mount," Sinai, where he was in deep com- 
munion with Jehovah about the people and the laws which 
were to be most beneficial for them, they mutinied, and 
willingly parted with their "golden earrings," that they 
night be melted, and moulded into a "golden calf" a 

very appropriate object of worship for them. And merci 

* 



INTRODUCTION. 



Jessly was the mutiny quelled. When all the sons of Levi 
gathered round Moses against the mutineers, he said, " Put 
every man his sword by his side ; go in and out from gate 
to gate throughout the camp, and slay every man his 
brother, and every man his companion, and every man his 
neighbour. And the children of Levi did according to the 
word of Moses, and there fell of the people that day about 
three thousand men." Miriam and Aaron were appallingly 
rebuked at another time for an attempt at heading a mutiny 
against their brother. She was, as a punishment, made 
" leprous, white as snow ; " and Aaron was compelled to 
express a humiliating confession of folly. Three leaders 
Korah, Dathan, and Abiram later on, with " two hundred 
and fifty princes of the assembly, famous in the congregation, 
men of renown," rose up against Moses and Aaron, * and 
said unto them, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the 
congregation are holy, every one of them, and the Lord is 
among them ; wherefore, then, lift ye up yourselves above 
the congregation of the Lord ? " This is a genuine utter- 
ance of the mutinous spirit. The result was frightful ; the 
three leaders, and their wives, and their sons, and their 
little children, were, we are told, engulfed by the earth, 
which " opened her mouth and swallowed them up ; " and 
they all "went down alive into the pit; and the earth 
closed upon them : and they perished from among the 
congregation." At another time, a scarcity of bread and 
water raised a mutinous outcry, for indulging in which the 
people were bitten by fiery serpents. The history of the 
Hebrews is a long record of memorable mutinies ; and of 
them, the most affecting, the one which touches the hearts 
of sympathetic readers with the tenderest regrets, is that 
one in which Absalom, a son of whom King David was 
vainly proud, rose against his father, and broke the heart 
of the good old warrior, statesman, musician, and poet 



INTROD UCTION. 



one of the most remarkable and accomplished men of 
ancient times. 

Homer's Iliad opens with an account of a portentous 
mutiny ; and on it and its results, the whole story of that 
majestic poem hinges. The grievances which induced 
Achilles, the principal hero of the Iliad, to shut himself up 
in his tent, refusing to take any further part in the war, 
was the forcible abduction,|by Agamemnon's orders, of his 
beloved captive mistress, Briseis. But in.the course of that 
angry disputation of heroes, which led to this iniquitous 
show of a tyrant's impertinence, Achilles runs over a list of 
grievances, of a nature similar to those which have times out 
of number been regarded as good and sufficient reasons 
for such military and naval insubordination. As translated 
by the late Lord Derby, he with scornful glances, flung in 
the teeth of Agamemnon, the following burning words at 
the close of a bitter speech : 

" With thee, O void of shame! with thee we sailed, 
For Menelaus and for thee, ingrate, 
Glory and fame on Trojan coasts to win 
All this hast thou forgotten, or despised ; 
And threat'nest now to wrest from me the prize 
I laboured hard to win, and Greeks bestowed. 
Nor does my portion ever equal thine, 
When on some populous town our troops have made 
Successful war; in the contentious fight 
The largest portion of the toil is mine ; 
But when the day of distribution comes, 
Thine is the richest spoil ; while I, forsooth, 
Must be too well content to bear on board 
Some paltry prize for all my warlike toil. 
To Phthia now I go ; so better far 
To steer my homeward course, and leave thee here, 
Dishonoured as thou art, nor like, I deem, 
To fill thy coffers with the spoils of war." 

lie did not go to Phthia; he went to his tent and sat in It 
in sorrow and gloom ; and thus he took a 



INTR OD UCT10N. 



" Vengeance deep and deadly; whence to Greece 
Unnumbered ills arose ; which many a soul 
Of mighty warriors to the viewless shades 
Untimely sent ; they on the battle plain 
Unburied lay, a prey to ravening dogs, 
And carrion birds." 

Achilles and his myrmidons held aloof from the gigantic 
struggle, in which Europe and Asia are represented as 
striving for the mastery in the control of the world's civili- 
sation, till the Greeks were humbled to such a degree, that 
Agamemnon was fain to advise them to take their flight 
homewards. This counsel was opposed by the chiefs, and 
an embassy was sent to the mighty malcontent, offering 
him in addition to costly presents, the restoration of Briseis. 
All in vain. Patroclus, however, his dearest friend, received, 
after much entreaty, permission from him. to go into the field 
with the myrmidons, and their horses and armour. Patro- 
clus was slain ; and Achilles rose in wrath to recover the 
body, disdaining drink or food, till the death of his friend 
should be avenged. After wounding and slaying many 
Trojans, he chased Hector three times round the walls of 
Troy, then slew him, tied the dead body of the most 
illustrious of the Trojans to his chariot, and dragged it on 
the ground to the- ships of the Greeks. Before Troy was 
taken, Achilles fell himself at the Scaean gate. Thus was 
precipitated the death of the handsomest and bravest of all 
the Greeks, by a complicated series of events, the links of 
which were forged and knit to each other by a mutinous 
line of conduct he felt compelled to pursue. 

" But so had Jove decreed, 
From that sad day when first in wordy war, 
The mighty Agamemnon, king of men, 
Confronted stood by Pelen's godlike son. " 

The history of Rome, like the history of every military 
power in ancient and modern times, supplies many records 



10 INTRODUCTION. 



of historical mutinies mutinies, that is, of wide and far 
reaching influence over the subsequent development of the 
country's resources and institutions. The most memorable 
incident of this nature was the Secessio Crustumerina, or 
withdrawal to the Sacred Mount Mons Sacer. This event 
took place in the year 493 B.C. The Roman plebeians, 
obliged to shed their blood in the wars, and subject to the 
most rigorous laws at home, had been reduced to the direst 
poverty. During the continual wars their farms and fields 
had been neglected by themselves, and were ravaged by 
foreign enemies. The poverty thus induced had laid them 
under the terrible necessity of borrowing money from the 
wealthy patricians at an exorbitant rate of interest. An 
insolvent debtor at Rome in those days, as at Athens, 
previously to the wise and humane legislation of Solon, 
could be by law deprived of freedom, and even of life ; not 
only himself, but his children and grandchildren, might be 
laid hold of as slaves, and thrown, like so much waste, into 
the private dungeons of the nobles. The number of toil- 
worn plebeians thus reduced to slavery, about five cen- 
turies before the beginning of the Christian era, was as 
dangerous to the state as it was multitudinous. Excluded 
from all share in the administration of the republic, while 
forced to fight hard battles in its service, the plebeians felt 
more miserable during peace than in time of war; and 
enjoyed more freedom on the field of battle, than they 
could lay claim to on their own wretched fields and farms 
at home when they happened to have any. Such a state 
of things needed only one spark to kindle a fearful confla- 
gration. 

The story of Virginius tells of another withdrawal of the 
plebs, in a spirit of self-defending rebellion, nearly fifty 
years later. A father who preferred to snatch a knife from 
a butcher's stall, and plunge it ia the breast of his daughter 



INTRODUCTION. 11 

Virginia, a lovely and modest maiden, to seeing her a toy 
to gratify the lust of Appius Claudius, offers a strong temp- 
tation to dwell upon his sorrows, and the appalling slaughter 
of his child, which ranks Virginia with Jephthah's daughter 
and Iphigenia. But a halt must be called to this enumera- 
tion of mutinies in an introduction. History is full of them. 
The Roman empire gradually became the victim of muti- 
nous praetorians. In modern times the conduct of the 
Turkish janizaries is an attractive study to one whose atten- 
tion has been turned to the aspect of the restlessness and 
resistance of men under restraint and oppression. Their 
annihilation may be looked upon as a reverse mutiny. 
The plot so effectually carried out by the Sultan Mahmood 
for their total destruction, was one of the sternest retribu- 
tions in history. Mahmood took years to mature his plan ; 
and when the time came, he mowed down the janizaries, 
who were cooped up in the narrow streets of Constantinople. 
Grape-shot, muskets, and fire destroyed above 20,000 sedi- 
tious soldiers in the month of June 1825. 

There is on record a naval mutiny, which occurred in 
a British fleet more than sixty years before the first pass- 
ing of the Mutiny Act. Hume tells the interesting story 
of it in his own lucid style. " When," he says, " James [I.] 
deserted the Spanish alliance, and courted that of France, 
he promised to furnish Lewis [XIII], who was entirely 
destitute of naval force, with one ship of war, together 
with seven armed vessels hired from the merchants. 
These the French court pretended they would employ 
against the Genoese, who being firm and useful allies 
to the Spanish monarchy, were naturally regarded with 
an evil eye, both by the king of France and of England. 
When these vessels, by Charles's [I.] orders, arrived at 
Dieppe, there arose a strong suspicion that they were 
to serve against Rochelle. The sailors were inflamed 



1 2 INTROD VCTtON. 



That race of men, who are at present both careless and 
ignorant in all matters of religion, were at that time 
only ignorant. They drew up a remonstrance to Pen- 
nington, their commander, and signing all their names 
in a circle, lest he should discover the ringleaders, they laid it 
under his prayer-book. Pennington declared that he would 
rather be hanged in England for disobedience, than fight 
against his brother Protestants in France. The whole 
squadron sailed immediately to the Downs. There they re- 
ceived new orders from Buckingham, lord admiral, to return 
to Dieppe. As the Duke knew that authority alone could 
not suffice, he employed much art and many subtilties to 
engage them to obedience ; and a rumour that was spread, 
that peace had been concluded between the French king 
and the Huguenots, assisted him in his purpose. When 
they arrived at Dieppe, they found that they had been 
deceived. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who commanded one 
of the vessels, broke through and returned to England. 
AH the officers and sailors of all the other ships, notwith- 
standing great offers made them by the French, imme- 
diately deserted. One gunner alone preferred duty towards 
his king to the cause of religion ; and he was afterwards 
killed in charging a cannon before Rochelle." We are not 
told that any attempt was made to punish these mutineers. 
Indeed, we may infer that they escaped scot free ; fcr 
Hume adds: "The care which historians have taken to 
record this frivolous event, proves with what pleasure the 
news was received by the nation. The House of Commons, 
when informed of these transactions, showed the same 
attachment with the sailors for the Protestant religion." 
This took place in the year 1625, and the Mutiny Act was 
first passed in 1689. Before that year there did not exist 
in Great Britain any power to try soldiers by court-martial, 
and offenders against military discipline used to be handed 



INTRODUCTION. 13 

over to civil judges. A law was, however, then passed 
conferring on regimental authorities the power to hold 
courts-martial for the trial of mutiny, desertion, and other 
offences of a military kind, and also for the punishment 
of proved offenders. This extreme law, not easily under- 
stood in our days, suspended the civil rights of a citizen, 
and was therefore ordained to endure for only six months, 
with a very probable expectation that it would not require 
renewal. But six months mean less than a moment in the 
history of a great country. At the end of the prescribed 
time there was more need of the law than ever ; it was ac- 
cordingly re-enacted, and has been, session of Parliament 
after session, kept faithfully in action. There has been a 
deeply interesting succession of mutiny bills, and many a 
ministry they have endangered. By the authority they con- 
fer, a degree of discipline has been maintained in the army, 
without which every regiment might have been dissolved into 
a rabble ; and the Houses of Parliament have been enabled 
to exert a continual control over the military forces of the 
empire. This has been effected by means of the annual ap- 
propriation of money to warlike purposes. Many a tough 
fight has there been in Parliament over the Mutiny Bill ; 
but, as it stands, the provisions are such as keep a great 
body of what might seem uncontrollable men in tolerable 
order. Standing armies are not ancient institutions. The 
paid soldier of our day is quite a modern invention, which 
it is difficult to imagine back into the feudal or any other 
phase of earlier civilisation. The plebs of old Rome, who 
made up the rank and file of the omnipotent armies of that 
peculiarly merciless agglomeration of cities and states, were 
something very unlike the hired soldiers of our time. In- 
deed, when one tries to compare or contrast the action of a 
body of ancient Romans retiring to the Mons Sacer, and a 
mutiny in a modern regiment, and to take into account the 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

respective results, he feels how almost impossible it is to 
realise to the imagination the difference between an army 
in the olden time and the gaudily-coated body of kindly 
men, hired to kill, according to law, that he sees and meets 
in this age of ours. To read the Mutiny Act, the control 
of which is regarded by the British House of Commons as 
one of its special and peculiar privileges, is to become aware 
of more subjections to death than powder and balls can 
effect, to which our fellow-citizens are exposed when they 
enlist as soldiers. It is against law to raise or keep a stand- 
ing army within the united kingdom of Great Britain and 
Ireland in time of peace, unless it be with the consent of 
Parliament. With that consent the law becomes a very stern 
affair, as may be inferred from the following list of crimes 
punishable with death which are enumerated in section 15 
of the Act as passed for 1872. The section referred to 
says : " If any person subject to this Act shall at any time 
during the continuance of this Act begin, excite, cause, or 
join in any mutiny or sedition in any forces belonging to 
her Majesty's army, or her Majesty's royal marines, or 
shall not use his utmost endeavours to suppress the same ; 
or shall conspire with any other person to cause a mutiny, 
or shall not, without delay, give information thereof to his 
commanding officer ; or shall hold correspondence with or 
give advice or intelligence to any rebel or enemy of her 
Majesty, either by letters, messages, signs, or tokens, in 
any manner or way whatsoever ; or shall treat or enter into 
any terms with such rebel or enemy without her Majesty's 
licence, or licence of the general or chief commander ; or 
shall misbehave himself before the enemy ; or shall shame- 
fully abandon or deliver up any garrison, fortress, post, or 
guard committed to his charge, or which he shall have 
been commanded to defend ; or shall compel the governor 
or commanding officer of any garrison, fortress, or post, to 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

deliver up to the enemy or to abandon the same ; or shall 
speak words, or use any other means to induce such 
governor or commanding officer, or others, to misbehave 
before the enemy, or shamefully to abandon or deliver up 
any garrison, fortress, post, or guard committed to their 
respective charge, or which he or they shall be commanded 
to defend ; or shall desert her Majesty's service ; or shall 
leave his post before being regularly relieved ; or shall 
sleep on his post ; or shall strike, or shall use or offer any 
violence against his superior officer, being in the execution 
of his office, or shall disobey any lawful command of his 
superior officer ; or who being confined in a military prison 
shall offer any violence against a visitor or other his superior 
military officer, being in the execution of his office ; all 
and every person and persons so offending in any of the 
matters before mentioned, whether such offence be com- 
mitted within this realm or in any other of her Majesty's 
dominions, or in foreign parts, upon land or upon the sea, 
shall suffer death, or penal servitude, or such other punish- 
ment as by a court-martial shall be awarded : Provided 
always, that any non-commissioned officer or soldier at- 
tested for or in pay in any regiment or corps, who shall, 
without having first obtained a regular discharge there- 
from, enlist himself in her Majesty's army, may be deemed 
to have deserted her Majesty's service, and shall be liable 
to be punished accordingly." 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 

January 1857 November 1858. 



CHAPTER I, 



THE PROPHECY. 



IT was in March 1856 that the 
Marquis of Dalhousie's vice- 
regal reign in India terminated. 
That nobleman handed over 
the reins of Government to 
Viscount Canning, with a firm 
conviction that there was a 
bright and cheerful immediate 
future for the country. He put 
this conviction on record in a 
report which he presented to 
the Court of Directors of the 
Honourable East India Com- 
pany, the concluding words of 
which are : " I trust that I am 
guilty of no presumption in say- 
ing that I shall leave the Indian 
empire in peace without and 
within." 

In January 1857 the great 
Indian mutiny broke out, the 
wildest and widest rising of 
soldiers in military revolt which 
is recorded in history. 

There had been several mu- 
tinies before this culminating 
one among the native troops of 
the India Company's army. As 
long ago as July 10, 1806, a 



rather formidable one took place 
at Vellore, a town in the Car- 
natic, in the Madras presi- 
dency, and a few miles west of 
Madras. 

At two o'clock in the morn- 
ing of the day mentioned, the 
European barracks in that towr 
was a scene of confusion and 
terror. It contained four com- 
panies of the 6 9th Regiment, 
and these were surrounded by 
two battalions of Sepoys in the 
Company's service, who poured 
in upon the soldiers through 
every door and window a heavy 
fire of musketry. The sentries, 
the soldiers at the main-guard, 
and the sick in the hospital, 
were massacred. The officers' 
houses were ransacked, and all 
their inmates murdered. 

Help had to be sent for. 
Colonel Gillespie arrived with 
his i Qth Light Dragoons, and 
attacked the Sepoys. Over Six 
hundred of them were cut down 
in the fight that ensued, and 
two hundred were afterwards 
' B 



18 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



shot who had been dragged 
from their hiding places. Of 
the four European companies 
164 men, besides officers, perish- 
ed, and many British officers of 
the Sepoys were murdered. 

The reason for the outbreak 
was never satisfactorily ascer- 
tained. At least no reason was 
found out which would seem to 
a British intellect to be at all 
adequate ; but judging from the 
reasons we shall subsequently 
have to take into account for 
the great mutiny, it is perhaps 
too much to expect any reason- 
able proportion between the 
cause of a bloody outbreak and 
its frightful results among our 
native Indian fellow-subjects. 

All that ever came to light 
as a probable cause of this out- 
rage was that an attempt had 
been made by the military autho- 
rities at Madras to change the 
shape of the Sepoy turban. It 
was to be made something re- 
sembling the helmet of the light 
infantry of Europe, and this 
would prevent the natives from 
exhibiting on their foreheads the 
marks of their various castes. 

A more probable supposition, 
and one which renders some 
approach to a reasonable cause 
of the mutiny, was that the sons 
of Tippoo Saib, the deposed 
ruler of Mysore, along with 
many distinguished Moham- 
medans, who had been deprived 
of office in consequence of his 
deposition, were at that time in 
Vellore; and these influential 
personages would, no doubt, 
while using other arts to alienate 



the native troops from the Com- 
pany's service, arouse them to 
this murderous mutiny by in- 
flaming their suspicions regard- 
ing any endeavour to tamper 
with their religious usages. 

Many cases of insubordina- 
tion occurred between 1806 and 
1857, but none of them was so 
terrible as this one. 

There have been numerous 
theories propounded as to the 
reasons for the latter mutiny. 
One we mention only to dis- 
miss, as something too bad. 
It is that the Honourable East 
India Company's agents were 
the really active parties to 
getting the affair up, in order 
that that wealthy corporation 
might get rid of a great many 
very expensive pensioners, 
native princes, and others, who 
would be sure to join the 
daring plot with a view to re- 
cover their original estates and 
power. Well, this would be 
one way of making money, by 
saving it. But, for the sake of 
human nature, in the light of 
the subsequent events, let us 
dismiss the frightful thought 
that such base means could be 
thought of for an end so dis- 
honest. 

Another reason assigned seems 
to deserve some attention. It 
was a fact that the mutiny was 
mainly among the troops of the 
presidency of Bengal. The 
Bombay and Madras armies did 
not join in it to any extent, such 
as would affect this reason as- 
signed for the rising. Was there 
any observable difference in the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



19 



discipline or the characteristic 
dispositions of these troops 
which would account for the 
disaffection of the Bengalese ? 

Lord Melville thought there 
was. He, as General Dundas, 
had held a command during 
the Punjaub war; and shortly 
after the news of the mutiny 
reached this country, he stated 
in the House of Lords that 
there were marked differences 
in the disciplinary arrangements 
of the Bengal army from the 
others. In that army the native 
* officers were, in nearly all cases, 
selected by seniority, and not 
by merit. They could not, there- 
fore, rise from the ranks till 
they began to feel themselves 
getting old men; and in the 
middle time of life a sense of 
hopelessness cankered the minds 
of the Sepoys. In the armies 
of Bombay and Madras, on the 
contrary, the sergeants were 
selected for their intelligence 
and activity. This difference 
Lord Melville thought wellworth 
consideration, when, in point of 
fact, it had occurred that the 
one army was mutinous and the 
other two remained loyal. 

He asserted besides that the 
Bengal troops were notoriously 
more prone to insubordination 
than were the men of the other 
two presidencies. He men- 
tioned one instance at the siege 
of Moultan, when the Bengal 
Sepoys refused to dig in the 
trenches, because their duty was 
to fight and not to work ; and 
another of three native Bengal 
officers of the Engineers being 



detected in an endeavour to 
plunder and appropriate stores. 

But the preliminary process 
of preparation for the awful 
event, which many people seem 
to regard as having been the 
most directly effective, was that 
the Sepoys rose against the 
British power, with a view to 
the fulfilment of a prophecy. 
And every reader of Oriental 
literature, ancient and modern, 
is aware of what a mighty and 
resistless force an idea of this 
sort is capable of becoming in 
minds which are influenced by 
the exciting as well as enervating 
climate of the East. 

The close of the year 1856 
was the completion of a century 
of British rule in India. It is 
true enough that the East India 
Company had been trading with 
that country since about the 
year 1600, but it was only in 
the middle of the eighteenth 
century that their commercial 
relations with India had been 
developed into political control 
over large portions of it. The 
year 1757 was a year stored 
up, hoarded with care in the 
traditions of Hindoos and Mo- 
hammedans, especially of the 
latter. It was a year to be 
avenged, because it brought on 
their forefathers a swift retribu- 
tion. The Black Hole of Cal- 
cutta had been crowded with 
murderous intent the year before 
by Suraj-u-Dowlah, Nawab of 
Bengal, with 130 persons, while 
it had room enough only for 
little over thirty the number 
who died from suffocation. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



This brought Robert Clive 
from Madras with a small body 
of troops. On February 4, 1 7 5 7, 
he with 2000 men defeated the 
army of the Nawab, numbering 
20,000. Five days later he ob- 
tained great concessions from 
Suraj by treaty in the interest 
of the Company, whose power 
in Bengal had for a time been 
utterly extinguished. The treaty 
was only a blind for treachery; 
but Suraj had met Clive, and 
that was more than a realisation 
of what happens when Greek 
meets Greek. While the Ben- 
gal potentate was craftily plot- 
ting, the young- British officer 
had matured an audacious plan. 
He declared hostilities against 
Suraj, who had 60,000, while he 
could only muster 3000; and 
with his 3000, at Plassey, nine- 
teen days after he had arrived 
at Calcutta, he utterly routed the 
Nawab's 60,000, and sent him 
fleeing, a miserable fugitive, to 
die of despair in less than a week. 

It was on that day, February 
2 3> I 757> tnat British power 
became supreme in Bengal. 

That was a day to be remem- 
bered. And it was. British 
officers in India noted it, and 
remembered it well. So, as has 
been said above, did especially 
the Mohammedans. The for- 
mer would intend, no doubt, 
at every mess-table, to toast 
it with a bumper. The hun- 
dredth anniversary of Plassey 
was to be observed in great style 
at home. The latter, with Shy- 
lock-like expressiveness, wash- 
ing their hands with invisible 



soap, noiselessly laying the one 
palm on the other, while they 
flashed an Oriental resolve on 
blood from their amber eyes, 
did something more than in- 
tend that on it a merciless cen- 
tenary should be held. They 
would, at whatever cost of blood 
and treasure, expel from their 
country the Nazarene intruders, 
and restore the power of the 
followers of the Prophet. 

The prophecy was invented. 
A paper, purporting to be of no 
less a character than the scroll 
of an ancient oracle, was put in 
circulation among the people. 
It was represented to contain a 
prophecy made by a Punjaub 
Fakeer in the twelfth century. 
Seven hundred years ago, so 
the people were informed, it 
had been foretold that after 
various dynasties of Moham- 
medans had ruled for some 
centuries, the Nazarenes, or 
Christians, should hold power 
in India for one hundred years ; 
that the Nazarenes would then 
be expelled ; that various events 
foretold in the Koran would 
then come to pass; and that 
Islamism would become tri- 
umphant accordingly. 

This was the prophecy. It 
was widely circulated. But its 
authenticity can easily be dis- 
missed if we read it as referring 
directly to British Christians; 
for no such people were known 
even by name to any Fakeer of 
India in the twelfth century. 
But the wily prophecy-mongers 
of the nineteenth century would 
easily get over that difficulty by 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



asserting that Nazarenes, not 
Britons, were referred to; and 
the people they were duping 
would need no such explana- 
tion. It could not be made 
more plain to them than it was 
as they received it, a prediction 
of the immediate end of British 
power in India. 

But this was to be a revival 



of the Mohammedan power, and 
yet the Hindoos joined in the 
plot. True, but not strange. 
It is the old story of a common 
danger. Strange bedfellows are 
admitted on such an occasion, 
but some of them may take 
their own several ways after a 
night's restorative sleep has re- 
adjusted their brains. 



CHAPTER II. 



LOTUS-FLOWERS AND CHUPATTIES. 



FROM about the middle of 1856, 
indeed ever since the final ar- 
rangements for the annexation 
of Oude, which was regarded 
by many as the crowning glory 
of Lord Dalhousie's administra- 
tion, two procedures, the one 
among the military and the other 
among civilians, might havebeen 
taken note of; but they did not 
arouse serious attention till after- 
wards. The mutiny, being a 
terrible fact, was felt to require 
explanation, at which time they 
were, with due after-wisdom, 
discovered to have been pre- 
monitory symptoms of some- 
thing wrong in the feelings of a 
certain portion of the natives. 

The one mystery was the 
delivering and passing-on of the 
lotus-flower. It was nothing 
uncommon ; in fact it was a com- 
mon occurrence, for a man to 
come to a cantonment with this 
flower and cresent it to the chief 



native officer of a regiment. The 
flower was handed from soldier 
to soldier in the regiment, each 
man took it, looked at it, and 
passed it on. But no one said 
a word. The last man looked 
at it and kept silence like all 
the others ; and having nobody 
then to give it to, he disap-' 
peared, and took it to another 
military station, where the lotus 
re-enacted its proverbially silenc- 
ing charm. Such is what might 
have been observed among the 
military under that oppressively 
subdued state of the atmosphere 
which prevailed before the earth- 
quake cleared it. 

Among the civilians this took 
place about the same period. 
A messenger would come to a 
village, seek out the elder or 
head man of the village, and 
present him with six chupatties. 
These w,ere small cakes of un- 
leavened bread, about tw inches 



22 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



in diameter, made of Indian- 
corn meal, and forming no part 
of the Sepoys' diet. In making 
the present to the elder the 
messenger would say : " These 
six cakes are sent to you ; you 
will make six others, and send 
them on to the next village." 
The six cakes were accepted by 
that official, and he punctually 
sent forward the other six ac- 
cording to directions apparently 
imperative. 

What all this meant it was 
not easy for any one not in the 
secret to understand. No one 
would say, whether he knew 
or not, which was the first vil- 
lage from which the cakes issued. 
Their earliest appearance was 
in the north-west provinces 
around Delhi. In some places 
it was ascertained that the chu- 
patties were to be kept till called 
for, others being sent on in 
place of those left. This being 
kept till called for is the only 
additional item which seems to 
have been added to the know- 
ledge of British officials. What 
the whole thing may have meant 
remained to them a secret and 
a mystery. If it was a secret 
correspondence being carried 
on, it had a wide range through 
that vast and thickly-populated 
country from the Sutlej to 
Patna. 

The mutiny revealed the fact 
that an extensive correspond- 
ence of some sort must have 
been carried on. It might have 
been through the post-office, for 
it is a well known fact that not 
a single letter was opened by 



way of suspecting anything 
wrong on a large scale. But 
arch-plotters never trust their 
gravest secrets to any ordinary 
means of communication. They 
know not the hour when sus- 
picion may dlight on it. There 
was a wide-spread ferment. The 
prophecy was enough to pro- 
duce it. Some seemed only 
more than usually excited, 
others seemed to labour under 
a mere general apprehension or 
expectation; in some it was a 
panic, but many were no doubt 
affected deeply with disaffec- 
tion and aware of the great con- 
spiracy. 

The following lew facts were 
taken note of at the time and 
put on record, as from the volu- 
minous correspondence carried 
on between India and all the 
world at the time, every indica- 
tion was. One evening earlj 
in 1856 a Sepoy gave informa- 
tion of the intention of the men 
at Fort William at Calcutta to 
riseagainsttheirofficersand seize 
that stronghold. On another 
occasion a fanatical Moham- 
medan priest of high rank was 
detected at Oude preaching war 
against the infidels. A paper 
was found on his person con- 
taining a proclamation to the 
people, inciting them to rebel- 
lion. One day two Sepoys were 
discovered attempting to sap 
the fidelity of the guard at the 
Calcutta mint. An English 
surgeon at Lucknow got his 
house burned down for putting 
his lips to a bottle of medicine 
before giving it to a Sepoy 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



patient. This was regarded as a 
pollution ; a pundit was sent for 
to exorcise the evil ; but would 
they have dared to burn down 
the doctor's house if public feel- 
ing had not been dangerously 
charged with explosive ele- 
ments? A refusal to accept 
furlough was significant, but as 
a sign it was not read at the 
time. The circumstances were. 
The commander-in-chief gave 
notice on March 6, 1856, that 
the native army would receive 
as usual the annual indulgence 
of furlough from the ist of April 
to a date specified. But four- 
teen men of the 63d Native 
Regiment, stationed at Soorie, 
would not accept the leave of 



absence, asserting that they 
knew that none of the regiments 
at Barrackpore intended to take 
theirs. 

Such were a few of the omens. 
It is an old habit of the histo- 
rian, witness Livy, to gather as 
many of them as he can after 
the battle is over and the book 
about it is being written. It 
may not be a very profitable 
exercise. It lends no comfort 
to mourners who have lost their 
loved ones among the brave. 
Indeed it seems only to gratify 
a species of afterwit in human 
nature. But there is such a 
peculiarity in man, and books 
are written and compiled, among 
other things, to gratify it. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE GREASED CARTRIDGES. 



THE Mohammedan holds the 
pig in abhorrence, and the 
Hindoo venerates the cow. It 
is sacrilege in the religion of 
the latter to touch with his lips 
the animal he is taught to hold 
sacred ; to do the same with the 
rooting, cloven-footed grunter is 
a defilement, and an abomina- 
tion to the religious sense of 
the former. The slaughter of 
a cow in a Hindoo village is a 
procedure to be carefully avoid- 
ed. In large towns scrupulous 
care has to be taken that the 
natives learn as little about 



slaughtering when it goes on as 
possible. Killing a man may 
induce fears of retribution from 
men ; to kill a cow invokes the 
wrath of the god they fear. If 
the whole race of swine were 
annihilated, the result would be 
a religious joy to the Mussulman, 
but his lips must not touch even 
the fat of one of them. 

The immediate occasion of 
the great Indian mutiny was the 
issuing of greased cartridges to 
the Sepoys. 

This fact is so well put in an 
article in the Edinburgh Review, 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



No. 216 that it becomes a 
duty to refer all readers who 
desire to become acquainted 
with an eloquent, comprehen- 
sive, and clear discussion of the 
whole question, to it. The rea- 
son assigned for the mutiny by 
this writer was amply attested by 
subsequent events. He says : 
"It is a marvel and a mystery 
that so many years should have 
passed away without an explo- 
sion. At last a firebrand was 
applied to what a single spark 
might have ignited, and in the 
course of a few weeks there was 
a general conflagration. But a 
conflagration which still bears 
more marks of accident than of 
deliberate conspiracy and in- 
cendiarism. In a most unhappy 
hour in an hour laden with a 
concurrence of adverse circum- 
stances the incident of the 
greased cartridges occurred. It 
found the Bengal army in a 
season of profound peace, and 
in a state of relaxed discipline. 
It found the sepoys pondering 
over the predictions and the 
fables which had been so assi- 
duously circulated in their lines 
and their bazaars ; it found 
them with imaginations inflamed 
and fears excited by strange 
stories of the designs of their 
English masters ; it found them, 
as they fancied, with their purity 
of caste threatened, and their 
religious distinctions invaded by 
the proselytising and annexing 
Englishmen. 

" Still there was no palpable 
evidence of this. Everything 
was vague, intangible, obscure. 



Credulous and simple-minded 
as they were, many might have 
retained a lingering confidence 
in the good faith and the good 
intentions of the British Govern- 
ment ; had it not been suddenly 
announced to them, just as they 
were halting between two opi- 
nions, that, in prosecution of 
his long-cherished design to 
break down the religion of 
both the Mohammedan and 
the Hindoo, the Feringhee had 
determined to render their mili- 
tary service the means of their 
degradation, by compelling them 
to apply their lips to a cartridge 
saturated with animal grease 
the fat of the swine being used 
for the pollution of the one, and 
the fat of the cow for the degra- 
dation of the other. If the most 
astute emissaries of evil who 
could be employed for the cor- 
ruption of the Bengal sepoy had 
addressed themselves to the 
task of inventing a lie for the 
confirmation and support of all 
his fears and superstitions, they 
could have found nothing more 
cunningly devised for their pur- 
pose." 

Dissatisfaction first exhibited 
itself among the native troops 
attached to the musketry-depot 
at Dumdum, a few miles out of 
Calcutta, about half-way be- 
tween that city and Barrackpore. 
It is a place where ordnance 
and fire-arms are manufactured. 

It was on February 7, 1857, 
that the Governor-General com- 
municated to the home Go- 
vernment the facts connected 
with this event. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



The sepoys stationed at that 
Woolwich on a humble scale be- 
lieved that the grease used in 
the preparation of cartridges for 
the recently-introduced Enfield 
rifle was composed of the fat of 
pigs and cows. They made no 
secret of their suspicions. When 
their complaints became known 
at the proper quarters, inquiries 
were sent to England for exact 
particulars about the lubricating 
substance used at the ball end 
of the cartridge to facilitate its 
movement through the barrel. 
It was found that in the manu- 
factory of them at Woolwich a 
composition, formed of five parts 
tallow, five parts stearine, and 
one part wax was employed. 
It contained, therefore, cow's 
fat, but not the fat of pigs. 

Pending this inquiry from 
home, the men were for a time 
appeased. The cartridges were 
not sent out to India ready 
greased for use, as the grease 
would soon be absorbed by the 
paper in so hot a country. 
Cartridges without grease were 
issued, and the Sepoys were 
allowed to apply any lubricating 
substance they chose. When the 
ready-made cartridges already 
in store were used up, no more 
were to be obtained from Eng- 
land. The bullets and the 
paper should be sent separately, 
and put together in India. 
Experiments would be made 
both at Woolwich and at Mee- 
rut to produce some lubricating 
substance free from the ingre- 
dients which vexed the religious 
feelings of the men. 



A fact of great significance, 
which should not be passed 
over, was elicited during the in- 
quiry consequent upon the Dum- 
dum men's complaints. On the 
22d January that is, just sixteen 
days before the Governor-Gene- 
ral despatched his report of the 
first beginnings of a revolt, of 
the issue of which he had not 
the remotest conception at the 
time a low caste Hindoo asked 
a sepoy of the 26. Bengal Grena- 
diers to give him a little water 
from his bottle. The sepoy, 
being a Brahmin, refused, as- 
serting as his reason that the 
touch of the applicant would 
defile his bottle. The low-caste 
retorted that the Brahmin need 
not pride himself on his caste, 
for he would soon lose it, as he 
would ere long be required to 
bite off the ends of cartridges 
covered with the fat of pigs and 
cows. The Brahmin, alarmed, 
spread the report, and the native 
troops became afraid, as it was 
alleged, that when they went 
home their friends would refuse 
to eat with them. When this 
became known to the British 
officers, the native troops were 
drawn up on parade, and en- 
couraged to state the grounds 
of their dissatisfaction. All the 
native sergeants and corporals, 
and two-thirds of all the privates, 
at once stepped forward, express- 
ed their abhorrence of having 
to touch anything containing the 
fat of cows and pigs, and sug- 
gested the employment of wax 
or oil for lubricating the cart- 
ridges. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



The grumbling at Dumdum 
and the soothing measures which 
followed, were but as the gentle 
letting out of the waters, the first 
oozings of the destructive inun- 
dation which was soon to ap- 
pall the world. 

The story of the mutiny leads 
the summary -teller of it next 
to the town of Barrackpore, a 
suburban residence of the Go- 
vernor-General, where he pos- 
sesses a very fine mansion in 
the midst of a splendid park, 
about sixteen miles north of 
Calcutta. The salubrity of the 
air and the beauty of the Hoogly 
at this place is, no doubt, the 
reason of the selection of this 
place for a vice-regal residence ; 
and these facts, together with 
the neighbourhood of vice-roy- 
alty, have attracted numerous 
European families to betake 
themselves to this Oriental 
Windsor, where they may air 
themselves in the garden and 
promenade attached to the Go- 
vernor-General's magnificent 
villa. 

Six regiments of native in- 
fantry, with a full complement 
of officers, were before the 
mutiny usually cantoned at Bar- 
rackpore. The men were hutted 
in commodious lines, and the 
officers had their quarters in 
bungalows or lodges. 

It was here that the second 
tottering step was taken in that 
movement which was soon to 
rush along with the strides of a 
ruthless demon bent on destruc- 
tion. The Sepoys at Barrack- 
pore refused to bite off the ends 



of their cartridges, on account 
of the animal fat supposed to 
be contained in the grease with 
which the paper was lubricated. 
General Hearsey held a special 
court of inquiry at the place on 
the 6th of February to ascertain 
the reason why the men would 
not perform this necessary pre- 
liminary to the loading of a 
rifle. Th e answers of the sepoys 
were all pretty much to the same 
effect. One was afraid that the 
paper of the cartridge might 
affect his caste, because it was 
a new kind of paper which he 
had never seen before, and it 
was reported that it contained 
fat. Besides, the paper was 
stiff and like cloth, and it tore 
differently from that formerly 
used. Another objected to the 
paper because it was tough, and 
burned as if it contained grease. 
He stated that great alarm had 
been caused to the men on the 
4th of February, when a piece 
of cartridge paper was dipped 
into water and afterwards burn- 
ed. It made a fizzing noise, 
and smelt as if there was grease 
in it. Everybody, he said, was 
dissatisfied with the paper be- 
cause it was glazed, and had 
the shine of wax-cloth. 

A native captain frankly stated 
that he himself had no objection 
to the cartridge, but there was 
a general report that the paper 
contained fat. A lieutenant was 
positive that there was grease 
in it. He felt assured of it. It 
differed from the paper which 
had been always used for cart- 
ridges. A sepoy had no objec- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



ticns to the paper at all, but his 
comrades had, and that was 
enough to make him refuse to 
bite the end off the cartridge. 

A lieutenant made a most 
important statement He said 
that on the 5th of the month he 
joined a great crowd which was 
assembled on the parade ground. 
They told him they were deter- 
mined to die for their religion. 
If they could concert a plan 
that evening, they would on the 
next night plunder the station, 
kill all the Europeans, and then 
depart whither they pleased. 
The number of men, he said, 
was about 300 ; they belonged 
to different regiments, and each 
had his head tied up in a cloth 
so that only a small part of his 
face could be seen. 

The matter seemed to those 
who inquired into it a trifling 
affair. They did not know that 
these men, at the beginning of 
February, had sent letters and 
emissaries to the soldiers at 
other stations, inviting them to 
rise in revolt against the British. 

A discussion about bits of 
cartridge and items of grease 
looked ridiculous. But at the 
same time the ruling authorities 
at Barrackpore saw clearly that 
there was a sincere prejudice 
to be humoured, if they did not 
even guess that there was a wide 
conspiracy to be met and put 
down. They determined to 
yield to the religious feelings of 
the sepoys in this matter, so far 
as the efficiency of the service 
was not affected. 

If the sepoys would not bite 



off the end of the cartridge, 
they might tear it off. A trial 
was made, therefore, of this 
mode of loading a rifle. Tear 
off the end of the cartridge with 
your left hand, was the instruc- 
tion which resulted. The com- 
mander-in-chief, finding this 
method of loading sufficiently 
practicable, consented to it both 
for percussion muskets and for 
rifles. He, like his subordi- 
nates, had no wish to keep up 
irritation by sticking to a mere 
formalism in such a matter. 
The Governor-General, by virtue 
of his supreme command, 
ordered the adoption of the 
same system throughout India. 

A bolder step was taken at 
Berhampore, a town above a 
hundred miles up the Ganges 
from Calcutta, to which a por- 
tion of the 34th Bengal infantry 
was marched from Barrackpore 
about the 24th of February. 
The new comers were made 
very heartily welcome by the 
men of the iQth native infantry, 
stationed there at the time ; and, 
during the feasting which oc- 
curred, they gossiped about the 
greased cartridges, and Dumdum 
and Barrackpore. These stories 
excited those who heard them 
very visibly. Fears and sus- 
picions were aroused among the 
men of the igth. They seemed 
not to know what to believe. 
They soon showed, by breaking 
out into insubordination, that 
they put no trust in the promises 
of change made by the military 
authorities. 

Being ordered out, on the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



26th of February, for exercise 
with blank cartridges, they re- 
fused to receive the percussion 
caps. This was to render firing 
impossible ; and, of course, to 
secure that there would be no 
need for even tearing cartridges. 
The cartridges were the lion in 
the way. They alleged that 
the cartridge paper was of two 
kinds ; that they doubted the 
qualities of one or both of them; 
and that they believed there 
was the fat of cows or pigs in 
the grease employed. They 
were acting from their fears, or 
they were acting a part. There 
was no ground for their asser- 
tions. The cartridges offered 
them were the very same in 
kind as they had used for many 
years, and had been made up 
before a single Enfield rifle 
had reached India. If their 
fears and suspicions were honest, 
this is only another illustration 
of the danger of honest igno- 
rance when the public mind 
gets excited. 

This was something more 
serious than a complaint or a 
petition. It required a prompt 
manifestation of the power of 
military authority. It was a 
difficult position for the com- 
manding officer ; and after the 
issue, experienced military men, 
acquainted with the natives 
and their ways, differed in 
opinion as to whether Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Mitchell took 
the right course. But he had 
to act according to his best 
judgment. 

Accordingly, Lieutenant-Col- 



onel Mitchell, the command- 
ing officer, ordered a detach- 
ment of native cavalry and a 
battery of native artillery the 
only troops at Barrackpore, 
besides the portion of the 34th 
Bengal infantry, and the igth 
native infantry, already re- 
ferred to to be on parade 
the following morning. But 
between ten and eleven o'clock 
at night the men of the iQth 
broke open the armouries 
circular brick buildings called 
bells took possession of their 
muskets and ammunition, and 
carried them to their lines. 

The next day the guns were 
got ready ; and the officers pro- 
ceeded to the parade ground. 
But there they found the men 
in undress, armed, formed in line, 
and shouting. They threatened 
to kill the officers if they came 
near. The commander-in-chief 
expostulated with them; he 
pointed out the absurdity of 
their suspicions ; he said their 
present behaviour was unworthy 
of the character they had ac- 
quired; and commanded them 
to give up their arms, and return 
peaceably to their lines. The 
native officers said the men 
would refuse to do so, unless 
the cavalry and artillery were 
withdrawn. The colonel with- 
drew them, and the mutineers 
yielded. What in the circum- 
stances could he do ? If he had 
used force, he had only natives 
to order to shoot down natives 
a very difficult position, in- 
deed, for an officer in such a 
position. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



This affair had to be further 
looked into. It could not end 
here. News was sent of it to 
the Calcutta authorities. They 
could not venture to proceed to 
punish the mutineers with so 
few European troops at hand. 
So they sent to Rangoon, in 
Pegu, for her Majesty's 84th 
foot. The message was sent 
quietly, and the orders were 
that the 84th should come up 
to Calcutta quickly. This was 
on the 4th of March. On the 
2oth the regiment arrived. The 
governor-general and Major- 
General Hearsey then felt them- 
selves strong enough to take a 
very decided step. They re- 
solved on the disbandment of 
the native regiment which had 
disregarded the orders of its 
officers. 

On the 3ist of March the 
1 9th regiment of native infantry 
was marched from Berhampore 
to Barrackpore. There the men 
were disarmed, paid off, march- 
ed out of the cantonment, and 
conveyed across the river in 
steamers, placed for the pur- 
pose. The regiment was punish- 
ed by being annihilated. There 
was no personal military punish- 
ment inflicted on any of the 
mutineers. But it was a pretty 
severe retribution : the men 
were left penniless and out of 
occupation. 

As to those of the 34th regi- 
ment of Bengal infantiy, who 
remained at Barrackpore, they 
caused a good deal of vexation 
and embarrassment to the Go- 
vernment When they heard 



of the disturbances at Berham- 
pore, they became greatly ex- 
cited. They attended to their 
duties with sullen doggedness; 
and meetings were held among 
them by night, at which speeches 
were made, sympathising with 
the mutineers up the river. 

When her Majesty's 84th 
arrived at Calcutta, they became 
more excited. They thought 
something directly against them- 
selves was intended. They 
gave over whispering, began to 
murmur, and even to express 
openly their sympathy with the 
mutineers at Berhampore. 

When the igth were marched 
from Berhampore to be dis- 
banded, the conduct of the 34th 
became audacious. They sent 
a deputation, which met the 
1 9th about eight miles from 
Barrackpore, and proposed that 
they should that very night kill 
all their officers, march to 
Barrackpore, join the 2d and 
34th, fire the bungalows, sur- 
prise and overwhelm the Euro- 
peans, seize the guns, and then 
march against Calcutta. The 
1 9th were too repentant to listen 
to these vengeful and daring 
proposals. 

On the 29th of March, a 
sepoy of the 34th, armed with 
a sword and loaded musket, 
traversed the lines in a state of 
wild intoxication, and called 
upon his comrades to revolt, 
declaring that he would shoot 
the first European he met. 
Lieutenant Baugh, adjutant ot 
the corps, hearing of this, rode 
hastily to the lines. The sepoy 



so 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



fired, but while missing the ad- 
jutant, hit his horse. The 
lieutenant fired his pistol, but 
also missed. The sepoy then 
attacked him with the sword he 
was brandishing, wounded him 
in the hand, brought him to the 
ground, and tried to induce the 
other soldiers to join in the 
attack. While the men would 
not join, they looked quietly on 
without offering to assist the 
officer so assailed by a drunken 
sepoy. One of them, a native 
jemadar or lieutenant, refused 
to take the sepoy into custody, 
and forbade his men to render 
any assistance to the brother 
officer who was being attacked, 
and who narrowly escaped with 
his life. This was a dark feature 
in the transaction. There were 
many hundred men looking 
on. 

Major-General Hearsey, on 
hearing of this savage affair, 
went at once to the parade- 
ground, where, to his amaze- 
ment, he saw the would-be 
murderer walking up and down, 
with a blood-smeared sword in 
one hand and a loaded musket 
in the other. He advanced 
with some officers and men, and 
secured the sepoy not without 
considerable difficulty. By the 
resolute bearing of the major- 
general, the rest of the men 
were induced to see that it was 
their interest to return peaceably 
to their lines. They did so 
sullenly. 

A court-martial was held on 
the sepoy and the sympathising 
j emadar. Th ey were both found 



guilty, and were executed on 
the 8th of April 

Truly, the British power in 
India was on a mine ready to 
explode. 

The execution of these two 
men did not seem to produce 
the effect desired. The 34th 
still displayed a certain dogged 
sullenness. The government 
at Calcutta therefore resolved, 
after mature consideration, to 
disarm and disband such sepoys 
among the 34th as were present 
in the lines when Lieutenant 
Baugh was wounded. The 
whole of the disposable troops, 
accordingly, in and around 
Bombay, were marched to 
Barrackpore on the 5th of May. 
There they were drawn up in 
two sides of a square next 
morning, and about four hundred 
sepoys of the 34th were halted 
in front of the guns. 

The order for disbandment 
was read. General Hearsey 
commanded them to pile arms. 
He then gave the degrading 
orders that they should strip off 
the uniform they had disgraced. 
Arrears were then paid ; and 
the dishonoured sepoys were 
dismissed, with their families 
and baggage, to Chinsura, a 
town a few miles higher up the 
Hoogly. The grenadiers of the 
84th, and a portion of the 
cavalry, accompanied them, to 
see that they settled at Chinsura, 
and did not cross the river to 
Chittagong, where three other 
companies of the regiment, to 
which they had recently belong- 
ed were stationed. Four of the 



'IHE INDIAN MUTINY. 



disgraced men were officers, and 
one of them sobbed bitterly at 
the loss and degradation he had 
brought on himself. 



Thus did these men of the 
34th suffer for misleading the 
1 9th to its annihilation. 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE MASSACRE AT MEERUT 



(Sunday, May 10, 1857.) 



THE tale of horrors now tran- 
sports us to a region far distant 
from Calcutta; At Umballah, 
one of the towns of the Cis- 
Sutlej territory, a report, rela- 
tive to the grease in the cart- 
ridges, led to about twenty 
attempts at incendiarism. But 
it was at Meerut, a town on the 
small river Kalee Nuddee, 
about equally distant from the 
Ganges and the Jumna, and 
nearly nine hundred miles from 
Calcutta, that the Indian mutiny, 
in its cruellest sense, began on 
Sunday, May 10, 1857 a day 
to be remembered. The troubles 
commenced in the latter part 
of the previous month. The 
native corps at this important 
military station had heard all 
the rumours regarding the 
greased cartridges. The military 
authorities had received the 
orders from Calcutta regarding 
the newly-introduced mode of 
adjusting the cartridges by tear- 
ing off the end, instead of biting 
it off. On the 23d of April, 
Colonel Smyth, the English 
commander of the 3d regiment 



of native Bengal cavalry, caused 
the havildar-major and officers' 
orderly to come to his own 
house, that he might show them 
how to go through the new 
exercise. The orderly fired off 
a carabine under the new 
system. At midnight his tent 
was burned down. 

Next morning, the troops 
assembled on parade ; and the 
havildar-major fired off one cart- 
ridge to show them how the 
thing was done. The men, 
however, would not finger the 
cartridges, although they were 
the same as they had long been 
using, and not the new ones at 
all. An inquiry ensued, which 
resulted in the sepoys expressing 
regret for their obstinacy, and 
promising- ready obedience in 
the use of the cartridges, when- 
ever they should be called upon 
to do so. 

A fallacious hope was now en- 
tertained that all difficulties had 
been smoothed away. Major- 
General Hewett, who held the 
unenviable position of being 
the chief in command at Meerut 



32 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



on this awful occasion, wishing 
to put an end to what seemed 
only a stupid prejudice, and to 
settle all doubts as to the spirit 
of the men, ordered a parade of 
the $d cavalry for the morning 
of Wednesday the 6th of May. 
On Tuesday evening cartridges 
of the old sort were distributed 
to the men ; but eighty-five of 
the troopers positively refused 
to receive them. This insub- 
ordination could not be over- 
looked. The men were tried 
by court-martial, and were sen- 
tenced to imprisonment with 
hard labour for periods varying 
from six to ten years. Major- 
General Hewett proceeded on 
Saturday to enforce this sen- 
tence. The eighty-five muti- 
neers, in the presence of the 
European 6oth Rifle Regiment, 
the 6th Dragoon Guards, a 
troop of horse artillery, and the 
native $d, nth, and i2th regi- 
ments, were stripped of their 
uniforms and accoutrements, 
and were shackled with irons, 
rivetted on by the armourers. 
While this was being done, the 
culprits looked reproachfully at 
the other troopers, who, on their 
part, appeared gloomy and 
crest-fallen. The men were 
marched off to the common 
jail at Meerut, two miles dis- 
tant from the cantonment, and 
there they were left in the 
hands of the police. A grave 
mistake, as the disastrous result 
proved. The native troops 
returned to their lines furious, 
and kept, some of them brood- 
ing alone, others whispering 



plots and plans, all the after- 
noon and evening. It is not 
improbable that that very night 
emissaries were sent to Delhi, 
forty miles distant, with news 
and notes of their plans. 

That Sunday dawned quietly, 
like every other serene day of 
rest ; and it remained unevent- 
ful till the evening, when people 
were proceeding to church at 
Meerut, one of the largest and 
finest Christian churches in In- 
dia, when some of them passed 
the mess-room of the 3d cav- 
alry, and saw servants looking 
anxiously towards the road lead- 
ing to the native infantry lines. 
They read evil in their looks 
and their surroundings. Where 
were the 3d native cavalry? 
They were away on the work of 
blood. The mutiny had indeed 
broken out. 

On that Sunday afternoon, 
shortly before five o'clock, the 
men of the 3d native cavalry, 
and of the 2oth native infantry, 
on a given signal, left their lines 
and marched to the lines of the 
nth native infantry. They 
were all fully armed. The nth 
hesitated for a little, but at last, 
after much persuasion had been 
used, and they had even been 
fired upon by the 20th, they 
joined the other two regiments ; 
then these three corps pro- 
ceeded to give vent to feelings 
which had been long pent-up, 
and which were little suspected 
by their British officers. It was 
an unfortunate thing that these 
gentlemen Jiad been in the 
habit of keeping so much aloof 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



from the sepoys, that they knew 
next to nothing of feelings and 
utterances which were wide- 
spread and not particularly re- 
strained. The three regiments set 
themselves with a will to deeds 
of violence and bloodshed. 

The unfortunate Colonel Fin- 
nis, of the nth native infantry, 
the moment he heard of what 
had happened, rode to the 
parade ground. He harangued 
the men, and did everything in 
his power to induce them to 
return to their duty. His own 
men had been the last and 
most hesitant of these mutineers 
intent on murder. They would, 
no doubt, listen regretfully to 
the appeal of a colonel they 
loved. But the 2oth had no 
such compunctions ; they fired 
a volley, and Colonel Finnis 
fell riddled with bullets, the 
first innocent victim of the 
Indian mutiny. The first deaths 
in this mutiny had been those 
of the drunken sepoy and the 
unfaithful jemadar, who were 
executed at Barrackpore. They 
were executed for conduct de- 
serving death. Colonel Finnis 
was murdered while discharging 
his duty. 

He had failed to stem the 
torrent, now that the banks 
were fairly burst. It is need- 
less to attempt to speculate 
upon what a resolute man of 
resource might have done in 
the circumstances. There have 
been men who would have been 
equal to such an occasion. 
Virgil was not romancing when 
he wrote : 



" Veluti magno in populo quum saepe 

coorta est 
Seditio saevitque animis ignobile 

vulgus; 
Jamque faces et saxa volant ; furor 

arma ministrant : 
Turn pietate gravem ac meritis si 

forte virum quern 
Conspexere, silent, arrectisque auri- 

bus adstant ; 
Ipse regit dictis animos, et pectora 

mulcet." 

But there was no such hero on 
that ground. The officers who 
had come on the scene of con- 
fusion felt it was a foolish risk 
to remain there longer. They 
saw they could effect no good, 
and made their escape to the 
lines of the artillery- and car- 
bineers on the other side of the 
encampment. 

The nth joined the 2oth in 
the work of destruction aftei 
Colonel Finnis was shot. 

Meantime the 3d cavalry 
were ominously employed- 
They were busy releasing their 
eighty-five imprisoned comrades 
from the common jail at 
Meerut. This was very natural, 
and did not need long time to 
resolve upon. These men, 
enraged at a punishment which 
they, no doubt, thought was for 
the sake of their religion, would 
be expected to join in the 
rising with blood boiling and 
passions on fire. It was so. 
The troopers went to the jail, 
taking native smiths with them 
to strike the manacles off the 
limbs of the eighty-five who 
had been sent there the day 
before. They set them free, 
and armed them. Then they 
all together returned to the lines 
c 



34 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



yelling ; and in a very short 
time the three regiments were 
gloating in fiendish exploits of 
arson and murder. 

It was not to be expected 
that the 3d cavalry in the ex- 
cited state of their feelings at 
the time, after forcing open the 
gates of Meerut jail, would 
clobe them against other pri- 
soners there, when they set 
their eighty-five comrades free. 
Nor .did they. They set at 
liberty twelve hundred prisoners 
besides, scum and dregs of 
India, fit to enjoy the murder 
and arson with demoniac relish. 
And they did revel in it. 

The sepoys and their jail-bird 
allies set fire to nearly all the 
bungalows of the native lines, 
and to the government es- 
tablishments near. They then 
rushed on ; and, as they went, 
they murdered every European 
whose sad fate it was to come 
their way, or be found out by 
them. When they set fire to 
the bungalows, they waited till 
the flames drove out the in- 
mates, and then they slaughtered 
them as such assassins love to 
slaughter. The sun set on 
Meerut that night while rioters 
were yelling and sufferers shriek- 
ing, and lurid conflagrations 
were making darkness hideous. 
The rabble of the bazaar and 
the most degraded portion of 
the population now joined the 
mutineers and their twelve 
hundred companion felons, and 
the horrors thickened. Flames 
and smoke shot up on all 
fides. Everywhere shouts and 



curses, shrieks and lamenta- 
tions. 

A few details from correspond- 
ents who had been in the midst 
of this massacre will serve to 
give individual interest to it 

The wife of an officer of the 
3d cavalry writes : " It was a 
massacre a carnage ! Eliza 
and I were driving to church, 
when we saw the rioters pour- 
ing into the road, armed with 
clubs and swords. They warned 
us back. We drove home furi- 
ously. On the way we passed 
a private of the carbineers un- 
armed, and running for his life 
from several men armed with 
latthies, long sticks. We stopped 
the carriage, and drew in the 
poor Englishman. The men 
continued to strike at him as 
we took him in, but stopped 
when we held out our arms and 
screamed to them to desist ; 
and we reached home safely. 
On telling my husband, he 
started off at once for the lines, 
in uniform, but without waiting 
for the horse, ordering it to be 
be sent after him. When he 

reached the gate he found 

surrounded by three 



of the 3d troopers, cutting at him 
with their swords. My hus- 
band shouted, ' What are you 
doing? that's my friend;' and 
they desisted. On seeing that 
the gaol was broken open, 
Henry determined to turn back, 
and try to save the standards of 
the 3d from the lines. The 
roads were in uproar ! They 
with difficulty charged through 
crowds of infantry mutineers, 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



and bazaar men, armed and 
firing. Henry saw a trooper 
stabbing a woman as she drove 
by in a carriage. He cut him 
down with his sword. But the 
woman, Mrs Courtenay, wife of 
the hotel-keeper, was already 
dead. That showed Henry that 
a massacre of all Europeans was 
purposed. Soon a ball whizzed 
by Henry's ear, and, looking 
back, he saw one of the troopers, 
not in uniform, and with his 
head muffled, fire at him again. 
Henry shouted, ' Was that 
meant for me?' 'Yes,' said 
the man ; ' I will have your 
blood ! ' Henry did not fire at 
him. He believed the men 
might mutiny from him were he 
to do so. He only asked his 
men, if they would see him 
shot ? They vociferated ' No !' 
and forced the assassin back 
again and again, but would not 
kill him. What an awful posi- 
tion ! But I ! what a time had 
I passed since he had gone to 
his troop ! I had just hidden 
the uniform of the carbineer we 
had rescued, and dressed him 
in a coat of Henry's, bidding 
him sit with us. I fancied that 
he alone might be the object of 
possible attack. Crowds began 
to hurry past our grounds, both 
in the road and in the open 
ground behind. They were 
half in uniform and half with- 
out. Many shots were being 
fired, and the shouting was 
awful. Bungalows began to 
blaze around us, nearer and 
nearer, till the frenzied mob 
reached that next our own, 



We saw a poor lady in the 
verandah, a Mrs Chambers, 
lately arrived. We bade the 
servants bring her over the low 
wall to us, but they were too 
confused to attend to me at 
first. The stables of that house 
were first burnt. We heard the 
shrieks of the horses. Then 
came the mob to the house 
itself with awful shouts and 
curses. We heard the doors 
broken in, and many, many 
shots ; and at the moment my 
servants said they had been to 
bring away Mrs Chambers, but 
had found her dead on the 
ground, cut horribly, and she 
on the eve of her confinement ! 
Oh ! night of horrors ! 

"They tell me shots were 
fired at me; but I saw them 
not. Oh, agony ! every house 
in sight was blazing, nine or 
ten I could see. At last a 
few horsemen rode into the 
compound. ' Come, come,' I 
shouted, ' and save me ! ' And 
poor Eliza joined. ' Fear no- 
thing,' said the first man ; ' no 
one shall harm you ! ' They 
implored me to keep inside; 
but, oh, how to do that when I 
was watching for my husband ? 
Alfred joined us first, safe, and 
reporting Henry the same. And 
then our cavalry guard kept 
dashing through the compound, 
forcing back parties who moved 
in to fire the house. The 
pistol shots rang on every 
side; and now my husband 
arrived in speechless agony 
on our account, and made us 
leave tlie house, fearing it might 



36 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



be surrounded. Wrapped in 
the black stable blankets, to 
hide our light dresses in the 
glare of the flaming station, he 
took us to hide under trees in 
the garden ; but moved us after- 
wards into a little temple that 
stands in the grounds. We sat 
there whispering for some hours, 
listening to the noises, as crowds 
came near or fell away. The 
cavalry men wished us to remain 
where we were, promising to 
keep us unharmed ; but Henry 
dared not venture our doing so, 
and only waited till about dawn 
to drive us away. The roads 
appearing quieter, we hurried 
off. All the stable servants had 
fled, so Henry had much trouble 
to find the harness, and himself 
put it on the horse. Eliza and 
I ventured to return to the 
house to collect a few clothes 
and secure our trinkets. There, 
in darkness and fear, we left 
our house, so loved and beauti- 
ful. We drove off ; and, making 
a wide circuit to avoid the 
native infantry lines, we reached 
the dragoon lines." 

The Rev. J. F. Smythe, chap- 
lain at the station, writes : " On 
reaching church, I found bug- 
gies and carriages driving away 
in great confusion, and a body 
of people running to me, and 
pointing to a column of fire and 
smoke in the direction of the 
city. We abandoned, of course, 
the thoughts of commencing 
divine service. I may mention 
that a guard of eight or ten 
sepoys at the artillery depot, or 
school of instruction three of 



whom were killed shortly after 
in resisting an officer, who 
came with his party to take 
their post saluted me in pass- 
ing. I reached my house in 
perfect safety. We went, just 
after my return, into the western 
verandah, and heard a shot in 
the adjoining road, followed by 
a cry and the galloping of a 
horse with a buggy. This 
proved to have been the murder 
of Mr Phillips, veterinary sur- 
geon of the $d light cavalry, 
who was shot and mutilated by 
five troopers. Dr Christie, the 
surgeon of the same regiment, 
who accompanied him in the 
buggy, having been sadly dis- 
figured and injured at the same 
time. The inhabitants of the 
Suddur Bazzar and city com- 
mitted atrocities far greater than 
those of the sepoys, as in the 
case of Captain Macdonald's 
wife, whom they pursued some 
distance and frightfully muti- 
lated, though her children were 
saved by the ayahs ; and of 
Mrs Chambers, wife of the 
adjutant of the nth native 
infantry, who was murdered in 
her garden during Mr Cham- 
bers's absence on duty, her 
clothes having been set on fire 
before she was, shot and cut to 
pieces. The loss of property, 
and, alas ! of life, has been 
very dreadful. The part of 
Meerut in which the insurrec- 
tion principally raged is a miser- 
able wilderness of ruined houses, 
and some of the residents, as 
was the case with Mrs and Mi 
Greathed, the commissioner ot 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the division, escaped miracul- 
ously from the hands of their 
pursuers, by hiding themselves 
in the gardens and outhouses of 
their burning bungalows." This 
was a wonderful escape. Mr 
Greathed's house, flat-roofed, 
as it fortunately happened, was 
one of the first attacked by the 
mutineers. At the first alarm, 
Mr and Mrs Greathed betook 
themselves to the roof, where 
the miscreant mutineers would 
have found and destroyed them, 
had the least hint been given 
them by any one of the servants. 
But the servants persisted in 
asserting that . the family had 
departed ; and the bloodthirsty 
wretches, after searching every 
room in the house, took their 
departure. Mr Smythe con- 
tinues : " Before the European 
troops arrived on Sunday night 
at the scene of action, the fol- 
lowing were barbarously cut to 
pieces : Mr V. Tredegar, in- 
spector of schools ; Captain 
Macdonald, of the 2oth native 
infantry, and Mrs Macdonald ; 
Captain Taylor, Mr Pattle, Mr 
Henderson, all of the same 
corps ; Colonel Finnis, com- 
manding the nth native in- 
fantry; and Mrs Chambers, 
whose murderer was caught on 
the 1 5th, -tried at once, and 
hanged on a tree without further 
delay, his body being afterwards 
burned to ashes. In the 3d 
light cavalry the following were 
killed : Mr Phillips, veterin- 
ary surgeon ; Mr and Mrs 
Dawson; Mr M'Nabb, lately 
joined; and a little girl of 



the riding-master's, Mr Lang- 
dale ; together with several sol- 
diers of the artillery and 6oth 
rifles, and women and children 
of the military and general resi- 
dents in the station. Among 
other instances of frightful but- 
chery was that of Sergeant 
Law, his wife, and six children, 
who were living beyond the 
precincts of the cantonments. 
The state in which the father 
and three of the infants were 
found defies description. The 
mother and three other child- 
ren, though grievously mangled, 
crawled to the military hospital. 
Mr Rotton and I have buried 
thirty-one of the murdered, but 
there are others whose bodies 
have not as yet been brought 
in." 

These two quotations supply 
more than enough of the hor- 
rible details. 

Mr Smythe in this letter 
speaks of the barbarous work 
which had been accomplished 
before the European troops 
arrived on Sunday morning. 
There was a good deal of angry 
discussion at the time as to 
whether Major-General Hewett 
had acted with sufficient promp- 
titude and energy. He was 
severely blamed by many. An 
officer of the nth native in- 
fantry, who narrowly escaped 
being killed in his gallop to the 
European cantonment, and who 
accompanied her Majesty's 
troops to the scene of devas- 
tation, wrote afterwards with 
reference to Major-General 
Hewett's movements, which 



38 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



should have been a rush to the 
rescue : " It took us a long 
time, in my opinion, to get 
ready ; and it was dark before 
the carbineers were prepared to 
start in a body." Well, dark- 
ness sets in at that season of 
the year in Meerut about seven 
o'clock ; and the carnage had 
commenced fully two hours 
before. The officer continues : 
"When the carbineers were 
mounted, we rode off at a brisk 
trot through clouds of suffocat- 
ing dust and darkness, in an 
easterly direction, and along a 
narrow road, not advancing in 
the direction of the conflagration, 
but, on the contrary, leaving it 
behind our right rear. In this 
way we proceeded some two or 
three miles, to my no small sur- 
prise, when suddenly the halt 
was sounded, and we faced 
round, retracing our steps, and 
verging off to our left. Ap- 
proaching the conflagration, we 
debouched on the left rear of 
the native infantry lines, which, 
of course, were all in a blaze. 
Striking along behind these 
lines, we turned them at the 
western end, and wheeling up 
to the left, came upon the nth 
parade ground, where, at a little 
distance, we found the horse 
artillery and Her Majesty's 6oth 
rifles. It appears that the three 
regiments of mutineers had by 
this time commenced dropping 
off westward to the Delhi road, 
for here some firing took place 
between them and the rifles; 
and presently the horse artillery 
coming up to the front and un- 



limbering, opened upon a copse 
or wood in which they had 
apparently found cover, with 
heavy discharges of grape and 
canister, which rattled among 
the trees; and all was silent 
again. The horse-artillery now 
limbered up again and wheeled 
round ; and here I joined them, 
having lost the carbineers in 
the darkness. By this time, 
however, the moon arose. The 
horse-artillery column, with the 
rifles at its head, moving across 
the parade-ground, we entered 
the long street turning from the 
southward behind the light 
cavalry lines. There it was that 
the extent and particulars of 
the conflagration first became 
visible ; and, passing the burn- 
ing bungalow of the adjutant of 
the nth native infantry, we 
proceeded along the straight 
road or street, flanked on both 
sides with flaming and crashing 
houses in all stages of combus- 
tion and ruin ; the rifles occa- 
sionally firing volleys as we pro- 
ceeded. It was by this time 
past ten o'clock ; and having 
made the circuit of the lines, 
we passed up the east of them, 
and, joined by the carbineers 
and rifles, bivouacked for the 
night.;' 

This whole passage is an im- 
plied impeachment of a want 
of promptitude on the part of 
Major-General Hewett. An ex- 
Governor-General of India spoke 
of him with contempt as an 
unknown man named Hewett. 
But with such discussions there 
is little concern in this succinct 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



account of the mutiny. Lord 
Raglan was similarly found 
fault with two or three years 
before. There is nothing so 
easily found fault with as fail- 
ure. What we do know is that 
the mutineers escaped from 
Meerut to Delhi. We know 
also that there were large maga- 
zines at Meerut, which it would 
have been culpable to leave 
without being efficiently guard- 
ed. Certain it is Major-Gen eral 
Hewett did not win glory for 
his name. Whether that could 
have been helped or not is 
a question usually as foolish as 
it is superfluous. Individuals 
make and control circumstances. 
A man of the youth, vigour, and 
genius of Clive would have acted 
differently. Declining years cer- 
tainly did not prevent this officer 
from taking part in the opera- 
tions, such as they were, of the 
English troops at Meerut. Al- 
though in his sixty-eighth year, 
he slept on the ground among 
the guns, like his men, on the 
loth of May, and for fourteen 
successive nights did the same ; 
while for many following weeks 
he never doffed his regimentals 
except for change of apparel, 
night or day. 

As a relief to the darker shades 
of the story so imperfectly told 
above, the following quotation 
from a letter written by Mr 
Greathed, on the i6th of May, 
will be read with sad satisfaction: 
" Among all the villanies," he 
wrote, "and horrors of which 
we have been witn esses, some 
pleasing traits of native charac- 



ter have been brought to light. 
All the Delhi fugitives have to 
tell of some kind acts of protec- 
tion and rough hospitality ; and 
yesterday a fakir came in with 
a European child he had picked 
up in the Jumna. He had been 
a good deal mauled on the way, 
but he made good his point. 
He refused any present, but ex- 
pressed a hope that a well might 
be made in his name, to com- 
memorate the act. I pro- 
mised to attend to his wishes ; 
and Hamam Bhartee, of Dhu- 
noura, will, I hope, long live in 
the memory of man. The par- 
ents have not been discovered, 
but there are plenty of good 
Samaritans." 

The convent and school at 
Sirdhana, a town in the Meerut 
district, aroused the attention 
and sympathies of the Europeans 
at Meerut to a very high pitch. 
About five days after the mutiny 
broke out, news came into the 
city that the inmates of that 
institution were in great peril. 
The postmaster at Meerut be- 
haved with great bravery on the 
reception of these evil tidings, 
and thanks to his energy and 
perseverance, and the assistance 
he received from a few gentle- 
men, the poor nuns were brought 
to Meerut without any of them 
being injured. 

Meerut did not recover its 
tranquillity for many days. The 
men of the 3d, nth, and 2oth 
regiments who remained faithful 
and of the nth more than a 
hundred did so were received 
at the cantonment, and their pre- 



40 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



vious insubordination pardoned 
on account of their subsequent 
fidelity. There were, however, 
many causes of uneasiness. In 
Major- General Hewett's first 
report of the disasters he wrote : 
" Nearly the whole of the can- 
tonment and Zillah police de- 
serted." These police are refer- 
red to by an officer familiar with 
the district thus : " Round about 
Meerut and Delhi there are two 
or three peculiar castes or tribes 
something similar to our gipsies, 
only holding human life at less 
value, and which in former years 
gave constant trouble. Of late 
years they have lived in more 
peace and quietness, contenting 
themselves with picking up 
stray cattle, and things which 
did not belong to them. They 
have now, however, in the earli- 
est occasion, broken out again, 



and have been guilty of all kinds 
of depredations. Skinner's 
Horse was originally raised to 
keep these people in order about 
the time of Lord Lake ; such 
men have hitherto been neces- 
sary at Meerut, Delhi, and those 
parts, as watchman ; everybody 
was obliged to keep one, to 
avoid being robbed to a cer- 
tainty." 

Thus, in addition to their 
other troubles, the inhabit- 
ants of Meerut were uncomfort- 
ably aware, after the flight of 
the mutineers to Delhi, that 
gangs of desperadoes would be 
likely to acquire fresh audacity 
through the defection of the 
native police, and that probably 
delinquent members of that 
force would be the most merci- 
less of all the furies they had to 
fear. 



CHAPTER V. 



CARNAGE AND PLUNDER AT DELHI. 



DURING the murdering and 
arson at Meerut, the mutineers 
of the three regiments started 
off for Delhi. The infantry 
made forced marches, the cav- 
alry rode near them for sup- 
port, and they arrived within 
sight of the towers of the ancient 
capital of the Patan and Mo- 
gul empires after eight o'clock 
on Monday morning, May n. 
The deeds of darkness com- 



mitted at Meerut after they left 
that city were carried on by 
the released felons, and others 
worthy of such association. 

It is remarkable that the 
mutiny should have first assum- 
ed its appalling proportions in 
the region in which this city 
stands. This was the hot-bed 
of the fiendish plot. The first 
outbreak may have been intend- 
ed to take place in Delhi, and 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



41 



was only precipitated by the 
imprisoning of the eighty-five 
horse soldiers at Meerut. For, 
as the author of the article in 
the Edinburgh Review, which 
has been already referred to, 
says : " If all the movements of 
the revolt had been pre-arranged 
there could have been no better 
stroke of tactics than this. 
Delhi is the chief city of Mo- 
hammedan India the imperial 
city the city of the Mogul ! It 
had been the home of those 
mighty emperors who had ruled 
so long in Hindostan of Shir 
Shah, of Akbar, and of Aurung- 
zebe, and was still the residence 
of their fallen successors, the 
titular kings of Delhi, whom 
fifty years ago our armies had 
rescued from the grasp of the 
Mahrattas. Beyond the palace 
walls these remnants of royalty 
had no power; they had no terri- 
tory, no revenue, no authority. In 
our eyes they were simply pen- 
sioners and puppets. Virtually, 
indeed, the Mogul was extinct, 
but not so in the minds of the 
people of India. Empty as was 
the sovereignty of the Mogul, 
it was still a living fact in the 
minds of the Hindoos and Mo- 
hammedans, especially in upper 
India." 

To obtain, then, possession 
of this great centre of grand 
associations, and, if possible, to 
identify the living representative 
of a line of native conquerors 
with the mutiny, was an advan- 
tage too obvious to need remark. 
It was an immense advantage. 
It gave the insurrectionary move- 



ment a political significance, and 
tended to impart to it the char- 
acter of a national cause. That 
the Mogul himself was stricken 
in years, feeble, and incapable 
of independent action, signified 
nothing. He was a tool all the 
more convenient on that ac- 
count. His name was a tower 
of strength. 

Little is known of Delhi 
before the beginning of the 
eleventh century, when Mah- 
moud of Ghiznee, a Tartar sov- 
ereign who held sway among 
the chieftains of Afghanistan, 
invaded India. Mahmoud cap 
tured that city. From that time 
to the period of the British 
power, the Mohammedans never 
ceased to regard Delhi as the 
chief of all Indian cities. It 
was in the year 1193 A.D., that 
it was selected as capital of the 
Moslem sovereigns of India. 

This far-famed capital is situ- 
ated on the river Jumna, about 
500 miles by road above the 
junction of the Jumna with the 
Ganges at Allahabad ; and 900 
miles by road from Calcutta. 
It is still a considerable place, 
although not entitled to rank 
with the great cities of the earth. 
It is walled and fortified, and 
at the time of the outbreak, 
had a population of nearly 
200,000. 

Delhi has seven gates on the 
land side, regarding the names 
of which there is some discrep- 
ancy, but the following may be 
taken as the names most gene- 
rally received : the Lahore, Aj- 
meer, Turcoman, Cabul, Moree, 



42 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Cashmere, and Agra gates. 
Along the river front there are 
other four: the Rajghat, Ne- 
gumbod, Lall, and Kaila gates. 
A bridge of boats over the 
Jumna connects Delhi with the 
road to Meerut ; and the great 
magazine which Lieutenant Wil- 
loughby blew up, was between 
the centre of the city and this 
bridge. 

The titular king of Delhi, 
when the revolt broke out, was 
but a pile of the very small dust 
to which the grinding progress 
of the ages had reduced the de- 
scendants of the great Tamer- 
lane the renowned Timour the 
Tartar who laid the founda- 
tion of the Mogul dynasty in 
the year 1398. The grand- 
father of this pensioned puppet 
was the Emperor Shah Alum, 
who, when old, blind, and feeble, 
was rescued by General Lake 
in September 1803, from a state 
of miserable captivity into which 
he had been thrown by the 
Mahrattas. General Lake, upon 
entering the fort of Delhi, which 
was employed as an imperial 
prison, found Shah Alum seated 
under a small tattered canopy, 
his person emaciated by indi- 
gence and infirmity, his coun- 
tenance disfigured by the loss 
of his eyes, and bearing marks 
of an extreme old age, joined 
to a settled melancholy. 

This miserable creature died 
in 1806, and was succeeded in 
the nominal sovereignty by his 
eldest son, Akbar Shah, who 
existed as a shadowy monarch 
for thirty years. Upon his 



death, the late king of Delhi, 
his eldest son, named Meerza 
Aboo Zuffur, entered upon the 
enjoyment of the annual stipend 
which had been assured to the 
emperor Shah Alum and his 
descendants at the surrender of 
the kingdom in 1803. It was 
thirteen and a half lacs of rupees, 
equal to ^135,000. 

Upon his accession to the 
pension, which term expresses 
all the practical regal honours 
which were left him, this mon- 
arch styled himself Mahomed 
Suraj-oo-deen Shah Ghazee. 
He has been described as nei- 
ther better nor worse than the 
average of his predecessors. 
He was a true Oriental sensual- 
ist, and in the ruined paradise 
of Oriental sensualism, the great 
palace of Delhi, the house ot 
Tamerlane still revelled in un- 
checked vileness. The royal 
family consisting of many hun- 
dreds idle, dissolute, shame- 
less; too proud or too effemi- 
nate for military service, lived 
in entire dependence on the 
king's allowance. For their 
amusement were congregated 
from all India the most marvel- 
lous jugglers, the most cunning 
bird tamers and snake charm- 
ers, the most fascinating danc- 
ing girls, the most skilled Per- 
sian musicians. Nevertheless 
he was great in the eyes of the 
natives of Hindostan ; and the 
wily far-seeing contrivers of the 
murderous mutiny knew that 
Delhi was still regarded by the 
millions of India as their great 
city 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



43 



At the time of the arrival of 
the mutineers from Meerut, the 
city was garrisoned wholly by 
native troops. They consisted 
of the 38th, 54th, and 74th 
Regiments of Native Infantry, 
and a battery of native artillery. 
The arsenal contained 900,000 
cartridges, two complete siege 
trains, a large number of field 
guns, and 8000 or 10,000 mus- 
kets. The powder magazine 
stored not less than 10,000 
barrels. 

About fifteen miles from 
Delhi, the high road between 
that city and Meerut crosses a 
suspension bridge over the Hin- 
doun torrent. When the British 
commandant, Brigadier-General 
Graves, was warned of the ap- 
proach of the mutinous sepoys, 
his first idea was to advance and 
cut away this bridge and defend 
the river. But it was the hot 
season of the year, and on that 
account the river was easily 
fordable. His position, there- 
fore, on the other bank, might 
be turned, and thus he would 
be compelled to engage the 
enemy in front and flank, even 
if the native troops he com- 
manded remained loyal, of 
which he had no reason to be 
over confident, and he had the 
most disaffected city of India 
in his rear. 

There was no time to waste 
over abortive plans. The three 
regiments mentioned were im- 
mediately paraded in service 
order. The guns were loaded, 
and all the preparations were 
made for defence that could on 



the instant be completed. The 
brigadier harangued the troops, 
appealing to their loyalty and 
valour to prove themselves faith- 
ful to the Government. His ad- 
dress was received with cheers; 
and as they marched out of the 
lines, to all appearance true and 
confident, a tumultuous array 
appeared marching from the 
Hindoun. 

The men of the 54th native 
infantry were vehement in their 
protestations of loyalty, but 
when they met a small number 
of the 3d native cavalry, who 
were ahead of the mutinous 
rabble, they refused to fire on 
them. At the Cashmere gate 
the guard of the 38th native 
infantry also refused to fire on 
the mutineers, who entered the 
city. Colonel Ripley and the 
other English officers of the 
54th, were left standing by them- 
selves, while their men were 
fraternising with the fiercely-ex- 
cited rebels from Meerut. About 
fifteen of the 3d light cavalry 
immediately rode towards the 
little group, discharging pistols 
as they approached. Six Brit- 
ish officers of the 54th soon fell 
either killed or wounded : Col- 
onel Ripley, Captains Smith 
and Burrowes, Lieutenants Ed- 
wardes, Waterfield, and Butler. 
The colonel was the first victim; 
he was frightfully mutilated by 
the ferocious troopers, two of 
whom he despatched with his 
revolver before he fell disabled. 

A party of the mutineers pro- 
ceeded to the palace, where 
communications were speedily 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



opened with the attendants of 
the king. After a short parley 
they were by that pensioner's 
orders admitted within the gate. 
The poor old man after some 
time yielded to the clamour of 
his family, and suffered himself 
to be proclaimed Emperor of 
Hindostan. This incident de- 
cided the future of the ill-starred 
descendant of Tamerlane. 

In the palace the first person 
who fell a sacrifice to the fury 
of the soldiers was Captain 
Douglas, commandant of the 
guard of the king. The next 
victims were the Rev. Mr Jen- 
nings, English chaplain to the 
residency, and his daughter, an 
amiable young lady of nineteen, 
who were seized while on their 
way to seek the king's protec- 
tion. They were hurried into 
the titular presence, and when 
the puppet sovereign was asked 
by the troopers, "What shall 
we do with them?" he is re- 
ported to have replied, " What 
you like ; I give them to you." 
What they did had better not 
be written. 

The Goojurs marauders, 
cattle lifters, brigands, or what- 
ever else was convenient 
of the villages around Delhi, 
felt that a windfall had come 
their way, and they rushed into 
the city ready for action. The 
sepoys meant massacre; the 
rabble which followed in their 
train were intent on plunder. 
They did not confine their at- 
tentions to the Europeans. The 
rich native inhabitants had as 
good stuff to plunder as the 



Feringhees. Many shopkeepers 
were murdered for merely ask- 
ing payment for their goods. 
Europeans and Christians were 
butchered without mercy where- 
ever they were found. To 
obtain possession of the trea- 
sure deposited in the Delhi 
Bank was one of the first deli- 
berate objects they settled down 
to after their first rage for Chris- 
tian blood was glutted. Mr 
Beresford was the manager, and 
his wife and five children fell 
sacrifices to their barbarity by 
having their throats severed and 
mangled by broken glass. They 
next plundered the Government 
treasuries, destroyed the church, 
demolished the premises of the 
Delhi Gazette, throwing the 
presses into the river, and melt- 
ing the types into slugs. 

A few Europeans with arms 
took refuge in a mosque. The 
agonies of burning thirst com- 
pelled them to surrender. Call- 
ing to the subahdar in charge 
of a native guard before the 
door, they begged for water, 
and besought him that he would 
pledge his oath to take them 
alive to the king. The oath 
was given, and they came forth 
from their asylum. The muti- 
neers placed water before them, 
and said: "Lay down your 
arms and then you get the 
water." They could do no- 
thing but obey. The soldiers 
instantly surrounded them; they 
gave no water, but seized the 
whole party consisting of eight 
gentlemen, eight ladies, and 
eleven children marched them 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



off to the cattle-sheds, placed 
them in a row, and shot them. 
One lady intreated the murder- 
ers to give her child some water 
if they should kill herself. A 
sepoy, in reply to the mother's 
appeal, snatched the child out 
of her arms, and dashed its 
brains out on the pavement be- 
fore her face. 

The attention of Sir Theophi- 
lus Metcalfe, the political agent 
at Dehi, and of Lieutenant Will- 
oughby, the officer in charge of 
the ordnance stores, was directed 
to the defences of the powder 
magazine. The gates were 
closed and barricaded. Con- 
ductor Crow and Sergeant 
Stewart were placed near one 
gate, with lighted matches in 
their hands, in command of two 
six pounders, double charged 
with grape shot, which they 
had orders to fire if any at- 
tempts were made to force the 
gate from without. The princi- 
pal gate of the magazine was 
similarly defended by two guns. 
There were other guns of large 
calibre available for defence, all 
double loaded with grape. It 
seemed doubtful to Lieutenant 
Willoughby whether to arm the 
native artillerymen within the 
magazine, for they were in a 
state, not only of excitement, 
but of insubordination, much 
more inclined to aid the assail- 
ants without than the defenders 
within. The arming was effect- 
ed as far as practicable, and a 
train of gunpowder being laid 
down from the magazine to a 
distant spot, a little garrison of 



nine Europeans awaited in sil- 
ence the expected attack. It 
was agreed that, on Lieutenant 
Willoughby giving the order, 
Conductor Buckley should raise 
his hat as a signal to Conductor 
Scully to fire the train and blo\\ 
up the magazine with all its 
contents. Some of the palace 
guards came and demanded 
possession of the magazine in 
the name of the King of Delhi ! 
Of this message no notice was 
taken by the defenders; and 
ladders were then brought from 
the palace for the purpose of an 
escalade. This decided the 
course of the wavering native 
artillerymen. With one accord 
they all climbed up to the slop- 
ing roof in the inside of the 
magazine, and descended the 
ladders to the outside. The 
insurgents now appeared in 
great numbers on the top of 
the walls ; and the brisk fire 
of grape shot, commenced by 
the little band of Europeans, 
wrought its havoc among the 
enemy. Those nine kept 
several hundred men at bay. 
The stock of grape at hand was 
at last exhausted, and no one 
could run to the store-houses 
for more without leaving the 
mutineers freedom of entry by 
leaping from the walls. Two 
of the nine were wounded ; it 
was impossible to hold out 
longer; and Lieutenant Will- 
oughby gave the signal, where- 
upon Conductor Scully immedi- 
ately fired the train. In a few 
seconds a dull heavy report 
boomed above the din of the 



46 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



city, and the shouts of its 
maddened votaries of murder 
and pillage. The ground vib- 
rated, and a huge volume of 
smoke, ascending in the air, 
spread like a pall over the 
palace of the Moguls, and an- 
nounced, amid the groans and 
shrieks of its mangled assailants, 
that the great magazine of Delhi 
had been blown in the air. All 
who were not too much injured 
made their way out of the sally- 
port, to escape in the best 
manner they could. How many 
of the insurgents were killed 
and wounded by the grape-shot 
and the explosion was never 
ascertained. Some British offi- 
cers estimated it at more than a 
thousand. It was at the time 
hoped by the authorities that 
the whole of the vast store of 
ammunition had been blown 
into the air, but subsequent 
events showed that the destruc- 
tion had not been so complete. 
The Governor - General, when 
informed of this achievement, 
spoke of the noble and cool 
soldiership of the gallant de- 
fenders. Conductor Scully was 
killed, but it was resolved by 
the authorities to provide liber- 
ally for his family, should it be 
ascertained that they survived 
him. The gallant Willoughby 
escaped with his life, but he 
was severely scorched. 

In the city, while Major 
Abbott, an officer of the 74th 
native infantry, was being im- 
portuned by a few of the native 
officers who had remained faith- 
ful, to fly for his life, and was 



giving little heed to their urg- 
ency, he heard shots whizzing 
in the main-guard, and asked 
what they meant. "The 38th are 
shooting the European officers," 
was the reply. He then ordered, 
or rather implored, a hundred 
of his men to rush with him to 
the rescue. Their answer was : 
" Sir, it is useless. They are all 
killed by this time, and we shall 
not save any one. We have 
saved you, and we are happy ; 
we will not allow you to go 
back and be murdered." A 
smile, through tears, greets the 
record of an incident of this 
nature in the doleful and woe- 
ful tale of the Indian mutiny. 
And there were many such inci- 
dents. In every native regi- 
ment a few faithful were found 
among the cruelly faithless. As 
to the major, some of his sepoys 
formed a ring around him and 
hurried him off along the road 
leading to the cantonment, 
about two miles out of the city. 
He saw some carnages belonging 
to officers of his own regiment 
driving northward; and when 
he inquired what this meant, 
the men at the quarter-guard 
said, with eager devotedness 
looking out of every feature of 
their countenances : " Sir, they 
are leaving the cantonment; 
pray, follow their example. We 
have protected you so far ; but 
it will be impossible for us to 
do so much longer. Pray, fly 
for your life." He did so, and 
lived to write a very interesting 
account of what he saw of the 
mutiny at Delhi 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



To escape from being mur- 
dered in the city was to rush 
into the arms of indescribable 
misery in the surrounding 
country. Meerut was forty 
miles distant in one direction, 
and Kurnaul eighty miles in 
another. The villagers were 
afraid to harbour the fugitives. 

Among the many who, ac- 
cording to the arrangements of 
Brigadier - General Graves, for 
the safety of the women and 
children, took refuge in the 
Flagstaff Tower, a mile and 
a half north of the Cashmere 
gate, were two ladies. The 
one was the wife of an officer 
of the $8th regiment. An army 
surgeon was the other's hus- 
band. When evening was ap- 
proaching the two ladies left the 
city in a buggy. They had 
been parted from their hus- 
bands during the confusion, 
and one of them had lost her 
little child. Fearing the high 
road, they took over the rugged 
fields. They were sometimes 
treated with respect by the 
natives, at other times langu- 
age was addressed to them unfit 
for English ladies' ears. They 
were occasionally robbed. The 
velvet head-dress of one of them 
was torn off for the value of the 
bugles which it showed. Their 
buggy-horse, and a jewel-box, 
which had been brought away 
in haste the only treasure they 
had to count on as a means 
of purchasing assistance were 
taken from them. Their outer 
clothing was not spared. 

la the dead of night they 



reached a village. Here the 
surgeon, enfeebled by previous 
sickness, with an ugly wound on 
his jaw, managed to join them. 
He needed them to help and 
protect him instead of being a 
defender. After fifteen hours of 
agony, while hiding in fields 
and huts, the three sallied forth 
on Tuesday morning, to be speed- 
ily stopped by six ruffians, who 
robbed the ladies of more of 
their apparel and it was scanty 
enough now and only stopped 
short of murdering them all, 
when the officer's wife implored 
mercy, in the plea that she was 
searching for her husband and 
child, both of whom she had 
lost. All that night the two 
ladies and the wounded man 
dragged themselves onward 
somewhither. In the morning 
more of the ladies' scanty attire 
purchased their lives from yell- 
ing fiends. They crept on, ob- 
taining occasionally a little food 
and water from villagers, who 
supplied these necessaries of life 
at the imminent risk of their own 
lives. It was terrible work to 
roam over burning sands under 
a scorching sun. They sat 
down by a well-side, but had to 
move on to escape insult from 
brutes in the shape of men. 
There are many such in all 
countries. They met a party 
of irregular horsemen, who had 
not yet joined the mutiny, 
and who, but for fear of the 
rebels, would have befriended 
them; but they had not the 
courage of two English ladies, 
nearly naked, who were help- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



ing along the husband of one 
of them, with his under-jaw 
shattered, and his health other- 
wise very infirm. 

During another night they 
crawled forward till they reached 
a Hindoo village. Here for 
one whole day kindness was 
accorded to them; but the 
humane natives, fearing the se- 
poys would burn their village, 
were fain to beseech them to go 
away. They had been five days 
wandering, and yet they were 
only ten miles from Delhi. They 
received simple but kind assist- 
ance in another friendly village, 
but, again, the villagers dreaded 
being found out, and got rid 
of them. They sought shelter 
under a bridge, where they had 
to purchase freedom from the 
presence and molestation of an 
armed ruffian at the price of a 
gold cross, which the wounded 
surgeon, a devout Roman Cath- 
olic, took from his bosom. On 
Sunday, the first day of rest 
after the outbreak at Meerut, 
they sought the shelter of an out- 
house containing twenty cows. 
That day they learned that 
Major Paterson, of the 54th 
native regiment, was in the same 
village. He sent a short message 
to them, written with a burnt 
stick on an old broken pan. 

Shortly after, the husband of 
the other lady, to their great 
astonishment, entered the vill- 
age, blistered from head to foot, 
naked as he was, like a savage. 
He had sent off their little boy 
with friends towards Meerut, 
and had seen the two ladies 



start for Kurnaul. After being 
robbed of his horse, he had 
three bullets sent through his 
hat, and orie through the skirt 
of his coat. Ill and exhausted 
he had run past the blazing 
houses of the cantonment, and 
had continued to urge himself 
onwards till he sank down faint- 
ing under a tree. Here a gang 
of ruffians stripped him, robbed 
him of everything, and endea- 
voured to strangle him with a 
sleeve of his own shirt. He 
recovered from the partial chok- 
ing, however, staggered on a 
mile or two, rested for a short 
time in a hut, and then walked 
twelve miles to Alipore under a 
broiling sun. Here he was re- 
fused shelter, but received a 
little bread and a few fragments 
of clothing. He toiled on, 
keeping by the ploughed fields 
in fear of possible encounters 
on the high roads. At one vil- 
lage the herdsman gave him an 
asylum for five days. It was on 
the sixth day that he learned that 
his wife and her travelling com- 
panion were within a few miles 
of him. Nearly worn out with 
sickness and grief, on swollen 
and blistered feet, he made his 
way to where he found them in 
the plight to which they had 
been reduced. 

These four continued to jour- 
ney, grievously footsore with 
thorns and sharp-cutting stones. 
The officer's wife felt the sun's 
heat beginning to affect her 
brain, and was thankful to a 
villager who gave her a wet 
cloth to cover her temples. Mat- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



ters mended by and by, however; 
they reached Kurnaul, then pro- 
ceeded to Umballa, and at last 
got to Simla, like beggars, but 
with their lives. It was after- 
wards found that the little boy 
had been carried safely to Mee- 
rut. 

One other example will show 
the difficulties encountered by an 
officer who chose Meerut rather 
than Kurnaul as his place of re- 
fuge. A youth of nineteen, who 
held a commission in one of the 
native regiments in Delhi and 
who was an ensign of the 54th 
at the time of the outbreak, 
writes as follows from Meerut. 
The letter was addressed to a 
sister, and is dated June i : 
"Besides myself there is only 
one other officer of my unfortu- 
nate regiment out of those who 
were left with it at the time of 
the mutiny who has escaped to 
this place ; and he, poor fellow, 
is in hospital with a musket- 
ball through his thigh Osborn, 
our adjutant. But I am glad 
to say there were three others 
on leave for a month's shooting 
in the jungles at the time of 
the outbreak, and who have 
consequently escaped. 

"There were three native 
corps at Delhi besides a battery 
of six guns, and not a single 
European soldier. It was about 
ten o'clock on the morning of the 
nth, that we first heard of some 
mutineers having come over 
from Meerut, and that our regi- 
ment was ordered down to the 
city, where they were to cut 
them up. Of course* this time [ 



we had not a doubt as to their 
loyalty. Well, the whole regi- 
ment, except my company and 
our major's, the grenadiers 
who were ordered to wait for 
two guns and escort them at 
once went off to the city, dis- 
tant about two miles. On ar- 
riving at the Cashmere gate, 
which leads into a small forti- 
fied bastion, called the main- 
guard, from which there is an- 
other egress to the city, they 
were met by some troopers of 
the 3d cavalry from Meerut, 
who immediately charged down 
upon them. Not the slightest 
effort was made by our men to 
save their officers, and they 
were nearly all shot down at 
the head of their companies by 
these troopers. In fact, our 
poor colonel was seen to be 
bayoneted by one of the sepoys 
after he had been cut down by 
a trooper ; and then the fact of 
neither a sepoy nor a trooper 
having been killed, is enough 
to convince one of their trea- 
chery. Well, soon after our 
two companies with the two 
guns for whom we had had to 
wait half-an hour also arrived ; 
and on going through the Cash- 
mere gate into the mainguard, 
and thence into the city, where 
all this had taken place, the 
sepoys and mutineers all bolted, 
being frightened at the sight of 
the guns ; and before there was 
time to open fire upon them, 
they had all disappeared into 
the streets. We then went back 
to the mainguard, determined 
to hold that against them till 



50 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



more reinforcements arrived 
from cantonments, for which 
we immediately sent In the 
meantime we sent our parties 
to bring in our poor fellows, 
who were all seen lying about 
in the mainguard. I myself 
went out and brought in poor 
Burrowes. It was a most heart- 
rending sight, I assure you, to 
see all our poor chaps, whom 
we had seen and been with that 
very morning talking and laugh- 
ing together at our coffee-shop, 
lying dead side "by side, and 
some of them dreadfully muti- 
lated. I had never before seen 
a dead body, so you may ima- 
gine what an awful sight it was 
to me. The poor colonel was 
the only one not killed outright ; 
but he, poor man, was hacked 
to pieces. We sent him back. 
to cantonments, where he died 
in the course of the day. At 
last some companies of the 
other regiments came up, and 
we remained here the whole 
day, expecting to be attacked 
every minute. Lots of women 
and people who had managed 
to escape from the city, came 
to us for shelter, little thinking 
of the scene that was shortly to 
be enacted among us. By-and- 
by three of our officers, who 
had escaped being killed by the 
troopers, also came in, and from 
them we learnt what I have told 
you above. All this while we 
saw fires blazing in the town, 
and heard guns firing, which we 
afterwards found out were the 
guns of the magazine, which a 
few Europeans had been defend- 



ing against the whole host of 
the insurgents, and which had 
at last blown up. 

"Well, it must have been 
about five o'clock in the after- 
noon, when all of a sudden the 
sepoys who were with us in the 
mainguard, and on whom we 
had been depending to defend 
us in case of attack, began firing 
upon us in every direction. A 
most awful scene, as you may 
imagine, then ensued; people 
running in every possible way 
to try and escape. I, as luck 
would have it, with a few other 
fellows ran up a kind of slope 
that leads to the officers' quar- 
ters, and thence, amid a storm 
of bullets, to one of the embra- 
sures of the bastion. It is per- 
fectly miraculous how I escaped 
being hit; no end of poor fel- 
lows were knocked down all 
about, and all too by their own 
men : it is really awful to think 
of it. However, on arriving at 
the embrasure, all at once the 
idea occurred to me of jump- 
ing down into the ditch from 
the rampart one would have 
thought it madness at any other 
time and so try and get out 
by scaling the other side. But 
just as I was in the act of doing 
so, I heard screams from a lot 
of unfortunate women, who were 
in the officers' quarters, implor- 
ing for help. I immediately, 
with a few other fellows, who, 
like me, were going to escape 
the same way, ran back to them; 
and, though the attempt ap- 
peared hopeless, we determined 
to see if we could not take them 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



with us. Some of them, poor 
creatures, were wounded with 
bullets; however, we made ropes 
with handkerchiefs, and some 
of us jumping down first into 
the ditch, caught them as they 
dropped to break the fall. Then 
came the difficulty of dragging 
them up the opposite bank; 
however, by God's will we suc- 
ceeded, after nearly half- an - 
hour's labour, in getting them 
up; and why no sepoys came 
and shot every one of us while 
getting across all this time, is a 
perfect mystery. The murder- 
ing was going on below all this 
time, and nothing could have 
been easier than for two or three 
of them to come to the rampart 
and shoot down every one of us. 
However, we somehow got over; 
and, expecting to be pursued 
every minute, we bent our steps 
to a house that was on the 
banks of the river. This we 
reached in safety; and, getting 
something to eat and drink from 
the servants, stopped there till 
dark, and then, seeing the whole 
of the three cantonments on fire, 
and, as it were, a regular battle 
raging in that direction, we ran 
downtheriver side, and made the 
best of our way along its banks 
in another direction. . . . For 
three days and nights we wan- 
dered in the jungles, sometimes 
fed and sometimes robbed by the 
villagers, till at length, wearied 
and footsore, with shreds of 
clothes on our backs, we arrived 
at a village where they put us 
in a hut, and fed us for four 
days, and, moreover, took a 



note from us into Meerut, 
whence an escort of cavalry was 
sent out, and we were brought 
safely in here. We started from 
Delhi with five ladies and four 
officers besides myself, but after- 
wards in our wanderings fell in 
with two sergeants' wives and 
two little children, with two 
more officers and a merchant; 
so altogether, on coming into 
Meerut, we were a body of 
seventeen souls. Oh, great 
Heaven, to think of the priva- 
tions we endured, and the nar- 
row escapes we had ! We used 
to ford streams at night, and 
then walk on slowly in our drip- 
ping clothes, lying down to rest 
every half-hour; for you must 
remember that some of the 
ladies were wounded, and all so 
fatigued and worn out that they 
could scarcely move. Of course, 
had we been ourselves, we 
would have made a dash for 
Meerut at once, which is about 
forty miles from Delhi, but, hav- 
ing these unfortunate women 
with us, what could we do ? ... 
At one time, when we were 
attacked by the villagers, and 
robbed of everything we pos- 
sessed, had we not had them 
with us, we would have fought 
for it, and sold our lives dearly, 
instead of quietly giving up our 
arms as we did; for, you must 
know, we had a few blunt 
swords among us, with one 
double barrelled gun." 

These are only two of the sto- 
ries of hairbreadth escapes which 
were told at the time by those 
who had made them. They will 



52 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



do as average specimens, hav- 
ing been selected for summaris- 
ing almost at random. 

Macaulay somewhere suggests 
and outlines an epic to be called 
the Wellingtoniad. If epics 
still were read, and they would be 
read if there were only Homers 
inspired with the spirit of their 
age to write them, a "Delhiad" 
might be written not unworthy 
to be read after the "Iliad." 
For details of the sorrows, and 
the perils, and the heroism, 
which would supply materials 
more than ample for such a pur- 
pose, the readers of this outline 
will turn to the histories of it 
which have been written at great 
length. 

Much fault was found with 
the authorities at the time for 
not having Delhi in a better 



state of defence. Brigadier- 
General Graves was blamed for 
inactivity, as, we have seen, was 
also Major- General Hewett. 
But it does not take great in- 
sight or foresight to see that 
something must have been 
wrong, when at the close of 
that Monday, May nth, not a 
single individual of the European 
inhabitants of Delhi, who had 
all risen from bed in peace that 
morning, had escaped death, 
flight, or the necessity of keeping 
in terrified concealment. British 
rule in that city was overthrown 
in a day. The natives were the 
rulers. The king was restored 
to his throne. We will leave 
him there till eventful circum- 
stances lead the line of the story 
of the mutiny back to Delhi 



CHAPTER VI. 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE AT LUCKNOW. 



A SHORT survey of the situ- 
ation of affairs at one centre in 
the North-West mutinous region, 
will prepare for the account of 
the treachery and atrocities at 
Cawnpore, which will be given 
in the next chapter. But a 
word or two must be said first 
of the state of feeling at Cal- 
cutta in the meantime. At the 
time of the mutiny this magnifi- 
cent city, standing on the left 



bank of the Hoogly, one of the 
numerous streams by which the 
Ganges finds an outlet to the 
sea, the chief British city in 
India, had no less than seventy 
times as many natives as Eng- 
lish. Out of more than four 
hundred thousand inhabitants, 
only six thousand were Eng- 
lish. .Even including the pro- 
geny of white fathers and native 
mothers, the Eurasians as they 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



are called, the disparity was 
enormous. 

The ebullitions at Dumdum, 
Barrackpore, and Berhampore 
did not affect the inhabitants of 
this great city. They looked 
upon these transactions as only 
very remotely concerning them. 
When, however, about the middle 
of May the appalling news about 
Meerut and Delhi became 
known, there spread among all 
classes a vague apprehension of 
hidden danger, a sort of unde- 
fined alarm. Demonstrations 
of loyalty were made by both 
the Christian inhabitants and 
the natives. The Calcutta 
Trade Association held a meet- 
ing on the 27th of May, and 
agreed to a resolution stating 
that they were prepared to 
afford the Government every 
assistance in their power, to- 
wards the promotion of order 
and the protection of the Chris- 
tian community of Calcutta, 
either by serving as special con- 
stables or otherwise. The Free- 
masons made a similar proffer of 
services. The Armenians resi- 
dent in the city met and de- 
clared their apprehension for 
the safety of Calcutta and its 
inhabitants, and their sincere 
loyalty to the British Govern- 
ment. They also were willing 
and ready to tender their united 
services and co-operate with their 
fellow-citizens, in maintaining 
tranquillity. The French in- 
habitants were forward to place 
themselves at the disposal of 
the Governor-General in case of 
need. 



But it is more interesting to 
learn how the influential native 
inhabitants comported them- 
selves. There was a body of 
Hindoo gentlemen at Calcutta, 
called the British Indian Asso- 
ciation. The managing com- 
mittee held a meeting on the 
22d of May, and framed an 
address to the Government. 
They said they had heard of 
the ' atrocities at Meerut and 
Delhi with great concern, and 
viewed them with disgust and 
horror; and expressed their 
belief that the loyalty of the 
Hindoos, and their confidence 
in the power and good inten- 
tions of the Government, would 
be unimpaired by the detestable 
efforts which had been made to 
alienate the minds of the sepoys 
and the people of the country 
from their duty and allegiance 
to the beneficent rule under 
which they were placed. The 
Mohammedans of Calcutta were 
equally loyal in the sentiments 
they expressed. They, too, de- 
clared that as they had ever 
lived in safety and comfort 
under the British rule, and had 
never been molested or inter- 
fered with in religious matters, 
they were determined, with 
eagerness and sincerity, in case 
of necessity, to serve the Gov- 
ernment to the utmost of their 
abilities and means. 

Viscount Canning, in each 
case, professed to believe in the 
honesty and uprightness of these 
natives. What else could he do 
at that early stage of the mutiny? 
His official replies conveyed in 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



pointed terms his conviction 
that the disaffection among the 
sepoys was only temporary and 
local. 

Before leaving Calcutta, men- 
tion must be made here of an 
inquiry which was made about 
this time, into the conduct of 
Colonel S. G. Wheler, connect- 
ed with the disbanding of the 
34th native regiment of infantry 
at Barrackpore, an account of 
which has already been given. 
He was the colonel of that un- 
fortunate regiment. Rumours 
had reached Government that 
this gentleman had been in the 
habit of addressing his men on 
religious subjects generally, and 
especially, that he had used 
language, indicating his expec- 
tation and hope that they would 
be converted to Christianity. 
Colonel Wheler was requested 
by Major-General Hearsey to 
furnish some reply to these 
rumours. He did so most 
frankly. He admitted that for 
twenty years and more, he had 
been in the habit of speaking to 
natives of all classes, sepoys 
and others making, as he said, 
no distinction, as there is no re- 
spect of persons with God on 
the subject of the Christian re- 
ligion, in the highways, cities, 
bazaars, and villages, but not in 
the lines and regimental bazaars. 
He had done this from a con- 
viction that every converted 
Christian is expected, or rather 
commanded, by the Scriptures, 
to make known the glad tidings 
of salvation to his lost fellow- 
creatures. He quoted from the 



Epistle to the Romans, to prove 
that a Christian must neces- 
sarily be a better subject to any 
state than a non - Christian. 
Viscount Canning wished him 
to be more explicit as to whether 
he had held such conversations 
with his own men of the 34th. 
He replied, that it was his cus- 
tom to address all natives, 
whether sepoys or not. A good 
deal of correspondence took 
place in the matter. The colo- 
nel showed good fight for his 
faith, whatever might be 
thought of his prudence. The 
result was that the members of 
the Supreme Council at Cal- 
cutta, unanimously decided that 
an officer holding Colonel 
Wheler's views of duty, ought 
not to remain in command of a 
native regiment, especially at 
such a critical period as that 
was in India. 

Leaving Calcutta, let us pro- 
ceed at once away north-west to 
Lucknow, the capital of Oude, 
which is a British Indian pro- 
vince, about three times the size 
of Wales. Lucknow stands on 
the right bank of the Goomtee, 
a navigable river thence to its 
confluence with the Ganges, be- 
tween Benares and Ghazeepore. 
The city is rather more than 
fifty miles north-east of Cawn- 
pore, and about a hundred and 
thirty miles north by west of 
Allahabad; and as Cawnpore 
is on the right bank of the 
Ganges, that sacred river inter- 
venes between the two cities. 

Oude was annexed to the 
British power in 1856, when an 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



annual stipend of twelve lacs of 
rupees ^120,000, a lac being 
100,000 rupees, of about the 
value of ;i 0,000 was settled 
on the suspended king, who went 
to live at Garden Reach, on the 
outskirts of Calcutta. It will 
be remembered that his mother, 
the Dowager-Queen of Oude, 
came to London the same year 
with a numerous retinue, includ- 
ing the king's brother and the 
king's son, the former claiming 
to be heir - presumptive to the 
titular sovereignty, and the 
other to be heir-apparent, and 
all to no practical purpose. 

When the mutiny broke out 
at Meerut, Sir Henry Lawrence 
held supreme sway at Lucknow 
as resident, or chief commis- 
sioner of the East India Com- 
pany. He was a sagacious, 
energetic, and noble -hearted 
gentleman. His difficulties, too, 
began with the vexatious cart- 
ridge question. Towards the 
close of April, it was found that 
many of the recruits, or younger 
men, of the 7th regiment of 
Oude infantry evinced a reluct- 
ance to bite the cartridges, the 
new method of tearing, instead 
of biting, by some oversight, 
not having been shown to the 
sepoys at Lucknow. The matter 
was explained to the men, and 
confidence seemed to be restored, 
but a morbid feeling still re- 
mained. On the ist of May, 
when some of them showed 
again symptoms of repugnancy 
to the cartridges, a few of the 
recruits were imprisoned in the 
quarter-guard. Captain Watson 



addressed his men next day, 
pointing out the folly of these 
youngsters, and exhorting them 
all to behave more like true 
soldiers. They listened with 
respectful sullenness, and the 
captain felt it his duty -to re- 
port their dogged behaviour to 
Brigadier Grey, who, accom- 
panied by Captains Watson and 
Barlow, at once went to the 
lines, had the men drawn up in 
regular order, and put the ques- 
tion to each company separately, 
whether they were willing to use 
the same cartridges as had all 
along been employed? They 
all refused. The native officers 
had declined before this taking 
any steps to enforce obedience. 
They declared that if they did 
so, their lives would be in 
danger from the men under 
them. Brigadier Grey felt that 
vigorous measures mustbe taken. 
Next Sunday morning, the 3d 
of May, the grenadier company, 
the crack company of the regi- 
ment, went through the lines, 
threatening to kill some of the 
European officers, and the threat 
soon seemed a great deal too 
near fulfilment But, after rather 
humiliating entreaty by the 
European and native officers, 
the excitement of the men be- 
came in some degree allayed. 
While this was going on at the 
station of Moosa Bagh, a mes- 
senger was sent by the stimu- 
lators of disaffection in the 7th 
regiment to the cantonment of 
Murreeoun with a letter incit- 
ing the 48th native infantry to 
join them in a mutinous rising. 



56 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Fortunately, there was one sub- 
ad ar true to his duty, and he 
brought the letter to Colonel 
Palmer, the commandant of the 
48th. Prompt measures were 
at once taken. A considerable 
force, with a field battery of 
guns, was sent from the canton- 
ment to the place where the in- 
citing intriguers were posted. 
They stood firm for a time, but 
when they saw cannon pointed 
at them, some of them fled at 
their best speed, while others 
gave up their arms quietly. The 
cavalry pursued the fugitives, 
and brought back some of them. 
Thus the 7th Oude irregular 
infantry regiment, about 1000 
strong, was suddenly broken 
up into three fragments, one 
escaped, another captured, and 
another disarmed. 

Sunday seems to have been 
a favourite day for these out- 
breaks. The Rev. Mr Pole- 
hampton, chaplain to the Eng- 
lish residents at Lucknow, 
writing about this mutinous 
proceeding, from what he saw, 
says, " Towards the end of the 
prayers, a servant came into the 
church, and spoke first to Major 
Reid of the 48th, and then to 
Mr Dashwood, of the same 
regiment. They both went out, 
and afterwards others were called 
away. The ladies began to look 
very uncomfortable ; one or two 
others crossed over the aisle to 
friends who were sitting on the 
other side, so that altogether I 
had not a very attentive con- 
gregation." When it was found 
that the officers had been called 



out to join the force against the 
mutineers, Mr Polehampton felt 
very much inclined to ride down 
and see what was going, " but," 
he says, " as the Moosa Bagh is 
seven miles from our house, and 
as I should have left my wife all 
alone, I stayed where I was. I 
thought of what William III. 
said when he was told that the 
Bishop of Derry had been shot 
at the ford at the battle of the 
Boyne ' What took him there ? ' " 
The course adopted by Sir 
Henry Lawrence on this occasion 
was skilfully adapted to Indian 
understandings. It was of quite 
an Oriental character. He held 
a grand military durbar, or levee, 
pending the receipt of instruc- 
tions from Calcutta regarding 
the disposal of the mutinous 
regiment. He had advised that 
it should be disbanded, with a 
provision for the re-enlisting of 
those who had not joined the 
rebels. Four native soldiers, a 
subadar,* a havildar-major, and 
a sepoy of the 48th regiment, 
along with a sepoy of the i3th, 
who had proved themselves 
faithful in a time of danger, were 
to have their merits publicly 
recognised, and to be rewarded. 
As suitable to the occasion in 
such circumstances, carpets were 
laid on the lawn in front of the 
residency, and chairs were ar- 
ranged on three sides of a square 
for some of the native officers 
and sepoys, while upwards of 
twenty European officials, mili- 

* Subadar, captain ; jemadar, lieu- 
tenant ; kavildar, sergeant ; naik, cor- 
poral. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



57 



tary and civil, occupied a large 
verandah. Sir Henry opened 
the proceedings with a vigorous 
and pointed address in Hindo- 
stani, in which he described in 
the gorgeous language which 
the natives need, the power and 
wealth of Great Britain, and 
dwelt on the freedom of con- 
science which was every- 
where respected in British India. 
" Those among you," Sir Henry 
said, "who have perused the 
records of the past times well 
know, that Alumghir in former 
times, and Hyder AH in later 
days, forcibly converted thou- 
sands and thousands of Hin- 
doos, desecrated their fanes, 
and carried ruthless devastation 
amongst the household gods. 
Come to our times. Many here 
well know that Runjeet Singh 
never permitted his Moham- 
medan subjects to call the pious 
to prayer never allowed the 
Afghan to sound from the lofty 
minarets which adorn Lahore, 
and which remain to this day a 
monument to their munificent 
founders. The year before last 
a Hindoo could not have dared 
to build a temple in Lucknow. 
All this is changed. Who is 
there that would dare now to 
interfere with our Mohammedan 
subjects ? " Sir Henry went on 
to treat with scorn the reports 
touching a meditated insult to 
the faith or the castes of the 
native soldiers. He adverted 
to their gallant achievements 
during the hundred years of 
British rule ; and told them what 
pain it gave him when he re- 



flected that the disbandment of 
such troops had been found 
necessary at Barrackpore and 
Berhampore. Then proceed- 
ing to the business on hand, 
the chief commissioner said : 
" Now turn to these good and 
faithful soldiers SubadarSewak 
Tewaree, Havildar Heera Lall 
Doobey, and Sipahi Ranuna 
Doobey, of the 48th Native 
Infantry, and Hossein Buksh, 
of the 1 3th regiment who 
have set to you all a good ex- 
ample. The first three at once 
arrested the bearer of a sedi- 
tious letter, and brought the 
whole circumstances to the 
notice of superior authority. 
You know well what the con- 
sequences were, and what has 
befallen the yth Oude Irregular 
Infantry, more than fifty of 
whom, sirdars and soldiers, are 
now in confinement, and the 
whole regiment awaits the deci- 
sion of Government as to its 
fate. Look at Hossein Buksh, 
of the 1 3th, fine fellow as he is ! 
Is he not a good and faithful 
soldier ? Did he not seize three 
villains, who are now in confine- 
ment, and awaiting their doom ? 
It is to reward such fidelity, 
such acts and deeds as I have 
mentioned, and of which you 
are well aware, that I have called 
you all together this day to 
assure you that those who are 
faithful and true to their salt 
will always be amply rewarded 
and well cared for; that the 
great Government which we all 
serve is prompt to reward, swift 
to punish, vigilant and eager to 



58 



THE INDIAN MUTINY 



protect its faithful subjects, but 
firm, determined, resolute, to 
crush all who may have the 
temerity to rouse its vengeance." 
Sir Henry then, after some 
earnest exhortation, said : " Ad- 
vance, Subadar Sewak Tewaree; 
come forward, havildar and se- 
poys, and receive these splendid 
gifts from the Government which 
is proud to number you amongst 
its soldiers. Accept these honor- 
ary sabres ; you have won them 
well ; long may you live to wear 
them in honour ! Take these 
sums of money for your families 
and relatives ; wear these robes 
of honour at your homes and 
your festivals; and may the 
bright example you have so 
conspicuously set, find, as it 
doubtless will, followers in every 
regiment and company in the 
army." The subadar and the 
havildar were each presented 
with a handsomely decorated 
sword, a pair of elegant shawls, 
a choogah, or cloak, and four 
pieces of embroidered cloth; 
and the two sepoys received 
each a decorated sword, a tur- 
ban, pieces of cloth, and three 
hundred rupees in cash. Hos- 
sein Buksh was made a naik, or 
corporal. 

By this demonstration, and 
the general wisdom and firm- 
ness of his policy, Sir Henry 
Lawrence kept matters quiet at 
Lucknow in the meantime. But 
things looked very threatening. 
On the 1 6th of May, he tele- 
graphed to Calcutta : " Give me 
plenary power in Oude; I will 
not use it unnecessarily. I am 



sending two troops of cavalry 
to Allahabad. Send a com- 
pany of Europeans into the fort 
there. It will be good to raise 
regiments of irregular horse, 
under good officers." An an- 
swer returned the same day: 
" You have full military powers. 
The Governor-General will sup- 
port you in everything you 
think necessary. It is impos- 
sible to send a European to 
Allahabad. Dinapoor must not 
be weakened by a single man. 
If you can raise any irregulars 
that you can trust, do so at 
once. Have you any good 
officers to spare for this duty?" 

In this manner information 
and instructions were darting 
through the telegraph-wire, be- 
tween the great centres of mili- 
tary force and Calcutta. Vis- 
count Canning was anxious and 
eager to send troops to where 
they were wanted, but he and 
the troops were baffled by the 
tardiness of all modes of con- 
veyance in India. 

Before written instructions 
came from Calcutta, regarding 
the mutinous yth, Sir Henry 
Lawrence had to take action 
himself, entrusted as he now 
was with plenary powers. He 
held a court of inquiry, the re- 
sult of which was, that two 
subadars, a jemadar, and thirty- 
four sepoys were committed to 
prison; but he resolved not 
to disband the regiment just 
then. 

A most absurd story came 
out at the examination of some 
of the mutineers. It seems that 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



59 



a rumour, which had great in- 
fluence over the conduct of 
most of them, was to the effect 
that, in consequence of the 
Crimean war, there were a great 
many widows in England, and 
these were to be brought and 
married to the rajahs in Oude \ 
and their children, brought up 
as Christians, were to inherit 
all the estates ! 

Sir Henry Lawrence was 
much more solicitous about 
Cawnpore, Allahabad, and Ben- 
ares, than about anything that 
could happen at Lucknow. He 
had taken every precaution 
which could suggest itself to a 
prudent governor. He armed 
four posts for defence. At one 
there were 400 men, and twenty 
guns; at another, 100 Euro- 
peans, and as many sepoys j in 
another, was the chief store of 
powder, well guarded ; while 
130 Europeans, 200 sepoys, 
and six guns guarded the treas- 
ury. On the last two days of 
May, however, there was serious 



agitation at Lucknow, for a num- 
ber of the native troops broke 
out in mutiny. They were 
somewhat formidable, consist- 
ing as they did, of half the 48th 
regiment, about half of the 
yist, some few of the i3th, and 
two troops of the 7th cavalry, 
but they all fled to Seetapoor, 
a town to the north of Luck- 
now. Sir Henry, with two 
companies of her Majesty's 32 d 
regiment, 300 of the Oude 
native cavalry, and four guns, 
went in pursuit ; but the cavalry 
were anything but zealous, and 
the chief commissioner was vex- 
ed to find that he could only 
get within round shot of the 
mutineers ; and he was annoyed 
also at the inadequate result ot 
the pursuit thirty prisoners. 
In Lucknow, bungalows kept 
being burned, and a few English 
officers were shot. Still it was 
towards other cities, especially 
Cawnpore, that Sir Henry Law- 
rence directed his most appre- 
hensive glances. 



CHAPTER VII. 



NANA SAHIB AT CAWNPORE. 



THE revolting treachery and 
cruelty of the Nana Sahib at 
Cawnpore secured for him the 
unenviable notoriety of being 
the arch-villain of the Indian 
Mutiny. The unutterable 
p.trocity of the massacres at that 



city produced on the minds of 
men in all countries, when they 
became known, an indescrib- 
able sense of utter astonishment 
and dismay, just as the mystery 
which, for many weeks, veiled 
the fate of the hapless victims, 



GO 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



had heightened to an agonising 
degree the terror of dismal fore- 
bodings regarding them. The 
troubles of May, the miseries of 
June, and the horrors of July, 
"will never, never be forgot." 

Cavvnpore is a word of terror 
to most English readers. It is 
the name of a district and a city 
in it the city lying in the 
Doab, a delta between the 
Jumna and the Ganges ; the 
city on the right bank of the 
Ganges, about two hundred 
and seventy miles below Delhi, 
and between six and seven 
hundred miles by land from 
Calcutta. 

Nana Sahib is, or was 
whether he is still alive or not, is 
not known at the present time 
the titular or honorary name 
of Dhundu Punt, the adopted 
son of Maharajah Bajee K.ao, 
the last chief of the Mahrattas, 
who dwelt at Bithoor, and died 
in 1851. The Nana had a 
quarrel with the East India 
Company about a jaghire or 
estate near the town, which he 
thought he should have inherited 
along with the rest of the vast 
wealth of his adoptive father; 
but to which it was held by the 
Company's advisers that he had 
no legal claim. This was consid- 
ered at the time to be the germ 
of the deadly hatred for the 
British, which he had nursed in 
his heart during the six years 
from the death of the Peishwa 
of Bithoor, till the outbreak of 
the gigantic mutiny. 

He cherished this grudge like 
the consummate hypocrite he 



proved himself to be. In the 
meantime, he made a point of 
receiving English visitors courte- 
ously, and with a show of sur- 
passing kindness. An English 
traveller, who visited him, was 
treated with an amount of atten- 
tion which seemed to flatter 
both him and the usages of his 
native country. His rooms 
were decked with English fur- 
niture, arranged according to 
the Indian ideas. He found a 
chest of drawers and a toilet 
table in his sitting-room ; a 
piano, a card-table, tent-tables, 
and camp-stools, as well as ele- 
gant drawing-room tables and 
chairs in the bed -room, which 
showed also a costly clock be- 
tween cheap Japan candlesticks; 
good prints of Landseer, hung 
among sixpenny plates of Well- 
ington and Napoleon, sacred 
prints, and prints of ballet-girls, 
and winners of the Derby. 
" This was all meant as princely 
hospitality to an English guest, 
whose pleasure in the midst of 
it was considerably dashed when 
he heard rumours to the effect 
that two ladies of rank were 
kept in a den not far from his 
apartments, and treated like 
wild beasts; and that a third, 
a beautiful young creature, had 
recently been bricked up in a 
wall for no other fault than 
attempting to escape. 

The outbreaks at Meerut and 
Delhi aroused attention to the 
condition of Cawnpore, where 
there were only native troops ; 
while its store of ammunition was 
great, the treasury &rge, and the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



61 



British population considerable. 
Sir Hugh Wheeler, who was in 
command, passed troubled nights 
and days amid rumours of im- 
mediate outbreak, telegraphing 
for British troops, which were 
not to be had. He was anxious 
about the numerous women and 
children. Everything affect- 
ing the safety of the civilians 
and the probable loyalty or dis- 
loyalty of the native troops 
was left entirely to his discre- 
tion. On the 2d of June only 
ninety European troops had 
reached him at the beginning 
of the terrible miseries of that 
month. Lawrence was becom- 
ing weak at Lucknow, and Sir 
Hugh had to send him fifty-two 
of his highly cherished ninety 
men. The population of Cawn- 
pore was much excited on the 
3d of June, and ominous reports 
kept coming in from the sur- 
rounding district. The tele- 
graph wires were cut on all sides 
of the city, and the dak-run- 
ners, or running postmen, were 
stopped. After this, for a time, 
all remained mystery, for it was 
only by stealthy means that 
messages or letters could be 
sent from or received in the 
city. Matters remained so 
throughout June. It was only 
when escaped fugitives and 
native messengers came steal- 
ing into one or other of the 
neighbouring towns, that the 
stories of the intrenchment, 
the boats, the ghat, the house 
of slaughter, and the well, be- 
came known in a few of their 
horrifying details. 



At the time of the rising the 
European inhabitants of Cawn- 
pore were numerous. They 
consisted of not only the Com- 
pany's military and civil officers 
and their families, but of Euro- 
pean merchants, missionaries, 
engineers, pensioners, and a 
great many others not easily 
classed. There was among 
them a false reliance on what 
seemed a favourable feeling of 
the native infantry towards 
them, and none of them made 
any immediate attempt to quit 
the place. Sir Hugh Wheeler, 
however, deemed it his duty ta 
prepare for emergencies, the 
approach of which he had 
many good reasons to fear. 
There was no such stronghold 
in Cawnpore as the Flagstaff 
Tower at Delhi, to which the 
women and children might be 
entrusted for temporary safety. 
After securing a sufficient num 
ber of boats to convey the 
Europeans down the Ganges, 
if danger should appear, Sir 
Hugh formed a plan for protec- 
tion in that intrenchment, o 
which so much was subse- 
quently heard. It was a squar' 
plot of ground, measuring about 
two hundred yards in each direc- 
tion ; within it there were two 
barrack hospitals, a few other 
buildings, and a well; and it 
stood distinct from the city, 
about a quarter of a mile out ot 
the Allahabad and Cawnpore 
high road. A supply of rice, 
grain, salt, sugar, tea, coffee, rum, 
beer, and other necessaries of 
life and refreshments, calculated 



62 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



at thirty days' consumption for a 
thousand persons, was stored 
within its trench and parapet of 
earth-work. 

The native soldiers were 
hutted in the usual military 
cantonment, and the few Eng- 
lish soldiers were barracked in 
the intrenchment. It was 
determined that the English 
officers should sleep at the can- 
tonment to avoid the appear- 
ance of distrust of the native 
troops under their command \ 
and that their wives and families, 
and most of the civilians, should 
repair at night to the intrench- 
ment to be under the protec- 
tion of the British soldiers. On 
the first night of this arrange- 
ment there was an immense 
number of ladies and gentle- 
men huddled inside of that ex- 
temporised square. It was an 
anxious occasion. The children 
added greatly to the prevailing 
distress. It rained heavily 
through the night, during the 
whole of which the men were 
kept standing by their guns, ex- 
pecting and awaiting an instant 
attack. It did not come on, but 
there they were in their wretched- 
ness night after night enemies 
within and without the camp, 
treachery and distrust every- 
where scarcely able to realise 
the frightful changes which had 
so suddenly overcast all the 
pleasant repose and enjoyment 
of life. 

Every one had confidence in 
Sir Hugh Wheeler. Colonel 
Ewart, in the last letter received 
from him by his friends in Eng- 



land, wrote of the veteran com? 
mander : " He is an excellent 
officer, very determined, self- 
possessed in the midst of 
danger, fearless of responsi- 
bility that terrible bugbear 
that paralyses so many men in 
command." Sir Hugh was both 
beloved and trusted by them aD. 
He ordered the Company's trea- 
sure to be brought from the city 
to the intrenchment. The col- 
lector experienced considerable 
difficulty in obeying this order 
in part, and the aid of three or 
four hundred men was obtained 
from Nana Sahib to guard the 
treasury and its contents true 
to treachery to the last ! 

It was on the 5th of June that 
the dreaded crisis arrived. Sir 
Hugh Wheeler had appealed in 
vain to other quarters for addi- 
tional British troops, but none 
could be spared from anywhere, 
and he was left to meet the 
emergency manfully with such 
measures as were at hand. 

At two o'clock on the morn- 
ing of that day, to be dated in 
blood, after a vain attempt to 
seduce the native infantry from 
their allegiance, the 2d cavalry 
rose in a body and gave a 
great shout, mounted their 
horses, set fire to the bunga- 
low of the quarter-master-ser- 
geant, and took possession of 
thirty-six elephants in the com- 
missariat cattle -yard. They 
marched out of the lines, but 
left a number of intriguers be- 
hind to assail, only too success- 
fully, the loyalty of the infantry, 
of whom the ist regiment, 



THE INDIAN MUTINY, 



63 



yielding to the temptation, 
marched out of the lines about 
three o'clock. They showed 
on the occasion the lingering 
affection which they entertained 
for their British officers, who 
had continued to sleep among 
them. They prayed them, and, 
indeed, compelled them to seek 
personal safety within the in- 
trenchment. About ten o'clock 
in the forenoon the whole of the 
native officers of the 53d and 
56th infantry came to General 
Wheeler and told him that they 
iiad no longer any hold over 
the fidelity of their men ; and, 
while they were making this 
ominous announcement, a bugle 
was heard, and these two regi- 
ments were seen marching off 
to their mutinous comrades. 
These officers left the intrench- 
ment, with orders to organise a 
few stragglers, who had not 
joined the mutineers, but they 
never returned. 

Carts were at once sent to the 
cantonment to bring away the 
sick from the hospital, and such 
muskets and other property as 
might be useful. The hospital 
arrangements in the intrench- 
ment became accordingly very 
much over-crowded, and many 
of the people had to sleep in 
the open air. All the civilians 
were armed and appointed to 
various posts, to do what they 
could for the common good. 

When the mutineers left the 
cantonment, they marched to 
Nawabgunge as their rallying 
place. Nana Sahib came there 
to meet them ; he placed him- 



self at their head, and his first 
order was that they should 
march to the treasury, which 
had been left in good faith by 
Sir Hugh Wheeler under the 
guard of his men. The arch- 
traitor carried off a large amount 
of government treasure on ele- 
phants, which had only the other 
day belonged to the govern- 
ment. The rest he left to the 
sepoys as their prize. Sir Hugh 
Wheeler had issued orders that 
the magazine was to be blown 
up, as had been done at Delhi, if 
it should be deemed necessary. 
The mutinous sepoys secured 
possession of it. After secur- 
ing all papers and burning them, 
the rebels destroyed the trea- 
sury and the collector's office. 
They all then marched to Kul- 
lianpore, one stage on the road 
to Delhi, leaving behind a few 
troopers to set fire to as many 
of the bungalows as they could 
get the torch at. 

Sir Henry Lawrence had sent 
to Wheeler, a battery of the 
Oude horse -artillery, in hope 
that they would be steadfast 
and helpful. It was a misfor- 
tune. These men had been 
taken within the intrenchment, 
but finding them smitten with 
the prevailing mania for mutiny, 
Sir Hugh disarmed and dis- 
missed them. They now went 
to Nana Sahib, and, being fami- 
liar with the intrenchment, laid 
before that truculent leader of 
the Cawnpore rebels a plan for 
attacking it. There was much 
ammunition and many guns left 
in the cantonment. Thirty-five 



G4 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



boats, laden with shot and shell, 
were lying in the canal near it. 
All this was at once seized, the 
information regarding it having 
been supplied by the Oude ar- 
tillery men. 

The Nana released four hun- 
dred prisoners in the town, order- 
ed their fetters to be knocked 
off, opened the door of the 
armoury, and let every one who 
was willing to follow him know 
that he might arm himself with 
gun, pistol, or sword, just as he 
liked best. 

The 6th of June dawned upon 
an anxious scene within the in- 
trenchment, crowded as it was 
with men, women, and children, 
nearly all the European inhabi- 
tants of Cawnpore. The rebels 
dragged six guns two of them 
i8-pounders into position near 
it, and opened fire about ten 
o'clock in the forenoon. In- 
stantly a bugle sounded within, 
and every man, from the high- 
est officers down to the drum- 
mers and clerks, took up the 
position assigned, armed, as 
had been appointed for him. 
There were nine hundred per- 
sons hemmed within this miser- 
able square, and barely a third 
of them fighting men, while 
considerably more than a third 
were women and children, who 
were to be fed and defended at 
every hazard. The eight guns 
within the intrenchment replied 
vigorously to those without; and 
all the men not employed at 
the guns crouched down behind 
the breast -work, with a hot 
v/ind and scorching sun parch- 



ing them, ready to defend the 
place with musketry, if a nearer 
attack should be made. 

Next day it was observed 
that the mutineers had brought 
their guns nearer, and that they 
had brought up more of them. 
Many of the best of the defend- 
ers were shot, and the walls and 
verandahs of the two hospitals 
kept being pierced, spreading 
terror among their helpless in- 
mates. There was but one well 
within the intrenchment; and, 
in the words of Mr Shepherd of 
the commissariat department, to 
whom we are indebted for most 
of the information we possess re- 
garding Cawnpore in those days 
of agony: "It was as much as 
giving a man's life-blood to go 
and draw a bucket of water; 
and while there was any water 
remaining in the large jars, usu- 
ally kept in the verandah for the 
soldiers' use, nobody ventured 
to the well ; but after the second 
day the demand became so 
great, that a bag of water was 
with difficulty got for five rupees, 
and a bucket for a rupee. Most 
of the servants deserted, and it 
therefore became a matter of 
necessity for every person to 
fetch his own water, which was 
usually done during the night 
when the enemy could not well 
direct their shots/' There was 
no place to shelter live cattle, 
so that some of the animals were 
let loose, when as many as could 
well be kept in a fit state for food 
had been slaughtered; Meat- 
rations were thus exhausted in 
a few days, excepting when A 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



65 



stray bullock or cow was seized 
at night by the commissariat 
servants. In addition to the 
difficulty of obtaining suitable 
food, there was no getting the 
cooking of it properly attended 
to, as the native servants seized 
upon every opportunity to es- 
cape. Hogsheads of rum and 
malt liquor were frequently burst 
by cannon balls. The chief 
articles of food for all were 
chupatties and rice. 

The rebels at first fired only 
cannon; but after the burning 
of the English church and other 
buildings near the intrenchment, 
they kept up an almost inces- 
sant fire of musketry from be- 
hind the ruined walls \ and any- 
thing like a daring attempt of 
Sir Hugh Wheeler and his brave 
men to make an escape was im- 
possible, when there were so 
many helpless women and chil- 
dren to be thought of. Illness, 
heat, fright, want of room, and 
want of proper food and care, 
caused the release of many of 
these hapless dependants within 
the first week of the attack on 
the intrenchment. The dead 
bodies were thrown into a well 
outside of it, to ward of the 
engendering of disease by any 
mode of burial within the stifl- 
ing enclosure, and it was only 
under a shower of shot and 
shell that even this mockery of 
the last sad office could be ren- 
dered. "The distress was so 
great," says Mr Shepherd, " that 
none could offer a word of con- 
solation to a friend, or attempt 
*o administer to the wants of 



each other. I have seen the 
dead bodies of officers, and ten- 
derly brought up young ladies 
of rank colonels' and captains' 
daughters put outside the ver- 
andah amongst the rest, to await 
the time when the fatigue party 
usually went round to carry the 
dead to the well ; for there was 
scarcely room to shelter the liv- 
ing." 

It is said that, on the Qth of 
June, Sir Hugh Wheeler sent a 
message to Nana Sahib, de- 
manding the reason for his thus 
turning against the English 
whom he had hitherto treated 
kindly, and by whom he had 
been held in esteem. The 
Nana's only reply was from 
the cannon's mouth. 

A scene of horror was wit- 
nessed on the 1 3th of June, 
when the mutineers began to 
fire red-hot shot, which set fire 
to one of the hospitals, by ignit- 
ing the thatch of its roof. The 
wives and children of the com- 
mon soldiers were accommo- 
dated in the building as well 
as the sick and the wounded. 
Forty helpless wretches of the 
latter class were burned to 
death before any help could 
be afforded them. The de- 
fenders of the intrenchment 
could not leave the frail pro- 
tection of their earthen breast- 
work, otherwise the assailants 
would be free to leap over it 
and carry on their bloody work 
with musket and sword. Des- 
pite, then, their eager wish to 
rush to the assistance of the 
shrieking sufferers, they had to 
E 



66 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



endure the agony of leaving 
them to the flames. Nearly all 
the medicines and surgical in- 
struments were destroyed. 

The besiegers had increased 
in numbers to about four thou- 
sand. They drew closer to the 
earthwork with their guns, and 
their firing became more con- 
tinuous; but the besieged had 
not yet yielded an inch. This 
calamity of fire, however, began 
to tell upon them. There had 
been before it a few hours of 
shelter under a roof during the 
day, but now every man who 
could fight was obliged to re- 
main permanently in the open 
air, exposed to an Indian sun 
at its fiercest season of the 
year ; and no wonder that sun- 
stroke prostrated many of them. 
The women and children too, 
in addition to all the other 
discomforts, had the most of 
their clothing destroyed by the 
fire. 

About this time the Nana got 
other congenial work thrown on 
his hands. Futteghur, a mili- 
tary station higher up the 
Ganges than Cawnpore, and 
near Ferruckabad, contained the 
loth regiment of Bengal Infan- 
fantry, and a few other native 
troops. On the 3d of June the 
soldiers showed such mutinous 
symptoms that the officers sta- 
tioned there saw the necessity 
of arranging to send off the 
women and children to Cawn- 
pore for safety not knowing 
that the Europeans of that city 
were in greater peril than them- 
selves. Next day they took to 



their boats in two parties. One 
party, consisting of about forty, 
sought refuge with a friendly 
zemindar on the Oude side of 
the river ; while the other party, 
amounting to more than a 
hundred and twenty persons, 
proceeded down to Cawnpore. 
It seems that these separated 
again for some reason, for it 
turned out that part of them 
pursued their way down the 
Ganges as far as Bithoor, while 
others returned to Futteghur. 
It is probable that the forty who 
sought refuge with the friendly 
zemindar also returned to 
Futteghur, for it is not likely 
that he would brave the wrath 
of the sepoys in the state oi 
matters which then prevailed. 
From the i2th of June to the 
1 8th there was a lull at the 
station, but on the latter day 
the mutiny burst out in cruel 
earnest. The English defended 
themselves as best they could. 
The river was thought too low 
to render a sail to Cawnpore 
safe; but, after many were 
killed, the remaining victims 
took to their boats in the river 
for a voyage, brimful of utter 
misery. The rebels fired on 
them as they rowed along in 
their boats. One of the boats 
went aground, and as a number 
of the mutineers rowed up to- 
wards it, the ladies jumped over- 
board to escape capture. Many 
had only a choice of deaths 
by drowning or by being shot. 
Some ' crept on shore, and 
wandered about the fields to 
escape detection. A few found 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



67 



shelter under friendly roofs. 
One boat load succeeded in 
reaching Bithoor a second 
batch of victims for the Nana 
Sahib. He put every man, 
woman, and child, of both the 
parties, to death. One young 
lady, as the native who told the 
story says, the daughter of some 
general, was not to meet her 
death in silence. Addressing 
the Nana, she said : " No king 
ever committed such oppression 
as you have, and in no religion 
is there any order to kill women 
and children. I do not know 
what has happened to you. 
Be well assured that, by this 
slaughter, the English will not 
become less ; whoever may re- 
main will have an eye upon 
you." But the Nana exhibited 
Oriental listlessness. He paid 
no attention to her prophetic 
words. He ordered his execu- 
tioners to fill her hands with 
powder and kill her by the 
explosion. 

As to the occupants of the 
intrenchment beleagured by 
demons, both the hospitals got 
so riddled with shot and so 
damaged by fire as to afford 
little or no shelter ; and yet the 
greater portion of those who 
could not fight preferred to re- 
main in them rather than be 
exposed to the blighting glare 
of a scorching sun. Some made 
holes for themselves behind the 
earthen parapet; and whole 
families, in their wretchedness, 
were fain to shelter themselves 
in such dens, glad to be covered 
over with boxes, coats, and 



whatever could be laid hands 
on. Apoplexy found many an 
underground victim among 
them. The intrenchment be- 
came loathsome on account of 
this besides many other causes 
which need not be mentioned, 
the stench arising from the 
dead bodies of horses that had 
been shot and could not be 
removed. 

As the forlorn defenders be- 
came weaker and weaker, op- 
portunities presented themselves 
to men of heroic soul to prove 
the metal in which they were 
cast. One day the sepoys 
blew up an ammunition waggon 
within the intrenchment, and 
then it became a matter of 
terrible import to protect the 
other waggons from a similar 
catastrophe. Lieutenant Dela- 
fosse, a young officer of the 
53d, ran forward, laid himself 
under the exposed waggons, 
picked up and threw aside the 
burning fragments, and cov- 
ered the flaming portions with 
handfuls of earth all the time 
subject to a cannonading from 
a battery of six guns, aimed 
purposely at the objects he was 
heroically shielding. Not he 
only. Two soldiers ran to the 
lieutenant with buckets of water; 
and, as the reward of their hero- 
ism a reward seldom conferred 
in such circumstances they all 
three returned from the danger- 
ous spot in safety after preserv- 
ing the ammunition waggons 
from the peril to which they 
stood exposed. The following 
simple record of deaths was 



G8 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



found in Cawnpore after it was 
retaken by the British in a series 
of operations to be described 
subsequently. It is as harrow- 
ing as it is hallowed : " Mamma 
died, July 12 ; Alice died, July 
9 ; George died, June 27; en- 
tered the barracks, May 2 1 ; 
cavalry left, June 5 ; first shot 
fired, June 6 ; uncle Willie died, 
June 1 8 ; aunt Lily died, June 
17." It was evidently written 
by a lady, who was numbered 
with the dead before the fright- 
ful tragedy ended its first act. 
Requiescat in pace. 

After thirty-three days of en- 
forced resistance in the intrench- 
ment,and eighteen days of siege, 
the condition of the victims was 
truly deplorable. They were 
driven to the last extremity. A 
daring sally might have been 
successfully made by the brave 
men who had so long held the 
murderous crew outside at bay ; 
but they could not leave the 
women and children in such 
perilous circumstances. They 
were fathers as well as warriors 
many of them ; and true British 
hearts knew how to choose. 

A parley was resolved on, to 
see if no arrangement could be 
come to by which they might 
all escape with their lives. An 
ayah, a native nurse, gave the 
following account of it after- 
wards. 

Nana Sahib went to the in- 
trenchment after overtures had 
been made, and said : " Take 
away all the women and children 
to Allahabad, and if your men 
want to fight, come back and 



do so ; we will keep faith with 
you." 

General Wheeler replied : 
"You take your solemn oath, 
according to your custom, and 
I will take an oath on my Bible, 
and will leave the intrench- 
ment." 

The Nana: "Our oath .is, 
that whoever we take by the 
hand, and he relies on us, we 
never deceive ; if we do, God 
will judge and punish us." 

The General then went inside 
the intrenchment and consulted 
with the soldiers. 

They said: "There is no 
reliance to be placed in the 
natives ; they will deceive you." 

A few said : " Trust them j it 
is better to do so." 

The General went outside 
the intrenchment and gave 
answer to the Nana : " I agree 
to your terms ; see us away 
as far at Futtehpoor, thence 
we can get easily to Allaha- 
bad." 

The Nana's reply was : " No, 
I will see you all safe to Allaha- 
bad." 

When the time had come for 
investigation into this transac- 
tion, and how it was brought 
about, several accounts were 
given on both these points, but 
they all agreed in asserting that 
a safe conduct was guaranteed 
by the treacherous Nana, only 
to be villainously disregarded. 
So also that Sir H\igh Wheeler 
was mortally wounded before 
his companions in misery left 
the intrenchment, under a solemn 
pledge of safety, is generally ad- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



69 



mitted, but the date of his death 
is not generally known. 

On the 27th of June, all who 
remained of the doomed nine 
hundred left the intrenchment 
in which thay had encountered 
so many woes. The Nana's 
aim seems to have been to 
grasp what remained of the 
Company's treasure and am- 
munition at Cawnpore, and to 
get rid of the Europeans, so as 
to obtain their wealth without 
any more fighting. 

Cannonading had ceased on 
both sides on the evening of 
the 24th, and, till the 27th, every- 
thing was done as expeditiously 
as possible to get ready for the 
sail down the Ganges. The 
imagination shrinks from trying 
to figure to itself the circum- 
stances in which these prepara- 
tions were made. The unburied 
bodies of beloved ones were to 
be left unprotected in that un- 
consecrated well ; the sick and 
wounded were more ready to 
die than be removed ; the hag- 
gard women and children had 
been enfeebled by sufferings of 
every kind; the clothes of all 
were worn, torn, and blood- 
stained ; and not one of the 
whole had a spark of confidence 
in the wily traitor at whose 
mercy they were now allowed 
to drag themselves away in un- 
utterable wretchedness. 

Twenty boats, each with an 
awning, were provided for the 
funereal voyage ; and they were 
obliged to leave behind them 
three or four lacs of rupees 
^vhich had been brought within 



the intrenchment. On the morn- 
ing of the 27th, Nana Sahib 
sent a number of elephants, 
carts, and doolies, to convey 
the women, children, sick, and 
wounded, a distance of a mile 
and a half to the river side. 
The men who could walk pre- 
ceded them on foot, sorely 
oppressed with hunger, thirst, 
fatigue, heat, grief, and anxiety. 
The whole numbered only about 
four hundred and fifty, one half 
of the original nine hundred 
having fallen victims to their 
three weeks of privation and 
suffering. 

Those who reached the river 
first took boat and set sail ; but 
later comers were detained a 
long time, and, while they were 
still preparing to embark, they 
were horrified at hearing the re- 
port of guns. It was a masked 
battery of three guns which had 
begun to play on the wretches 
who were now within the toils 
of the heartless traitor, who, in 
disregard of oaths and treaties, 
had given orders for the slaugh- 
ter in this manner of the heroes 
and their hapless dependants, 
whom he had found it so diffi- 
cult to destroy in the intrench- 
ment. Some of the boats took 
fire ; volley after volley of mus- 
ketry was directed against the 
unhappy passengers, scores of 
whom were shot dead in the 
boats, while others had bullets 
sent through them while they 
were endeavouring to swim to 
the banks, in the vain hope of 
being in safety there. A few 
boats were hastily rowed across 



70 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the river, only to encounter a 
body of the lyth native infan- 
try who had just arrived from 
Azimghur to aid in the bloody 
work, for the performance of 
which they had been summoned 
thither. The murderers on both 
banks waded into the river, 
seized the boats within reach, 
and put all the men still re- 
maining alive to the sabre. 

The women were spared for 
a more horrible fate. Many of 
them, poor things, were wound- 
ed, some with two or three bul- 
lets ; and they all in their agony 
of woe, with the children, whose 
condition defies description, 
were taken ashore, and placed 
in a building in Nana Sahib's 
camp. 

There is a gloomy interest of 
attractive melancholy felt in fol- 
lowing the vicissitudes of two 
separate^boat parties. The gal- 
lant Lieutenant Uelafosse, who 
so promptly risked his life to 
avert the blowing up of the 
ammunition waggons in the in- 
trench ment, has told us the 
story of one of them, showing 
how he was among the very 
few who escaped with his life 
from the massacre at Cawnpore. 
He writes : "We had now one 
boat crowded with wounded, 
and having on board more than 
she could carry. Two guns fol- 
lowed us the whole of that day, 
the infantry firing on us the 
whole of that night. On the 
second day, 28th June, a gun 
was seen on the Cawnpore side, 
which opened on us at Nujjub- 
gurh, the infantry still following 



us on both sides. On the morn- 
ing of the third day the boat 
was no longer serviceable; we 
were aground on a sandbank, 
and had not strength sufficient 
to move her. Directly any of 
us got into the water, we were 
fired upon by thirty or forty 
men at a time. There was 
nothing left for us but to charge 
and drive them away, and four- 
teen of us were told off to do 
what we could. Directly we 
got on shore the insurgents re- 
tired ; but, having followed them 
up too far, we were cut off from 
the river, and had to retire our- 
selves, as we were being sur- 
rounded. We could not make 
for the river, we had to go down 
parallel and come to the river 
again a mile lower down, where 
we saw a large force of men 
right in front waiting for us, 
and another lot on the oppo- 
site bank, should we attempt to 
cross the river. On the bank 
of the river, just by the force in 
front, was a temple. We fired a 
volley, and made for the temple, 
in which we took shelter, hav- 
ing one man killed and one 
wounded. From the door of 
the temple we fired on every in- 
surgent that happened to show 
himself. Finding that they 
could do nothing to us while 
we remained inside, they heaped 
wood all round and set it on 
fire. When we could no longer 
remain inside on account of 
the smoke and heat, we threw 
off what clothes we had, and, 
each taking a musket, charged 
through the fire. Seven of us 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



71 



out of the twelve got into the 
water, but before we had gone 
far two poor fellows were shot. 
There were only five of us left 
now, and we had to swim whilst 
the insurgents followed us along 
both banks, wading and firing 
as fast as they could. After we 
had gone three miles down the 
stream, one of our party, an 
artilleryman, to rest himself be- 
gan swimming on his back, and 
not knowing in what direction 
he was swimming, got on shore 
and was killed. When we had 
got down about six miles, firing 
from both sides ceased; and 
soon after we were hailed ,by 
some natives on the Oude side, 
who asked us to come on shore, 
and said they would take us to 
their rajah, who was friendly to 
the English." This turned out 
true ; and Lieutenant Delafosse, 
with two or three companions, 
were entertained in security and 
comparative comfort through- 
out the month of July, till an 
opportunity occurred of joining 
a British force. 

The last that this world heard 
of the brave old General Sir 
Hugh Wheeler, after his fifty- 
four years' service in India, was 
that he and his daughter were 
in another boat with a large 
party who rowed many miles 
down the Ganges till they got 
upon a sandbank. The sepoys 
ran along the shore and took 
to boats after them, shooting 
down their prey as soon as they 
got within musket range, and 
receiving many fatal shots in 
return. A freshet in the river 



released the boat from the sand- 
bank, and to prevent the escape 
of this party, Nana Sahib order- 
ed three companies of the 3d 
Oude Artillery to pursue the 
boat and effect a complete cap- 
ture. This was accomplished, 
and the sixty gentlemen, twenty- 
five ladies, three girls and a boy 
it contained alive, fell into the 
hands of their ruthless, relent- 
less enemy. A native after^ 
wards informed the commission 
of inquiry, that a contest took 
place on this occasion between 
the Nana and some of the sol- 
diers regarding the putting to 
death of the aged general, many 
of the sepoys wishing to pre- 
serve his life. The result was 
death in some cruel form or 
other. The true story of this 
boat's load of victims will never 
be told. 

Nana Sahib thought that the 
time had now fully come for 
him to declare himself the sov- 
ereign of the restored Mahratta 
kingdom. He held a great re 
view, and caused it to be pro- 
claimed by tuck of drum through- 
out Cawnpore and the surround- 
ing district, that he had entirely 
conquered the British, and that 
he was prepared to drive them 
foot by foot from India. Dur- 
ing the short hey-day of his ill- 
got^en kingly power, the Nana 
issued many crafty proclama- 
tions, which had the influence 
on the people he knew so well 
how to exert. They are all of 
a piece, and one will serve as a 
specimen of the lies that lent 
him a fleeting ascendancy. It 



72 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



is fraught with bare-faced fic- 
tions, and reads thus : " A tra- 
veller just arrived in Cawnpore 
from Calcutta states that in the 
first instance a council was held 
to take into consideration the 
means to be adopted to do away 
with the religion of the Moham- 
medans and Hindoos, by the 
distribution of cartridges. The 
council came to this resolution, 
that as this matter was one of 
religion the services of 7000 or 
8000 European soldiers would 
be necessary, as 50,000 Hin- 
doos would have to be de- 
stroyed, and the whole of the 
people of Hindostan would be- 
come Christians. A petition, 
with the substance of this reso- 
lution, was sent to Queen Vic- 
toria, and it was approved. A 
council was then held a second 
time, in which English mer- 
chants took a part, and it was 
decided that, in order that no 
evil should arise from mutiny, 
large reinforcements should be 
sent for. When the despatch 
was received and read in Eng- 
land, thousands of European 
soldiers were embarked on ships 
as speedily as possible, and sent 
off to Hindostan. The news of 
their being despatched reached 
Calcutta. The English autho- 
rities there ordered the issue of 
the cartridges, for the real in- 
tention was to Christianise the 
army first, and this being effected, 
the conversion of the people 
would speedily follow. Pigs' 
and cows' fat was mixed up 
with the cartridges ; this became 
known through one of the Ben- 



galese who was employed in the 
cartridge-making establishment 
Of those through whose means 
this was divulged one was killed, 
and the rest imprisoned. While 
in this country these councils 
were being adopted, in England 
the ambassador of the Sultan 
of Roum Turkey sent news 
to the Sultan that thousands ot 
European soldiers were being 
sent for the purpose of making 
Christians of all the people of 
Hindostan. Upon this the Sul- 
tan issued a firman to the King 
of Egypt to this effect: 'You 
must deceive the Queen Vic- 
toria, for this is not a time for 
friendship, for my Vakeel writes 
that thousands of European 
soldiers have been despatched 
for the purpose of making Chris- 
tians of the army and people 
at Hindostan. In this manner, 
then, this must be checked. If 
I should be remiss, then how 
can I show my face to God? 
and one day this may come 
upon me also, for if the English 
make Christians of all in Hin- 
dostan, they will then fix their 
designsuponmycountry.' When 
the firman reached the King of 
Egypt, he prepared and arranged 
his troops before the arrival of 
the English army at Alexandria, 
for this is the route to India. 
The instant the English army 
arrived, the King of Egypt open- 
ed guns upon them from all sides, 
and destroyed and sunk their 
ships, and not a single soldier 
escaped. 

" The English in Calcutta, after 
the issue of the order for the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



73 



cartridges, and when the mutiny 
had become great, were in ex- 
pectation of the arrival of the 
army from London; but the 
great God, in His omnipotence, 
had beforehand put an end to 
this. When the news of the 
destruction of the army of Lon- 
don became known, then the 
Governor-General was plunged 
in grief and sorrow, and beat 
his head." 

The women and children, 
who were conveyed from the 
boats into captivity, numbered 
115. We shall pass over the 
temptations held out to some 
of the women and the elder 
girls to enter the Nana's harem. 
Death rather than dishonour was 
the resolution of every one of 
them. They refused the harem, 
however, only to encounter the 
sensual licence of the sepoys. 
The horrors put on record 
must not be rehearsed in these 
pages. 

The heroic conduct of Miss 
Wheeler, a worthy daughter of 
the brave Sir Hugh, is said to 
have deterred the ruffians for a 
time. Her story is differently 
reported. One version of it is, 
that she shot down five sepoys 
in succession with a revolver, 
and then threw herself into a 
well to escape outrage. Another 
is, that being taken to his hut 
by a trooper of the 2d native 
cavalry, she rose in the night, 
secured the trooper's sword,, 
killed him and three other men, 
and then threw herself into a 
well. Another says, that Miss 
Wheeler cut off the heads of no 



less thanfive men in the trooper's 
hut. Whatever the facts may 
have been, the rumours all agree 
in ranking Miss Wheeler among 
the bravest of the brave, styling 
her, as has been done, the 
" Judith of Cawnpore." 

The women and children 
were incarcerated in the out- 
buildings of the medical depot, 
which had been shortly before 
occupied by Sir George Parker. 
Here thirty other unhappy vic- 
tims joined them. " It is not 
easy to describe," says Mr 
Shepherd, " but it may be ima- 
gined, the misery of so many 
helpless persons ; some wound- 
ed, others sick, and all labouring 
under the greatest agony of 
heart for the loss of those so 
dear to them, who had recently 
been killed, perhaps before their 
eyes ; cooped up night and day 
in a small, low, pukha-roofed 
house in the hottest season of 
the year, without beds or pun- 
kahs, for a whole fortnight, and 
constantly reviled and insulted 
by a set of brutish ruffians keep- 
ing watch over them." He pro- 
ceeds to tell that " certain spies, 
whether real or imaginary, were 
brought to the Nana as being 
bearers of letters supposed to 
have been written to the British 
by the helpless females in their 
captivity, and with these letters 
some of the inhabitants of the 
city were believed to be impli- 
cated. It was therefore decreed 
by Nana Sahib that the spies, 
together with all the women 
and children, as also the few 
gentlemen whose lives had been 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



spared, should be put to death." 
At length, on the i3th of July, 
before quitting Cawnpore to 
check, as he vainly hoped, the 
advance of a British column, he 
put the decree of blood into 
execution. "The native spies 
were first put to the sword, after 
them the gentlemen, who were 
brought from the outbuildings 
in which they had been confined, 
and shot with bullets. Then 
the poor females were ordered 
to come out, but neither threats 
nor persuasions could induce 
them to do so. They laid hold 
of each other by dozens, and 
clung so closely that it was im- 
possible to separate or drag 
them out of the building. The 
troopers therefore brought mus- 
kets, and after firing a great 
many shots through the doors 
and windows, rushed in with 
swords and bayonets. Some of 
the helpless creatures in their 
agony fell down at the feet of 
their murderers, and begged 
them in the most pitiful manner 
to spare their lives, but to no 
purpose. The fearful deed was 
done deliberately and, deter- 
minedly, in the midst of the 
most dreadful shrieks and cries 
of the victims. From a little 
before sunset till dark was occu- 
pied in completing the dreadful 
deed. The doors of the build- 
ings were then blocked up for the 
night, and the murderers went 
to their homes. Next morning 
it was found, on opening the 
doors, that some ten or fifteen 
females, with a few of the chil- 
dren, had managed to escape 



from death by hiding under the 
murdered bodies of their fellow- 
prisoners. A fresh command 
was thereupon sent to murder 
these also, but the survivors not 
being able to bear the idea of 
being cut down, rushed into the 
compound, and seeing a well 
there, threw themselves into it. 
The dead bodies of those mur- 
dered on the previous evening 
were then ordered to be thrown 
into the same well, and julluds 
were appointed to drag them 
away like dogs." 

Poor Mr Shepherd had himself 
a woeful experience. When the 
victorious English column enter- 
ed Cawnpore on the i;th of July, 
he was a prisoner in the city, 
having stolen out of the intrench- 
ment to see and try if anything 
could be done there for the re- 
lief of the sufferers within, and 
fallen into the cruel fangs of the 
Nana's agents. Not till the 
manacles had been struck from 
his wasted limbs did he learn 
the full bitterness of the cup 
of woe he had to drain to the 
dregs. " I am the only individual 
saved," he wrote to a brother 
stationed at Agra, " of all the 
European and Christian com- 
munity that inhabited this sta- 
tion." This was nearly, but not 
exactly, true. In the agony of 
his grief he proceeds: "My poor 
dear wife, my darling sweet child 
Polly, poor dear Rebecca and 
her children, and poor innocent 
children .Emmeline and Martha, 
as also Mrs Frost and poor Mrs 
Osborne," all members of his 
family, "were all most inrm- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



75 



manly butchered by the cruel 
insurgents on the day before 
yesterday." 

The account of how a small 
band of heroes forced their way 
to Cawnpore will be given subse- 
quently. Here it may be remark- 
ed that when they entered that 
city they were horror-stricken. 
An officer wrote : " I have seen 
the fearful slaughter-house, and 
I also saw one of the ist na- 
tive infantry men, according to 
order, wash up part of the blood 
which stains the floor before 
being hanged. There were 
quantities of dresses clogged 
thickly with blood ; children's 
frocks, frills, and ladies' under- 
clothing of all kinds ; boys' 
trousers ; leaves of Bibles, and 
of one book in particular which 
seems to be strewed over the 
whole place, called 'Preparation 
for Death ;' broken daguerreo- 
types ; hair, some nearly a yard 
long ; bonnets, all bloody ; and 
one or two shoes. I picked up 
a bit of paper with the words 
written on it ' Ned's hair, with 
love/ and opened it and found 
a little bit tied with ribbon. 
The first troops that went in, I 
believe, saw the bodies, with 
their arms and legs sticking out 
through the ground. They had 
all been thrown into a well." 
Other letters, written on the 



occasion, give details of the 
most revolting kind. For these 
the reader must turn to the 
fuller accounts* of the mutiny, 
given in such books as Cham- 
bers's " History of the Revolt 
in India/' As to the sepoy 
who was washing up a part ol 
the blood before being hanged, 
an explanation of this prelimi- 
nary to execution will be found 
in a private letter, written by 
Brigadier Neill. He wrote: 
"Whenever a rebel is caught, 
he is immediately tried, and 
unless he can prove a defence, 
he is sentenced to be hanged 
at once ; but the chief rebels or 
ringleaders I make -first clean 
up a certain portion of the pool 
of blood, still two inches deep, 
in the shed where the fearful 
murder and mutilation of women 
and children took place. To 
touch blood is most abhorrent 
to high caste natives; they think, 
by doing so, they doom their 
souls to perdition. Let them 
think so. My object is to inflict 
a fearful punishment for a revolt- 
ing, cowardly, barbarous deed, 
and to strike terror into these 
rebels. . . . The well of muti- 
lated bodies, containing, alas ! 
upwards of 200 women and 
children, I have had decently 
covered in and built up as one 
grave/ 1 



76 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



A PROSPECT OF THE MUTINOUS REGION IN JUNE. 



THERE were no very serious tu- 
mults connected with the mutiny 
during the month of June in 
the eastern divisions of Bengal. 
Incipient symptoms of disaffec- 
tion were checked before they 
attained any perilous develop- 
ment. Calcutta was indeed 
thrown into a state of consider- 
able agitation on the i3th of 
that month by an apparently 
well-grounded rumour that the se- 
poys of Barrackpore and that city 
had agreed to mutiny that night. 
The civilians enrolled them- 
selves as volunteers, or armed 
special constables, and patrolled 
the streets in the English parts 
very vigilantly for two or three 
nights. Military arrangements 
as effective as were possible in 
the circumstances were made. 
It was discovered that the de- 
posed King of Oude, residing in 
a splendid mansion at Garden 
Reach, in the suburbs, had been 
engaged in some machinations 
with a prince of the Delhi family 
against the Europeans, and a 
military force marched to his 
house at four o'clock in the 
morning of Monday the i5th, 
surrounded the grounds, entered 
the house, and seized the ex- 
king and his prime minister, 
together with a large quantity 
of papers. A document was 
found containing a sketch map 
of Calcutta, and also a plan for 
a general rising of the natives 



on June 23d, the centenary day 
of Clive's great victory at Plassy, 
the murder of all the Feringhees, 
and the establishment of a na- 
tive dynasty on the ruins of that 
of the East India Company. 
This rendered prompt measures 
necessary. All the native troops 
in Calcutta, with the exception 
of the Governor-General's body- 
guard, were disarmed as a pre- 
cautionary measure, although it 
was intimated to them that they 
would receive pay and perform 
sentry duty as before, and that 
their arms would be returned to 
them as soon as public tranquil- 
lity was restored. After this 
the inhabitants of the capital 
recovered their equanimity. 

When the news of this fight 
reached London, it alarmed the 
relatives of the deposed king 
fully as much as it had appalled 
the most timid of the European 
inhabitants of Calcutta. It will 
be remembered that the queen- 
mother of the deposed sovereign 
and his son and his brother, 
went to the British capital to 
plead his case with Parliament 
against the action of the Com- 
pany in annexing Oude. They 
never had the semblance of a 
chance of gaining anything they 
came for. On this occasion 
they prepared a petition for the 
House of Lords and a memorial 
to Queen Victoria, asserting 
that their royal relative " dis- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



77 



dained to use the arm of the re- 
bel and the traitor to maintain 
the right he seeks to vindicate." 
But facts were decidedly against 
them, and both petition and 
memorial came to nothing. 

The most serious mutinous 
event in the districts around the 
Anglo-Indian capital occurred 
at the Sonthal Pargunnahs, 
where the 5th irregular cavalry 
displayed symptoms which 
would have become exceedingly 
disastrous if they had not been 
sternly repressed. On the i2th 
of June, Lieutenant Sir Norman 
R. Leslie, the adjutant of that 
regiment; Major Macdonald, 
and Assistant -Surge on Grant, 
were sitting in Sir Norman's 
compound at Rohnee in the 
dusk of the evening, when they 
were suddenly attacked by three 
men, armed with swords. Major 
Macdonald's head was laid open 
by a blow, which left him insen- 
sible for many hours ; Mr Grant 
was severely wounded, and Sir 
Norman Leslie was killed. The 
murderers, who belonged to the 
regiment, were seized, tried, and 
speedily executed. The follow- 
ing extract from a letter, written 
by Major Macdonald, explains 
how this was effected. He 
writes : " Two days after [the 
attack] my native officer said he 
had found out the murderers, and 
that they were three men of my 
own regiment. I had them in 
irons in a crack, held a drum- 
head court-martial, convicted, 
and sentenced them to be hang- 
ed next morning. I took on 
my own shoulders the respon- 



sibility of hanging them first, 
and asking leave to do so after- 
wards. The day was an awful 
one of suspense and anxiety. 
One of the prisoners was of very 
high caste and influence, and 
this man I determined to treat 
with the greatest ignominy, by 
getting the lowest caste man to 
hang him. To tell you the 
truth, I never for a moment 
expected to leave the hanging 
scene alive, but I was deter- 
mined to do my duty, and well 
knew the effect that pluck and 
decision had on the natives. 
The regiment was drawn out; 
wounded cruelly as I was, I had 
to see everything done myself, 
even to the adjusting of the 
ropes, and saw them looped to 
run easy. Two of the culprits 
were paralysed with fear and 
astonishment, never dreaming 
that I should dare to hang them 
without an order from Govern- 
ment. The third said he would 
not be hanged, and called on 
the Prophet and on his com- 
rades to rescue him. This was 
an awful moment; an instant's 
hesitation on my part, and pro- 
bably I should have had a dozen 
of balls through me, so I seized 
a pistol, clapped it to the man's 
ear, and said, with a look there 
was no mistake about, ' Another 
word out of your mouth, and 
your brains shall be scattered 
on the ground.' He trembled, 
and held his tongue. The 
elephant came up, he was put 
on his back, the rope adjusted, 
the elephant moved, and he was 
left dangling. I then had the 



78 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



others up, and off in the same 
way. And after some time, when 
I had dismissed the men of the 
regiment to their lines, and still 
found my head on my shoulders, 
I really could scarcely believe it." 

These are the two most stir- 
ring incidents that occurred dur- 
ing the month of June, in what 
have been called the eastern 
divisions of Bengal ; or, in other 
words, the region extending from 
the Burmese frontier to the Doab. 

In the western divisions the 
troubles were more serious. The 
districts of which Patna and 
Dinapoor are the chief towns, 
were thrown early in the month 
into a state of great excitement 
by the general spread of rum- 
ours, traceable to the deserters 
from Barrackpore, that the Gov- 
ernment were taking active mea- 
sures to force the people to 
change their religion. 

The most serious outbreak, 
in consequence of this state of 
feeling, occurred about the close 
of the month at Patna. One 
evening a large body of Moham- 
medans assembled at the house 
of one of their number, Peer AH 
Khan, a bookseller, and pro- 
ceeded thence to the Roman 
Catholic church and mission- 
house in the city, with two large 
green flags, a drum beating, and 
shouts of Ali, Ali ! The priest, 
whom they intended to murder, 
escaped. They then called on 
the populace to join them. Dr 
Lyell, principal assistant to the 
opium agent, immediately pro- 
ceeded to the focus of excite- 
ment, accompanied by nine 



Sikhs. Riding ahead of his at- 
tendants, the doctor was shot by 
the rioters, and his body was 
mangled and mutilated before 
the Sikhs came to the spot Re- 
ceiving an accession of force, they 
soon recovered the unfortunate 
gentleman's body, killed some 
of the insurgents, and put the 
rest to flight. The fanatics, in 
return, destroyed the property 
of the Catholic mission ; but, 
showing that it was really a re- 
ligious frenzy which had seized 
them, they were guilty of no 
plundering. Not an article 
was removed. 

Thirty-six of the insurgents 
were afterwards captured, tried, 
and sixteen of them, including 
Peer Ali Khan, who was believed 
to be the murderer of Dr Lyell, 
were condemned to death. Peer 
Ali Khan was offered a reprieve 
if he would divulge the nature 
and tha branchings of the con- 
spiracy, but nothing could be 
extracted from him. It was 
afterwards ascertained, however, 
and this is what gives wide 
significance to the murderous 
incident that he had been in 
secret communication with an 
influential native at Cawnpore 
ever since the annexation of 
Oude, and that the details of 
some comprehensive plot had 
been arranged between them. 
The plot had been in existence 
for many months, and there 
were men in Patna under regu- 
lar pay to stir up the people to 
fight for the King of Delhi. 
Letters found in the arch-con- 
spirator's house, after his execu 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



79 



tion, disclosed that the conspir- 
acy aimed at re-establishing 
Mohammedan supremacy on the 
rums of the British power. 

At Tirhoot, Ghazeepore, and 
Azimghur, there were weary 
watchings, outbreaks, blood- 
shed, and plundering; but the 
events at Benares were more 
serious than anything that oc- 
curred eastward of that city 
during the month of June j and 
they would have been very much 
more deplorable, as any one may 
infer from a short statement of 
the facts, if Lieutenant-Colonel 
Neill had not reached Benares 
on the 3d of June. He had 
with him sixty men and three 
European officers of the ist 
Madras Fusil eers. Five com- 
panies of that regiment were in 
the rear, all having been des- 
patched by Viscount Canning, 
with the eager hope that they 
would reach Cawnpore in time 
to relieve Sir Hugh Wheeler 
and his unfortunate companions. 
At Benares Colonel Neill was 
informed that the iyth Bengal 
native infantry had mutinied 
at Azimghur, and that the trea- 
sure passing through that town 
on its way from Goruckpore to 
Benares had been plundered. 
Neill resolved that the 37th 
regiment of Bengal native 
infantry, stationed at the 
latter city, should at once be 
disarmed. He appeared on 
parade at five o'clock the same 
afternoon, accompanied by a 
strong reliable force. The 3 7 th, 
suspecting what he intended to 
do, rushed to the bells that 



species of armoury which has 
already been mentioned seized 
and loaded their muskets, and 
fired on the Europeans, several 
of whom fell wounded, and 
Brigadier Ponsonby, the com- 
mandant at Benares, was dis- 
abled by a sun-stroke. 

Colonel Neill, assuming the 
command, made a dash at the 
native lines, opened an effective 
fire, expelled the 37th, burned 
their huts, and secured his own 
men and guns in the barracks 
for the night. Before going on 
parade the next morning he 
sent all the European families 
to the mint for refuge; and 
this continued to be their chief 
place of residence during a 
considerable portion of the 
month. Additional European 
troops arrived in a few days, 
and the capture and execution 
of the insurgents were pro- 
ceeded with in that vigorous 
fashion which prevailed wher- 
ever Colonel Neill felt himself 
constrained, for necessary rea- 
sons, to assert the prerogatives 
of stern, implacable penal jus- 
tice. Acting along with Mr 
Tucker, the commissioner, and 
Mr Gibbins, the judge, he in- 
stituted such proceedings as 
were fitted to strike terror in 
the hearts of the rebellious. 
The Rev. Mr Kennedy, who 
was resident in Benares at 
the time, writes : " The gibbet 
is, I must acknowledge, a stand- 
ing institution among us at pre- 
sent. There it stands, immedi- 
ately in front of the flagstaff, 
with three ropes always attached 



80 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



to it, so that three may be exe- 
cuted at one time. Scarcely 
a day passes without some 
wretches being hurled into 
eternity. It is horrible, very 
horrible ! To think of it is 
enough to make one's blood 
run cold ; but such is the state 
of things here, that even fine 
delicate ladies may be heard 
expressing their joy at the rigour 
with which the miscreants are 
treated. The swiftness with 
which crime is followed by the 
severest punishment strikes the 
people with astonishment ; it is 
so utterly foreign to our modes 
of procedure, as known to 
them. Hitherto the process 
has been very slow, encumb- 
ered with forms, and such cases 
have always been carried to 
the Supreme Court for final 
decision ; but now the Com- 
missioner of Benares may give 
commissions to any he chooses 
the city being under martial 
law to try, decide, and execute 
>on the spot, without any delay, 
and without any reference." 

An outbreak at Allahabad, in 
the early part of June, excited 
inexpressible astonishment ; it 
was so utterly unexpected by 
the authorities, who believed in 
the protestations of loyalty ob- 
trusively made by the troops. 
There was indeed felt by all 
the Europeans a vague unde- 
fined uneasiness. The fort 
was anxiously looked to as a 
place of refuge when trouble 
did come, but the trouble was 
always looked for from with- 
out from Benares, Lucknow, 



or other places not from 

within. 

The 6th Bengal infantry, sta- 
tioned at Allahabad at the time, 
was one of the most trusted 
regiments in the whole native 
army. The sepoys of this corps 
made effusive protestations of 
faithfulness to their British rul- 
ers. It was on the 5th of June 
that Colonel Simpson received 
instructions from Viscount Can- 
ning to thank his men for their 
loyalty ; and, on the same day, 
news reached Allahabad of the 
occurrences on the 4th at Ben- 
ares, and of the probable arrival 
of some of the mutineers from 
that city. 

The Europeans had betaken 
themselves to the fort as a pre- 
caution ; but matters looking 
favourable, several families slept 
outside that night. All remained 
quiet till about nine o'clock 
next evening, the 6th of June, 
when, to the unbounded dis- 
may of the officers, two guns, 
which had been sent under the 
command of Captain Harward, 
to guard the bridge of boats 
across the Ganges, in the direc- 
tion of Benares, were seized, 
and the captain had to run for 
his life. In the cantonment 
the officers were at mess, with 
their confidence in what they 
considered their trusty men, till 
then mistaken, when the sepoys 
sounded the alarm bugle, as if 
to bring them on parade. Those 
who rushed out were at once 
fired at, and nearly all shot 
dead ; and nine young ensigns, 
mere boys, just beginning that 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



career in which boys see so 
much that is glorious, were 
bayoneted in the mess-room. 
Captain Alexander, of the 3d 
regiment of Oude irregular 
artillery, when he heard of the 
rising, hastened towards the 
lines with a few of his men, 
but he was caught in an ambush 
by the sepoys and at once shot 
down. The jail birds were then 
set free by the mutineers, and 
murder and devastation were 
inaugurated in all directions. 
Europeans were shot wherever 
they happened to be seen ; wo- 
men suffered worse than death, 
and death to end with ; the tele- 
graph wires were cut, the boats 
on the river seized, the treasury 
plundered, and the houses of 
both wealthy natives and Euro- 
peans indiscriminately pillaged. 

Frightful details of cruelty 
were perpetrated. A whole 
family was roasted alive; per- 
Fons were killed by inches ; the 
ears, the nose, the fingers, and 
the feet were successively cut off; 
some were chopped to pieces ; 
children were tossed on bayon- 
ets before the eyes of mothers, 
who were being violated, or 
were just receiving the murder- 
ous stroke which mercifully freed 
them from life. 

An incident is related of one 
of the youthful officers, which 
must be repeated here. An | 
ensign, ^nly sixteen years of j 
age, who was left for dead j 
among the rest, escaped in the ! 
darkness to a neighbouring ra- 
vine. Here he found a stream, 
the waters of which sustained 



his life for four days and nights. 
Although desperately wounded, 
he contrived to raise himself 
into a tree at night-time for pro- 
tection from wild beasts. On 
the fifth day he was discovered, 
and dragged by the brutal in- 
surgents before one of their 
leaders. There he found an- 
other prisoner, a Christian cate- 
chist, formerly a Mohammedan, 
whom the sepoys were endea- 
vouring to terrify and torment 
into the renunciation of Chris- 
tianity. The firmness of the 
native was giving way as he 
knelt before his persecutors; but 
the boy-officer, after anxiously 
watching him for a short time, 
said, " Oh, my friend, come 
what may, do not deny the 
Lord Jesus ! " Just at this mo- 
ment the arrival of Colonel 
Neill and the Madras Fusiliers 
presently to be noticed at 
Allahabad was announced. The 
ruffians made off; the poor cate- 
chist's life was saved; but the 
gentle - spirited young ensign 
sank under the wounds and pri- 
vations he had endured. When 
this incident became known 
through the medium of the pub- 
lic journals, the father of the 
young officer, town -clerk of 
Evesham, told how brief had 
been the career thus cut short. 
Arthur Marcus Hill Cheek had 
left England so recently as the 
2oth of March preceding, to 
commence the life of a soldier. 
He arrived in Calcutta in May, 
was appointed to the 6th native 
regiment, reached Allahabad 
on the i Qth of the same month, 
F 



82 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



and was shot down by his own 
men eighteen days afterwards. 

An agony of suspense was 
suffered by the inmates of the 
fort on the night of the 6th. 
They thought that the alarm- 
bugle meant the arrival of mu- 
tineers from Benares. But the 
reality soon startled them. For- 
tunately Lieutenant Brayser 
had the presence of mind and 
the energy to disarm eighty se- 
poys, who, under his command, 
guarded the main gate of the 
fort, whose muskets he found 
loaded and capped. For twelve 
days the Europeans in this 
place of refuge were kept in 
terror. Night and day bands 
of marauders rushed from place 
to place in the city, plundering 
and burning as they rushed. 
The civilians were organised as 
volunteers; the male inhabitants 
of the fort were glad to escape 
from it in these ranks, for no 
other change than to skirmish 
and fight with the insurgents in 
the streets. 

Colonel Neill no sooner heard 
of the occurrences at Allahabad 
than he proceeded towards it. 
The distance from Benares is 
about seventy-five miles, but 
leaving that city on the evening 
of the Qth, he reached Allaha- 
bad on the afternoon of the nth. 
He found the neighbouring vil- 
lages swarming with insurgents, 
the bridge of boats partly broken 
up, and in the hands of the mob, 
and the fort almost completely 
invested. But by careful man- 
oeuvring, he succeeded in ob- 
taining boats to cross to the 



fort, with the one officer and 
forty-three men of the Madras 
Fusiliers, with whom he had set 
out in advance. Assuming the 
command at once, he arranged 
for having the mutineers driven 
out of the villages and the 
bridge of boats recaptured the 
following morning. In this he 
succeeded, and thus secured a 
safe road for the approach of 
a detachment commanded by 
Major Stephenson, who arrived 
in the evening of that day. 
Neill gained completely the up- 
per hand, and proceeded by a 
prompt, firm, and stern course 
of action, to re-establish British 
authority in Allahabad and the 
neighbourhood. Two steam- 
boat loads of women and chil- 
dren were sent down the Ganges 
to Calcutta ; and by the end ot 
June tranquillity was restored. 
Colonel Neill now planned the 
best expedition he could arrange 
for in the circumstances, to 
march for the relief of Sir Hugh 
Wheeler and the other belea- 
guered Europeans at Cawnpore. 
Meantime the process of se- 
lecting salient incidents from 
the thousands of exciting events 
and thrilling adventures which 
were daily occurring, leads one 
to follow the course of events 
back again into the turbulent 
country of Oude. The 3th of 
June 1 85 7, was a day of gloom 
and evil omen at Lucknow. Sir 
Henry Lawrence had continued 
watchful, hopeful, and con- 
stantly on the look-out for how lie 
could be helpful to other cities 
in this perturbed region. On 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



83 



the evening of the 29th, how- 
ever, he received information 
that a rebel force, six or seven 
thousand strong, was encamped 
near the Kookra Canal, on the 
Fyzabad road, eight miles dis- 
tant from Lucknow. Determin- 
ing at once to attack them, he 
set out at six o'clock next morn- 
ing with about six hundred men 
and eleven guns. Misled by 
his informants, probably design- 
edly, Sir Henry fell into an am- 
bush of considerable force near 
Chinut Nothing daunted, this 
brave soldier, taken at a disad- 
vantage, struggled against supe- 
rior numbers, confident of vic- 
tory, till, just at the most criti- 
cal moment, his Oude artillery- 
men, proving themselves the 
traitors they were, overturned 
their six guns into ditches, cut 
the traces of their horses, and 
went over to their kindred rebels. 
Lawrence saw that retreat was 
inevitable. Completely out- 
flanked, exposed to a terrible 
fire on all sides, weakened by 
the desertion of these artillery- 
men, having few guns of any 
use, and almost destitute of am- 
munition, the retreat became a 
disastrous rout. Under a scorch- 
ing sun, and the scathing fire of 
the mutineers, officers, and men 
fell rapidly. Colonel Case, of 
Her Majesty's 32d, being mor- 
tally wounded, was succeeded 
by Captain Steevens, who imme- 
diately fell; his command was 
assumed by Captain Mansfield, 
who, although he escaped a sol- 
dier's death that day, died soon 
?fter of cholera. 



It took a hero of the finest 
mould to look the difficulties in 
the face which Lawrence had 
now to encounter, and not quail 
befoie them. They aroused 
him to more determined efforts. 
In Lucknow, for the defence of 
the English, he had hitherto 
garrisoned the Residency, the 
fort of Muchee Bhowan, and 
other posts. The disaster of 
the 3oth of June so weakened 
him, that he had not men left 
to put in effective strength more 
than one of these. He resolved 
to blow up the Muchee Bhowan. 
At midnight on the ist of July, 
after the troops were removed, 
240 barrels of gunpowder and 
3,000,000 ball cartridges, were 
sent into the air. 

After that the Residency was 
the only stronghold left to the 
English ; and it became only 
too apparent later that had Fort 
Bhowan not been blown up, 
scarcely a European would have 
been spared to tell the tale of 
subsequent miseries at Luck- 
now. Six months' provision for 
a thousand persons was col- 
lected into the Residency ; and 
all arrangements were made 
which foresight and farsight 
could suggest for a successful 
defence. 

But the last of the gallant, brave, 
and whe chief- commissioner 
with unlimited military authority 
was at hand. A shell, sent by 
the insurgents, penetrated into 
his room on the ist of July; his 
officers advised him to leave a 
part of the Residency so dan- 
gerously exposed, but he re- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



fused Next day another shell 
entering the same room, and 
bursting, wounded him mortally. 
Sir Henry knew that his last 
hour was approaching, and he 
made such arrangements for the 
protection of his people as 
seemed to him wise and neces- 
sary. He appointed Brigadier 
Inglis his successor in military 
matters, and Major Banks Chief- 
Commissioner of Oude. 

It was a heavy burden of 
sorrow that had settled down 
upon the Residency. One 
thought possessed every heart, 
and in the midst of innumerable 
miseries, one case minimised 
all the others during the two 
days he survived after the fatal 
blow from a splinter of a shell. 
It was hushed on the 4th of 
July, the day on which Sir Henry 
Lawrence breathed his last; and 
it would be an impertinence to 
aim at depicting in words the 
grief, deep and earnest, which 
took possession of every breast 
when this became known. 

The following estimate of his 
character and tribute to its 
worth is from Fraser's Magazine, 
No. 336 : " Every boy has read, 
and many living men still re- 
member, how the death of Nel- 
son was felt by all as a deep 
personal affliction. Sir Henry 
Lawrence was less widely known, 
and his deeds were in truth of 
less magnitude than those of 
the great sea-captain ; but never 
probably was a public man 
within the sphere of his reputa- 
tion more ardently beloved. 
Sir Henry Lawrence had that 



rare and happy faculty which 
a man in almost every other 
respect unlike him, Sir Charles 
Napier, is said also to have 
possessed of attaching to him- 
self every one with whom he 
came in contact. He had that 
gift, which is never acquired a 
gracious, winning, noble man- 
ner; rough and ready as he 
was in the field, his manner in 
private life had an indescribable 
charm of frankness, grace, and 
even courtly dignity. He had 
that virtue which Englishmen 
instinctively and characteristi- 
cally love a lion-like courage. 
He had that fault which Eng- 
lishmen so readily forgive, and 
when mixed with what are felt 
to be its naturally concomitant 
good qualities, they almost ad- 
mire a hot and impetuous 
temper; he had in overflowing 
measure that God-like grace 
which even the base revere and 
the good acknowledge as the 
crown of virtue the grace of 
charity. No young officer ever 
sat at Sir Henry's table without 
learning to think more kindly 
of the natives; no one, young 
or old, man or woman, ever 
heard Sir Henry speak of the 
European soldier, or ever visited 
the Lawrence Asylum, without 
being excited to a nobler and 
truer appreciation of the real 
extent of his duty towards his 
neighbour. He was one of the 
few distinguished Anglo-Indians 
who had attained to something 
like an English reputation in 
his lifetime. In a few years his 
name will be familiar to every 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



85 



reader of Indian history, but for 
the present it is in India that 
his memory will be most dearly 
cherished; it is by Anglo-Indians 
that any eulogy on him will be 
best appreciated ; it is by them 
that the institutions which he 
founded and maintained will be 
fostered as a monument to his 
memory." 

How, after this, Lucknow was 
defended and delivered, will be 
told in the proper place. 

The mutiny of Fyzabad was 
attended with great sufferings 
and a sad loss of life. On the 
7th of June Colonel Lennox 
was informed that the insurgent 
1 7th regiment of Bengal native 
infantry was approaching that 
station from Azimghur. He 
resolved to advance to Surooj- 
Khoond, a place about five 
miles distant, to meet the muti- 
neers, and repel them before 
they reached Fyzabad. The 
native troops under his com- 
mand refused to go, but pro- 
mised to fight in the cantonment 
if it should become necessary. 
But on the evening of the 8th 
they showed their true colours, 
by placing an armed guard over 
their officers for the night, two 
of whom, trying to escape, were 
fired at, and brought back. The 
men held a council of war, at 
which the cavalry proposed to 
kill the officers, but the repre- 
sentatives of the 22d regiment 
objected to this. The officers 
were informed that they would 
be allowed to leave, and might 
take with them their private 
jirms and property, but no public 



property all that belonged to 
the King of Oude. Colonel 
Lennox, powerless to resist, 
departed in a boat with his wife 
and daughter, and after many 
perils, owing to the friendly as- 
sistance of Meer Mohammed 
Hossein Khan, a noble and 
considerate chieftain, they reach- 
ed Calcutta with their lives. 
The main body of the Fyzabad 
officers were sent off by the 
mutineers in four boats. They 
were soon attacked by sepoys. 
Lieutenants Currie and Parsons 
were drowned while attempting 
to escape by swimming. Eight 
who reached the shore, in the 
course of their flight, had to 
cross a stream which took them 
only up to the knees; here 
Lieutenant Lindesay was liter- 
ally cut to pieces ; and when the 
remaining seven reached ,the 
opposite bank, five were but- 
chered at once, the two sur- 
vivors ran for their lives, but 
Lieutenant Cautley was speedily 
overtaken and kifeed; and the 
only one alive, Sergeant Busher, 
outrunning his pursuers, reached 
a Brahmin village, where a bowl 
of sherbet was given him. After 
a little rest he ran on again, but 
finding that he was closely pur- 
sued, the sergeant tried to hide 
under some straw in a hut. He 
was discovered, dragged out by 
the hair of the head, exhibited 
from village to village for the 
rabble to jeer at and scoff, but by 
a miracle he escaped, and reach- 
ed Ghazeepore alive seventeen 
days after he had sailed from 
Fyzabad. The boat which con 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



tained the civilians and the 
women and children suffered 
terribly. Many lives were lost. 
One of the most affecting inci- 
dents of the mutiny was the 
escape of Mrs Mill and her 
children. In all the dreadful 
hurry of departure, she became 
separated from her husband, and 
was the last Englishwoman left 
in Fyzabad. How she escaped 
and how she fared was more 
than she herself could clearly 
narrate ; for the whole appeared 
afterwards as a dreadful dream, 
in which every kind of misery 
was confusedly mixed. During 
two or three weeks she was 
wandering up and down the 
country, living in the jungle 
when man refused her shelter, 
and searching the fields for food 
when none was obtainable else- 
where. Her poor infant, eight 
months old, died for want of its 
proper nourishment; but the 
other two children, seven and 
three years old, survived all the 
privations to which they were 
exposed. On one occasion, 
seeing some troopers approach- 
ing, and being utterly hopeless, 
she passionately besought them, 
if their intentions were hostile, 
to kill her children without tor- 
turing them, and then to kill her. 
The appeal reached the hearts 
of the rude men ; they took her 
to a village, and gave her a 
little succour; and their convey- 
ance to Goruckpore, where dan- 
ger was over, was facilitated by 
a friendly native. 

At Sultanpore, on the Qth of 
June, Colonel Fisher, Captain 



Gubbins, and two other Euro- 
peans, were murdered. The 
mutinous sepoys urged Lieu- 
tenant Tucker to escape, which 
he did. In many other in- 
stances they showed a special 
affection for one or more of 
their officers, and tried to save 
them. 

A very orderly mutiny, con- 
ducted with the utmost quiet- 
ness, took place at Persh/idee- 
pore on the lothof June, /n the 
ist regiment of Oude irregular 
infantry. Here one of the tricks 
of the intriguers was detected. 
He caused ground bones to 
be mixed with the attah (coarse 
flour with which chupatties are 
made), and then sent a rmioui 
round the bazaar where it was 
sold that the Government in- 
tended by compelling the people 
to eat this flour to take away 
their caste. Captain Thom- 
son detected and exposed this 
calumny, and lived till the gih 
day of June under the pleasant 
delusion that he had scotched 
the snake of mutiny. But on 
that day a troop of the 3d Oudc 
irregular cavalry arrived from 
Pertabghur, and the news of 
the rising at Sultanpore spread. 
It proved infectious. Captain 
Thomson rose on the morning 
of the loth to find his regiment 
all dressed a corps of respect- 
ful mutineers. He knew there 
were some good and faithful 
men among them, and these he 
tried to 'induce to accompany 
him to Allahabad, but the pro- 
spect of loot was too much for 
even their loyalty; the temp- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



87 



tation of treasure was more than 
they could resist, so they all 
joined in the spoliation, and 
felt this a good reason for be- 
lieving that their allegiance had 
come to a natural close. At 
four o'clock in the afternoon all 
the Europeans left the station. 
Not a shot was fired, nor an 
angry word uttered. They were 
escorted to the fort of Dharoo- 
poor, which belonged to Rajah 
Hunnewaut, a friendly chieftain, 
who treated them courteously, 
and after some days forwarded 
them safely to Allahabad. This 
particular mutiny comes in 
as almost a pleasant variety, 
amid the scenes of bloodshed 
which have to be encountered 
even when writing the barest 
summary of that tale of woe and 
agony which is vaguely styled 
the Indian Mutiny. 

The troops which broke out 
in open mutiny at Lucknow on 
the last two days of May, fled 
towards Seetapoor, a town about 
fifty miles due north of Luck- 
now. What became of them 
is not known ; but the native 
troops stationed at Seetapoor 
infantry and military police, 
in all, about 3000 men showed 
themselves in undisguised mu- 
tiny on the 3d of June. They 
began by plundering the trea- 
sury. They set fire to the offi- 
cers' bungalows, then attacked 
and shot all of them who came 
their way, and eagerly sought 
them out for slaughter. The 
surviving officers hurried to the 
house of Mr Christian, the com- 
missioner; and when all were 



assembled, with the civilians, 
the ladies, and the children, it 
was at once resolved to quit the 
burning bungalows and ruthless 
soldiers, and seek refuge at Luck- 
now. Some made their exit 
without any preparation, among 
whom was Lieutenant Burnes 
of the loth Oude irregular in- 
fantry roaming through jungles 
for days, and aiding women and 
children as best they could, 
suffering all those miseries, which 
have so often been depicted. 
The great body of Europeans, 
however, left the station in 
buggies and other vehicles ; and 
as the high roads were perilous, 
the fugitives drove over hills, hol- 
lows, and ploughed fields, where 
perhaps vehicles had never been 
driven before. Fortunately, 
twenty troopers remained faith- 
ful to them, and escorted them 
all the way to Lucknow, which 
place they reached on the 
night of the third day, reft of 
everything they possessed, like 
many other fugitives in those 
days. Many of the Europeans 
did not succeed in quitting 
Seetapoor in time, and among 
these the work of death was 
ruthlessly carried on. The pro- 
fessedly faithful troopers were un- 
willing or unable to check these 
deeds of barbarity. 

At almost every station in 
! Oude, where there was a native 
regiment or a treasury in store, 
scenes of murder and plunder 
were exhibited. At Nynee Tal, 
a healthy spot a few miles from 
Almora, in Ruamon, and not far 
from the Nepauleseborder,many 



88 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



refugees found a place of repose. 
It became a second Simla dur- 
ing the disturbances. Women 
and children, whose lives were 
not sacrificed, were hurried off 
thither, and to one or two other 
towns among the hills, to remain 
there till days of peace returned, 
or till means of safe conveyance 
to Calcutta or Bombay could 
be procured. Jung Bahadoor, 
the Prime Minister of Nepaul, 
but virtually its chief or king, 
was friendly to the English, and 
sent Goorkha regiments to de- 
fend Nynee Tal, and protect 
those who had sought refuge 
there. About the middle of 
June seven gentlemen, three 
ladies, and five children, es- 
caped from the Oude mutineers 
into the jungle region of Ne- 
paul, and Jung Bahadoor issued 
orders whenever he heard of 
them, to see that they were 
treated with every kindness, 
and that elephants and other 
means of conveyance should 
be supplied them for their safe 
retreat to Goruckpore. 

At Bareilly, in Rohilcund, the 
native soldiers, on the 2gih of 
May, concerted a plan of mutiny 
while bathing in the river. The 
morning of Sunday, the 3ist 
Sunday again, observe ! usher- 
ed in a day of bloodshed and 
rapine. At eleven o'clock in 
the forenoon the rattle of mus- 
ketry, the roar of cannon, and 
the howls and yells of the rabble, 
were only too plain an announce- 
ment that cavalry and infantry 
were busy at their infernal 
work. The only safety for 



the Europeans, military as well 
as civilian, lay in precipitate 
flight. About twenty-five mili- 
tary officers escaped, but there 
was a large list of missing, many 
of whom, it was afterwards ascer- 
tained, had been brutally mas- 
sacred. Captain Mackenzie, of 
the 8th irregular cavalry, clung 
to his troopers in the earnest 
but vain hope that they would 
remain faithful, but only nine- 
teen of them did so, and they 
escorted their officers all the 
way to Nynee Tal. 

This mutiny was headed by 
a hoary-headed traitor, named 
Khan Bahadoor Khan, who had 
for many years been in receipt 
of a double pension from the 
East India Company. He 
was the living representative of 
one of the early Rohilla chiefs 
of Rohilcund, and a retired 
judge of one of the native courts 
of justice. An old, venerable- 
looking man, of insinuating man- 
ners, Khan Bahadoor Khan was 
thoroughly relied on by the civil 
authorities at Bareilly. He was 
loud in the protestation of his 
indignation against the Delhi 
mutineers, and yet he ordered 
the murder of all Europeans who 
unfortunately did not succeed in 
making their escape. By his ord- 
ers, as self-elected chief of Rohil- 
cund, a search was made for all 
who might still be hiding in Bar- 
eilly, and Judge Robertson and 
four or five other European 
gentlemen were, after a mock 
trial, hung in the Kotwal Square. 

During the month of June 
Bareilly remained entirely in 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



89 



the hands of the mutineers. 
Not an Englishman remained 
alive in the place. 

It would only be going over 
the rehearsal of similar atroci- 
ties to linger in Rohilcund and 
relate what happened in Booda- 
youn, Mooradabad, and Shah- 
jehanpoor. At the last-named 
military station the native troops 
broke out in mutiny on Sunday 
the 3ist of May. The 28th 
regiment of infantry rose, sur- 
rounded the Christian residents 
when they were at church en- 
gaged in divine worship, and 
murdered nearly the whole of 
them, including the Rev. Mr 
M'Callum, in the sacred edifice 
itself. The few who escaped 
only rushed on an accumulation 
of miseries before they encount- 
ered a similar cruel fate. They 
first sought shelter at Moham- 
merah, in Oude ; after that they 
came in the way of the 4ist 
regiment, hot from the mutiny 
at Seetapoor, who shot them 
down, and sabred them without 
distinction, leaving scarcely one 
alive to tell the dismal tale to 
English ears. 

Nynee Tal was now over- 
crowded with refugees from 
Oude and Rohilcund. At the 
end of June there were five 
times as many women and 
children as men among the 
Europeans at that place ; and 
the proceedings in the districts 
around it were regarded anxi- 
ously by many sorrowing hearts 
and eager eyes. 

Futtehpoor, in the Lower 
poab, about mid-way between 



Allahabad and Cawnpore, be- 
came a perilous place for Euro- 
pean residents after the news of 
the outbreak at the former city 
reached that small civil station 
in the centre of a group of 
Mohammedan villages. On the 
9th of June the residents held a 
council on their roof, and re- 
solved to quit the station. A 
few troopers befriended them; 
and they succeeded, after many 
perils and sufferings, in reaching 
Banda, a town southward of the 
Jumna. Not all of them, how- 
ever. Mr Robert Tucker, the 
judge, resisting entreaty, deter- 
mined to remain at his post to 
the last. He rode all over the 
town, promising rewards to those 
natives who would be faithful ; 
he endeavoured to shame others 
by his heroic bearing; he ap- 
pealed to the gratitude and 
good feeling of many of the 
poorer natives, who had been 
benefited by him in more peace- 
ful times. But all in vain. The 
jail was broken open, the prison- 
ers liberated, and the treasury 
plundered ; and Mr Tucker, fly- 
ing to the roof of the court of 
justice, there bravely defended 
himself until a storm of bullets 
ended the earthly career of a 
noble Englishman. Robert 
Tucker was one of the many 
civil servants of whom the Hon- 
ourable East India Company 
had just cause to be proud. 

Agra was kept in a state of 
fearful excitement during this 
month. Meerut remained in 
the hands of the British, but 
Major-General Hewett was su- 



00 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



perseded, and another com- 
mander appointed in his place. 
Daks were re-established be- 
tween Meerut and Agra in the 
one direction, and Meerut and 
Kurnaul in the other. 

Simla, during these various 
operations, was a place to which, 
like Nynee Tal, ladies and chil- 
dren, military officers and civil- 
ians, fled for refuge, generally 
after being despoiled by the 
mutineers. Throughout June 
it was defended by the gentle- 
men who had reached its shel- 
ter, and by a few British troops. 
The people of the bazaar, and 
all the native servants, were dis- 
armed. 

Delhi continued to be the 
centre towards which the atten- 
tion of all India was directed 
with absorbing anxiety. The 
mutineers from every centre in 
the disturbed region, either fled 
thither after the bloody work in 
theirrespective localities seemed 
to be accomplished, or they 
shaped the course they con- 
tinued to pursue in dependence 
on the military operations going 
on there. All the British troops 
that could be sent were hurried 
off to join the ranks of the be- 
siegers, who began their gigan- 
tic labour of recovering for the 
British the city of the Mogul 
about the middle of June. 

The region of Central India, 
extending from Lower Bengal 
to Rajpootana, and separating 
Northern India from the South- 
ern or peninsular portion of the 
empire, was in a state of wild 
disorder during this month. To 



notice many of the incidents in 
this wide area would be impos- 
sible in such space as is at the 
disposal of the writer of this 
summary of the great revolt in 
India, which has been recorded 
for all ages of the world in deeds 
of blood, which can never be 
blotted from the memory of 
mankind. Jhansi, in Bundel- 
kund, was the scene of a fright- 
ful outrage. Nearly all the 
Europeans were at once put to 
death. The native troops rose 
on the afternoon of the 4th of 
June, and shot at all the officers 
in the cantonment. Many were 
killed, and those who escaped 
for the time, barricaded them- 
selves in a fort as well as they 
were able. 

The place was too weak to 
stand a siege for any length of 
time. Musketry and sword cuts 
for the besieged often met 
their assailants hand to hand at 
the gates brought down many 
of the brave little garrison of 
Europeans; and some of the 
civilians who tried to escape dis- 
guised as natives, were caught 
by the mutineers and killed. 
At last when many of the offi- 
cers had fallen, and the scarcity 
of ammunition and food dis- 
heartened the survivors, Major 
Skene accepted terms offered to 
him on oath. The whole gar- 
rison was to be spared if he 
opened the gate and surrender- 
ed. But the oath was merely a 
blind of 'the most unhallowed 
perjury. The bloodthirsty vil- 
lains soon demonstrated its 
value. They seized all, men, 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



91 



women, and children, and bound 
them in two rows of ropes, the 
men in the one row, and the 
women and children in the other. 
The whole were then deliber- 
ately put to death. The poor 
ladies stood with their infants 
in their arms, and their elder 
children clinging to their gowns; 
and, when the husbands and 
fathers had been slaughtered, 
then came the other half of the 
tragedy. It is even said that 
the innocent children were cut 
in halves before their mothers' 
eyes. One relief, and one only, 
marked the scene; there was 
not, so far as is known, torture 
and violation of women as pre- 
cursors of death. About thirty 
officers military, civilian, and 
non-commissioned nineteen 
ladies, and twenty -three chil- 
dren, all were killed. 

It was afterwards ascertained 
by Mr Thornton, the collector 
of a district between Jhansi and 
Cawnpore, that the mutinous 
troops had originally no inten- 
tion, beyond seizing the treasure 
and sharing it, before they set 
out for Delhi. The murder was 
an afterthought, or rather a 
suggestion from beyond their 
own circle. A Bundelkund chief- 
tain ess, the Ranee of Jhansi, 
wished to regain power in the 
district, and, to attain this end, 
she bribed the sepoys and sow- 
ars with large presents to take 
the fort, and to put all the 
Europeans to death. It was 
thus a woman, a lady of rank, 
who was mainly responsible for 
the guilt of the murder of more 



than forty European ladies and 
their children. 

One account which reached 
the ears of officers at other sta- 
tions was, that one of the vic- 
tims, Major Skene, when he 
became aware of the treachery 
meditated by the perjured se- 
poys and their instigators, kissed 
his wife, shot her, and then shot 
himself, to avert atrocities he 
feared, which are worse than 
death. 

The disasters at Gwalior be- 
gan on Sunday the i4th of June 
on Sunday as usual at 
nine o'clock in the evening. 
The alarm was given at the 
cantonment ; all rushed out of 
their respective bungalows, and 
each family found others in a 
similar state of alarm. Shots 
were heard; officers were gal- 
loping or running past ; horses 
were wildly rushing with empty 
saddles ; and no one could give 
a precise account of the details 
of the outbreak. Then occurred 
the sudden and mournful disrup- 
tion of family ties; husbands be- 
came separated from their wives; 
ladies and children sought to 
hide in gardens and 'grass, on 
house-tops, and in huts. Then 
arose flames from the burning 
bungalows; and then came 
bands of reckless sepoys hunt- 
ing out the poor homeless Eng- 
lish who were in hiding. Dr 
Kirk, with his wife and child, hid 
in the garden all night ; in the 
morning they were discovered. 
Mrs Kirk was robbed, without 
being otherwise ill-treated, but 
her husband was shot dead be- 



92 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



fore her eyes. After this miser- 
able sight, Mrs Kirk begged the 
murderers to put an end to her 
also; but they replied, "No, 
we have killed you already," 
pointing to the dead body of 
her husband. 

The ladies .and children were 
allowed to depart with little else 
but their lives. Their sufferings 



were fearful during five days oi 
weary journeying. How they 
bore up against hunger, thirst, 
heat, illness, fatigue, and ac- 
cumulated anxieties, they could 
not tell. Many arrived at Agra 
without shoes or stockings, and 
all were beggared of their world- 
ly possessions when they reach- 
ed that city. 



CHAPTER IX. 



SIR JOHN LAWRENCE IN THE PUNJAUB. 



THE Punjaub has scarcely been 
mentioned yet in this compressed 
narrative. The British took this 
country of " five rivers," as the 
word Punjaub is well known to 
mean in Persian, in full sovereign- 
ty in March 1849. Sir Henry 
Lawrence distinguished himself 
greatly as one of the first com- 
missioners. His brother, Sir 
John Lawrence, now Lord Law- 
rence, was knighted for eminent 
services while acting with Sir 
Henry, and had succeeded him 
as chief commissioner in the 
Punjaub. 

The capital of this country is 
the famous city of Lahore. The 
outbreak at Meerut, which oc- 
curred on the loth of May, was 
known there on the i2th. The 
authorities had observed symp- 
toms of restlessness among the 
native troops, but this news re- 
quired something more energetic 
than observation of symptoms. 



Sir John Lawrence being absent, 
away at Rawul Pindee, a station 
between Lahore and Peshawur, 
had happily left behind him col- 
leagues in power who knew 
what to do. They held a coun- 
cil of war, and resolved to de- 
prive the native troops of am- 
munition and percussion caps, 
and to place more Europeans 
within the fort. But a native 
officer of the Sikh police re- 
vealed to the authorities the 
outlines of a conspiracy he had 
discovered, and this led Briga- 
dier Corbett, commandant of 
the British military cantonment 
for Lahore, which stood at 
Meean Meer, six miles distant 
from the capital, to determine 
on the complete disarmament 
of the native regiments. 

There was a ball to be given 
on the night of the i2th by 
the officers at Meean Meer. It 
was given, and while the jocund 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



dance was going on, prepara- 
tions were being made for 
another kind of entertainment. 
Early on the morning of the 
1 3th the whole of the troops, 
native and European, were 
ordered on parade, avowedly 
to hear the Governor-General's 
order relating to the affairs at 
Barrackpore, but really that the 
Europeans might disarm the 
natives. After this reading, a 
little manoeuvring was ordered, 
whereby the whole of the native 
infantry regiments the i6th, 
26th, and 49th Bengal infantry, 
and the 8th Bengal cavalry 
were confronted by the guns and 
by five companies of the Queen's 
8 1 st. At a signal, the sepoys 
were ordered to pile arms, and 
the sowars to unbuckle sabres; 
they hesitated, but grape shot 
and port fires were ready ; they 
knew it, and they yielded. Thus 
were disarmed 2500 troops by 
only 600 British soldiers. Mean- 
while the fort was not forgotten. 
Major Spencer, who commanded 
the wing of the 26th stationed 
there, had the men drawn up 
on parade on the morning of 
that same day. Three com- 
panies of the Sist entered the 
fort under Captain Smith, and 
these 300 British, or thereabouts, 
found it no difficult task to dis- 
arm the 500 or 600 sepoys. This 
done, the 8ist and the artillery 
were quickly at such posts as they 
might most usefully strengthen, 
in the lines of the 8ist, on 
the artillery parade ground, 
and in an open space i>n the 
centre of the cantonment, where 



the brigadier and his staff slept 
every night. The ladies and 
children were accommodated in 
the barracks, while the regi- 
mental officers were ordered to 
sleep in a certain selected house 
in the lines of their own regi- 
ments, regiments disarmed but 
not disbanded, and professedly 
disarmed only as a matter of 
temporary expediency. 

It is important to notice the 
date of this restlessness at La- 
hore, and its dependence on the 
news from Meerut. In the east- 
ern part of the Punjaub, from 
the nth to the i4th of May, 
were days of critical importance. 
The centenary day of dive's 
victory at Plassy was drawing 
on, but it would seem from evi- 
dence subsequently procured 
that the i5th day of May was 
the day fixed for a simultaneous 
rising in rebellion of the Bengal 
sepoys the " poorbeahs," as 
they are called there. Did they 
mean to have the work com- 
pleted by the 23d and celebrate 
it as the great day of another 
kin d of victory ? Were eight days 
considered a long enough time to 
exterminate the British? Had 
the plot succeeded,- the time 
might have been sufficient. 
There were, comparatively 
speaking, not so many to kill, 
and there were of willing murder- 
ers a thousand for each victim. 
But the outbreak at Meerut 
seems to have been unseason- 
able. It occurred before the 
time agreed on five days be- 
fore it and that is a serious 
item of time in the maturing or 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



marring of a plot. Major-Gene- 
ral Hewett's initial promptitude, 
then inasmuch as it brought 
the monster mutiny to birth be- 
fore its due time, and thus ex- 
posed its weakness with all its 
ferocity to those whose life de- 
pended on smothering it was 
the accident which arrested the 
combination of evil which was 
intended by those who planned 
the Titanic, or rather Satanic, 
plot. Those five days probably 
prevented the shedding of an 
amount of European blood 
which it would be frightful to 
try to imagine. 

Peshawur is the chief city of 
the western division of the Pun- 
jaub. On the 2ist of May, 
news reached that capital that 
the 55th Bengal native infantry 
had mutinied at Murdan, one of 
the military stations, on the 
previous day; that they had their 
officers under surveillance, al- 
though they did not molest 
them ; and that Colonel Spottis- 
woode, their commander, had 
committed suicide through grief 
and mortification. It was at 
once resolved to disarm the 
native troops at Peshawur. This 
was cleverly and successfully 
accomplished on the 22d, very 
much against the will and even 
to the deep chagrin of many 
British officers. There always 
are people blind with their eyes 
open who yet keep asserting 
that they only can see. 

The 24th, 27th, and $ist 
regiments of native Bengal in- 
fantry were on this occasion de- 
prived of their arms, as were 



also the 5th regiment of light 
cavalry; and a subadar-major of 
the 5ist was hanged in presence 
of all his comrades and would-be 
companion mutineers. 

The disarming was effected 
by confronting each regiment 
with small parties of European 
artillery and cavalry in such a 
way as to prevent the regiments 
from assisting one another. The 
disarmed men were not allowed 
to desert. Instant death was 
the punishment of an attempt at 
desertion. The Europeans and a 
body of irregular troopers who 
had no sympathy with the hitherto 
petted sepoys of Bengal, kept a 
vigilant watch over them. 

When the disarming was thus 
thoroughly accomplished, a re- 
lieving force was at once sent 
to Murdan. Arrived there, it 
attacked the mutinous 55th, 
killed or captured 200 of them, 
and drove the rest away. 

The misguided insurgents had 
counted on sympathy and sup- 
port from the Mohammedan 
hill tribes. But these half- 
trained mountaineers on the 
Afghan border had come under 
the spell of the powerful charac- 
ter of the chivalrous Colonel 
Edwardes, who had so greatly 
distinguished himself in the Pun- 
jaub war, and whose subsequent 
admirable management of these 
rough materials had added sig- 
nally to his laurels. The hill- 
men hated the Brahmins, and 
held all 'traitors in contempt. 
When, therefore, Colonel Ed- 
wardes sent them against the 
mutineers, the latter found good 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



95 



reason to rue the day. The 
sepoys were brought back to the 
British cantonment in fives and 
tens, and were instantly put to 
death. No quarter was given 
to men who had gloried in 
being blind and deaf to justice 
and mercy. The authorities in 
the Punjaub, like Neill at Ben- 
ares and Allahabad, believed 
that mercy would be a mistake 
and ultimately a cruelty to them, 
as it was all through to all be- 
sides. They shot, hanged, and 
blew away from the guns with 
appalling promptitude. 

On one occasion a letter was 
intercepted, revealing the fact 
that three natives of high rank 
giving names were to sit in 
council on the morrow to decide 
what to do against the British ; a 
telegraphic message was sent off 
to Sir John Lawrence for advice 
how to act ; a message was re- 
turned " Let a spy attend and 
report." This was done, and a 
plot discovered. Another ques- 
tion brought back another tele- 
gram "Hang them all three;" 
and in a quarter of an hour the 
hanging was completed. The 
importance of retaining artillery 
in European hands was strongly 
felt at Peshawur ; to effect this, 
after many guns had been sent 
away to strengthen the moving 
column, 1 60 European volun- 
teers from the infantry were 
quickly trained to the work, 
and placed in charge of a horse 
battery of six guns, half the 
number on horseback and the 
other half sitting on the guns 
and waggons, all actively put 



in training day after day to 
learn their duties. Fearful work 
the European gunners had some- 
times to perform. Forty men 
of the 55th regiment were 
" blown from guns " in three 
days. An officer present on 
the occasion says : " Three sides 
of a square were formed, ten 
guns pointed outwards, the sen- 
tence of the court read, a pri- 
soner bound to each gun, the 
signal given, and the salvo fired. 
Such a scene 1 I hope never 
again to witness human trunks, 
heads, arms, legs, flying about 
in all directions. All met 
their fate with firmness but 
two ; so to save time, they 
were strapped to the ground 
and their brains blown out with 
musketry." 

At Jullundur, Jelum, and 
Sealkote, mutinies took place, 
and blood was shed, and trea- 
suries were plundered, much in 
the same way as in the places 
of which a slight account has 
been given. When the mutin- 
ous troubles began in the Pun- 
jaub there were about twenty 
regiments of the Bengal native 
army in that country. These 
regiments were at once and 
everywhere distrusted by Sir 
John Lawrence and his chief 
officers. All the sepoys were 
disarmed and the sowars dis- 
mounted as soon as suspicious 
symptoms appeared. Some regi- 
ments remained at the stations 
disarmed throughout the whole 
of the summer and autumn. 
Others mutinied before and 
after the disarming, but very 



96 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



few of them lived to reach the 
scene of rebel supremacy at 
Delhi. Many of them set out 
for the great centre of all the 
disaffected, but on the way, at 
one place or another, they were 
killed or frightened out of their 
attempt to join the fray by 
Europeans, Sikhs, Punjaubees, 
or hill-men. 

How to respect the liberty of 
the newspaper press at such a 
time, and also keep it from be- 
coming an instrument of mis- 
chief by circulating untruths or 
truths it were more judicious 
not to publish, is always felt a 
difficulty by rulers who know its 
power for good or for evil. Sir 
John Lawrence adopted a very 
commendable course. He caused 
the Lahore Chronicle to be made 
the medium of conveying official 
news of all that was occurring 
in India. A rapid outline of 
all reliable information was sup- 
plied to the conductors of that 
paper every day by the Govern- 
ment Secretary. This summary 
of the most important public 
news was printed on small sheets 
of paper, and despatched by 
each day's post to all the stations 
in the Punjaub. Thus people 
were candidly told how events 
proceeded, and false rumours 
and sinister reports were much 
less prevalent in the Punjaub 
than in Bengal. Of course, the 
high character of the Chief- 
Commissioner was accepted by 
the readers as a guarantee that 
the news supplied in the epitome, 
whether it was less or more, was 
honestly come by and given 



forth again. A chief who did 
not command respect could not 
have worked out a scheme, con- 
trolling the almost unmanage- 
able power of the press in such 
a way and to such wise ends, as 
this was done by Sir John Law- 
rence. As the summer advanced 
and daks were interrupted and 
wires cut, the news became very 
scanty ; and the English in the 
Punjaub, aware that things were 
going wrong at Delhi, Lucknow, 
and Cawnpore, had little idea 
of how far wrong matters had 
gone. Events that happened at 
Allahabad, for example, were 
known in London sooner than 
at Lahore. 

Sinde, the country through 
which the Indus flows in its 
lower course, after the " five 
rivers" have all found flowing 
accommodation in one channel, 
was affected only by insur- 
gent proceedings, when the very 
few incidents glanced at in the 
foregoing pages were happening 
north and east of it This was 
owing partly to its great dis- 
tance from the disturbed pro- 
vinces of Hindostan, and partly 
to the vicinity of the well-dis- 
posed Bombay army. The ex- 
cellent organisation of Jacob's 
irregular horse also contributed 
to keep Sinde in comparatively 
good order. This corps was 
much talked of in India. Colo- 
nel, afterwards Brigadier, John 
Jacob was the originative genius 
who gave it form and substantial 
influence. It consisted of two 
regiments of about 800 men 
each, carefully drilled, and armed 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



97 



and equipped in the European 
manner, yet having only five 
European officers, the squadron 
and troop commanders being 
native officers. Brigadier Jacob 
was proud of his two regiments, 
and never missed an opportunity 
of pointing out the superiority 
of the system in the Bombay 
army, according to which men 
were enlisted irrespective of 
caste, and where there were bet 
termeans of rewardingindividual 
merit. The brigadier would allow 
no religious scruples to interfere 
with the military efficiency of 
his men. On one occasion, 
during the Mohurrum or Mo- 
hammedan religious festival in 
1854, there was great uproar 
and noise among 10,000 Mus- 
sulmans assembled in and near 
his camp of Jacobabad to cele- 
brate their religious festival. 
He issued a general order: "The 
commanding officer has nothing 
to do with religious ceremonies. 
All men may worship God as 
they please, and may act and 
believe as they choose in matters 
of religion, but no men have a 
right to annoy their neighbours 
or to neglect their duty, on pre- 
tence of serving God. The 
officers and men of the Sinde 
Horse have the name of, and 
are supposed to be, excellent 
soldiers, and not mad fakeers. . . 
He therefore now informs the 
Sinde Irregular Horse that in 
future no noisy processions, nor 
any disorderly display whatever, 
under pretence of religion or 
anything else, shall ever be al- 
lowed in, or in neighbourhood of, 



any camp of the Sinde Irregular 
Horse." 

Nationally speaking, Jacob's 
men were not Sindians at all. 
They were drawn from other 
countries of India, and were in 
the ratio of three-fourths Mus- 
sulmans to one-fourth Hindoos. 
They remained faithful when the 
mutiny began in the regions 
farther east, though that was in 
the teeth of numerous attempts 
to seduce them by sepoys and 
troopers of the Bengal army. 

Still Sinde had a few troubles 
during the year. At one time 
a body of fanatical Moham- 
medans would unfurl the green 
flag, and call upon each other 
to fight for the Prophet. At 
another time gangs of robbers 
and hill-men, of which India 
has in all ages had an abundant 
supply, would take advantage ol 
the troubled state of public feel- 
ing to rush forth on marauding 
expeditions, caring much for 
plunder and little for faith of 
any kind. At another, alarms 
would be given which induced 
European ladies and families to 
take refuge in the forts or other 
defensive positions. At another, 
regiments of the Bengal army 
would try to tamper with the 
fidelity of other troops in Sinde. 
But of these varied incidents, 
few were so serious in results as 
to need record here. One, in- 
teresting in many particulars, 
arose out of the following cir 
cumstance: When some of the 
Sinde forces were sent to Persia, 
the 6th Bengal irregular cavalry 
arrived to supply their place 



98 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



These troopers, when the mutiny 
was at least four months old, 
endeavoured to form a plan with 
some Beloochee Mohammedans 
for the murder of the British 
officers at the camp of Jacob- 
abad. A particular hour of the 
2ist of August was named for 
this outrage, in which various 
bands of Beloochees were in- 
vited to assist. The plot was 
revealed to Captain Merewether, 
who immediately confided in 
the two senior native officers of 
the Sinde Irregular Horse. 
Orders were issued that the day's 
proceedings should be as usual, 
but that the men should hold 
themselves in readiness. Many 
of the border chiefs afterwards 
sent notice to Merewether of 



what had been planned, an- 
nouncing their own disapproval 
of the conspiracy. At a given 
hour the leading conspirator 
was seized, and correspondence 
found upon him tending to show 
that the Bengal regiment, having 
failed mother attempts to seduce 
the Sinde troops from their alle- 
giance, had determined to mur- 
der the European officers as the 
chief obstacles to their scheme. 
The authorities at Jacobabad 
wished Sir John Lawrence to 
take this Bengal regiment off 
their hands, but the experienced 
chief of the Punjaub would not 
have the dangerous present ; he 
thought it less likely to mutiny 
where it was than in a region 
nearer to Delhi. 



CHAPTER X. 



BEGINNING TO STEM THE TORRENT. 



AT the outbreak of the mutiny, 
just at the time when the ser- 
vices of a military commander 
were most needed in the troubled 
provinces of the north-west, 
General Anson, the commander- 
in-chief, was not to be heard of. 
At Calcutta he was supposed to 
be somewhere between Simla 
and Delhi, but daks and tele- 
graphs had beeninterrupted,and 
his movements were not known 
where it was of urgent national 
importance that they should be 
under control. Viscount Can- 



ning sent messages, in the hope 
that some of them would reach ; 
duplicate telegrams flying in dif- 
ferent directions, flashed the 
fearful news that British India 
was in peril so long as Delhi 
was not in British hands.- That 
city must be delivered from 
marauders and murderers, was 
the tone of the Governor-Gene- 
ral's adjurations, and all power 
must be brought to bear upon 
it with the greatest possible ex- 
pedition. 

Major-General Sir Henpr Bar- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



99 



nard, military commander of the 
Umballa district, received tele- 
graphic news on the nth of 
May regarding the outrages at 
Meerut and Delhi. He knew 
where to find the commander-in- 
chief, and immediately sent off an 
aide-de-camp to gallop to Simla, 
seventy or eighty miles distant, 
with this information to General 
Anson. The commander-in- 
chief at once hastened from the 
hills, and hurried to Umballa, 
the nearest military station on 
the great highway of India, and 
then began in earnest those ar- 
rangements for the recovery of 
Delhi, the nature and results of 
which will be recorded in next 
chapter. The stemming of the 
torrent was begun. 

The successful beginnings 
were in India, and by means 
at the disposal of the authori- 
ties there. For it is not to be 
forgotten, the crisis was passed 
before a single .additional regi- 
ment from England could reach 
the scene of the mutiny. 

There were warlike arma- 
ments on the Indian seas at the 
time the Meerut outbreak tapped 
the great furnace of affliction, 
but no one dreamed that there 
was warfare for them in India 
just then. One army was re- 
turning from Persia, where it 
had made the power of Britain 
felt to a practical purpose ; an- 
other was on its voyage to com- 
mence hostilities in China. 
What might have become of 
British India, if these forces had 
not been so near hand as they 
were, is one of those vain specu- 



lations which the imagination 
shudders at and yet will indulge 
in. 

Three days after that fatal 
Sunday at Meerut in other 
words, on the i3th of May Mr 
Calvin, lieutenant-governor of 
the north-west provinces, tele- 
graphed to Calcutta, suggesting 
that the force returning from 
Persia should be ordered round 
to Calcutta, in order to be 
sent up the country to strengthen 
the few English regiments ; for 
it was by them alone that the 
mutiny could be suppressed. 
Orders were at once sent by 
telegraph, when it was available, 
to Madras, Bombay, Pegu, Ran- 
goon, and Moulmein, to hurry 
on every British regiment under 
the control of the authorities at 
these governing centres to Cal- 
cutta. On the 1 6th of May a 
telegram was sent to Lord El- 
phinstone at Bombay, requesting 
him to send round to the Anglo- 
Indian capital two of the Eng- 
lish regiments about to return 
from Persia. On the next day 
Lord Harris telegraphed from 
Madras to the Governor-General, 
recommending that the army on 
its way to China under Lord 
Elgin and General Ashburnham 
should be stopped, and rendered 
immediately available for emer- 
gencies in India. On the same 
day Sir John Lawrence an- 
nounced his intention of dis- 
arming the Bengal sepoys in 
thePunjaub, and of raising new 
regiments in that country ; and 
Mr Frere, commissioner of the 
Sinde, was ordered by Lord 



100 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Elphinstone to send the ist 
Bombay Europeans from Kur- 
achee up the Indus to Moul- 
tan, and thence to Ferozpore 
on their way to Delhi. 

Similar earnest efforts were 
put forth, and prompt steps 
taken during the month of June 
to bring British troops to bear 
upon the mutiny-stricken terri- 
tories. Towards the close of 
the month arrangement was 
made to receive the aid of an 
army of Nepaulese from Jung 
Bahadoor. It was to advance 
from Khatamandoo, the capital 
of Nepaul, through Goruckpore 
towards Oude. About twenty 
regiments altogether, besides 
artillery, arrived at Calcutta 
during the following six or 
seven months, irrespective of 
any plans laid in England after 
the terrible news of the mutiny 
reached. 

The Indian Government was 
throughout the year 1857 very 
deficient in cavalry. During a 
long period of peace the stud es- 
tablishments had been to a con- 
siderable degree neglected ; and 
when the dire emergency arose, 
there were more soldiers able 
and willing to ride than horses 
to mount. This defective sup- 
ply of horses affected the artil- 
lery and baggage departments 
also. When information of this 
reached Australia the colonists 
bestirred themselves to remedy 
the defect. The whole of New 
South Wales was divided into 
eight districts, and committees 
formed to ascertain how many 
Worses available for cavalry 



could be supplied by each dis- 
trict. Colonel Robbins was 
sent from Calcutta to make 
purchases, and he succeeded 
in obtaining several hundred 
good strong horses, at prices 
satisfactory to both the stock- 
farmers and the Government. 
The committees did good ser- 
vice in bringing together willing 
sellers and a ready buyer. 

It was unfortunate that the 
Viscount Canning was not a 
popular Governor-General with 
a great many Europeans uncon- 
nected with the East India Com- 
pany. They accused him of 
favourmg the natives at the ex- 
pense of the English. The 
hatred of the latter for the 
former was unbounded at tins 
time, intensified by the cruelties 
exercised by the mutineers and 
the rabble of budmashes on 
their unhappy victims. The 
outcry raised against the vice- 
roy complicated the miseries 
of the time. It tended to para- 
lyse action both in Calcutta 
and in London. In the former 
capital the Government had to 
defend itself against both Euro- 
peans and natives. 

The missionaries of various 
Christian denominations also, 
with the best of motives, pur- 
sued a course which did not 
lighten the labours and anxieties 
of the supreme council. In 
September 1856 a number of 
these gentlemen, in the Bengal 
presidency, presented a memo- 
rial, setting forth in strong terms 
the deplorable condition of the 
natives, enumerating a series 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



101 



of abuses and defects in the 
Indian Government, and recom- 
mending the appointment of a 
commission of inquiry, to com- 
prise men of independent minds, 
unbiassed by official or local 
prejudices. The alleged abuses 
bore relation to the police and 
judicial systems, gang-robberies, 
disputes about unsettled bound- 
aries, the use of torture to ex- 
tort confession, the zemindary 
system, and many others. The 
memorialists asserted that, if 
remedies were not speedily ap- 
plied to those abuses, the result 
would be disastrous, as " the 
discontent of the rural popula- 
tion is daily increasing, and a 
bitter feeling of hatred towards 
their rulers is being engendered 
in their minds." Mr Halliday, 
Lieutenant- Governor of Ben- 
gal, in reply to the memorial, 
pointed out the single omission 
of the missionaries to make any, 
even the most brief mention of 
the numerous measures under- 
taken by the Governor to remove 
the very evils complained of, 
thereby exhibiting a one-sided 
tendency inimical to the ends of 
justice. He declined to accede 
to the appointment of a com- 
mission on these grounds : That, 
without denying the existence of 
great social evils, " the Govern- 
ment is in possession of full 
information regarding them ; 
that measures are under consi- 
deration, or in actual progress, 
for applying remedies to such 
of them as are remediable by 
the direct executive or legisla- 
tive action of the Government ; 



while the cure of others must of 
necessity be left to the more 
tardy progress of national ad- 
vancement in the scale of civil- 
isation and social improvement." 
He expressed his "absolute dis- 
sent from the statement made, 
doubtless in perfect good faith, 
that the people exhibit a spirit of 
sullen discontent on account of 
the miseries ascribed to them, 
and that there exists amongst 
them that bitter hatred to the 
Government which has filled the 
memorialists, as they declare, 
with alarm as well as sorrow." 
The British-Indian Association, 
consisting of planters, landed 
proprietors, and others, sup- 
ported the petition for the ap- 
pointment of a commision, evi- 
dently with the view of fighting 
the missionaries with their own 
weapons, by showing that the 
missionaries were exciting the 
natives to disaffection. Mr 
Halliday declined to rouse up 
these elements of discord. Vis- 
count Canning and the supreme 
council supported him, and the 
court of directors approved of 
the course pursued. All this 
greatly added to the embar- 
rassments of the Governor- 
General. 

But if whips had been cracked 
at him thus far, there were scor- 
pions yet in store. The bitter 
pens of ready writers in the 
newspapers were nibbed with 
caustic to resent a check which 
was placed upon a degree of 
licence which they called liberty. 
On the 1 3th of June the legisla- 
tive council of Calcutta, on the 



102 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



motion of the Governor-General, 
passed an act restricting the 
liberty of the press in India for 
one year. All printing-presses, 
types, and printing -machinery 
throughout British India were 
by this act to be registered, and 
were not to be used without a 
licence from the Government. 
A copy of every paper, sheet, or 
book, was required to be sent to 
the authorities immediately on 
its being printed ; and the Gov- 
ernment might prohibit the pub- 
lication of the whole or any part 
of it. In India it produced 
great exasperation in some quar- 
ters; but generally it was ob- 
served with a reasonable amount 
of respect. In London it was 
the occasion of some violent 
attacks being made against Lord 
Canning, especially after a dis- 
contented editor arrived there 
from India, and brought with 
him a petition signed by some 
of the Europeans at Calcutta 
who were not connected with 
the Government; and which 
prayed for the removal of Vis- 
count Canning from the office 
he held. 

As to the line of policy adopt- 
ed by the Home Government 
to stem the torrent of mutiny, 
on the 2 Qth of June, two days 
after the first dreadful news 
from Meerut reached London, 
the court of directors of the 
East India Company ordered 
officers at home on furlough to 
return to their regiments at 
once; those on sick-leave also 
to return so far as health would 
permit They also made a 



equisition to the Government 
"or four full regiments of infantry 
n addition to those that had 
previously been ordered to pro- 
ceed to India, in the ordinary 
course of military movement. 
The Government acquiesced. 
On the 1 4th of July, after an- 
other mail had arrived, making 
known further and more terrible 
disasters, the directors applied 
for six more regiments of infan- 
try, and eight companies of 
royal artillery the men to be 
sent from England, the horses 
from the Cape of Good Hope, 
and the guns and ammunition 
to be provided in India. In two 
days Government named the six 
regiments. Steps were taken to 
send out drafts to bring up the 
whole of the Queen's regiments 
in India to their full strength, 
and also the European regiments 
belonging to the Company. 

These various additions to 
the number of armed Europeans 
in India amounted to about 
24,000 men. 

General Anson having died 
of cholera at Kurnaul on the 
27th of May, the Calcutta Gov- 
ernment appointed Sir Patrick 
Grant provisionally as comman- 
der of the forces in India, the 
permanent appointment to that 
high office being retained in the 
hands of the Government in 
London. It was known in 
London 6arly in July that Gen- 
eral Anson was dead, and Sir 
Colin Campbell was appointed 
his successor. It was generally 
felt that this was a wise selec- 
tion. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



103 



The news of General Anson's 
death reached London on the 
morning of Saturday the nth 
of July; at two o'clock the same 
day a cabinet council was held; 
immediately after the council 
an interview took place between 
the Minister of War and Sir 
Colin Campbell, at which the 
latter was appointed Comman- 
der-in-Chief for India ; being 
asked how soon he would be 
ready to take his departure, Sir 
Colin replied, "To-morrow." 



He left England on Sunday 
evening, taking very little with 
him but the clothes on his back ; 
and availed himself of the quick- 
est route to India. 

The 24,000 men chosen for 
India by the tniddle of July were 
duly despatched ; and before the 
end of the year, in consequence 
of the organisation of further 
plans, very nearly 40,000 
men had been sent off to 
take a part in quelling the mu- 
tiny. 



CHAPTER XL 



THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 



THE British authorities knew 
well that if their position, and 
the power they had acquired in 
India, were to be retained, 
Delhi must be retaken. The 
insurgents were intimately aware 
of this ; and accordingly they 
flocked in bands to the rallying 
city. 

On the part of the British, 
plans were laid and preparations 
made from the very day that the 
startling news spread that Delhi 
was in the hands of rebellious 
sepoys, and that the debauched, 
dethroned descendant of Timour 
the Tartar was enthroned again 
in the palace of the Moguls. 
But every soldier necessary for 
forming a siege army had to be 
brought from a distance. The 
cantonment outside of the city 



was wholly in the hands of the 
rebels ; and the British force at 
Meerut, under the command of 
General Hewett, did nothing for 
Delhi till it was set in motion 
by orders from a distance. 

Major-Gen eral Sir Henry Bar- 
nard was the first to take the 
active steps which led to the 
organisation of the siege. As 
mentioned above, he sent a 
message to General Anson when- 
ever he heard the ill-omened 
news, which, reaching Barnard 
at Umballa on the nth of May, 
was communicated to Anson on 
the 1 2th. He was aware of the 
paucity of European regiments 
in all the region eastward of 
Delhi to Calcutta. Any avail- 
able force to recover that city 
must come, therefore, from Sir- 



104 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



hind and the Punjaub. The 
regiments at the various hill 
stations were summoned from 
these healthy quarters to engage 
in death-dealing work on the in- 
sanitary plains; and orders were 
sent to Lahore, which, we shall 
see, were more than amply at- 
tended to. 

These arrangements were 
made before General Anson 
left Simla on the evening of the 
1 4th ; and he arrived at Um- 
balla on the i5th. Here he, 
along with Sir Henry Bar- 
nard, took strict account of the 
forces they could reckon on for 
instant effective work. The 
Umballa magazines were nearly 
empty of stores and ammunition, 
and the commissariat was ill- 
supplied with vehicles, as well 
as beasts of draught or burden. 

In these circumstances, it was 
resolved to bring small detach- 
ments from many different sta- 
tions to Umballa, and to send 
them off at once to form the nuc- 
leus of a besieging army at Delhi. 
This, accordingly, was done. 

General Anson resolved to 
leave Sir Henry Barnard at 
Umballa, and head the siege 
army himself. It was to consist 
of three brigades two from 
Umballa, and one from Meerut, 
which was to form a junction 
with the other two at Bhagput 
on the 5th of June. After this 
they were all to advance together 
towards Delhi. 

This scheme was put forth 
by General Anson on the 23d 
of May ; he left Umballa on the 
4th, and reached Kurnaul on 



the 25th, where he died the fol- 
lowing day, carried off by cholera 
in a few hours. Feeling the 
hand of death upon him, he 
hastily summoned Sir Henry 
Barnard from Umballa, and his 
last instructions were that the 
Delhi force should be placed 
under the command of that 
officer. Viscount Canning, when 
the news reached Calcutta, im- 
mediately confirmed the appoint- 
ment of Sir Henry to this trying 
post ; but the appointment was 
not communicated to the army 
under his command for some 
considerable time. Major-Gen- 
eral Reed became provisional 
commander at Anson's death by 
seniority, and he came to the 
headquarters of the siege army, 
but did not seek to supersede 
Sir Henry Barnard. He was 
so thoroughly broken down in 
health that he could not com- 
mand in person. 

Major-General Hewett organ- 
ised a brigade at Meerut, ac- 
cording to General Anson's 
plan ; it set out on the evening 
of the 27th of May, under the 
command of Brigadier Archdale 
Wilson, and reached Bhagput 
on the morning of the 6th of 
June, after fighting two severe 
but successful battles with the 
mutineers, who disputed the 
passage of the river Hindoun 
with him, doubtless anxious to 
prevent a junction of the Mee- 
rut force with the other two 
brigades. 

Sir Henry Barnard, advanc- 
ing from Kurnaul, effected a 
junction with Wilson on the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



105 



6th ; and next day the united 
force was reorganised at a point 
so near Delhi that the troops 
looked eager!/ forward to a 
speedy encounter with the en- 
emy. 

Many of these soldiers had 
marched great distances. The 
Guides had performed a deter- 
mined exploit in the marching 
way, which proved how little they 
shrank from fatigue and heat 
when a post of duty and honour 
was assigned to them. 

This remarkable corps was 
raised on the conclusion of the 
Sutlej campaign, to act either 
as regular troops or as guides 
and spies, according as the exi- 
gencies of the service might 
require. The men were chosen 
for their sagacity and intelli- 
gence, as well as for their cour- 
age and hardihood. They were 
inhabitants of the Punjaub, but 
belonged to no selected race or 
creed ; for among them were to 
be found mountaineers, bor- 
derers, men of the plains, and 
half-wild warriors. Among them 
nearly all the dialects of North- 
ern India were more or less 
known, and they were as familiar 
with hill fighting as with service 
on the plains. They were often 
employed as intelligencers, and to 
reconnoitre an enemy's position. 
They were the best of all troops 
to act against the robber hill- 
tribes, with whom India is so 
much infested. Among the many 
useful pieces of Indian service 
effected by Sir Henry Lawrence 
was the suggestion of this corps. 
They were stationed at a remote 



post in the Punjaub, not far 
from the Afghan frontier, when 
orders reached them to march 
to Delhi, a distance of no less 
than 750 miles. They accom- 
plished the distance in twenty- 
eight days, a really great achieve- 
ment in the heat of an Indian 
summer. 

A gallant regiment of the or- 
dinary service, the ist Bengal 
European Fusileers, known in 
old times as Lord Lake's " dear 
old dirty shirts," accomplished 
a march little less severe. The 
various regiments, notwithstand- 
ing their long marches and con- 
stant exposure to the fierceness 
of the heat, reached Delhi in 
admirable health. The last four 
miles of their approach to that 
city was accomplished by con- 
tinual fighting : the rebels dis- 
puting their advance foot by 
foot. 

The rocky ridge which bounds 
the north of Delhi was bristling 
with cannon and bayonets. Sir 
Henry Barnard made his dis- 
positions, and advancingrapidly, 
ascended this ridge, took the 
enemy in flank, and soon com- 
pelled them to abandon it, leav- 
ing twenty-six guns, with am- 
munition and camp equipage. 
The besieging army then took 
up that position before Delhi 
which it never left, till, after 
months of hard fighting, the city 
was reconquered. 

Two incidents occurred dur- 
ing this preliminary struggle for 
the ridge which greatly irritated 
the siege army. The one was 
that a cart which they captured, 



106 



'THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



and which they supposed was 
loaded with ammunition, was 
found to be full of the mangled 
limbs and trunks of murdered 
Europeans ; and the other was 
that two or three Europeans 
were fighting with and for the 
rebels soldiers of fortune pro- 
bably, that is, men destitute of 
both fortune and character, sell- 
ing their services to the muti- 
neers, who were not unwilling 
to pay handsomely for such as- 
sistance. The enraged soldiery 
knew of no feelings of mercy for 
such men, they regarded them 
with a far more deadly hatred 
than the sepoys were capable of 
inspiring. 

The British having effected a 
permanent lodgment on the 
ridge, had their camp pitched 
behind it, on the old cantonment 
The enemy made repeated sor- 
ties from the various gates of 
the city with the view of dislodg- 
ing them, but were invariably 
driven back. Not a day passed 
without some such struggle. 

On the i Qth of June it came 
to the knowledge of Brigadier 
Grant that the enemy intended 
to attack the camp in the rear ; 
and as the safety of the camp 
had been placed under his keep- 
ing, he made instant prepara- 
tions to frustrate the insurgents. 
These troops are believed to 
have been augmentations of the 
insurgent forces, consisting of 
the 1 5th and 3oth native regi- 
ments from Nuseerabad. The 
brigadier advanced with six guns 
and a squadron of lancers to 
reconnoitre, and found the ene 



my in position half a mile in rear 
of the Ochterlony Gardens, north- 
west of the camp. Troops quick- 
ly arrived, and a rapid exchange 
of fire began, the rebels being 
strong in artillery as well as in- 
fantry. Just as the dusk of the 
evening came on, the enemy, by 
a series of skilful and vigorous 
attacks, aided by well -served 
artillery, very nearly succeeded 
in turning the flank of the Brit- 
ish, and in capturing two guns; 
but both these disasters were 
frustrated. The dusk deepened 
into darkness; but the brigadier 
felt that it would not do to allow 
the enemy to occupy that posi- 
tion during the night. A charge 
was made with great impetuosity 
by horse and foot, with so much 
success, that they were driven 
back quite into the town. 

Sir Henry Barnard kept a 
vigilant watch over every move- 
ment of the mutineers who sal- 
lied forth from Delhi. On the 
23d of June, the centenary of 
the decisive battle at Plassy, he 
saw a body of them come out 
of the city, and as they were not 
seen to return at night, he ex- 
pected a masked attack. He 
sent Guides and sappers to de- 
molish two bridges which carried 
the great road over the canal 
westward of the camp, and by 
which the enemy might attack 
his camp in the rear. The de- 
molition ' of the bridges was 
warmly contested ; but in six 
hours it was successfully accom- 
plished. 

A valuable convoy was expect- 
ed from the Punjaub on 'that 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



107 



day. Sir Henry Barnard sent 
out an escort, which brought it 
safely into the camp ; but scarce- 
ly had he done this, when the 
enemy emerged from the city 
in vast force, and commenced 
to attack the British on the right 
side of their position. Here a 
combat was maintained the 
whole day; but at length the 
mutineers were driven back into 
the city. 

It was afterwards ascertained 
that, remembering the 23d of 
June, the Indians in Delhi had 
resolved to attempt to achieve 
a signal victory over the British 
on that day of evil memory to 
them; and they were incited, 
moreover, by the circumstance 
that two festivals one Mussul- 
man and the other Hindoo 
happened to occur on that day. 
If the rebels could have crossed 
ihe canal they would have got 
to the rear of the camp, and thus 
might have accomplished their 
object; but the demolition of 
the bridges prevented this. As 
it was, many officers were 
brought away sunstruck and 
powerless. The Guides fought 
for fifteen hours uninterruptedly 
with no food and only a little 
water. At one o'clock, when 
the enemy were strengthened by 
large reinforcements from the 
city, the Guides found themselves 
without ammunition, and sent 
back to the camp for more. 
Great delay occurred, and they 
were in imminent peril; but, 
fortunately, a corps of Sikhs, 
who had arrived at the camp 
that morning, rushed forward at 



a critical moment, and aided 
them in driving back 1 the 
enemy. 

It was a fixed conclusion in 
the minds of the British authori- 
ties by this time, that Delhi was 
not to be taken by a coup de 
main, and Sir John Lawrence, 
when he became aware of this, 
acted with rare energy and judg- 
ment. He sent reinforcements 
down from the Punjaub as 
rapidly as they could be col- 
lected. He had lessened his 
own danger by disbanding the 
sepoys. He trusted his Sikhs, 
Punjaubees, and Guides ; and 
on that account he was able to 
send Europeans and artillery to 
Delhi. The reserve and dep6t 
companies of the regiments 
already serving before Delhi 
were sent down from the hills 
to join their companions. Ar- 
tillery from Jullundur and La- 
hore, Punjaub rifles and Pun 
jaub light horse, followed the 
Guides and Sikhs to the great 
centre of action. 

Fortunately, supplies were 
plentiful; the country from 
Delhi to the Sutlej was kept 
pretty free from the enemy, and 
the villagers were willing ven- 
dors of commodities readily 
bought and paid for by the be- 
siegers. 

On the ist of July, the muti- 
neers turned out in great force 
from the Ajmeer and Turcoman 
gates, and assembled on the 
plain outside. At sunset, five 
or six thousand infantry ap- 
proached the British lines, tak- 
ing cover of the buildings as 



108 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



they passed. The extreme right 
of the line was held by only 150 
Punjaubees and Guides under 
Captain Travers. Major Reid 
sent him a message to reserve 
his fire till the enemy approach- 
ed nearer, and at the same time 
sent another 1 50 men. Through- 
out the whole night this little 
band of 300 men resisted a large 
force of infantry and artillery, 
yielding not an inch. The 
enemy with increased force 
renewed the attack next morn- 
ing at daybreak ; Major Reid 
sent a few more of his gallant 
men to help the 300. This 
handful defended their position 
for twenty-two hours continu- 
ously, never flinching till the 
enemy retired into the city. 
During the first twenty-eight days 
of the siege, Major Reid was 
attacked twenty-four times in 
the line of pickets and defence- 
works over which his command 
extended ; and his medley of 
i roops Guides, Sikhs, Pun- 
jaubees, and Goorkhas fought 
loyally in a common cause, 
never thinking of national or 
religious differences. 

The escapes made by indi- 
viduals in these encounters were 
more strange than fiction could 
invent. Take one example. An 
artillery officer in command of 
two horse-artillery guns, on one 
occasion was surprised by 120 
of the enemy's cavalry ; he had 
no support, and could not apply 
his artillery because his guns 
were limbered up. He fired 
four barrels of his revolver and 
killed two men ; he then knock- 



ed a third off his horse by throw- 
ing his empty pistol at him, 
Two horsemen then charged 
full tilt and rolled him and his 
horse over. He got up, and 
seeing a man on foot coming at 
him fiercely, sword in hand, he 
rushed at him, got inside his 
sword, and hit him full in the 
face with his fist At that 
moment he was cut down from 
behind, and was only saved 
from being slaughtered by a 
brother officer, who rode up, 
shot one sowar and sabred an- 
other, and carried him off, 
bleeding, but safe. 

On the 2d of July, five regi- 
ments and a battery of artillery 
of the Rohilcund mutineers 
from Bareilly, Moradabad, and 
Shahjehanpore, crossed the 
Jumna and marched into Delhi 
with bands playing and colours 
flying. 

On the 5th, Major-Gen eral 
Sir Henry Barnard died. He 
had borne much anxiety and 
bodily suffering during the five 
weeks of his command of the 
Delhi field force. He had re- 
ceived General Anson's sum- 
mons to assume this responsi- 
bility while he was confined to 
bed with sickness. He was on 
horseback all day on the 4th 
under the fierce heat of the sun. 
Early next morning he sent for 
Colonel Baird Smith, and ex- 
plained his views concerning 
the mode in which he thought 
the siege operations should be 
carried on ; and in a few hours 
he was at rest from all sickness 
and anxiety. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



109 



Brigadier Chamberlain now 
assumed the main part of the 
active direction of the siege, 
Major-General Reed, invalid as 
he was, taking the command of 
the forces. 

At this time another compli- 
cation engaged the attention of 
the army in front of Delhi. 
There were two regiments of 
Bengal irregular cavalry among 
the troops in the siege army, 
and there were a few " poor- 
beahs" in the Punjaub regi- 
ments. It became apparent by 
degrees that these men were a 
danger instead of a help to the 
British. They had been care- 
fully watched from the first. 
Early in the month of July a 
Brahmin subadar in a Punjaubee 
regiment was detected inciting 
his companions-in-arrns to mur- 
der their officers, and to go over 
to Delhi, saying it was God's 
will the Feringhee rule should 
cease. One of the Punjaubees 
immediately informed the offi- 
cers of what was going on, and 
the would-be incendiary was 
put to death that same evening. 
The other poorbeahs in the 
regiment were immediately paid 
up and discharged from the 
camp. 

About the middle of the 
month, the severity of the heat 
was a little alleviated by rains ; 
but sickness and other discom- 
forts set hi. Many fell ill after 
remaining for hours in damp 
clothes; young officers lately 
arrived from England, and not 
yet acclimatised, were pros- 



trated by sun-stroke, and a few 
of them died of apoplexy. Still 
the army was surprisingly healthy 
for the season and the circum- 
stances. 

Major-General Reed, utterly 
broken down in health, gave up 
even the nominal command he 
had held since General Anson's 
death. On the iyth of the 
month, Brigadier Chamberlain 
being wounded, Reed named 
Brigadier Archdale Wilson his 
successor. 

The new commander wrote 
urgently to Sir John Lawrence 
for further assistance, at least 
one more European regiment 
and two more regiments oi 
Sikhs. He said he might have 
to raise the siege and retreat to 
Kurnaul if these additional 
forces did not speedily reach 
him. Lawrence, redoubling 
his exertions, sent 900 European 
fusileers and 1600 Punjaubees 
in reply. 

To the end of July, the 
struggles outside Delhi con- 
tinued, but the frequency be- 
came somewhat lessened. The 
defence-works on the ridge had 
been gradually strengthened. 
As has been said, " It was not 
yet really a siege, for the British 
poured very few shot or shell 
into the city or against the walls. 
It was not an investment, for 
the British could not send a 
single regiment to the south- 
west, south, or east of the city. 
It was little more than a pro- 
cess of waiting till further rein- 
forcements could arrive." 



110 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



CHAPTER XII. 



CAWNPORE RECAPTURED AND LUCKNOW RELIEVED. 



SIR HENRY HAVELOCK com- 
manded a division in the war with 
Persia in 1857. After that war 
was over, he came to Bombay, 
but left immediately for Cal- 
cutta. The wreck and perilous 
adventures he experienced dur- 
ing this voyage would have 
been explained in a more su- 
perstitious age as the vain in- 
terposition of the enemy of man, 
to cut off before he entered on 
his career a great benefactor of 
suffering men, women, and chil- 
dren. 

Havelock arrived at Calcutta 
on the i yth of June in the same 
steamer as Sir Patrick Grant, 
and at once received the ap- 
pointment of brigadier-general, 
to command such a force as 
could be hastily collected for 
the relief of the Europeans at 
Cawnpore and Lucknow. On 
the ist of July, Havelock and 
his staff arrived at Allahabad, 
just a few hours after the first 
relieving column had been sent 
off from that city towards Cawn- 
pore under Major-Gen eral Ren- 
aud. An auxiliary force under 
Captain Spurgin set off by 
steamer up the Ganges on the 
3d, partly with a view of con- 
trolling the mutineers on the 
banks, but partly also on ac- 
count of the want of convenient 
means of land conveyance. The 
steamer was called the Brahma- 
putra, and great interest was 



taken in this voyage, as no 
steamer had hitherto had much 
success in sailing that portion of 
the Ganges. A prime difficulty 
in working her was the want of 
coals. The engineers were ob- 
liged to forage every day on 
shore for wood. On the second 
day of the trip, this fo r aging 
had to be carried on under the 
protection of half the force on 
board against 500 insurgents on 
the Oude bank, who were pro- 
vided with a large piece of ord- 
nance. The steamer never made 
more than two miles an hour, 
but this slowness was not en- 
tirely due to the struggle 
against the rapid stream and 
other difficulties of navigation ; 
it was partly owing to the neces- 
sity of keeping time with the 
columns which were fighting 
their way onward on land. 

Brigadier-General Havelock's 
column set out from Allahabad 
with all possible expedition. 
Dismal news of some dreadful 
calamity at Cawnpore quickened 
his movements. Among the 
troops he had collected was a 
handful of volunteer cavalry, 
twenty in number, which con- 
sisted chiefly of officers who had 
been left without command by 
the mutiny of the native regi- 
ments they had belonged to, 
most of them having narrowly 
escaped being massacred. This 
score of men were just the sort 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



in 



of cavalry required in a column, 
proceeding on an enterprise 
such as that one was devoted 
to. 

During the first nine days of 
his march, Major Renaud had 
every reason to be satisfied 
with the progress he made. He 
pacified the country, and pun- 
ished the ringleaders of mutiny 
wherever he went. On the icth 
of July, however, he found him- 
self rather awkwardly situated. 
Cawnpore had fallen, the British 
at that station had suffered the 
miseries which have been re- 
ferred to in a previous chapter, 
and the mutineer force, thus 
freed from occupation, pushed 
down rapidly to the vicinity of 
Futtehpore. They were 3500 
men strong, and had twelve 
guns. Renaud had only 820 
men and two guns. 

When Havelock heard of this, 
he hastened on as quickly as 
possible to join Renaud. He 
overtook him during the night of 
the nth and i2th, and the two 
columns joined and formed that 
admirable little army which was 
destined to work those wonders 
which made the wide world 
admire Havelock's campaign. 

The mutineers at Futtehpore 
had not learned of the junction 
of the two columns. They sup- 
posed they had only Renaud's 
small force to contend with; 
and pushed forward two guns 
and a force of infantry and 
cavalry. Havelock was con- 
strained to undeceive them 
sooner than he could have 
wished. He was anxious to 



allow his worn-out soldiers a 
few hours of the rest they were 
so much in need of, but this 
prudence and fore thought had to 
give way before the formidable 
work presented to them. The 
main trunk-road was the only 
tolerably easy approach to Fut- 
tehpore : the fields on either 
side of it were covered with 
water to the depth of several 
feet : there were along it many 
enclosures of great strength, the 
walls of which were high : and 
in front of the city there were 
numerous villages, hillocks, and 
mango-groves, which were occu- 
pied by the enemy in force. 

Havelock placed his eight 
guns on and near the main 
road, protected by 100 riflemen; 
the infantry came up at deploy- 
ing distance, covered by rifle- 
skirmishers; and the cavalry 
moved forward on the flanks. 

The struggle was over in ten 
minutes. The Enfield rifle 
settled the affair. The rebels saw 
a fewriflemen approach, but they 
had to learn the deadly power 
of the weapon these riflemen 
could handle with ease and skill. 
When they learned this a panic 
seized them, and they shrank 
back in amazement. The En- 
field rifle, against the ordinary 
use of which they had rebelled, 
shot terror and death at once. 

The artillery having dashed 
over the swamps, poured in upon 
the terrified mutineers such a 
fire as completed their discomfi- 
ture in a few seconds. They 
abandoned their guns. 

Havelock advanced and drove 



112 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the enemy before him at every 
point, capturing their guns one 
by one. The garden enclosures, 
the barricades on the road, the 
city wall, the streets of Futteh- 
pore all were gained. 

The rebels made a stand a 
mile beyond the city, only to be 
put to flight again. Thus the 
conquering hero became master 
of Futtehpore, and parked twelve 
guns. 

There was no time to rest. 
The high road to Cawnpore 
passes over a small stream called 
Pandoo Nuddee about twenty 
miles from that city. The enemy 
resolved to dispute the passage 
of the bridge at Aong, a village 
four miles from it. They knew 
this time what to expect from 
the Enfield rifle. The struggle 
was rather a severe one ; it was 
harassing, because the thickly- 
wooded country interfered with 
the effect of the cannon and the 
rifles ; but, after a time, the muti- 
neers beat a hasty retreat through 
the village, abandoning guns, 
tents, ammunition, and other 
materials of war. 

The British troops needed rest 
for a few hours, and refreshment. 
The heat of the July sun was 
fierce; but another struggle 
awaited them, at the bridge, 
which the enemy had not des- 
troyed. They had placed two 
guns on it, and Captain Maude 
disposed his artillery so as to 
bring a converging fire on these 
two guns, while the Madras 
Fusiliers picked off the gunners 
with their Enfield rifles. When 
the vigour of the cannonade on 



the bridge was somewhat lessen- 
ed by such means, the Madras 
Fusiliers, commanded by Major 
Renaud, rushed upon the bridge 
and captured the guns an ex- 
ploit in which the gallant major 
was wounded. The mutineers 
retreated precipitately, and thus 
did Brigadier-General Havelock 
and his heroic band achieve two 
victories in one day. 

Havelock disarmed and dis- 
mounted the sowars of the i$th 
irregular cavalry and the 3d 
Oude irregulars. Like other 
commanders at that critical time, 
he found they were not to be 
trusted. 

The victorious band was now 
approaching Cawnpore. Nana 
Sahib, being a Maharatta, had 
not acquired that absolute influ- 
ence over the Hindoos, who 
constituted a large proportion 
of the mutineers, which he had 
aimedatandhopedfor. The Mo- 
hammedans favoured him more, 
and influenced the Hindoo se- 
poys in his favour. 

When the Nana heard that 
Renaud had started from Allah- 
abad with his little band, he 
gathered an army of sowars, se- 
poys, Maharattas, artillery, and 
miscellaneous rabble, to crush 
any British force which might 
make its appearance from Allah- 
abad. The Maharatta chief- 
tain did not know that Brigadier- 
General Havelock had joined 
Major Renaud, and he sent for- 
ward such bodies of troops as 
he believed would be quite suffi- 
cient to check the advance of 
the deliverers. But the success 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



113 



which had attended the opera- 
tions of the small brigade gave 
the matter rather a serious as- 
pect in the eyes of the arch- 
traitor of Bithoor. So far as 
has been ascertained, it would 
seem that it was when he heard 
of the passage of the Pandoo 
Nuddee that Nana Sahib order- 
ed the slaughter of all captives 
still alive at Cawnpore. He 
then headed an army, and took 
up a position at Aherwa, a point 
at which the road to the canton- 
ment branches out from the main 
trunk road to Cawnpore. Here 
he commanded five villages, 
with numerous entrenchments, 
armed with seven guns; and he 
had his infantry in the rear. 

The position was too strong 
to be taken at a rush. Have- 
lock, therefore, who, with his 
men, had marched sixteen miles 
daring the night, resolved on a 
flank movement on the enemy's 
left. He gave his exhausted 
troops two or three hours' rest 
in a mango-grove during mid- 
day of the 1 6th, until the dis- 
tressing heat of the sun abated 
a little. Havelock then wheeled 
his force round to the left flank 
of the enemy's position ; and a 
struggle began in which the Brit- 
ish infantry showed the qualities 
of which a general is always most 
proud. It was like a realisation 
of a very old note of encourage- 
ment : " Five of you shall chase 
an hundred, and an hundred of 
you shall put ten thousand to 
flight." Villages were attacked 
and captured by handfuis of 
men so small that they them- 



selves marvelled at the enemy 
yielding so readily. Havelock 
wrote regarding one exploit : 
" The opportunity had arrived, 
for which I had long anxiously 
wa ited, of developing the prowess 
of the ySth Highlanders. Three 
guns of the enemy were strongly 
posted behind a lofty hamlet, 
well entrenched. I directed this 
regiment to advance; and never 
have I witnessed conduct more 
admirable. They were led by 
Colonel Hamilton, and followed 
hiirr with surpassing steadiness 
and gallantry under a heavy fire. 
As they approached the village 
they wheeled and charged with 
the bayonet, the pipes sounding 
the pibroch. Need I add that 
the enemy fled, the village was 
taken, and the guns captured." 

The Nana was not yet routed. 
He planted a 24-pounder on the 
cantonment road, as a prepara- 
tive to renew the attack. Have- 
lock did not give him time, al- 
though his artillery cattle were 
so weak that they could not 
drag the guns into position, but 
cheered on his infantry to cap- 
ture the 24-pounder; and they 
rushed along the road, amid a 
storm of grape-shot from the 
enemy, never slackening till the 
gun was in their possession. The 
mutineers retreated, blew up the 
magazine of Cawnpore, and 
pushed on to Bithoor. 

Cawnpore was once more in 
the hands of the British. 

The individual adventures and 
escapades in such battles are 
almost incredible, and are diffi- 
cult for civilians to imagine. 



114 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Indeed, language, whether read 
or written, is little more than a 
symbol when it describes the 
operations of the battle-field to 
one who has never witnessed 
them. But personal vicissitudes 
give living interest to the record. 
Take these two. A youth of 
eighteen, who had joined the 
volunteer cavalry, had been on 
picket all the preceding night, 
with no refreshment save biscuit 
and water; he then marched 
with the ; rest sixteen miles in 
the forenoon; he stood sentry 
for an hour with the enemy 
hovering around him; then 
fought during the whole after- 
noon. He then lay down supper- 
less to rest at nightfall, holding 
his horse's bridle the while; then 
mounted night-guard from nine 
to eleven, and then had his mid- 
night sleep broken by an alarm 
from the enemy. It was on 
this occasion too that Lieuten- 
ant Marshman Havelock, son 
of the general, to whom he acted 
as aide-de-camp, performed a 
perilous duty in such a way as 
to earn for himself the Victoria 
Cross a badge of honour estab- 
lished in 1856 for acts of per- 
sonal heroism. The general 
thus narrated the incident in 
one of his despatches : " The 
64th regiment had been much 
under artillery fire, from which 
it had severely suffered. The 
whole of the infantry were lying 
down in line, when, perceiving 
that the enemy had brought out 
the last reserved gun, a 24- 
pounder, and were rally ing round 
it, I called up the regiment to 



rise and advance. Without any 
other word from me, Lieutenant 
Havelock placed himself on his 
horse in front of the centre of 
the 64th, opposite the muzzle 
of the gun. Major Stirling, 
commanding the regiment, was 
in front, dismounted; but the 
lieutenant continued to move 
steadily on in front of the regi- 
ment at a foot pace on his horse. 
The gun discharged shot until 
the troops were within a short 
distance, when it fired grape. 
In went the corps, still led by 
the lieutenant, who still steered 
steadily on the gun's muzzle, 
until it was mastered by a rush 
of the 64th." 

It was on the iyth of July 
that Havelock entered Cawn- 
pore and learned the tales of 
horror of which a very defective 
account has been given in a 
previous chapter. His atten- 
tion was, however, more en- 
grossed with the living than 
with the dead. He sent for- 
ward part of his troops the same 
afternoon, and they found that 
the Nana had collected a force 
of 4000 men on a plain in front 
of Bithoor, which was diversified 
by thickets and villages; had 
two streams running through it 
which were not fordable, and 
could only be crossed by two 
narrow bridges. 

The enemy held both bridges. 
When Havelock' s infantry as- 
saulted this position they were 
received with a heavy musketry 
and rifle fire, but after an hour 
of severe fighting they effected 
a crossing, drove back the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



115 



mutineers, captured their guns, 
and chased them towards Soraj- 
pore. Thus was Cawnpore re- 
covered and the road cleared of 
rebels between that city and 
Allahabad, and the fame of 
Havelock spread far and wide 
throughout the surrounding dis- 
tricts. 

But there was Lucknow to be 
thought of. The garrison of 
Cawnpore was now beyond help 
or harm, but at Lucknow there 
was a group of suffering British 
men, women, and children, and 
the dreadful details witnessed 
in the well and the slaughter- 
house were sufficient to render 
Havelock and his men eager to 
get forward in the hope of ren- 
dering effective help. 

Havelock knew what he was 
undertaking. It was desperate 
work. His forces had been 
reduced by the severe fighting 
they had gone through, and sick- 
ness had lent its evil aid to 
weaken them. But Brigadier 
Inglis and his companions were 
not to be abandoned to a fate 
cruel as Cawnpore without an 
attempt, at least, to rescue 
them. He had <"?nt to Allaha- 
bad an urgent message to Briga- 
dier-General Neill to come to 
Cawnpore himself, if possible, 
and to bring reinforcements 
with him. It was not easy to 
find the means, but Neill ven- 
tured to draft off 227 soldiers 
of the 84th foot from his little 
force, and these he started off 
on the 1 5th in the hopes that 
they would reach Cawnpore on 
fche 20th. He left next day 



himselfthat was the day of 
the decisive battle and when 
he arrived at the recently re- 
covered city, he assumed the 
military command of it and its 
neighbourhood, and assisted 
Havelock in the preparations 
necessary for crossing the Ganges 
into Oude. 

Major Renaud died of his 
wound soon after the arrival of 
Neill, who valued him highly as 
a trusty officer. 

Havelock began to cross the 
Ganges on the 2oth. The river 
at this place varies from 500 to 
2000 yards in width ; there was 
no bridge, and the stream is 
usually very rapid. The steamer 
Brahmaputra was had in effec- 
tive requisition for taking the 
troops across, and on the 23d 
noo soldiers had crossed over 
into Oude territory. The gene- 
ral crossed the river himself on 
the 25th, and joined his band 
of 1500 men, supported by ten 
guns. It was not very promis- 
ing. 

On the 29th, Havelock had 
again two well-fought battles in 
one day. At Onao he found 
that the enemy had taken up a 
strong position to dispute his 
march to Lucknow. They were 
posted in and behind the village, 
the houses being loopholed and 
defended by fifteen guns. He 
ordered the 78th Highlanders 
and the ist Fusiliers to drive 
them out of their fastness. The 
attack was made by these brave 
soldiers, supported by two guns. 
They encountered a hot fire 
from the loopholed houses. A 



u6 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



party of the 84th foot advanced 
to aid them, and then a deter- 
mined struggle took place. The 
village was set on fire, but still 
the mutineers held out ; but at 
length a passage was made, and 
the enemy, drawn up in great 
strength on an open plain, was 
seen, attacked, routed, and their 
guns captured. 

After two or three hours' rest, 
Havelock advanced from Onao 
to Busherutgunje, a walled town, 
with wet ditches, a gate defend- 
ed by a round tower, four pieces 
of cannon on and near the 
tower, loopholed and strength- 
ened buildings within the walls, 
and a broad and deep lake be- 
yond the town. Havelock again 
sent the Highlanders and the 
Fusiliers, under the cover of 
guns, to capture the earthworks 
and enter the town, while the 
64th made a flank movement 
on the left and cut off the com- 
munication from the town, 
which was by a bridge over the 
lake. The place was soon cap- 
tured by the infantry and the 
guns, and the enemy again 
routed. In a despatch, Have- 
lock mentions the following in- 
cident of this day's killing work. 
After describing the brief but 
desperate contest among the 
loopholed houses, he says : 
"Here some daring feats of 
bravery were performed. Pri- 
vate Patrick Cavanagh, of the 
64th, was cut literally in pieces 
by the enemy while setting an 
example of distinguished gal- 
lantry. Had he lived, I should 
have deemed him worthy of the 



Victoria Cross; it could never 
have glittered on a more gallant 
breast." This mode of noticing 
the merit of private soldiers en- 
deared Havelock to his troops. 
Cavanagh had been the first to 
leap over a wall from behind 
which it was necessary to drive 
the enemy; he found himself 
confronted by at least a dozen 
troopers, two or three of whom 
he killed ; but he was cut to 
pieces by the rest before his 
comrades could come to his 
aid. 

On the 3ist of July, General 
Havelock felt with agony that 
he was not able to advance far- 
ther on his glorious march of 
mercy to the sufferers at Luck- 
now. Nay, retreat was impera- 
tive. The odds were so fear- 
fully against him that to advance, 
or even to remain w'here he was, 
seemed to be courting destruc- 
tion. He had no means of 
crossing the river Sye, which lay 
in his way, or the great canal, 
for the bridges the enemy had 
not destroyed were so guarded 
that to force his way was impos- 
sible. His ijjoo, a little band, 
had been reduced, by fighting, 
sun-stroke, and sickness, to 1 3 64; 
and he saw no probability of 
reaching Lucknow with more 
than 600 capable men; and 
then there would be two miles 
of street fighting before the Re- 
sidency qould be relieved. 

When the order to retreat 
was given, the men felt dis- 
heartened, but they had faith 
in their commander. They 
marched back to Onao, and 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



117 



then to Mungulwar, a place six 
miles from the opposite bank of 
the Ganges to Cawnpore, to 
which city he sent his sick and 
wounded, and there they were 
committed to the faithful care 
of General Neill. This ener- 
getic and careful soldier sent 
on a few dozens of men, which 
raised Havelock's effective force 
to 1400. 

With these, Havelock again 
marched as far as Busherut- 
gunje, where they met the enemy 
a second time. After a terrible 
struggle the mutineers were 
once more shelled out of the 
town, and pursued by bayonets 
and rifles through the whole of 
the hamlets to a plain beyond. 
Another victory for Havelock, 
but one which did not cheer 
him much. The enemy were 
still between him and Lucknow. 

On the morning of the 6th of 
August, with another bitter pang 
Havelock was forced to the 
conclusion, that to reach Luck- 
now and then force his way to 
the Residency was wholly be- 
yond the power of the force at 
his command. He returned 
again through Onao to his old 
quarters at Mungulwar. He 
telegraphed to the ccmrnander- 
in-chief that he must give up 
his fondly-cherished enterprise 
till he received reinforcements, 
adding, " I will remain till the 
last moment in this station, 
strengthening it, and hourly 
improving my bridge accommo- 
dation with Cawnpore, in the 
hope that some error of the 
enemy will enable me to strike 



a blow against them, and give 
the garrison an opportunity of 
blowing up their works and cut- 
ting their way out." 

Early in the morning of the 
nth, Havelock received infor- 
mation that 4000 of the muti- 
neers had advanced to Busher- 
utgunje again. It did not suit 
his views to have such a force 
within a few hours' march of 
Mungulwar. He set his column 
in motion again ; his advanced 
guard drove the outlying parties 
of the rebels out of Onao, and 
reaching the vicinity of Busher- 
utgunje, he found the enemy in 
far greater force than had been 
reported. Havelock postponed 
his attack on them till the fol- 
lowing day. 

On the 1 2th, the artillery was 
brought into play, and the 
Highlanders made a rush and 
captured two gun batteries 
without firing a shot. The 
enemy's extreme left was turned, 
and they were soon once more 
in full retreat. But still they 
commanded the road to Luck- 
now. 

The conqueror marched back 
a third time, of course weaker 
in men than when he advanced, 
and this time he re-crossed the 
Ganges to Cawnpore, there to 
wait for a considerable increase 
of strength before making an- 
other attempt to relieve Luck- 
now. 

This retreat elated the muti- 
neers. They had no doubt that 
it was a concession to their 
superiority, and an admission 
that even the renowned Have- 



118 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



lock was overcome by them. 
The general grieved over this 
loss of prestige to the British 
arms, but more for the appalling 
danger to which Brigadier Ing] is 
and his companions in cruel 
captivity were exposed. 

While Havelock was battling 
and being baffled thus, in the 
fond but as yet vain hope of 
delivering those who were in 
the heartless fowler's snare at 
Lucknow, Nana Sahib had not 
been idle. The miscreant had 
been gathering together a mot- 
ley assemblage of troops near 
Bithoor for the purpose of con- 
solidating the power he had 
partly regained in that region. 
He had had a month from the 
middle of July to the middle of 
August to busy himself in, and 
in that time he had collected 
three or four regiments of in- 
fantry mutineers, troops of mu- 
tinied cavalry regiments, and a 
miscellaneous rabble of Maha- 
rattas. 

The Nana's evident intention 
was to attack Neill with his weak- 
ened force and at strongest it 
was but very weak at Cawn- 
pore. He re-occupied Bithoor 
without difficulty, for Neill had 
no troops to leave at that place ; 
and he was planning an attack 
on Cawnpore when Havelock 
re-crossed the Ganges. 

As soon as this general ar- 
rived, General Neill and he 
resolved to attack the Nana. 
They would turn his left wing 
and then march to Bithoor. 
Neill, with a mere handful of 
men, accomplished the first 



part of the programme, and 
drove the rebels with precipita- 
tion from the vicinity of Cawn- 
pore. Next day Havelock 
marched for Bithoor with about 
1300 men, nearly all the sol- 
diers that he and Neill had 
between them, and came up 
with the enemy about noon. 
They had established a very 
strong position in the front of 
Bithoor. Havelock said it was 
the strongest he had ever seen. 
They had two guns and an 
earth redoubt in and near a 
plantation of sugar and castor- 
oil plants, entrenched quad- 
rangles filled with troops, and 
two villages with the houses 
and walls loopholed. 

Havelock sent his artillery 
along the main road, while the 
infantry advanced in two wings 
on the right and left. After a 
brief exchange of artillery fire, 
the ;8th Highlanders and the 
Madras Fusiliers made one of 
their reckless and fearless rushes, 
and it struck astonishment and 
panic into the mutineers ; they 
then burned a village, forced 
their way through the sugar plan- 
tation, took the redoubt, cap- 
tured two guns, and drove the 
enemy before them at every 
point. They pursued the rebels 
into and right through the town 
of Bithoor. Worn out with 
fatigue after marching and 
fighting during a fiercely hot 
day, the British bivouacked at 
Bithoor that night ; and next 
day, the i7th, they returned to 
Cawnpore. 

This was 'the last battle in 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



which Havelock was the indis- 
putable chief. Between the 
1 2th of July and the lyth of 
August he had fought and won 
ten battles. 

The state of matters was 
dreadful at the Residency in 
Lucknow. Havelock received 
at Cawnpore, on the 23d of 
the month, a message which 
Inglis had despatched on the 
1 6th, the messenger having been 
exposed to seven days of the 
utmost peril in bringing it, in 
which the terribly trying posi- 
tion of the garrison is described. 
There were 120 sick and 
wounded ; 220 women, and 
230 children ; a scarcity of 
food and all the other neces- 
saries of life ; disease and filth 
everywhere ; officers doing lab- 
ourers' work from morning till 
night ; soldiers and civilians 
exhausted with toil and grind- 
ing anxiety ; the enemy attack- 
ing them every day; forming 
mines to blow up the feeble in- 
trenchments ; and no means of 
carriage, even if the garrison 
were to succeed in escaping 
from their loathsome prison- 
house. 

For the rest of this month 
Havelock remained reluctantly 
inactive at Cawnpore ; but, like 
all brave men, he was hoping 
against hope. He wrote to 
Inglis, urging him to remain 
firm, assuring him that aid would 
come before the necessity of 
surrender that last act of de- 
spair ! 

Another gallant soldier now 
appears on the scene. Major- 



General James Outram, after 
bringing the war in Persia to a 
successful issue, was appointed 
by the Governor-General to the 
military command of the Cawn- 
pore and Dinapoor districts. 
He arrived at Dinapoor to as- 
sume his office on the i8th of 
August. The rest of the month 
he spent making the wisest and 
most energetic arrangements in 
his power to assist Havelock 
and Neill, and then to join 
them in liberating Inglis. 

On the ist of September Sir 
James Outram arrived at Allaha 
bad. Reckoning up the vari 
ous fragments of regiments, 
which had by arrangement 
arrived there, he found that 
they amounted to between 1700 
and 1 800 men. Leaving Allaha- 
bad on the 5th, he reached Cawn- 
pore on the iSth; and then 
Outram, Havelock, and Neill 
resolved more sternly and cheer- 
fully than ever to prosecute the 
noble work before them to a 
successful issue. 

Outram was superior in rank 
as a military officer, and held a 
higher command in that part of 
India than Havelock. But he 
was proud of the achievements 
of a brother commander, and he 
was determined that the crown- 
ing glory of relieving Lucknow 
should be his. 

On the 1 6th, accordingly, Sir 
James Outram issued the follow- 
ing order : 

" The important duty of first 
relieving the garrison of Luck- 
now has been intrusted to Major- 
General Havelock, C.B. : and 



120 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Major-General Outram feels that 
it is due to this distinguished 
officer, and to the strenuous 
and noble exertions which he 
has already made to effect that 
object, that to him should accrue 
the honour of the achievement. 

" Major- General Outram is 
confident the great end for 
which General Havelock and 
his brave men have so long 
and gloriously fought, will now, 
under the blessing of Providence, 
be accomplished. 

"The Major-General, there- 
fore, in gratitude for, and ad- 
miration of, the brilliant deeds 
in arms achieved by General 
Havelock and his gallant troops, 
will cheerfully waive his rank 
on the occasion, and will ac- 
company the force to Lucknow 
in his civil capacity as chief- 
commissioner of Oude, tender- 
ing his military services to Gene- 
ral Havelock as a volunteer. 

"On the relief of Lucknow 
the Major-General will resume 
his position at the head of the 
forces." 

Outram sent a telegram to 
Calcutta, inquiring whether, if 
Lucknow should be recaptured, 
it should be held at all hazards 
as a matter of prestige. The 
answer of Viscount Canning 
was : " Save the garrison ; never 
mind our prestige just now, pro- 
vided you liberate Inglis ; we 
will recover prestige afterwards. 
I cannot just now send you any 
more troops. Save the British 
in the Residency, and act after- 
wards as your strength will per- 
mit." 



Outram planned the new 
operations in Oude, placed 
Havelock at the head of them, 
and did not omit to arrange for 
Neill securing a share in the 
glory. 

On the i Qth of September 
the British army again crossed 
the Ganges this time by a 
bridge of boats, laboriously con- 
structed by Captain Crommelin. 
The enemy had assembled near 
the banks, but retired after a 
mere show of resistance to 
Mungulwar. The British came 
up with them again on the 2ist, 
and drove them from the posi- 
tion they had taken up, Sir 
James Outram, as a volunteer 
under Havelock, leading one of 
the charges. On the 23d the 
triumphant column found them- 
selves again in the presence of 
the rebels, with their left posted 
on the enclosure of the Alum 
Bagh, so near Lucknow that 
the firing in the city was dis- 
tinctly heard. Here Havelock 
ordered a volley of his loudest 
guns, to announce to the be- 
leaguered garrison that relief 
was near. The British again 
drove the enemy before them ; 
and since they had been march- 
ing three days under a deluge 
of rain, irregularly fed, and 
badly housed in villages, Have- 
lock determined to pitch camp 
and give his troops a whole 
day's rest on the 24th. 

At last the eventful 25th ot 
September dawned, the day on 
which the long beleaguered 
garrison \vas to be gladdened 
by the deliverance for which 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



121 



they had yearned in agony, and 
were often tempted to despair 
of. It was a day of mighty 
deeds of heroic valour. At one 
point the palace of Kaiser, or 
Kissurah Bagh, where two guns 
were pushed, the fire of the 
enemy was so tremendous that, 
in the words of Havelock, " no- 
thing could live under it." The 
troops had to pass a bridge 
partly under the withering blight 
of this cannonade. When dark- 
ness set in, it was proposed that 
they should halt for the night 
in and near the court of the 
palace, but Havelock would not 
hear of the Residency being left 
another night in terror of the 
enemy. He therefore ordered 
his doughty Highlanders, and 
trusty Sikhs, to take the lead in 
the terrible ordeal of a street 
fight through the spacious city 
of Lucknow. It was a desper- 
ate die to cast, the struggle was 
fearful, but it ended in a glori- 
ous victory. 

That night, in the Residency 
of Lucknow, Havelock and Out- 
ram clasped hands with Inglis ; 
and what brimming eyes from 
bursting hearts were all around 
them ! The sick and the wound- 
ed, the broken-down and the 
emaciated, military and civili- 
ans, officers and soldiers, women 
and children, who had spent a 
day of agonised suspense, were 
now in a dream of joy almost 
delirious. They found it hard 
to believe that their deliverance 
had indeed been wrought. But 
fc was joy overcast with grief for 



the brave who had fallen. The 
gallant Neill had fallen! He 
had fought his good fight, he 
had finished his course, and 
there he was crowned with <a 
glory which has never dimmed. 
Going to India, a stripling six- 
teen years of age, he had spent 
thirty years of his life in India, 
a true and trusted officer of the 
East India Company. It is 
pleasant to mention that the 
Queen afterwards conferred on 
this valiant general's widow a 
title which she would have ac- 
quired in due course had her 
gallant soldier lived a few 
weeks longer the title of Lady 
Neill. 

Havelock had to lament a 
melancholy list of other brave 
companions, no less than 10 
officers of the 78th Highlanders 
alone being among the killed 
and wounded. Sir James Out- 
ram, early in the day, received 
a flesh wound in the arm ; but, 
though faint from loss of blood, 
he continued to the end of the 
day unsubdued, sitting on his 
horse till he dismounted at the 
gate of the Residency. 

On the evening of that event- 
ful and auspicious 251)1 of Sep- 
tember, Major- General Have- 
lock, within the Residency at 
Lucknow, gave back to Major- 
General Sir James Outram the 
position at the head of the 
forces, which he had so gener- 
ously intrusted to him. Some- 
thing of what the besieged had 
suffered, and how they bore 
it, will be told in next chapter. 



122 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



CHAPTER XIIL 



WHAT AND HOW THEY HAD SUFFERED IN LUCKNOW. 



WHAT the garrison suffered and 
did during those three months 
of imprisonment in the Resi- 
dency was learned afterwards. 
By the Residency is meant the 
part of Lucknow which contain- 
ed the offices and dwellings of 
most of the English officials 
an irregular quadrangle a few 
hundred yards square, its north- 
most side nearly parallel with 
the Goomtee, the river on which 
Lucknow stands, and the. north 
corner near to an iron bridge, 
which carried a road over the 
river to the cantonment. Within 
those enclosures were numerous 
buildings for purposes military, 
political, civil, or private. 

Although the European resi- 
dents had had ample oppor- 
tunities of forecasting trials from 
what was occurring daily through- 
out Oude in other cities in their 
own the conduct of the muti- 
neers and the extensive prepara- 
tions for coming events made 
by Sir Henry Lawrence yet 
after all, the actual calamity fell 
suddenly upon them. The un- 
fortunate result of the battle at 
Chinut, and the ill-omened re- 
treat, drove all the British into 
the Residency, even those who 
had lived in the native city 
rushing in without preparation, 
many leaving all their property 
behind them. 

Therebelsmarchedinto Luck- 
now after the retreating troops 



under Sir Henry Lawrence's 
command, invested the Resi- 
dency, set up a howitzer battery 
in front of it, and loopholed 
the walls of houses for mus- 
ketry. 

The confusion within for the 
first few days was frightful ; new- 
comers were looking about for 
somewhere to lay or hide their 
heads, and military men began 
to turn everything upside down, 
with a view of making the place 
more defensible. 

The siege began on the ist 
of July, the day after the dis- 
aster at Chinut. On the 2d, 
the day on which Sir Henry 
Lawrence was struck by the 
fatal shell while he was resting 
on a couch exhausted and 
anxious, shells, balls, and bul- 
lets were being fired into the 
enclosure by ten thousand rebels. 
When Sir Henry Lawrence's 
body was returned to its kindred 
dust on the 4th, there was neither 
opportunity nor time for display; 
no military honours marked that 
funeral ; a hurried prayer was 
read amid the booming of can- 
non, and a few spadefuls of 
earth speedily covered the mor- 
tal remains of one whose name 
is among the immortals. 

The rebel artillery displayed 
both ingenuity and vigour in 
planting batteries in unlooked- 
for positions, such as house-tops, 
and other spots, to the fire from 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



123 



which the garrison could not 
respond ; but most of the deaths 
were caused by musket-bullets, 
there being many excellent 
marksmen among the enemy. 
Captain Anderson, who wrote 
" A Personal Journal of the 
Siege of Lucknow," says : " A 
man could not show his nose 
without hearing the whiz of bul- 
lets close to his head. The 
shot, too, came from every direc- 
tion; and when a poor fellow 
had nearly jerked his head off 
his shoulders in making humble 
salutations to passing bullets, 
he would have his penance dis- 
agreeably changed into a sud- 
den and severe contortion of 
the whole body to avoid a round 
shot or shell. So soon as a 
man left his post he had no 
time for meditation; his only 
plan was to proceed rapidly. 
in fact, to walk slowly was in 
some places very, very danger- 
ous, and many a poor fellow was 
shot who was too proud to run 
past places where builets danced 
on the walls like a handful of 
peas in a frying-pan." 

In the third week the be- 
siegers began to fire at the 
Brigade Mess, where the ladies 
and children had mainly sought 
refuge, and this distracted the 
attention of officers and soldiers 
from pressing duties at other 
points. The insurgents received 
large reinforcements, and they 
kept firing all night, thus tiring 
out the defenders, who were 
afforded no rest, and were be- 
wildered by vigorous attacks of 
cannon and musketry on almost 



every part of their widely- 
exposed intrenchment. For it 
must be admitted that in the 
original preparations against a 
siege, Sir Henry Lawrence had 
been more influenced by con- 
siderate feelings for the opinions 
and prejudices of the natives, 
than by the sterner resolves of a 
soldier driven to bay. He might 
have prevented the enemy from 
converting many of the houses 
around into strongholds from 
which they rained death on the 
English quarters with impunity, 
as he had been urged to do by 
the military officers under him. 
Brigadier Inglis adverted to this 
point subsequently in language 
which has a shade and dash of 
bitterness in it. He wrote a 
report, in which he said : " When 
the blockade commenced only 
two of our batteries were com- 
pleted, part of the defences were 
yet in an unfinished condition, 
and the buildings in the imme- 
diate vicinity, which gave cover 
to the enemy, were only very 
partially cleared away. Indeed, 
our heaviest losses have been 
caused by the fire from the 
enemy's sharpshooters, station- 
ed in the adjoining mosques and 
houses of the native nobility, to 
the necessity of destroying which 
the attention of Sir Henry had 
been repeatedly drawn by the 
staff of engineers, but his inva- 
riable reply was : ' Spare the 
holy places, and private property 
too, as far as possible ;' and we 
have consequently suffered se- 
verely from our very tenderness 
to the religious prejudices, 



124 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



respect to the rights of our rebel- 
lious citizens and soldiery." 

During these attacks every 
one of the besieged who could 
load a gun or handle a musket 
was forward with his services. 
Others helped to construct 
stockades and barriers of earth, 
and many of the sick and wound- 
ed rose from their corners, stag- 
gered away to the points most 
fiercely attacked, and rendered 
what aid they could, some drop- 
ping dead in the attempt. The 
enemy dug a mine to blow up 
a redan battery which had been 
constructed at the north part of 
the enclosure by Captain Fulton 
decidedly the most effective 
battery in the whole place, but 
while, from a miscalculation of 
distance, they failed to silence 
it, the explosion was followed 
by a desperate struggle in the 
glacis outside, in which the in- 
surgents were mowed down by 
grape-shot before they aban- 
doned the attempt to enter the 
quarter at that point. Every 
attack was repelled with the 
vigour of desperation. The 
grape-shot poured forth by the 
garrison worked terrible destruc- 
tion among the assailants. 

Brigadier Inglis sent out mes- 
sengers repeatedly, but had 
hitherto obtained not a word of 
news from the world of India. 
He was shut out from it, know- 
ing nothing but his own crushing 
cares and responsibilities ; and 
now it was the fourth week of 
the siege. But on the 23d of 
the month a messenger, who had 
marie his way through many 



perils, brought news from Cawn- 
pore about Havelock's victories 
in the region of the Doab. 
Inglis sent the messenger away 
again immediately withan urgent 
request to the gallant conqueror 
to press on to Lucknow as 
quickly as possible. The resi- 
dents now began to count the 
days which must elapse before 
this hope would be realised. 
On the 25th a letter from Colo- 
nel Tytler at Cawnpore was 
brought in safety the former 
messenger having only reported 
the scraps of news he had picked 
up. It announced Havelock's 
advance towards Lucknow, and 
Inglis at once sent off to him a 
plan of the city to aid his pro- 
ceedings, offering the messenger 
5000 rupees if he brought back 
an answer. It was an anxious 
period, and the readers of the 
previous chapter know how 
Havelock was baffled at that 
very time. During it Major 
Banks, whom Sir Henry Law- 
rence had appointed civil com- 
missioner when he named Bri- 
gadier Inglis for the military 
command, was shot dead while 
reconnoitring from the top ot 
an outhouse. He had served 
the East India Company faith- 
fully and with great ability for 
thirty years, and was in high 
repute both as a soldier and as 
a linguist. His death was a 
heavy loss to Brigadier Inglis, 
who, now that there was no 
civil commissioner, was under 
the necessity of placing the 
whole community under the 
strict rules of a military garrison. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



i25 



The tale of the non-combat- 
ants during the month of July 
is sad enough, but it is truly 
heroic. The heat was excessive, 
while cholera, dysentery, and 
small-pox worked their wonted 
havoc. The commissariat chief 
took ill, and there was no one 
who could promptly organise his 
department on a sudden emer- 
gency. The food and draught 
bullocks roamed about the place, 
and many of them tumbled into 
the wells, or were shot. It was 
terrible work to bury the killed 
bullocks, to keep the air free 
from the taint of their decaying 
carcases. Some of the military 
horses went mad from want of 
water and proper food. Work- 
ing hard in the trenches all day, 
the officers had to busy them- 
selves at night burying dead 
bullocks and horses, for the men 
could not be spared for this kind 
of work, they were all employed 
on sentry and other duties. The 
stench from dead animals be- 
came one of the greatest annoy- 
ances to which the garrison was 
exposed as the heat increased. 
The vapours that followed a 
fall of rain engendered fever, 
cholera, dysentery, and diarrhoea. 
In these circumstances, children 
died rapidly, and the hospital- 
rooms were always full. 

The officers were put on half 
rations early in July; and, as 
the native servants had fled, 
many of them robbing their 
masters before they went, the 
officers had to turn their hands 
to cooking. The ladies suffer- 
ed unnumbered privations and 



inconveniences with heroic 
patience. They swept tlv:ir 
rooms, drew water from the 
wells, washed their clothes, and 
performed every menial house- 
hold duty. Families were hud- 
dled together, differences of 
rank obliterated, and all privacy 
destroyed. As to the sick and 
the wounded, officers and men 
were lying about in the hospital- 
rooms covered with blood and 
vermin ; while the wards being 
kept closed and barricaded 
against shot, the pestilential 
atmosphere did as deadly work 
as stray missiles could possibly 
have accomplished. 

There was another bitter tor- 
ment. MrjRees, a Calcutta mer- 
chant, who unfortunately got 
shut up in the enclosure when 
the troubles began, wrote a "Per- 
sonal Narrative," in which, speak- 
ing of the flies, he says : " They 
daily increased to such an extent 
that we at last began to feel life 
irksome, more on their account 
than from any other of our num- 
erous troubles. In the day, 
flies ; at night, mosquitoes. But 
the latter were bearable, the 
former intolerable. Lucknow 
had always been noted for its 
flies ; but at no time had they 
been known to be so trouble- 
some. The mass of putrid 
matter that was allowed to ac- 
cumulate, the rains, the commis- 
sariat stores, the hospital, had 
attracted these insects in incred- 
ible numbers. The Egyptians 
could not possibly have been 
more molested than we were by 
this pest. They swarmed in 



126 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



millions, and though we blew 
daily some hundreds of thou- 
sands into the air, this seemed 
to make no diminution in their 
numbers ; the ground was still 
black with them, and the tables 
were literally covered with those 
cursed flies. We could not 
sleep in the day on account of 
them. We could scarcely eat. 
Our beef, of which we got a 
tolerably small quantity every 
day, was usually studded with 
them; and when I ate my miser- 
able boiled lentil soup and un- 
leavened bread, a number of 
scamps flew into my mouth, or 
tumbled into and floated about 
in my plate." 

It required all Brigadier Inglis's 
energy and tact to keep up the 
spirits of himself and his com- 
panions when Havelock did not 
arrive at the time they had 
calculated upon. They ex- 
pected him at the end of July, 
but when the 2d of August pass- 
ed and he did not come, their 
hopes were cruelly dashed. 
About the beginning of August 
great numbers of fresh rebels 
flocked into Lucknow. New 
mines were begun, especially 
one under the Brigade Mess, in 
which many of the ladies and 
children were sheltered, and it 
required all the energy of the 
officers to frustrate the designs 
of their underground enemies. 
Captain Fulton, an engineer 
officer, laboured unremittingly, 
and most skilfully, in baffling 
the enemy's mining by his own 
counter-mining. He organised 
a body of sappers from among 



the humbler members of the gar- 
rison, and instructed every one 
on sentry duty to be on the 
alert for any sounds beneath 
ground that might denote the 
driving of galleries or mines. 
Mining and counter-mining were 
perpetual during the siege ; the 
enemy constantly attempting to 
blow up the defence works, and 
the defenders anticipating this 
by blowing up the enemy. 

Not a messenger could be 
found during the fifth week ot 
the siege who would risk the 
perils of carrying to Havelock 
a letter so small that it went 
into a quill. The offer of a 
great reward was no inducement 
to any one. The brigadier re- 
doubled his offer, and during 
the sixth week of the siege an 
adventurous native started with 
a small note to Havelock at 
Cawnpore. The 1 5th of August 
was a notable day: no burial 
took place ! But a letter arrived 
from Havelock announcing his 
inability to bring succour at pre- 
sent. This was always some- 
thing; it aroused the energies of 
all in the garrison to further ex- 
ertions. But about this time the 
Residency, the house in which 
Sir Henry Lawrence had been 
shot, was felt to be no longer 
secure, so much had it been 
shaken and shattered by shot 
and shell ; and the inmates 
were removed to other quarters, 
an unspeakable increase of dis- 
comfort. 

On the 1 8th the insurgents 
succeeded in exploding a mine 
under the Sikh barracks, and 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



127 



made a wreck of thirty feet of 
the defence boundary. This 
challenge was bravely accepted 
all hands were at work in the 
instant. Boxes, planks, doors, 
beams, all available stop-gaps, 
were brought, while muskets and 
pistols scared the outsiders. Not 
only so, but the fearless defend- 
ers, after repelling the enemy, 
made a sortie, and blew up 
some of the buildings, which 
had hitherto proved themselves 
to be in dangerous proximity. 

A brilliant sortie was made 
on the 2oth, headed by Captain 
M'Cabeand Lieutenant Browne. 
They spiked two of the enemy's 
guns, and also blew up a house 
called Johannes House, \\hich 
had been a perpetual source of 
heavy annoyance to the garrison; 
from it an African eunuch who 
had belonged to the court of the 
late King of Oude, kept up a 
most fatal and accurate fire on 
the enclosure, bringing down 
more Europeans than any other 
marksman in the enemy's em- 
ployment. 

A letter from Havelock in the 
last week of August cheered up 
the besieged very much, even 
though the information that three 
weeks more must elapse before 
he could possibly reach them 
was in itself no very cheering 
news. 

During August the women 
and children, and the sick and 
wounded, suffered, of course, 
more terribly, as every kind of 
peril and discomfort increased, 
and every means of succour and 
solace was rendered less effec- 



tive. A few little " siege babies" 
came into the world during this 
stormy period, and, poor things, 
their initiatory struggle for exist- 
ence was exceptionally hard. 
Food was becoming rapidly 
scarce. There was fresh meat 
as long as any healthy bullocks 
remained alive; an immense 
store of attah, the coarse meal 
from which chupatties were 
made, had been laid in by Sir 
Henry Lawrence, but this was 
nearly exhausted by the end of 
August, and the women and 
children were constantly em- 
ployed grinding corn by means 
of hand-mills. Tea and sugar 
were quite used up, with the ex- 
ception of a small store reserved 
for the invalids. Tobacco was 
all gone, and the soldiers, yearn- 
ing for a pipe after a day's hard 
work, took to smoking dried 
leaves. There were still a few 
casks of porter, but they were 
guarded as a treasure for special 
use. When an officer died, the 
trifling comforts he might leave 
were put up to auction. A 
dozen of bottles of brandy left 
by Sir Henry Lawrence were 
about this time sold for 16 ; 
a dozen of beer, ^7 ; the same 
amount for a dozen of sherry ; 
the same price for a ham ; for a 
quart bottle of honey, 4 ; for 
two small tins of preserved soup, 
$ ; and 3 for a cake of 
chocolate. 

The early days of Sep- 
tember ushered in the tenth 
week of- this memorable and 
melancholy drama. New mines 
everywhere. Officers and men 



128 



THE INDIAN MUTINl r , 



assiduously attended to their 
" listening-galleries/' mines in 
which they listened wakefully 
for miners. On the 5th of the 
month the enemy exploded two 
mines near the niess-house, and 
brought ladders with them to 
effect an escalade. They seemed 
determined to carry the place by 
storm this time ; but the garri- 
son, almost worn to death with 
toil and weariness, rushed gal- 
lantly to every spot in danger, 
repelled them, and hastily recon- 
structed such defence works as 
had been destroyed, and repair- 
ed those which were damaged. 
Neither time nor place, when 
active service would be required, 
could be thought of in these 
circumstances. The officers 
especially could not count on a 
single minute's peace. Captain 
Anderson says : " In the midst 
of all these miseries you would 
hear the cry of ' turn out,' and 
you had to seize your musket 
and rush to your post. Then 
there was a constant state of 
anxiety as to whether we were 
mined or not ; and we were not 
quite sure, whilst we were at a 
loophole, that we might not 
suddenly see the ground open, 
or observe the whole materials 
of the house fly into the air by 
the explosion of a mine. Shells 
came smashing into our rooms 
and dashed our property to 
pieces ; then followed round- 
shot, and down tumbled huge 
pieces of masonry, while bits of 
tvood and brick flew in all direc- 
tions. I have seen beds literally 
blown to atoms." 



On the 1 4th of this month 
Captain Fulton's head was com- 
pletely blown off by a cannon- 
ball. The loss of this able 
engineer officer was much la- 
mented by all, his kindness of 
manner having rendered him 
a general favourite. But to 
Brigadier Inglis it was irrepar- 
able, for Captain Fulton had 
been one of his chief counsel- 
lors in all his trials and diffi- 
culties. This was the second 
chief engineer he had lost. Ful- 
ton had succeeded Major Ander- 
son, a mostvaluable and intrepid 
officer, who was also mourned 
for by the whole garrison ; and 
now Captain Anderson became 
chief engineer. 

The twelfth week of the siege, 
the week before Havelock and 
Neill relieved them, found the 
beleaguered residents in great 
despondency. There had been 
many deaths, and harder work 
than ever had, of course, to be 
gone through by the survivors. 
The look-out was never for a 
moment neglected. At all 
hours of the day and night, 
officers found such shelter as 
they could on the roofs of the 
Residency and the post-office, 
while they watched intently the 
river, the hedges, the roads, and 
the buildings in and around the 
city. Every fact of any obvious im 
portance was at once reported to 
Brigadier Inglis, who immediate- 
ly made such defensive or other 
arrangements as the case might 
seem to require. What harass- 
ing days and sleepless nights 
were thus apportioned to the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



129 



defenders of Lucknow can easily 
be supposed. 

The enemy's batteries were 
now more numerous and nearer 
than ever ; the whole place was, 
in fact, surrounded by batteries, 
bristling with great guns and 
mortars, some of which were 
perpetually belching shot and 
shell. 

During the three weeks of 
September the personal life 
within the enclosure was miser- 
able beyond the previous misery. 
The men toiled and watched 
while nearly overcome by heat 
and noisome odours. When 
they had a chance of getting a 
sleep during the damp nights, 
after the great heat of the day, 
in the trenches for they had 
neither tents nor change of 
clothing they suffered terribly 
in their limbs and bones. No 
sanitary cleansing could be at- 
tended to, for there was not a 
hand for surplus labours, and 
not a drain at their command. 
At one time half the officers 
were ill from disease, fatigue, 
and insufficient diet. Poor 
Lieutenant Graham's mental 
firmness gave way under priva- 
tion, grief, and wounds, and he 
committed suicide. 

The live stock, the rum, and 
the porter were all getting very 
low; tea, coffee, chocolate, and 
sugar had long disappeared from 
the rations. A bottle of brandy 
was sold for 2 i, 125. paid 
for a bottle of curagoa; 2 for a 
small fowl ; and any price al- 
most would have been paid for 
sugar. Mr Rees sold hi" gold 



watch to a companion who had 
a little money to spare, and, 
with the proceeds, bought, among 
other things, cigars at 23. a 
piece. Tobacco was sold at 43. 
a leaf. Any of the officers or 
civilians who had it in their 
power were willing to give un- 
heard of prices for a few of the 
luxuries still remaining in private 
hands, that they might possess 
the means of, in some degree, 
alleviating the sufferings of their 
wives and children. 

The clothing of all was worn 
away and dirtied to the most 
piteous condition. Many of the 
officers had had theirs burnt 
with their bungalows before the 
siege began, and had not had 
an opportunity of replacing 
them in the city before they 
were hemmed up in that direful 
enclosure. Now all clothes were 
worn away to rags. Scarcely 
a vestige of military uniform was 
to be seen in the place. Officers 
worked and fought, dined and 
slept in shirt, trousers and slip- 
pers. One made a billiard table 
cloth into a sort of coat; an- 
other contrived a shirt out of a 
piece of floor-cloth. When the 
few remaining effects of one of 
the deceased officers were sold, 
4. were given for a new flannel 
shirt, and 12 for five others 
that had seen some wear. 

On the 2ist a clever spy 
brought to Brigadier Inglis a 
note, from Havelock, to the 
effect that Outram and he were 
on the road from Cawnpore, and 
expected to reach Lucknow in 
three or four days. The 22d 
i 



130 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



passed in suppressed hopes and 
anxious fears, and on the 23d 
musketry was heard on the 
Cawnpore road, and much anxi- 
ety was visible within the city. 
Next day cannonading and 
musketry were heard again. The 
first movement which denoted 
to the agonised prisoners within 
the enclosure, that the arms of 
their deliverers were being at- 
tended with success, was multi- 
tudes escaping out of the city 
and over the bridge to the other 
side of the river. Prodigious 
agitation and alarm were observ- 
able in the city that night 
movements of men and horses, 
everything in commotion. 

At noon on the 25th, the day 
of deliverance, the sounds told 
the garrison plainly enough that 
street fighting was going on. 
The look-out could see the 
smoke of musketry, but nothing 
more. As the afternoon ad- 
vanced, the sounds came nearer 
and nearer ; later on was heard 
the sharp crack of the rifles, 
then the flash of the musketry 
was gradually seen, and then the 
well-known uniforms.* 

* The Jersey Times, of December 
10, 1857, contained what professed to 
be an extract from a letter from M. de 
Bannerol, a French physician in the 
service of Mussur Rajah, dated October 
8th, and published in Le Pays, a Paris 
paper, giving an account of the feel- 
ings of the Christian women shut up 
within Lucknow just before their re- 
lief. It went on to state how Jessie 
Brown, a corporal's wife, cheered the 
party in the depth of their terrors and 
despair, by starting up and declaring 
that, amidst the roar of the artillery, 
she caught the faint sound of the 



Outram and Havelock fought 
their way through a continuous 
line of streets to the Bailey 
Guard entrance of the enclosure, 
the troops suffering terribly as 
they advanced. It was a grasp 
eloquent as with the tongues of 
angels, with which Inglis seized 
the hands of his brother officers 
and deliverers. 

It was with a great shout- 
wonderful whence the strength 
for it came ! that the deliverers 
were all welcomed by that gar- 
rison just kept from entering 
the hideous jaws of death in its 
cruellest aspect. " The immense 
enthusiasm," says Mr Rees, "with 
which they were greeted defies 
description. As their hurrah 
and ours rang in my ears, I was 
nigh bursting with joy. . . . 
We felt not only happy beyond 
imagination, and grateful to that 
God of mercy who, by our noble 
deliverers, Havelock and Out- 
ram, and their gallant troops, 
had thus snatched us from immi- 
nent death; but we also felt 
proud at the defence we had 
made, and the success with 
which, with such fearful odds to 

slogan of the approaching Highland- 
ers, particularly that of the Macgregor, 
"the grandest of them a'!" The 
soldiers intermitted firing to listen, 
but could hear nothing of the kind, 
and despair once more settled down 
upon the party. After a little Interval 
Jessie broke out once more with words 
of hope, referring to the sound of the 
Highland bagpipes, which the party at 
length acknowledged they heard ; and 
then, by one impulse, all fell on their 
knees, "and nothing was heard but 
the bursting sob and the voice of 
prayer." 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



131 



contend against, we had pre- 
served, not only our own lives, 
but the honour and lives of the 
women and children intrusted 
to our keeping. As our deliver- 
ers poured in they continued to 
greet us with hurrahs. . . . 
We ran up to them, officers and 
men, without distinction, and 
shook them by the hands how 
cordially, who can describe ? 
The shrill notes of the High- 
landers' bagpipes now pierced 
our ears. Not the most beauti- 
ful music ever was more wel- 
come, more joy-bringing. And 
these brave men themselves, 
many of them bloody and ex- 
hausted, forgot the loss of their 
comrades, the pain of their 
wounds, the fatigue of overcom- 
ing the fearful obstacles they 
had combated for our sakes, in 
the pleasure of hs.vLig accom- 
plished our relief." 

What was felt on this day by 
the othersex,the "Lady's Diary" 
will tell us. She writes : " Never 
shall I forget the moment till 
the latest day I live. It was 
mosj overpowering. We had 
no idea they were so near, and 
were breathing air in the por- 
tico as usual at that hour, specu- 
lating when they might be in, 
not expecting they could reach 
us for several days longer, when 
suddenly, just at dark, we heard 
a very sharp fire of musketry 
close by, and then tremendous 
cheering. An instant after, the 
sound of bagpipes, then soldiers 
running up the road, our com- 
pound and verandah filled with 
our deliverers, and all of us 



shaking hands frantically and 
exchanging fervent ' God bless 
you's ' with the gallant men and 
officers of the 7 8th Highlanders. 
Sir James Outram and staff 
were the next to come in, and 
the state of joyful confusion and 
excitement was beyond all de- 
scription. The big, rough- 
bearded soldiers were seizing 
the little children out of our 
arms, kissing them with tears 
rolling down their cheeks, and 
thanking God they had come in 
time to save them from the fate 
of those at Cawnpore. We were 
all rushing about to give the 
poor fellows drinks of water, for 
they were perfectly exhausted ; 
and tea was made down in the 
Tye Khana, of which a large 
party of tired, thirsty officers 
partook without milk or sugar ; 
we had nothing to give them to 
eat. Every one's tongue seemed 
going at once with so much to 
ask and to tell, and the faces of 
utter strangers beamed upon 
each other like those of dearest 
friends and brothers." 

There was severe fighting to 
be encountered on the 26th, for 
some of the heroic little band 
had been left in palatial build- 
ings outside the enclosure, which 
they succeeded in holding for 
the night. Help must be 
brought to them; the guns 
which they guarded must be 
brought in, and it was desirable, 
if possible, to obtain firm posses- 
sion of the palatial buildings in 
which they had been set down. 
All this was accomplished. Two 
or three palaces were secured, 



132 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



and the position held by the 
British became thrice as large 
as was the area which Brigadier 
Inglis had so gallantly defended. 

Three or four miles before 
they came to Lucknow, near 
the new road from Cawnpore, 
Havelock and Outram, as they 
advanced, captured the Alum 
Bagh, the " garden of the Lady 
Alum, or the beauty of the 
world." It was an important 
outpost It comprised a palace, 
a mosque, and a private temple, 
these buildings being bounded 
by a beautiful garden which was 
itself in the middle of a park 
which was surrounded by a 
wall with corner towers. There 
was in it ample space for a large 
military force, and Havelock, as 
he advanced, found the enemy 
drawn up in considerable num- 
bers within and without the Alum 
Bagh ; and he captured it only 
after a fierce contest. He left 
there ammunition and baggage 
as well as the sick and wounded, 
with 300 men, and an array of 
elephants, camels, camp fol- 
lowers, and loaded carts, besides 
four guns. He thought it would 
be one of the strongholds of his 
position, after he conquered 
Lucknow, with which he could 
communicate as he found it 
necessary. 

A very different state of things 
emerged. The Alum Bagh be- 
came completely isolated. Only 
when by good chance a native 
messenger succeeded in convey- 
ing a brief letter which had been 
concealed in a quill or in the 
sole of his shoe did the residents 



at the one enclosure hear from 
those who were pent up in the 
other. 

This was only one grave re- 
sult of the relief. The British 
within the intrenchment at 
Lucknow were as close prison- 
ers as ever. Havelock's men 
were very much exhausted after 
the severe fighting they had en- 
countered, and the larger por- 
tion of the city he had acquired 
as the result of their determined 
courage and energy required 
more work, wakefulness, and 
watching than ever. He could 
neither retain Lucknow as a 
conqueror, nor could he bring 
away those who, for four months, 
had been exposed to all the 
perils which had beset them. 
Nor could he send the women 
and children away to any place 
of safety. He had no efficient 
escort to spare. 

The only relief that he seemed 
to have brought was more men 
to toil at the defence-works, 
but they had also to be fed, and 
the supplies had been left at 
the Alum Bagh. Captivity and 
short commons were still to be 
the order of the day at Luck- 
now. 

How these difficulties were 
solved will be told at the pro- 
per time, when other lines of the 
narrative have been brought up 
to date. 

One remarkable feature of 
this siege must not be over- 
looked. It is the presence all 
through it of a few faithful 
sepoys who had remained be- 
hind when the three native 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



133 



infantry regiments mutinied at 
the cantonment on the 3oth of 
May. These men remained 
steadfast to the end, notwith- 
standing scanty food, little and 
broken sleep, harassing exer- 
tion, and daily fighting. The 
mutineers would often converse 
with them over the palisades of 
the intrenchment and tempt 
them sorely to desert to the rebel 
ranks, but they never flinched ; 
from the 3oth of May to the 
25th of September, they stood 
resolutely devoted to duty 
" true to their salt." Their con- 
duct did not pass unappreciated. 
In an order in council, in which 
Viscount Canning says : " There 
does not stand in the annals of 
war an achievement more truly 
heroic than the defence of the 
Residency of Lucknow," he 
makes marked reference to the 
faithfulness of these devoted na- 
tives. After enumerating other 
well-earned rewards, he says : 
" Every native commissioned 



and non-commissioned officer 
and soldier who has formed part 
of the garrison shall receive the 
Order of Merit, with the in- 
crease of pay attached thereto, 
and shall be permitted to count 
three years of additional service. 
The soldiers of the i3th, 48th, 
and yist regiments native in- 
fantry " the three regiments 
which mutinied on the 3oth of 
May " who have been part of 
the garrison, shall be formed 
into a regiment of the line, to 
be called ' The Regiment of 
Lucknow.'" Before this the 
Governor-General had awarded 
them, as well as various classes 
of the Europeans who had en- 
dured the imprisonment of the 
Residency, six months' batta. 

As to the faithful and firm, 
tender and true defender of 
Lucknow, he entered that hate- 
ful city as a lieutenant-col- 
onel, and left it as Major-Gen- 
eral Sir John Eardley Wilmot 
Inglis. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



THE MUTINY AT DINAPOOR THE DEFENCE AND THE 
DISASTER AT ARRAH. 



PATNA, in the province of Be- 
har, between Bengal and Oude, 
is a large and important city, 
the centre of an industrious 
region; while Dinapoor, ten 
miles off, is the most extensive 
military station between Bar- 



rackpore and Allahabad. Major- 
General Lloyd was military 
commander at Dinapoor when 
the mutinies began to trouble 
all the regions round about, 
and Mr Tayler was the civil 
commissioner, and consequently 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the chief authority at Patna. 
About the middle of June the 
district became much agitated 
by news of disturbances in 
other quarters ; the police force 
was strengthened, the ghats or 
landing - places watched, the 
Company's treasure removed to 
other stations, and places of 
rendezvous agreed upon in cases 
of emergency. The incident of 
the fanatical bookseller, Peer 
Ali Khan, and the murder of 
Dr Lyell on the 3d of July, has 
been already told. 

The Europeans at Dinapoor 
had a very anxious time of it. 
The native troops made loud 
professions of loyalty, but only 
scanty faith was put in their 
fidelity. 

The barracks of the European 
troops at Dinapoor was situ- 
ated in a square of the town 
inhabited by the natives ; far- 
ther west were the native lines, 
and still farther west was the 
magazine in which percussion- 
caps were stored. 

Major-General Lloyd was an 
infirm, irresolute old man. He 
had been a gallant officer in his 
day, but his conduct on this 
occasion was the cause of many 
regrets, bitterly enough express- 
ed sometimes, that he, so ad- 
vanced in years, should have 
been left in command of a vast 
military region. He was unable 
to mount his horse without 
assistance, and seemed afraid to 
give any orders that would have 
the effect of sending European 
troops away from Dinapoor. 

There were three regiments 



of Bengal native infantry at that 
city towards the close of July 
the yth, the 8th, and the 4oth. 
There were also the greater 
portion of Her Majesty's loth 
foot, two companies of the 37th 
regiment, and two troops of 
artillery. 

Symptoms began to betray 
themselves among the sepoys 
which suggested that it was time 
they were disarmed. The posi- 
tion they occupied in relation 
to Bengal, therefore, to Calcutta, 
and to the troubled provinces 
west of them, was itself sufficient 
to suggest this precaution early. 
The inhabitants of Calcutta had 
already petitioned Government 
to disarm the sepoys at Dina- 
poor, and the officers of the 
Queen's regiments at the sta- 
tions all along advocated the 
taking of this step. 

But General Lloyd would not 
hear of it ; he was proud of the 
sepoys; he was prepared to 
trust them to the last. Viscount 
Canning, of course, placed reli- 
ance on the general's great 
experience, and left it to his 
judgment to determine whether 
disarming should take place, 
and when it was to be accom- 
plished. It is generally admitted 
that had it been attempted at 
the proper time there would 
have been little difficulty ; but 
it was not done in time, and 
hence the incident of the mu- 
tiny. 

On the 25th of July Major- 
General Lloyd was convinced 
that it was time something 
should be done. He did not 



THE INDIAN MUTINY 



135 



offer to disarm the sepoys, but 
he ordered the percussion-caps 
to be removed from the maga- 
zine. From the position of the 
magazine the caps had to be 
brought along the whole length 
of the sepoy lines on their way 
to the barracks of the British 
troops. General Lloyd did just 
anticipate that there might be 
danger in the removal of them, 
and he sent the loth regiment 
and the artillery to the grand 
square, to be in readiness to 
advance upon the sepoy lines if 
disturbance should occur. 

Two vehicles went down to 
the magazine under charge of 
an officer ; the caps were placed 
on them, and were drawn some 
distance towards the British 
lines, when some of the sepoys 
shouted, "Kill the sahibs ; don't 
let the caps be taken away!" 
The caps were taken away, how- 
ever, and were safely conveyed 
to the officers' mess-room ; and 
the native officers were com- 
manded to go and order the 
sepoys to give up the caps 
already issued to them. 

Some of the sepoys obeyed. 
Others, seeing there was no 
display of force to back the 
order, fired their muskets, and 
threatened to shoot the officers. 
At the sound of these shots the 
loth regiment, which had been 
kept idle in the square or in 
the barracks all forenoon, were 
ordered to advance, and they 
did so only to see the sepoys 
scamper off as fast as their legs 
could carry them. Three na- 
tive regiments, with their arms 



and accoutrements, ran away ! 
There was no force to stop 
them. They certainly took ex- 
cellent advantage of very stupid 
orders. 

The English destroyed the 
sepoy lines, but did not pursue 
the mutineers. They received 
no orders to do this; for Gene- 
ral Lloyd seems to have feared 
the danger of being left without 
them. It is cruel to reflect bit- 
terly on a venerable old man 
whose past services were an 
honour to him; but surely it 
was a grievous oversight in his 
superiors to leave him in pos- 
session of a command he was 
no longer fit for. 

It was now time somebody was 
doing something in a systematic 
way, so a surgeon of the loth 
seeing the sepoys threatening 
their officers, brought his hos- 
pital-guard to confront them, 
and even some of his patients 
got on the flat roof of the hos- 
pital, and fired at the mutineers. 
The surgeon then gallope'd off, 
and brought all the ladies and 
children to the barracks for 
safety. 

It became a question of con- 
siderable importance where 
had the mutineers fled to ? It 
was soon discovered that they 
had taken the direction of Arrah, 
a town twenty-four miles distant 
from Dinapoor, and separated 
from it by the river Sone. This 
was the chief town in the district 
of Shahabad, and it was surround- 
ed by a country which supplied 
a large revenue to the East 
India Company. The muti- 



136 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



neers might accordingly expect 
that there would be some trea- 
sure to loot there. There were 
two influential men in the neigh- 
bourhood, Baboo Koer Singh 
and the Rajah of Doomraon, 
whose countenance the muti- 
neers might have some reason 
to look for, and whose support 
they possibly relied on. 

As it was, a body of the 
mutineers crossed the river Sone 
at a point sixteen miles below 
Dinapoor, on the morning of 
the 26th, and advanced towards 
Arrah. The local police ran 
away. 

The magistrate, and there- 
fore chief authority at Arrah, 
was Mr Wake, a man who 
proved himself excellently qua- 
lified to wield power in a peril- 
ous time. Mr Boyle, an engi- 
neer of the main trunk line, 
had been expecting and making 
provision against some such 
emergency as now occurred. 
He had selected a detached two- 
storied house, about fifty feet 
square, standing within the same 
ground as the bungalow he in- 
habited, and fortified it with 
stones and timber, and kept a 
store of provisions within it. 

Mr Wake and the other Euro- 
peans at Arrah now appreciated 
the engineer's foresight. They 
took up their abode in this 
fortified house sixteen gentle- 
men, all employed in various 
civil duties in or near Arrah. 
But while there was not strictly 
a military man among them, 
they were joined by fifty Sikhs 
of Captain Rattray's police bat- 



talion. Fortunately the ladies 
and children had been sent away 
to a place of safety. 

The commissariat was attend- 
ed to with as much promptitude 
as possible, but it was not very 
complete meat and grain suffi- 
cient only to afford the Euro- 
peans short allowance for a few 
days, and a very scanty supply 
of food for the Sikhs. Most of 
the Europeans had, besides re- 
volvers and hog-spears, a couple 
of double-barrelled guns, or a 
gun and a rifle, and they had 
abundance of ammunition. 

Early on the morning of the 
27th nearly the whole of the 
Dinapoor mutineers marched 
into Arrah. As usual, they re- 
leased the 400 prisoners who 
were in jail, rushed to the col- 
lectorate, and looted the trea- 
sury of 80,000 rupees. They 
next attacked the extemporised 
fort, finding shelter behind trees 
and adjacent buildings. 

It was during this mutiny that 
Baboo Koer Singh unmasked 
himself. He boldly headed the 
mutineers in his true colours. 
He procured boats for them to 
cross the Sone ; a plan for join- 
ing the Oude insurgents after 
the treasury at Arrah was plun- 
dered has been traced to him ; 
he attempted to bribe the Sikhs 
in Mr Boyle's house to desert, 
but these sturdy fellows were 
stanch ; they remained true to 
their salt. Koer Singh was un- 
doubtedly in league with Nana 
Sahib. 

The insurgents brought up 
two small guns on the 28th, but 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



137 



a torrent of cannon and musket- 
balls from the besieged fright- 
ened the gunners. The rebels 
then dragged one of the guns 
up to the roof of Mr Boyle's 
bungalow, about sixty yards from 
the little fort ; but as Mr Wake 
said in a despatch, their coward- 
ice, ignorance, and want of 
unanimity prevented the forti- 
fication from being brought 
down upon the ears of those it 
defended. The besieged kept 
pace with the besiegers in dis- 
play of energy. Whenever a 
new battery was seen, another 
barricade was raised ; to render 
a mine useless, a counter-mine 
was run out. The Sikhs in the 
building laboured as if they 
liked it, and obviously gloried 
in the part they were taking in 
the gallant defence. When pro- 
visions began to run low, they 
made a sally one night and cap- 
tured six sheep. 

For seven days and nights 
were these seventy men besieged 
by 3000 bitter enemies. Nay, on 
the last two days the assailants 
even offered terms which were 
rejected with contempt. 

On the 2d of August the 
rebels found occupation farther 
west. They marched in that 
direction to encounter Major 
Vincent Eyre; and how they 
fared will be told immediately. 

Mr Wake and his companions, 
thus relieved of the prowling 
marauders, found, wonderful to 
relate, that only one of their 
number, a Sikh policeman, had 
received a dangerous wound; 
the rest had escaped with 



scratches and bruises. The 
Sikhs behaved valiantly, and 
were proud of opportunities to 
distinguish themselves. When, 
during the siege, water ran 
short, they dug a well under- 
neath the house, continuing 
laboriously to sink till they 
came to a spring. When all 
was happily over, they request- 
ed that the well might be built 
into a permanent one, as a me- 
morial of the part they took in 
the siege, and that the fortified 
house should henceforth be 
called Futtehgurh the Fortress 
of Victory. Mr Boyle was only 
too pleased to comply with these 
manly requests. 

The revolt one is rather 
tempted to use a familiar word, 
the bolt, for such it was at 
Dinapoor occurred on Saturday 
the 25th of July, and General 
Lloyd made no effort till the 
following Monday to look after 
the sepoys. But on that day 
he sent a party of the 27th foot 
in the steamer Horungotta to 
disperse the mutineers at Arrah, 
and rescue the European com- 
munity. But the steamer went 
aground after three hours' sail- 
ing. 

The steamer Bombay arrived 
at Dinapoor in her passage 
down the Ganges, and General 
Lloyd detained her for another 
expedition. She was to set sail 
towards Arrah with a number 
of troops, steam up to where 
the Horungotta was aground, 
take in tow the detachment 
from that steamer, and then 
proceed up the river Sone to a 



138 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



landing-place as near to Arrah 
as possible. 

Early in the morning of Wed- 
nesday the 2 Qth the Bombay 
started, and after picking up the 
stranded men, the whole dis- 
embarked in the afternoon at 
the Beharee Ghat, on the left 
or west bank of the Sone. There 
were 400 men in all, under the 
command of Captain Dunbar, 
and they marched to a nullah, 
the channel of a torrent, which 
had to be crossed by boats. 
This caused considerable delay, 
and when they resumed march, 
it was along a rough road, and 
under a bright moon. When 
the evening was far advanced, 
they reached a bridge about a 
mile and a half from Arrah. 
Captain Harrison, of the 37th, 
suggested that a halt should be 
made here until daylight, just 
to avoid the risk of entering by 
night a town which was in the 
hands of an enemy. Captain 
Dunbar anticipated little or no 
danger; they marched in, and 
passed through the outskirts of 
Arrah an hour before midnight, 
after the moon had set. 

But the enemy knew they were 
coming,and an ambush was await- 
ing the arrival of the unsuspect- 
ing Dunbar and the victims of his 
want of foresight. A heavy fire 
of musketry poured upon them 
suddenly out of the black dark- 
ness of a large tope of mango 
trees. Mr Wake and his com- 
panions heard the din, and at 
once concluded that some cal- 
amity had befallen British troops 
sent for their relief. As has been 



pithily recorded, "the sudden- 
ness of the attack and the black- 
ness of the night seem to have 
overwhelmed the detachment ; 
the men lost their officers, the 
officers their men : some ran off 
the road to fire into the tope, 
others to obtain shelter; Dun- 
bar fell dead, and Harrison had 
to assume the command of men 
whom at midnight, and in utter 
darkness, he could not see. The 
main body succeeded in re- 
assembling in a field about four 
hundred yards from the tope; 
and there they remained until 
daylight, being joined at various 
periods of the night by stragglers, 
some wounded and some unhurt, 
and being fired at almost con- 
tinually by the mutineers. It 
was a wretched humiliating night 
to the British. At daybreak they 
counted heads, and then found 
how severe had been their loss. 
Captain Harrison at once col- 
lected the survivors into a body 
and marched them back ten or 
eleven miles to the steamer. 
By some mismanagement the 
men had fasted for twenty-four 
hours, so that they were too weak 
to act as skirmishers ; they de- 
fended themselves as long as 
their ammunition lasted, but 
kept in column, pursued the 
whole way by a large body of 
the enemy, who picked off the 
poor fellows with fatal certainty. 
Arrived at the banks of the 
nullah, all organisation ceased; 
the men rushed to the boats in dis- 
order; some were run aground, 
some drowned, some swam over, 
some were shot by sepoys and 



"HE INDIAN MUTINY. 



139 



villagers on shore. How the 
rest reached the steamer they 
hardly knew, but this they did 
know, that they had left many 
of their wounded comrades 
on shore, with the certain fate 
of being butchered and mutil- 
ated by the enemy. It was a 
mournful boat-load that the Bom- 
bay carried back to Dinapoor on 
the evening of the 30th of July." 

The list of dead and wounded 
enumerated 290 out of a small 
band of 415. Havelock won 
half-a-dozen of his victories with 
no greater a loss than this disas- 
ter caused. 

While this unfortunate expedi- 
tion was working out its natural 
results, Messrs Wake, Boyle, 
and their companions, still held 
out, till Major Vincent Eyre 
caused that effectual diversion 
in their favour which has already 
been referred to. This able 
officer had arrived at Ghazee- 
pore on his sail up the Ganges 
from Dinapoor to Allahabad, 
with some guns, when he heard 
on the 28th of July of the critical 
position of the handful of Euro- 
peans in the house at Arrah. 
He applied to the authorities 
at Ghazeepore for permission 
to make an attempt to relieve 
them. The permission was grant- 
ed, and Major Eyre steamed 
back to Buxar, and there he 
met a detachment of the 5th 
Fusiliers going up the Ganges. 
Finding the officers and men 
heartily willing to join him, he 
left Buxar for Arrah with 160 
men of Her Majesty's 5th Fusi- 
liers, under Captain L/Estrange, 



twelve mounted volunteers of the 
railway department, and three 
guns. 

On the morning of the 3oth 
of July, the day of the disaster 
just mentioned, Major Eyre 
commenced a series of opera- 
tions some miles west of Arrah. 
But for that unhappy advance 
the night before, the muti- 
neers might have become hem- 
med in between Captain Dun- 
bar's force and the brave little 
band under the gallant major 
who had so eagerly rushed to the 
rescue. Hearing that the enemy 
intended to destroy several 
bridges on his way to Arrah, 
Major Eyre pushed on towards 
that town. On the ist of August 
he found the bridge at Bullow- 
tee just cut down, and hastily 
constructed another. Over it he 
marched on to Gujeratgunje, 
there he bivouacked for the 
night. At daybreak on the 2d 
he started again, and soon came 
in sight of the enemy. They 
were nearly 2500 strong in mu- 
tinous sepoys alone ; there were 
with them Koer Singh and his 
followers besides ; and they were 
drawn up in great force in plant- 
ations on either side of the road, 
with inundated rice -fields in 
front. Major Eyre boldly push- 
ed on towards their centre, pene- 
trated it, and marched to the 
village of Beebeegunje. This baf- 
fled the enemy's tactics, and they 
hastily'set themselves to prevent 
his passage over a bridge near 
that village. They destroyed 
the bridge, formed extensive 
earth-works beyond the stream, 



140 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



and occupied the houses of the 
village in great force. Major 
Eyre determined to make a de- 
tour to the right, and try to 
cross about a mile higher up 
the stream ; but the enemy fol- 
lowed him quickly, and made a 
fierce attack on his small force. 
After an hour's hard fighting, 
Major Eyre ordered Captain 
L' Estrange to make a charge 
with his infantry. Supported 
by the skirmishers and the grape- 
shot and shrapnel-shells of the 
guns, the infantry advanced, 
and sent the enemy panic-strick- 
en in all directions. The major 
then crossed the stream, and 
marched through open country 
to within four miles of Arrah, 
when he suddenly came upon 
an unfordable river. He lost 
no time in setting about to get 
a bridge thrown over it, obtain- 
ing the aid of labourers employ- 
ed on the East Indian line, which 
was close at hand. 

This was too much for Koer 
Singh and the sepoys. Such 
energy and perseverance fright- 
ened them. It dismayed them 
so much that they left Arrah 
altogether, and retreated in vari- 
ous directions. Koer Singh and 
a large number of mutineers 
betook themselves to Jugdis- 
pore, twelve miles distant. 

A reinforcement was sent from 
Dinapoor to Arrah, which arrived 
at the latter place on the 8th of 
August. It consisted of 200 
men of Her Majesty's loth regi- 
ment of foot; and a party of 
100 Sikhs arriving a day or two 
afterwards, Major Eyre was en- 



abled to lay plans for a march 
to Jugdispore. The roads were 
bad, and the rebels' post at that 
place was strong, so caution was 
needed. 

On the afternocn of the nth 
Major Eyre left Arrah with a 
force consisting of 500 men, 
marched eight miles, and en- 
camped for the night on a bank 
of the Gagur Nuddee. Next 
day he had to make his way 
over two miles of rice-fields 
under water, a kind of roadway 
along which it is peculiarly diffi- 
cult to convey guns. At eleven 
o'clock in the forenoon he ob- 
served that some of the enemy 
in the village of Narainpore were 
preparing to resist his passage 
of a river immediately beyond. 
After some skirmishing, Major 
Eyre opened a fire of grape 
which roused a large body of 
rebels who had been concealed 
behind bushes. The detach- 
ment of the loth, eager to emu- 
late the previous heroism ot 
their comrades of the 5th Fusi- 
liers, and exasperated by their 
loss under Captain Dunbar, 
asked to be permitted to charge 
the enemy at once ; Eyre con- 
sented. Captain Patterson led 
them on. They rushed with a 
shout and a cheer, and the ene- 
my gave way before a charge 
which they found irresistible. 
The other infantry came up and 
assisted in dispersing the enemy 
from another village, Dullaur, 
beyond the river. This accom- 
plished, Eyre marched a mile 
and a half through thick jungle 
to Jugdisoore, maintaining a 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



141 



running fight the whole way. 
There Koer Singh's stronghold 
was but feebly defended ; Eyre 
took possession of it early in 
the afternoon, and with it large 
stores of grain, ammunition, and 
warlike material. The villagers 
around Jugdispore immediately 
sent in tokens of submission to 
the conqueror. 

Koer Singh fled with a few 
followers to the Jutowrah jungle, 
where he had another resid- 



ence. Major Eyre sent Captain 
L'Estrange after him with a de- 
tachment, but when he reached 
the place he found that all had 
again dispersed, and the gallant 
captain returned after destroy- 
ing residences of Nana Sahib's 
ally and his two brothers. 

The Dinapoor mutineers, with 
Koer Singh at their head, march- 
ed towards the Jumna regions, 
as if with the intention of joining 
the insurgents in Bundelcund. 



CHAPTER XV. 



THE MUTINY AT AGRA. 



AGRA was the seat of government 
of the North-West Provinces. 
It, like Delhi, is situated on the 
right bank of the Jumna, and lies 
about 150 miles from that city, 
while it is a little under 800 
miles from Calcutta. Mr Col- 
vin, the lieutenant-governor, had 
a harassing time of it from the 
very beginning of the mutinous 
outbreaks. From the prominent 
position of Agra in the troubled 
region, the Calcutta authorities 
naturally looked to him, whose 
official residence was there, for 
information about the mutinies ; 
and he was as assiduously busy 
collecting details, and sending 
them to the Anglo-Indian capital 
by telegraph, and by daks, as a 
conscientious, able servant of the 
Government possibly could be. 
On the ist of June Mr Colvin 



found it necessary to disarm the 
44th and 6yth Bengal native in- 
fantry, which had their quarters 
at Agra, because two companies 
of these regiments had mutinied 
at another place, and also be- 
cause the bulk of the men under 
his own eye exhibited unmistak- 
able signs of dissatisfaction. At 
the end of the month the only 
protection that was left for the 
great and important city of 
Agra was the 3d European 
Fusiliers, a corps of volunteer 
European cavalry, under Lieu- 
tenant Greathed, and Captain 
D'Oiley's field battery of six 
guns. The numbers were weak. 
The fusiliers counted about 
600, and all the others a little 
over 200. 

A little previous to this time 
the Kotah contingent of native 



142 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



troops, consisting of infantry, 
cavalry, artillery, about 700 men 
in all, had been brought up 
from the south-west, and were 
engaged in the region round 
about Agra, collecting revenue, 
burning disaffected villages, 
capturing and hanging rebels 
and mutineers. Till about the 
beginning of July they were 
looked upon as faithful and 
loyal. But on the evening of 
the 4th of July they were seen 
in another light. Suddenly and 
unexpectedly the cavalry por- 
tion of this contingent broke 
out in mutiny, fired at their 
officers, killed the sergeant- 
major, and then marched off, 
followed by the infantry and 
artillery all of them but a few 
gunners who helped the British 
to retain the two guns belong- 
ing to the contingent. 

Next morning, Sunday, July 
5th, an army of mutineers, con- 
sisting of about 4000 infantry and 
1000 cavalry, with ten or twelve 
guns, presented themselves at 
a village close to Mr Colvin's 
house, three miles from the 
military cantonment, and four 
miles from the fort of Agra. It 
was at once resolved to go out 
and fight them with the com- 
paratively few British troops 
who were at hand, and who 
have been mentioned above, 
leaving about 200 men of the 
3d European Fusiliers to guard 
the fort. This was all the more 
necessary because evidences 
were pretty ample that the 
native citizens of Agra had 
begun to think slightingly of 



their British masters, and all 
suspicion of fear or timidity 
must be dispelled. 

The opposing forces met at 
noon. It augured badly that 
the native women were seen in 
the village loading the rifles and 
musket^ and handing them to 
the mutineers. Colonel Riddell 
commanded the infantry of the 
small British force, and the artil- 
lery were under Captain D'Oiley. 

When about 600 yards from 
the enemy, the infantry were 
ordered to lie down, to allow the 
guns to do their work against 
the village. For two hours an 
exchange of artillery fire was 
kept up extremely fierce ; 
shrapnel shells, round shot, and 
grape shot filling the air. A 
tumbrel belonging to D'Oiley's 
battery now blew up, disabling 
one of the guns; the enemy's 
cavalry took advantage of this 
to gallop forward and charge, 
but the 3d Europeans, jumping 
up, let fly a volley, which effec- 
tually deterred them. Most of 
the officers and soldiers had 
wished during these two hours 
for a bolder course of action 
a capture of the enemy's guns 
by a direct charge of infantry. 
Then followed rapid musketry 
fire, and a chasing of the enemy 
out of the village by most of the 
infantry the rest guarding the 
guns. Unfortunately, another 
tumbrel blew up, disabling an- 
other gun ; and, moreover, 
D'Oiley had used up all the 
ammunition which had been 
supplied to him. Upon this, 
the order was given for retreat 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



143 



to the city ; and the retreat was 
made, much to the n \ortification 
of the troops, for the) 'had really 
won a victory. The rebels, it 
was afterwards known, were just 
about to retreat when they saw 
the retreat of the Briti *h ; their 
infantry marched off towards 
Muttra, but their cavalry and 
one gun harassed the British 
during their return to ti le city. 
The artillery fire of the muti- 
neers during the battle was 
spoken of with admiration, even 
by those who were every minute 
suffering from it; the native artil- 
lerymen had certainly become 
most effective gunners. If the 
cavalry had shown intelligence 
and bravery similar to theirs, it 
would have been very bad on 
this occasion for the British, 
who had one-fourth of their 
small force killed or wounded. 
The loss of Captain D'Oiley 
seemed to his heart-broken fel- 
low-countrymen irreparable. A 
shot struck him while he was 
managing his guns ; he stuck to 
his post, however, sitting on the 
carriage as he gave orders. At 
last he fell, saying, "Ah ! they 
have done for me now. Put a 
stone on my grave, and say I 
died at my guns." He died 
next day. 

The British returned to the 
fort. Three or four thousand 
prisoners got loose during the 
day, and had begun to enjoy 
the congenial sport of setting 
fire to all the European dwell- 
ings in the city. An officer of 
the 3d Europeans wrote: "I 
went out next morning. 'Twas 



a dreadful sight indeed; Agra 
was destroyed ; churches, col- 
leges, dwelling-houses, barracks 
everything burned." 

But the British had to think 
of the fort. All the native ser- 
vants ran off. A military sur- 
geon wrote that he had eleven 
of these useful individuals at 
his command in the morning, 
but not one at night. The 
officers drew and carried water 
from the wells, and the ladies 
turned their attention to cook- 
ing, and keeping their apart- 
ments clean. One lady wrote : 
" We are living in a place they 
call Palace Yard ; it is a square, 
with a gallery round it, having 
open arches ; every married 
couple being allowed two arches, 
It is no easy matter to keep our 
arches clean and tidy. ; ' As to 
calling the square Palace Yard, 
the imprisoned Englishmen 
seem to have tried as hard as 
possible to imagine themselves 
in London. A commissariat 
officer wrote of the fort : " Here 
we are all living in gun sheds 
and casemates. The appear- 
ance of the interior is amusing ; 
and the streets are named. We 
have Regent and Oxford Streets, 
the Quadrant, Burlington and 
Lowther Arcades, and Trafalgar 
Square." 

There they were, then; 500 
fighting men, nearly 6000 alto- 
gether military, civil, Eur- 
asians, half castes all shut up 
in that fort; and when were 
they to get out ? an event to be 
guessed at More than 2000 of 
the number were children. Mr 



144 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Colvin saw, however, that pro- 
vided the supply of food and 
other necessaries was sufficient, 
there was no such danger to 
fear as beset Sir Hugh Wheeler 
at Cawnpore, and Brigadier 
Inglis at Lucknow. Agra fort 
was extensive, and within its 
walls were many large buildings. 
The defences, too, were strong. 
There were sixty guns of heavy 
calibre mounted on the bastions; 
thirteen large mortars were 
placed in position; the powder 
magazines also were wdl stored, 
and were secure from accidental 
explosion. Mr Colvin and his 
military advisers improved the 
external defences by levelling 
many of the houses in the city 
which approached too near to 
the fort. 

Still, with all their sense of 
security, the inmates of that 
strong fort had enough to do to 
keep up their spirits. Many of 
them had lost heavily. On the 
day and night of the 5th of July 
property had been destroyed in 
the city to an enormous amount, 
and most of this belonged to 
persons who had now to think 
only of how their lives were to 
be spared. All was gone. The 
large shops which had abounded 
with the most costly articles of 
necessity and luxury were de- 
molished, and their imprisoned 
proprietors were, for aught they 
knew, penniless. 

The state of affairs at the fort 
throughout July and August 
might be said to consist of no great 
danger from without, but with 
innumerable discomforts within. 



Mr Colvin sent repeated mes- 
sages for a relieving force, but 
there was none to be had. Oc- 
casional sallies were made from 
the fort to punish isolated bodies 
of the rebels, but the European 
troops were too few to effect 
much benefit by sallies. One 
exploit was worthy of ranking 
with the mighty deeds of Have- 
lock and his band. Mr Colvin 
requested Colonel Cotton to 
organise a small force for the pur- 
pose of driving some mutineers 
from Allygurh, fifty-five miles to 
the north of Agra. Maj or Mont- 
gomery set forth with about 300 
men all told, sixty-one of them 
being artillery, and reached Hat- 
trass, thirty-four miles on his way, 
on the 2ist of July. There he 
learned that 6000 mutineers, 
under Ghose Mahomed Khan, 
a lieutenant of the King of Delhi, 
were prepared to resist him at 
Allygurh ; he marched to Sarsnee 
on the 23d, rested for the night 
in an indigo factory and other 
buildings, and advanced the 
following day to Allygurh. 
There ensued a sharp conflict 
of two hours' duration in gar- 
dens and enclosures outside the 
town; it ended in the defeat 
and dispersion of the enemy, 
who left 300 dead on the field. 
The battle was a gallant affair, 
worthy of ranking with those of 
Havelock ; for Montgomery 
contended against twenty times 
his own number, and more- 
over, many of the troops among 
the enemy were Ghazees, or 
fanatic Mussulmans, who en- 
gaged fiercely in hand-to-hand 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



145 



contests with some of his troops. 
This detachment of men was 
too small to enable him to enter 
and re-occupy Allygurh. He 
was obliged to leave that place 
in the hands of the rebels, and 
to return to Hattrass ; but hav- 
ing replenished his stock of 
ammunition and supplies, he 
advanced again to Allygurh, 
held it for several days, and left 
a detachment there when he 
took his departure for Agra. 

Almost every other city and 
military station in that part of 
India was in the hands of 
the mutineers during July and 
August. 

The mutinies, or attempts at 
mutiny, during these months in 
the Orissa and Nagpoor districts 
of south-western Bengal, were of 
slight importance. The Madras 
presidency remained almost en- 
tirely at peace. There were 
discontents and occasional plot- 
tings, but no formidable resist- 
ance of the British power. The 
presidency of Bombay was affect- 
ed only in a trifling degree com- 
pared with the storms that shook 
Bengal and the north-west pro- 
vinces. The Parsees, a wealthy 
and powerful native community 
in the city of Bombay, were 
faithful to the Government, and 
strengthened the hands of Lord 
Elphinstone greatly. These de- 
scendants of the Persians, many 
of whom are merchants, ship- 
owners, and bankers, may always 
be distinguished from the other 
natives of India by the termina- 
tion " jee " to their names. The 
property in the island on which 



the city of Bombay stands is 
chiefly in their hands. They 
presented a loyal address to 
Lord Elphinstone, and their con- 
duct was worthy of the senti- 
ments it expressed. The domi- 
nions of the Nizam, the large 
and important country of Hy- 
derabad, were anxiously watch- 
ed by the heads of all the three 
presidencies. It is certain that 
if that potentate had joined the 
rebels, Southern India would 
have blazed up in insurrection. 
But he remained loyal; and 
Salar Jung, his chief minister, 
supported him steadfastly in all 
the measures that were taken 
to keep and to put down dis- 
turbance when the turbulent 
Mussulmans of Hyderabad were 
set in tumultuous excitement by 
the news of the triumph of the 
rebels at Delhi. The Maharajah 
Scindia, under circumstances of 
great difficulty and peril, man- 
aged to maintain the peace at 
Gwalior, the country north of 
the Bombay presidency. He 
retained native troops, but dis- 
countenanced their tendencies 
to rise against the British. The 
Gwalior contingent, but for 
Scindia's tact and judgment, 
would have marched to Agra in 
a body, and greatly imperilled 
the " raj," or rule, of the British 
there. He kept these trouble- 
some troops near him during 
the months of July and August 
Holkar's Mahratta territory, with 
Indore for its chief city, was 
similarly managed. On the ist 
of July a portion of the contin- 
gent kept by this chief rose 



146 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



against the British at Indore, 
against his wish and without 
his privity, but he succeeded in 
quelling the mutinous spirit 
among them. 

The state of India in that 
'wide range of country north of 
the Bombay presidency during 
July and August may be summed 



up by saying that the native 
chieftains were, for the most 
part, faithful, even when their 
troops revolted ; and the British 
residents were frequently driven 
from station to station, and the 
British influence was as low as 
it well could be without being 
quite annihilated. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



THE RECAPTURE OF DELHI. 



GENERAL WILSON knew that 
he could not take Delhi by 
assault with the force at his 
disposal in the first half of 
August, and he was looking 
anxiously for reinforcements 
from the Punjaub. They were 
due about this time, with Briga- 
dier-General Nicholson at their 
head. This soldier, who attain- 
ed his high rank at an unusually 
early age, had already acquired 
a wide reputation for daring and 
energy. He had up in the 
Punjaub struck terror into 
the mountaineers, and swept 
away bands of rebels in front, 
and on either side of him, in 
the region between the Chenab 
and the Sutlej. He arrived 
before Delhi with a few com- 
panions on the 8th of August ; 
but the bulk of his column did 
not reach that city till the i4th. 
It consisted of about 1 100 Euro- 
peans, and 1400 Punjaub troops. 
Nicholson brought a few guns 



with him, but before beginning 
siege operations it was neces- 
sary to await the arrival of a 
siege-train which Sir John Law- 
rence had caused to be collected 
at Ferozpore. 

For ten days after the arrival 
of Nicholson little was done on 
either side except a skirmish at 
Rohtuk, which had some influ- 
ence in pacifying the district 
round the siege camp. It was 
this. About the time of Nichol- 
son's arrival General Wilson de- 
spatched Lieutenant Hodson to 
watch a party of the enemy who 
had moved out from Delhi on 
the Rohtuk road, and to afford 
support, if it should be needed, 
either to Soneeput or to the 
Jheend rajah, who remained 
faithful to his alliance with the 
British. Hodson started on the 
night of the T4th of August with 
230 of " Hodson's Horse," irre- 
gular cavalry named after him- 
self, 190 Guide cavalry, and a 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



117 



few Jheend cavalry. The ent * 
my were known to have passed 
through Samplah, on the way 
to Rohtuk, and Hodson resolved 
to anticipate them by a flank 
movement. On the 1 5th, at the 
village of Khurkowdeh, he cap- 
tured a large number of muti- 
neer cavalry, by a stratagem at 
once bold and ingenious. On 
the 1 6th the enemy marched to 
Rohtuk, and Hodson in pursuit 
of them. On the i;th skir- 
mishes took place near Rohtuk 
itself; but on the i8th Hodson 
succeeded in drawing forth the 
main body of rebels, who suf- 
fered a speedy and complete 
defeat. They were not simply 
mutineers from Delhi ; they 
comprised many depredatory 
bodies that greatly troubled such 
of the petty rajahs as wished to 
remain faithful to, or in alliance 
with, the British. Lieutenant 
Hodson dispersed them; and 
thus, as was said above, aided 
in pacifying the surrounding 
district. 

Wilson held his own before 
Delhi, waiting for the siege-train, 
and Nicholson was on the alert 
for any service he could ren- 
der. An opportunity soon pre- 
sented itself. A force of the 
enemy left Delhi and made to- 
wards Bahadoorghur, a town 
about twenty miles due west, 
with the obvious intention either 
of attacking the siege camp in 
the rear, or of intercepting the 
siege-train which was on its way 
from Ferozpore. The expedition 
from Delhi amounted to 7000 
men. General Wilson entrusted 



Brigadier Nicholson with a 
column to frustrate its design, 
whatever that might be. Nichol- 
son started at daybreak on the 
25th of August, and in his march 
passed through two difficult 
swamps, waded a sheet of water 
three feet deep, and came up 
with the enemy about five 
o'clock in the afternoon. They 
were posted in a position two 
miles in length, extending from 
the town of Nujuffghur to a 
bridge over a jheel, or water- 
course, named after the town. 
The rebels had thirteen guns, of 
which four were in a strong 
position at an old serai, or 
travellers' bungalow, on their 
left centre, the point which 
Brigadier Nicholson resolved, 
after a brief reconnaissance, to 
attack. After firing a few rounds 
from his guns, he reminded his 
men of what a bayonet charge 
meant in the British army, and 
then ordered them to advance. 
The infantry did advance to a 
purpose, driving the rebels out 
of the serai with tremendous 
impetuosity. Nicholson then, 
by a flank movement, drove the 
enemy entirely from the field, 
and captured thirteen guns. 
While this was being done, 
Lieutenant Lumsden advanced 
to Nujuffghur, and cleared it of 
the enemy, during which opera- 
tion that brave officer was 
killed. Nicholson returned to 
the camp next day, having 
captured all the guns and am- 
munition of the rebels; and, 
what was of more consequence, 
having frustrated whatever de- 



14G 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



sign the expedition set out 
with. 

The Delhi insurgents, know- 
ing that the siege camp was 
weakened by the departure of 
the force under Nicholson they 
were nearly always well inform- 
ed of the proceedings of the be- 
siegers resolved to attack the 
camp in its weakened state; but 
as soon as they made their 
appearance, General Wilson 
strengthened his pickets, and 
the affair never became serious. 
They attempted little more than 
a series of skirmishing attacks 
during the 1 Uer days of August. 

With the arrival of September 
new and important features in 
the circumstances of the siege 
presented themselves. It was 
apparent that within Delhi there 
was no able officer possessing 
unity of command, while with 
the besiegers prospects were 
brightening. The siege-train 
arrived early in the month. It 
consisted of thirty pieces of 
heavy artillery guns, howitzers, 
and mortars of large calibre. 
It had required all Sir John 
Lawrence's skill, influence, and 
energy, both to obtain this train, 
and to secure and forward men 
to Ferozpore to escort it, as well 
as all the necessary animals, 
carriages, food, camp-equipages, 
and fodder. But he succeeded. 
About the same time a battalion 
arrived from Kurachee, raising 
the siege army to about 9000 
men of all arms. It included 
Europeans, Goorkhas, Sikhs, 
Punjaubees, Beloochees, and 
mountaineers from the Afghan 



frontier, but the Oudian and 
Hindustani element was almost 
entirely excluded from it. 

General Wilson felt that the 
time had now arrived for com- 
mencing the operations of a 
regular siege, which, as every 
one knows, depend more on 
engineers and artillerymen than 
on infantry and cavalry. By the 
labour of successive days and 
nights, breasting batteries were 
constructed, on which forty-four 
pieces of heavy ordnance bristled. 
There were also guns of lighter 
weight and smaller calibre at 
various positions. 

It was on the i ith of Septem- 
ber that the British siege-guns 
opened their systematic fire on 
the north of Delhi. On that 
day the nine 24-pounders in 
Major Campbell's No. 2 Battery 
brought down huge pieces of 
the wall near the Cashmere 
Bastion. The guns on that bas- 
tion attempted feebly to reply, 
but were soon knocked over, 
and the bastion itself was ren- 
dered untenable. Next day No. 
2 Battery opened its fire ; and 
day and night thereafter till the 
morning of the 1 4th, with scarcely 
an interval of silence, upwards of 
forty pieces of heavy ordnance 
belched forth slaughter and ruin 
on the devoted city. The enemy 
replied with spirit. 

The 1 4th of September was 
a day not soon to be forgotten 
by the soldiers of the siege army, 
nor by the rebels within the 
walls of the city of the great 
Mogul. It was the day fixed 
for the final assault All ar- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



rangements had been made. 
At four o'clock in the morning 
the different columns marched 
from the camp to the places re- 
spectively assigned them. 

The perilous honour of taking 
the lead was conferred on Briga- 
dier Nicholson. When he gave 
the signal the Rifles rushed to 
the front with a cheer, and skir- 
mished along through the low 
jungle, which extended to within 
fifty yards of the ditch. Then 
he led the first column, and 
Brigadier Jones the second, 
from behind the Koodseebagh, 
steadily towards the breached 
portions of the wall. As soon 
as they emerged into the open 
ground, the enemy's bullets pelt- 
ed them like hail in front and 
flank. Officers and men were 
falling fast on the glacis, and 
for several minutes it was im- 
possible to get the ladders 
placed for a descent into the 
ditch and an ascent of the 
escarp. This difficulty was 
speedily overcome, however, 
and then the fierce struggle 
began. The British bayonet 
was irresistible. Through and 
over all obstacles the troops 
dashed into the city. Then 
they fought their way, inch by 
inch, capturing battery and bas- 
tion, from the Cabool Gate on 
to the Lahore Gate. Here the 
desperate resistance of the rebels 
checked the impetuous rush of 
the British troops. Many were 
the attacks on the Lahore Gate ; 
and in one of them, when the 
troops were advancing along a 
narrow lane which was being 



swept by the enemy's grape- 
shot and musketry, a bullet 
ended the onward career of the 
gallant Nicholson. 

While this was going on the 
third column was directing its 
operations against the Cashmere 
Gate, through which it had been 
arranged they were to rush after 
an explosion-party had blown it 
in. The advanced exploders con- 
sisted of Lieutenant Home, an 
engineer officer, Sergeants Smith 
and Carmichael, and a few na- 
tive sappers with the powder- 
bags. The firing party consist- 
ed of Lieutenant Salkeld, Cor- 
poral Burgess, and a few native 
sappers. These two divisions 
of the explosion-party on their 
way towards the gate encoun- 
tered a heavy fire of musketry 
from both flanks, and from a 
wicket in the gate itself. Ser- 
geant Carmichael and a native 
sapper named Madhoo were 
killed while laying the bags, but 
Lieutenant Home only received 
a blow from a stone thrown up 
by a bullet. The advanced 
party then slipped down into 
the ditch to make room for the 
firing-party \ and in the language 
of Colonel Baird Smith, " Lieu- 
tenant Salkeld, while endeavour- 
ing to fire the charge, was shot 
through the arm and leg, and 
handed over the slow match to 
Corporal Burgess, who fell mor- 
tally wounded just as he had 
successfully accomplished the 
onerous duty. Havildar Tilluh 
Singh, of the Sikhs, was wound- 
ed, and Ramloll Sepoy of the 
same corps, was killed during 



150 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



this part of the operation. The 
demolition being most success- 
ful, Lieutenant Home, happily 
not wounded, caused Bugler 
Hawthorne to sound the regi- 
mental call of the 52d, as the 
signal for the advancing co- 
lumns. Fearing that amid the 
noise of the assault the sounds 
might not be heard, he had the 
call repeated three times, when 
the troops advanced and carried 
the gateway with complete suc- 
cess." Sergeant Smith, when 
he saw Burgess falling, ran for- 
ward to fire the train, but seeing 
it had been lighted, he had just 
time to throw himself in the 
ditch before the explosion took 
place. 

Colonel Campbell, now that 
the gate was open to him, march- 
ed boldly towards the Jumma 
Musjid, in the centre of the city, 
which he wished to capture. 
He did not effect this. After a 
gallant struggle for it, Colonel 
Campbell fell back on the Eng- 
lish church, near the Cashmere 
Gate, where he had the support 
of the reserve, and before night- 
fall he had made his position in 
and near the church so strong 
that the enemy could not dis- 
lodge him. The reserve column 
under Brigadier Lingfield did 
its work bravely in taking pos- 
session of the various captured 
posts, such as the Cashmere 
Gate. A portion of the siege 
army, placed under the com- 
mand of Major Reid for a series 
of operations in the western 
suburbs of the city, was not so 
fortunate as the others, but the 



result of the day's fighting was 
that British authority was par 
dally restored in Delhi after it 
had been suspended for eighteen 
weeks. The loss that day was 
very large a total of 1135 kill- 
ed and wounded. The British 
were in command of a strip of 
ground and buildings just within 
the northern wall. Next day 
they dragged several mortars 
into position at various points 
between the Cashmere and the 
Cabool Gates, to shell the heart 
of the city and the imperial 
palace. They also set up bat- 
teries, and put several houses 
in such a state as would serve 
them either for attack or de- 
fence. The enemy meanwhile 
kept up a vigorous fire upon 
the positions of the British, and 
skirmishing went on at all the 
advanced posts. Position after 
position was gained each suc- 
cessive day. The magazine was 
captured on the lyth, and on 
the 1 8th the British had secured 
a firm hold of every position 
behind a straight line extending 
from the magazine to the Cabool 
Gate. And- then the bold ad- 
vance southward was made with 
conquering tread. 

The Delhi bank was captured 
under a shower of bullets from 
almost every house-top and win- 
dow. The mortars were brought 
out from the magazine, placed 
in commanding position, and 
shelled the palace and the quar- 
ters of the town occupied by the 
enemy. A large and strong 
camp outside the Delhi Gate 
was evacuated in precipitate 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



151 



haste by the rebels, and was at 
once taken possession of by 
Lieutenant Hodson. Through 
that gate the cavalry galloped, 
and rode into the JummaMusjid, 
of which they took possession, 
being speedily supported by 
infantry and guns. Meantime 
the imperial palace was being 
attacked. A column advanced, 
placed powder-bags against the 
gate, blew it in, and entered, to 
find that the enormous building 
was deserted by all save a few 
fanatics and numerous wounded 
sepoys. 

Thus ended the siege of Delhi 
in its capture. Captain Nor- 
man concluding a report of it, 
says : " Called on at the hottest 
season of the year to take the field, 
imperfectly equipped, and with 
the extent of difficulties to be 
faced very imperfectly known, 
all felt that a crisis had arrived, 
to meet which every man's 
cheerful, willing, and heartfelt 
energies must be put forth to 
the utmost ; and how well this 
was done those who were with 
the army know, and can never 
forget. For the first five weeks 
every effort was required, not 
indeed to take Delhi, but even 
to hold our own position ; and 
day after day, for hours together, 
every soldier was under arms 
under a burning sun, and con- 
stantly exposed to fire. Not- 
withstanding the daily casualties 
in action, the numerous deaths 
by cholera, the discouraging 
reports relative to the fickLIty 
of some of the native portions 
of our own force, the distressing 



accounts from all parts of the 
country, the constant arrival of 
large reinforcements of muti- 
neers, and the apparent impos- 
sibility of aid ever reaching in 
sufficient strength to enable us 
to take the place the courage 
and confidence of the army 
never flagged. And besides 
enduring a constant and often 
deadly cannonade for more than 
three months in thirty different 
combats, our troops invariably 
were successful, always against 
long odds, and often opposed 
to ten times their number, who 
had all the advantages of ground 
and superior artillery." 

The loss of men in killed and 
wounded during the entire siege 
was 3807 ; 1 68 horses were 
killed, and 378 wounded. 

In an address issued to the 
siege army before the final as- 
sault, General Wilson had said 
that he need hardly remind the 
troops of the cruel murders 
committed on their officers and 
comrades, as well as their wives 
and children, to move them in 
the deadly struggle. No quarter 
should be given to the muti- 
neers ; at the same time, for the 
sake of humanity and the hon- 
our of the country they belonged 
to, he called on them to spare 
all women and children that 
might come in their way. The 
rule thus laid down was strictly 
adhered to. When the women 
and children were spared, it 
seemed more than the natives 
had looked for; but it must be 
owned that as to the men, the 
British soldiers took very little 



152 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



pains to discriminate between 
mutineers and the comparatively 
guiltless. Many a dark-skinned 
inhabitant of Delhi, against 
whom no charge of complicity 
tfith the bloodthirsty mutineers 
2ould have been proved, fell 
ander the ruthless bayonet. 

Delhi contained also at the 
time an enormous amount of 
miscellaneous wealth the loot 
which the mutineers had gather- 
ed during the sack of other 
towns and stations. The British 
soldiers observed reasonably 
well the rules of the army 
concerning prizes and prize- 
money, but their Punjaubee 
and Goorkha allies, more ac- 
customed to Asiatic notions of 
warfare, revelled in the un- 
bridled freedom which their 
position among the conquerors 
conferred on them in the cir- 
cumstances. There was also in 
the city a large store of various 
beverages ; and as temperance is 
not as stern a virtue in the British 
soldiers as bravery, the scenes 
of drunkenness that ensued may 
be left to the reader's imagination. 

When the imperial palace was 
entered by the conquerors, they 
found it empty. The fact is, 
that when all hope of holding 
Delhi against the besiegers had 
vanished, the aged puppet of a 
king, and nearly all the mem- 
bers and retainers of the once 
imperial family, took to flight. 
Captain Hodson was told off to 
capture the fugitives. He soon 
learned that among the crush 
at the exodus of the less warlike 
inhabitants, when the British 



began to make headway, the 
king and his family, with a large 
force, had left the city by the 
Ajmeer Gate, and had gone to 
Kootub, a suburban palace 
about nine miles from Delhi. 
A detachment could not be 
spared to pursue them. The 
royal fugitive, however, sent 
messengers, among them Zeenat 
Mahal, a favourite begum, with 
ridiculous offers, as if he had 
still the power to dictate, 
or even suggest terms. These 
were all rejected. It was, 
nevertheless, desirable to have 
the king's person in safe custody ; 
and Captain Hodson received 
permission to promise the guilty 
old sovereign his life, and ex- 
emption from immediate per- 
sonal indignity, if he would 
surrender. Hodson knew that 
he would require to proceed on 
this mission with the utmost 
circumspection. He set off 
with fifty of his own irregular 
troopers to Humayoon's tomb, 
about three miles from Kootub. 
Here he concealed himself and 
his men among some old build- 
ings, and sent up his message 
to the palace. After two hours 
of anxious suspense, he received 
word from the king that he 
would deliver himself up to 
Captain Hodson only, and that 
on condition that he would 
repeat with his own lips the 
pledge of the Government for 
his safety. The captain went 
out into the middle of the road 
in front of the gateway of the 
tomb, and said he was ready to 
renew the promise, and receive 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



153 



his captives. After a time, a 
procession began to arrive from 
the palace. Threats and pro- 
mises were both necessary to 
bring matters to a bearing; but 
they were sufficient. The king, 
his begum, Zeenat Mahal, and 
her son, Jumma Bakht, were 
escorted to Delhi. It was a 
ride during which Captain Hod- 
son and his horse might have 
been annihilated. There were 
thousands of the king's retainers 
in the procession, any one of 
whom could have shot down the 
captain. But he rode along 
close to the side of the imperial 
palanquins, cool and undaunted, 
and no one harmed him. Fol- 
lowers and bystanders slunk 
away as the cavalcade neared 
the city. The captain rode on 
a few paces, and ordered the 
Lahore Gate to be opened. 
" Who have you there in the 
palanquin?" asked the officer 
on duty. " Only the King of 
Delhi," was the laconic, signifi- 
cant reply. Other members of 
the royal family were secured 
next day by the energetic cav- 
alry captain, and sent to Delhi. 

As to the principal heroes of 
the siege, the Queen, in No- 
vember, raised the artillery 
officer who had brought it 
to a successful issue, to the 
rank of a baronet, and made 
him a Knight Commander of 
the Bath. The East India 
Company, too, conferred on 
Major -General Sir Archdale 
Wilson, K.C.B., a pension of 
1000 a year. He had served 
in India as an artillery officer 



nearly forty years. Whathonours 
might have been conferred on 
Brigadier Nicholson, if his life 
had been spared, it is useless to 
attempt to surmise. His death, 
in that tortuous lane leading to 
the Lahore Gate, was deplored 
throughout the Indian army. 
He had not attained his thirty- 
fifth year when he was struck 
down. No greater tribute to 
his worth as a soldier could be 
mentioned than the fact, that 
Sir John Lawrence had the most 
unbounded confidence in the 
young brigadier's military genius, 
which induced him to entrust to 
his command a column destined 
to fight the rebels all the way 
from the Punjaub to Delhi ; 
and that the seniors who were 
thus superseded felt that the 
duty was entrusted to a soldier 
equal to its demands. The 
Queen granted the posthumous 
dignity of a Commander of the 
Bath upon Brigadier-General 
John Nicholson ; and as he was 
unmarried, the East India Com- 
pany departed from their general 
rule, and bestowed a special 
grant of .500 a year on his 
widowed mother, who had, in 
earlier years, lost another son 
in the Company's service. 

After being struck down at 
the Cashmere Gate, Lieutenant 
Salkeld lingered in great pain, till 
he died on the loth of October, 
in his twenty-eighth year. He 
was decorated with the Victoria 
Cross. The same decoration 
was, with all the honours, con- 
ferred on Lieutenant Duncan 
Home. But he died before his 



154 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



brother officer Salkeld, notwith- 
standing his almost miraculous 
escape at the Cashmere Gate. 
He was killed on the ist of 
October, while engaged in an 
expedition in pursuit of fleeing 
rebels. Sergeant Smith, and 



Bugler Hawthorne also, received 
the much-coveted distinction of 
the Victoria Cross. It was 
honourably won also by Ser- 
geant Carmichael and Corporal 
Burgess; but they both died 
pierced with bullets. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



LUCKNOW RELIEVED BY SIR COLIN CAMPBELL, 



A FEW words are necessary 
about Agra before proceeding 
to outline the story of the rescue 
of Lucknow one of the most 
important events which occurred 
during the stamping out of the 
mu tinies of India. John Russell 
Colvin, the lieutenant-governor 
of the north-west provinces, 
died on the gth of September, 
while hemmed within the walls 
of the fort of Agra. He suc- 
cumbed to sickness, brought on 
mainly by the intense anxieties 
caused by the position the 
mutinies had placed him in. 
He had seen much political 
service in India; and, as the 
Governor-General said in a grace- 
ful acknowledgment of his 
merits, he left " a name which 
not friends alone, but all who 
were associated with him in the 
duties of government, and all 
who may follow him in his path, 
will delight to honour." 

Colonel Fraser succeeded him 
as chief commissioner of Agra. 
When Delhi fell, Colonel Fraser 



watched with anxiety the course 
followed by several bands of 
mutineers thus left free to seek 
opportunities for depredation in 
other directions. Early in 
October it was known that an 
attack on Agra was meditated by 
the rebels. Colonel Greathed 
arrived at Akrabad, one day's 
march from Allygurh, on his 
way to Cawnpore, with a column 
3000 strong, which had been 
organised at Delhi, after the 
capture of that city, for the 
relief of the oppressed British 
cities and stations in the troubled 
surrounding region. It was re- 
solved, on the 6th of October, 
by Colonel Fraser, to obtain 
the help of Greathed at Agra, 
That energetic officer consented 
to turn aside and lend his aid ; 
and after marching forty-four 
miles in twenty-eight hours a 
marvellous achievement in the 
climate he reached the parade 
ground of Agra on the mrrning 
of the loth. His troops, worn 
out with the fatigue of theii 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



155 



forced march, barely enjoyed 
three hours' rest, when they had 
to engage the rebels, who sud- 
denly attacked them in their 
camp. Greathed made a rapid 
movement to the right, out- 
flanked the enemy, and captured 
three guns on that side. In 
other directions he was equally 
successful, capturing guns and 
standards. The mutineers re- 
treated, and Greathed followed 
them up to a village three miles 
off, on the Gwalior road. The 
enemy were utterly routed, 
losing twelve guns, and the 
whole of their tents, ammunition, 
baggage, and vehicles of every 
description. Agra was relieved. 

Sir James Outram, in the en- 
closure at Lucknow, was com- 
mander of the British forces, 
and the chief personal represen- 
tative of British power through- 
out the province of Oude. For 
the time these were but nominal 
functions, for, in point of fact, 
his command extended to little 
more than the few acres of the 
Residency and the Alum Bagh. 

The enemy renewed hostili- 
ties upon the enclosure. They 
kept up persistent firing daily, 
they broke down the bridges 
over the canals and streams 
which separated the Alum Bagh 
from the Residency, and they 
pounced upon every one they 
saw attempting to leave the 
intrenchment. 

The British, on their part, 
made frequent sorties to capture 
guns, blow up buildings, and 
dislodge troublesome groups of 
assailants. Six days after the 



arrival of Outram and Havelock, 
some of the garrison made a 
sally to capture two guns on the 
Cawnpore road, and discovered 
a private of the Madras Euro- 
peans in a dry well, where he 
had been hiding himself for 
several days. He had managed 
to support life on some tea 
leaves and a few biscuits he had 
in his pocket, and had not 
dared to utter a sound so long 
as he heard only the enemy all 
round his well. There was in 
it besides himself the ghastly 
dead body of a sepoy, and this 
unburied corruption rendered 
the atmosphere so offensive and 
pestilential that the companion 
of the dead enemy was fain to 
creep out at night in the hope 
of breathing a little fresh air. 
The sound of friendly voices 
revived some hope ; he shouted 
as loud as he could in his ex- 
hausted condition, and so black 
and filthy was his appearance 
that his countrymen, who were 
in ecstasies of delight at saving 
him, had all but shot him as a 
mutinous sepoy. 

Outram could neither send 
aid to the Alum Bagh nor re- 
ceive aid from it. Things began 
to look very gloomy ; breakfast 
was chupatties and boiled peas, 
and it was not uncommon to 
rise from the form of procedure 
called dining with the pangs of 
hunger only faintly appeased. 
A very old flannel shirt, worn 
and soiled, which had belonged 
to poor Captain Fulton, was 
put up to auction, and ran up 
in price till an officer, eager to 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



appear less tattered than he was, 
paid ^4, i os. sterling for it 

The British within the enclos- 
ure could learn little of what 
was going on in the city. They 
did pick up, however, that the 
rebels had bethought themselves 
of a regular government. They 
set up a boy eight or ten years 
of age, a natural son of the de- 
posed King of Oude, as a sort 
of tributary prince of the King 
of Delhi. He was a name 
merely, and the real power was 
vested in a minister and council 
of state the latter being made 
up out of the principal servants 
of the deposed king, the chief- 
tains and landed proprietors, or 
thalookdars of Oude, and the 
self-elected leaders of the mu- 
tinous sepoys. The army was 
duly officered with all the grades, 
from general down to corporal 
and drummer. 

The prisoners in the enclosure 
learned also that a small body 
of Europeans, including Sir 
Mountstuart Jackson and his 
sister, were in the hands of the 
rebels in one of the palaces of 
Lucknow. They had been taken 
during their flight from Seeta- 
pore, and it was said that a 
terrible fate was overhanging 
them. 

Resources were very low in 
the Residency when November 
set in, but there was a gleam of 
hope. Sir John Inglis was in 
command of his old area in the 
intrenchment, Sir Henry Have- 
lock had assumed the command 
of the palatial additions, and 
Sir James Outram was com- 



mander-in-chief. There were 
now more men for what labour 
was to be performed ; sanitary 
improvements were carried out, 
the hospitals were put in a more 
tolerable condition ; there was 
no need now for overcrowding ; 
the cool weather had brought 
improved health; improvements 
were observable in all respects 
except two fpod and raiment. 

Sir Colin Campbell and his 
movements had been dimly 
heard of once or twice. But 
the news was now to be made 
agreeably definite., 

On the Qth of November Mr 
Cavanagh, who, before these 
levelling times of trouble, had' 
been a clerk to a civil officer in 
Lucknow, what was called an 
uncovenanted servant of the 
Company, made a most adven- 
turous and perilous journey on 
foot to a place far beyond the 
Alum Bagh in order to com- 
municate in person with Sir 
Colin Campbell, whose approach 
toLucknowhad been announced 
by a spy. Mr Cavanagh sup- 
plied Sir Colin with full details 
of what was going on within the 
Residency, and was ready to 
act as a guide through the laby- 
rinthine streets of the city when 
an opportunity of rendering such 
a service might present itself. 
As an immediate result of this 
bolcL expedition, in the success 
of which at the outset no one 
believed, a system of semaphore 
telegraphy was established which 
let Sir James Outram know that 
Mr Cavanagh had succeeded in 
his daring exploit, and that Sil 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



157 



Colin Campbell had arrived at 
the Alum Bagh on the nth. 

All was now energetic ar- 
rangement at the enclosure to 
co-work with the cornmander-in- 
chief as he advanced. Strong 
parties issued out day after 
day to clear some of the streets 
by blowing up batteries and 
houses with the view of lessen- 
ing ttye amount of resistance 
which they knew their deliverers 
would have to encounter. 

The position of the little party 
imprisoned in the Alum Bagh 
was very trying. Much sickness 
arose within the place owing to 
the deficiency of space and 
fresh air ; and although success- 
ful attempts were occasionally 
made by the chiefs at the Resid- 
ency to send them food in the 
intervals, provisions were very 
scanty. The men were, how- 
ever, hopeful and resolute ; they 
were prepared to endure and 
fight to the last, or till aid 
arrived. 

Sir Colin Campbell had left 
Calcutta on the 28th of Oct.ber, 
travelling like a courier, making 
narrow escapes from capture by 
rebels on the way, and had 
reached Cawnpore on the 3d of 
November, as quiet an arrival 
as ever entered the gates of the 
city ; not a gleam of the glitter 
or a shred of the trappings that 
usually incommode a com- 
mander-in-chief in India was in 
attendance on one of the most 
illustrious of them. 

Remaining at Cawnpore no 
longer than was necessary to 
organise the various forces he 



had sent on before him, Sir 
Colin crossed the Ganges on 
the 9th of November and joined 
Hope Grant's column the same 
day at the camp Buntara, six 
miles short of Alum Bagh. It 
may be mentioned in passing 
that this was the column which 
Colonel Greathed had at first 
command eJ. in the Doab, and 
which so valorously delivered 
Agra from its state of siege. 
Hope Grant was now in com- 
mand of it, according to some 
rule of seniority, not at all as 
any slight on the gallant Great- 
hed. At Buntara the com- 
mander-in-chief waited till next 
morning, when he started with 
a force of about 2700 infantry, 
and 700 cavalry and artillery, 
which he had collected with a 
great deal of trouble. 

Sir Colin advanced from this 
place, blew up a troublesome 
small fort c n the way, and en- 
camped for the night outside 
the Alum Bagh. He had re- 
solved to avoid as much as pos- 
sible the waste of life in street 
fighting. To carry out this pur- 
pose, his plan was to enter the 
city by an eastern suburb where 
there were many palaces and 
mosques, but few of the deep 
narrow lanes which had proved 
so fatal to Havelock's force. 
The tactics for the next few 
days were, accordingly, to con- 
sist of a series of partial sieges, 
each directed against a particu- 
lar stronghold, and each capture 
to form a base of operations for 
attacks on other posts nearer 
the heart of the city, until at 



158 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



length the Residency should be 
reached. It will be remembered 
that street fighting was avoided 
in Paris by the French Govern- 
ment when it was wresting that 
city in 1871 from the Commun- 
ists by a method similar in prin- 
ciple to this. Instead of rushing 
at barricades in the streets, the 
loyal troops made their way 
through the walls of the houses. 
After changing the garrison 
at Alum Bagh, giving a little 
rest to his troops, and receiving 
an addition of 650 men from 
Cawnpore, Sir Colin Campbell 
commenced his siege operations 
on the morning of the 1 4th with 
a force of about 4000 men. 
That day he secured the Dil Koo- 
sha Heart's Delight Park, 
and the Martiniere College for 
half-caste children. When night 
came, the commander-in-chief 
was free to congratulate himself 
on having secured the eastern- 
most buildings of Lucknow, and 
having brought with him four- 
teen days' provisions for his 
own troops and an equal pro- 
portion for the troops in the 
enclosure. The i5th was spent 
in completing arrangements and 
exchanging messages and sig- 
nals with Outram and Havelock. 
On the 1 6th he crossed the 
canal and advanced to the Se- 
cunder Bagh, a high-walled en- 
closure of strong masonry about 
1 20 yards square, loopholed on 
all sides for musketry, and held 
in great force by the enemy. 
After a determined struggle of 
two hours, this valuable strong- 
hold was in possession of the 



besiegers. No less than 2000 
of the enemy fell at this storm- 
ing, than which, said Sir Colin, 
" there never was a bolder feat 
of arms." 

Captain Peel's naval siege- 
train won distinguished honours 
at this reconquering of Lucknow. 
Early in the month of August 
Lord Elgin had come to Cal- 
cutta, and placed at the disposal 
of Lord Canning two war- 
steamers, the Shannon and the 
Pearl; and from among the 
resources of these steamers this 
splendid naval brigade was 
organised. It consisted of 400 
seamen, and no less than ten 
68-pounders, and was put under 
the command of Captain Peel, 
who had won distinguished 
honour by his management of 
a naval battery in the Crimea 
during the siege of Sebastopol. 

After the Secunder Bagh was 
secured, the naval siege-train 
again went to the front, and 
advanced towards the Shah Nu- 
jeef, a domed mosque with a 
garden, which the enemy had 
converted into a formidable 
stronghold. After a heavy can- 
nonade of three hours, and an 
obstinate defence, during which 
an increasing fire was kept up 
from the mosque and the de- 
fences in the garden, Sir Colin 
ordered the place to be stormed; 
and stormed it was intrepidly 
by the 93d Highlanders, a bat- 
talion of detachments, and the 
Naval Brigade. The com- 
mander-in-chief remarked in a 
despatch: "Captain Peel led 
up his heavy guns with extra- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY, 



159 



ordinary gallantry to within a 
few yards of the building, to 
batter the massive stone walls. 
The withering fire of the High- 
landers effectually covered the 
Naval Brigade from great loss ; 
but it was an action almost un- 
exampled in war. Captain Peel 
behaved very much as if he had 
been laying the Shannon along- 
side an enemy's frigate." 

Meantime Havelock and his 
brave men were working valor- 
ously for the deliverance which 
was thus approaching them 
straight through the walls of the 
strongholds of their ruthless 
enemies. It had been agreed 
by signal and secret message, 
that as soon as Sir Colin should 
reach Secunder Bagh the outer 
wall of the advance garden of 
the Fureed Buksh, Havelock's 
most eastern post, should be 
blown down by mines previously 
prepared. The mines were ex- 
ploded ; the walls demolished ; 
the works beyond were shelled 
by mortars : then the infantry 
dashed through and captured 
several buildings which had 
been marked out by previous 
arrangement. 

On the i yth a large structure 
called the Mess House, defend- 
ed by a ditch twelve feet broad, 
with a loopholed mud-wall be- 
yond the ditch, and scarped with 
masonry, was stormed after sev- 
eral hours of cannonading. No 
sooner was this done than the 
victorious troops pressed for- 
ward eagerly, and lined a wall 
that separated the Mess House 
from the Motee Mehal the 



Pearl Palace. This was a wide 
enclosure containing many build- 
ings ; and here the enemy made 
a last desperate stand for an 
hour. But all in vain. The 
besieging troops, aided by the 
sappers, broke an opening 
through the wall, and rushed 
onwards carrying all before them 
until they reached that part of 
the city which had been com- 
manded by Havelock for seven 
or eight weeks. 

The loss in killed and wound- 
ed was severe, but less so than 
that which Outram and Have- 
lock suffered in September. 
There were in all during Sir 
Colin's advance to the Resi- 
dency, with the collateral strug- 
gles to which it gave rise, 122 
killed and 345 wounded 33 of 
the wounded and 10 of the 
killed being officers. The loss 
of the enemy was between 3000 
and 4000 men. 

It was now the turn of Outram, 
Havelock, and Inglis to grasp 
with fervour the hand of Sir 
Colin Campbell, who had receiv- 
ed a slight wound, but nothing to 
check his activity for an hour. 
It is superfluous to remark that 
those whose deliverance had 
been so valorously wrought were 
overjoyed. Their lives were 
saved ; and when the commis- 
sariat of the new-comers had 
time to make proper arrange- 
ments, and the old inmates had 
uttered their prudent maxims 
about the necessity of eating 
and drinking quietly at such a 
time, then what luxuries were 
enjoyed ! wheaten bread, fresh 



ICO 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



butter, oranges, and letters and 
tewspapers from home ! 

This jubilation, however, 
could not be allowed to last 
very long. An announcement 
was made almost immediately 
on Sir Colin's arrival, that every 
European was to leave Lucknow 
and retire to Cawnpore. This 
was disappointing to those who 
had fondly hoped that comfort 
was to follow immediately upon 
their deliverance after such long 
and indescribable miseries. But 
the rigorous exigencies of war 
were inexorable. The enemy 
still numbered 50,000 righting 
men in and near Lucknow. 

Sir Colin issued an order, 
therefore, that all were to depart 
quickly. The sick and wounded 
were to be removed directly to 
the Dil Koosha, a distance of four 
miles in a straight line, but of 
five or six if it were necessary to 
take a circuitous route to avoid 
the enemy. The women and 
children were to follow the 
same route next day, and the 
bulk of the soldiers were to 
leave when all else had been 
provided for. The ordnance 
stores and the Company's trea- 
sure twenty-three lacs of rupees, 
preserved safely through all the 
trying scenes of these six months 
were to be removed to the 
Dil Koosha about the same time 
as the non-combatants, an oper- 
ation which required peculiar 
vigilance and caution. 

That was a memorable exodus, 
never to be forgotten by those 
who made it. Many delicate 
ladies, unprovided with vehicles 



or horses, had to walk these five 
or six miles of very rough 
ground, and exposed to, among 
other alarms, the fire of the 
enemy's musketry. Lady Inglis 
behaved on this occasion in a 
manner worthy of the helpmeet 
of her gallant husband. A dooly 
or hospital-litter was set apart 
for her accommodation, but she 
refused it in order that the sick 
and wounded might be better 
attended to. Mr Rees, in his 
" Personal Narrative," gives the 
following interesting extract from 
a letter written by this lady re- 
garding the exodus. She wrote : 
" The road was quite safe except 
in those places where it was 
overlooked by the enemy's posi- 
tion, and where we had to run. 
One poor woman was wounded 
at one of those places. We ar- 
rived at Secunder Bagh about 
six, and found every one assem- 
bled there, awaiting an escort of 
doolies to carry us on. When 
I tell you that upwards ot 2000 
men had been hastily buried 
there the day before, you can 
fancy what a place it was. . . . 
We were regaled with tea and 
plenty of milk, and bread and 
butter luxuries we had not en- 
joyed since the commencement 
of our troubles. At ten o'clock 
we recommenced our journey; 
most of the ladies were in palan- 
quins, but we had a covered 
cart drawn by two obstinate 
bullocks. We had a force of 
infantry and cavalry with us, 
but had not proceeded half-a- 
mile when the column was 
halted, and an order sent back 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



161 



for reinforcements ; some noise 
was heard, and it was believed 
we might be attacked. How- 
ever, it proved a false alarm, 
and after two disagreeable and 
rather anxious hours, we arrived 
safely at the Dil Koosha, and 
were quartered in tents pitched 
for our reception." 

Sir James Outram so planned 
the military movement in this 
evacuation that each corps and 
regiment, each detachment and 
picket, marched silently out in 
the dead of night without excit- 
ing the suspicion of the myriads 
of enemies around. So cleverly 
was it managed without the 
loss of one man that the enemy 
continued to fire into the enclos- 
ure long after the British had 
left it. One of the officers wrote : 
" An anxious night indeed that 
was ! We left at twelve o'clock, 
having withdrawn all our guns 
from position, so that if the 
scoundrels had only come on we 
should have had to fight every 
inch of our way while retiring. 
. . . Out we went while the 
enemy's guns still pounded the 
old wall, and while the bullets 
still whistled over the buildings; 
and, after a six miles' walk in 
ankle-deep sand, we were halted 
in a field and told to make our- 
selves comfortable for the night." 

The fate of the few English 
prisoners at Lucknow was sad. 
When the whole of the residents 
within the enclosure were found 
to have balked them, a few of 
the enraged rebels rushed to the 
Kaiser Bagh, where the unhappy 
victims were confined, tied Sir 



Mountstuart Jackson, Mr Orr, 
Mr Barnes, and Sergeant Martin 
to guns, and blew them away. 
The ladies, it was said, were 
spared at the intercession of one 
of the begums of Oude. 

Havelock, the gallant soldier, 
the devout Christian, died on 
the 25th of November at the 
Dil Koosha. He had shared 
the duties of Outram in that 
"Heart's Delight" during the 
two previous days ; but stricken 
down with dysentery, brought 
on by anxious care and exces- 
sive fatigue, he expired next 
day. Great and universal was 
the grief throughout the camp 
when the rumour of this irrepar- 
able bereavement spread. He 
had seen a great deal of service 
during his forty- two years of 
military life. When the news 
reached home all classes of his 
fellow-countrymen mourned his 
death, as it was felt to be a 
bereavement of mankind wher- 
ever, in the wide world, the 
name was heard of this noble 
soldier, at once pious, daring, 
and skilful. His widow re- 
ceived a pension of ^1000 a 
year from the House of Com- 
mons; and the public afterwards 
made provision for his daughters 
by voluntary subscription very 
voluntary. 

When Sir Colin Campbell 
abandoned Lucknow, taking 
Hope Grant's division with him 
to Cawnpore, he left Sir James 
Outram with 3000 or 4000 men 
to hold the Alum Bagh, furnish- 
ing them with as large a supply 
of provisions and stores as could 
L 



162 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



be spared. All those who, from 
sex, age, or sickness, could 
render no active service at 
Cawnpore, were sent under an 
escort to Allahabad, starting on 
the $d of December ; and they 
ultimately reached Calcutta by 
steamers down the Ganges not 
fewer than 2000 in number. 

When this interesting band, 
who had passed through vicissi- 
tudes so appalling, were ap- 
proaching Calcutta, Viscount 
Canning, with a humane noble- 
ness, entirely characteristic of 
all his conduct during his most 
tormented viceroyalty, issued a 
notification, in which he said : 
" No one will wish to obtrude 
upon those who are under be- 
reavement or sickness, any show 
of ceremony which shall impose 



fatigue or pain. The best wel- 
come which can be tendered 
upon such an occasion is one 
which breaks in as little as pos- 
sible upon privacy and rest But 
the rescue of these sufferers is a 
victory beyond all price ; and, 
in testimony of the public joy 
with which it is hailed, and the 
administration with which their 
heroic endurance and courage 
is viewed," he ordered that a 
royal salute should be fired from 
the ramparts of Fort William as 
soon as each steamer arrived ; 
that all ships of war in the river 
should be dressed in honour of 
the day ; that officers should be 
appointed to conduct the pas- 
sengers on shore, and that the 
state-barges of the Governor- 
General should be in attendance. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



DISASTERS AT CAWNPORE REPELLED. 



WHEN Sir Colin Campbell set 
out from Cawnpore to relieve 
Lucknow, he left General Wind- 
ham, the Crimean " hero of the 
Redan," in command, not so 
much, as was thought, to fight, 
as to keep open a safe communi- 
cation between Lucknow and 
Allahabad by Cawnpore. But 
by some unexplained means, 
communication between Gene- 
ral Windham and the com- 
mander-in-chief got deranged. 
Messages were sent by the 



former, but they did not reach 
the latter. Whether the mes- 
sengers were stopped by the 
way was not made clear; but 
probably this is the explanation. 
At all events, Sir Colin Camp- 
bell remained in ignorance of 
the fact that the Gwalior muti- 
neers were approaching Cawn- 
pore, while General Windham 
was left in perplexity, receiving 
no replies to the letters he sent, 
asking for instructions from his 
chief, who knew nothing of the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



163 



Troubles at Cawnpore until the 
27th of November. Sir Colin 
was at the Alum Bagh that day, 
along with the escaped from 
Lucknow, and was surprised to 
hear very heavy artillery firing 
in the direction of Cawnpore. 
Leaving Sir James Outram in 
command of part of the force at 
the Alum Bagh, and placing the 
rest under the immediate com- 
mand of General Hope Grant, 
the commander-in-chief resumed 
his march at nine o'clock in 
the morning of the 28th, and 
reached Cawnpore late that 
day. 

He found that General Wind- 
ham had known about the 
middle of the month that muti- 
neers from Gwalior, Indore, and 
various other quarters, 20,000 
strong, were within thirty miles of 
Cawnpore by the Calpee road. 
A week later they were within 
twenty miles. As the troops at 
Windham's command were only 
2000, that general had to con- 
sider how he was to manage to 
maintain his position. He was 
in an intrenched fort, which 
commanded the bridge of boats 
on the Ganges ; but as the city 
of Cawnpore lay between him 
and the Calpee road, he left 
some of the troops in this in- 
trenchment which, by the way, 
was at a considerable distance 
from the one formerly occupied 
by Sir Hugh Wheeler and his 
companions in misfortune and 
formed with the remainder a 
new camp, close to the canal, 
westward of the city, at a point 
whera he believed he would be 



able to watch the mutineers and 
rebels, and frustrate their de- 
signs. 

On the 26th, having learned 
that they continued to approach 
Cawnpore, General Windham 
started at three o'clock in the 
morning with 1200 infantry to 
meet them, and he marched 
eight or nine miles to Bhowsee, 
near the Pandoo Nuddee, leav- 
ing his camp equipage and 
baggage near Cawnpore. He 
found the enemy strongly posted 
on the opposite side of the dry 
bed of the Pandoo Nuddee. The 
enemy opened a heavy fire of 
artillery, but the British troops 
carried the position with a rush, 
and cleared a village half-a-mile 
in the rear of the enemy, who 
hastily took to flight. But 
Windham now became aware, 
for the first time, that he had 
engaged with only the advanced 
column of the enemy, and that 
the main force was close at hand. 
This rendered his position very 
grave, and he retired to protect 
the city, carnp, cantonment, in- 
trenchment, and bridge of boats. 
He encamped for the night in 
the Jewee Plain, on the Calpee 
side of Cawnpore, with the city 
between him and his intrenched 
fort. Here disaster assailed him. 
About noon next day, when his 
men were preparing for a camp 
dinner, the enemy opened a 
tremendous cannonade on them 
from behind a thick cover of 
trees and brushwood. How 
they got so near without General 
Windham knowing has not been 
exDlained. This attack con- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



tinued for five hours, chiefly 
near the point of junction of the 
Delhi and Calpee roads, and on 
three sides of the camp. Gene- 
ral Windham, distracted by this 
complication, hastened to see 
what was doing on the fourth 
side, towards the city, and, to 
his dismay, he ascertained that 
the mutineers had turned his 
flanks, got into the city, and 
were beginning to attack the 
intrenched fort near the bridge 
of boats. Retreat was at once 
resolved on; and the retreat 
became a rush, a hasty scamper 
to the intrenchment, in the 
hopes of saving it, leaving a 
large store of tents, saddlery, 
harness, camp -equipage, and 
private property. This booty 
the enemy at once seized upon, 
appropriated what was available, 
and burned the rest. A bonfire 
of 500 British tents lighted up 
the neighbourhood that night. 

It was a bitterly mortifying 
day's work for General Windham 
and his men. General Windham 
consulted with his superior 
officers, and it was resolved to 
defer operations till next day. 
They would have made a night 
attack if they could have ob- 
tained reliable information re- 
garding the position of the 
enemy's artillery, but as they 
could not get that information, 
they agreed, as has been said, 
to await next day. The arrange- 
ments made in the meantime 
were specially intended to pro- 
tect the intrenchment and the 
bridge of boats, so important 
in relation to Sir Colin Camp- 



bell's position at the time, and 
his operations inOude generally. 
On the morning of the 28th, 
there was a severe struggle. The 
Gwalior mutineers were now 
joined by another force under 
that audacious miscreant Nana 
Sahib, and a third under his 
brother, Bhola Sahib. The posi- 
tion of the British was entirely 
defensive, and they were sorely 
pressed. The fierce struggle 
lasted all day. Prodigies of 
valour were displayed by the 
devoted little band who were 
struggling against utter annihil- 
ation by crowds ; but the day's 
work terminated in galling de- 
feat and the irreparable loss of 
many lives which could ill be 
spared, a result which intensified 
the humiliation of the previous 
day. 

That night the mutineers rev- 
elled in the city as conquerors. 
More than 10,000 rounds of 
Enfield cartridges, the mess- 
plate of four Queen's regiments, 
paymasters' chests, and a large 
amount of miscellaneous pro- 
perty, fell into their hands ; and 
on the morning of the 2Qth they 
began to bombard the intrench- 
ment and the bridge of boats. 
Had they succeeded in breaking 
the bridge of boats, what might 
not have been the fate of the re- 
fugees from Lucknow! How near 
they were to worse than they 
had yet encountered ! But Sir 
Colin Campbell was now in 
Cawnpore. All that day did 
the dependent band from Luck- 
nowapproach the bridge, against 
which the enemy was keeping 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



165 



up a continuous fire. To pro- 
tect this helpless convoy was 
the first duty, and, accordingly, 
leaving the enemy in possession 
of the city and everything west 
of it, the commander-in-chief 
despatched Hope Grant with a 
column to keep the road open 
from Cawnpore through Futteh- 
poor to Allahabad, while he 
himself employed all his other 
troops keeping the mutineers, 
bolder than ever, at bay. 

When the convoy left Cawn- 
pore, and was fairly on its march 
for Allahabad, matters were 
soon brought to a different 
bearing at the former city. Sir 
Colin Campbell resolved on the 
5th of December to attack on 
the following day the strong 
position taken up by the enemy, 
who numbered about 25,000 
men, having forty pieces of artil- 
lery. 

On the morning of the 6th, 
Sir Colin began offensive opera- 
tions, and that day he inflicted 
on the rebels a defeat which 
was only equalled by the sur- 
prise with which it came upon 
them. He cut their forces in 
two and completely routed them, 
pursuing them fourteen miles 



along the Calpee road. The 
four infantry brigades en- 
gaged in this day's work were 
headed by Brigadiers Greathed, 
Adrian Hope, Walpole, and 
Inglis. Where was General 
Windham? His position was 
explained in the following pass- 
age in Sir Colin Campbell's 
despatch : "Owing to his know- 
ledge of the ground, I requested 
Major-General Windham to re- 
main in command of the in- 
trenchment, the fire of which 
was a very important feature in 
the operations of the 6th of 
December, although I felt and 
explained to General Windham 
that it was a command hardly 
worthy of his rank." There is 
a good deal to be read between 
the lines here. 

The mutineers were so thor- 
oughly worsted on the 6th that 
their plans seemed all scattered 
like themselves. Some marched 
off in one direction, others in 
another ; and Sir Colin Camp- 
bell prepared for further opera- 
tions. He had obtained a firm 
footing at Cawnpore as a centre 
from which he and his officers 
might operate in various direc- 
tions. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



THE ARMY OF OUDE. 



THE year 1858 entered, and 
-with it the unexpected display 



of military organisation among 
the revolted sepoys. The mutiny 



166 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



had extended to almost every 
native regiment in the Bengal 
army. When the old year gave 
place to the new, it was esti- 
mated that 23,000 British troops 
had landed at Calcutta since the 
mutiny began, besides others 
put on shore at Bombay, Mad- 
ras, and Kurachee, and had 
advanced into the upper pro- 
vinces. 

When the vehicles returned 
from Allahabad, in which those 
who escaped from Lucknow had 
been conveyed thither, Sir Colin 
Campbell prepared to move his 
head - quarters to Ferruckabad 
and Fort Futtehghur, near 
which places many insurgent 
chieftains required his prompt 
attention. On the 3d of Janu- 
ary the commander - in - chief 
reached Futtehghur, which the 
enemy had held for six months. 
But they did not wait to test his 
quality as a queller of rebellion ; 
they retreated so precipitately 
that they omitted to destroy a 
large amount of stores. Sir Colin 
secured property belonging to 
the gun and clothing depart- 
ments, which were of great 
service to him, and sent a con- 
siderable quantity of grain to 
Cawnpore to lighten the labour 
of the commissariat for the sup- 
ply of Sir James Outram at the 
Alum Bagh. 

He punished the Nawab of 
Ferruckabad severely, for he had 
been one of the most ferocious 
leaders of the insurgents. He 
wrote : ' ; The destruction of the 
Nawab's palace is in process. 
I think it right that not a, stone 



should be left unturned in all 
the residences of the rebellious 
chiefs. They are far more guilty 
than their misguided followers." 

Sir James Outram had been 
left at the Alum Bagh with a 
picked force of 3000 or 4000 
men. While some of his troops 
were away convoying a supply 
of provisions from Cawnpore, 
the enemy, knowing this, resolv- 
ed to attack him in his weakened 
state on the i2th of January. 
He fathomed their intentions, 
and prepared to defend his posi- 
tion. At sunrise on the day 
named, 30,000 of them formed 
a wide semicircle in front and 
flank of the Alum Bagh. Outram 
sent out his troops in two bri- 
gades to engage this immense 
host, and then a fierce battle 
commenced. The main body 
of the rebels bore with all 
their might against the two bri- 
gades ; a body of them assaulted 
the fort of Jelalabad, while a 
third, by a detour, reached the 
Alum Bagh itself. The struggle 
lasted from sunrise till four 
o'clock in the afternoon, when 
the enemy, foiled at every point, 
withdrew to the city or to their 
original position in the gardens 
and villages. 

Four days later they made 
another attack ; if, with smaller 
numbers, also with greater bold- 
ness. The result was the same 
as before utter defeat and 
terrible loss. 

The Nepaulese leader, Jung 
Bahadoor, with Brigadier M'Gre- 
gor, as British representative, 
entered Goruckpore on the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



1G7 



6th of January, and, in the 
name of the British Govern- 
ment, took possession of that 
city, which -had been almost en- 
tirely in the hands of the rebels 
for many months. Mahomed 
Hussein had set up a trumpery 
government there, and elected 
himself Nazim. This show was 
soon obliterated. Many of his 
adherents were executed. Those 
who were not hanged were con- 
demned to do sweeper's work 
within the church, jail, and other 
buildings, irrespective of their 
scruples about caste or creed. 
Several rebellious leaders be- 
tween Goruckpore and the 
Oude frontier were captured, 
and the district was thus greatly 
pacified. 

During the month of January 
the movements of Nana Sahib, 
Koer Singh, and Mohammed 
Khan, of Bareilly, were veiled 
in much obscurity; although 
the evidence of their influence 
in urging the sepoys and rebels 
to continue the ill-omened 
struggle against the British rule 
was most obvious. A price had 
been placed upon the head of 
each of the three perfidious mis- 
creants. 

After finishing the work for 
which he set out, for the details 
of which the reader will have to 
consult some larger work on the 
Indian mutiny than the present 
outline, Sir Colin Campbell re- 
turned to Cawnpore on the 4th 
of February. Viscount Canning 
came to Allahabad, where the 
commander-in-chief met him on 
the 8th, and no doubt they 



agreed on an extensive scheme 
of war policy. 

On the nth, the largest army 
which had yet been arrayed 
against the mutineers began to 
cross the Ganges from Cawnpore 
into Oude. After crossing, the 
" army of Oude" was distributed 
at certain places on the line of 
route between Cawnpore and 
Lucknow. On the last day of 
the month the commander-in- 
chief crossed the river and took 
command of the forces, which 
were destined to besiege, and 
finally to capture the great city 
of Lucknow, which had been 
the scene of so much misery to 
the British, and the centre of 
many a subtle plot by the native 
leaders. Sir James Outram had 
prepared detailed plans of every- 
thing relating to it and its de- 
fences as far as he could ascer- 
tain. 

It seems that the enemy 
hoped to foil the vast scheme 
which the commander-in-chief 
had planned out for himself, by 
another attack on the Alum 
Bagh. On the morning of the 
2ist of February, when the 
movements of the army of Oude 
were very observable, 20,000 of 
them again attacked this strong- 
hold. They threatened the 
whole length and front of it, and 
the picket and fort at Jelalabad. 
But they received a severe check 
when they came within range of 
the grape-shot which Sir James 
Outram had prepared for them. 
The Alum Bagh was weak in 
cavalry at the time, for again an 
escort had been sent to protect 



108 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



a large convoy which was on its 
way from Cawnpore. But Sir 
James Outram detached 250 
cavalry and two field-pieces, 
under Captain Barrow, to the 
rear of Jelalabad, where they 
came upon 2000 of the enemy's 
cavalry, and 5000 infantry. 
These Barrow's small force kept 
so effectually at bay that their 
intended scheme of attack was 
quite frustrated. The attack on 
Outram's left flank was made by 
no fewer than 5000 cavalry and 
8000 infantry. These were met 
by 120 men of the military train 
and four field-guns, under Cap- 
tain Robertson, and were com- 
pletely routed. In the whole 
affair there were only nine men 
of the British wounded, and 
none were killed. The enemy 
hastened back after this signal 
defeat by a mere handful of men, 
to strengthen the defences at 
Lucknow. 

The strong Goorkha force, 
under Jung Bahadoor, and an 
effective column of miscellane- 
ous troops, under Brigadier 
Franks, a most energetic British 
officer, greatly improved the 
condition of the country between 
Oude and Lower Bengal. These 
two able allies advanced to the 
centre of Oude duringthe month 
of February. 

During this month the com- 
mander-in-chief had once more 
to provide for the safety of a 
party of non-combatants who 
were being removed from the 
scenes of struggle and slaughter. 
It was a convoy from Agra, 
consisting of a large number of 



ladies and 140 children, who, 
under the protection of the 30! 
Bengal Europeans, some irregu- 
lar horse, and two guns, had left 
Agra on the nth of February, 
and came to Cawnpore to be 
forwarded to Allahabad. On 
the way, the convoy, as instruct- 
ed kept a narrow watch for any 
indications of the presence of 
Nana Sahib, who was reported 
to be in movement somewhere 
in their route. But they accom- 
plished their journey safely. 

The trial of the King of Delhi 
was being carried on in the 
meantime, being conducted in 
the celebrated imperial chamber 
of the Dewani Khas, in that city, 
where in former ages the Mogul 
power had been displayed with all 
the grandeurandgorgeousnessof 
the East. It commenced on the 
27th of January, when the aged 
monarch, the last of a long line 
of Indian potentates, many of 
them illustrious, appeared as a 
culprit before a tribunal of Brit- 
ish officers. The president was 
Colonel Dawes, and Major Har- 
riott officiated as prosecutor. 
The king appeared infirm as he 
tottered into the chamber, sup- 
ported on the one side by his 
favourite son, Jumma Bukht, 
and on the other by a confiden- 
tial servant He sat coiled up 
on a cushion at the left of the 
president, and appeared, it is 
said, a picture of helpless imbe- 
cility, which, in the circum- 
stances, would have awakened 
only a sense of sincere commis- 
eration. The prosecutor made 
no attempt at forensic display. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



1C9 



He addressed the judgesin a con- 
cise, explanatory manner ; and 
announced that the trial was 
merely to ascertain whether the 
king was guilty or not guilty. 
At all events no capital sentence 
was to be passed upon him, be- 
cause his life had been guaran- 
teed to him by Sir Archdale Wil- 
son, through Captain Hodson. 
When the hoary culprit was 
asked, through an interpreter, 
whether he was guilty or not 
guilty, he affected at first to be 
ignorant of the charges against 
him ; but, after considerable 
delay, he pleaded not guilty. 

The sittings of the court 
spread over many weeks. The 
evidence produced was of a very 
varied character, all tending to 
show that he had taken part in 
inciting the mutiny, and had 
also encouraged the atrocities 
of the mutineers. It was proved 
also that so long ago as the 
summer of 1856 he had been in 
correspondence with the Shah 
of Persia, touching the over- 
turning of the British rule in 
India, just at the time when the 
Persians made that advance 
towards Herat, which led to 
their own humiliation in the 
recent Persian war. 

During the trial the king dis- 
played that mingled silliness 
and cunning, which all who knew 
him sufficiently to judge him 



fairly, regarded as displaying a 
great deal of his character. 
Sometimes he would coil him- 
self up on his cushion, and seem 
unconcerned in all that was 
going on lost in his own reve- 
ries. He seemed to pay no at- 
tention till something would all 
at once strike him. On one 
occasion he had to be roused 
out of sleep to answer a ques- 
tion put by the court. He 
would occasionally start up and 
make an exclamation denying 
the averment of a witness. 
Once, when his intrigues with 
Persia were being referred to, 
he asked whether the Persians 
and the Russians were the same 
people. He several times declar- 
ed his entire innocence. One of 
his amusements was to twist and 
untwist a scarf round his head. 

The guilt of the performer of 
these inane antics was suffi- 
ciently proved, and he was sen- 
tenced to transportation for 
what remained of his wretched 
life. The Andaman Islands 
rendered since so unhappily 
notorious by the foul assassina- 
tion of Lord Mayo, a succes- 
sor of Viscount Canning were 
named as the probable place of 
his destination either there or 
some other part that might be 
selected. He was ultimately 
sent to Tongu, in Pegu, and 
died in 1862. 



170 



7ZT.fi: INDIAN MUTINY. 



CHAPTER XX. 



LUCKNOW RECONQUERED. 



SIR COLIN CAMPBELL left his 
camp at Buntara, within a few 
miles of Lucknow, on the 2d of 
March, and diverging from the 
road to the Alum Bagh, took 
that which passed near the Jela- 
laba fort, towards the eastern 
margin of the city. He ad- 
vanced with a portion of his 
army to the Dil Koosha, his 
object being to form a camp 
just beyond the reach of the 
enemy's guns, and to protect 
his siege-train as it gradually 
arrived, to protect also the vast 
host of elephants, camels, oxen, 
horses, camp-followers, and 
vehicles, which were a portion 
of the besieging army. Under 
a heavy and well-sustained fire 
of the insurgents, this advance 
force secured that day the Dil 
Koosha and the Mahomed 
Bagh a base for further opera- 
tions. Here Sir Colin placed 
heavy guns to oppose the 
enemy's artillery. He then sent 
for the rest of his troops and 
the siege artillery, and the next 
day was spent in bringing for- 
ward guns and bodies of troops 
into positions to be occupied 
when the regular siege began. 
The 4th was similarly spent, 
making the arrangements neces- 
sary to render the siege success- 
ful. It was ascertained from 
the spies and otherwise that 
many of the inhabitants, terrified 
at the formidable preparations 



they saw going on, began to flee 
from the city on the opposite 
side, and that the authorities 
were endeavouring to check the 
flight, wishing to compel them 
to fight for their property and 
their lives within the city itself. 

On the 5th General Franks 
joined the commander-in-chief, 
after having fought his way 
across the half of the province 
of Oude. He was punctual to 
time. Jung Bahadoor did not 
arrive at the specified time. 
This disturbed the plans of the 
commander-in-chief, and also 
his equanimity. 

The engineers were busy in 
the meantime collecting the 
casks, fascines of faggots, ropes, 
and timbers requisite for a bridge 
across the Goomtee, the spot 
selected for which was near 
head-quarters, where the river 
was about forty yards wide. 
The portion of the army which 
was to cross and operate against 
the city from the left bank of 
the Goomtee was put under the 
command of Sir James Outram. 
It was the most important com- 
mand next to that of Sir Colin 
himself. Sir James effected his 
crossing safely on the 6th, and 
encamped securely at night after 
a little skirmishing. The com- 
mander-in-chief deferred all i 
active operations till 'this force 
had got into fighting order on 
the other side of the river. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



171 



On the yth Sir James Outram 
was attacked in great force by 
the enemy, but he chased them 
away with his cavalry, and main- 
tained the advantageous ground 
he had secured. Sir Colin 
Campbell made a careful recon- 
naissance on the 8th, and as the 
result he instructed Outram to 
arrange his batteries during the 
night for an attack next day on 
the Chukkur Walla Kothee, the 
key ot the enemy's position. 
On the morning of the Qth this 
attack was splendidly made, and 
after desperate fighting and the 
taking of two villages, Outram 
advanced and began to fire on 
the lines of the Kaiser Bagh de- 
fences. Sir Colin Campbell, 
on the same day, commenced a 
heavy fire of mortars and guns 
from the Dil Koosha against 
the Martini&re College, which 
was stormed by the troops under 
Sir Edward Lugard after the 
cannonading had done the work 
for which it was intended. In 
this successful attack Outram's 
enfilade fire from across the 
river distracted the besieged 
very much. The building and 
the whole enclosure round it 
were captured with very little 
bloodshed, the enemy escaping 
from the walls and trenches 
without courting a hand-to-hand 
contest. The sight of the ter- 
rible bayonets threw them into 
more trepidation than even the 
visitations from howitzers and 
mortars. 

Thus the capture of the exte- 
rior line of defence was accom- 
plished, and with very little loss. 



The second or middle line 
was attacked on the nth. The 
attack began by shelling and 
breaching a block of palaces 
known as the Begum Kothee. 
The bombardment was long and 
severe, but when the chief engi- 
neer, Brigadier Napier, about 
four in the afternoon, announced 
to General Lugard that the 
breaches were practicable, Lu- 
gard at once made arrangements 
for storming it. The assault was 
one of a desperate character, 
and was characterised by Sir 
Colin Campbell as the sternest 
struggle which occurred during 
the siege, but it was successful. 
The whole block of buildings 
was secured, and the enemy 
suffered heavily. 

Outram, in the meantime, 
had obtained possession of the 
iron bridge leading over the 
river from the cantonment to 
the city, and he swept away the 
enemy from every part of the 
left bank of the river between 
that bridge and the Padishah 
Bagh, gaining thus a position 
to enfilade the central and inner 
lines of defence established by 
the enemy among the palaces. 

On the afternoon of the nth 
Jung Bahadoor appeared at the 
Dil Koosha, when Sir Colin 
Campbell met him for the first 
time. A tasteful canopy was 
prepared in front of Sir Colin's 
mess-tent, under which the greet- 
ings, compliments, and speeches 
took place. The meeting was, 
however, brought to a rather 
abrupt termination when Cap- 
tain Hope Johnstone, one of 



172 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the officers of the chief of the 
staff, entered and announced 
that the Begum Kothee was 
taken. Sir Colin at once broke 
through all ceremony, express- 
ing a soldier's pleasure at the 
welcome news. Sir Colin, who 
had been forced to make all his 
arrangements for the siege as if 
no reliance could be placed on 
this ally, found employment for 
him next day in attacking the 
suburbs on the left bank of the 
canal. 

When the officers of the staff 
visited the Begum Kothee on 
the morning of the i2th, they 
were astonished at the strength 
the enemy had given it. It 
might have been held against 
the double of General Lugard's 
force but for the abject terror 
of the bayonet felt by the native 
soldiers. As to its appearance 
in other respects, that is not a 
pleasant subject to read graphic 
descriptions of, but it is in har- 
mony with the " pomp and cir- 
cumstance of war." Dr Russell, 
the famous Times correspon- 
dent, was among those who 
hastened to the Begum Kothee 
as a spectator on the morning 
of the 1 2th, and he wrote: "I 
saw one of the fanatics, a fine 
old sepoy, with a grizzled mous- 
tache, lying dead in the court, 
a sword-cut across his temple, a 
bayonet-thrust through his neck, 
his thigh broken by a bullet, 
and his stomach slashed open, 
in a desperate attempt to escape. 
There had been five or six of 
these fellows altogether, and 
they had either been surprised 



and unable to escape, or had 
shut themselves up in despera- 
tion in a small room, one of 
many looking out on the court. 
At first attempts were made to 
start them by throwing in live 
shell. A bag of gunpowder was 
more successful, and out they 
charged, and with the exception 
of one man, were shot and 
bayoneted on the spot. The 
man who got away did so by a 
desperate leap through a win- 
dow amid a shower of bullets 
and many bayonet- thrusts. Such 
are the common incidents of 
this war. From court to court 
of the huge pile of buildings we 
wandered through the same 
scenes dead sepoys, blood- 
splashed gardens, groups of 
eager Highlanders, looking out 
for the enemy's loop-holes; more 
eager groups of plunderers 
searching the dead, many of 
whom lay heaped on the top of 
each other amid the ruins ot 
rooms brought down upon them 
by our cannon-shot. Two of 
these were veritable chambers 
of horrors. It must be remem- 
bered that the sepoys and match- 
lockmen wear cotton clothes, 
many at this time of the year 
wearing thickly-quilted tunics; 
and in each room there are a 
number of resafs, or quilted 
cotton coverlets, which serve as 
beds and quilts for the natives. 
The explosion of powder sets 
fire to this cotton very readily, 
and it may be easily conceived 
how horrible are the conse- 
quences where a number of 
these sepoys and Nujeebs get 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



173 



into a place whence there is no 
escape, and where they fall in 
heaps by our shot. The matches 
of the men and the discharges 
of their guns set fire to their 
cotton clothing ; it is fed by the 
very fat of the dead bodies ; the 
smell is pungent, and overpower- 
ing, and nauseous to a degree. 
I looked in at two such rooms, 
where, through the dense smoke, 
I could see piles of bodies, and 
I was obliged to own that the 
horrors of the hospital at Sebas- 
topol were far exceeded by what 
I witnessed. Upwards of 300 
dead were found in the courts 
of the palace, and if we put the 
wounded carried off at 700, we 
may reckon that the capture of 
the place cost the enemy 1000 
men at least The rooms of 
tne building round the numer- 
ous courts were for the most 
part small and dark, compared 
with the great size of the corri- 
dors and garden enclosures. 
The state-saloon, fitted up for 
durbars and entertainments, once 
possessed some claims to mag- 
nificence, which were, however, 
now lying under our feet in the 
shape of lustres, mirrors, pier- 
glasses, gilt tables, damask, silk 
and satin, embroidered frag- 
ments of furniture, and marble 
tables, over which one made his 
way from place to place with 
difficulty. The camp-followers 
were busily engaged in selecting 
and carrying away such articles 
as attracted their fancy shawls, 
tesais, cushions, umbrellas, 
swords, matchlocks, tom-toms 
or drums, pictures, looking- 



glasses, trumpets ; but the more 
valuable plunder disappeared 
last night. It will be long 
before a begum can live here 
in state again." 

From the Begum Kothee pro- 
gress was next made towards 
the Emanbarra, a large building 
situated between it and the 
Kaiser Bagh, not by open as- 
sault, but by sapping through 
a mass of intermediate build- 
ings. This was so successfully 
accomplished that on the i4th 
the building was bombarded by 
heavy guns and mortars, and 
taken. This was no sooner 
done than a body of Sikhs, 
pressing forward in pursuit of 
the fleeing rebels, entered the 
Kaiser Bagh, without a single 
gun being fired from it. Thus 
easily was the third or inner 
line of defence turned. Before 
night, that part of the city with 
which Sir Colin Campbell and 
Sir James Outram had been only 
too familiar in November, was 
occupied by troops of thearmyof 
Oude. The i4th was a Sunday 
a day on which many of the 
greatest reverses had fallen upon 
the British, as well as the most 
signal victories been achieved 
during this gigantic mutiny. 

On the morning of the i5th 
Sir Colin Campbell felt that 
he had practically reconquered 
Lucknow. The rapid progress 
of the besiegers had paralysed 
the defenders. It was the tak- 
ing of the Kothee Begum that 
astonished the insurgents; the 
easy capture of the Kaiser Bagh 
surprised the leaders of the 



171 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



British. When this great palace 
fell into the hands of its captors, 
a scene followed, the description 
of which has been so forcibly 
condensed in " Chambers's His- 
tory of the Revolt in India," a 
book to which the readers of 
this outline are much indebted, 
that it is here presented. "A 
soldier," says this authority, 
" loses all his heroism when the 
hour for prize and plunder 
arrives. Those, whether officers 
or spectators, who have de- 
scribed the scene which was 
presented when these Lucknow 
palaces were conquered, tell 
plainly of a period of wild 
licence and absorbing greed. 
On the one hand, there were 
palaces containing vast stores 
of Oriental and European luxu- 
ries ; on the other, there were 
bands of armed men, brave and 
faithful, but at the same time 
poor and unlettered, who sud- 
denly found themselves masters 
of all these splendours, with 
very little check or supervision 
on the part of their officers. At 
first, in a spirit of triumphant 
revenge, costly articles were 
broken which were too large to 
be carried away ; glass chande- 
liers were hurled to the ground, 
mirrors shattered into countless 
fragments, statues mutilated and 
overturned, pictures stabbed and 
torn, doors of costly wood torn 
from their hinges. But when this 
destruction had been wreaked, 
and when the troops had forced 
their way through courts and 
corridors strewn with sepoys' 
brass lotas or drinking vessels, 



charpoys, clothing, belts, am- 
munition, muskets, matchlocks, 
swords, pistols, chupatties, and 
other evidence of precipitate 
flight when this had all occur- 
red, then did the love of plunder 
seize hold of the men. The 
Kaiser Bagh had been so quick- 
ly conquered, that the subaltern 
officers had not yet received 
instructions how to control the 
movement of the troops in this 
matter. Sikhs, Highlanders, 
English, were soon busily en- 
gaged. In one splendid saloon 
might be seen a party of Sikhs 
melting down gold and silver 
lace for the sake of the precious 
metals ; in another, a quantity 
of shawls, lace, pearls, and em- 
broidery of gold and silver was 
being divided equally between 
a group of soldiers. In a sort 
of treasure-room, apparently be- 
longing to some high personage, 
a few men of two British regi- 
ments found caskets and boxes 
containing diamonds, emeralds, 
rubies, pearls, opals, and other 
gems, made into necklaces, 
bracelets, earrings, girdles, etc., 
together with gold - mounted 
pistols, jewel - hilted swords, 
saddle-cloths covered with gold 
and pearls, gold-handled riding 
canes, jewelled cups of agate 
and jade, japanned boxes filled 
with crystal and jade vessels. 
And as it appeared that every 
one felt himself permitted, or 
at least enabled to retain what- 
ever he could capture, the camp- 
followers rushed in and seized 
all the soldiers had left. Coolies, 
syces,khitmutgars,dooly-bearers, 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



175 



and grass-cutters were seen run- 
ning hither and thither, laden 
with costly clothing, swords, 
firelocks, brass pots, and other 
articles larger in bulk than the 
actual soldiers could readily 
have disposed of. It was a 
saturnalia, during which it is 
believed that some of the troops 
appropriated enough treasure, 
if converted into its value in 
money, to render them inde- 
pendent of labour for the rest 
of their lives. But each man 
kept, in whole or in part, his 
own secret." 

Sir James Outram advanced 
on the 1 6th towards the Resi- 
dency. He marched right 
through the city, not only to 
the iron bridge near the Resi- 
dency, but to the stone bridge 
near the Muchee Bhowan, in 
order to check the enemy's 
retreat an enterprise requiring 
all of even his courage and 
boldness, for ithe buildings he 
had successively to conquer 
and enter were very numerous. 
When he reached the Residency, 
however, which he scarcely 
knew, for hardly a building 
remained standing, he learned 
that the houses and palaces on 
the line between the iron and 
the stone bridges were occupied 
by the enemy in considerable 
force. Here, again, hard fight- 
ing commenced, but with the 
result which had attended all 
the operations of this siege. 

On the same day the enemy 
made an unexpected attack on 
the Alum Bagh, which had been 
left in charge of a small force. 



Sir Colin Campbell requested 
Jung Bahadoor to advance to 
their rescue. The Nepaulese 
chieftain performed this service 
in a soldier-like manner, captur- 
ing the post from which the 
attack was made, and putting 
the rebels to flight. 

Sir Colin Campbell was un- 
doubtedly the master of Luck- 
now on the iyth. Small knots 
of the enemy were still fortified 
in isolated buildings, but these 
were easily captured. And now 
an imperative duty was promptly 
attended to. The camp-fol- 
lowers were not to be allowed 
to plunder the shops and private 
houses in the city. Sir Colin did 
not wish the citizens to look upon 
him as an enemy. He encour- 
aged them to return to their 
homes and occupations. He 
placed pickets of soldiers in 
some of the streets to protect 
them from violence, and com- 
pelled camp-followers to give 
up plunder they had appropri- 
ated; and issued the following 
general order : " It having been 
understood that several small 
pieces of ordnance captured in 
the city have been appropriated 
by individuals, all persons hav- 
ing such in their possession are 
directed at once to make them 
over to the commissary of ord- 
nance in charge of the park. 

" It is reported to the com- 
mander-in-chief that the Sikhs 
and other native soldiers are 
plundering in a most outrageous 
manner, and refuse to give up 
their plunder to the guards told 
off for the express purpose of 



170 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



checking such proceedings. His 
Excellency desires that strong 
parties under the command of 
European officers be immedi- 
ately sent out from each native 
regiment to put a stop to these 
excesses. 

" Commanding officers of 
native regiments are called upon 
to use their best endeavours to 
restore order, and are held re- 
sponsible that all their men who 
are not on duty remain in camp, 
and that those who are on duty 
do not quit their posts. 

"All native soldiers not on 
duty are to be confined in camp 
till further orders, and all who 
may now be on duty in the city 
are to be relieved and sent back 
to the camp. 

" All commanding officers 
are enjoined to use their best 
endeavours to prevent their fol- 
lowers quitting the camp." 

On the 1 7th also, Mrs Orr 
and Miss Jackson the former 
the wife of Mr Orr and the lat- 
ter the sister of Sir Mount- 
stuart Jackson, who, it will be 
remembered, were put to death 
on the 22d of November, when 
the Residency was evacuated 
by the British were delivered 
from a cruel bondage. It was 
said the begum had interceded 
for the ladies, but during the 
subsequent four months their 
fate remained a mystery. On 
that auspicious iyth of Novem- 
ber, " Captain M'Neil and Lieu- 
tenant Bogle, both attached to 
the Goorkha force, while explor- 
ing some deserted streets in the 
suburbs, were accosted by a 



native, who asked their protec- 
tion for his house and property. 
The man sought to purchase 
this protection by a revelation 
concerning certain English 
ladies, who, he declared, were 
in confinement in a place known 
to him. Almost immediately 
another native brought a note 
from Mrs Orr and Miss Jack- 
son, begging earnestly for suc- 
cour. M'Neil and Bogle in- 
stantly obtained a guard of fifty 
Goorkhas, and, guided by the 
natives, went on their errand of 
mercy. After walking through 
half a mile of narrow streets, 
doubtful of an ambush at every 
turning, they came to a house 
occupied by one Meer Wajeed 
Ali, who held, or had held, some 
office under the court. After a 
little parleying, M'Neil and 
Bogle were led to an obscure 
apartment, where were seated 
two ladies in Oriental costume. 
These were the prisoners who 
had long been excluded from 
every one of their own country, 
and who were overwhelmed with 
tearful joy at this happy deliver- 
ance. It was not known whether 
this Meer Wajeed Ali was en- 
deavouring to buy off safety for 
himself by betraying a trust re- 
posed in him, but the two Eng- 
lish officers deemed it best to 
lose no time in securing their 
countrywomen's safety, whether 
he were a double-dealer or not. 
They procured a palanquin, put 
the ladies into it, and marched 
off with their living treasure, 
proud enough of their after- 
noon's work When these pool 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



177 



ladies told their sad tale of woe, 
with countenances on which 
marks of deep suffering were 
expressed, it became known 
that, though not exposed to any 
actual barbarities or atrocities, 
like so many of their country- 
women in other parts of India, 
their lives had been made very 
miserable by the unfeeling con- 
duct of their jailers, who were 
permitted to use gross and in- 
sulting language in their pre- 
sence, and to harrow them with 
recitals of what Europeans were 
and had been suffering. They 
had had food in moderate suffi- 
ciency, but of other sources of 
solace they were almost wholly 
bereft. It was fully believed 
that they would not have been 
restored alive had the jailer 
obeyed the orders issued to him 
by the Moulvie," a fanatical 
chieftain who had risen high in 
the esteem of the Begum of 
Oude, who acted during the re- 
bellious occupation of Lucknow 
as regent in the name of the son 
of the ex-king, who had been 
set at the head of the insurrec- 
tion in that province. 

A combined movement was 
organised on the ipth against 
the Moosa Bagh, the last posi- 
tion held by the insurgents on 
the line of the Goomtee. Some 
said the begum was there, or, 
at least, the Moulvie. Sir James 
Outram moved forward directly 
against the place, Hope Grant 
cannonaded it from the left 
bank of the river, while Brig- 
adier Campbell, approaching on 
the remote side from the Alum 



Bagh, prevented retreat in that 
direction. Among the intrench 
ed insurgents discord reigned. 
The begum reproached the 
thalookdars, or landholders, with 
disloyalty to her, they in their 
turn reproached the sepoys ; the 
Moulvie was suspected of a 
plan of his own to secure for 
himself the throne of Oude. As 
soon, therefore, as they learned 
that the British were approach- 
ing, they all did their best to 
escape, and did escape more 
successfully than was agreeable 
to Sir Colin Campbell. 

The Moulvie, who had lived 
in adulterous intimacy with the 
begum, who had possessed 
great influence in Lucknow dur- 
ing the temporary suppression 
of British power, and whose 
prestige was not yet extinguish- 
ed, held still a stronghold in the 
very heart of the city. From 
this he was dislodged by Sir 
Edward Lugard on the 2ist, 
and Sir Colin Campbell was at 
length enabled to expedite the 
return to their homes and occu- 
pations of such natives, as had 
not been so intimately mixed up 
with the rebellion as to require 
very different measures regard- 
ing them. 

This was the last of the com- 
plicated operations of the siege 
of Lucknow, which had lasted 
from the 2d to the 2ist of 
March. 

The losses suffered by the 
British were small, all things 
considered. Sir Colin Camp- 
bell was careful of the lives of 
his men. His tactics all through 

M 



178 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the siege had been to allow 
shells and balls to do as much 
of the deadly work as possible. 
During the entire series of opera- 
tions, there were 19 officers 
killed and 48 wounded. The 
whole of the brigadiers and 
generals escaped untouched. 
The killed and wounded among 
the troops generally amounted 
to 1 100. The enemy's loss was 
supposed to be about 4000. 
One of the deaths most regretted 
was that of Major Hodson, of 
" Hodson's Horse," the captor 
of the King of Delhi. He fell 
on the day of the capture of the 
Begum Kothee. Having no 
special duty on that day, he rode 
over and joined in the storm- 
ing attack, and while assisting 
in clearing the courtyards and 
buildings, near the palace of 
lurking rebels, the gallant Hod- 
son was shot by a sepoy. His 
own irregular troopers cried 
over him like children. When 
he was buried behind the Mar- 
tini&re College, Sir Colin Camp- 
bell and his staff attended the 
funeral, at which the tender- 
hearted commander - in - chief 
made no attempt to conceal his 
emotions. 

It will be an appropriate con- 
clusion to this chapter to quote 
two ot the proclamations by 
which the populace of Lucknow 
were maddened into the deadly 
hatred of the British which un- 
doubtedly prevailed among them. 
These were found after Sir 
Colin Campbell had had time 
to gather information regarding 
the proceedings of the rebels 



since the month of November. 
The first, addressed to Moham 
medans, reads thus : 

"God says in the Koran: 
' Do not enter into the friend- 
ship of Jews and Christians; 
those who are their friends are 
of them, that is, the friends of 
Christians are Christians, the 
friends of Jews are Jews. God 
never shows His way to in- 
fidels.' By this it is evident that 
to befriend Christians is irreli- 
gious. Those who are their 
friends are not Mohammedans ; 
therefore, all the Mohammedan 
fraternity should with all their 
hearts be deadly enemies to the 
Christians, and never befriend 
them in any way, otherwise all 
will lose their religion and be- 
come infidels. 

" Some people, weak in faith 
and worldly, think that if they 
offend the Christians, they will 
fall their victims when their rule 
is re-established. God says of 
these people: 'Look in the 
hearts of these unbelievers, who 
are anxious to seek the friend- 
ship of Christians through fear 
of receiving injury,' to remove 
their doubts and assure their 
wavering mind. It is also said 
that 'God will shortly give us 
victory, or will do something 
by which our enemies will be 
ashamed of themselves/ The 
Mussulmans should, therefore, 
always hope, and never believe 
that the Christians will be victo- 
rious and injure them; but, on 
the contrary, should hope to 
gain the victory, and destroy all 
Christians. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



179 



" If all the Mohammedans 
join and remain firm to their 
faith, they would, no doubt, 
gain victory over the Christians, 
because God says that the vic- 
tory is due to the faithful from 
Him; but if they become 
cowards, and infirm to their 
religion, and do not sacrifice 
their private interest for the 
public good, the Europeans will 
be victorious, and, having sub- 
dued the Mohammedans, they 
will disarm, hang, shoot, or blow 
them away, seize upon their 
women and children, disgrace, 
dishonour, and christianise them, 
dig up their houses, and carry 
off their property; they will also 
burn sacred and religious books, 
destroy the musjids, and efface 
the name of Islam from the 
world. 

" If the Mohammedans have 
any shame, they should all join 
and prepare to kill the Chris- 
tians, without minding any one 
who says to the contrary; they 
should also know that no one 
dies before his time, and when 
the time comes, nothing can 
save them. Thousands of men 
are carried off by cholera and 
other pestilence; but it is not 
known whether they die in their 
senses, and be faithful to their 
own religion. 

" To be killed in a war against 
Christians is proof of obtaining 
martyrdom. All good Moham- 
medans pray for such a death ; 
therefore, every one should 
sacrifice his life for such a re- 
ward. Every one is to die 
assuredly, and those Moham- 



medans who would spare them- 
selves now, will be sorry on 
their death for their neglect 

" As it is the duty of all men 
and women to oppose, kill, and 
expel the Europeans for deeds 
committed by them at Delhi, 
Jhujur, Rewaree, and the Doab, 
all the Mohammedans should 
discharge their duty with a 
willing heart; if they neglect, 
and the Europeans overpower 
them, they will be disarmed, 
hung, and treated like the in- 
habitants of other unfortunate 
countries, and will have nothing 
but regret and sorrow for their 
lot. Wherefore, this notice is 
given to warn the public." 

Another proclamation, ad-' 
dressed principally to zemin- 
dars and Hindoos in general, 
but to Mohammedans also, 
was couched in the following 
terms : 

" All the Hindoos and Moham- 
medans know that man loves 
four things most: i. His re- 
ligion and caste ; 2. his honour; 
3. his own and his kinsman's 
lives ; 4. his property. All 
these four are well protected 
under native rulers; no one in- 
terferes with any one's religion; 
every one enjoys his respecta- 
bility according to his caste and 
wealth. All the respectable 
people Syad, Shaikh, Mogul, 
and Patan, among the Moham- 
medans; and Brahmins, Cha- 
trees, Bys, Kaeths, among the 
Hindoos are respected accord- 
ing to their castes. No low- 
caste people like chumars, 
dhanook, and parsees, can be 



180 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



equal to and address them 
disrespectfully. No one's life 
or property is taken unless for 
some heinous crime. 

" The British are quite against 
these four things. They want 
to spoil every one's caste, and 
wish both the Mohammedans 
and Hindoos to become Chris- 
tians. Thousands have turned 
renegades, and many will become 
so yet; both the nobles and low 
caste are equal in their eyes; 
they disgrace the nobles in the 
presence of the ignoble ; they 
arrest or summon to their courts 
the gentry, nawabs, and rajahs, 
at the instance of a chumar, 
and disgrace them; wherever 
they go they hang the respect- 
able people, kill their women 
and children; their troops dis- 
honour the women, and dig up 
and carry off their property. 
They do not kill the mahajuns, 
but dishonour their women, and 
carry off their money. They 
disarm the people wherever they 
go; and when the people are 
disarmed, they hang, shoot, or 
blow them away. 



" In some places, they de- 
ceive the landholders by pro- 
mising them remittance oi 
revenue, or lessen the amount 
of their lease; their object is, 
that when their government is 
settled, and every one becomes 
their subject, they can readily, 
according to their wish, hang, 
disgrace, or christianise them. 
Some of the foolish landholders 
have been deceived; but those 
who are wise and careful, do 
not fall into their snares. 

" Therefore, all Hindoos and 
Mohammedans, who wish to 
save their religion, honour, life, 
and property, are warned to join 
the Government forces, and not 
to be deceived by the British. 
The low-caste servants should 
also know that the office of 
watchmen is their hereditary 
right; but the British appoint 
others in their posts, and 
deprive them of their rights. 
They should, therefore, kill and 
plunder the British and their 
followers, and annoy them by 
committing robbery and thefts 
in their camp." 



CHAPTER XXI. 



OTHER STRUGGLES IN MARCH. 



DURING the month of March 
many mutinous events occurred 
in other districts ; all of pale 
importance,- no doubt, under the 



shadow of the final recapture of the heroic struggles of the I ri 



Lucknow, but each exhibiting 
the state of feeling among the 
natives, the fluctuation of for- 
tune among the rebels, rnd 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



181 



tish amid appalling difficul- 
ties. 

The Azimghur district, nearly 
north of that of Benares, was 
the scene of a vexatious rising of 
the sort. On the 2ist of the 
month a conflict took place at 
Atrowlia, twenty-five miles from 
Azimghur, between a body of mu- 
tineers and a small force under 
Colonel Millman, of Her Ma- 
jesty's 37th regiment, command- 
ant of the Azimghur field force. 
While the colonel was in camp 
at Koelsa, Mr Davis, a magis- 
trate, informed him that there 
was a considerable body of 
mutineers in the neighbourhood 
of Atrowlia. The colonel im- 
mediately proceeded towards 
the place with infantry, cavalry, 
and gunners, to the number of 
260 ; and at daybreak on the 
22d he came upon the enemy 
posted in several topes of mango 
trees. They were chiefly sepoys 
from Dinapoor, who had fol- 
lowed Koer Singh. He speed- 
ily discomfited the rebels, and 
put them to flight. 

This was but the beginning 
6'f the matter, however. While 
his men halted in the neigh- 
bourhood, and were preparing 
breakfast, Colonel Millman was 
suddenly informed that the in- 
surgents were advancing in great 
force. He immediately set for- 
ward with some skirmishers to 
reconnoitre, and found that the 
unwelcome news was true. The 
rebels were strongly posted, in 
the midst of topes of trees and 
sugar-canes, behind a mud-wall. 
Millman sent back at once for his 



troops ; but when they arrived 
he found it would serve no good 
purpose to engage the enemy, 
who were increasing rapidly 
every hour. The colonel retired 
slowly from Atrowlia to his 
camp at Koelsa, closely followed 
by the enemy, who kept firing 
at a distance, and endeavoured 
to turn his flank. He made 
one dash with his cavalry, but 
to no purpose; and when the 
rumour spread through the camp 
that the approaching force num- 
bered no fewer than 5000, a 
panic was created among the 
camp-followers. Many of the 
drivers left their carts, and all 
the cooks ran away. 

This was more perplexing 
than may be supposed ; soldiers 
could not be spared ior the 
duties discharged by these 
people. Besides, Colonel Mill- 
man knew that the camp was 
untenable in 'case of a night 
attack, especially when ade- 
quate supplies would not be 
served up to his men. He there- 
fore at once retreated to Azim- 
ghur, abandoning a portion of 
his tents and baggage, which 
the insurgents secured. 

This was a serious reverse. It 
paralysed the exertions of the 
few British officers and troops 
in the district, and the rebels 
vaunted abroad their triumph, 
the rumour of which spread 
among the natives with astonish- 
ing rapidity. Azimghur was in 
imminent danger, for it seemed 
as if this discomfiture had left it 
and the country around in the 
power of Koer Singh and his 



182 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



associates. The British in the 
city intrenched themselves in a 
jail, which was surrounded with 
a deep ditch, where they were 
besieged by the rebels, who had 
all the rest of the city in their 
hands. A messenger was sent 
to Benares on the 26th to an- 
nounce the catastrophe which 
had occurred ; but all that the 
British authorities there could 
do meantime, was to send fifty 
dragoons in carts, drawn by 
bullocks, and pushed by coolies. 
A telegraphic message was at 
the same time sent from Benares 
to Allahabad, in response to 
which a wing of Her Majesty's 
1 3th foot and the depot of the 
2d regiment were ordered off 
for service at Benares, or at 
Azimghur, as the need might be 
felt. 

A rumour that Koer Singh 
meant to attack Ghazeepore or 
Benares, on his way from Azim- 
ghur to Arrah, created great un- 
easiness at these stations. It 
will be seen by-and-by how 
Sir Colin Campbell had to deal 
with this district 

A most fortunate victory was 
won at Goruckpore early in 
March. A force of 12,000 in- 
surgents, led by such influential 
chiefs as Nazim Mahomed Hus- 
sein, Rajah Dabie Buksh of 
Gonda, the Rajah of Churdah, 
and Mehndee Ali Hussein, 
mounted on elephants, attacked 
on the 5th of the month about 
200 men of the naval brigade, 
under Captain Sotheby j 200 
Bengal yeomanry cavalry, 900 
Goorkhas, a few Sikhs about 



1300 men in all and two guns, 
under Colonel Rowcroft. The 
motley little garrison proved 
stanch, and not only repulsed 
the attack, but chased the enemy 
for seven miles, nearly to their 
camp at Bilwa, and captured 
eight guns as well as a great 
deal of ammunition. 

This victory was indeed fortun- 
ate, for Colonel Rowcroft learn- 
ed afterwards that many thou- 
sands of villagers on the banks 
of the Gogra were ready to rise 
in rebellion if the attack suc- 
ceeded. 

It was mentioned in the last 
chapter that the Governor-Gene- 
ral had come to Allahabad. 
While he was there an affair oc- 
curred which caused him and 
others considerable uneasiness. 
Some rebels had assembled in 
the district, at a place called 
Suraon, between Allahabad and 
Gopeegunje; and two companies 
of Her Majesty's 54th regi- 
ment, 100 Sikhs, a few Madras 
cavalry, were sent to dislodge 
them. Owing to want of cor- 
rect information concerning the 
position and strength of the 
enemy, and insufficient know- 
ledge of the locality, the force 
came suddenly to a place sur- 
rounded by a jungle, in which a 
large body of the rebels was 
concealed, who, to the astonish- 
ment of the magistrates of the 
district, possessed six pieces of 
artillery. They were not dis- 
lodged; on the contrary, tiiey 
opened a fire, which compelled 
the British force to retreat. In 
what way or from what source 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



183 



they had gained possession of 
these six pieces of artillery could 
not be accounted for. 

Tne operations of Sir Hugh 
Rose in Central India that 
region south of the Jumna in 
which Mahrattas and Bundelas 
were strong during the month 
of March were very important. 
This distinguished officer of the 
Bombay army kept gradually 
working his way north to Jhansi, 
defeating rebels everywhere as 
he advanced. On the 4th of 
March,he telegraphed to Bombay 
the following news, from his 
camp at Peeplia . " Yesterday, 
the troops under my command 
forced the pass of Mudenpore, 
after a short, but very vigorous, 
resistance. The troops, British 
and native, behaved gallantly. 
The pass is extremely strong, 
and the enemy suffered severely. 
They numbered about 4000 or 
5000 Pathans and Bundelas, 
and 600 or 700 sepoys of the 
52d and other regiments. I 
sent Major Orr in pursuit ; and 
he cut up fifty or sixty rebels, of 
whom a large proportion were 
sepoys. The enemy are scat- 
tered in every direction. They 
have abandoned the little for- 
tress of Seraj, a fort or arsenal, 
which is the property of the 
Rajah of Shaguhr, in which I 
shall have a small force to keep 
up my communication with the 
Saugor. I am now in com- 
munication with my first brig- 
ade, under Brigadier Stuart, at 
Chendaree; and this gives me 
command of the whole country 
up to Jhansi, with the exception 



of two or three forts which I 
can take." 

The pass of Mudenpore is in 
the line of hills which sepa- 
rated the British district of 
Saugor from the small state of 
Shaguhr. After abandoning the 
fort of Seraj a place where 
they manufactured, in a rude 
way, powder, shot, shell, car- 
riages, and tents the enemy 
precipitately fled from the town 
and fort of Murrowra, with a 
triple line of defences, the town 
and fort of Multhone, the pass 
of Goonah, the pass and town 
of Hurat, and the fort of Cornel 
Gurh. So that the capture of 
the pass of Mudenpore pro- 
duced advantages far greater 
than those Sir Hugh Rose was 
aware of, when he sent his 
telegram of the 4th. 

The Rajah of Shaguhr hav- 
ing joined the insurgents, Sir 
Hugh Rose occupied that 
hitherto independent district 
He had to be constantly on the 
alert. Balla Sahib, brother of 
the Nana, was at this time at 
the head of an army of rabble, 
and was levying contributions 
in various parts of Bundelcund. 
This rebel exacted seven lacs of 
rupees from the Rajah of Chu- 
anpore; he destroyed Chur- 
karee by fire, because the 
rajah of that town resisted a 
similar demand, and Mr Carne, 
the British resident there, nar- 
rowly escaped being taken by 
him, while the rajah was com- 
pelled to take refuge in his fort 

Brigadier Stuart was, in the 
meantime, engaged in clearing 



184 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



out various rebel haunts in the 
districts lying to the south of 
Jhansi. He left his camp, near 
the Chendaree Fort, on the 6th, 
and marched six or eight miles, 
through a thick jungle, to 
Khookwasas, a fort near which 
a large body of rebels was as- 
sembled. Here he found that 
they had barricaded the road, 
and lined the hills on either 
side with men armed with 
matchlocks; but his engineers 
soon cleared the barricades, 
and a small party of the 86th 
regiment rushed up the hills, 
and made short work of the 
matchlockmen. They dislodg- 
ed them at once. Shortly after- 
wards, however, he came on the 
chief body of the rebels, posted 
behind the wall of an enclosure, 
about a mile beyond the fort. 
The 86th dashed forward and 
cleared them out of that posi- 
tion, Captain Keating and Lieu- 
tenant Lewis climbing to the 
top of it before any of their 
men, and jumping down into it 
first. On the iyth, Stuart cap- 
tured the fort itself, a strong 
rampart of sandstone, flanked 
by circular towers, and crown- 
ing a hill of considerable height. 
Captain Keating was severely 
wounded whilst foremost again 
of the storming party. The 
escape of the enemy was pro- 
voking. It was almost entirely 
owing to the fact of a letter ar- 
riving too late. The brigadier 
received a message on the even- 
ing of the 1 6th, informing him 
that Captain Abbott was within 
available distance, with a con- 



siderable body of irregular cav- 
alry ; he despatched a letter at 
once to Abbott, requesting him 
to hasten forward and invest 
the north side of the fort. But 
this letter did not reach the 
captain in time; and, conse- 
quently, the rebels made their 
escape northwards. Eight iron 
guns and two of brass were 
taken, these being all that were 
in the stronghold. This left 
the inhabitants of the town free 
to resume their peaceful avoca- 
tions. And they seemed far 
from being sorry that the rebels 
were put beyond reach ol 
troubling them. 

Sir Hugh Rose, having had 
his advance to Jhansi greatly 
facilitated by these successes of 
Brigadier Stuart, marched on 
with the second brigade, and 
reached that blood-stained city 
on the 2 1 sk He telegraphed 
to Bombay the following ac- 
count of his operations, from 
the 2oth to the 25th of the 
month : " On the 20th, my cav- 
alry invested as much as pos- 
sible the fort and town of Jhansi. 
The next day, the rest of my 
force arrived. The rebels have 
fortified the walls of the town, 
and, shutting themselves up in 
the town and fort, have not de- 
fended the advanced position 
of Jhansi. The Ranee has left 
her palace in the town, and has 
gone into the fort. The rebel 
garrison numbers 1500 sepoys, 
of whom 500 are cavalry, and 
10,000 Bundelas, with thirty or 
forty cannon. The position is 
strong; but I have occupied 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



1P5 



two good positions, one a 
breaching, the other a flanking 
one. I have been delayed Dy 
want of a plan of Jhansi, and 
consequently have been obliged 
to make long and repeated re- 
connaissances. I opened a 



flanking fire, vertical and hori- 
zontal, yesterday the 25th 
and hope to open a breaching 
fire to-morrow, or, at latest, the 
next day." As we shall see, a 
successful assault was made on 
the town in April. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



STRUGGLING STILL IN APRIL. 



SIR COLIN CAMPBELL'S war 
policy, after the fall of Lucknow, 
was to crush the scattered mu- 
tineers in detail before they 
succeeded in recombining ; and 
with this view he almost imme- 
diately broke up the army of 
Oude into divisions. The com- 
mander-in-chief remained in 
Lucknow until the middle of 
April, organising plans of oper- 
ations for his brigadiers. In the 
second week of the month 
he took a gallop to Allahabad 
a perilous ride in the cir- 
cumstances and had an inter- 
view with Viscount Canning, the 
result of which was the depar- 
ture of Sir Colin himself, as well 
as his generals, for active service 
in districts distant from Luck- 
now. 

Sir James Outram was trans- 
ferred from the chief-commis- 
sionership of Oude to the su- 
preme council at Calcutta. 

Sir Edward Lugard was or- 
dered to look after Koer Singh, 
and the region infested by his 



circuitous movements. He left 
Lucknow with a strong column, 
and reached Jounpoor on the 
9th of April, near to which city 
next day he encountered and 
put to flight a body of rebels 
under Gholab Hossein, one of 
their leaders. When Lugard 
left Jounpoor for Azimghur, a 
large rebel force, getting into his 
rear, attempted to re-enter the 
former city. This caused him 
to arrange for dispersing these 
rebels before proceeding farther. 
He did so, a service during 
which Lieutenant Charles Have- 
lock, a nephew of the illustrious 
general, was killed. This brave 
young officer had been adjutant 
of the 1 2th Bengal native irre- 
gular cavalry when the mutiny 
first broke out, and was thrown 
out of employment when that 
regiment joined the revolt He 
went as a volunteer with his 
uncle, and was for nine months 
more or less engaged in the 
operations in and around Luck- 
now. When Lugard was ap- 



186 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



pointed to the column at present 
under notice, young Havelock 
accompanied him, holding a 
command in a Goorkha bat- 
talion, and he was shot from a 
hut in an obscure village, while 
the -rebels who had got into 
Lugard's rear were being dis- 
persed. 

The column being again put 
on the march, reached Azimghur 
on the 1 5th, where a portion of 
Koer Singh's main army was 
encountered at the bridge of 
boats which crossed the small 
river Tons at that city. They 
were defeated and dispersed only 
after a determined struggle. When 
the battle at the bridge was over, 
Sir Edward Lugard discovered 
the full import of its significance. 
He had been fighting merely 
with the rear-guard of Koer 
Singh's army. That traitor, with 
the main body of his force, 
proving too quick for his pur- 
suers, quitted Azimghur on one 
side as Lugard was entering it 
on the other. It was extremely 
desirable, however, that he 
should not be allowed to go off 
in this manner, free to work 
mischief elsewhere ; so on the 
1 6th Brigadier Douglas was sent 
in pursuit of him with two regi- 
ments and some cavalry and 
artillery, while Lugard himself 
encamped for a while at Azim- 
ghur. 

When Koer Singh reached a 
point at which he thought he 
should be able to cross the 
Ganges in the district of Shah- 
abad, where Arrah was situated, 
he separated from some of the 



other native chieftains. He had 
with him 2000 sepoys and a 
multitude of rabble. Brigadier 
Douglas pursued them with very 
rapid forced marches 200 miles 
in five days of great heat came 
up with them at Bansdeh, and 
drove them to Beyriah, Koer 
Singh himself being wounded. 
The rebels at last reached Jug- 
dispore, the hereditary domain 
of their wounded chief. 

The town of Arrah was at that 
time occupied by 150 of Her 
Majesty's 35th foot, 150 Sikhs, 
and 50 seamen of the Naval 
Brigade all under the com- 
mand of Captain Le Grand. 
This officer, a little over confi- 
dently, sallied forth from Arrah 
to prevent Koer Singh's force 
reaching Jugdispore, or to dis- 
turb their rest there. He found 
them, to the number of 2000, 
posted in a jungle, but dispirited 
and without guns. Le Grand's 
small force attacked them at 
daylight on the 23d, and the 
result was a discomfiture of Brit- 
ish troops, as mortifying if not 
as disastrous as that which had 
been formerly inflicted by Koer 
Singh. * 

After some ineffectual firing 
of howitzers, a bugle sounding 
retreat was heard, upon which 
Le Grand's force abandoned 
guns and elephants, and fled 
towards Arrah, followed closely 
by the enemy, shooting and cut- 
ting them down. Two-thirds 
of the men of the 35th were 
killed .or wounded, and among 
the former was the unfortunate 
Le Grand himself. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



187 



This disaster near Jugdispore 
hastened the movements of 
Brigadier Douglas. He crossed 
the Ganges on the 25th at 
Seenaghat, and pushed on the 
84th foot and two guns towards 
Jugdispore. But it was not 
until May that that nest of 
rebels was cleared out. 

Leaving Sir Edward Lugard's 
column at this stage of one 
branch of its operations, the 
command to which Sir Hope 
Grant was appointed is to be 
noticed. He was appointed to 
a column or brigade for opera- 
tions within the province of 
Oude, Lugard's being directed 
eastward of that. 

This column consisted of Her 
Majesty's 38th foot, a battalion 
of the Rifle Brigade, a regiment 
of Sikhs, Her .Majesty's gth Lan- 
cers Hope Grant's own regi- 
ment a small body of reliable 
native cavalry, two troops of 
horse artillery, and a small siege 
and mortar train. The Moulvie 
of Fyzabad, whose influence had 
reached such a height in Luck- 
now, had collected a force near 
Baree, about thirty miles north 
of Lucknow ; and the Begum of 
Oude had fled, with several 
cart-loads of treasure, to Bitow- 
lie, the domain of a rebel named 
Gorhuccus Singh. Sir Hope 
Grant was appointed to capture, 
intercept, or defeat the rebels in 
the service of these leaders. He 
left Lucknow on the nth of 
April, with Brigadier Horsford 
as his second in command. 

Moving circumspectly through 
a district in which the people 



were far from loyal to the British 
Government, Hope Grant ap- 
proached near Baree. Here 
the Moulvie's cavalry got into 
the rear, and attempted to cut 
off his baggage train, which was 
necessarily a very long one, and 
it was as much as the rear-guard 
could do to repel this attack 
and protect the baggage train. 
But they did it. 

Turning eastward, Sir Hope 
Grant marched towards the Go- 
gra, in the hope of intercepting 
the Begum of Oude. In this he 
did not succeed. He obtained 
information that the begum was 
retreating northward with one 
large force, and the Moulvie 
westward with another, but did 
not catch either of these evasive 
personages. 

Bareilly, on the Rohilcund 
side of Oude, was a nest of 
rebels, which Sir Colin Camp- 
bell resolved must be conquered 
as Delhi and Lucknow had 
been. Two columns were told 
off for this important service 
one to advance north-west from 
Lucknow, and the other south- 
east from Roorkee. 

Brigadier Jones was appoint- 
ed to the latter column, and on 
the 1 5th of April he marched 
from Roorkee with a force of 
3000 good troops, strengthened 
by eight heavy and six light 
guns. On the iyth he crossed 
the Ganges at Nagul, knowing 
that Bareilly was more easily 
reached from the other side of 
the river, and he arrived at 
Mooradabad very opportunely, 
after an encounter by the way 



188 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



with an insurgent force near 
Nuggena, whose guns he cap- 
tured, and also six elephants. 

What rendered Jones' arrival 
opportune was that Feroze 
Shah, one of the princes of 
Delhi, in league with the Bareilly 
mutineers, marched on the 2ist 
of April to Mooradabad, and 
demanded money and supplies. 
Mooradabad was not so deeply 
steeped in rebellion as Bareilly. 
The demand was refused, and 
fighting and pillage were the 
consequences. While the plun- 
dering was at its hottest on the 
26th, Brigadier Jones entered 
the city, put a stop to it, drove 
out the rebels, captured many 
insurgent chiefs, and re-estab- 
lished the confidence of the 
people in the power of the 
British Government. 

General Walpole was appoint- 
ed to the command of the 
column which was to proceed 
against Bareilly from Lucknow, 
with Brigadier Adrian Hope as 
the head of his infantry. Leav- 
ing the capital of (Dude for this 
march which was confessedly 
a very oppressive one, daylight 
being requisite to guide the 
troops through numberless lurk- 
ing dangers, and the sun accord- 
ingly shining above them like a 
ball of fire Walpole came on 
the 1 4th of June to Fort Rho- 
damow, about fifty miles from 
Lucknow. It seemed no great 
place, a group of houses enclosed 
by a high mud-wall, loopholed 
for musketry, provided with irre- 
gular bastions at the angles, and 
having two gates. Walpole had 



heard while marching through 
the jungle towards Rohilcund 
that 1 500 insurgents had thrown 
themselves into this fort, but 
the number turned out to be 
much smaller. He certainly did 
not, as the result showed, attach 
sufficient importance to the 
capability of those who used it 
as a stronghold. It would ap- 
pear that he made no very 
careful reconnaissance, and it is 
certain that the attack on it was 
made with infantry without a 
previous application of artillery. 
The 42d Highlanders and the 
4th Punjaub infantry were sent 
forward to take the fort, but as 
they approached it they were 
received with a fire of musketry 
from a concealed enemy as un- 
expected as it was fierce and 
galling, which effectually check- 
ed the advance of the assailants. 
The gallant Brigadier Adrian 
Hope was killed at the head of 
his Highlanders. 

The enemy being hidden be- 
hind the loopholed wall, the 
British troops could not fire 
effectively in reply. Everything 
that was done seemed only to 
cause more confusion. The 
supports sent up came too late, 
or went to the wrong place, and 
the troops were compelled to 
retire in a state of exasperation, 
amid yells of triumph from be- 
hind the wall. 

Only then it was that the 
heavy guns were brought up to 
accomplish what they ought to 
have been placed for at first; 
they breached the wall, but the 
Indians had quietly evacuated 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



189 



the fort during the night, having 
suffered scarcely any loss. 

During this mortifying dis- 
aster Quarter-master Sergeant 
Simpson, of the 42 d, displayed 
the reckless boldness which 
characterises a military hero in 
such circumstances. When the 
infantry had been recalled from 
the attack, he heard that two 
officers of his regiment had been 
left behind, dead or wounded, 
in the ditch outside the wall. 
He rushed back, seized the 
body of Captain Bromley, and 
brought it away amid a torrent 
of bullets; back again, he 
brought away in his arms the 
body of Captain Douglas under 
a similar fire of musketry, and 
did not cease until he had 
brought seven bodies thus out 
of the ditch. The men of the 
42 d could not forgive General 
Walpole for what they regarded 
as a deep personal injury inflict- 
ed on them by this order to 
attack before the guns had been 
brought into play. It was not 
like an order given by a general 
who had observed Sir Colin 
Campbell's method of proce- 
dure before Lucknow. 

Sir Colin had his own thoughts 
when the news of the untoward 
event reached him. He paid in 
a despatch a marked compliment 
to Adrian Hope, saying : " The 
death of this most distinguished 
and gallant officer causes the 
deepest grief to the commander- 
in-chief. Still young in years, 
he had risen to high command ; 
and by his undaunted courage, 
combined as it was with extreme 



kindness and charm of manner, 
had secured the confidence of 
his brigade in no ordinary de- 
gree." Viscount Canning, in a 
like spirit, officially notified that 
"no more mournful duty has 
fallen upon the Governor-Gene- 
ral in the course of the present 
contest than that of recording 
the death of this distinguished 
young commander." 

General Walpole pursued his 
march for seven or eight days 
without encountering the enemy, 
till on the 22d he had a success- 
ful encounter with a large body 
of the enemy at Sirsa. He at- 
tacked them so vigorously with 
his cavalry and artillery that 
their camp was captured, and 
they were driven over the river 
Ramgunga so precipitately that 
they had no opportunity of de- 
stroying the bridge of boats by 
which they passed. Thisachieve- 
ment enabled Walpole to carry 
his heavy guns safely over the 
river on the 23d. 

A few days later, Sir Colin 
Campbell and his column joined 
him at Tingree, near the Ram- 
gunga ; and, after short repose, 
a few hours' march brought the 
united columns to Jelalabad, 
one of the many places of that 
name in India. 

The Moulvie of Fyzabad, it 
was ascertained, had intended 
to make a stand at this fort; 
but he abandoned it for a larger 
stronghold at Shahjehanpoor, 
at which place Sir Colin Camp- 
bell and General Walpole ar- 
rived on the last day of the 
month, only to learn that the 



190 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



watchful and energetic Moulvie 
had again eluded their grasp. 
Shahjehanpoor, however, was 
regained after it had been eleven 
months in the hands of the 
rebels. But what was very pro- 
voking, it was learned here 
that the Moulvie had retreated 
towards Oude, a wily move on 
his part, for his presence there 
was the thing least desired by 
the commander-in-chief. Nana 
Sahib also had quitted Shahje- 
hanpoor a few days before the 
British arrived, and before he 
left, had given orders that all 
the government buildings be de- 
stroyed in order to deprive the 
British of shelter when they ar- 
rived. The order was duly 
attended to, and there being few 
roofed buildings left, the troops 
had to encamp under a tope of 
trees, with earth intrenchments 
thrown up round their encamp- 
ment. 

Captain Sir William Peel, the 
spirited and gallant commander 
of the Naval Brigade, died at 
Cawnpore after Sir Colin Camp- 
bell's force had left that city. 
After being wounded at Luck- 
now, he was carried thither on 
a litter, and gradually became 
so much better as to be able to 
walk about a little with the aid 
of a stick; but he was seized 
with smallpox, which proved 
fatal to a system at once ardent 
and debilitated. 

In the upper Doab, numerous 
rebel chieftains, each at the head 
of a small force, kept the British 
commanders constantly on the 
alert. Brigadier Seaton had the 



district round Futtehghur en- 
trusted to his care, and on the 
evening of the 6th of April he 
left the city of Futtehghur with 
1400 men, infantry, cavalry, 
mounted police, and artillery, 
to disperse a body of rebels re- 
garding whom he had received 
information. After marching all 
night, he came up with them at 
seven o'clock in the morning at 
a place called Kankur. There 
were among the rebels many 
troopers well mounted and 
armed, although the large force 
was not at all effectively organ- 
ised. After the artillery had 
been brought into play on both 
sides, and a sharp fire from the 
Enfield rifles of the British, Her 
Majesty's 82d foot rushed for- 
ward, entered the village, and 
worked such havoc as made the 
rebels flee in terror, leaving 
arms, ammunition, and stores. 
They left also important papers 
and correspondence which were 
of great use to the British au- 
thorities as throwing light upon 
the proceedings of the muti- 
neers. 

" One of the few pleasant 
scenes of the month at Delhi," 
says an authority already quoted, 
" was the awarding of honour 
and profit to a native who had 
befriended Europeans in the 
hour of greatest need. Ten 
months before, when mutiny was 
still new and terrible, the native 
troops at Bhurtpore rose in re- 
volt, and compelled the Euro- 
peans in the neighbourhood to 
flee for their lives. The poor 
fugitives, thirty-two in number, 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



191 



chiefly women and children, 
roamed from place to place, 
uncertain where they might j 
sleep in peace. One day they 
arrived at the village of Ma- 
honah. Here they met with 
Hidayut Ali, the captain of a 
regiment of irregular cavalry, 
which had mutinied at Mozuffer- 
nugger ; he was on furlough at 
his native place, and did not join 
his mutinous companions. He 
received the fugitives with kind- 
ness and courtesy, fed them 
liberally, gave them a comfort- 
able house, renewed their toil- 
worn garments, posted village 
sentries to give notice of the ap- 
proach of any mutineers, disre- 
garded a rebuke sent to him by 
the insurgents at Delhi, formed 
the villagers into an escort, and 
finally placed the thirty -two 
fugitives in a position which 
enabled them to reach Agra in 
safety. This noble conduct was 
not forgotten. In April, the 
commissioner held a grand dur- 
bar at Delhi, made a compli- 
mentary speech to Hidayut Ali, 
presented him with a sword 
valued at 1000 rupees, and an- 
nounced that the Government 
intended to bestow upon him 
the jaghire or revenues of his 
native village." 

Returning to Sir Hugh Rose 
before Jhansi on the ist of 
April, his force encountered an 
army of the enemy outside the 
walls of that blood-stained city, 
and inflicted on them an unmis- 
takable defeat. They were com- 
manded by Tanteea Topee, a 
Mahratta chieftain, and a rela- 



tive of Nana Sahib, who had 
marched thither to relieve his 
fellow-rebels who were shut up 
within the city. Sir Hugh told 
off from the besiegers a force 
which he thought sufficient to 
cope with this new arrival, which 
contained two regiments of the 
Gwalior contingent. The rebels 
fought with the fury of despera- 
tion, but Sir Hugh turned their 
flank with artillery and cavalry, 
broke them up, and put them to 
flight. He pursued them to the 
river Betwa, and captured all 
their guns and ammunition. 
During the pursuit, the rebels 
set fire to the jungle, but, 
nothing daunted or dismayed, 
the British cavalry and horse 
artillery galloped through the 
flames, keeping close to the 
heels of the enemy fleeing in 
terror. That day's work cost 
Tanteea Topee 1500 men. 

The Ranee had relied on the 
arrival of this chieftain, but the 
battle of Betwa dashed this 
hope. Sir Hugh Rose lost no 
time. Re-arranging his forces, 
the assault on the city was made 
at once. The infantry of Her 
Majesty's 86th and the Bombay 
25th regiments soon gained the 
walls some by breach and 
others by ladders. Lieutenant 
Dartnell of the 86th was fore- 
most in the assault, and he nar- 
rowly escaped being cut to 
pieces when he entered the city. 
This was the attack of Sir Hugh's 
left. The right also entered 
the city and joined their com- 
panions near the Ranee's palace. 
But that princess had fled dur- 



192 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



ing the night. There was a ter- 
rible slaughter; 3000 rebels 
were slain, including many of 
the townspeople who favoured 
them. The British loss was not 
great, owing to the suddenness 
of the evacuation. Jhansi was 
comparatively easily taken, for 
it was really a place of great 
strength. Sir Hugh Rose tele- 
graphed : " Jhansi is not a 
fort, but its strength makes it a 
fortress ; it could not have been 
breached; it could only have 
been taken by mining and blow- 
ing up one bastion after an- 
other." 

Sir Hugh moved from Jhansi 
after this signal defeat of the 
rebels, and advanced towards 
Calpee, on the road from that 
city to Cawnpore, where Tan- 
teea Topee was making strenu- 
ous exertions to retain hold in 
the region. He had been joined 
by the Ranee and some other 
rebel leaders ; and they had at 
their command 7000 men and 
four guns, and were desper- 
ately resolved at all hazards 
to prevent the march of the 
British column to Calpee. The 
result was not arrived at till 
May. 

Southward of Bombay, there 
was trouble in the small Mah- 
ratta state of Satara. The com- 



mand er-in-chief and the artillery 
commandant of the recently 
deposed rajah were detected 
in treasonable correspondence 
with Nana Sahib. One of them, 
when sentenced to be hanged, 
influenced by his high -caste 
notions, begged to be blown 
away from a gun, as a death 
more worthy of a nobleman. 
This was refused ; but before 
his execution he made a confes- 
sion which afforded the authori- 
ties a clue to further conspiracies, 
which were duly nipped in the 
bud. 

At Kolapore two native offi- 
cers were blown away from the 
guns, after being convicted as 
mutineers. This occurrence ex- 
cited a great deal of remark at 
the time. These very men had 
sat in courts-partial at which 
numbers of their brother muti- 
neers had been condemned tc 
the same mode of execution ; 
and it was one of these a man 
they had sentenced to death, 
but who escaped by making a 
confession which implicated 
them who was the principal 
witness against them. Stranger 
than this, many others had met 
their doom, aware of the guilt of 
their judges, who, by making a 
similar confession, might, per- 
haps, have been spared. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



193 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



PROGRESS OF THE STRUGGLE IN MAY. 



BRIGADIER DOUGLAS arrived at j 
Arrah on the ist of May, and 
became convinced that he had 
not a force sufficient to cope 
effectually with Koer Singh. Sir 
Ed ward Lugard, therefore, having 
left a few troops to guard Azim- \ 
ghur, arrived in the neighbour- 
hood of Jugdispore on the 8th, 
and came in sight of some of 
the rebels. Sir Edward Lugard 
next day was preparing for en- 
campment a little to the west of 
Jugdispore, when he observed a 
large body of rebels forming 
outside the jungle, and moving 
in the direction of Arrah. An- 
other body of them, more 
numerous than the former, be- 
gan to fire at the newly-selected 
camp, before the British could 
get their baggage up, or their 
tents fixed. There was no time 
now for arranging the camp, so, 
dividing his force into three 
columns, Sir Edward Lugard 
attacked Jugdispore from three 
points at once, and took it with- 
out much trouble, the rebels 
making only a slight resistance. 
They retired, however, to Lut- 
warpore, in the jungle, taking 
with them two guns they had 
captured from the British during 
the previous month. 

It was low rumoured that 
Koer Singh had died of his 
wounds; and that the rebels 
under his brother, Ummer 
Singh, were ill-supplied and in 



great confusion. Ritbhunghur 
Singh, a nephew of theirs, gave 
himself up to the British, hoping 
that he would procure forgive- 
ness by proving that, in earlier 
months, he had befriended cer- 
tain Europeans at a time of 
great peril. 

On the loth, after destroying 
all the fortifications of Jugdis- 
pore and the buildings which 
had belonged to Koer Singh, 
Sir Edward Lugard followed the 
rebels into the jungle. He sent 
Colonel Corfield with a force in 
one direction towards Lutwar- 
pore, while he, marching through 
a bed of jungle in another 
direction, attacked them on a 
side which they thought needed 
no protection. Lugard and 
Corfield were everywhere suc- 
cessful, notwithstanding that it 
was an instance of that prosaic 
kind of wars which bring more 
fatigue than glory. 

Though chastised and hewn 
asunder, the rebels showed a 
snaky power of recombining; 
and they continued to harass the 
neighbourhood as freebooters, if 
not by formidable military pro- 
jects. Practically, therefore, Sir 
Edward Lugard broke down the 
military organisation of the 
rebels in that part of India. 

In the Goruckpore district, 
somewhat farther north, Maho- 
med Hussein with 4000 men 
attacked the Rajah of Bansee, 

N 



194 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



one of the chiefs who had re- 
mained faithful to the British 
Government. The rajah fled 
to a stronghold in the neigh- 
bouring jungle, while his enemies 
plundered his palace, and sacked 
the town of Bansee. 

Mr Wingfield, the commis- 
sioner of Goruckpore, came to 
the rescue. He immediately 
marched to the stronghold with 
250 Europeans and some guns, 
and found the rajah besieged 
there. The rebels did not wait 
to see what Mr Wingfield would 
do. As soon as they heard he 
was there, they fled with all 
their might, notwithstanding the 
immense superiority of their 
force in numbers. 

About Allahabad insubordina- 
tion took shapes which might 
not unfitly be characterised 
as impudent. They seemed 
to be meant to show how de- 
fiant the rebels could be to the 
Governor-General and his staff, 
who still remained in that city. 
Incendiarism was vexatiously 
frequent. On the 24th of May 
a new range of barracks was set 
on fire, and six of the bungalows 
were completely destroyed. One 
poor invalid soldier was burned 
to death, and many others were 
severely injured. The road 
from Allahabad to Cawnpore 
was scarcely passable without 
an escort. The British were 
strong in a few places ; but small 
bodies of the rebels were scat- 
tered all over the country their 
knowledge of which enabled 
them to baffle their pursuers. 
The opposition to the British 



rule had assumed that guerrilla 
character which is very harass- 
ing, and particularly difficult to 
cope with. Flies and mosquitoes 
are a torture to heroes whose 
hearts beat high for the tiger- 
hunt. 

On the 2d of May the Rohil- 
cund field force started from 
Shahjehanpore to commence 
operations against Bareilly. Sir 
Colin Campbell assumed the 
command in person, leaving 
behind him a small force for the 
defence of Shahjehanpore. On 
the 3d he reached Futtehgunje, 
where it had been arranged that 
General Penny should join him 
with a column. The general 
had unfortunately been killed in 
a struggle with the mutineers 
during his march to this rendez- 
vous j but his column was there 
under Colonel H. R. Jones, who 
is to be distinguished from 
Brigadier John Jones, com- 
mander of the force which came 
from Roorkee. 

Proceeding on his march, Sir 
Colin Campbell reached Fureed- 
pore on the 4th only one day's 
journey from Bareilly. Here he 
learned that Nana Sahib, and 
the Delhi prince, Feroze Shah, 
had fled from the city; and was 
informed that Mahomed Khan 
still remained at the head of the 
rebels. On the latter point, 
however, and regarding the 
number of the enemy's forces, 
he could obtain no reliable in- 
formation. 

Early in the morning of the 
5th, Sir Colin left his camping 
ground at Fureedpore, and ad- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



195 



vanced towards Bareilly, to the 
entrance of which the only 
obstacle was a stream with 
rather steep banks. The rebels, 
as the British approached, fired 
some shots from a battery at 
the entrance to Bareilly, having 
made scarcely any attempt to 
fortify the stream that crossed 
the high road, or the bridge 
across the stream. Advancing 
through a suburb on one side of 
the city, Sir Colin ordered the 
42 d and 79th regiments and a 
Sikh regiment, to explore a 
ruined mass of one -storied 
houses. Dr Russell described 
what followed in the columns 
of the Times : "As soon as the 
Sikhs got into the houses," he 
wrote, "they were exposed to 
a heavy fire from a large 
body of matchlockmen con- 
cealed around them. They 
either retired of their own ac- 
cord, or were ordered to do 
so; at all events, they fell 
back with rapidity and dis- 
order upon the advancing High- 
landers. And now occurred 
a most extraordinary scene. 
Among the matchlockmen, who, 
to the number of 700 or 800, 
were lying behind the walls 
of the houses, was a body 
of Ghazees, or Mussulman 
fanatics, who, like the Roman 
Decii, devote their lives with 
solemn oaths to their country or 
their faith. Uttering loud cries, 
* Bismillah, Allah, deen, deen !' 
130 of these fanatics, sword 
in hand, with small circular 
bucklers on the left arm, and 
green cummerbungs, rushed out 



after the Sikhs, and dashed at 
the left of the right wing of the 
Highlanders. With bodies bent 
and heads low, waving their 
tulwars with a circular motion 
in the air, they came on with 
astonishing rapidity. At first 
they were mistaken for Sikhs, 
whose passage had already some- 
what disordered our ranks. For- 
tunately, Sir Colin Campbell was 
close up with the 42d; his keen, 
quick eye detected the case at 
once. * Steady, men, steady! 
close up the ranks. Bayonet 
them as they come on.' It was 
just in time; for these madmen, 
furious with bang, were already 
among us, and a body of them 
sweeping around the left of the 
right wing, got into the rear of 
the regiment. The struggle was 
sanguinary, but short. Three 
of them dashed so suddenly 
at Colonel Cameron that they 
pulled him off his horse ere 
he could defend himself. His 
sword fell out of its sheath; and 
he would have been hacked to 
pieces in another moment but 
for the gallant promptitude of 
Colour-Sergeant Gardiner, who, 
stepping out of the ranks, drove 
his bayonet through two of them 
in the twinkling of an eye. The 
third was shot by one of the 
42d. Brigadier Walpole had a 
similar escape. He was seized 
by two or three of the Ghazees, 
who sought to pull him off his 
horse, while others cut at him 
with their tulwars. He received 
two cuts on the hand; but he 
was delivered from the enemy 
by the quick bayonets of the 



196 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



42 d. In a few minutes the 
dead bodies of 133 of these 
Ghazees, and some 18 or 20 
wounded men of ours, were all 
the tokens left of the struggle." 

Sir Colin Campbell resolved 
to bivouac on the plain, and 
not try to take Bareilly that 
day. Next morning, it was dis- 
covered that many of the lead- 
ing rebels, and a large body of 
their followers, had left the 
place. On the yth, the British 
forces entered Bareilly, and 
took complete possession of it. 
A large quantity of artillery, 
most of it recently manufactured 
by the natives themselves, fell 
into the hands of the victors, 
together with a great store of 
shell, shot, and powder, also of 
native manufacturing, but no 
prisoners worth taking. 

Thus was Bareilly taken; and 
it was not deemed necessary to 
keep the Rohilcund field force 
any longer in its collected form. 
The commander -in -chief left 
General Walpole in command 
of Rohilcund and Kuamon. 

There was no glare of military 
glory about this campaign, to 
make it the wonderment and 
talk of the whole world. For it 
is literally true that Sir Colin 
Campbell was, at the time, the 
cynosure of tlie eyes and ears 
of no more limited an audience 
at the time. But it was a most 
trying campaign. The ball of 
scathing fire in the heavens 
shot fierce and deadly strokes 
upon the soldiery; and the 
veteran general's skill was dis- 
played in a supreme degree in 



using every available means for 
the sheltering of the troops he 
cared for, as a father cherishes 
his children, from this unap- 
peasable potentate. But he 
himself, as has been said, " bore 
heat and fatigue in a manner 
that astonished his subordinates; 
he got through an amount of 
work which knocked up his aides- 
de-camp ; and was always ready 
to advise or command, as if rest 
and food were contingencies 
that he cared not about. The 
natives, when any of them 
sought for and obtained an in- 
terview with him, were often 
a good deal surprised to see 
the commander of the mighty 
British army in shirt sleeves 
and a pith hat; but the keen 
eye and the cool manner of the 
old soldier, told that he had all 
his wits about him, and was 
none the worse from the ab- 
sence of glitter and personal 
adornment." 

Sir Colin Campbell had left, 
as was mentioned, a small force 
at Shahjehanpore on the 2d, 
when he proceeded on his 
march towards Bareilly. The 
command ^of the place was 
entrusted to Colonel Hall, who 
was attacked immediately by a 
large body of insurgents from 
Mohumdee in Oude. Hall, 
seeing it would be vain to meet 
such overwhelming odds in the 
open field, retired into the jail 
with his handful of troops, and. 
prepared for a resolute defence. 
The rebels seized the old fort, 
plundered the town, put many 
of the principal inhabitants to 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



197 



death, and established patrols 
on the bank of the river. 
They were computed at little less 
than 8000, and had twelve guns. 
Against this multitude of assail- 
ants, Hall held his position for 
eight days and nights, sustain- 
ing a continuous bombardment, 
and never for an instant thought 
of yielding. It was the yth of 
the month before the com- 
mander-in-chief heard of how 
badly this brave officer was 
beset. He at once despatched 
Brigadier Jones with a column 
from Bareilly, with discretionary 
power to attack the rebels at 
Mohumdee, after relieving Hall, 
if he should think it feasible. 
Jones reached Shahjehanpore 
on the i ith, and put the cowardly 
assailants he encountered to 
flight. But he soon found that 
he had been engaged with only 
a fragment of the large body of 
rebels who had worked such 
mischief in the town. On the 
1 5th, he was again attacked 
with fury, the assailants being 
headed by the Moulvie of 
Fyzabad, the Shahzada, or prince 
of Delhi, already referred to, 
and, as was reported, the Nana 
Sahib. The struggle continued 
the whole day, and was severely 
trying to the resources and 
activity of the brigadier. 

News of this reached Sir 
Colin Campbell when he was 
at Futtehgunje, on his way 
from Bareilly to a more central 
station. The commander -in- 
chief immediately hastened 
towards Shahjehanpore, where 
he arrived on the i8th. He 



was anxious to give his march- 
worn men a little rest during 
the heat of the day; but a 
cavalry detachment, sent out to 
reconnoitre, came in sight of a 
small mud-fort, mounted with 
four guns. The guns fired on 
the cavalry, a body of rebel 
troopers at once appeared, and 
this brought Sir Colin Campbell 
and his force into the field. 
There was some smart cavalry 
and artillery skirmishing, and 
the result was that the enemy 
were driven off to a distance. 
But it was not satisfactory; 
again it was only a portion of 
the main body that had been 
encountered, the rest being 8000 
or 10,000 strong at Mohumdee. 
Sir Colin Campbell, finding him- 
self weak in cavalry, suspended 
operations for a few days. 

During this very undecisive 
battle, a round shot passed so 
close to the commander-in- 
chief as to place him in very 
imminent danger. This led to 
a strong desire among the 
soldiers, that he who was so 
careful o.f his men's lives, would 
display a little more care for 
his own. 

Brigadier Coke had been com- 
missioned to sweep the country 
round by way of Boodayoon to 
Mooradabadj but he joined Sir 
Colin Campbell on the 22d, 
and preparations were immedi- 
ately made to advance upon 
Mohumdee. The advance was 
made to find that the Moulvie 
and other leaders had again 
eluded the grasp of their pur- 
suers. They had evacuated the 



198 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



strong fort of the place, destroy- 
ing the defence works a pro- 
ceeding which seemed to in- 
dicate that they did not intend 
to come back. 

Sir Colin Campbell proceeded 
to Futtehghur as a central 
station, from which he could 
conveniently watch the progress 
of events. 

Three other incidents of this 
period of the mutiny shall be 
quoted : . 

" In many parts of the Doab 
*here was ample reason for 
British officers feeling great un- 
easiness at the danger which 
still surrounded them in the 
north-western provinces wher- 
ever they were undefended by 
troops. The murder of Major 
Waterfield was a case in point. 
About the middle of May the 
major and Captain Fanshawe 
were travelling towards Ally- 
gurh vt'd Agra. In the middle 
of the night, near Ferozabad, 
a band of 150 rebels surrounded 
the vehicle, shot the driver, and 
attacked the travellers. The 
two officers used their revolvers 
as quickly as they could, but 
the unfortunate Waterfield re- 
ceived two shots, one in the 
head and one through the chest, 
besides a sword-cut across the 
body. He fell dead on the 
spot. Fanshawe's escape was 
most extraordinary. The rebels 
got him out of the carriage, and 
surrounded him, but they press- 
ed together so closely that each 
prevented his neighbour from 
striking. Fanshawe quickly 
drew his sword, and swung it 



right and left so vigorously that 
he forced a passage for himself 
through the cowardly crew; 
some pursued him, but a severe 
sword-cut to one of them de- 
terred the rest. The captain 
ran on at great speed, climbed 
up a tree, and there remained 
till the danger was over. His 
courage and promptness saved 
him from any further injury 
than a slight wound in the hand. 
Poor Waterfield's remains, when 
sought for some time afterwards, 
were found lying among the 
embers of the burned vehicle ; 
but they were carried into Agra, 
and interred with military hon- 
ours. The native driver was 
found dead, with the head nearly 
severed from the body/' 

The next incident was the 
disarming the province of Gu- 
jerat, lying between Rajpootana 
and Bombay. 

" This critical and important 
operation was carried out during 
May. Sir Richmond Shake- 
speare, who held a military as 
well as a political position in 
that province, managed the 
enterprise so firmly and skilfully 
that village after village was 
disarmed, and rendered so far 
powerless for mischief. Many 
unruly chieftains regarded this 
affair as very unpalatable. It 
was a work of great peril, for 
the turbulent natives were out 
of all proportion more numer- 
ous than any troops Sir Rich- 
mond could command, but he 
brought to bear that wonderful 
influence which many English- 
men possessed over the natives 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



199 



influence showing the pre- 
dominance of moral over phy- 
sical power. The native so- 
vereign, the Guicowar, had 
all along been faithful and 
friendly to the British ; he trust- 
ed Sir Richmond Shakespeare 
as fully as Scindia " the Maha- 
rajah of Gwalior " trusted Sir 
Robert Hamilton, and gave an 
eager assent to the disarming of 
his somewhat turbulent subjects. 
The Nizam, the Guicowar, 
Scindia, and Holkar" one of 
the Mahratta princes "all re- 
mained true to the British alli- 
ance during the hour of trouble ; 
if they had failed us, the diffi- 
culties of reconquest would have 
been immensely increased, if 
not insuperable." 

The third is a very pleasant in- 
cident, and it gives prominence 
to a venerable name which most 
readers have heard before. 

" One of the minor events of 
Bombay city at this period was 
the conferring ol a baronetcy 
on a native gentleman, the high- 



minded liberal Jamsetjee Jejee- 
bh oy. He had long before been 
knighted, but his continued and 
valuable assistance to the Go- 
vernment through all trials and 
difficulties now won for him 
further honour. The Parsee 
merchant became Sir Jamsetjee 
Jejeebhoy, Bart. perhaps the 
most remarkable among ba- 
ronets, race and creed consider- 
ed. Whatever he did was done 
in princely style. In order that 
his new hereditary dignity might 
not be shamed by any paucity 
of wealth on the part of his de- 
scendants, he at once invested 
25 lacs of rupees in the Bombay 
four per cents., to entail an in- 
come of ; 1 0,000 a year on the 
holder of the baronetcy. A large 
mansion at Mazagon was for a 
like purpose entailed ; and the 
old merchant-prince felt a con- 
siderable pride in thinking that 
Bombay might possibly, for cen- 
turies to come, count among its 
inhabitants a Sir Jamsetjee 
Jejeebhoy." 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

SIR HUGH ROSE AT CALPEE AND GWALIOR. 



MANY of the events to be re- 
corded in this chapter occurred 
also during the month oi May, 
but they were of so signal im- 
portance that the exploits of Sir 
Hugh Rose, a general whose 
fame darted rather unexpectedly 



on the British public, claim ,1 
separate and continuous re- 
hearsal. 

After the defeat of the rebels 
at Jhansi, Sir Hugh Rose march- 
ed with the greater part of his 
two brigades towards Calpee, a 



200 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



town on the right bank of the 
Jumna, and on the line of road 
from Jhansi to Cawnpore. The 
rest of his troops, under Majors 
Orr and Gall, were engaging the 
surrounding region of rebels, 
capturing their forts, scattering 
bodies of them, and keeping 
others quiet by such demonstra- 
tions. 

When May arrived, Sir Hugh 
felt that he needed the services 
of Gall and Orr with himself and 
the main forces, and he requested 
General Whitlock to look after 
the districts they had been re- 
ducing to order. While still on 
his march towards Calpee he 
heard on the gth of May that 
Tanteea Topee and the Ranee 
of Jhansi intended to dispute 
his advance at a place called 
Koonch, and that they had with 
them a considerable force of 
infantry and cavalry. They did 
so, but the British drove them 
from their in trenchment, entered 
the town, inflicted severe chas- 
tisement upon them, captured 
their guns, and pursued them 
to a considerable distance. 

All this was done under a 
sun burning with a heat quite 
frightful. Sir Hugh Rose was 
three times disabled by it that 
day struck down by the sun 
but on each occasion he rallied, 
and was able to get on horse- 
back again. He caused buckets 
of cold water to be dashed on 
him, and in the consequent 
plashing condition resumed his 
saddle. Thirteen of his brave 
overworked soldiers were killed 
by sunstroke. 



Nothing daunted, however, 
Sir Hugh Rose and his generals 
fought and manoeuvred their 
way along, till on the 5th they 
were about six miles from Cal- 
pee. There were several skir- 
mishes of rather a severe nature 
the next day or two, in which 
the rebels were led by a nephew 
of Nana Sahib ; and it was not 
till the 1 8th that Sir Hugh was 
able to begin shelling the earth- 
works which had been thrown 
up in front of Calpee. On the 
2oth the rebels came out of the 
town and showed fight with 
more spirit than they had hither- 
to displayed ; they indeed per- 
severed with something like 
determination, but they were 
driven in again. 

General Maxwell had aston- 
ished the rebels in Calpee by 
appearing on the other side of 
the Jumna to assist in bombard- 
ing them, but on the 2ist a por- 
tion of his column crossed the 
Jumna and joined the main 
body of the forces with Rose. 
Maxwell still kept up a fire from 
across the river, and the enemy 
having no artillery to reply effec- 
tively to it, resolved to make 
a vigorous attack on Rose's 
camp. Accordingly, on the 
22d, they issued from the town 
and attacked the British. They 
pressed hard upon Rose's right, 
but a bayonet charge from the 
reserve corps repelled the assail- 
ants in that direction. Then 
an advance of the whole of 
the line put them completely 
to rout. About noon on the 
22d, Sir Hugh Rose and his 



1HE INDIAN MUTINY. 



201 



gallant, much-enduring columns 
made a victorious march into 
Calpee. The rebels fled panic- 
stricken. 

It was found to be a place of 
more importance than it had 
been taken for. During the 
mutiny the insurgents had erect- 
ed it into a strong arsenal ; and 
no wonder they had thought of 
making a stand at it Fifteen 
guns were kept in the fort, and 
twenty - four standards were 
found. In a subterranean maga- 
zine there were discovered 
10,000 Ibs. of English powder, 
in barrels; 9000 Ibs. of shot 
and empty shells; a quantity of 
8-inch filled shrapnel shells ; 
siege and ball ammunition ; in- 
trenching tools of all kinds; 
tents, new and old; boxes of 
new flint and percussion mus- 
kets; and ordnance stores of all 
kinds, with several lacs of ru- 
pees. There were also three 
or four cannon foundries in the 
town. 

Calpee was indeed taken; 
arid, it being secure, Sir Hugh 
Rose naturally thought that the 
arduous labours of his Central 
India field force were, for a 
time at least, ended, and that 
his exhausted troops might be 
allowed a rest. He issued to 
them a glowing address accord- 
ingly. 

But the rebels had not been 
seeking rest ; for it was on the 
very day on which Sir Hugh 
issued this address the ist of 
June that they captured Gwa- 
lior and put Scindia to flight. 
An immediate resumption of 



active operations by the Central 
India field force was therefore a 
very stern necessity. 

It seems that Tanteea Topee, 
a leader worthy of a better 
cause, as the Moulvie of Fyza- 
bad also was acknowledged to 
be, had preceded his troops, 
and tampered with the troops 
of the Maharajah of Gwalior. 
Scindia, hearing of the approach 
of his enemies, for he had re- 
mained uncorruptibly faithful to 
the British, sent an urgent mes- 
sage to Agra for aid ; but before 
help had reached him, matters 
arrived at a crisis, and he fled 
to that city for protection. 
Although only twenty-three years 
of age, he had been for five 
years Maharajah in his own right, 
and during that time he had 
won the respect of the British 
authorities. He had an inde- 
pendent army of his own, con- 
sisting chiefly of Mahrattas, a 
Hindoo race, who had no strong 
sympathy with the Hindustanis ; 
but the Gwalior contingent was 
also kept up by him, according 
to a treaty with the East India 
Company, and it consisted 
mainly of Hindustanis and 
Oudians, who were strongly in 
sympathy with the rebels, to 
whom they went over in a body 
in the earlier months of the 
mutiny. Scindia had hitherto 
contrived, by a prudently firm 
course of policy, to ward off any 
active hostility on the part of 
the contingent. He neither 
sanctioned its proceedings nor 
provoked its enmity. He had 
sundry reasons for suspecting 



202 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



the loyalty of his own Mahratta 
troops, but he dissembled his 
suspicions, so that the approach 
of the rebels, with some of the 
regiments of the revolted Gwalior 
contingent among them was a 
formidable visitation to his 
capital. 

If his own troops had con- 
tinued faithful, Scindia had both 
courage and skill enough to 
give a good account of himself 
to his enemies; but treachery 
anticipated a struggle, the issue 
of which would certainly have 
been open to doubt. Scindia's 
body-guard remained faithful, 
but the bulk of his infantry de- 
serted their sovereign at the 
instigation of his enemies ; or, 
rather, under the seductive 
charm of Tanteea Topee's solici- 
tations. 

When the rebels came within 
three miles of Gwalior, Scindia 
met them with his troops well 
disposed, but his right and left 
divisions remained idle, while 
the centre division, comprising 
the body-guard and some other 
troops were engaged. At a 
signal agreed upon, these divi- 
sions went over to the enemy. 
The body-guard fought heroic- 
ally till half of their number fell, 
and the rest had to flee. Scindia, 
attended by a few faithful troops, 
reached Agra two days after 
this discomfiture. Most of the 
members of his family fled to 
Seepree, while his courtiers 
sought refuge in all directions. 

The rebels, nominally led by 
Rao Sahib, a nephew of the 
Nana, but really by Tanteea To- 



pee and the Ranee of Jhansi, en- 
tered Gwalior and endeavoured 
to establish a regular government 
The Ranee, it should be men- 
tioned here, was a princess 
whom even her enemies did 
not despise. The only occur- 
rence which exposed her to 
contempt, was her instigation of 
the slaughter of the English at 
Jhansi in June the year before. 
Throughout the whole struggle 
after that cruelty she bore her- 
self like a heroine ; she proved 
herself a genuine Amazon, lead- 
ing and fighting fearlessly, and 
exhorting her troops to contend 
to the bitter end against the 
hated Feringhees. 

In the government which the 
rebels set up at Gwalior, Nana 
Sahib was elected Peishwa, or 
head of all the Mahratta princes; 
and his nephew, Rao Sahib, 
was set up as chief of Gwalior. 
Ram Rao Gobind, who had long 
before been discharged from 
Scindia's service for dishonesty, 
became prime minister; and the 
property of the principal inhabi- 
tants was sequestrated for their 
friendliness towards Maharajah 
Scindia and the British. The 
rebels seized the immense trea- 
sure they found in the palace, 
and paid their troops out of it ; 
they alsp declared a formal con- 
fiscation of all the royal pro- 
perty. They plundered and 
burned the civil stations, liber- 
ating such prisoners as they 
thought might be useful to 
them. Among these were four 
petty Mahratta chieftains, whom 
they adorned with insignia and 



THE INDIAN MUTINY, 



203 



dresses of honour, on condition 
that they would raise forces in 
their respective localities. 

When the news spread that 
Gwalior, the strongest and most 
important city in Central India, 
was in the hands of the rebels, 
the British authorities became 
keenly aware that the situation 
was a critical one, summoning 
the exercise of prudence, prompt- 
ness, skill, and courage. Sir 
Hugh Rose was at once looked 
to as the man who had all these 
very necessary requisites. He 
might fairly have claimed ex- 
emption from the grave respon- 
sibility thus imposed upon him. 
Exhausted as he was in mind 
and body by six months of har- 
assing warfare, his brain fevered 
by repeated attacks of sunstroke, 
the justice and even expediency 
of his claim might have been 
prudently recognised, and the 
certificate of sick-leave which he 
was contemplatingbeen granted. 
But the startling news from 
Gwalior, he felt, entered a prior 
claim, and he lost no time. 

Entrusting the safe keeping 
of Calpee to General Whitlock, 
Sir Hugh at once organised two 
brigades to march westward to 
Gwalior. The first of these he 
placed under the command 
of Brigadier C. S. Stuart, of 
the Bengal army ; the second, 
under Brigadier R. Napier, of 
the Bengal Engineers. Arrange- 
ments were made for the co- 
operation of a third brigade from 
Seepree, under Brigadier Smith. 

The two brigades were pressed 
forward as quickly as possible, 



and Sir Hugh was on the 1 6th of 
June reconnoitring the position 
taken up by the enemy that was 
on the tenth day after leaving 
Calpee. The fort was one of 
the strongest in India, requiring 
1 5,000 men to man it, and the 
town was situated along the 
eastern base of the rock from 
which it frowned. Rumour as- 
signed to the enemy a force of 
17,000 men in arms, but Sir 
Hugh Rose had no certain in- 
formation regarding their num- 
bers. 

The almost impregnable fort, 
the Lashkar camp, the Moorar 
cantonment, the city, and a 
semicircular belt of hills, had to 
be reconnoitred, sufficiently, at 
all events, to determine at what 
point to commence the attack. 
The city, it was found, had only 
a few troops, and the canton- 
ment at Moorar was attacked 
suddenly. The cavalry and guns 
having been placed on each flank, 
Her Majesty's 86th regiment of 
infantry led the assault ; and no 
sooner did the rebels find them- 
selves attacked at this point than 
they poured out a well-directed 
fire of musketry and field-guns. 
This, however, was speedily 
silenced, and they were fain to 
make a precipitate retreat, being 
driven through the whole length 
of the cantonment, and chased 
over a wide expanse of country. 
There was some terrible fighting 
during this chase, Lieutenant 
Neave falling mortally wounded 
while rushing on at the head of 
a company of the yist High- 
landers ; but the cantonment of 



204 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Moorar was secured, and Sir I 
Hugh Rose encamped in it that 
night the night between the 
1 6th and lyth of June. 

But the city and the fort were 
Still in the hands of the enemy. 
It was a favourite Indian idea 
that this fortress was impreg- 
nable; and, fortunately for the 
British, the rebels had done 
little to strengthen it. They 
disposed their forces instead so 
as to guard the roads from See- 
pree and other places, and it 
was for this field service that the 
Ranee of Jhansi, clad in mail, 
like the true Amazon she was, 
reserved herself. 

Brigadier Smith had to obtain 
command of the semicircular 
belt of hills to the south of the 
city, before he could reach 
Gwalior from Seepree. His bri- 
gade had a long and severely 
trying march before they reached 
the scene of conflict. He had 
to cross the hills before he 
reached the Lashkar camping- 
ground. There was a defile 
defended by three or four guns 
on a neighbouring hill, through 
which his column had to pass 
on the 1 7th, and in it some 
heavy fighting took place that 
day, in which the most distin- 
guished person who fell was the 
Ranee of Jhansi, fighting bravely 
to the last. Trying to escape 
over a canal which separated 
the Lashkar camp from the 
Phool Bagh parade, she fell 
with her horse, and was cut 
down by a hussar; she still strug- 
gled, however, to get across the 
canal, but a bullet struck her 



on the breast, and the Amazon 
struggled no more. She was a 
valiant, dangerous enemy, but 
that hussar would scarcely glory 
in the sword-cut he inflicted on 
a queen beside her fallen horse. 
It is an amiable weakness of men 
not to like killing women, not 
even to hang them when they are 
justly sent to the scaffold. But 
it was fair fighting to kill the 
Ranee of Jhansi. The soldier 
who fired the fatal bullet would 
not know he had done it. It is 
said that some of her faithful 
followers hastily buried the dead 
body to save it from desecration 
by the Feringhees. Had it 
fallen into their hands, the 
Ranee would have been buried 
as became a queen. 

When night came Brigadier 
Smith had secured the defile, 
the road, and the adjoining hills; 
while the enemy occupied the 
hills on the other side of the 
canal. The brigadier secured 
these hills also on the i8th, after 
a terrible struggle. He drove 
the enemy from them, notwith- 
standing that they were led with 
terrible energy by Tanteea To- 
pee. Sir Hugh Rose helped to 
this result. Leaving only a 
sufficient number of troops to 
guard his camp at Moorar, he 
joined Smith by a flank move- 
ment of twelve miles, and bivou- 
acked that night in the rear of 
his position. 

Next day the enemy, who 
still occupied some of the heights 
nearest Gwalior, as well as the 
fortress, poured forth a scathing 
fire of shot, shell, and shrapnel 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



205 



Still Sir Hugh Rose resolved to 
capture the city by storm. The 
sappers conveyed guns across 
the canal under the hot fire of 
the hills and the fort; the infan- 
try rushed up with reckless dar- 
ing to the enemy's guns on the 
hill sides, and captured them. 
The heights were thus gained, and 
the rebels panic-stricken, losing 
all heart on account of these 
repeated failures, began to flee 
in confusion. Then the British 
cavalry scoured the plains in all 
directions, cutting down the 
terrified fugitives in large num- 
bers; and by four o'clock in 
the afternoon of the iQth Sir 
Hugh Rose was master of 
Gwalior. 

The arrangements for the se- 
curity of the city were not diffi- 
cult ; the inhabitants gladly aid- 
ed the conquerors in restoring 
order, the rebels having treated 
them during their occupation of 
the place with relentless cruelty. 

The conquest of the impreg- 
nable fortress was now a matter 
of easy achievement ; but it was 
not effected without the greatly- 
lamented death of a gallant offi- 
cer, Lieutenant Arthur Rose of 
the 25th Bombay native infantry. 
He paid by his death the penalty 
of reducing the seizure of the 
bold fortress, which for ages had 
been the boast of India for its 
unconquerable strength, to some- 
thing like a grim joke. While 
Lieutenant Rose was on duty 
on the 2oth, guarding the police 
station at Gwalior, a shot or two 
were unexpectedly fired from the 
fort He seemed to regard this 



as an impertinence, and what 
followed shall be quoted from 
Chambers's " History." " Rose 
proposed to a brother officer, 
Lieutenant Waller, the daring 
project of capturing it with the 
handful of men at their joint 
disposal, urging that, though the 
risk would be great, the honour 
would be proportionally great if 
the attempt succeeded. Off they 
started, taking with them a black- 
smith. This man, with his lusty 
arm and heavy hammer, broke 
into the outermost or lowermost 
of the many gates that guarded 
the ascent of the rock on which 
the fort was situated ; then an- 
other and another, until all the 
six gates were broken into and 
entered by the little band of assail- 
ants. It is hardly to be expected 
that if the gates were really 
strong and securely fastened, 
they could have been burst open 
in this way ; but the confusion 
resulting from the fighting had 
probably caused some of the 
defensive arrangements to be 
neglected. At various points 
on the ascent the assailants were 
fired at by the few rebels in the 
place, and near the top a des- 
perate hand-to-hand fight took 
place, during which the numbers 
were thinned on both sides. 
While Rose was encouraging his 
men in their hot work, a musket 
was fired at him from behind a 
wall, the bullet striking him on the 
right of the spine, passed through 
his body. The man who had 
fired the fatal shot, a Bareilly 
mutineer, then rushed out and 
cut him across the knee and the 



200 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



wrist with a sword. Waller 
came up and despatched this 
fellow, but too late to save the 
life of his poor friend Rose." 

It is difficult to believe that 
Sir Colin Campbell would have 
approved of this exploit, for it 
would seem that he disapproved 
of self-imposed risks, even when 
they led to deeds of heroism. 
Dr Russell of the Times wrote, 
that Sir Colin did not admire that 
exploit of Lieutenant Marsham 
Havelock's which won him the 
Victoria Cross at the battle of 
Cawnpore on the i6th of July 
the year before, holding that the 
brave youth should simply have 
delivered his message as an aide- 
de-camp, instead of moving 
steadily on in front of a regi- 
ment opposite the muzzle of a 
gun at foot pace on his horse till 
the 2 4-pound er was seized and 
silenced : the officers on duty 
should have been left to win or 
miss the honour. Brigadier 
Stuart, however, on this occasion 
thought differently. In a gen- 
eral order on the 2ist he wrote: 
" Brigadier Stuart has received 
with the deepest regret a report 
of the death of Lieutenant Rose, 
25th Bombay native infantry, 
who was mortally wounded yes- 
terday on entering the fort of 
Gwalior, on duty with his men. 
The brigadier feels assured that 
the whole brigade unite with him 
in deploring the early death of 
this gallant officer, whose many 
qualities none who knew him 
could fail to appreciate." This 
order was written in the same 
spirit as conferred on Lieu- 



tenant Havelock the Victoria 
Cross ; but still it would seem 
that the responsible commander 
was the right man to determine 
in what manner the impregnable 
fortress of Gwalior should have 
been taken, easy as the capture 
seemed. 

Scindia was restored to his 
throne on the 2oth with as much 
Oriental pomp as could be com- 
manded in the circumstances ; 
the citizens, who lined the 
streets, expressing their joy at 
seeing him again. Sir Colin 
Campbell officially congratu- 
lated Sir Hugh Rose on his 
great achievement, adverting to 
the many other brilliant services 
of his campaign in Central India, 
and thanking the troops for their 
glorious deeds. Viscount Can- 
ning also issued a proclamation, 
which, in addition to thanking 
the gallant general of the Bom- 
bay army, was intended to en- 
courage other native princes, 
besides the Maharajah of Gwa- 
lior, in a course of fidelity to 
the British Government, as that 
government had shown in this 
case that it was able to maintain 
them on their thrones when their 
good faith merited such a mani- 
festation of its power. He con- 
cluded by directing that a royal 
salute should be fired at every 
principal station in India in 
honour of the auspicious event. 

Tanteea Topee had carried 
away with him the crown jewels 
and an immense amount of 
treasure belonging to Scindia, 
and the British authorities 
watched with some anxiety the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



207 



progress of this valiant and dan- 
gerous rebel leader. 

Sir Hugh Rose issued another 
glowing address to the army of 
Central India, and retired to 
Bombay to recruit his shattered 
health. Referring to the bravery 
of every one in the campaign, he 
remarked in this farewell address: 
"Not a man in these forces 
enjoyed his natural strength or 
health ; and an Indian sun, and 
months of marching and broken 
rest, had told on the strongest ; 
but the moment they were told 
to take Gwalior for their Queen 
and country, they thought of 



nothing but victory." The bril- 
liant campaign in which Sir Hugh 
Rose came into foremost notice, 
a rival on the roll of fame worthy 
of Havelock, lasted from the 
i2th of January 1858 to the 2Oth 
of June. His operations, like 
those of that lamented general 
in his short campaign, were 
numerous and uniformly suc- 
cessful. It is to be remembered, 
however, when the comparative 
merits of the two distinguished 
generals are mentioned, that 
Havelock, from first to last, had 
immensely smaller forces at his 
command. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



THE TURN OF THE TREMENDOUS TIDE. 



EARLY in the month of June the 
authorities at Lucknow learned 
that a body of rebels, estimated 
at 17,000 or 18,000 strong, un- 
der the command of Gorhuccus 
Singh, had crossed the river 
Gogra, and taken up a position 
at Ramnuggur Dhumaree, in the 
north-east region of Oude. Sir 
Hope Grant, who was chief mili- 
tary commissioner of the pro- 
vince, set out himself to look for 
this troublesome crowd. Leav- 
ing Lucknow a little before mid- 
night on the 1 2th, he arrived 
near Nawabgunje, where 16,000 
rebels had assembled, having 
several guns. By daylight next 
day he crossed a ford protected 



by horse-artillery and a battery, 
and approaching nearer the 
town, got into the jungle district. 
The rebels attempted to sur- 
round Grant's force, and began 
to pick off his men by repeated 
volleys of musketry. But the 
general sent a troop of horse- 
artillery to the front, Johnson's 
battery and two squadrons of 
horse defended the left, while a 
larger body of cavalry engaged 
on the right with the rebels who 
were attempting to capture Sir 
Hope Grant's baggage. On this 
occasion the insurgents were un- 
mistakable fanatics. Their bold- 
ness put General Grant's sagacity 
to a severe test. A fierce struggle 



208 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



ensued ; there was great slaugh- 
ter of the rebels, followed by a 
complete victory. Nearly 600 
of the enemy were slain, and 
the wounded were proportion- 
ately more numerous; while the 
list of killed and wounded on the 
British side numbered about 100. 

It was not a decisive victory, 
however, for the main body of 
the rebels escaped, as very usu- 
ally happened in these struggles. 
Most of them in this case were 
Ghazees or Mohammedan fan- 
atics, and these were far more 
difficult to deal with than mutin- 
ous sepoys. Two of them in the 
midst of a shower of grape brought 
forward each a green standard 
which they planted in the ground 
beside the guns, and rallied their 
men. The Begum of Oude was 
supposed to be with them. 

On the 1 5th of June the en- 
ergetic Moulvie of Fyzabad, 
Ahmedullah Shah, made his 
last appearance before men. 
After being driven from place 
to place by various columns 
and detachments of the British, 
this ubiquitous leader arrived at 
Powayne, about sixteen miles 
north-east of Shahj ehanpore,with 
a considerable body of horse 
and some guns. Juggernath 
Singh, the Rajah of Powayne, 
had merited the vengeance of 
the Moulvie by sheltering two 
native servants of the East 
India Company, and was now 
to be punished for this unlocked 
for display of generosity. A 
skirmish began, which lasted 
three hours, and during which 
the Moulvie was brought down 



by a shot. His head was at 
once severed from his body, 
and head and trunk were sent 
by the rajah to Mr Gilbert 
Money, the commissioner at 
Shahj ehanpore. Mr Money had 
several reasons for not showing 
any gush of gratitude for the 
gory gift. He was glad enough, 
and so was every individual 
loyal to British interests glad, 
that this formidable enemy 
would work no more of his 
ponderous mischief; but then 
the Rajah of Powayne was by 
no means an unquestionably 
clean-handed person. He had 
long been an object of suspicion, 
on account of his unfeeling con- 
duct towards some unhappy 
fugitives in one of the early 
stages of the mutiny a fact 
which rendered his sheltering of 
the two native servants of the 
Company an unlooked-for dis- 
play of generosity. Besides, the 
British cause was now obviously 
on the winning side ; and was 
this alacrity in forwarding a 
bleeding head and trunk not a 
treacherous coward's acknow- 
ledgment of that undeniable 
fact ? Further, a large reward 
had been offered by the Govern- 
ment for the capture of the 
Moulvie. All things taken into 
account, some of the British 
authorities began to question 
whether this reward should be 
paid for the severed head and 
trunk. Was it not meant to be 
paid only for the living man? 
These questions were all waived, 
however, and the reward was 
paid to the Rajah of Powayne. 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



209 



The corps of volunteer cav- 
alry, which had enlisted under 
Havelock, continued in exist- 
ence up to about this time. Itwas 
clear evidence that the authori- 
ties considered that the pacifi- 
cation of Oude was progressing 
satisfactorily, that the Governor- 
General now felt he could afford 
to disband the officers and 
gentlemen who almost wholly 
composed that crack regiment, 
which had rendered such eminent 
services at a time when Euro- 
pean troops, from their extreme 
rarity, were valued as doubly 
precious. In a notification 
issued at Calcutta, Viscount 
Canning, after mentioning some 
of the arrangements connected 
with the disbanding, spoke of 
the services of the corps as fol- 
lows : " The volunteer cavalry 
took a prominent part in all the 
successes which marked the ad- 
vance of the late Major-General 
Sir Henry Havelock from Allah- 
abad to Lucknow; and on 
every occasion of its employ- 
ment against the rebels whether 
on the advance to Lucknow, or 
as part of the force with which 
Major-General Sir James Out- 
ram held Alum Bagh this 
corps has greatly distinguished 
itself by its gallantry in action, 
and by its fortitude and endur- 
ance under great exposure and 
fatigue. The Governor-General 
offers to Major Barrow, who 
ably commanded the volunteer 
cavalry, and boldly led them in 
all the operations in which they 
were engaged, his most cordial 
acknowledgments for his very 



valuable services ; and to Cap- 
tain Lynch, and all the officers 
and men who composed this 
corps, his lordship tenders his 
best thanks for the eminent good 
conduct and exemplary courage 
which they displayed during the 
whole time that the corps was 
embodied." 

Sir James Outram on the 
same occasion wrote one of his 
hearty manly letters, and he had 
special means of observing and 
appreciating the exertions of the 
volunteer cavalry, every man of 
which must have been gratified 
when the following warm and 
genial epistle was read : 

" My dear Barrow, We are 
about to separate, perhaps for 
ever ; but, believe me, I shall 
ever retain you in affectionate 
remembrance, and ever speak 
with that intense admiration 
which I feel for the glorious 
volunteers whom you have com- 
manded with such distinction. 
It would afford me great plea- 
sure to shake every one of them 
by the hand, and tell them how 
warmly I feel towards them. 
But this is impossible; my 
pressing duties will not allow 
me even to write a few farewell 
lines to each of your officers ; 
but I trust to your communicat- 
ing to them individually my 
affectionate adieu and sincer- 
est wishes for their prosper- 
ity. May God bless you and 
them." 

This disbandment was a visi- 
ble evidence that that storm was 
o 



210 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



beginning to calm, but there 
were still the dying gusts to 
breast. 

Viscount Canning was still 
at Allahabad, and Sir Colin 
Campbell had returned to Fut- 
tehghur after his participation in 
the reconquest and pacification 
of Rohilcund. It was desirable 
in the highest degree that the 
Governor-General and the com- 
mander-in-chief should confer 
personally on the military ar- 
rangements that were neces- 
sary in the altered situation of 
affairs. For now that the tide 
had decidedly turned, masterly 
circumspection was necessary 
for the avoidance of disastrous 
inundations. But the British 
forces were so scattered that 
during the first week of June 
no soldiers could be spared to 
escort their commander-in-chief 
from Futtehghur to Allahabad. 
The rebels were always well 
informed regarding important 
movements of their British 
masters ; and they would have 
hazarded a great deal to capture 
such a prize as the commander- 
in-chief. Sir Colin had pluck 
enough for anything dictated 
by reason, but pruden.ce and 
every political consideration 
forbade his travelling through 
the Doab without an escort. 

At Futtehghur he caused a 
search to be made in the ba- 
zaars of the town, and also at Fur- 
ruckabad, for sulphur, with the 
view of seizing it for the Govern- 
ment. The rebels still possess- 
ed many guns ; there was plenty 
of iron for making cannon-balls : 



there was also the charcoal and 
saltpetre necessary for the manu- 
facture of gunpowder, but sul- 
phur was an imported article in 
India, and without it powder 
could not be made. It was 
desirable, therefore, to secure 
it so as to render the fire-arms 
of the rebels useless. It was 
known also that percussion-caps 
were becoming scarce among 
them, from the fact that the less 
effective matchlock was now 
commonly in use. 

A circumstance occurred in 
Sinde during the month of June 
well worthy of being remember- 
ed, as showing the significance of 
one class of the difficulties which 
the governing authorities had 
to contend with during the mu- 
tiny, and even while it was being 
suppressed. It showed one of 
the possible inundations which 
had to be carefully provided 
against during the reflux of the 
great tide. 

Mr Frere and General Jacob, 
as respectively the civil and 
the military commissioners of 
that country, had acted with 
such prudence and energy as 
kept it well in subjection to the 
British authorities. But it hap- 
pened during the month that Mr 
Frere had to steer a course be- 
tween the dangers arising from 
the pugnacity of a fanatical 
Mohammedan and a zealous 
Christian missionary, which put 
his wisdom to a trying test. 
The Mohammedan, a man of 
respectable character, came to 
him while he was at Hyderabad, 
and complained of an inscrip- 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



211 



tion exhibited on the inner wall 
of an open-fronted shop belong- 
ing to the Christian mission. 
The inscription was made up 
of two quotations from the 
Koran, and an argument to dis- 
prove the divine authority of 
Mahomet himself, drawn from 
the Koran, It was written in 
the Sindhi and Arabic languages 
by the Rev. Mr Matchett, and 
the Rev. Mr Cell had it hung 
up conspicuously in the mission 
shop where Bibles were for sale 
or distribution. The com- 
plainer, whose name was Gho- 
lam Ali, had lately returned 
from a pilgrimage to Mecca, 
and he stated to Mr Frere that 
the inscription was offensive, 
and was felt to be very irritating 
by his co-religionists, the more 
so when it was visible to all 
passers in the main bazaar of 
the city. Mr Frere read it, and 
ordered it to be removed. He 
knew the delicate nature of this 
order, as will be seen in the 
following explanation of his 
conduct, which he forwarded to 
Lord Elphinstone at Bombay. 
" I am willing to be judged," 
he wrote, "by any one who 
has any acquaintance with the 
ordinary feelings of a bigoted 



Mohammedan population as to 
the probable effect of such a 
placard on them. I feel con- 
fident that any such unpre- 
judiced person would agree with 
me that there was much danger 
of its causing an outbreak of 
fanatical violence ; and holding 
that opinion, I cannot think 
that I should have been justified 
in allowing it to remain. It is 
quite possible it might never 
have caused any breach of the 
peace, but I do not think the 
present a time to try any un- 
necessary experiments as to how 
much a fanatical native popula- 
tion will or will not bear in the 
way of provocation." 

Mr Frere explained to Mr 
Gell, while requesting him to 
remove the inscription, that 
however well meant, it might 
produce more harm than good. 
He averted a possible outbreak 
of Mohammedan zeal, but he 
provoked aviolent outcry against 
himself by the missionaries and 
their supporters, who appealed 
against his decision to the Go- 
vernm ent of Bombay, and in their 
narrative charged him with in- 
sulting Christianity and encour- 
aging Mohammedanism. But 
the affair took no further shape 



CHAPTER XXVL 



THE BEGINNING OF THE END. 



THERE was a gradual process of 
pacification during the autumn 
of 1858. 



One agreeable circumstance 
occurred about the beginning of 
this period the return to Cal- 



212 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



cutta of the lamented Captain 
Peel's Naval Brigade in the ripe 
blossom of the renown they had 
acquired by their pluck, success, 
and excellent behaviour in all 
respects. The heroic Peel had 
been a universal favourite, and 
the brigade was a reflex of 
himself. When they returned 
down the Ganges to Calcutta 
the residents of that city gave 
them a splendid public recep- 
tion and a grand dinner, at 
which, among other distinguish- 
ed guests, Sir James Outram was 
present. He, in his own grace- 
ful and complimentary way, told 
the assembly appropriately of 
hjs own experience in connec- 
tion with the services of the 
brigade at Lucknow in the 
memorable days of the previous 
winter. Addressing the brigade, 
he said : *' Almost the first white 
faces I saw, when the lamented 
Havelock and I rushed out of 
our prison to greet Sir Colin at 
the head of our deliverers, were 
the hearty, jolly, smiling faces 
of some of you Shannon men, 
who were pounding away with 
two big guns at the palace ; and 
I then, for the first time in my 
life, had the opportunity of see- 
ing and admiring the coolness 
of British sailors under fire. 
There you were, working in the 
open plains, without cover, or 
screen, or rampart of any kind, 
your guns within musket range 
of the enemy, as coolly as if you 
were practising at the Woolwich 
target. And that it was a hot 
fire you were exposed to was 
proved by three of the small 



staff that accompanied us being 
knocked over by musket balls 
in passing to the rear of those 
guns, consequently farther from 
the enemy than yourselves." 

The province of Bengal was, 
during the autumn, exempt from 
actual mutiny; regular govern- 
ment was maintained, and 
peaceful industry returned to 
its regular channels very little 
disturbed by mutineers or 
rebels. 

As to Behar, situated between 
Bengal and Oude, Sir Edward 
Lugard having resigned his 
command on account of shat- 
tered health, Brigadier Douglas 
succeeded him. He had a 
good deal to do in the way of 
dealing in detail with trouble- 
some chieftains and stray bodies 
of rebels. Captain Rattray, 
with his Sikhs, had been left at 
Jugdispore, whence he made 
frequent excursions to dislodge 
small bodies of rebels, and to 
chastise rebellious leaders. On 
the i ;th of July he had an 
affair of this latter sort on hand, 
which he describes in the follow- 
ing pithy telegram to Allahabad: 
" Sangram Singh," he telegraph- 
ed, "having committed some 
murders in the neighbourhood 
of Rotas, and the road being 
completely closed by him, I 
sent out a party of eight picked 
men from my regiment, with 
orders to kill or bring in San- 
gram Singh. This party suc- 
ceeded most signally. They 
disguised themselves as mutin- 
ous sepoys, brought in Sangram 
Singh last night, and killed his 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



213 



brother, his sons, nephew, and 
grandsons, amounting in all to 
nine persons bringing in their 
heads. At this capture all the 
people of the south of the dis- 
trict are much rejoiced. The 
hills for the present are clear of 
rebels." 

In the province of Oude, Mr 
Montgomery, the chief com- 
missioner, was feeling his way 
gradually towards a re-estab- 
lishment of the power of the 
British. General Hope Grant 
was his military coadjutor. 

On the 1 5th of July the gene- 
ral left Lucknow for Fyzabad 
to chastise a large body of rebels 
who were setting up the author- 
ity of the begum in that city. 
It was thought also that he 
might on the way relieve Maun 
Singh, a powerful landowner, 
or thalookdar, who was besieged 
in his fort at Shahgunje by 
several thousand rebels. Maun 
Singh was a cunning time-server, 
whose conduct had aroused the 
suspicion of the British authori- 
ties on many former occasions ; 
but it was desirable to secure 
his friendship, otherwise his hos- 
tility was certain, for he was too 
powerful a thalookdar to be al- 
lowed to remain neutral. Be- 
sides, the rebels just then assail- 
ing his fort had been aroused to 
this display of enmity by his 
refusal to act openly against the 
British. He had applied to Mr 
Montgomery for aid, and the 
conclusion come to, all things 
considered, was that aid might 
as well be granted. 

The principal rebel leaders 



about the middle of the month, 
were the Begum of Oude and her 
favourite Mummoo Khan, and 
six or seven besides, more than 
the half of whom were with the 
begum at Chowka-Ghat beyond 
the Gogra. Nana Sahib was, 
as usual, hiding somewhere 
the British authorities could not 
learn where. It was supposed 
that he was near the northern 
frontier of Oude; and it was 
believed that both he and the 
begum were aware that their 
funds had begun to run short ; 
and without funds it was vain to 
hope that they could keep their 
forces together. 

The advance of General 
Hope Grant towards Fyzabad 
alarmed the army which was 
besieging Maun Singh. It broke 
up and took to flight, showing 
how little cohesion there re- 
mained amongst them, for their 
numbers were ten times as large 
as those of the advancing Brit- 
ish. 

On the 2 pth the general en- 
tered Fyzabad, and, hearing that 
a large body of rebels were es- 
caping across the Gogra, a mile 
or two farther up the river, he 
pushed on with his cavalry and 
horse-artillery, but was only in 
time to send a few round shot 
into their rear. Grant's undis- 
puted occupation of Fyzabad 
exercised a great influence in 
the way of pacifying the pro- 
vince, notwithstanding the es- 
cape of the rebels. Fyzabad 
was a powerful centre of Mo- 
hammedan influence; and it 
was very near the ancient but 



214 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



decayed city of Ayodha, or 
Oude, one of the most sacred 
of the Hindoo cities. 

At this time Hurdeo Buksh, 
a powerful zemindar of Oude, 
organised a small force of his 
retainers, which, with two guns, 
he employed in fighting against 
some of his neighbours who 
were hostile to the British in- 
terests. Instances of such con- 
duct began to increase gradji- 
ally, and they were the most 
effective agencies for producing 
a gradual pacification of Oude. 

Mr Cavanagh, whose plucky 
adventure in making his way to 
Sir Colin Campbell's camp from 
Lucknow will be remembered, 
turns up again in the district of 
Oude, between Lucknow and 
the Rohilcund frontier. He 
had been appointed chief civil 
commissioner of the Muhiabad 
district, and he arranged with 
Captain Dawson and Lieutenant 
French to defend his district as 
well as could be done with the 
aid of a few native police and 
troopers. On the 3oth of July 
a body of 1500 rebels attacked 
a small out-station, which was 
defended by only about seventy 
men, who held out gallantly till 
Cavanagh and French arrived. 
One bold charge put the 1500 
rebels to flight, and the district 
was soon pacified. Mr Cavan- 
agh won over a good many of 
the zemindars more by tact than 
by force of arms. He threatened 
them with punishments which 
it is doubtful if he could have 
carried out, if they assisted the 
rebels ; promised to help them 



if the others molested them, and 
by such means induced them to 
combine for the maintenance 
of 400 matchlockmen, at their 
own expense, in the British 
cause. 

After the capture of Gwalior 
by Sir Hugh Rose, the rebels 
made a hasty flight in a north- 
westerly direction across the 
river Chumbul into Rajpootana, 
where a victory was gained over 
them by General Napier, who 
was immediately sent after them 
by Sir Hugh. After that, it 
seems, they separated into two 
or three sections, the most im- 
portant of which was headed 
by Tanteea Topee and Rac 
Sahib. They comprised some 
of the best of the mutinied 
troops, and had in their pos- 
session that large amount of 
Scindia's property which has 
already been referred to. To 
these General Roberts devoted 
his especial and watchful atten- 
tion. His Rajpootana field 
force was, however, by no 
means a large one, as detach- 
ments had been separated from 
it for service in various quarters. 

The rebels he meant to hunt 
down made their appearance at 
a point more than 100 miles 
north-west of Gwalior, threaten- 
ing Jeypore. Roberts was at 
Nusserabad, and he at once 
marched to check them. He 
reached Jeypore on the 26. of 
July, and there learned that 
they amounted to 10,000 men. 
Tanteea Topee had Scindia's 
crown jewels with him, estimated 
at ;i ,000,000 sterling, and the 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



215 



treasure, which was ,2,000,000 
in value. Being mostly in 
silver, the latter was of enor- 
mous weight ; and Tanteea had 
been trying to get it exchanged 
for gold. The rate he had 
offered was silver valued at 50 
shillings for a gold mohur, 
worth only 30 shillings a dis- 
count of two-fifths, terms which 
would have tempted most money- 
changers in reasonably peaceful 
times. 

After many minor encounters, 
and endless marching and 
counter - marching, it seemed 
that the only route the rebels 
seemed to give themselves was 
to march wherever they might 
capture a stronghold which 
would serve as a citadel ; while 
Roberts was severely put to it, 
endeavouring to intercept them 
in their progress. 

On the pth of July they took 
possession of Tonk, a town 
nearly due east of Nusserabad, 
and about a third of the dis- 
tance between that station and 
Gwalior. They plundered the 
town, captured three brass guns 
and a quantity of ammunition, 
besieging the Nawab in a neigh- 
bouring fort. Hearing of this, 
General Roberts sent on Major 
Holmes with a detachment, and 
the enemy took a hasty depart- 
ure when they became aware of 
this fact. Roberts was disap- 
pointed at not being allowed to 
come up with them at Tonk. 
Sending all his sick and wound- 
ed on the ist of August to 
Nusserabad, he continued the 
pursuit, Holmes still in advance 



of him, towards the south as 
rapidly as the swampy condi- 
tion of the fields and roads 
would allow him. 

It was considered so import- 
ant to catch these Gwalior 
mutineers that the Bombay 
Government, which had control 
of the operations in Raj poo- 
tana, sent out small expedition- 
ary forces from several places, 
as probable opportunities seem- 
ed to offer themselves for the 
interception of the mutineers. 

It was fortunate that, by this 
time, the Government could 
rely on the fidelity of many of 
the native rajahs, whose junc- 
tion with the rebels would have 
complicated the state of affairs 
terribly. Tanteea Topee sound- 
ed successively the Rajahs of 
Jeypore, Kotah, and Ulwar, all 
of them native princes of Raj- 
pootana; but they all refused 
to give him countenance. This 
caused the rebel leader to make 
strangely circuitous marches 
from one rajah's state to that 
of another; but wherever the 
rebels went, General Roberts 
followed them ; and he came up 
with a body of them neai Sun- 
ganeer, where they occupied a 
line on the opposite side of the 
river Rotasery. Roberts was 
again disappointed of his prize, 
for no sooner had he routed 
them, which was done speedily, 
than the rebels fled with such 
speed that he had no means of 
overtaking them. 

At length, however, on the 
1 4th of August, having been 
strengthened by the return of 



216 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



Major Holmes and his detach- 
ment, General Roberts over- 
took them at Kattara, a village 
near the Nathdwara hills. They 
had taken up an excellent posi- 
tion on a line of these rocky 
eminences, on the crest of 
which they planted four guns, 
and worked them like skilled 
artillerymen. Roberts, advanc- 
ing through a defile, caused his 
horse-artillery to beat off the 
enemy till he got his infantry 
formed into line. Making a 
rush up the hill-side, the infantry 
saw that the rebels were labour- 
ing to carry away two guns with 
a small escort. A volley soon 
put them to flight, leaving the 
guns behind them. The rebels 
escaped in different directions, 
and their camp, covered with 
arms and accoutrements, fell 
into the hands of the victors. 
The cavalry and horse-artillery 
followed the fugitives for ten 
miles, cutting them down in 
great numbers. All the guns 
which they had brought from 
Tonk, four elephants, a number 
of camels, and a large supply of 
ammunition, were captured; and 
the loss of the British was 
surprisingly small. General 
Roberts, however, did not suc- 
ceed in capturing the treasure 
which Tanteea Topee was 
known to carry about with him. 
It was borne on the backs of 
elephants, and so well were those 
elephants guarded, both during 
battle and in flight, that the 
British never succeeded in cap- 
turing them. 
After the victory at Kattara, 



General Roberts left the pursuit 
of Tanteea Topee for a time to 
Brigadier Parkes, who started 
from Neemuch on the nth 
with a miscellaneous force, in- 
cluding, among others, the J2d 
Highlanders; but the rebel 
leader, by amazing quickness of 
movement, still kept eluding 
his pursuers. He crossed the 
Chumbul near Sagoodar on the 
2oth, and arrived at Julra Pat- 
teen, a town on the main road 
from Agra to Indore, which he 
plundered of some treasure and 
many guns. He was now in 
another territory, and General 
Michel, with the Malwah field 
torce, started from Mhow in 
pursuit of him. At Rajgurh he 
was joined by Man Singh, an- 
other rebel, who had in the 
meantime raised his standard 
in Scindia's territory, and been 
driven out of it. There was 
something like a race between 
Tanteea Topee and General 
Michel, which would reach Beora 
first. This was a station on the 
Bhopal and Seronj road, which 
would give the holder a power- 
ful command over the whole 
district, especially as it was one 
of the stations by which tele- 
graphic communication was 
kept up between Calcutta and 
Bombay. The British general 
came up with the rebel leader 
on the 1 5th of September, be- 
fore he reached Beora. It was 
not Tanteea Topee's policy to 
engage in an open field-fight. 
There was a running series of 
skirmishes; but when he saw 
that defeat was imminent, he 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



217 



thought more of his elephants 
loaded with treasure than his 
guns; and abandoning the lat- 
ter, he escaped with Scindia's 
enormously valuable property 
again, having lost in this run- 
ning scramble 300 men, twenty- 



seven guns, a train of draught 
bullocks, and a large quantity 
of ammunition. This spoil 
General Michel took posses- 
sion of, his loss having been 
only one man killed and three 
wounded. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



THE END. 



THE military operations carried 
on by the British authorities 
had at length been reduced to 
the breaking up of desperate 
bands of lawless marauders, and 
hunting down their leaders. 
During the months of October 
and November the disturbances 
were pretty well limited to two 
regions Oude, with portions of 
the neighbouring provinces of 
RohilcundandBehar; andMal- 
wah, with portions of Bundel- 
cund, and the Nerbudda pro- 
vinces. 

In the former region the mov- 
ing and guiding spirit was the 
begum. This princess and the 
Ranee of Jhansi are worthy to 
be ranked and indeed may, 
perhaps, be in the traditions of 
distant ages of the future in 
their country with Boadicea, 
the ancient British queen, espe- 
cially in her ruthless, relentless, 
and at the same time hopeless, 
aspiration to see the foreign 
intruders on her native soil an- 
nihilated. There are no such 



cruelties on record against the 
begum as there are against the 
Ranee ; and she was therefore 
regarded, even by those who 
were hunting her down as de- 
terminedly as she plotted for 
their destruction, with a certain 
meed of respect. A gallant 
soldier always entertains this 
feeling towards a " foeman 
worthy of his steel;" how much 
more so towards a patriotic 
princess ? 

It was rumoured in the British 
camps at the time, that the be- 
gum, exasperated at the defeat 
to which the troops led by her 
generals were uniformly exposed, 
sent to each of these worthies 
a pair of women's ankle orna- 
ments, called bangles, jeeringly 
requesting them to wear these 
trinkets, since they could not 
vanquish the Feringhees, and 
drive them from the land. These, 
it was said, had the effect of 
arousing some of her officers to 
ineffectual attempts to respect 
her wishes, but how utterly fu- 



218 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



tile these efforts proved was 
seen in the result of her heroic 
struggles. 

If the began lost battles, it 
was not because she was afraid 
to carry on open warfare. Very 
different was the conduct of 
the despicable miscreant, Nana 
Sahib. He was afraid to expose 
his wretched life to the risks of 
such an ordeal. Hiding in 
jungles, he endeavoured to keep 
his contemptible existence a 
secret from the British. And 
he has done so ever since, not- 
withstanding the untold redup- 
lications of Argus, which have 
been on the look-out for him 
ever since. If any considerable 
number of Indians have known 
anything about him for the last 
period of nearly two decades, 
they have been faithful to him 
in a degree for which Occidentals 
do not usually give Orientals 
credit, and they deserve almost 
some of the kind of praise which 
has been bestowed on the trusty 
Highlandmen who knew the 
hidings of Prince Charles Ed- 
ward Stuart, and braved death 
and danger rather than betray 
him. It was thought, in the 
year 1875, that the skulking 
Nana had been unearthed at 
last, but he was not. 

There were no extensive mili- 
tary operations in Oude during 
the month of October. Sir 
Colin Campbell was, however, 
as vigilant as ever. He was 
waiting for the cessation of the 
autumnal rains, and collecting 
several columns, with the view 
of hemming in the rebels. That 



they would soon be ultimately 
crushed, there was now no room 
to doubt. There were few of 
the skilled sepoys of the Bengal 
mutinied regiments left among 
them. The stem arbitrament 
of war and privations innumer- 
able had removed most of them 
from the scenes of cruel strife 
which they had inaugurated. 
Their places were now filled 
by a rabble of undisciplined 
ruffians, who, eager enough for 
lawlessness and loot, were pig- 
mies on the field of battle. 

Sir Colin began personally 
to carry out his well-conceived 
plan of operations in November. 
He would compel the rebels to 
fight or to flee out of the pro- 
vince of Oude. If they accepted 
the former alternative, the result 
was not doubtful. If they fled, 
it would not be by the Ganges, 
nor into Rohilcund in the one 
direction, nor into Behar in the 
other. The only outlet for them 
left open was over the frontier 
of Nepaul, where they might 
hide as long as they were allowed, 
but where they would no longer 
be of any military account as 
rebels. 

At the dead of night between 
the ist and 2d of November, 
the resolute commander-in-chief 
left Allahabad, with carefully 
selected troops, crossed the 
Ganges, and once more entered 
the province of Oude. The first 
thing he did was to issue a pro- 
clamation in which the character 
of the man sternly tender and 
mercifully inflexible was unmis- 
takably reflected, It read thus ; 



THE INDTAN MUTINY. 



219 



" The commander - in - chief 
proclaims to the people of Oude 
that, under the order of the 
Right Hon. the Governor-Gene- 
ral, he comes to enforce the 
law. In order to effect this 
without danger to life and pro- 
perty, resistance must cease on 
the part of the people. 

"The most exact discipline 
will be preserved in the camps 
and on the march; and when 
there is no resistance, houses 
and crops will be spared, and 
no plundering allowed in the 
towns and villages. But wher- 
ever there is resistance, or even 
a single shot fired against the 
troops, the inhabitants must ex- 
pect to incur the fate they have 
brought upon themselves. Their 
houses will be plundered, and 
their villages burned. 

" This proclamation includes 
all ranks of people, from the 
thalookdars to the poorest ryots. 
The commander-in-chief invites 
all the well-disposed to remain 
in their towns and villages, 
where they will be sure of his 
protection against all violence." 

Mr Montgomery, the chief- 
commissioner of Oude, had a 
few days earlier issued a procla- 
mation for the disarming of all 
persons of all ranks, threatening 
every individual who should 
disobey, with fine and imprison- 
ment. The Queen's proclama- 
tion also was read at the same 
time at every station, large or 
small, in British India. This 
emanation of royal clemency- 
will be referred to immedi- 
ately 



It was hoped, and with good 
reason, as the result proved, 
that these three proclamations 
would conduce to the pacifica- 
tion which would be as beneficial 
to the troubled province as it 
was earnestly desired by those 
who had the power to effect it 
by the strongest arm of the law 
the army. 

While Sir Colin Campbell 
advanced towards the centre of 
Oude by Pertabghur, a column 
was approaching fromSeetapore, 
Hope Grant from Salone, and 
General RowcroftfromFyzabad. 
The begum and her supporters 
were thus so hemmed in, that 
they began to bethink them- 
selves of surrender in terms of 
the proclamation of Queen Vic- 
toria, now the Empress of 
India. 

One of the first to surrender 
was the Rajah Lall Madhoo 
Singh, a chieftain of great influ- 
ence, who could not be charged 
with having stained his hands 
in any deeds of cruelty. 

Ummer Singh, and his con- 
federates also in the Jugdispore 
district, began to see that their 
position had become desperate. 
Sir H. Havelock, son of the 
deceased general, and Colonel 
Turner, pressed upon them so 
closely that they could not fail 
to see that their final discomfi- 
ture was certain. The gracious 
proclamation of the empress 
was an open refuge to them also 
if they chose to avail themselves 
of it. Indeed, their case had 
been rendered peculiarly hope- 
less by the annihilation of one 



210 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



of the refuges which they had 
known well how to turn to ac- 
count at need. The Jugdispore 
jungle, twenty- three miles in 
length and four miles broad, 
was cut down an effective dis- 
play of offensive and defensive 
military tactics which was begun 
in November by Messrs Burn, 
railway contractors. Oude was 
entirely reduced to subjection 
to the British in the beginning 
of the year 1859. 

In the Malwah region Gen- 
eral Michel inflicted a severe 
defeat on Tanteea Topee at 
Sindwah on the iQth of Octo- 
ber; and another on the 23d of 
the same month near Multhone. 
In this latter encounter the 
British general literally cut the 
fugitive rebel leader's army in 
two; and it is considered pro- 
bable that if he had pursued the 
larger section of it instead of the 
smaller, as he did, Tanteea 
Topee might have been captur- 
ed earlier than he was. After 
this that remarkable man was 
hunted like a beast of prey. 
His enemies gave him no rest. 
During November he made some 
extraordinary marches in the 
country immediately to the 
south of the river Nerbudda. 
He was known to have lost 
nearly all his guns and military 
stores; and his followers, though 
loaded with encumbering wealth 
of silver, were footsore and de- 
sponding. His companion lead- 
ers then began to think of the 
Queen's proclamation; and the 
Nawab of Banda, the most in- 
fluential among them, was the 



first to seek General Michel with 
the view of availing himself of 
the deliverance it afforded. Tan- 
teea Topee was subsequently 
taken, tried by court-martial, 
and hanged. 

As in all great conflagrations, 
there was much stamping-out 
required at the close of the In- 
dian mutiny, after the flames at 
the principal centres had been 
brought under control. Robber 
bands survived the guerrilla war- 
fare which set in after regular 
military organisation by the 
rebels had been rendered im- 
possible. But the story of the 
mutiny rounds off into an effec- 
tive close in November almost 
as effective as if the muse of 
history had turned fictionist for 
the occasion. Minor results of 
the tale of horrors were indeed 
visible to a later date; but in 
that month a change in the gov- 
ernment of India was proclaim- 
ed throughout the length and 
breadth of the empire; the Brit- 
ish army had become so largely 
augmented in the country, as 
to render the prospects of the 
mutineers hopeless; the rebel 
leaders had begun to tender 
their submission under terms of 
the royal proclamation; the 
skilled mutinous sepoys had 
been, to a large extent, removed 
from the scenes of strife by 
battle and privation; the military 
operations had become little 
more than the chasing of lawless 
marauders ; and the armed men 
still at large were mostly dupes 
of designing leaders, or rather 
ruffians whose watchwords wer$ 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



221 



pay and plunder, rather than 
patriotism and nationality. 

The event which rounds off 
the story of the Indian mutiny 
was one of the most significant 
occurrences in history. It was 
the demise of the great East 
India Company. That mutiny 
was the end of many things. 
When reading or recording to 
take only one example, but it is 
one fraught with many materials 
for reflection the trial of the 
King of Delhi, and the sentence 
passed on the senile felon, it is 
next to impossible to help feel- 
ing that the judge on the occa- 
sion was the last representative of 
the East India Company ; and 
that he was condemning the last 
great Mogul, and heir of the 
house of Timour the Tartar 
of Tamerlane the magnificent 
to be transported across the 
seas. 

The bill in the British Parlia- 
ment which decreed the cessa- 
tion of the functions of the 
mightiest and most extraordin- 
ary commercial power the world 
has ever seen, received the royal 
assent, and became an Act of 
Parliament on August 2, 1858. 
The last special general court 
of the Company was held in 
London on the ist of Septem- 
ber; and the immediate purpose 
of it was to grant a pension to 
Sir John Lawrence. This was 
done, and was followed by an 
earnest tender of thanks by the 
East 'India Company generally, 
to its servants of every rank and 
capacity, at home and in India. 
It had been provided by a clause 



in the Act that the court of 
directors should elect seven 
members to the new council of 
India. They did so; and the 
Government nominated eight 
the greatest name in the latter 
list being that of Sir John Laird 
Muir Lawrence, who was ex- 
pected to return to England, 
and for whom a place at the 
council board was kept vacant. 
The ist of November 1858 
was a day to be remembered in 
India. On that day it was made 
known throughout the length 
and breadth of the empire that 
the governing power of the 
country had been transferred 
from the East India Company 
to Queen Victoria. On that 
day a royal proclamation was 
issued, which has been regarded 
by many as the Magna Charta 
of native liberty in India. This 
proclamation was read, with all 
the accompaniments of cere- 
monial splendour that were con- 
ceived necessary to give dignity 
and force to it in the eyes of the 
natives, at Calcutta, Bombay, 
Madras, Lahore, Kurachee, 
Delhi, Agra, Allahabad, Nag- 
poor, Mysore, Rangoon, and 
other great cities } as well as at 
every British station, large or 
small, where it was read to the 
accompaniment of such military 
honours as the place could afford. 
The proclamation was translated 
into most of the languages and 
many of the dialects of India. 
In whatever tongue, it was 
printed in tens of thousands, 
and distributed wherever natives 
were wont to congregate most. 



222 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



It came upon the stage of af- 
fairs as a grand and, as it proved, 
a startling effect. A new thing 
had happened under the sun, 
and interest in the mutiny paled 
before it. It was the wonder 
and the talk of the village, the 
bazaar, the temple, the bunga- 
low, the exchange, the barracks, 
and the palace. Its purport 
was this : Queen Victoria is now 
Empress of India ! There was 
something in this the natives 
could understand. They never 
had understood the relations 
borne by the Company to the 
crown and nation of England. 
As has been said, " They were 
familiar with some such name 
as 'Koompanee;' but whether 
this Koompanee was a king, a 
queen, a viceroy, a minister, a 
council, a parliament, was a 
question left in a state of 
doubt." 

The shape it took to their 
minds was that Queen Victoria 
was Empress. Whether this 
corresponded with a rigorous 
interpretation of the Act of 
Parliament by which Her Ma- 
jesty came into this new.relation- 
ship is not a question of any 
consequence in reference to the 
pacification which was thus aus- 
piciously crowned. It had been 
rendered possible by victories 
on the field of battle ; it became 
a fact and was blazoned abroad 
by the proclamation, which 
added pomp to the power by 
which the mutineers had been 
compelled to yield to an extent 
which only required this sound 
of the benign voice of mercy to 



induce them to yield altogether. 
The purport of the proclamation 
was : The Queen being now 
virtually Empress of India, 
the Governor-General was her 
viceroy; the native princes 
might rely on the observance 
by Her Majesty of all treaties 
made with them by the Com- 
pany ; she desired no encroach- 
ment on, or annexation of, the 
territories of those princes ; she 
would not interfere with the 
religion of the natives, or coun- 
tenance any favouritism in mat- 
ters of faith ; neither creed nor 
caste should be a bar to em- 
ployment in Her Majesty's 
service; the ancient legal ten- 
ures and forms of India would, 
as far as possible, be adhered 
to ; and all mutineers and 
rebels, except those whose 
hands were stained with blood 
shed in actual murder, were 
assured of a full and gracious 
pardon when they laid down 
their arms. 

The spectacle at the reading 
of the proclamation at Bombay 
was the most imposing the 
natives of India had ever wit- 
nessed. The ceremony was 
indeed rendered as similar to it 
as possible in all the other cities 
where the proclamation was 
read. But at Bombay the gover- 
nor, Lord Elphinstone, and all the 
chief civilians were present ; the 
military officers and the troops, 
the clergy of all the various 
Christian denominations ; the 
merchants, ship - owners, and 
traders ; the Mohammedans, 
Hindoos, Mahrattas, Parsees 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



223 



all were represented in the 
throng which listened to the 
proclamation, read first in Eng- 
lish and then in Mahratta. 

The shouting, the music of 
military bands, the firing of 
guns, the waving of flags, the 
illumination of the city at night, 
the fireworks in the public 
squares, the blue lights and 
manning of ships, the banquets 
of the wealthy, and the revelry 
of the people all the various 
noises and displays and de- 
grees of endurance by which 
human nature labours to give 
utterance to feelings which can- 
not otherwise be expressed, were 
produced in Bombay on that 
memorable day. 

Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy out- 
did all his fellow citizens in the 
munificence of his rejoicings 
and the magnificence of his dis- 
play. Parsees and Christians 
vied with each other. What 
is wonderful, Christians them- 
selves were at one. Catholics 
and Protestants were for one 
day, in one xespect, at least, 
in harmony. Protestant and 
Catholic churches, Moham- 
medan mosques, Hindoo pa- 
godas, and Parsee temples, 
were alike lighted up on that 
auspicious night. 

At Calcutta the proclamation 
was received with similar fer- 
vour. This is more wonderful 
than every one will see at a 
glance. The inhabitants of the 
Anglo-Indian capital have always 
been a community very difficult 
to please. They are like the 
inhabitants of most capitals 



where pens are not clogged and 
speech gagged. The proclama- 
tion, however, had the excep- 
tional good fortune of being 
approved of by this fastidious 
population. 

The Europeans consented to 
lay aside minor considerations 
of mutual hostility to do honour 
to the great principles involved 
in the proclamation. The na- 
tives here also joined in the 
demonstrations which fitly ac- 
companied a ceremony of vital 
importance to nearly a score of 
millions of their countrymen. 
At a public meeting held early 
in the month, an influential Hin- 
doo, Baboo Ramgopal Ghose, 
said, among other things: "If 
I had power and influence, I 
would proclaim through the 
length and breadth of the land 
from the Himalayas to Cape 
Comorin, from the Bramapootra 
to the Bay of Cambay that 
never were the natives more 
grievously mistaken, than they 
have been in adopting the notion 
foisted in them by designing and 
ambitious men that their re- 
ligion was at stake; for that 
notion I believe to have beun 
at the root of the late rebel- 
lion." 

These words are an appro- 
priate conclusion to this account 
of the great mutiny in India, 
which has been sketched in brief 
outline in the preceding pages, 
from the first display of insub- 
ordination in the beginning of 
1857, to the issue of the royal 
proclamation in the month of 
November 1858. The writer, 



224: 



THE INDIAN MUTINY. 



or rather summarise!, has not 
presumed to offer any reflections 
similar to those he did not hesi- 
tate to express when telling the 
story of other mutinies in this 
volume, beyond such reflection 
as is always implied in the use 
of epithets. Nor will he now, 
great as the temptation is. The 
mutiny overflowed with both 
the romance and the wretched- 
ness of war ; the conduct of the 
conquerors for bravery was such 
as will never find its proportion- 
ate counterpart in the records 
of the most expressive language. 
But the Titanic struggle bristled 
also with grave and solemn 
warnings to the conquering race. 
Let no reader of the story of 
the Indian Mutiny in larger 
or in less detail, forget for a 
moment that there is a point of 
view from which it is regarded 
by the relatives and descendants 
of the mutinous sepoys, and 
which is the patriotic poles 
asunder from that of the country- 
men of Sir Henry Havelock, 



Sir Colin Campbell, Sir Hugh 
Rose, and their heroic compan- 
ions. To the natives of India 
it is perfectly natural that Nana 
Sahib, the Moulvie of Fyzabad, 
the Ranee of Jhansi, the Begum 
of Oude, and all their heroic 
companions, should appear, not 
as mutineers, but as patriots 
and martyrs in the holiest of 
causes. If the natives of India 
had a terrible lesson read to 
them in their crushing defeat, 
not less impressive was the 
lesson written in the blood 
of innocent children, helpless 
women, and the bravest of 
soldiers which was unfolded 
to the eyes, understandings, and 
hearts of their conquerors. It 
would well become them now 
to bear themselves towards 
the subject-people more than 
they have in the past, in the 
spirit of doing as they would 
be done by : a spirit which was 
not, and is not, universally 
characteristic of the conduct of 
Englishmen in the East. 



KMP OF THE INDIAN MUTIIJV. 




CAST UP BY THE SEA. MUTINY OF THE ' BOUNTY.' 
(Frontispiece.) 



THE STORY 



OF THE 



GOOD SHIP BOUNTY 

AND HER MUTINEERS 



AND 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS 



EDINBURGH: 
W. P. NIMMO, HAY, & MITCHELL. 



MORRISON AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. 



CONTENTS. 



THE GOOD SHIP BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 
CHAPTER I. PAGE 

OFF TO OTAHEITE, ....... I 

CHAPTER II. 

THE MUTINY OF THE BOUNTY, ..... 19 

CHAPTER III. 

IN PURSUIT OF THE MUTINEERS, ..... 5^ 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE COURT-MARTIAL, ....... 69 

CHAPTER V. 

PITCAIRN ISLAND, ....... 73 

CHAPTER VI. 

NORFOLK ISLAND, ....... 85 

MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 
MUTINY IN THE 42D REGIMENT (THE ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT, 

OR BLACK WATCH), MAY 1743, ..... 95 

MUTINY IN THE 78TH REGIMENT, SEAFORTH'S HIGHLANDERS (NOW 
THE 72D REGIMENT, DUKE OF ALBANY'S OWN HIGHLANDERS), 

SEPTEMBER 1778, . . . . . . .Ill 

MUTINY IN THE OLD 76TH REGIMENT (MACDONALD's HIGHLANDERS), 

MARCH 1779, ....... 122 

MUTINY OF DETACHMENTS OF THE 42D AND 7IST REGIMENTS 

(ROYAL HIGHLAND AND FRASER'S HIGHLANDERS), APRIL 1779, 127 

MUTINY OF THE 77TH REGIMENT (ATHOLE HIGHLANDERS), JANU- 
ARY 1783, . . . 142 

MUTINY OF BREADALBANE FENCIBLES, DECEMBER 1794, . . 149 

MUTINY OF THE GRANT FENCIBLES, JUNE 1795, . . .156 



THE GOOD SHIP BOUNTY AND HER 
MUTINEERS. 



CHAPTER I. 



OFF TO OTAHEITE. 



THIS is one of the saddest and 
most eventful stories of mercan- 
tile enterprise. It resulted from 
an attempt to find cheap food 
for slaves in the days when good 
King George III. was a leading 
controller of the destinies of 
Great Britain. How much it 
will tell to the advantage of that 
golden, olden time, is an infer- 
ence which must be left to the 
discernment of the readers of it. 
We cannot now greatly admire 
a good many of the doings of 
those times. 

In the year of grace 1787, 
seventeen years after Captain 
Cook returned from his first 
voyage, the London merchants 
and planters " interested in the 
West Indian possessions," as Sir 
John Barrow writes, or, as people 
in our day would say, the slave- 
holders in the capital of Eng- 
land, represented to George III. 
that the bread-fruit tree of Ota- 
heite was an article which would 
constitute cheap enough and 



good enough food for their hu- 
man property in the West Indies. 
His Majesty, after hearing what 
they had to say, thought so too, 
and graciously ordered means 
to be taken for the procuring of 
this benefit, supposed to be es- 
sential for the good of the in- 
habitants of those islands. A 
vessel was purchased and put 
into ship-shape for this benevo- 
lent object at Deptford, a royal 
dockyard about a mile west of 
Greenwich, which had been 
established by Henry VIII. in 
the fourth year of his reign. Sir 
Joseph Banks, renowned for his 
ignorance of Greek and his great 
learning in botany " Here is 
Banks," said some of his fellow- 
students at Oxford, "but he 
knows nothing of Greek " 
made all the arrangements for 
the procuring and transhipment 
of the economical plants. Mr 
Banks had been one of the 
naturalists who sailed under 
Captain Cook from Plymouth 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



Sound in August 1768. An ac- 
count of his life, a most instruc- 
tive one, must be looked for else- 
where, but he may be mentioned 
here as one of those students 
who learn to look out of them- 
selves, a most desirable accom- 
plishment, not taught by Oxford 
tutors in those days, nor by 
very many tutors of any name 
in these days of ours. But Mr 
Banks had taught himself a sin- 
gularly useful lesson, which one 
of the wishes of the compiler of 
this book is to teach his readers 
many of them, he trusts, 
youthful, beginning to learn the 
lessons of life. Banks took to 
a subject, and he worked it out. 
This kind of undertaking keeps 
men well and wisely employed. 
In literary life, as in all other 
kinds of life, a speciality is the 
thing to be desired and attained. 
A man who can do all things can, 
as a rule, do little or nothing 
worth being remembered. The 
following quotation from the 
" Penny Cyclopaedia," one of 
the best books of the kind ever 
published, but, like all books of 
its sort, apt to get a good deal 
out of date, is full of the in- 
structions a great many people 
of the thinking and talking order 
need. The quotation is : " Sir 
Everard Home, in theHunterian 
Oration delivered in the theatre 
of the College of Surgeons, Feb- 
ruary 14, 1822, informs us that 
the lirst part of young Banks's 
education was under a private 
tutor; at nine years of age he 
was sent to Harrow School, and 
was removed when thirteen to 



Eton. He is described, in a 
letter from his tutor, as being 
well-disposed and good-temper- 
ed, but so immoderately fond of 
play that his attention could not 
be fixed to study. When four- 
teen his tutor had, for the first 
time, the satisfaction of finding 
him reading during his hours of 
leisure. This sudden turn he, 
at a later time, explained to Sir 
Everard Home. One fine sum- 
mer evening he had bathed in 
the river as usual, with other 
boys, but having stayed a long 
time in the water, he found 
when he came to dress himself 
that all his companions were 
gone : he was walking leisurely 
along a lane, the sides of which 
were richly enamelled with flow- 
ers; he stopped, and looking 
round, involuntarily exclaimed, 
* How beautiful ! ' After some 
reflection, he said to himself, 
' It is surely more natural that I 
should betaughttoknowall these 
productions of Nature, in prefer- 
ence to Greek and Latin; but 
the latter is my father's com- 
mand, and it is my duty to obey 
him. I will, however, make 
myself acquainted with all these 
different plants for my own 
pleasure and gratification/ He 
began immediately to teach him- 
self botany; and, for want of 
more able tutors, submitted to 
be instructed by the women 
employed in culling simples, as 
it is termed, to supply the drug- 
gists' and apothecaries' shops, 
paying sixpence for every mate- 
rial piece of information. While 
at home for the ensuing holidays, 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



he found in his mother's dress- 
ing-room, to his inexpressible 
delight, a book in which all the 
plants he had met with were not 
only described, but represented 
by engravings. This, which 
proved to be 'Gerard's Herbal,' 
although one of the boards was 
lost and several of the leaves 
torn out, he carried with him 
to school. He left Eton School 
in his eighteenth year, and was 
entered a gentleman-commoner 
at Christ Church (Oxford) in 
December 1760, just before he 
was eighteen. His love of bot- 
any, which commenced at school, 
increased at the University, and 
then his mind warmly embraced 
all the other branches of natural 
history. His ardour for the 
acquirement of botanical know- 
ledge was so great that, finding 
no lectures were given on that 
subject, he applied to Dr Sib- 
thorpe, the botanical professor, 
for permission to procure a 
proper person, whose remunera- 
tion was to fall entirely upon 
the students who formed his 
class. This arrangement was 
acceded to, and a sufficient 
number of students having set 
down their names, he went to 
Cambridge and brought back 
with him Mr Israel Lyons, a 
botanist and astronomer. This 
gentleman, many years after, 
procured, through Mr Banks's 
interest, the appointment of as- 
tronomer to the voyage towards 
the North Pole, under Captain 
Phipps, afterwards Lord Mul- 
grave. Mr Banks soon made 
himself known in the University, 



by his superior knowledge in 
natural history. * He once told 
me in conversation,' says Sir 
Everard Home, 'that when he 
first went to Oxford, if he hap- 
pened to come into any party 
of students in which they were 
discussing questions respecting 
Greek authors, some of them 
would call out (a manifestation 
of the wisdom of such students 
already referred to), 'Here is 
Banks, but he knows nothing of 
Greek.' To this rebuke he 
made no reply, but said to him- 
self, ' I will very soon excel you 
all in another kind of knowledge, 
in my mind of infinitely greater 
importance;' and not long after, 
when any of them wanted to 
clear up a point of natural his 
tory, they said, ' We must go to 
Banks.' " 

Now this bit of Cyclopaedia 
writing is a very good picture 
in its way, and sets us on in 
our story of the Mutiny of the 
Bounty with a vivid enough 
sense of the man who made the 
arrangements necessary for sup- 
plying the holders of slaves in 
the West Indian islands with 
cheap food for their slaves, above 
a hundred years ago. The ship 
was named 'The Bounty' by 
him ; and he recommended to 
the command of her Lieutenant 
Bligh, a Cornishman, who had 
sailed with Captain Cook. She 
was of burden about 2 50 tons,and 
the following was the establish- 
ment of men she sailed with 
under Lieutenant Bligh : James 
Fryer, master ; Thomas Led- 
ward, acting surgeon; David 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



Nelson, botanist; William Peck- 
over, gunner; William Cole, 
boatswain ; William Purcell, car- 
penter ; William Elphinstone, 
master's mate ; Thomas Hay- 
ward, John Hallet, midshipmen ; 
John Norton, Peter Lenkletter, 
quarter-masters ; Lawrence Le- 
bogue, sailmaker; John Smith, 
Thomas Hall, cooks ; George 
Simpson, quarter-master's mate; 
Robert Tinkler, a boy ; Robert 
Lamb, butcher; Mr Samuel, 
clerk; Fletcher Christian, mas- 
ter's mate ; Peter Heywood, 
Edward Young, George Stewart, 
midshipmen; Charles Churchill, 
master-at-arms; John Mills, gun- 
ner's mate ; James Morrison, 
boatswain's mate ; Thomas Bur- 
kitt, Matthew Quintal, John 
Sumner, John Millward, Wil- 
liam M'Koy, Henry Hillbrant, 
Michael Byrne, William Mus- 
prat, Alexander Smith, John 
Williams, Thomas Ellison, Isaac 
Martin, Richard Skinner, Mat- 
thew Thompson, able seamen; 
William Brown, gardener; Jo- 
seph Coleman, armourer; Char- 
les Norman, carpenter's mate ; 
Thomas M'Intosh, carpenter's 
crew. David Nelson, who had 
served as botanist in Captain 
Cook's last expedition, and Wil- 
liam Brown, his assistant, were 
recommended by Sir Joseph 
Banks as skilful and careful 
men, who could be safely trusted 
with the management of the 
bread-fruit plants which were to 
be carried to the West Indies, 
and others which were to be 
brought to England for his Ma- 
jesty's garden at Kew. A de- 



scription of the bread-fruit plant 
given by that doughty old com- 
mander, William Dampier, to- 
wards the close of the seventeenth 
century, may be repeated here. 
He describes it thus: "The 
bread-fruit, as we call it, grows 
on a large tree, as big and high 
as our largest apple-trees ; it 
hath a spreading head, full of 
branches and dark leaves. The 
fruit grows on the boughs like 
apples ; it is as big as a penny 
loaf, when wheat is at five shil- 
lings the bushel ; it is of a round 
shape, and hath a thick, tough 
rind. When the fruit is ripe, it 
is yellow and soft, and the taste 
is sweet and pleasant. The na- 
tives of Guam use it for bread. 
They gather it, when full grown, 
while it is green and hard ; then 
they bake it in an oven, which 
scorcheth the rind and makes it 
black ; but they scrape off the 
outside black crust, and there 
remains a tender, thin crust; 
and the inside is soft, tender, 
and white, like the crumb of a 
penny loaf. There is neither 
seed nor stone in the inside, but 
all is of a pure substance like 
bread. It must be eaten new ; 
for if it is kept above twenty- 
four hours, it grows harsh and 
choaky, but is very pleasant be- 
fore it is too stale. This fruit 
lasts in season eight months in 
the year, during which the na- 
tives eat no other sort of food 
of bread kind. I did never see 
of this fruit anywhere but here. 
The natives told us that there 
is plenty of this fruit growing on 
the rest of the Ladrone Islands ; 



THE BOUNTY AND HEP MUTINEERS. 



and I did never hear of it any- 
where else." This tropical tree 
can be kept alive by artificial 
heat in England, but with diffi- 
culty. The natives of the Mol- 
ucca Islands use its leaves as 
tablecloths. It is valuable for 
many other purposes, good 
cloths, for example, being manu- 
factured from its inner bark.* 

It was, then, to secure for 
other climes, in which it could 
not grow, such a plant of renown 
that an event occurred which 
interested the British public 
deeply at the time it took place, 
and which has human interest 
abundantly sufficient to render 
a narrative of it still attractive. 

The Bounty cleared out from 
Spithead in dull December. It 
was on the 23d day of that 
month, in the year 1787. Three 
days after it sailed, a gale began 
to blow from the east, which 
continued three days, and which 
greatly damaged the ship. The 
square-yards, it was reported, and 
spars out of the starboard main 
chains, were broken by one sea. 
Another stove all the boats. 
Casks of beer which had been 
lashed on the deck, were washed 
overboard; and great was the 
toil to secure the boats from 
being all of them swept into the 
sea. A great deal of the bread 
on board was so damaged as to 
be rendered uneatable. The sea 

* For a full scientific account of 
the bread-fruit tree, see Botanical 
Magazine, vol. lv., pp. 2869-2871. 
It is from the able pen of Sir W. 
Hooker, and is illustrated with three 
plates. 



stove in the stern of the Bounty, 
and filled her cabin with brine. 
She had to touch at some avail- 
able place, and Bligh put in at 
Teneriffe on the 5th of January, 
thirteen days after he had sailed. 
It is a dreary kind of work this 
weathering and finding one's 
way out of a merciless storm at 
sea, but it has to be done. The 
cold, the care, and the doubt, 
the firm sternly possessed look 
of the captain and his subordi- 
nates, as well as the willing, 
weary labour of the hands undei 
them, are not easily forgotten by 
any grateful human being who 
has ever felt his life, fortune, and 
the prospects of his family de- 
pendent on their knowledge and 
nerve. At Teneriffe, the Bounty 
was put to rights, " refitted and 
refreshed," as Sir John Barrow 
says, and she sailed again, after 
five days' detention. 

" I now," says Captain Bligh, 
in that interesting narrative of 
his, which all who tell the won- 
derful tale of the adventures of 
him, and the mutineers he failed 
to control, simply repeat, with 
slight attempts at variation, 
" I now divided the people into 
three watches, and gave the 
charge of the third watch to Mr 
Fletcher Christian, one of the 
mates. I have always consi- 
dered this a desirable regulation 
when circumstances will admit 
of it, and I am persuaded that 
unbroken rest not only contri. 
butes much towards the health 
of the ship's company, but en- 
ables them more readily to exert 
themselves in cases of sudden 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



emergency." It is not easy, by 
sea or land, for people who have 
to toil to get " unbroken rest ; " 
and Captain Bligh was in very 
needful self-defence telling his 
own story, but we must proceed 
along with him. He was eager 
to sail away to Otaheite with as 
little delay as wind and weather 
would allow ; but the late storm 
had seriously diminished his 
supply 01" provisions. So all 
hands were put under a deduc- 
tion of a third of the bread they 
had bargained for. As a pre- 
caution for their health in the 
circumstances, Captain Bligh 
resolved to purify the water they 
drank, through filtering stones 
he had procured at Teneriffe. 
" I now," says he, " made the 
ship's company acquainted with 
the object of the voyage, and 
gave assurances of the certainty 
of promotion to every one whose 
endeavours should merit it." 
"Nothing indeed," Sir John Bar- 
row remarks, " seemed to be ne- 
glected on the part of the com- 
mander to make his officers and 
men comfortable and happy. 
He was himself a thorough-bred 
sailor, and availed himself of 
every possible means of preserv- 
ing the health of his crew. Con- 
tinued rain and a close atmo- 
sphere had covered everything 
in the ship with mildew. She 
was therefore aired below with 
fires, and frequently sprinkled 
with vinegar, and every interval 
of dry weather was taken ad- 
vantage of to open all the hatch- 
ways, and clean the ship, and 
to have all the people's wet 



things washed and dried. With 
these precautions to secure 
health, they passed the hazy and 
sultry atmosphere of the low 
latitudes without a single com- 
plaint." 

On Sunday, the 2d of March, 
Captain Bligh observes : "After 
seeing that every person was 
clean, divine service was per- 
formed, according to my usual 
custom. On this day I gave to 
Mr Fletcher Christian, whom I 
had before desired to take charge 
of the third watch, a written 
order to act as lieutenant." 

Having reached as far as the 
latitude of 36 south, on the gth 
of March, " the change of tem- 
perature/' he reports, "began 
now to be sensibly felt, there 
being a variation in the ther- 
mometer since yesterday of 
eight degrees. That the people 
might not surfer from their own 
negligence, I gave orders for 
their light tropical clothing to 
be put by, and made them dress 
in a manner more suited to a 
cold climate. I had provided 
for this before I left England, 
by giving directions for such 
clothes to be purchased as would 
be found necessary. On this 
day, on a complaint of the mas- 
ter, I found it necessary to 
punish Matthew Quintal, one of 
the seamen, with two dozen 
lashes, for insolence and mutin- 
ous behaviour. Before this I 
had not had occasion to punish 
any person on board." Bligh 
did not yield to the temptation 
which New Year's Harbour, in 
Staten Island, near Cape Horn, 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



offered a sea-worn captain to 
seek temporary rest from his 
tossings. His men were in good 
health, and he determined to 
defer delay until he reached 
Otaheite, in a rough way about 
a hundred degrees farther west, 
and nearly forty degrees north 
a considerable distance to 
think of in laying aside all 
thoughts of refreshment. But 
the risk was safe under a com- 
mander like Captain Bligh. In 
defence of the memory of others, 
there will be occasion to criti- 
cise his conduct before the story 
of this mutiny is all told ; but 
thus far he had taken such care 
of the health of his ship's com- 
pany as to render any stay in a 
cold, inhospitable region near 
Tierra del Fuego undesirable. 
They encountered terrible wea- 
ther off Cape Horn. A constant 
fire on board day and night was 
found necessary to mollify the be- 
numbing influence of the wind, 
hail, and sleet ; and one of the 
watch had constantly to keep dry- 
'jig the wet clothes of the men 
who could get a chance of un- 
dressing. This state of things in 
the Southern Ocean lasted for 
nine days. The ship began to 
exhibit the natural results of such 
tearing, wearing, stormy weather. 
It required constant pumping. 
The decks became leaky ; and 
Captain Bligh allotted the great 
cabin to those who had wet 
berths. There they hung their 
hammocks in circumstances very 
discouraging for either keeping 
awake or going to sleep. They 
vere being driven back by the 



storm every day; and to persist 
in attempting a passage by this 
route, the route which had been 
prescribed by government, be- 
gan to seem hopeless. At that 
season of the year, and in such 
weather, the Society Islands were 
difficult to reach with the means 
of navigation Captain Bligh, or 
any other captain, had at com- 
mand in the last quarter of the 
eighteenth century. After strug- 
gling for thirty days in a tem- 
pestuous ocean, the plucky, 
proud, and, it is to be feared, 
overbearing commander of the 
Bounty, resolved to turn right 
round about, and bear away 
eastward towards the Cape of 
Good Hope, daringly and almost 
despairingly, in a reverse direc- 
tion, across the South Atlantic. 
When the helm was put thus 
a-weather, the captain tells us, 
every person on board re- 
joiced. 

They arrived at the Cape on 
the 23d of May, and, having 
remained there thirty-eight days 
to refit the ship, replenish pro- 
visions, and refresh the crew, 
they sailed again on the ist of 
July, and anchored in Adven- 
ture Bay, in Van Diemen's Land 
(the island now called Tasma- 
nia), on the 2oth August. Here, 
we are told, they remained, 
taking in wood and water, till 
the 4th September, and on the 
evening of the 25th October 
they saw Otaheite, and the next 
day came to anchor in Matavai 
Bay, after a distance which the 
ship had run over, by the log, 
since leaving England, of 27,086 



8 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



miles, being on an average 108 
miles each twenty-four hours. 

The people inquired after 
Captain Cook, Sir Joseph Banks, 
and others of their former 
friends. "There appeared," says 
Bligh, "among the natives in 
general, great goodwill towards 
us, and they seemed to be much 
rejoiced at our arrival. The 
whole day we experienced no 
instance of dishonesty ; and we 
were so much crowded that I 
could not undertake to remove 
to a more proper station, with- 
out danger of disobliging our 
visitors by desiring them to leave 
the ship." 

Otoo, the chief of the district, 
on hearing of the arrival of the 
Bounty, sent a small pig and a 
young plantain tree as tokens 
of friendship, worth noticing as 
characteristic of the country and 
the times. Provisions were now 
plenteous not all made up of 
the small pig and the young 
plantain tree but, however 
supplied, every man on board 
had "as much as he could 
consume" a great deal too 
much, as would seem to less 
accomplished writers. Captain 
Bligh went on shore with the 
chief, Poeeno, and passed 
through a shady walk, the 
shadows being thrown by bread- 
fruit trees. Poeeno's wife and 
sister were busy dyeing a bit of 
cloth red. They requested, 
with Otaheitan politeness, the 
captain to sit down on a mat, 
and offered him refreshments. 
Some neighbours called to con- 
''i-ntulate him on the fact of his 



arrival at their island, and, as is 
duly reported, behaved with 
great decorum and attention. 
On taking leave, says Bligh, 
"the ladies (for they deserve 
to be called such from their 
natural and unaffected manners, 
and elegance of deportment) 
got up, and taking some of their 
finest cloth and a mat, clothed 
me in the Otaheitan fashion, 
and then said, ' We will go with 
you to your boat;' and, each 
taking me by the hand, amidst 
a great crowd, led me to the 
water side, and then took their 
leave." In this day's walk, he 
had the satisfaction of seeing 
that the island had been bene- 
fited by the former visits of 
Captain Cook. Two shaddocks 
were brought to him, a fruit 
which they had not till Cook 
introduced it; and among the 
articles which they brought off 
to the ship and offered for sale, 
were capsicums, pumpkins, and 
two young goats. 

David Nelson, the botanist, 
and William Brown, his assist- 
ant, were sent out to look for 
young bread-fruit plants. They 
round them in abundance, and 
the natives made no objection 
to their gathering as many as 
they liked. Nelson found two 
fine shaddock trees which he 
had planted in 1777; they were 
loaded with fruit, which was not 
quite ripe. Presents were given 
to Otoo, the chief of Matavai, 
who had, since Cook's visit, 
changed his name to Tinah. 
He was complimented on his 
former kindness to the great 



THE BOUNTY 4ND HER MUTINEERS. 



voyager. King George III. had 
sent out these valuable gifts to 
him ; and "Will you not, Tinah," 
said King George's emissary, 
"send something toKingGeorge 
in return? " " Yes," said Tinah, 
"I will send him anything I 
have" a promise he would 
have been sure to break, if it 
had been exacted to the full. 
He mentioned the bread-fruit 
tree as one of the things he 
possessed. This was just what 
Bligh was trying to lead the 
chief up to mention; and he 
remarked that King George 
would like the bread-fruit tree 
very much. So it was promised 
that a great many plants of it 
should be put on board the 
Bounty. 

Hitherto the theftuous Ota- 
heitans had behaved with rea- 
sonable honesty during their 
visits to the ship, which they 
constantly came to in crowds. 
But one day the gudgeon of the 
rudder belonging to the large 
cutter was drawn out and stolen, 
an event which the man sta- 
tioned to take care of her should 
have been wide enough awake 
to have prevented. This and 
some other petty thefts, owing 
mainly to the man's negligence, 
tended rather to interrupt the 
good terms on which Captain 
Bligh stood with the chiefs. 
"I thought," he says, "it would 
have a good effect to punish 
the boat-keeper in their pre- 
sence; and accordingly I or- 
dered him a dozen lashes. All 
who attended the punishment 
interceded very earnestly to get 



it mitigated. The women showed 
great sympathy, and that degree 
of feeling," writes the gallant 
captain, " which characterises 
the amiable part of their sex." 
The longer they remained on the 
islands, our bread-fruit seekers 
liked the islanders and their con- 
duct the better. 

An Otaheitan Dido. 

A very interesting picture of 
Otaheitan society as it was expe- 
rienced by the first English voy- 
agers to the island, is furnished 
by the following narrative, by 
Sir John Barrow, who, though 
himself not a sailor, was yet one 
of the best writers on seafaring 
subjects. It is about one of 
King George III.'s renowned 
navigators, Samuel Wallis, a 
painstaking, sensible, and vera- 
cious seaman, who was the first 
to bring down the fabulous sta- 
ture of the Patagonians to its 
veritable height; and was the first 
English commander who visited 
Otaheite. It was he who recom- 
mended Otaheite as the station 
for observing the transit of Ven us, 
in 1769. The first communica- 
tion (writes our authority), which 
Wallis had with these people 
was unfortunately of a hostile 
nature. Having approached 
with his ship close to the shore, 
the usual symbol of peace and 
friendship, a branch of the plan- 
tain tree, was held up by a 
native in one of the numerous 
canoes that surrounded the 
ship. Great numbers, on being 
invited, crowded on board the 
stranger ship ; but one of them 



10 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



being butted on the haunches 
by a goat, and turning hastily 
round, perceiving it rearing on 
its hind legs ready to repeat the 
blow, was so terrified at the 
appearance of this strange ani- 
mal, so different from any he 
had ever seen, that, in the mo- 
ment of terror, he jumped over- 
board, and all the rest followed 
his example with the utmost 
precipitation. 

This little incident, however, 
produced no mischief; but as 
the boats were sounding in the 
bay, and several canoes crowd- 
inground them, Wallis suspected 
the islanders had a design to 
attack them ; and on this mere 
suspicion, ordered the boats by 
signal to come on board, " and 
at the same time," he says, " to 
intimidate the Indians, I fired 
a nine-pounder over their heads." 
This, as might have been ima- 
gined, startled the islanders, 
but did not prevent them from 
attempting immediately to cut 
off the cutter, as she was stand- 
ing towards the ship. Several 
stones were thrown into this 
boat, on which the commanding 
officer fired a musket loaded 
with buck-shot, at the man who 
threw the first stone, and wound- 
ed him on the shoulder. 

Finding no good anchorage 
at this place, the ship proceeded 
to another part of the island, 
where, on one of the boats being 
assailed by the Indians in two 
or three canoes, with their clubs 
and paddles in their hands, "Our 
people," says the commander, 
" being much pressed, were ob- 



liged to fire, by which one of 
the assailants was killed, and 
another much wounded." This 
unlucky rencontre did not, how- 
ever, prevent, as soon as the 
ship was moored, a great num- 
ber of canoes from coming off 
the next morning, with jiogs, 
fowls, and fruit. A brisk traffic 
soon commenced, our people 
exchanging knives, nails, and 
trinkets, for more substantial 
articles of food, of which they 
were in want. Among the 
canoes that came out last were 
some double ones of very large 
size, with twelve or fifteen stout 
men in each ; and it was ob- 
served that they had little on 
board, except a quantity of 
round pebble stones. Other 
canoes came off along with 
them, having only women on 
board ; and while these females 
were assiduously practising their 
allurements, by attitudes that 
could not be misunderstood, 
with the view, as it would seem, 
to distract the attention of the 
crew, the large double canoes 
closed round the ship ; and as 
these advanced, some of the 
men began singing, some blow- 
ing conches, and others playing 
on flutes. One of them with a 
person sitting under a canopy, 
approached the ship so close, 
as to allow this person to hand 
up a bunch of red and yellow 
feathers, making signs it was for 
the captain. He then put off 
to a little distance, and, on 
holding up the branch of a 
cocoa-nut tree, there was a uni- 
versal shout from all the canoes. 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 11 



which at the same moment 
moved towards the ship, and a 
shower of stones was poured 
into her on every side. The 
guard was now ordered to fire, 
and two of the quarter-deck 
guns, loaded with small shot, 
were fired among them at the 
same time, which created great 
terror and confusion, and caused 
them to retreat to a short dis- 
tance. In a few minutes, how- 
ever, they renewed the attack. 
The great guns were now or- 
dered to be discharged among 
them, and also into a mass of 
canoes that were putting off 
from the shore. It is stated 
that, at this time, there could 
not be less than three hundred 
canoes about the ship, having 
on board at least two thousand 
men. Again they dispersed ; 
but, having soon collected into 
something like order, they hoist- 
ed white streamers, and pulled 
towards the ship's stern, when 
they again began to throw stones 
with great force and dexterity, 
by the help of slings, each of 
the stones weighing about two 
pounds ; and many of them 
wounded the people on board. 
At length a shot hit the canoe 
that apparently had the chief 
on board, and cut it asunder. 
This was no sooner observed 
by the 'rest, than they all dis- 
persed in such haste, that in 
half-an-hour there was not a 
single canoe to be seen; and 
all the people who had crowded 
the shore fled over the hills 
with the utmost precipitation. 
What was to happen on the 



following day was matter of con- 
jecture ; but this point was soon 
decided. 

"The white man landed need the 

rest be told ? 

The new world stretch'd its dusk 
hand to the old." 

Lieutenant Furneaux, on the 
next morning, landed, without 
opposition, close to a fine river 
that fell into the bay, stuck 
up a staff on which was hoisted 
a pendant, turned a turf, and 
by this process took possession 
of the island in the name of his 
Majesty, and called it King 
George the Third's Island. Just 
as he was embarking, an old 
man, to whom the lieutenant 
had given a few trifles, brought 
some green boughs, which he 
threw down at the foot of the 
staff, then, retiring, brought 
about a dozen of his country- 
men, who approached the staff 
in a supplicating posture, then 
retired and brought two live 
hogs, which they laid down at 
the foot of the staff, and then 
began to dance. After this 
ceremony, the hogs were put 
into a canoe, and the old man 
carried them on board, handing 
up several green plantain leaves, 
and uttering a sentence on the 
delivery of each. Some pre- 
sents were offered him in return; 
but he would accept of none. 

Concluding that peace was 
now established, and that no 
further] attack would be made, 
the boats were sent on shore 
the following day to get water. 
While the casks were filling, 
several natives were perceived 



12 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



coming from behind the hills 
and through the woods, and at 
the same time a multitude of 
canoes from behind a projecting 
point of the bay. As these were 
discovered to be laden with 
stones, and were making towards 
the ship, it was concluded their 
intention was to try their fortune 
in a second grand attack. " As 
to shorten the contest would 
certainly lessen the mischief, I 
determined," says Captain Wal- 
lis, " to make this action deci- 
sive, and put an end to hostilities 
at once." Accordingly a tre- 
mendous fire was opened at 
once on all the groups of canoes, 
which had the effect of imme- 
diately dispersing them. The 
fire was then directed into the 
wood, to drive out the islanders 
who had assembled in large 
numbers, on which they all fled 
to the hill, where the women 
and children had seated them- 
selves. Here they collected to 
the amount of several thousands, 
imagining themselves at that 
distance to be perfectly safe. 
The captain, however, ordered 
four shot to be fired over them, 
but two of the balls having 
fallen close to a tree where a 
number of them were sitting, 
they were so struck with terror 
and consternation, that in less 
than two minutes, not a creature 
was to be seen. The coast 
being cleared, the boats were 
manned and armed, and all 
the carpenters with their axes 
were sent on shore, with direc- 
tions to destroy every canoe 
they could find ; and we are 



told this service was effectually 
performed, and that more than 
fifty canoes, many of which were 
sixty feet long and three broad, 
and lashed together, were cut 
to pieces. 

This act of severity must have 
been cruelly felt by these poor 
people, who without iron or any 
kind of tools, but such as stones, 
shells, teeth, and bones supplied 
to them, musthave spent months, 
and probably years, in the con- 
struction of one of these extra- 
ordinary double boats. 

Such was the inauspicious 
commencement of our acquaint- 
ance with the natives of Ota- 
heite. Their determined hos- 
tility and perseverance in an 
unequal combat could only have 
arisen from one of two motives, 
either from an opinion that a 
ship of such magnitude as they 
had never before beheld, could 
only be come to their coast to 
take their country from them; 
or an irresistible temptation to 
endeavour, at all hazards, to 
possess themselves of so valu- 
able a prize. Be that as it may, 
the dread inspired by the effects 
of the cannon, and perhaps a 
conviction of the truth of what 
had been explained to them, 
that the " strangers wanted only 
provisions and water," had the 
effect of 'allaying all jealousy; 
for from the day of the last 
action, the most friendly and 
uninterrupted intercourse was 
established, and continued to 
the day of the Dolphin's de- 
parture ; and provisions of all 
kinds hogs, dogs, fruit, and 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 13 



vegetables were supplied in 
the greatest abundance, in ex- 
change for pieces of iron, nails, 
and trinkets. 

As a proof of the readiness of 
these simple people to forgive 
injuries, a poor woman, accom- 
panied by a young man bearing 
a branch of the plantain tree, 
and another man with two hogs, 
approached the gunner, whom 
Captain Wallis had appointed 
to regulate the market, and, 
looking round on the strangers 
with great attention, fixing her 
eyes sometimes on one and 
sometimes on another, at length 
burst into tears. It appeared 
that her husband and three of 
her sons had been killed in the 
attack on the ship. Whilst this 
was under explanation, the poor 
creature was so affected, as to 
require the support of the two 
young men, who, from their 
weeping, were probably two 
more of her sons. When some- 
what composed, she ordered the 
two hogs to be delivered to the 
gunner, and gave him her hand 
in token of friendship, but would 
accept nothing in return. 

Captain Wallis was now so 
well satisfied that there was 
nothing further to apprehend 
from the hostility of the natives, 
that he sent a party up the 
country to cut wood, who were 
treated with great kindness and 
hof pitality by all they met ; and 
the ship was visited by persons 
of both sexes, who, by their 
dress and behaviour, appeared 
to be of a superior rank. Among 
others was a tall lady about five- 



and-forty years of age, of a pleas- 
ing countenance and majestic 
deportment She was under no 
restraint, either from diffidence 
or fear, and conducted herself 
with that easy freedom which 
generally distinguishes conscious 
superiority and habitual com- 
mand. She accepted some 
small present which the captain 
gave her with a good grace and 
much pleasure ; and having ob- 
served that he was weak and 
suffering from ill health, she 
pointed to the shore, which he 
understood to be an invitation, 
and made signs that he would 
go thither the next morning. 
His visit to this lady displays 
so much character and good 
feeling, that it will best be 
described in the captain's own 
words : 

"The next morning I went 
on shore for the first time, and 
my princess (or rather queen, 
for such by her authority she 
appeared to be) soon after came 
to me, followed by many of her 
attendants. As she perceived 
that my disorder had left me 
very weak, she ordered her 
people to take me in their arms, 
and carry me not only over the 
river, but all the way to her 
house; and observing that some 
of the people who were with me, 
particularly the first lieutenant 
and purser, had also been sick, 
she caused them also to be 
carried in the same manner, and 
a guard, which I had ordered 
out upon the occasion, followed. 
In our way, a vast multitude 
crowded about us; but upon 



14 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



her waving her hand, without 
speaking a word, they withdrew, 
and left us a free passage. When 
we approached near her house, 
a great number of both sexes 
came out to meet her. These 
she presented to me, after hav- 
ing intimated by signs that they 
were her relations ; and, taking 
hold of my hand, she made them 
kiss it 

" We then entered the house, 
which covered a piece of ground 
327 feet long, and 42 feet broad. 
It consisted of a roof thatched 
with palm leaves, and raised 
upon thirty-nine pillars on each 
side, and fourteen in the middle. 
The ridge of the thatch, on the 
inside, was thirty feet high, and 
the sides of the house, to the 
edge of the roof, were twelve 
feet high; all below the roof 
being open. As soon as we 
entered the house, she made us 
sit down, and then, calling four 
young girls, she assisted them to 
take off my shoes, draw down 
my stockings, and pull off my 
coat; and then directed them 
to smooth down the skin, and 
gently chafe it with their hands. 
The same operation was also 
performed on the first lieutenant 
and the purser, but upon none 
of those who appeared to be in 
health. While this was doing, 
our surgeon, who had walked 
till he was very warm, took off 
his wig to cool and refresh him- 
self. A sudden exclamation of 
one of the Indians who saw it, 
drew the attention of the rest ; 
and in a moment every eye was 
fixed upon the prodigy, and 



every operation was suspended. 
The whole assembly stood some 
time motionless in silent aston- 
ishment, which could not have 
been more strongly expressed 
if they had discovered that our 
friend's limbs had been screwed 
on to the trunk. In a short 
time, however, the young women 
who were chafing us resumed 
their employment; and having 
continued about half-an-hour, 
they dressed us again ; but in 
this they were, as may easily 
be imagined, very awkward. I 
found great benefit, however, 
from the chafing, and so did the 
lieuvenant and the purser. 

" After a little time our gener- 
ous benefactress ordered some 
bales of Indian cloth to be 
brought out, with which she 
clothed me, and all that were 
with me, according to the fashion 
of the country. At first I de- 
clined the acceptance of this 
favour ; but being unwilling not 
to seem pleased with what was 
intended to please me, I acqui- 
esced. When we went away, 
she ordered a very large sow, 
big with young, to be taken 
down to the boat, and accom- 
panied us thither herself. She 
had given directions to her 
people to carry me, as they had 
done when I came ; but as I 
chose rather to walk, she took 
me by the arm, and whenever 
we came to a plash of water or 
dirt, she lifted me over with as 
little trouble as it would have 
cost me to have lifted over a 
child, if I had been well." 

The following morning Cap- 



THE BOUNTY AND flER MUTINEERS. 15 



tain Wallis sent her a present 
by the gunner, who found her 
in the midst of an entertainment 
given to at least a thousand 
people. The messes were put 
into shells of cocoa-nuts, and 
the shells into wooden trays, 
like those used by our butchers, 
and she distributed them with 
her own hands to the guests, 
who were seated in rows in the 
open air, round the great house. 
When this was done, she sat 
down herself upon a place some- 
what elevated above the rest, 
and two women, placing them- 
selves one on each side of her, 
fed her, she opening her mouth 
as they brought their hands up 
with the food. From this time 
provisions were sent to market 
in the greatest abundance. The 
queen frequently visited the cap- 
tain on board, and always with 
a present; but she never con- 
descended to barter, nor would 
she accept of any return. 

One day, after visiting her at 
her house, the captain at parting 
made her comprehend by signs 
that he intended to quit the 
island in seven days : she im- 
mediately understood his mean- 
ing, and by similar signs ex- 
pressed her wish that he should 
stay twenty days; that he should 
go with her a couple of days' 
journey into the country, stay 
there a few days, return with 
plenty of hogs and poultry, and 
then go away ; but on persisting 
in his first intention she burst 
into tears, and it was not with- 
out great difficulty that she 
could DC pacified. The next 



time that she went on board, 
Captain Wallis ordered a good 
dinner for her entertainment, 
and those chiefs who were of 
her party ; but the queen would 
neither eat nor drink. As she 
was going over the ship's side, 
she asked, by signs, whether he 
still persisted in leaving the 
island at the time he had fixed, 
and on receiving an answer in 
the affirmative, she expressed 
her regret by a flood of tears ; 
and as soon as her passion sub- 
sided, she told the captain that 
she would come on board again 
the following day. 

Accordingly, the next day she 
again visited the ship twice, 
bringing each time large pre- 
sents of hogs, fowls, and fruits. 
The captain, after expressing 
his sense of her kindness and 
bounty, announced his intention 
of sailing the following morning. 
This, as usual, threw her into 
tears, and, after recovering her- 
self, she made anxious inquiry 
when he should return ; he said, 
in fifty days, with which she 
seemed to be satisfied. " She 
stayed on board," says Captain 
Wallis, "till night, and it was 
then with the greatest difficulty 
that she could be prevailed upon 
to go on shore. When she was 
told that the boat was ready, 
she threw herself down upon the 
arm-chest, and wept a long time, 
with an excess of passion that 
could not be pacified; at last, 
however, with the greatest re- 
luctance, she was prevailed upon 
to go into the boat, and was 
followed by her attendants/ 



16 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



The next day, while the ship 
was unmooring, the whole beach 
was covered with the inhabi- 
tants. The queen came down, 
and, having ordered a double 
canoe to be launched, was rowed 
off by her own people, follow- 
ed by fifteen or sixteen other 
canoes. She soon made her 
appearance on board ; but, not 
being able to speak, she sat 
down and gave vent to her pas- 
sion by weeping. Shortly after, 
a breeze springing up, the ship 
made sail; and finding it now 
necessary to return into her 
canoe, " she embraced us all," 
says Captain Wallis, " in the 
most affectionate manner, and 
with many tears ; all her attend- 
ants also expressed great sorrow 
at our departure. In a few 
minutes she came into the bow 
of her canoe, where she sat 
weeping with inconsolable sor- 
row. I gave her many things 
which I thought would be of 
great use to her, and some for 
ornament : she silently accepted 
of all, but took little notice of 
anything. About ten o'clock 
we had got without the reef, and 
a fresh breeze springing up, our 
Indian friends, and particularly 
the queen, once more bade us 
farewell, with such tenderness 
of affection and grief, as filled 
both my heart and my eyes." 

This Otaheitan lady did not 
sink under her sorrows. Far 
fewer ladies do than romancers 
have made the wide world to 
believe. Virgil's account of the 
conduct of Miserrima Dido is, 
like his hits at that wonderful 



old infidel, Mezentius contemp- 
tor deum a good way off from 
the kind of male and female 
human beings we have to meet 
in these last days, a people 
who are neither Otaheitans nor 
Romans. Let the readers of 
this story find out all about 
our Miserrima Dtdo, and not 
believe in her burning herself. 
Let them rather believe that, as 
Sir John Barrow tells us, while 
" the tender passion had cer- 
tainly caught hold of one or 
both of these worthies, and if 
her majesty's language had been 
as well understood by Captain 
Wallis, as that of Dido was by 
^Eneas, when pressing him to 
stay with her, there is no doubt 
it would have been found not 
less pathetic : 

"Nee te noster amor, nee te data 

dextera quondam, 
Nee moritura tenet crudeli funere 
Dido?" 

This lady did not sink, like the 
"miserrima Dido," under her 
griefs ; on the contrary, we find 
her in full activity and anima- 
tion, and equally generous to 
Captain Cook and his party, 
under the name of Oberea, who, 
it now appeared, was no queen, 
but whose husband they discov- 
ered was uncle to the young 
king, then a minor, but from 
whom she was separated. She 
soon evinced a partiality for 
Mr Banks, though not quite so 
strong as that for Wallis ; but it 
appears to have been mutual, 
until an unlucky discovery took 
place, that she had, at her com- 
mand, a stout, strong -boned 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 17 



cavaliereservente; added to which, 
a theft, rather of an amusing 
nature, contributed for a time 
to create a coolness, and some- 
what to disturb the good under- 
standing that had subsisted be- 
tween them. It happened that 
a party, consisting of Cook, 
Banks, Solander, and three or 
four others, were benighted at 
a distance from the anchorage. 
Mr Banks, says Captain Cook, 
thought himself fortunate in be- 
ing offered a place by Oberea, 
in her own canoe, and wishing 
his friends a good-night, took 
his leave. He went to rest early, 
according to the custom of the 
country; and taking off his 
clothes, as was his constant prac- 
tice, the nights being hot, Obe- 
rea kindly insisted upon taking 
them into her own custody, for 
otherwise, she said, they would 
certainly be stolen. Mr Banks 
having, as he thought, so good 
a safeguard, resigned himself to 
sleep with all imaginable tran- 
quillity; but awakening about 
eleven o'clock, and wanting to 
get up, he searched for his 
clothes where he had seen them 
carefully deposited by Oberea 
when he lay down to sleep, and 
perceived, to his sorrow and 
surprise, that they were missing. 
He immediately awakened Obe- 
rea, who, starting up and hear- 
ing his complaint, ordered lights, 
and prepared in great haste to 
recover what had been lost. 
Tootahah (the regent) slept in 
the next canoe, and, being soon 
alarmed, he came to them, and 
set out with Oberea in search 



of the thief. Mr Banks was 
not in a condition to go with 
them, as of his apparel scarcely 
anything was left him but his 
breeches. In about half-an- 
hour, his two noble friends re- 
turned, but without having ob- 
tained any intelligence of his 
clothes, or of the thief. Where 
Cook and Solander had disposed 
of themselves, he did not know; 
but hearing music, which was 
sure to bring a crowd together, 
in which there was a chance of 
his associates being found, he 
rose, and made the best of his 
way towards it, and joined his 
party, as Cook says, " more than 
half naked, and toldus his melan- 
choly story." 

It was some consolation to 
find that his friends were fellow- 
sufferers, Cook having lost his 
stockings, which had been stolen 
from under his head, though he 
had never been asleep, and his 
associates their jackets. At 
daybreak Oberea brought to 
Mr Banks some of the native 
clothes; " so that when he came 
to us," says Cook, " he made a 
most motley appearance, half 
Indian and half English." Such 
an adventure must have been 
highly amusing to him who was 
the object of it, when the incon- 
venience had been removed, as 
every one will admit who knew 
the late venerable President oi 
the Royal Society. He never 
doubted, however, that Oberea 
was privy to the theft ; and there 
was strong suspicion of her hav- 
ing some of the articles in her 
custody. Being aware that this 



18 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



feeling existed, she absented 
herself for some time; and when 
she again appeared, she said a 
favourite of hers had taken them 
away, whom she had beaten and 
dismissed; "but she seemed 
conscious," says Cook, "that she 
had no right to be believed ; she 
discovered the strongest signs of 
fear, yet she surmounted it with 
astonishing resolution, and was 
very pressing to be allowed to 
sleep with her attendants in Mr 
Banks's tent: in this, however, she 
was not gratified." Sir Joseph 
might have thought that, if he 
complied with her request, the 
other articles of his dress might 
be in danger of following what 
was already stolen. 

This may do for an account 
of the upper society of the folk, 
with whom those young men had 
to do. Let us, however, get on 
with our story. The natives 
did not make themselves dis- 
agreeable. Every house offered 
a kind reception. The Ota- 
heitans proved themselves free 
equally from forwardness and 
from formality, and there was 
a candour and sincerity about 
them, which was quite delight- 
ful. When they offered refresh- 
ments, if these were not accept- 
ed, the simple natives did not 
offer them a second time. They 
had not the least idea of any 
ceremonious refusal. Would 
they not have suited J. J. Rous- 
seau ! " Having one day," says 
the self-defending Bligh, "ex- 
posed myself too much in the 
sun, I was taken ill, on which all 
the powerful people, both men 



and women, collected round me, 
offering their assistance. For 
this short illness I was made 
ample amends by the pleasure 
I received from the attention 
and appearance of affection in 
these kind people." 

On the 9th December, the 
surgeon of the Bounty died from 
the effects of intemperance and 
indolence. This unfortunate 
man is represented to have been 
in a constant state of intoxica- 
tion, and was so averse from 
any kind of exercise, that he 
never could be prevailed on to 
take half-a-dozen turns upon the 
deck at a time in the whole 
course of the voyage. Cap- 
tain Bligh had obtained per- 
mission to bury him on shore ; 
and on going with the chief 
Tinah to the spot intended for 
his burial-place, " I found," says 
he, "the natives had already 
begun to dig his grave." Tinah 
asked if they were doing it right? 
"There," says he, "the sun rises, 
and there it sets." Whether the 
idea of making the grave east 
and west is their own, or whether 
they learnt it from the Spaniards, 
who buried the captain of their 
ship on the island in 1774, there 
was no means of ascertaining ; 
but it was certain they had no 
intimation of that kind from any- 
body belonging to the Bounty. 
When the funeral took place, 
the chiefs and many of the na- 
tives attended the ceremony, 
and showed great attention dur- 
ing the service. Many of the 
principal natives attended divine 
service on Sundays, and behaved 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 19 



\yith great decency. Some of 
the women at one time betrayed 
an inclination to laugh at the 
general responses ; but the cap- 
tain says, on looking at them, 
they appeared much ashamed. 

The delightful border of low 
land, of the breadth of about 
three miles, between the sea- 
coast and the foot of the hills, 
which consisted of a country 
well covered with bread-fruit 
and cocoa trees, was strewed 
with houses in which were 
swarms of children playing 
about. " It is delightful," Bligh 
observes, "to see the swarms 
of little children that are every- 
where to be seen employed at 
their several amusements; some 
flying kites, some swinging in 
ropes suspended from the 
boughs of trees, others walking 
on stilts, some wrestling, and 
others playing all manner of 
antic tricks, such as are com- 
mon to boys in England. The 
little girls have also their 
amusements, consisting gene- 
rally of heivahs or dances." On 
an evening, just before sunset, 
the whole beach abreast the 
ship is described as being like 
a parade, crowded with men, 
women, and children, who go 



on with their sports and amuse- 
ments till nearly dark, when 
every one peaceably returns to 
his home. At such times, we 
are told, from three to four 
hundred people are assembled 
together, and all happily di- 
verted, good - humoured, and 
affectionate to one another, 
without a single quarrel having 
ever happened to disturb the 
harmony that existed among 
these amiable people. Both 
boys and girls are said to be 
handsome and very sprightly. 

It did not appear that much 
pains were taken in their plan- 
tations, except those of the ava 
and the cloth-plant; many of 
the latter are fenced with stone, 
and surrounded with a ditch. 
In fact, Nature had done so 
much for them, that they have 
no great occasion to use exer- 
tion in obtaining a sufficient 
supply of either food or rab 
ment. Yet when Bligh com. 
menced taking up the bread- 
fruit plants, he derived much 
assistance from the natives in 
collecting and pruning them, 
which they understood per- 
fectly well. The behaviour of 
these people on all occasions 
was highly deserving of praise. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE MUTINY OF THE BOUNTY. 



ONE morning, at the relief of the 
vatch, the small cutter was miss- 
ing. The ship's company were 



immediately mustered, when it 
appeared that three men were 
absent. They had taken with 



20 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



them eight stand of arms and 
ammunition ; but what their 
plan was, or which way they 
had gone, no one on board 
seemed to have the least know- 
ledge. Information being given 
of the route they had taken, the 
master was despatched to search 
for the cutter, and one of the 
chiefs went with him ; but before 
they had got half-way, they met 
the boat with five of the natives, 
who were bringing her back to 
the ship. For this service they 
were handsomelyrewarded. The 
chiefs promised to use every 
possible means to detect and 
bring back the deserters, which, 
in a few days, some of the 
islanders had so far accom- 
plished as to seize and bind 
them, but let them loose again 
on a promise that they would 
return to their ship, which they 
did not exactly fulfil, but gave 
themselves up soon after on a 
search being made for them. 

A few days after this, a much 
more serious occurrence hap- 
pened, that was calculated to 
give to the commander great 
concern. The wind had blown 
fresh in the night, and at day- 
light it was discovered that the 
cable, by which the ship rode, 
had been cut near the water's 
edge, in such a manner that 
only one strand remained whole. 
While they were securing the 
ship, Tinah came on board; 
and though there was no reason 
whatever to suppose otherwise 
than that he was perfectly inno- 
cent of the transaction, never- 
theless, says the commander, 



" I spoke to him in a very 
peremptory manner, and in- 
sisted upon his discovering and 
bringing to me the offender. 
He promised to use his utmost 
endeavours to discover the 
guilty person. The next morn- 
ing he and his wife came to me, 
and assured me that they had 
made the strictest inquiries 
without success. This was not 
at all satisfactory, and I be- 
haved towards them with great 
coolness, at which they were 
very much distressed ; and the 
lady at length gave vent to her 
sorrow by tears. I could no 
longer keep up the appearance 
of mistrusting them ; but I ear- 
nestly recommended to them, as 
they valued the King of Eng- 
land's friendship, that they would 
exert their utmost endeavours 
to find out the offenders, which 
they faithfully promised to do." 

Bligh seems from this time to 
have begun to suspect the loyalty 
of his men. He set up in his own 
mind the theory that their pur- 
pose was to remain in Otaheite, 
among its pleasant society at 
least, he wrote so in his defence. 
He writes, however, that he did 
not entertain any thought of the 
kind, nor did the possibility of 
it enter into his ideas. This, 
in consideration of all that 
happened afterwards, looks very 
much like an after-thought. 

The Bounty arrived October 
26th, 1788, and remained till- 
the 4th of April 1789 a length 
of time which would require to 
be economically accounted for 
in days like ours. Bligh says, 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



21 



dating March 3ist, "To-day, 
all the plants were on board, 
being in seven hundred and 
seventy-four pots, thirty-nine 
tubs, and twenty-four boxes. 
The number of bread-fruit 
plants was one thousand and 
fifteen, besides which we had 
collected a number of other 
plants : the Avee, which is one 
of the finest flavoured fruits in 
the world ; the Ayyah, which is 
not so rich, but of a fine flavour 
and very refreshing; the Rattah, 
not much unlike a chestnut, 
which grows on a large tree in 
great quantities ; they are singly 
in large pods, from one to two 
inches broad, and may be eaten 
raw or boiled in the same man- 
ner as Windsor beans, and so 
dressed are equally good; the 
Orai-ab, which is a very superior 
kind of plantain. All these I 
was particularly recommended 
to collect by my worthy friend, 
Sir Joseph Banks." 

Sir John Barrow goes on to 
relate another incident, to show 
the grief these poor people ex- 
hibited when losing a friend. 
He says that while these active 
preparations for departure were 
going on, the good chief Tinah, 
on bringing a present for King 
George, could not refrain from 
shedding tears. During the re- 
mainder of their stay, there 
appeared among the natives an 
evident degree of sorrow that 
they were soon to leave them, 
which they showed by a more 
than usual degree of kindness 
and attention. The above- 
mentioned excellent chief, with 



his wife, brothers, and sister, 
requested to remain on board 
for the night previous to the 
sailing of the Bounty. The ship 
was crowded with the natives, 
and she was loaded with pre- 
sents of cocoa-nuts, plantains, 
bread-fruits, hogs, and goats. 
Contrary to what had been the 
usual practice, there was this 
evening no dancing or mirth on 
the beach, such as they had long 
been accustomed to; but all 
was silent. 

At sunset, the boat returned 
from landing Tinah and his 
wife, and the ship made sail, 
bidding farewell to Otaheite, 
where, Bligh observes, " for 
twenty- three weeks we had 
been treated with the utmost 
affection and regard, which 
seemed to increase in propor- 
tion to our stay. That we were 
not insensible to their kindness, 
the events that followed more 
than sufficiently prove; for to 
the friendly and endearing be- 
haviour of these people may be 
ascribed the motives for that 
event which effected the ruin 
of an expedition that there was 
every reason to hope would 
have been completed in the 
most fortunate manner." 

The morning after their de- 
parture, they got sight of Hua- 
heine, and a double canoe soon 
coming alongside, containing 
ten natives ; among them was a 
young man who recollected 
Captain Bligh, and called him 
by name, having known him 
when there in the year 1780, 
with Captain Cook in the Re- 



22 THE BO UNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



solution. Several other canoes 
arrived with hogs, yams, and 
other provisions, which they 
purchased. This person con- 
firmed the account that had 
already been received of Omai, 
and said, that of all the animals 
which had been left with Omai, 
the mare only remained alive ; 
that the seeds and plants had 
been all destroyed, except one 
tree, but of what kind that was 
he could not satisfactorily ex- 
plain. A few days after sailing 
from this island, the weather 
became squally, and a thick 
body of black clouds collected 
in the east. A water-spout was 
in a short time seen at no great 
distance from the ship, which 
appeared to great advantage 
from the darkness of the clouds 
behind it. The upper part is 
described as being about two 
feet in diameter, and the lower 
about eight inches. It advanced 
rapidly towards the ship, when 
it was deemed expedient to alter 
the course, and to take in all 
the sails, except the foresail ; 
soon after which it passed within 
ten yards of the stern, making 
a rustling noise, but without 
their feeling the least effect from 
its being so near. The rate at 
which it travelled was judged to 
be about ten miles per hour, 
going towards the west, in the 
direction of the wind ; and in a 
quarter of an hour after passing 
the ship it dispersed As they 
passed several low islands, the 
natives of one of them came out 
in their canoes, and it was 
observed that they all spoke the 



language of Otaheite. Presents 
of iron, beads, and a looking- 
glass, were given to them ; but 
it was observed that the chief, 
on leaving the ship, took pos- 
session of everything that had 
been distributed. One of them 
showed some signs of dissatis- 
faction, but after a little alterca- 
tion, they joined noses and were 
reconciled. 

The Bounty anchored at Ana- 
mooka on the 23d April ; and 
an old lame man, named Tepa, 
whom Bligh had known here in 
1777, and immediately recol- 
lected, came on board along 
with others from different islands 
in the vicinity. This man hav- 
ing formerly been accustomed 
to the English manner of speak- 
ing their language, the com- 
mander found he could converse 
with him tolerably well. He 
told him that the cattle which 
had been left at Tongataboo 
had all bred, and that the old 
ones were yet living. Being 
desirous of seeing the ship, he 
and his companions were taken 
below, and the bread-fruit and 
other plants were shown to 
them, on seeing which they were 
greatly surprised. 

"I landed," says Bligh, "in 
order to procure some bread-fruit 
plants, to supply the place of 
one that was dead, and two or 
three others that were a little 
sickly. I walked to the west 
part of the bay, where some 
plants and seeds had been sown 
by Captain Cook ; and had the 
satisfaction to see, in a planta- 
tion close by, about twenty fine 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 23 



pine-apple plants, but no fruit, 
this not being the proper season. 
They told me that they had 
eaten many of them, that they 
were very fine and large, and 
that at Tongataboo there were 
great numbers." 

Numerous were the marks of 
mourning with which these 
people disfigured themselves ; 
such as bloody temples, their 
heads deprived of most of their 
hair; and, what was worse, 
almost all of them with the loss 
of some of their fingers. Several 
fine boys, not above six years 
of age, had lost both their little 
fingers ; and some of the men 
had parted with the middle fin- 
ger of the right hand. 

A brisk trade soon began to 
be carried on for yams. Some 
plantains and bread-fruit were 
likewise brought on board, but 
no hogs. Some of the sailing 
canoes which arrived in the 
course of the day, were large 
enough to contain not less than 
ninety passengers. From these 
the officers and crew purchased 
hogs, dogs, fowls, and shaddocks; 
yams very fine and large one 
of them actually weighed above 
forty-five pounds. The crowd 
of natives had become so great 
the next day, Sunday 26th, 
that it became impossible to do 
anything. The watering party 
were therefore ordered to go 
on board, and it was determined 
to sail. The ship was accord- 
ingly unmoored and got under 
way. A grapnel, however, 
had been stolen ; and Bligh 
informed the chiefs that were 



still on board, that unless it was 
returned, they must remain in 
the ship; at which they were sur- 
prised and not a little alarmed. 
"I detained them," he says, 
" till sunset, when their uneasi- 
ness increased to such a degree 
that they began to beat them- 
selves about the face and eyes, 
and some of them cried bitterly. 
As this distress was more than 
the grapnel was worth, I could 
not think of detaining them 
longer, and called their canoes 
alongside. I told them that 
they were at liberty to go, and 
made each of them a present of 
a hatchet, a saw, with some 
knives, gimlets, and nails. This 
unexpected present, and the 
sudden change in their situation, 
affected them not less with joy 
than they had before been with 
apprehension. They were un- 
bounded in their acknowledg- 
ments ; and I have little doubt 
but that we parted better friends 
than if the affair had never hap- 
pened." 

From this island the ship 
stood to the northward all night, 
with light winds; and on the 
next day, the 27th, at noon, 
they were between the islands 
Tofoa and Kotoo. 

"Thus far," says Bligh, "the 
voyage had advanced in a course 
of uninterrupted prosperity, and 
had been attended with many 
circumstances equally pleasing 
and satisfactory. A very differ- 
ent scene was now to be ex- 
perienced. A conspiracy had 
been formed, which was to ren- 
der all our past labour produc- 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



tive only of extreme misery and 
distress. The means had been 
concerted and prepared with so 
much secrecy and circumspec- 
tion, that no one circumstance 
appeared to occasion the small- 
est suspicion of the impending 
calamity, the result of an act of 
piracy the most consummate 
and atrocious that was probably 
ever committed." 

How far Bligh was justified 
in ascribing the calamity to a 
conspiracy, will be seen here- 
after. We now proceed to give 
in detail the facts of the muti- 
nous proceedings, as stated by 
Captain Bligh in his narrative. 

" In the morning of the 28th 
April," he reports, "the north- 
westmost of the Friendly Islands, 
called Tofoa, bearing north-east, 
I was steering to the westward 
with a ship in the most perfect 
order, all my plants in the most 
perfect condition, all my men and 
officers in good health ; and, in 
short, everything to flatter and 
ensure my most sanguine expec- 
tations. On leaving the deck, 
I gave directions for the course 
to be steered during the night. 
The master had the first watch; 
the gunner the middle watch ; 
and Mr Christian the morning 
watch. This was the turn of 
duty for the night. 

"Just before sun-rising, on 
Tuesday the 28th, while I was 
yet asleep, Mr Christian, officer 
of the watch, Charles Churchill, 
ship's corporal, John Mills, 
gunner's mate, and Thomas 
Burkitt, seaman, came into my 
cabir, and seizing me, tied my 



hands with a cord behind my 
back, threatening me with in- 
stant death if I spoke or made 
the least noise. I called, how- 
ever, as loud as I could, in hopes 
of assistance ; but they had 
already secured the officers who 
were not of their party, by 
placing sentinels at their doors. 
There were three men at my 
cabin door besides the four 
within. Christian had only a 
cutlass in his hand, the others 
had muskets and bayonets. I 
was hauled out of bed, and 
forced on deck in my shirt, 
suffering great pain from the 
tightness with which they had 
tied my hands. I demanded 
the reason of such violence, but 
received no other answer than 
abuse for not holding my tongue. 
The master, the gunner, Mr 
Elphinstone, the master's mate, 
and Nelson, were kept confined 
below; and the fore-hatchway 
was guarded by sentinels. The 
boatswain and carpenter, and 
also Mr Samuel, the clerk, were 
allowed to come upon deck, 
where they saw me standing abaft 
the mizzen-mast, with my hands 
tied behind my back, under a 
guard with Christian at their 
head. The boatswain was order- 
ed to hoist the launch out, with 
a threat, if he did not do it in- 
stantly, to take care of himself. 
When the boat was out, Mr 
Hayward, and Mr Hallet, two of 
the midshipmen, and Mr Samuel 
were ordered into it. I de- 
manded what their intention 
was in giving this order, and 
endeavoured to persuade the 



THE JIOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 25 



people near me not to persist in 
such acts of violence ; but it was 
to no effect 'Hold your tongue, 
sir, or you are dead this instant,' 
was constantly repeated tome." 

The master by this time had 
sent to request that he might 
come on deck, which was per- 
mitted ; but he was soon ordered 
back again to his cabin. 

" I continued my endeavours 
to turn the tide of affairs, when 
Christian changed the cutlass 
which he had in his hand, for a 
bayonet that was brought to him, 
and, holding me with a strong 
gripe by the cord that tied my 
hands, he threatened, with many 
oaths, to kill me immediately, if 
I would not be quiet. 

" The boatswain and seamen 
who were to go in the boat, 
were allowed to collect twine, 
canvas, lines, sails, cordage, an 
eight-and-twenty gallon cask of 
water ; and Mr Samuel got one 
hundred and fifty pounds of 
bread, with a small quantity of 
rum and wine, also a quadrant 
and compass ; but he was for- 
bidden, on pain of death, to 
touch either map, ephemeris, 
book of astronomical observa- 
tions, sextant, time-keeper, or 
any of my surveys or drawings. 

"The mutineers having forced 
those of the seamen whom they 
meant to get rid of into the 
boat, Christian directed a dram 
to be served to each of his own 
crew. I then unhappily saw 
that nothing could be done to 
effect the recovery of the ship : 
there was no one to assist me, 
and every endeavour on my 



part was answered with threats 
of death. 

"The officers were next called 
upon deck, and forced over the 
side into the boat, while I was 
kept apart from every one, 
abaft the mizzen-mast; Christian, 
armed with a bayonet, holding 
me by the bandage that secured 
my hands. The guard round 
me had their pieces cocked; 
but on my daring the ungrate- 
ful wretches to fire, they un- 
cocked them. 

"Isaac Martin, one of the 
guard over me, I saw, had an 
inclination to assist me, and, 
as he fed me with shaddock, 
my lips being quite parched, 
we explained our wishes to each 
other by our looks; but this 
being observed, Martin was re- 
moved from me. He then at- 
tempted to leave the ship, for 
which purpose he got into the 
boat; but with many threats 
they obliged him to return. 

"The armourer, Joseph Cole- 
man, and two of the carpenters, 
M'Intosh and Norman, were 
also kept contrary to their in- 
clination; and they begged of 
me, after I was astern in the 
boat, to remember that they de- 
clared they had no hand in the 
transaction. Michael Byrne, I 
am told, likewise wanted to 
leave the ship. 

"To Mr Samuel, the clerk, I am 
indebted for securing my jour- 
nals and commission, with some 
material ship papers. This he 
did with great resolution, though 
guarded and strictly watched. 
He attempted to save the time- 



26 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



keeper, and a box with my 
surveys, drawings, and remarks 
for fifteen years past, which 
were numerous, when he was 
hurried away. 

"It appeared to me that 
Christian was some time in 
doubt whether he should keep 
the carpenter or his mates. At 
length he determined on the 
latter, and the carpenter was 
ordered into the boat. He was 
permitted but not without some 
opposition, to take his tool- 
chest. 

(/ Much altercation took place 
among the mutinous crew during 
the whole business : some swore, 
others laughed at the helpless 
condition of the boat, being 
very deep, and so little room 
for those that were in her. As 
for Christian, he seemed as if 
meditating destruction on him- 
self and every one else. 

" I asked for arms, but they 
laughed at me; four cutlasses, 
however, were thrown into the 
boat after we were veered 
astern. I was forced over the 
side when they untied my hands. 
A few pieces of junk were thrown 
at us, and some clothes. We 
were at length cast adrift in the 
open ocean. 

" Christian, the chief of the 
mutineers, is," says Captain 
Bligh, "of a respectable family in 
the north of England. This was 
the third voyage he had made 
with me ; and as I found it 
necessary to keep my ship's 
company at three watches, I 
had given him an order to take 
charge of the third, his abilities 



being thoroughly equal to the 
task; and by this means the 
master and gunner were not i 
watch and watch. 

" Heywood is also of a re 
spectable family in the north 
of England,* and a young man 
of abilities as well as Christian. 
These two had been objects of 
my particular regard and atten- 
tion, and I had taken great 
pains to instruct them, having 
entertained hopes that, as pro- 
fessional men, they would have 
become a credit to their country. 

"Young was well recom- 
mended, and had the look of 
an able, stout seaman ; he, how- 
ever, fell short of what his ap- 
pearance promised. 

"Stewart was a young man 
of creditable parents in the 
Orkneys ; at which place, on 
the return of the Resolution 
from the South Seas, in 1780, 
we received so many civilities, 
that, on that account only, I 
should gladly have taken him 
with me : but, independent of 
this recommendation, he was a 
seaman, and had always borne 
a good character. 

"Notwithstanding the rough- 
ness with which I was treated, 
the remembrance of past kind- 
nesses produced some signs of 
remorse in Christian. When 
they were forcing me out of the 
ship, I asked him if this treat- 
ment was a proper return for 
the many instances he had re- 
ceived of my friendship? He 

* He was born in the Isle of Man, 
his father being Deemster of Man, and 
seneschal to the Duke of AthoL 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTTNEERS. 27 



appeared disturbed at my ques- 
tion, and answered with much 
emotion, 'That Captain Bligh 
that is the thing; I am in 
hell, I am in hell ! ' 

"It will very naturally be 
asked, what could be the reason 
for such a revolt? In answer 
to which I can only conjecture 
that the mutineers had flattered 
themselves with the hopes of a 
more happy life among the Ota- 
heitans than they could possibly 
enjoy in England; and this, 
joined to some female connec- 
tions, most probably occasioned 
the whole transaction. The 
ship, indeed, while within our 
sight, steered to the W.N.W., 
but I considered this only as a 
feint; for when we were sent 
away, ' Huzza, for Otaheite ! ' 
was frequently heard among the 
mutineers. 

" The women of Otaheite are 
handsome, mild and cheerful in 
their manners and conversation, 
possessed of great sensibility, 
and have sufficient delicacy to 
make them admired and be- 
loved. The chiefs were so much 
attached to our people, that 
they rather encouraged their 
stay among them than other- 
wise, and even made them 
promises of large possessions. 
Under these and many other 
attendant circumstances, equally 
desirable, it is now perhaps not 
so much to be wondered at, 
though scarcely possible to have 
been foreseen, that a set of 
sailors, most of them void of 
connections, should be led away; 
especially when, in addition to 



such powerful inducements, they 
imagined it in their power to 
fix themselves in the midst of 
plenty, on one of the finest 
islands in the world, where they 
need not labour, and where the 
allurements of dissipation are 
beyond anything that can be 
conceived. 

" Desertions have happened, 
more or less, from most of the 
ships that have been at the 
Society Islands ; but it has 
always been in the commander's 
power to make their chiefs re- 
turn their people : the know- 
ledge, therefore, that it was 
unsafe to desert, perhaps first 
led mine to consider with what 
ease so small a ship might be 
surprised, and that so favour- 
able an opportunity would never 
offer to them again. 

" The secrecy of this mutiny 
is beyond all conception. Thir- 
teen of the party, who were with 
me, had always lived forward 
among the seamen ; yet neither 
they, nor the messmates of Chris- 
tian, Stewart, Heywood, and 
Young, had ever observed any 
circumstance that made them in 
the least suspect what was going 
on. To such a close-planned act 
of villany, my mind being en- 
tirely free from any suspicion, it 
is not wonderful that I fell a sac- 
rifice. Perhaps, if there had been 
marines on board, a sentinel at 
my cabin door might have pre- 
vented it ; for I slept with the 
door always open, that the offi- 
cers of the watch might have ac- 
cess to me on all occasions, the 
possibility of such a conspiracy 



28 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



being ever the furthest from 
my thoughts. Had the mutiny 
been occasioned by any griev- 
ances, either real or imaginary, 
I must have discovered symp- 
toms of their discontent, which 
would have put me on my guard; 
but the case was far otherwise. 
Christian, in particular, I was on 
the most friendly terms with: 
that very day he was engaged to 
have dined with me; and the 
preceding night he excused 
himself from supping with me, 
on pretence of being unwell, 
for which I felt concerned, 
having no suspicions of his 
integrity and honour." 

This is the story Captain 
Bligh told when he returned, 
the observed of all observers, 
from one of the most perilous 
and distressing voyages over 
nearly four thousand miles of 
wide, wild ocean, in an open 
boat. The London slaveholders 
would have their eye on him; 
and this, at that time, was a 
motive for another effort, bor- 
dering, in point of deter- 
mined energy, upon that one 
by which he overtook the four 
thousand miles. Whether he 
himself wrote his narrative or 
not, is one of those questions 
which no man need ever attempt 
to put, much less to answer ; but 
certain it is that the story is 
skilfully told as against the 
miserable mutineers. In again 
telling their story now, we have a 
deep sympathy with them. More 
sinned against than sinning, 
young Christian seems to have 
been; and the results, as we 



shall find, were not those which 
could have issued from the 
instincts of persons liberally 
described by Captain Bligh as 
wretches and scoundrels. 

Captain Bligh's story, how- 
ever, obtained implicit credit 
in those wise old days in which 
slaveholders in London and 
elsewhere made large fortunes. 
He never had been a man re- 
nowned for suavity of manners 
or mildness of temper, but was 
always considered, and justly 
too, an excellent seaman. "We 
all know," it was said in the 
United Service Journal for April 
1831, "that mutiny can arise 
but from one of these two 
sources excessive folly or ex- 
cessive tyranny ; therefore, as it 
is admitted that Bligh was no 
idiot, the inference is obvious." 

"Not only," continues the 
writer, "was the narrative which 
he published proved to be false 
in many material bearings, by 
evidence before a court-martial, 
Lut every act of his public life 
after this event from his 
successive command of the 
Director, the Glatton, and the 
Warrior, to his disgraceful ex- 
pulsion from New South Wales 
was stamped with an in- 
solence, an inhumanity, and 
coarseness, .which fully devel- 
oped his character." 

There is no intention, in 
narrating this eventful history 
(writes SirJohnBarrow),to accuse 
or defend either the character or 
the conduct of the late Admiral 
Bligh ; it is well known his 
te.npsr was irritable in the ex- 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 29 



treme ; but the circumstance of 
his having been the friend of 
Captain Cook, with whom he 
sailed as his master, of his 
ever afterwards being patronised 
by Sir Joseph Banks of the 
Admiralty promoting him to the 
rank of commander, appointing 
him immediately to the Provi- 
dence, to proceed on the same 
expedition to Otaheite, and of 
his returning in a very short 
time to England with complete 
success, and recommending all 
his officers for promotion on 
account of their exemplary con- 
duct, of his holding several 
subsequent employments in the 
service, of his having com- 
manded ships of the line in 
the battles of Copenhagen and 
Camperdown, and risen to the 
rank of a flag-officer; these may 
perhaps be considered to speak 
something in his favour, and be 
allowed to stand as some proof 
that, with all his failings, he had 
his merits. That he was a man 
of coarse habits, and entertained 
very mistaken notions with re- 
gard to discipline, is quite true ; 
yet he had many redeeming 
qualities. 

The same writer further says, 
"We know that the officers 
fared in every way worse than 
the men, and that even young 
Heywood was kept at the mast- 
head no less than eight hours 
at one spell, in the worst weather 
which they encountered off 
Cape Horn." 

Young Heywood in his de- 
fence, said, " Captain Bligh, in 
his narrative, acknowledges that 



he had left some friends on 
board the Bounty, and no part 
of my conduct could have in- 
duced him to believe that I 
ought not to be reckoned of the 
number. Indeed, from his at- 
tention to, and very kind treat- 
ment of me, personally, I should 
have been a monster of depra- 
vity to have betrayed him. The 
idea alone is sufficient to dis- 
turb a mind where humanity and 
gratitude have, I hope, ever been 
noticed as its characteristic fea- 
tures." Bligh, too, declared in 
a letter to Heywood's uncle, 
after accusing him of ingratitude, 
that " he never once had an 
angry word from me during the 
whole course of the voyage, as 
his conduct always gave me 
much pleasure and satisfaction." 

A manuscript journal, kept 
by Morrison, the boatswain's 
mate, who was tried and con- 
victed as one of the mutineers, 
but received the king's pardon, 
shows the conduct of Bligh in a 
very unfavourable point of view. 
This Morrison was a person 
from talent and education far 
above the situation he held in 
the Bounty ; he had previously 
served in the navy as mid- 
shipman, and after his pardon, 
was appointed gunner of the 
Blenheim, in which he perished 
with Sir Thomas Trowbridge. 
In comparing this journal with 
other documents, the dates and 
transactions appear to be cor- 
rectly stated. 

The seeds of discord in the 
Bounty seem to have been 
sown at a very early period oi 



30 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



the voyage. The duties of 
commander and purser were 
united in the person of Bligh ; 
and it would seem that this 
proved the cause of very serious 
discontent among the officers 
and crew ; of the mischief aris- 
ing out of this union, the fol- 
lowing statement of Morrison 
may serve as a specimen. At 
Teneriffe, Bligh ordered the 
cheese to be hoisted up and 
exposed to the air ; which was 
no sooner done, than he pre- 
tended to miss a certain quan- 
tity, and declared that it had 
been stolen. The cooper, Henry 
Hillbrant, informed him that 
the cask in question had been 
opened by the orders of Mr 
Samuel, who acted also as 
steward, and the cheese sent on 
shore to his own house, previous 
to the Bounty leaving the river 
on her way to Portsmouth. 
Bligh, without making any fur- 
ther inquiry, immediately order- 
ed the allowance of that article 
to be stopped, both from officers 
and men, until the deficiency 
should be made good, and told 
the cooper, he would give him 
a good flogging, if he said 
another word on the subject. 
Again, on approaching the equa- 
tor, some decayed pumpkins, 
purchased at Teneriffe, were 
ordered to be issued to the 
crew, at the rate of one pound 
of pumpkin to two pounds of 
biscuit. The reluctance of the 
men to accept the proposed 
substitute, on such terms, being 
reported, Bligh flew upon deck 
in a violent rage, turned the 



hands up, and ordered the first 
man on the list of each mess to 
be called by name, at the same 
time saying, " I'll see who will 
dare to refuse the pumpkin, or 
anything else I may order to be 
served out ;" to which he added, 
" I'll make you eat grass, or any- 
thing you can catch, before I 
have done with you." When 
a representation was made to 
him in a quiet and orderly 
manner, he called the crew aft, 
told them that everything rela- 
tive to the provisions was trans- 
acted by his orders ; that it was 
therefore needless for them to 
complain, as they would get no 
redress, he being the fittest 
judge of what was right or wrong, 
and that he would flog the first 
man who should dare attempt 
to make any complaint in future. 
To this imperious menace they 
bowed in silence, and not an 
other murmur was heard from 
them during the remainder of 
the voyage to Otaheite, it being 
their determination to seek legal, 
redress on the Bounty's return 
to England. 

On arriving at Matavai Bay, 
in Otaheite, Bligh is accused of 
taking the officers' hogs and 
bread-fruit, and serving them to 
the ship's company ; and when 
the master remonstrated with 
him on the subject, he replied 
that he would convince him that 
everything became his as soon 
as it was brought on board ; 
that " he would take nine-tenths 
.of every man's property, and 
let him see who dared to say 
anything to the contrary." 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 31 



Morrison then says, " The 
object of our visit to the Society 
Islands being at length accom- 
plished, we weighed on the 4th 
April 1789. Every one seemed 
in high spirits, and began to 
talk of home, as though they 
had just left Jamaica instead of 
Otaheite, so far onward did 
their flattering fancies waft them. 
On the 23d we anchored off 
Annamooka, the inhabitants of 
which island were very rude, 
and attempted to take the casks 
and axes from the parties sent 
to fill water and cut wood. A 
musket pointed at them pro- 
duced no other effect than a 
return of the compliment, by 
poising their clubs or spears 
with menacing looks ; and as it 
was Bligh's orders that no per- 
son should affront them on any 
occasion, they were emboldened 
by meeting with no check to 
their insolence. They at length 
became so troublesome, that 
Mr Christian who commanded 
the watering party, found it 
difficult to carry on his duty ; 
but on acquainting Lieutenant 
Bligh with their behaviour, he re- 
ceived a volley of abuse. To this 
he replied in a respectful manner, 
* The arms are of no effect, sir, 
while your orders prohibit their 
use.' " This happened but three 
days before the mutiny. 

That sad catastrophe, if the 
writer of the journal be correct, 
was hastened, if not brought 
about, by the following circum- 
stances, of which Bligh takes no 
notice. "In the afternoon of 
the 27th, Captain Bligh came 



upon deck, and missing some 
of the cocoa-nuts which had 
been piled up between the guns, 
said they had been stolen, and 
could not have been taken away 
without the knowledge of the 
officers, all of whom were sent 
for and questioned on the sub- 
ject. On their declaring that 
they had not seen any of the 
people touch them, he ex- 
claimed, ' Then you must have 
taken them yourselves;' and 
he proceeded to inquire of them 
separately how many they had 
purchased. On coming to Mr 
Christian, that gentleman an- 
swered, ' I do not know, sir; but 
I hope you do not think me so 
mean as to be guilty of stealing 
yours/ Mr Bligh replied, ' I'll 
sweat you for it ; I'll make you 
jump overboard before you get 
through Endeavour Straits.' " 

It is difficult to believe, says 
Sir John Barrow, that an officer 
could condescend to make use 
of such language; it is to be 
feared, however, that there is 
sufficient ground for the truth 
of these statements. Mr Fryer 
being asked, "What do you 
suppose to be Mr Christian's 
meaning when he said he" had 
been in hell for a fortnight?" 
answered, "From the frequent 
quarrels they had had, and the 
abuse he had received from 
Mr Bligh." " Had there been 
any very recent quarrel ? " "The 
day before, Mr Bligh challenged 
all the young gentlemen and 
people with stealing his cocoa- 
nuts." It was on the evening 
of this day that Captain Bligh, 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



according to his printed narra- 
tive, says, Christian was to have 
supped with him, but excused 
himself on account of being un- 
well ; and that he was invited 
to dine with him on the day of 
the mutiny. 

Every one of these circum- 
stances, and many others which 
might be stated from Mr Morri- 
son's journal, are omitted in 
Bligh's published narrative. 

In so early a part of the 
voyage as their arrival in Ad- 
venture Bay, Bligh found fault 
with his officers, and put the 
carpenter into confinement. 
Again, at Matavai Bay, on the 
5th December, he says, "I 
ordered the carpenter to cut a 
large stone that was brought off 
by one of the natives, request- 
ing me to get it made fit for 
them to grind their hatchets on; 
but to my astonishment he re- 
fused, in direct terms, to com- 
ply, saying, ' I will not cut the 
stone, for it will spoil my chisel ; 
and though there may be law 
to take away my clothes, there 
is none to take away my tools.' 
This man having before shown 
his mutinous and insolent be- 
haviour, I was under the neces- 
sity of confining him to his 
cabin." 

On the 5th January three 
men deserted in the cutter, on 
which occasion Bligh says, 
"Had the mate of the watch 
been awake, no trouble of this 
kind would have happened. I 
have therefore disrated and 
turned him before the mast; 
such neglectful and worthless 



petty-officers, I believe, never 
were in a ship as are in this. 
No orders for a few hours to- 
gether are obeyed by them, 
and their conduct in general 
is so bad, that no confidence 
or trust can be reposed in them ; 
in short, they have driven me 
to everything but corporal pun- 
ishment, and that must follow 
if they do not improve." 

By Morrison's journal it 
would appear that "corporal 
punishment" was not long de- 
layed ; for, on the very day, he 
says, the midshipman was put 
in irons, and confined from the 
5th January to the 23d March 
eleven weeks ! 

On the 1 7th January, orders 
being given to clear out the 
sail-room and air the sails, many 
of them were found much mil- 
dewed and rotten in many 
places; on which he observes, 
" If I had any officers to super- 
sede the master and boatswain, 
or was capable of doing with- 
out them, considering them as 
common seamen, they should 
no longer occupy their respec- 
tive stations; scarcely any ne- 
glect of duty can equal the 
criminality of this." 

On the 24th January the 
three deserters were brought 
back and flogged, then put in 
irons for further punishment. 
" As this affair," he says, " was 
solely caused by the neglect of 
the officers who had the watch, 
I was induced to give them all 
a lecture on the occasion, and 
endeavour to show them that, 
however exempt they were at 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



33 



present from the like punish- 
ment, yet they were equally 
subject, by the articles of war, 
to a condign one." 

On the 7th March, a native 
Otaheitan, whom Bligh had 
confined in irons, contrived to 
break the lock of the bilboa- 
bolt and make his escape. " I 
had given," says Bligh, "a 
written order, that the mate of 
the watch was to be answerable 
for the prisoners, and to visit 
and see that they were safe in 
his watch; but I have such a 
neglectful set about me, that I 
believe nothing but condign 
punishment can alter their con- 
duct. Verbal orders, in the 
course of a month, were so for- 
gotten, that they would impu- 
dently assert no such thing or 
directions were given; and I 
have been at last under the 
necessity to trouble myself with 
writing what, by decent young 
officers, would be complied with 
as the common rules of the 
service. Mr Stewart was the 
mate of the watch." 

These extracts show the terms 
on which Bligh was with his 
officers. That Christian was 
the sole author of the mutiny 
appears still more strongly from 
the following passage in Morri- 
son's journal: "When Mr Bligh 
found he must go into the boat, 
he begged of Mr Christian to 
desist, saying, 'I'll pawn my 
honour, I'll give my bond, Mr 
Christian, never to think of 
this, if you'll desist/ and urged 
his wife and family ; to which 
Mr Christian replied, 'No, Cap- 



tain Bligh, if you had any hon- 
our, things had not come to 
this ; and if you had any regard 
for your wife and family, you 
should have thought on them 
before, and not behaved so 
much like a villain/ The boat- 
swain also tried to pacify Mr 
Christian, to whom he replied, 
' It is too late ; I have been in 
hell for this fortnight past, and 
am determined to bear it no 
longer; and you know, Mr 
Cole, that I have been used 
like a dog all the voyage.'" 

It is pretty evident, therefore, 
that the mutiny was not, as Bligh 
in his narrative states it to have 
been, the result of a conspiracy. 
To those who care to read the 
minutes of the court-martial, it 
will be seen that the affair was 
planned and executed between 
four and eight o'clock, on the 
morning of the 28th April, when 
Christian had the watch upon 
deck; that Christian, unable 
longer to bear abusive and in- 
sulting language, had meditated 
his own escape from the ship 
the day before, choosing to trust 
himself to fate, rather than sub- 
mit to the constant upbraiding 
to which he had been subject. 

Bligh invited Christian to sup 
with him the same evening, evi- 
dently wishing to renew their 
friendly intercourse ; and happy 
would it have been for all par- 
ties had he accepted the invita- 
tion. While on this lovely night 
Bligh and his master were con- 
gratulating themselves on the 
pleasing prospect of fine weather 
and a full moon, to light them 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



through Endeavour's dangerous 
Straits, Christian was, in all 
probability, brooding over his 
wrongs, and meditating on the 
daring act he was to perpetrate 
the following morning. 

By the journal of Morrison, 
the following is an account of 
the transaction, as given by 
Christian himself. 

He said : " Finding himself 
much hurt by the treatment he 
had received from Lieutenant 
Bligh, he had determined to 
quit the ship the preceding 
evening, and had informed the 
boatswain, carpenter, and two 
midshipmen (Stewart and Hay- 
ward) of his intention to do so ; 
that by them he was supplied 
with part of a roasted pig, some 
nails, beads, and other articles 
of trade, which he put into a 
bag that was given him by the 
last-named gentleman ; that he 
put this bag into the clue of Ro- 
bert Tinkler's hammock, where 
it was discovered by that young 
gentleman when going to bed 
at night ; but the business was 
smothered, and passed off with- 
out any further notice. He said 
he had fastened some staves to 
a stout plank, with which he in- 
tended to make his escape; but 
finding he could not effect it dur- 
ing the first and middle watches, 
as the ship had no way through 
the water, and the people were all 
moving about, he laid down to 
rest about half-past three in the 
morning ; that when Mr Stewart 
called him to relieve the deck 
at four o'clock, he had but just 
fallen asleep, and was much out 



of order ; upon observing which, 
Mr Stewart strenuously advised 
him to abandon his intention ; 
that as soon as he had taken 
charge of the deck, he saw Mr 
Hay ward, the mate of his watch, 
lie down on the arm-chest to 
take a nap ; and finding that 
Mr Hallet, the other midship- 
man, did not make his appear- 
ance, he suddenly formed the 
resolution of seizing the ship. 
Disclosing his intention to Mat- 
thew Quintal and Isaac Martin, 
both of whom had been flogged 
by Lieutenant Bligh, they called 
up Charles Churchill, who had 
also tasted the cat, and Matthew 
Thompson, both of whom readi- 
ly joined in the plot. That 
Alexander Smith (alias John 
Adams), John Williams, and 
William M'Koy, evinced equal 
willingness, and went with 
Churchill to the armourer, of 
whom they obtained the keys of 
the arm-chest, under pretence 
of wanting a musket to fire at a 
shark, then alongside; that find- 
ing Mr Hallet asleep on an arm- 
chest in the main-hatchway, they 
roused and sent him on deck. 
Charles Norman, unconscious 
of their proceedings, had, in the 
meantime, awaked Mr Jf ay- 
ward, and directed his attention 
to the shark, whose movements 
he was watching at the moment 
that Mr Christian and his con- 
federates came up the fore- 
hatchway, after having placed 
arms in the hands of several 
men who were not aware of their 
design. One man, Matthew 
Thompson, was left in charge 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



35 



of the chest, and he served out 
arms to Thomas Burkitt and 
Robert Lamb. Mr Christian 
said he then proceeded to secure 
Lieutenant Bligh, the master, 
gunner, and botanist." 

"When Mr Christian," ob- 
serves Morrison, in his journal, 
"related the above circum- 
stances, I recollected having 
seen him fasten some staves to 
a plank lying on the larboard 
gangway, as also having heard 
the boatswain say to the carpen- 
ter, 'It will not do to-night.' 
I likewise remember that Mr 
Christian had visited the fore- 
cockpit several times that even- 
ing, although he had very sel- 
dom, if ever, frequented the 
warrant-officers' cabins before." 

If this be a correct statement, 
it removes every doubt of Chris- 
tian being the sole instigator of 
the mutiny, and establishes the 
conclusion that it was suddenly 
conceived by a hot-headed young 
man, in a state of great excite- 
ment of mind, caused by the 
frequent abusing and insulting 1 
language of his commanding 
officer. Waking out of a short 
half-hour's disturbed sleep, rind- 
ing the two mates of the watch, 
Hayvyard and Hallet, asleep, the 
opportunity tempting, and the 
ship completely in his power, he 
darted down the fore-hatchway, 
got possession of the keys of the 
arm-chest, and made the hazard- 
ous ex^. iriment of arming such of 
the men as he thought he could 
trust, and effected his purpose. 

There is a passage in Captain 
Beechey's account of Pitcairn 



Island, which, if correct, would 
cast a stain on the memory of 
the unfortunate Stewart he 
who, if there was one innocent 
man in the ship (says Sir John 
Barrow), was that man. Captain 
Beechey says (speaking of Chris- 
tian), "His plan, strange as it 
must appear for a young officer 
to adopt who was fairly advanced 
in an honourable profession, was 
to set himself adrift upon a raft, 
and make his way to the island 
(Tofoa) then in sight. As quick 
in the execution as in the design, 
the raft was soon constructed, 
various useful articles were got 
together, and he was on the point 
of launching it, when a young 
officer, who afterwards perished 
in the Pandora, to whom Chris- 
tian communicated his intention, 
recommended him, rather than 
risk his life on so hazardous an 
expedition, to endeavour to take 
possession of the ship, which he 
thought would not be very diffi- 
cult, as many of the ship's com- 
pany were not well-disposed 
towards the commander, and 
would all be very glad to return 
to Otaheite, and reside among 
their friends in that island. This 
daring proposition is even more 
extraordinary than the premedi- 
tated scheme of his companion." 
Captain Beechey, desirous of 
being correct in his statement, 
sent his chapter on Pitcairn 
Island for any observations the 
subsequent Captain Heywood 
might have to make on what 
was said therein regarding the 
mutiny. Captain Heywood re- 
turned the following reply : 



36 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



" $th April 

"Dear Sir, I have perused 
the account you received from 
Adams of the mutiny in the 
Bounty, which does indeed differ 
very materially from a foot-note 
in Marshall's 'Naval Biography/ 
by the editor, to whom I ver- 
bally detailed the facts, which 
are strictly true. 

" That Christian informed the 
boatswain and the carpenter, 
Messrs Hayward and Stewart, 
of his determination to leave the 
ship upon a raft, on the night 
preceding the mutiny, is cer- 
tain ; but that any one of them 
(Stewart in particular) should 
have * recommended, rather 
than risk his life on so hazardous 
an expedition, that he should 
try the expedient of taking the 
ship from the captain,' etc., is 
entirely at variance with the 
whole character and conduct of 
the latter, both before and after 
the mutiny ; as well as with the 
assurance of Christian himself, 
the very night he quitted Taheite, 
that the idea of attempting to 
take the ship had never entered 
his distracted mind until the 
moment he relieved the deck, 
and found his mate and midship- 
man asleep. 

" At that last interview with 
Christian, he also communicated 
to me, for the satisfaction of his 
relations, other circumstances 
connected with that unfortunate 
disaster, which, after their deaths, 
may or may not be laid before 
the public. And although they 
can implicate none but himself, 
either living or dead, they may 



extenuate but will contain not 
a word of his in defence of the 
crime he committed against the 
laws of his country. I am, etc. 
"P. HEYWOOD." 

Captain Beechey stated only 
what he had heard from old 
Adams, who was not always 
correct in the information he 
gave to the visitors of his island; 
but this part of his statement 
gave great pain to Heywood, 
who adverted to it on his death- 
bed, wishing, out of regard for 
Stewart's memory and his sur- 
viving friends, that it should be 
publicly contradicted. The 
temptations, therefore, which it 
was supposed Otaheite held out 
to the deluded men of the 
Bounty had no more share in 
the transaction, than the sup- 
posed conspiracy. Bligh is the 
only person who has said it was 
so. 

If, however, the recollection 
of the " sunny isle " and its 
" smiling women " had really 
tempted the men to mutiny, 
Bligh would himself not have 
been very free from blame, for 
having allowed them to remain 
for six whole months among this 
voluptuous and fascinating peo- 
ple. The service was carried on 
in those days in a very different 
spirit from that which regulates 
its movements now, otherwise 
the Bounty would never have 
passed six whole months at one 
island stowing away the fruit. 
As far as the mutiny of his" 
people was concerned, we must 
wholly discard the idea thrown 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



37 



out by Bligh that the seductions 
of Otaheite had any share in 
producing it It could not have 
escaped a person of Christian's 
sagacity, that certain interro- 
gatories would unquestionably 
be put by the natives of Ota- 
heite, on finding the ship return 
so soon, without her commander, 
without the bread-fruit plants, 
and with only about half her 
crew. At subsequent periods, 
he twice visited that island. 
His object was to find a place 
of concealment, where he might 
pass the remainder of his days, 
unheard of and unknown one 
of the many strange sort of 
wishes which will happen to 
men who mean what they are 
doing. 

Christian had intended to 
send away Bligh and his asso- 
ciates in the cutter, and ordered 
that it should be hoisted out for 
that purpose, which was done 
a small boat, that could hold 
but eight or ten men at the 
most. But the remonstrances 
of the master, boatswain, and 
carpenter prevailed on him to 
allow them the launch, into 
which nineteen persons were 
thrust, whose weight, together 
with that of a few articles they 
were permitted to take, brought 
down the boat so near to the 
water as to endanger her sink- 
ing with but a moderate swell 
of the sea. 

The first consideration of 
Bligh and his eighteen unfor- 
tunate companions, on being 
cast adrift in their open boat, 
was their resources. The quan- 



tity of provisions thrown at 
them was one hundred and 
fifty pounds of bread, sixteen 
pieces of pork, each weighing 
two pounds ; six quarts of rum, 
six bottles of wine, with twenty- 
eight gallons of water, and four 
empty barricoes. Being so near 
to the island of Tofoa, they 
resolved to seek a supply of 
bread-fruit and water there, so 
as to preserve, if possible, that 
poor stock entire; but after 
rowing along the coast, they 
discovered only some cocoa-nut 
trees on the top of high preci- 
pices, from which, with much 
danger, they succeeded in ob- 
taining about twenty nuts. The 
second day they made excur- 
sions into the island, but without 
success. They met a few natives, 
who came down with them to the 
cove where the boat was lying. 
They made inquiries after the 
ship, and Bligh said the ship 
had overset and sunk, and 
that they only were saved. The 
story was certainly indiscreet, 
as putting the people in posses- 
sion of their defenceless situa- 
tion ; however, they brought in 
small quantities of bread-fruit, 
plantains, and cocoa-nuts, but 
little or no water could be pro- 
cured. These supplies, scanty 
as they were, served to keep up 
the spirits of the men, and they 
all determined to do their best. 
The numbers of the natives 
having so much increased as to 
line the whole beach, they be- 
gan knocking stones together, 
which was known to be the 
preparatory signal for an attack 



38 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



With some difficulty, on account 
of 'the surf, Bligh's men suc- 
ceeded in getting the things 
that were on shore into the 
boat. John Norton, quarter- 
master, was casting off the 
stern-fast, and the natives im- 
mediately rushed upon this poor 
man, and actually stoned him 
to death. A volley of stones 
was also discharged at the boat, 
and every one in it was more or 
less hurt. This induced the 
unfortunate fugitives to push 
out to sea with all the speed 
they were able to give to the 
launch ; but several canoes, 
filled with stones, followed close 
after them and renewed the 
attack ; against which the only 
return the men in the boat 
could make, was with the stones 
of the assailants that lodged in 
her. The only expedient left was 
to tempt the enemy to desist 
from the pursuit, by throwing 
overboard some clothes, which 
induced the canoes to stop and 
pick them up ; and, night com- 
ing on, the natives returned to 
the shore. 

The men now entreated Bligh 
to take a homeward route; and 
on being told that no hope of 
relief could be entertained till 
they reached Timor, a distance 
of full twelve hundred leagues, 
they all readily agreed to be 
content with an allowance, 
which, on a calculation of their 
resources, he informed them 
would not exceed one ounce of 
bread and a quarter of a pint of 
water per day. It was about 
eight o'clock at night on the 



2d May, when they bore away 
under a reefed lug-foresail ; and 
having divided the people into 
watches, " and got the boat into 
a little order," says that brave 
commander, " we returned 
thanks to God for our miracu- 
lous preservation ; and, in full 
confidence of His gracious sup- 
port, I found my mind more at 
ease than it had been for some 
time past." 

At daybreak on the 3d, the 
forlorn and almost hopeless 
navigators saw with alarm the 
sun to rise fiery and red a 
sure indication of a severe gale 
of wind ; and, accordingly, at 
eight o'clock it blew a violent 
storm, and the sea ran so high 
that the sail was becalmed when 
between seas, and too much to 
have set when on the top of 
the sea; yet they could not 
venture to take it in, as they 
were in imminent danger, the 
sea curling over the stern, and 
obliging them to bale with all 
their might. 

The bread being in bags, was 
in danger of being spoiled by 
the wet. It was determined, 
therefore, that all superfluous 
clothes, with some rope and 
spare sails, should be thrown 
overboard. The carpenter's tool- 
chest was cleared, and the tools 
stowed in the bottom of the 
boat, and the bread was se- 
cured in the chest. A tea- 
spoonful of rum was served out 
to each person, with a quarter 
of a bread-fruit for dinner, Bligh 
having determined to make their 
small stock of provisions last 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



39 



eight weeks, let the daily pro- 
portion be ever so small. 

The sea continuing to run 
higher, the fatigue of baling 
became very great. The men 
were constantly wet, the night 
very cold, and at daylight their 
limbs were so benumbed, that 
they could scarcely find the use 
of them. At this time a tea- 
spoonful of rum served out to 
each person was found of great 
benefit to all. Five small cocoa- 
nuts were distributed for dinner, 
and in the evening a few broken 
pieces of bread-fruit were served 
for supper, after which prayers 
were performed. 

On the night of the 4th and 
morning of the 5th, the gale had 
abated ; the first step to be 
taken was to examine the state 
of the bread, a great part of 
which was found to be damaged 
and rotten. The boat was now 
running among islands, but, 
after their reception at Tofoa, 
they did not venture to land. 
On the 6th, they still continued 
to see islands at a distance; 
and this day, for the first time, 
they hooked a fish, to their 
great joy; "but," says Bligh, 
" we were miserably disappoint- 
ed by its being lost in trying to 
get it into the boat." In the 
evening, each person had an 
ounce of the damaged bread, 
and a quarter of a pint of water 
for supper. 

Captain Bligh observes, "It 
will readily be supposed our 
lodgings were very miserable 
and confined for want of room ;" 
but he endeavoured to remedy 



the latter defect by putting 
themselves at watch and watch ; 
so that one-half always sat up, 
while the other lay down on 
the boat's bottom, or upon a 
chest, but with nothing to cover 
them except the heavens. Their 
limbs, he says, were dreadfully 
cramped, for they could not 
stretch them out; and the 
nights were so cold, and they 
were so constantly wet, that, 
after a few hours' sleep, they 
were scarcely able to move. At 
dawn of day on the yth, being 
very wet and cold, he says, " I 
served a spoonful of rum and 
a morsel of bread for breakfast." 
On the 8th, the allowance 
issued was an ounce and a half 
of pork, a tea-spoonful of rum, 
half a pint of cocoa-nut milk, 
and an ounce of bread. The 
rum was of the greatest service. 
" Hitherto," the commander 
says, " I had issued the allow- 
ance by guess ; but I now 
made a pair of scales with two 
cocoa-nut shells ; and having 
accidentally some pistol-balls in 
the boat, twenty-five of which 
weighed one pound or sixteen 
ounces, I adopted one of these 
balls as the proportion of weight 
that each person should receive 
of bread at the times I served 
it. I also amused all hands 
with describing the situations 
of New Guinea and New Hol- 
land, and gave them every in- 
formation in my power, that in 
case any accident should happen 
to me, those who survived might 
have some idea of what they 
were about, and be able to find 



40 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



their way to Timor, which at 
present they knew nothing of 
more than the name, and some 
not even that. At night I 
served a quarter of a pint of 
water and half an ounce of 
bread for supper." 

On the morning of the gth, 
a quarter of a pint of cocoa-nut 
milk and some of the decayed 
bread were served for break- 
fast; and for dinner, the kernels 
of four cocoa-nuts, with the re- 
mainder of the rotten bread, 
which, he says, was eatable only 
by such distressed people as 
themselves. A storm of thunder 
and lightning gave them about 
twenty gallons of water. "Being 
miserably wet and cold, I served 
to the people a tea-spoonful of 
rum each, to enable them to 
bear with their distressing situ- 
ation." 

The following day (the loth) 
brought no relief, except that of 
its light The allowance now 
served regularly to each person 
was one twenty-fifth part of a 
pound of bread and a quarter 
of a pint of water, at eight in 
the morning, at noon, and at 
sunset. To-day was added about 
half an ounce of pork for dinner, 
which, though any moderate 
person would have considered 
only as a mouthful, was divided 
into three or four. 

The morning of the nth did 
not improve. " At daybreak 1 
served to every person a tea- 
spoonful of rum, our limbs being 
so much cramped that we could 
scarcely move them." In the 
evening of the i2th, it still 



rained hard, and we again ex- 
perienced a dreadful night. At 
length the day came, and show- 
ed a miserable set of beings, 
full of wants, without anything 
to relieve them. Some com- 
plained of great pain in their 
bowels, and every one of having 
almost lost the use of his limbs. 
The little sleep we got was in 
no way refreshing, as we were 
constantly covered with the sea 
and rain. The shipping of seas 
and constant baling continued ; 
and the men were shivering with 
wet and cold, yet the com- 
mander says he was under the 
necessity of informing them that 
he could no longer afford them 
the comfort they had derived 
from the tea-spoonful of rum. 

On the 1 3th and i4th the 
stormy weather and heavy sea 
continued unabated; and on 
these days they saw distant 
land, and passed several islands. 
The sight of these islands served 
only to increase the misery of 
their situation. 

The whole day and night of 
the 1 5th were still rainy; the 
latter was dark, not a star to be 
seen by which the steerage 
could be directed, and the sea 
was continually breaking over 
the boat. On the next day 
there was issued for dinner an 
ounce of salt pork, in addition 
to their miserable allowance of 
one twenty-fifth part of a pound 
of bread. The night was again 
truly horrible, with storms of 
thunder, lightning, and rain; 
not a star visible, so that the 
steerage was quite uncertain. 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 41 



On the morning of the 1 7th, 
at dawn of day, " I found," says 
the commander, " every person 
complaining, and some of them 
solicited extra allowance, which 
I positively refused. Our situ- 
ation was miserable; always 
wet, and suffering extreme cold 
in the night, without the least 
shelter from the weather. The 
little rum we had was of the 
greatest service : when our nights 
were particularly distressing, I 
generally served a tea-spoonful 
or two to each person, and it 
was always joyful tidings when 
they heard of my intentions. 
The night was again a dark and 
dismal one, the sea constantly 
breaking over us, and nothing 
but the wind and waves to 
direct our steerage. It was my 
intention, if possible, to make 
the coast of New Holland to 
the southward of Endeavour 
Straits, being sensible that it 
was necessary to preserve such 
a situation as would make a 
southerly wind a fair one." 

On the 1 8th the rain abated, 
when the men all stripped, and 
wung their clothes through the 
sea-water, from which, the com- 
mander says, they derived much 
warmth and refreshment; but 
every one complained of violent 
pains in their bones. At night 
the heavy rain recommenced, 
with severe lightning, which 
obliged them to keep baling 
without intermission. The same 
weather continued through the 
iQth and aoth. 

"During the whole of the 
afternoon of the 2ist we were," 



he reported, "so covered with 
rain and salt water, that we 
could scarcely see. We suffered 
extreme cold, and every one 
dreaded the approach of night. 
Sleep, though we longed for it, 
afforded no comfort; for my 
own part, I almost lived without 
it. On the 22d, our situation 
was extremely calamitous. We 
were obliged to take the course 
of the sea, running right before 
it, and watching with the ut- 
most care, as the least error in 
the helm would in a moment 
have been our destruction. 

" On the evening of the 24th, 
the wind moderated, and the 
weather looked much better, 
which rejoiced all hands, so 
that they ate their scanty allow- 
ance with satisfaction. The 
night also was fair, but being al- 
ways wet with the sea, we suffered 
much from the cold. I had the 
pleasure to see a fine morning 
produce some cheerful coun- 
tenances ; and for the first time 
during the last fifteen days, we 
experienced comfort from the 
warmth of the sun. We stripped 
and hung up our clothes to dry, 
which were by this time become 
so threadbare, that they could 
not keep out either wet or cold. 
In the afternoon we had many 
birds about us which are never 
seen far from land, such as 
boobies and noddies." 

On the 25th about noon, 
some noddies came so near to 
the boat, that one of them was 
caught by the hand. This bird 
was about the size of a small 
pigeon. " I divided it," says 



42 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



Bligh, "with its entrails, into 
eighteen portions, and by a well 
known method at sea, of ' Who 
shall have thisT it was distri- 
buted with the allowance of 
bread and water for dinner, and 
eaten up, bones and all, with 
salt water for sauce. In the 
evening, several boobies flying 
very near to us, we had the 
good fortune to catch one of 
them. This bird is as large as 
a duck. They are the most 
presumptive proof of being near 
land of any sea-fowl we are 
acquainted with. I directed 
the bird to be killed for supper, 
and the blood to be given to 
three of the people who were 
the most distressed for want of 
food 

" On the next day," he says, 
" the 26th, we caught another 
booby. The people were over- 
joyed at this addition to their 
dinner, which was distributed 
in the same manner as on the 
preceding evening; giving the 
blood to those who were the 
most in want of food. To make 
the bread a little savoury, most 
of the men frequently dipped it 
in salt water; but I generally 
broke mine into small pieces, 
and ate it in my allowance of 
water, out of a cocoa-nut 
shell." 

The weather was now serene, 
which, nevertheless, was not 
without its inconveniences ; for, 
it appears, they began to feel 
distress of a different kind from 
that which they had hitherto 
been accustomed to suffer. The 
heat of the sun was so power- 



ful, that several of the people 
were seized with languor and 
faintness. But the little cir- 
cumstance of catching two 
boobies in the evening, trifling 
as it may appear, had the effect 
of raising their spirits. The 
stomachs of these birds con- 
tained several flying-fish and 
small cuttle-fish, all of which 
were carefully saved to be di- 
vided for dinner the next day ; 
which were accordingly divided, 
with their entrails and the con- 
tents of their maws, into eighteen 
portions ; and, as the prize was 
a very valuable one, it was dis- 
tributed as before by calling out, 
"Who shall have this r 

At one in the morning of the 
28th, the person at the helm 
heard the sound of breakers. 
It was the " barrier reef" which 
runs along the eastern coast of 
New Holland, through which it 
now became the anxious object 
to discover a passage: Bligh 
says this was now become ab- 
solutely necessary, without a 
moment's loss of time. The 
sea broke furiously over the 
reef in every part; within, the 
water was so smooth and calm, 
that every man already antici- 
pated the heartfelt satisfaction 
he was about to receive, as soon 
as he should have passed the 
barrier. At length a break in 
the reef was discovered, a 
quarter of a mile in width ; and 
through this the boat rapidly 
passed with a strong stream 
running to the westward, and 
came immediately into smooth 
water, and all the past hard- 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 43 



ships seemed at once to be for- 
gotten. 

They now returned thanks to 
God for His generous protection, 
and took their miserable allow- 
ance of the twenty-fifth part of 
a pound of bread, and a quarter 
of a pint of water, for dinner. 

The coast now began to show 
itself very distinctly, and in the 
evening they landed on the 
sandy point of an island, when 
it was soon discovered there 
were oysters on the rocks, it 
being low water. The party 
sent out to reconnoitre returned 
highly rejoiced at having found 
plenty of oysters and fresh 
water. By help of a small 
magnifying -glass, a fire was 
made; and among the things 
that had been thrown into the 
boat was a tinder-box and 
a piece of brimstone, so 
that in future they had the 
ready means of making a fire. 
One of the men, too, had been 
so provident as to bring away 
with him from the ship a copper 
pot; and thus, with a mixture 
of oysters, bread, and pork, a 
stew was made, of which each 
person received a full pint. 

" This day (29th May) being," 
says Bligh, " the anniversary of 
the restoration of King Charles 
II., and the name not being 
inapplicable to our present 
situation (for we were restored 
to fresh life and strength), I 
named this 'Restoration Island/ 
for I thought it probable that 
Captain Cook might not have 
taken notice of it." 

With oysters and palm-tops 



stewed together, the people now 
made excellent meals, without 
consuming any of their bread. 
In the morning of the 3oth, he 
says he saw a visible alteration 
in the men for the better, and 
sent them away to gather 
oysters, in order to carry a 
stock of them to sea ; for he 
determined to put off again 
that evening. They also pro- 
cured fresh water, and filled all 
their vessels, to the amount of 
nearly sixty gallons. On ex- 
amining the bread, it was found 
there still remained about thirty- 
eight days' allowance. They 
now proceeded to the north- 
ward, having the continent on 
their left, and several islands 
and reefs on their right. 

On the 3ist they landed on 
one of these islands, to which 
was given the name of " Sun- 
day." " I sent out two parties," 
says Bligh, "one to the north- 
ward and the other to the south- 
ward, to seek for supplies, and 
others I ordered to stay by the 
boat. On this occasion fatigue 
and weakness so far got the 
better of their sense of duty, 
that some of the people ex- 
pressed their discontent at hav- 
ing worked harder than their 
companions, and declared that 
they would rather be without 
their dinner than go in search 
of it One person, in particular, 
went so far as to tell me, with a 
mutinous look, that he was as 
good a man as myself. It was 
not possible for one to judge 
where this might have an end, 
if not stopped in time ; to pre- 



44 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



vent, therefore, such disputes 
in future, I determined either to 
preserve my command or die in 
the attempt ; and, seizing a cut- 
lass, I ordered him to lay hold 
of another and defend himself; 
on which he called out that I 
was going to kill him, and im- 
mediately made concessions. I 
did not allow this to interfere 
further with the harmony of the 
boat's crew, and everything soon 
became quiet" 

On this island they obtained 
oysters, and clams, and dog- 
fish; also a small bean, which 
Nelson, the botanist, pronounced 
to be a species of dolichos. On 
the ist of June they stopped in 
the midst of some sandy islands, 
such as are known by the name 
of keys, where they procured a 
few clams and beans. Here 
Nelson was taken very ill with 
a violent heat in his bowels, a 
loss of sight, great thirst, and 
an inability to walk. A little 
wine, which had carefully been 
saved, with some pieces of bread 
soaked in it, was given to him 
in small quantities, and he soon 
began to recover. The boat- 
swain and carpenter were also 
ill, and complained of headache 
and sickness of the stomach. 
In fact, there were few without 
complaints. 

A party was sent out by night 
to catch birds ; they returned 
with only twelve noddies, but it 
is stated that had it not been 
for the folly and obstinacy of 
one of the party, who separated 
from the others and disturbed 
the birds, a great many more 



might have been taken. The 
offender was Robert Lamb, who 
acknowledged, when he got to 
Java, that he had that night 
eaten nine raw birds after he 
separated from his two com- 
panions. 

On the 3d of June, after pass- 
ing several keys and islands, and 
doubling Cape York, the north- 
easternmost point of New Hol- 
land, at eight in the evening, the 
little boat and her brave crew 
once more launched into the 
open ocean. 

On the 5th a booby was 
caught by the hand, the blood 
of which was divided between 
three of the men who were 
weakest, and the bird kept for 
next day's dinner; and on the 
evening of the 6th the allowance 
for supper was recommenced, 
according to a promise made 
when it had been discontinued. 
On the 7th, after a miserably 
wet and cold night, nothing 
more could be afforded than the 
usual allowance for breakfast; 
but at dinner each person had 
the luxury of an ounce of dried 
clams, which consumed all that 
remained. Mr Ledward, the 
surgeon, and Lawrence Lebogue, 
an old hardy seaman, appeared 
to be giving way very fast. No 
other assistance could be given 
to them than a tea-spoonful or 
two of wine, and that had to be 
carefully saved for such a melan- 
choly occasion. 

On the 8th the weather was 
more moderate, and a small 
dolphin was caught, which gave 
about two ounces to each man. 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 45 



The surgeon and Lebogue still 
continued very ill, and the only 
relief that could be afforded 
them was a small quantity of 
wine, and encouraging them with 
the hope that a very few days 
more, at the rate they were then 
sailing, would bring them to 
Timor. 

"In the morning of the loth, 
there was a visible alteration for 
the worse/' says Bligh, "in many 
of the people, which gave me 
great apprehensions. An ex- 
treme weakness, swelled legs, 
hollow and ghastly countenances, 
a more than common inclination 
to sleep, with an apparent de- 
bility of understanding, seemed 
to me the melancholy presages 
of an approaching dissolution. 
The surgeon and Lebogue, in 
particular, were most miserable 
objects : I occasionally gave 
them a few tea-spoonfuls of wine 
out of the little that remained, 
which greatly assisted them." 

On the nth Bligh announced 
to his wretched companions that 
he had no doubt they had now 
passed the meridian of the eastern 
part of Timor, a piece of intel- 
ligence that diffused universal 
joy and satisfaction. At three 
in the morning of the following 
day, Timor was discovered at 
the distance only of two leagues 
from the shore. 

On Sunday the i4th they 
came safely to anchor in Cou- 
pang Bay, where they were re- 
ceived with every mark of kind- 
ness, hospitality, and humanity. 
The houses of the principal 
people w*re thrown open for 



their reception. The poor suf- 
ferers when landed were scarcely 
able to walk: their condition 
was deplorable. 

Having recruited their strength 
by a residence of two months 
among the friendly inhabitants 
of Coupang, they proceeded to 
the westward on the 20th August 
in a small schooner, which was 
purchased and armed for the 
purpose, and arrived on the ist 
October in Batavia Road, where 
Captain Bligh embarked in a 
Dutch packet, and was landed 
on the Isle of Wight on the i4th 
March 1790. The rest of the 
people had passages provided 
for them in ships of the Dutch 
East India Company, then about 
to sail for Europe. All of them, 
however, did not survive to reach 
England. Nelson, the botanist, 
died at Coupang; Elphinstone, 
master's mate, Peter Linkletter 
and Thomas Hall, seamen, died 
at Batavia; Robert Lamb, sea- 
man, died on the passage; and 
Ledward, the surgeon, was left 
behind, and not afterwards heard 
of. These six, with John Norton, 
who was stoned to death, left 
twelve of the nineteen, forced 
by the mutineers into the launch, 
to survive the difficulties and 
dangers of this unparalleled 
voyage, and to revisit their 
native country. 

Bligh says, "Thus happily 
ended, through the assistance of 
Divine Providence, without ac- 
cident, a voyage of the most 
extraordinary nature that ever 
happened in the world, let it be 
taken either in its extent, dura- 



16 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



tion, or the want of any neces- 
sary of life." 

Sir John Barrow adds, " It is 
impossible to read this extraor- 
dinary and unparalleled voyage, 
without bestowing the meed of 
unqualified praise on the able 
and judicious conduct of its 
commander, who is in every re- 
spect, as far as this extraordinary 
enterprise is concerned, fully 
entitled to rank with Parry, 
Franklin, and Richardson. Few 
men, indeed, were ever placed 
for so long a period in a more 
trying, distressing, and perilous 
situation than he was, and it 
may safely be pronounced that 
through his discreet management 
of the men and their scanty re- 
sources, and his ability as a 
thorough seaman, eighteen souls 
were saved from imminent and 
otherwise inevitable destruction, 
It was not alone the dangers of 
the sea, in an open boat crowded 
with people, that he had to com- 
bat, though they required the 
most consummate nautical skill 
to be enabled to contend suc- 
cessfully against them ; but the 
unfortunate situation to which 
the party were exposed, rendered 
him subject to the almost daily 
murmuring and caprice of people 
less conscious than himself of 
their real danger. From the ex- 
perience they had acquired at 
Tofoa of the savage disposition 
of the people against the defence- 
less boat's crew, a lesson was 
learned how little was to be 
trusted, even to the mildest of 
uncivilised people, when a con- 
scious superiority was in their 



hands. A striking proof of this 
was experienced in the unpro- 
voked attack made by those 
amiable people, the Otaheitans, 
on Captain Wallis's ship, of 
whose power they had formed 
no just conception ; but having 
once experienced the full force 
of it, on no future occasion was 
any attempt made to repeat 
the attack. Captain Bligh, fully 
aware of his own weakness, 
deemed it expedient, therefore, 
to resist all desires and tempta- 
tions to land at any of those 
islands among which they passed 
in the course of the voyage, 
well knowing how little could 
be trusted to the forbearance of 
savages, unarmed and wholly 
defenceless as his party were. 

But the circumstance of being 
tantalised with the appearance 
of land, clothed with perennial 
verdure, whose approach was 
forbidden to men chilled with 
wet and cold, and nearly perish- 
ing with hunger, was by no 
means the most difficult against 
which the commander had to 
struggle. " It was not the least 
of my distresses," he observes, 
" to be constantly assailed with 
the melancholy demands of my 
people for an increase of allow- 
ance, which it grieved me to 
refuse." He well knew that to 
reason with men reduced to the 
last stage of famine, yet denied 
the use of provisions within 
their reach, and with the powei 
to seize upon them in their own 
hands, would be to no purpose. 
Something more must be done 
to ensure even the possibility of 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 47 



saving them from the effect of 
their own imprudence. The 
first thing he set about, there- 
fore, was to ascertain the exact 
state of their provisions, which 
were found to amount to the 
ordinary consumption of five 
days, but which were to be 
spun out so as to last fifty days. 
This was at once distinctly 
stated to the men, and an 
agreement entered into, and a 
solemn promise made by all, 
that the settled allowance should 
never be deviated from, as they 
were made clearly to understand 
that on the strict observance of 
this agreement rested the only 
hope of their safety; and this 
was explained and made so 
evident to every man, at the 
time it was concluded, that they 
unanimously agreed to it ; and 
by reminding them of this com- 
pact, whenever they became 
clamorous for more, and show- 
ing a firm determination not to 
swerve from it, Captain Bligh 
succeeded in resisting all their 
solicitations. 

This rigid adherence to the 
compact in doling out their 
miserable pittance, the con- 
stant exposure to wet, the im- 
minent peril of being swallowed 
up by the ocean, their cramped 
and confined position, and the 
unceasing reflection on their 
miserable and melancholy situa- 
tion all these difficulties and 
sufferings make it not less than 
miraculous that this voyage, it- 
self a miracle, should have been 
completed, not only without the 
loss of a man from sickness, but 



with so little loss of health. 
" With respect to the preserva- 
tion of our health," says the 
commander, " during the course 
of sixteen days of heavy and 
almost continual rain, I would 
recommend to every one in a 
similar situation the method we 
practised of dipping their clothes 
in salt-water, and to wring them 
out as often as they become 
soaked with rain: it was the 
only resource we had, and I 
believe was of the greatest 
service to us, for it felt more 
like a change oi dry clothes 
than could well be imagined. 
We had occasion to do this so 
often, that at length all our 
clothes were wrung to pieces." 

But the great art of all was to 
divert their attention from the 
almost hopeless situation in 
which they were placed, and to 
prevent despondency from tak- 
ing possession of their minds; 
and in order to assist in effect- 
ing this, some employment was 
devised for them : among other 
things, a log-line an object of 
interest to all was measured 
and marked ; and the men were 
practised in counting seconds 
correctly, that the distance run 
on each day might be ascer- 
tained with a nearer approach 
to accuracy than by mere guess- 
ing. These little operations 
afforded them a temporary 
amusement ; and the log being 
daily and hourly hove, gave 
them also some employment, 
and diverted their thoughts for 
the moment from their melan- 
choly situation. Then, ever? 



48 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



noon, when the sun was out, or 
at other times before or after 
noon, and also at night when 
the stars appeared, Captain 
Bligh never neglected to take 
observations for the latitude, 
and to work the day's work for 
ascertaining the boat's place. 
The anxiety of the people to 
hear how they had proceeded, 
what progress had been made, 
and whereabouts they were on 
the wide ocean, also contributed 
for the time to drive away 
gloomy thoughts that but too 
frequently would intrude them- 
selves. These observations were 
rigidly attended to, and some- 
times made under the most 
difficult circumstances the sea 
breaking over the observer, and 
the boat pitching and rolling so 
much, that he was obliged to 
be " propped up " while taking 
them. In this way, with now 
and then a little interrupted 
sleep, about a thousand long 
and anxious hours were con- 
sumed in pain and peril, and a 
space of sea passed over equal 
to four thousand five hundred 
miles, being at the rate of four 
and one-fifth miles an hour, or 
one hundred miles a day. 
Bligh mentions, in his printed 
narrative, the mutinous conduct 
of a person to whom he gave a 
cutlass to defend himself. This 
affair, as stated in his original 
manuscript journal, wears a far 
more serious aspect. " The 
carpenter (Purcell) began to 
be insolent to a high degree, 
and at last told me, with a 
mutinous aspect, he was as 



good a man as I was. I did 
not just now see where this was 
to end : I therefore determined 
to strike a final blow at it, and 
either to preserve my command 
or die in the attempt ; and, tak- 
ing hold of a cutlass, I ordered 
the rascal to take hold of another 
and defend himself, when he 
called out that I was going to 
kill him, and began to make 
concessions. I was now only 
assisted by Mr Nelson ; and 
the master (Fryer) very deliber- 
ately called out to the boat- 
swain to put me under an 
arrest, and was stirring up a 
great disturbance, when I de- 
clared, if he interfered when I 
was in the execution of my 
duty to preserve order and 
regularity, and that in conse- 
quence any tumult arose, I 
would certainly put him to 
death the first man. This had 
a proper effect on this man, and 
he now assured me that, on the 
contrary, I might rely on him to 
support my orders and direc- 
tions for the future. This is 
the outline of a tumult that 
lasted about a quarter of an 
hour ;" and he adds, " I was 
told that the master and car- 
penter, at the last place, were 
endeavouring to procure alter- 
cations, 'and were the principal 
cause of their murmuring there." 
This carpenter he brought to a 
court-martial on their arrival in 
England, on various charges, of 
which he was found guilty in 
part, and reprimanded. Purcell 
was said to be afterwards in a 
mad-house. 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 49 



On another occasion, when a 
stew of oysters was distributed 
Among the people, Bligh ob- 
serves (in the MS. journal), 
"In the distribution of it, the 
voraciousness of some and the 
moderation of others were very 
discernible. The master began 
to be dissatisfied the first, be- 
cause it was not made into a 
larger quantity by the addition 
of water, and showed a turbu- 
lent disposition, until I laid my 
commands on him to be silent." 
Again, on his refusing bread to 
the men, because they were col- 
lecting oysters, he says, " This 
occasioned some murmuring 
with the master and carpenter, 
the former of whom endeavoured 
to prove the propriety of such 
an expenditure, and was trouble- 
somely ignorant, tending to 
create disorder among those, 
if any were weak enough to 
listen to him." 

This conduct of the master 
and the carpenter, if we accept 
the commander's account of it 
as accurate, and not unduly 
biassed, was enough to provoke 
a less irritable person. He 
mentions, both in the narrative 
and the original journal, other 
instances of like provocation. 
But what makes one chary at 
repeating the story with acces- 
sories which aroused the British 
Lion at the time of Bligh's re- 
turn, and set it raging and roar- 
ing after the mutineers, is that 
gentleman's treatment of the 
conduct, character, and good 
name of Midshipman Heywood, 
who lived through it all, and a 



sentence of death besides, to be 
subsequently honoured and re- 
spected as Captain Peter Hey- 
wood. "To the kindness of 
Mrs Heywood," says Sir John 
Barrow in his preface, "the 
relict of the late Captain Peter 
Heywood, the editor is indebted 
for those beautiful and affec- 
tionate letters, written by a be- 
loved sister to an unfortunate 
brother, while a prisoner under 
sentence of death. . . . Those 
letters also from the brother to 
his deeply afflicted family, will 
be read with peculiar interest." 
We now, as a sort of crucial test 
of Bligh's conduct towards his 
ofncers, and of the accuracy of 
his statements when he returned, 
resume the story as it affects 
him and Heywood, presenting 
a variety of correspondence. 
Bligh speaks in his narrative of 
Heywood only as one of those 
left in the ship ; he does not 
charge him with taking any 
active part in the mutiny ; there 
is every reason, indeed, to be- 
lieve that Bligh did not, and 
indeed could not, see him on 
the deck on that occasion : in 
point of fact, he never was with- 
in thirty feet of Captain Bligh, 
and the booms were between 
them. About the end of March 
1790, two months subsequent 
to the death of a most beloved 
and lamented husband, Mrs 
Heywood received the afflict- 
ing information, but by report 
only, of a mutiny having taken 
place on board the Bounty. In 
that ship Mrs Heywood's son 
had been serving as midship- 



50 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS, 



man, who, when he left his 
home, in August 1787, was 
under fifteen years of age, a 
boy deservedly admired and 
beloved by all who knew him, 
and to his own family almost 
an object of adoration, for his 
superior understanding and the 
amiable qualities of his disposi- 
tion. In a state of mind little 
short of distraction, on hearing 
this fatal intelligence, which was 
at the same time aggravated by 
every circumstance of guilt, his 
mother addressed a letter to 
Captain Bligh, strongly expres- 
sive of the misery she must 
necessarily feel on such an 
occasion. The following is 
Bligh's reply : 

' *" London, April 2 , 1790. 
"MADAM, I received your 
letter this day, and feel for you 
very much, being perfectly sen- 
sible of the extreme distress 
you must suffer from the con- 
duct of your son Peter. His 
baseness is beyond all description; 
but I hope you will endeavour 
to prevent the loss of him, heavy 
as the misfortune is, from afflict- 
ing you too severely. I imagine 
he is, with the rest of the muti- 
neers, returned to Otaheite. 

" I am, Madam, 
" (Signed) WM. BLIGH." 

Colonel Holwell, the uncle 
of young Heywood, had pre- 
viously addressed Bligh on the 
same subject, to whom he re- 
turned the following answer : 

" 26//J March 1790. 
"SiR, I have just this in- 



stant received your letter. With 
much concern I inform you that 
your nephew, Peter Heywood, 
is among the mutineers. His 
ingratitude to me is of the blackest 
dye, for I was a father to him in 
every respect, and he never once 
had an angry word from me 
through the whole course of the 
voyage, as his conduct always 
gave me much pleasure and 
satisfaction. I very much re- 
gret that so much baseness formed 
the character of a young man I 
had a real regard for, and it 
will give me much pleasure to 
hear that his friends can bear the 
loss of him without much concern. 

" I am, Sir, etc., 
"(Signed) WM. BLIGH." 

The only way of accounting 
for this ferocity of sentiment 
(says Sir John Barrow) towards 
a youth, who had in point of 
fact no concern in the mutiny, 
is by a reference to certain 
points of evidence given by 
Hayward, Hallet, and Purcell, 
on the court-martial, each point 
wholly unsupported. Those in 
the boat would, no doubt, during 
their long passage, often discuss 
the conduct of their messmates 
left in the Bounty, and the un- 
supported evidence given by 
these 'three was' well calculated 
to create in Bligh's mind a pre- 
judice against young Heywood; 
yet, if so, it affords but a poor 
excuse for harrowing up the *- 
feelings of near and dear reja- 
tives. 

As a contrast to these un- 
gracious letters, it is a great 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 51 



relief to peruse the correspond- 
ence that took place between 
this unfortunate young officer 
and his dreadfully afflicted 
family. The letters of his sister, 
Nessy Heywood, exhibit so 
lively and ardent affection for 
her beloved brother, and are so 
nobly answered by the suffering 
youth, that no apology seems to 
be required for their introduc- 
tion. After a state of long sus- 
pense, this young lady thus ad- 
dresses her brother : 



"Isle of Man, 
" In a situation of mind only 
rendered supportable by the 
long and painful state of misery 
and suspense we have suffered 
on his account, how shall I 
address my dear, my fondly- 
beloved brother? how describe 
the anguish we have felt at the 
idea of this long and painful 
separation, rendered still more 
distressing by the terrible cir- 
cumstances attending it ? Oh ! 
my ever dearest boy, when I 
look back to that dreadful 
moment which brought us the 
fatal intelligence that you had 
remained in the Bounty after 
Mr Bligh had quitted her, and 
were looked upon by him as a 
mutineer ! when I contrast that 
day of horror with my present 
hopes of again beholding you, 
such as my most sanguine 
wishes could expect, I know 
not which is the most predomi- 
nant sensation pity, compas- 
sion, and terror for your suffer- 
ings, or joy and satisfaction at 
the prospect of their being near 



a termination, and of once more 
embracing the dearest object of 
our affections. 

" I will not ask you, my be- 
loved brother, whether you are 
innocent of the dreadful crime 
of mutiny, if the transactions of 
that day were as Mr Bligh has 
represented them; such is my 
conviction of your worth and 
honour, that I will, without 
hesitation, stake my life on your 
innocence. If, on the contrary, 
you were concerned in such a 
conspiracy against your com- 
mander, I shall be as firmly 
persuaded his conduct was the 
occasion of it ; but, alas ! could 
any occasion justify so atrocious 
an attempt to destroy a number 
of our fellow-creatures ? No, my 
ever dearest brother, nothing 
but conviction from your own 
mouth can possibly persuade 
me, that you would commit an 
action in the smallest degree 
inconsistent with honour and 
duty; and the circumstance of 
your having swam off to the 
Pandora on her arrival at Ota- 
heite (which filled us with joy 
to which no words can do jus- 
tice), is sufficient to convince 
all who know you, that you cer- 
tainly stayed behind either by 
force or from views of preserva- 
tion. 

" How strange does it seem 
to me that I am now engaged 
in the delightful task of writing 
to you ! Alas ! my beloved 
brother, two years ago I never 
expected again to enjoy such a 
felicity, and even yet I am in 
the most painful uncertainty 



52 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



whether you are alive. Gracious 
God, grant that we may be 
at length blessed by your re- 
turn ! but, alas ! the Pandora's 
people have been long expected, 
and are not even yet arrived. 
Should any accident have hap- 
pened, after all the miseries you 
have already suffered, the poor 
gleam of hope with which we 
have been lately indulged, will 
render our situation ten thou- 
sand times more insupportable 
than if time had inured us to 
your loss. I send this to the 
care of Mr Hayward of Hack- 
ney, father to the young gentle- 
man you so often mention in 
your letters when you were on 
board the Bounty, and who 
went out as third lieutenant in 
the Pandora a circumstance 
which gave us infinite satisfac- 
tion, as you would, on entering 
the Pandora, meet your old 
friend. On discovering old Mr 
Hayward's residence, I wrote to 
him, as I hoped he would give 
me some information respecting 
the time of your arrival, and in 
return he sent me a most friendly 
letter, and has promised this shall 
be given you when you reach Eng- 
land, as I well know how great 
your anxiety must be to hear of 
us, and how much satisfaction 
it will give you to have a letter 
immediately on your return. 
Let me conjure you, my dearest 
Peter, to write to us the very 
first moment do not lose a 
post 'tis of no consequence 
how short your letter may be, 
if it only informs us you are 
welL I need not tell you that 



you are the first and dearest 
obj ect of our affections. Think, 
then, my adored boy, of the 
anxiety we must feel on your 
account : for my own part, I 
can know no real joy or happi- 
ness independent of you ; and 
if any misfortune should now 
deprive us of you, my hopes of 
felicity are fled for ever. 

"We are at present making 
all possible interest with every 
friend and connection we have, 
to ensure you a sufficient sup- 
port and protection at your ap- 
proaching trial ; for a trial you 
must unavoidably undergo, in 
order to convince the world of 
that innocence, which those 
who know you will not for a 
moment doubt ; but, alas ! while 
circumstances are against you, 
the generality of mankind will 
judge severely. Bligh's repie- 
sentations to the Admiralty, are, 
I am told, very unfavourable, 
and hitherto the tide of public 
opinion has been greatly in his 
favour. My mamma is at pre- 
sent well, considering the dis- 
tress she has suffered since you 
left us ; for, my dearest brother, 
we have experienced a compli- 
cated scene of misery from a 
variety of causes, which, how- 
ever, when compared with the 
sorrow we felt on your account, 
was trifling and insignificant ; 
that misfortune made all others 
light ; and to see you once more 
returned, and safely restored to 
us, will be the summit of all 
earthly happiness. 

" Farewell, my most beloved 
brother ! God grant this may 



AND HER 



soon be put into your hands ! 
Perhaps at this moment you are 
arrived in England, and I may 
soon have the dear delight of 
again beholding you. My mam- 
ma, brothers, and sisters, join 
with me in every sentiment of 
love and tenderness. Write to 
us immediately, my ever-loved 
Peter, and may the Almighty 
preserve you until you bless 
with your presence your fondly 
affectionate family, and pojti- 
cularly your unalterably faithful 
friend and sister. 

"NESSY HEYWOOD." 

The gleam of joy which this 
unhappy family derived from 
the circumstance, which had 
been related to them, of young 
Heywood's swimming off to the 
Pandora, was dissipated by a 
letter from himself to his mother, 
soon after his arrival in Eng- 
land, in which he says : " The 
question, my dear mother, in 
one of your letters, concerning 
my swimming off to the Pan- 
dora, is one falsity among the 
too many, in which I have often 
thought of undeceiving you, 
and as frequently forgot. The 
story \yas this : On the morn- 
ing she arrived, accompanied 
by two of my friends (natives), 
I was going up the mountains, 
and having got about a hundred 
yards from my own house, 
another of my friends (for I was 
a universal favourite among those 
Indians, and perfectly conver- 
sant in their language) came 
running after me, and informed 
me there was a ship coming. I 



immediately ascended a rising 
ground, and saw, with inde- 
scribable joy, a ship lying-to off 
Hapiano ; it was just after day- 
light, and thinking Culeman 
might not be awake, and there- 
fore ignorant of this pleasing 
news, I sent one of my servants 
to inform him of it, upon which 
he immediately went off in a 
single canoe. There was a 
fresh breeze, and the ship work- 
ing into the bay ; he no sooner 
got alongside than the rippling 
capsized the canoe, and he be- 
ing obliged to let go the tow- 
rope to get her righted, went 
astern, and was picked up the 
next tack, and taken on board 
the Pandora, he being the first 
person. I, along with my mess- 
mate Stewart, was then standing 
upon the beach with a double 
canoe, manned with twelve pad- 
dles ready for launching; and 
just as she made her last tack 
into her berth (for we did not 
think it requisite to go off 
sooner), we put off and got 
alongside just as they streamed 
tha buoy ; and being dressed 
in the country manner, tanned 
as brown as themselves, and I 
tattooed like them in the most 
curious manner, I do not in the 
least wonder at their taking us 
for natives. I was tattooed, 
not to gratify my own desire, 
but theirs ; for it was my con- 
stant endeavour to acquiesce in 
any little custom which I thought 
would be agreeable to them, 
though painful in the process, 
provided I gained by it their 
friendship and esteem, which 



54 ' THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



you may suppose is no incon- 
siderable object in an island 
where the natives are so nume- 
rous. The more a man or 
woman there is tattooed, the 
more they are respected ; and a 
person having none of these 
marks is looked upon as bear- 
ing an unworthy badge of dis- 
grace, and considered as a mere 
outcast of society." 

Among the many anxious 
friends and family connections 
of the Heywoods was Commo- 
dore Pasley, to whom this affec- 
tionate young lady addressed 
herself on the melancholy occa- 
sion ; and the following is the 
reply she received from this 
officer : 

" Sheerness, June 8, 1792. 
" Would to God, my dearest 
Nessy, that I could rejoice with 
you on the early prospect of 
your brother's arrival in Eng- 
land. One division of the Pan- 
dora's people has arrived, and 
now on board the Vengeance 
(my ship). Captain Edwards, 
with the remainder, and all the 
prisoners late of the Bounty, in 
number ten (four having been 
drowned on the loss of that 
ship), are daily expected. They 
have been most rigorously and 
closely confined since taken, 
and will continue so, no doubt, 
till Bligh's arrival. You have 
no chance of seeing him, for no 
bail can be offered. Your in- 
telligence of his swimming off 
on the Pandora's arrival is not 
founded ; a man of the name of 
Coleman swam off ere she an- 



chored your brother and Mr 
Stewart the next day. This last 
youth, when the Pandora was 
lost, refused to allow his irons 
to be taken off to save his life. 
" I cannot conceal it from 
you, my dearest Nessy, neither 
is it proper I should, your bro- 
ther appears by all accounts to 
be the greatest culprit of all, 
Christian alone excepted. Every 
exertion, you may rest assured, 
I shall use to save his life ; but 
on trial I have no hope of his 
not being condemned. Three 
of the ten who are expected are 
mentioned in Bligh's narrative 
as men detained against their 
inclination. Would to God your 
brother had been one of that 
number ! I will not distress you 
more by enlarging on this sub- 
ject; as intelligence arises on 
their arrival, you shall be made 
acquainted. Adieu ! my dearest 
Nessy. Present my affectionate 
remembrances to your mother 
and sisters, and believe me al- 
ways, with the warmest affection, 
your uncle, THOS. PASLEY." 

How unlike is this from the 
letter of Bligh ! While it frankly 
apprises this amiable lady of 
the real truth of the case, with- 
out disguise, as it was then un- 
derstood to be from Bligh's re- 
presentations, it assures her of 
his best exertions to save her 
brother's life. Every reader of 
sensibility will sympathise in the 
feeling displayed in her reply : 

"Isle of Man, 
" 22d June 1792. 
" Harassed by the most tor- 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 55 



luring suspense, and miserably 
wretched as I have been, my 
dearest uncle, since the receipt 
of your last, conceive, if it is 
possible, the heartfelt joy and 
satisfaction we experienced yes- 
terday morning, when, on the 
arrival of the packet, the de- 
lightful letter from our beloved 
Peter (a copy of which I send 
you enclosed) was brought to 
us. Surely, my excellent friend, 
you will agree with me in think- 
ing there could not be a stronger 
proof of his innocence and worth, 
and that it must prejudice every 
person who reads it most power- 
fully in his favour. Such a letter 
in less distressful circumstances 
than those in which he writes, 
would, I am persuaded, reflect 
honour on the pen of a person 
much older than my poor bro- 
ther. But when we consider 
his extreme youth, (only sixteen 
at the time of the mutiny, and 
now but nineteen), his forti- 
tude, patience, and manly re- 
signation, under the pressure 
of sufferings and misfortunes 
almost unheard of and scarcely 
to be supported at any age, 
without the assistance of that 
which seems to be my dear 
brother's greatest comfort a 
quiet conscience, and a thorough 
conviction of his own inno- 
cence ; when I add, at the 
same time, with real pleasure 
and satisfaction, that his relation 
corresponds in many particu- 
lars with the accounts we have 
hitherto heard of the fatal mu- 
tiny; and when I also add, with 
inconceivable pride and delight, 



that my beloved Peter was never 
known to breathe a syllable in- 
consistent with truth and hon- 
our; when these circumstances, 
my dear uncle, are all united, 
what man on earth can doubt 
of the innocence which could 
dictate such a letter ? In short, 
let it speak for him : the perusal 
of his artless and pathetic story 
will, I am persuaded, be a 
stronger recommendation in his 
favour than anything I can 
urge.* 

"I need not tire your patience, 
my ever-loved uncle, by dwell- 
ing longer on this subject (the 
dearest and most interesting on 
earth to my heart) ; let me con- 
jure you only, my kind friend, 
to read it, and consider the 
innocence and defenceless situa- 
tion of its unfortunate author, 
which calls for, and I am sure 
deserves, all the pity and assist- 
ance his friends can afford him, 
and which, I am sure also, the 
goodness and benevolence ot 
your heart, will prompt you to 
exert in his behalf. It is per- 
fectly unnecessary for me to add, 
after the anxiety I feel, and 
cannot but express, that no 
benefit conferred upon myself, 
will be acknowledged with half 
the gratitude I must ever feel, 
for the smallest instance of 
kindness shown to my beloved 
Peter. Farewell, my dearest 
uncle. With the firmest reliance 
on your kind and generous 
promises, I am, ever with the 

* This interesting letter is given in 
the following chapter, to which il 
appropriately belongs. 



56 THE BQUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



truest gratitude and sincerity, 
your most affectionate niece, 
"NESSY HEYWOOD." 

This correspondence is not 
quoted with the view of making 
a vain appeal to the proofs it 
gives of kindly affections, as 
evidence against such crimina- 
lity as was shown by taking an 
active part in the mutiny of the 
Bounty. Kindly affections and 
the greatest criminality of any 
kind, are quite compatible in 
the same person. The letters, 
however, awaken our sympa- 
thies towards the memory of 
young Hey wood ; they show 



clearly that he was not the un- 
grateful wretch his captain re- 
presented him as being; and 
they argue that out of such 
materials, Bligh might have 
succeeded in producing some- 
thing better than a mutiny 
in a word, that a great propor- 
tion of the blame of the whole 
dark affair, must be laid to 
his account, and to that of 
the system of naval command, 
from which captains took their 
tone, and trained their tempers 
in those days. The next chap- 
ter introduces us to another 
specimen of a naval captain of 
the period. 



CHAPTER III. 



IN PURSUIT OF THE MUTINEERS. 



BLIGH was the hero of the hour 
in England, after his sufferings 
and his bravery and daring in 
the open boat became known. 
There was a cry of indignation 
against Fletcher Christian and 
his associates. Bligh was pro- 
moted by the Admiralty to the 
rank of Commander, and sent 
out a second time to secure the 
bread-fruit tree as cheap food 
for the slaves in the West Indies, 
and he secured and transported 
all the plants he was sent for. 

Government resolved to bring 
condign punishment down upon 
every one of the mutineers. 
Preparatory to this for it was 



desirable to catch them first 
the frigate Pandora, of twenty- 
four guns, and one hundred 
and sixty men, was despatched 
under the command of Captain 
Edward Edwards, with orders 
to proceed direct to Otaheite, 
and secure the mutineers, if 
they were there ; if not, to visit 
the different groups of the 
Society and Friendly Islands, 
and others in the neighbouring 
regions of the Pacific, and use 
his best endeavours to se ; ze as 
many of the delinquents as he 
could discover, and bring them 
home in chains. The captain 
succeeded so far as to take 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 57 



fourteen of the mutineers, ten 
of whom he brought to England, 
the other four being drowned 
when the Pandora was wrecked. 

Mr George Hamilton, the 
surgeon, published an account 
of this voyage, in a small rather 
unreadable volume, and rather 
void of information. Captain 
Edwards' report to the Admir- 
alty is a very unsatisfactory 
production as vague as it is 
unsatisfactory in all other re- 
spects. A journal kept by 
James Morrison, formerly boat- 
swain's mate in the Bounty, and 
a circumstantial letter written by 
Peter Hey wood to his mother, 
are our most reliable sources of 
information. 

The Pandora anchored in 
Matavai Bay on the 23d March 
1791. Captain Edwards, in his 
narrative, states that Joseph 
Coleman, the armourer of the 
Bounty, attempted to come on 
board before the Pandora had 
anchored ; that on reaching the 
ship, he began to make inquiries 
of him after the Bounty and her 
people, and that he seemed to 
be ready to give him any in- 
formation that was required; 
that the next who came on board, 
just after the ship had anchored, 
were Mr Peter Heywood and 
Mr Stewart, before any boat had 
been sent on shore ; that they 
were brought down to his cabin, 
when, after some conversation, 
Heywood asked if Mr Hay ward 
(midshipman of the Bounty, but 
now lieutenant of the Pandora) 
was on board, as he had heard 
that he was; that Lieutenant 



Hayward, whom he sent for, 
treated Heywood with a sort of 
o ntemptuous look, and began 
to enter into conversation with 
him respecting the Bounty ; but 
Edwards ordered him to desist, 
and called in the sentinel to take 
the prisoners into safe custody, 
and to put them in irons ; that 
other four mutineers soon made 
their appearance ; and that from 
them and some of the natives, 
he learned that the rest of the 
Bounty's people had built a 
schooner, with which they had 
sailed the day before from Mat- 
avai Bay to the N.W. part of the 
island. He despatched two lieu- 
tenants with the pinnace and 
launch to intercept her, but they 
failed. The schooner subse- 
quently returned to PaparrS, 
where the same two lieutenants, 
Corner and Hayward, found her, 
but the mutineers had fled to the 
mountains. In two days, how- 
ever, they came down again, and 
Captain Edwards drew up his 
men to receive them, called on 
them to lay down their arms and 
to go on one side, with which 
summons the mutineers com- 
plying, they were seized and 
brought prisoners to the ship. 

The following are the names 
of the prisoners on board the 
Pandora: Peter Heywood and 
George Stewart, midshipmen ; 
James Morrison, boatswain's 
mate; Charles Norman, carpen- 
ter's mate; Thomas M'Intosh, of 
the carpenter's crew; Joseph 
Coleman, armourer ; Richard 
Skinner, Thomas Ellison, Henry 
Hillbrant, Thomas Burkitt, John 



&8 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



Millward, John Sumner, William 
Muspratt, Richard Bryan, sea- 
men, in all, fourteen. Captain 
Edwards had a round-house 
built on the after-part of the 
quarterdeck for the mutineers, 
whom he calls pirates. While 
the Pandora lay to, the prison- 
ers' wives visited her daily, and 
brought their children, who were 
allowed to be carried to their 
unhappy fathers. The wives 
brought their husbands also 
ample supplies of every delicacy 
the country afforded. What a 
parting ! These poor women and 
children, what became of them 
afterwards? Of their fidelity and 
attachment an instance is afford- 
ed in the touching story which 
is told in the first Missionary 
Voyage of the Duff, of the poor 
wife of George Stewart. It is this : 
" The history of Peggy Stew- 
art marks a tenderness of heart 
that never will be heard without 
emotion. She was daughter of 
a chief, and taken for his wife 
by Mr Stewart, one of the un- 
happy mutineers. They had 
lived with the old chief in the 
most tender state of endearment ; 
a beautiful little girl had been 
the fruit of their union, and was 
at the breast when the Pandora 
arrived, seized the criminals, 
and secured them in irons on 
board the ship. Frantic with 
grief, the unhappy Peggy (for 
so he had named her) flew with | 
her infant in a canoe to the arms j 
of her husband. The interview ! 
was so affecting and afflicting, 
that the officers on board were 
overwhelmed with anguish ; and ] 



Stewart himself, unable to beai 
the heart-rending scene, begged 
she might not be admitted again 
on board. She was separated 
from him by violence, and con- 
veyed on shore in a state of 
despair and grief too big for 
utterance. Withheld from him, 
and forbidden to come any more 
on board, she sunk into the 
deepest dejection ; it preyed on 
her vitals ; she lost all relish for 
food and life, rejoiced no more, 
pined under a rapid decay of 
two months, and fell a victim to 
her feelings, dying literally of a 
broken heart. Her child is yet 
alive, and the tender object of 
our care, having been brought 
up by a sister, who nursed it as 
her own, and has discharged all 
the duties of an affectionate 
mother to the orphan infant." 

It. does not appear that Hey- 
wood formed any matrimonial 
engagement in Otaheite. 

All the mutineers in the island 
having been secured, the Pan- 
dora proceeded to search for 
those who had left in the Bounty. 
It should be mentioned that 
Churchill and Thompson, two of 
the mutineers, had met violent 
deaths before the arrival of Cap- 
tain Edwards. Thompson shot 
Churchill, for which the natives 
stoned him to death. His skull 
was brought on board the Pan- 
dora. 

Captain Edwards had no clue 
to guide him as to the route 
taken by the Bounty; but he 
learned from different people and 
from journals kept on board 
that ship, which were found in 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 59 



the chests of the mutineers at 
Otaheite, the proceedings of 
Christian and his associates, 
after Bligh and his companions 
had been turned adrift in the 
launch. From these it appears 
that the pirates proceeded in 
the first instance to the island 
of Toobouai, in lat 20 13' S., 
long. 149 35' W., where they 
anchored on the 25th May 1789. 
At this island it seems they in- 
tended to form a settlement; 
but the opposition of the natives, 
the want of many necessary 
materials, and quarrels among 
themselves, determined them 
to go to Otaheite to procure 
what might be required to effect 
their purpose, provided they 
should agree to prosecute their 
original intention. They accord- 
ingly sailed from Toobouai 
about the latter end of the 
month, and arrived at Otaheite 
on the 6th June. The Otoo, 
or reigning sovereign, and other 
principal natives, were very in- 
quisitive and anxious to know 
what had become of Captain 
Bligh and the rest of the crew, 
and also what had been done 
with the bread - fruit plants. 
They were told they had most 
unexpectedly fallen in with Cap- 
tain Cook at an island he had 
just discovered, called Why- 
tootakee, where he intended to 
form a settlement and where 
the plants had been landed ; 
and that Captain Bligh and the 
others were stopping there to 
assist Captain Cook ; that he 
had appointed Mr Christian 
commander of the Bounty, and 



that he had been sent for a sup- 
ply of hogs, goats, fowls, bread- 
fruit, and other articles. This 
story imposed on the islanders. 
The things wanted were speedily 
supplied, as well as eight men, 
nine women, and seven boys 
besides whom they took with 
them. They left Otaheite on 
the 1 9th of June, and arrived a 
second time at Toobouai on 
the 26th. They could not agree 
among themselves about settling 
here, and they sailed from Too- 
bouai on the 1 5th, and arrived 
once more at Matavai Bay on 
the 20th September 1789. 
Here the sixteen mutineers 
already accounted for were put 
on shore at their own request, 
the remaining nine resolving to 
abide by the Bounty, which 
sailed finally from Otaheite on 
the night of the 2ist September. 
They took with them seven 
Otaheite men and twelve women. 
On the 8th of May 1791, the 
Pandora left Otaheite. She 
called at numerous islands, but 
met with none of the men she 
was in search of. After a fruit- 
less cruise of three months, the 
Pandora arrived, on the 29th 
August, at the coast of New 
Holland, and came close to 
that dangerous reef of coral 
rocks, called the "Barrier Reef," 
which runs along the greater 
part of the eastern coast, at a 
considerable distance from it. 
The boat had been sent out to 
look for an opening which was 
not difficult to find, but during 
the night the Pandora drifted 
past it. Next day she struck 



60 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



upon the reef. The leak increas- 
ed so fast that all hands were 
turned to the pumps, and to 
bale at the hatchways. In little 
more than an hour and a half 
after she struck, there were 
eight feet and a half of water in 
the hold. During the night two 
of the pumps were rendered 
useless ; one of them, however, 
was repaired, and kept wearily 
baling and pumping in the vain 
hope of keeping the ship afloat. 
Seeing that their efforts were 
hopeless, the captain and officers 
resolved to take to the four boats, 
which, with careful hands in 
them, were kept astern of the 
ship. 

About half-past six in the 
morning the hold was full, and 
the water was between decks, 
and it also washed in at the 
upper-deck ports, and there were 
strong indications that the ship 
was on the very point of sinking ; 
they began to leap overboard 
and take to the boats, and, before 
everybody could get out of her, 
she actually sunk. 

On subsequently mustering 
the people that were saved, it 
was found that eighty-nine of the 
ship's company, and ten of the 
mutineer prisoners answered 
their names ; but thirty-one of 
the ship's company and four 
mutineers were lost with the 
ship. The mutineers had a 
sorry time of it during the pre- 
liminaries of this shipwreck. 
Three of them, Coleman, Nor- 
man, and M'Intosh, were let 
out of irons, and sent to work 
at the pumps. The others 



begged to be allowed a chance 
of helping to save their own 
lives as well as the lives of their 
fellow voyagers. The answer 
to their prayer was two addi- 
tional sentinels placed over 
them, with orders to shoot any 
who should attempt to get free 
from their chains. " Seeing no 
prospect of escape," Lieutenant 
Corner tells us, "they betook 
themselves to prayer, and pre- 
pared to meet their fate, every- 
one expecting that the ship 
would soon go to pieces." 
When the ship was actually 
sinking, and every effort was 
being made for the preservation 
of the crew, no notice was taken 
of the prisoners, although Cap- 
tain Edwards was entreated by 
Mr Heywood to have mercy 
upon them, when he passed 
over their prison, to make his 
own escape, the ship then lying 
on her broadside, with the lar- 
board bow completely under 
water. Fortunately the master- 
at-arms, either by accident or 
design, when slipping from the 
roof of the round-house in which 
they were imprisoned into the 
sea, let the keys of the irons fall 
through the scuttle or entrance, 
which he had just before opened, 
and thus enabled them to com- 
mence their own liberation, in 
which they were generously as- 
sisted, at the imminent risk ot 
his own life, by William Moul- 
ter, a boatswain's mate, who 
clung to the coamings, and pull- 
ed the long bars through the 
shackles, saying he would set 
them free, or go to the bottom 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 61 



with them. Scarcely was this 
effected, when the ship went 
down, leaving nothing visible 
but the top-mast cross-trees. 
The master-at-arms and all the 
sentinels sunk to rise no more. 
The cries of them and the other 
drowning men were awful in the 
extreme ; and more than half an 
hour had elapsed before the 
survivors could be taken up by 
the boats. Among the former 
were Mr Stewart, John Sumner, 
Richard Skinner, and Henry 
Hillbrant, the whole of whom 
perished with their hands still 
in manacles. 

On this melancholy occa- 
sion, Mr Heywood was the last 
person but three who escaped 
from the prison, into which the 
water had already found its way 
through the bulk-head scuttles. 
Jumping overboard, he seized a 
plank, and was swimming to- 
wards a small sandy key, about 
three miles distant, when a boat 
picked him up, and conveyed 
him thither in a state of nudity. 
James Morrison followed his 
young companion's example ; 
and, although handcuffed, he 
managed to keep afloat until a 
boat came to his assistance. 

The conduct of Captain Ed- 
wards on this occasion does not 
argue much for his humanity. 

On the sandy key which for- 
tunately presented itself, they 
hauled up the boats, to repair 
those that were damaged, and 
to stretch canvas round the 
gunwales, the better to prevent 
the sea from breaking into them. 
The heat of the sun and the 



reflection from the sand tortur- 
ed the wretches who had just 
escaped from a grave in the 
sea; and the salt water they 
had taken in while swimming, 
created an excruciating thirst. 
One of the seamen, Connell, 
went mad from the salt water 
he drank. 

The crew and the prisoners 
were distributed among the four 
boats, which sailed away among 
the islands and near the shore, 
where they now and then stop- 
ped to pick up a few oysters, 
and procure a little fresh water. 
On the 2d September, they 
passed the N.W. point of New 
Holland, and launched into the 
Indian Ocean, with a voyage of 
about a thousand miles before 
them. Captain Edwards had 
four boats ; poor Bligh had only 
one, when he sailed in circum- 
stances somewhat similar, and 
even a great deal worse. 

On the 1 3th, they saw the 
island of Timor, and the next 
morning landed and got some 
water, and a few small fish from 
the natives ; and, on the night 
of the 1 5th, anchored opposite 
the fort of Coupang. Nothing 
could exceed the kindness and 
hospitality of the governor and 
other Dutch officers of this 
settlement, in affording every 
possible assistance and relief in 
their distressed condition. Hav- 
ing remained here three weeks, 
they embarked, on the 6th Octo- 
ber, on board the Rembang 
Dutch Indiaman, and on the 
3oth anchored at Samarang, 
where they were agreeably sur- 



62 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



prised to find their little tender, 
which they had so long given up 
for lost. On the 7th November 
they arrived at Batavia, where 
Captain Edwards agreed with 
the Dutch East India Company, 
to divide the whole of the ship's 
company and prisoners among 
four of their ships proceeding 
to Europe. The latter the cap- 
tain took with him in the 
Vreedenburgh; but, finding his 
Majesty's ship Gorgon at the 
Cape, he transhipped himself 
and prisoners, and proceeded 
in her to Spithead, where he 
arrived on the iQth June 1792. 
Captain Edwards, in his nar- 
rative, never mentions the pri- 
soners from the day he leaves 
them bound in chains in that 
" Pandora's Box," which he 
built for them. He does not 
seem to have been a man of 
much sympathetic feeling; and 
he was subsequently pronounced 
by public opinion to have exer- 
cised an undue degree of sev- 
erity towards the prisoners, 
most of whom, it is to be re- 
membered, had surrendered 
themselves, thus giving him the 
least possible amount of trouble 
to capture them. The follow- 
ing letter from Peter Heywood 
to his mother will be read with 
very deep interest at this stage 
of the story of "The Bounty 
and Her Mutineers." 

"Batavia, 

" November 25, 1791. 
" My ever - honoured and 
dearest mother, At length the 
time has arrived when you are 



once more to hear from your ill- 
fated son, whose conduct at the 
capture of that ship, in which it 
was my fortune to embark, has, 
I fear, from what has since 
happened to me, been grossly 
misrepresented to you by Lieu- 
tenant Bligh, who, by not know- 
ing the real cause of my remain- 
ing on board, naturally suspected 
me, unhappily for me, to be a 
coadjutor in the mutiny; but I 
never, to my knowledge, whilst 
under his command, behaved 
myself in a manner unbecoming 
the station I occupied, nor so 
much as even entertained a 
thought derogatory to his hon- 
our, so as to give him the least 
grounds for entertaining an 
opinion of me so ungenerous 
and undeserved; for I flatter 
myself he cannot give a char- 
acter of my conduct, whilst I 
was under his tuition, that could 
merit the slightest scrutiny. Oh ! 
my dearest mother, I hope you 
have not so easily credited such 
an account of me : do but let 
me vindicate my conduct, and 
declare to you the true cause of 
my remaining in the ship, and 
you will then see how little I 
deserve censure, and how I 
have been injured by so gross 
an aspersion. I shall then give 
you a shbrt and cursory account 
of what has happened to me 
since ; but I am afraid to say a 
hundredth part of what I have 
got in store, for I am not allowed 
the use of writing materials, if 
known ; so that this is done by 
stealth ; but if it should ever 
come to your hands, it will, I 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 63 



hope, have the desired effect of 
removing your uneasiness on 
my account, when I assure you, 
before the face of God, of my 
innocence of what is laid to my 
charge. How I came to remain 
on board was thus : 

" The morning the ship was 
taken, it being my watch below, 
happening to awake just after 
daylight, and looking out of my 
hammock, I saw a man sitting 
upon the arm-chest in the main 
hatch-way, with a drawn cutlass 
in his hand, the reason of which 
I could not divine; so I got 
out of bed, and inquired of 
him what was the cause of it. 
He told me that Mr Christian, 
assisted by some of the ship's 
company, had seized the captain 
and put him in confinement; 
had taken the command of the 
ship, and meant to carry Bligh 
home a prisoner, in order to 
try him by court-martial, for his 
long tyrannical and oppressive 
conduct to his people. I was 
quite thunderstruck ; and hurry- 
ing into my berth again, told 
one of my messmates, whom I 
awakened out of his sleep, what 
had happened. Then, dressing 
myself, I went up the fore-hatch- 
way, and saw what he had told 
me was but too true ; and again 
I asked some of the people who 
were under arms, what was going 
to be done with the captain, 
who was then on the larboard 
side of the quarter-deck, with 
his hands tied behind his back, 
and Mr Christian alongside of 
him with a pistol and drawn 
bayonet. I now heard a very 



different story, and that the 
captain was to be sent ashore 
to Tofoa in the launch, and that 
those who would not join Mr 
Christian, might either accom- 
pany the captain, or would be 
taken in arms to Otaheite and 
left there. The relation of two 
stories so different, left me un- 
able to judge which could be 
the true one ; but seeing them 
hoisting the boats out, it seemed 
to prove the latter. 

" In this trying situation, 
young and inexperienced as I 
was, and without an adviser 
(every person being as it were 
infatuated, and not knowing 
what to do), I remained for a 
while a silent spectator of what 
was going on; and after revolv- 
ing the matter in my mind, I 
determined to choose what I 
thought the lesser of two evils, 
and stay by the ship ; for I had 
no doubt that those who went 
on shore in the launch would 
be put to death by the savage 
natives, whereas the Otaheitans 
being a humane and generous 
race, one might have a hope of 
being kindly received, and re- 
main there until the arrival of 
some ship, which seemed, to 
silly me, the most consistent 
with reason and rectitude. 

"While this resolution pos- 
sessed my mind, at the same time 
lending my assistance to hoist out 
the boats, the hurry and con- 
fusion affairs were in, and think- 
ing my intentions just, I never 
thought of going to Mr Bligh 
for advice ; besides, what con- 
firmed me in it was my seeing 



64 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



two experienced officers, when 
ordered into the boat by Mr 
Christian, desire his permission 
to remain in the ship, one of 
whom (my own messmate, Mr 
Hayward), and I being assisting 
to clear the launch of yams, he 
asked me what I intended to 
do? I told him, to remain in 
the ship. Now this answer, I 
imagine, he has told Mr Bligh 
I made to him ; from which, to- 
gether with my not speaking to 
him that morning, his suspicions 
of me have arisen, construing 
my conduct into what is foreign 
to my nature. 

"Thus, my dearest mother, 
it was all owing to my youth 
and unadvised inexperience, but 
has been interpreted into villainy 
and disregard of my country's 
laws, the ill effects of which I 
at present, and still am to, labour 
under for some months longer. 
And now, after what I have as- 
serted, I may still once more 
retrieve my injured reputation, 
be again reinstated in the affec- 
tion and favour of the most 
tender of mothers, and be still 
considered as her ever dutiful 
son. 

"I was not undeceived in 
my erroneous decision until too 
late, which was after the captain 
was in the launch ; for, while I 
was talking to the master-at- 
arms, one of the ringleaders in 
the affair, my other messmate 
whom I had left in his hammock 
in the berth, Mr Stewart, came 
up to me, and asked me if I 
was not going in the launch? 
I replied, No upon which he 



told me not to think of such a 
thing as remaining behind, but 
take his advice, and go down 
below with him to get a few 
necessary things, and make 
haste to go with him into the 
launch; adding that, by remain- 
ing in the ship, I should incur 
an equal share of guilt with the 
mutineers themselves. I reluct- 
antly followed his advice I say 
reluctantly, because I knew no 
better, and was foolish; and the 
boat swimming very deep in the 
water the land being very far 
distant the thoughts of being 
sacrificed by the natives and 
the self-consciousness of my 
first intention being just; all 
these considerations almost 
staggered my resolution. How- 
ever, I preferred my compan- 
ion's judgment to my own, and 
we both jumped down the main- 
hatchway to prepare ourselves 
for the boat; but no sooner 
were we in the berth, than 
the master-at-arms ordered the 
sentry to keep us both in the 
berth till he should receive 
orders to release us. We desir- 
ed the master-at-arms to acquaint 
Mr Bligh of our intention, which 
we had reason to think he never 
did, nor were we permitted to 
come on deck until the launch 
was a long way astern. I now, 
when too late, saw my error. 

" At the latter end of May, 
we got to an island to the south- 
ward of Taheitd, called Tooboui, 
where they intended to make a 
settlement ; but, finding no 
stock there of any kind, they 
agreed to go to TaheitS, and, 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 65 



after procuring hogs and fowls, 
to return to Tooboui and re- 
main. So, on the 6th June, we 
arrived at TaheitS, where I was 
in hopes I might find an oppor- 
tunity of running away, and re- 
maining on shore ; but I could 
not effect it, as there was always 
too good a look-out kept to pre- 
vent any such steps being taken. 
And, besides, they had all sworn 
that, should any one make his 
escape, they would force the 
natives to restore him, and 
would then shoot him as an ex- 
ample to the rest ; well know- 
ing, that any one, by remain- 
ing there, might be the means 
(should a ship arrive) of dis- 
covering their intended place 
of abode. Finding it therefore 
impracticable, I saw no other 
alternative but to rest as con- 
tent as possible, and return to 
Tooboui, and there wait till the 
masts of the Bounty should be 
taken out, and then take the 
boat which might carry me to 
TaheitS, and disable those re- 
maining from pursuit. But Pro- 
vidence so ordered it, that we 
had no occasion to try our 
fortune at such a hazard ; for, 
upon returning there and re- 
maining till the latter end of 
August, at which time a fort 
was almost built, but nothing 
could be effected; and as the 
natives could not be brought to 
friendly terms, and with whom 
we had many skirmishes, and 
narrow escapes from being cut 
off by them, and, what was still 
worse, internal broils and dis- 
content these things determin- 



ed part of the people to leave 
the island, and go to Taheit^, 
which was carried by a majority 
of votes. 

" This being carried into exe- 
cution on the 22d September, 
and having anchored in Matavai 
Bay, the next morning my mess- 
mate, Mr Stewart, and I went 
on shore to the house of an old 
landed proprietor, our former 
friend ; and, being now set free 
from a lawless crew, determined 
to remain as much apart from 
them as possible, and wait 
patiently for the arrival of a 
ship. Fourteen more of the 
Bounty's people came likewise 
on shore, and Mr Christian and 
eight men went away with the 
ship, but God knows whither. 
Whilst we remained here, we 
were treated by our kind and 
friendly natives with a gener- 
osity and humanity almost un- 
paralleled, and such as we 
could hardly have expected 
from the most civilised people. 

"To be brief having remain- 
ed here till the latter end of 
March 1791, on the 26th of 
that month, His Majesty's ship 
Pandora arrived, and had 
scarcely anchored, when my 
messmate and I went on board 
and made ourselves known; 
and having learned from one of 
the natives who had been off in 
a canoe, that our former mess- 
mate, Mr Hayward, now pro- 
moted to the rank of lieutenant, 
was on board, we asked for him, 
supposing he might prove the 
assertion of our innocence. 
But he (like all worldlings when 



66 



THE BOUNTY A AD HER MUTINEERS. 



raised a little in life) received us 
very coolly, and pretended ig- 
norance of our affairs ; yet, for- 
merly, he and I were bound in 
brotherly love and friendship. 
Appearances being so much 
against us, we were ordered to 
be put in irons, and looked 
upon oh, infernal words ! as 
piratical villains. A rebuff so 
severe as this \\as to a person 
unused to troubles, would per- 
haps have been insupportable ; 
but to me, who had now been 
long inured to the frowns of 
fortune, and feeling myself sup- 
ported by an inward conscious- 
ness of not deserving it, it was 
received with the greatest com- 
posure, and a full determination 
to bear it with patience. 

" My sufferings, however, I 
have not power to describe ; 
but though they are great, yet I 
thank God for enabling me to 
bear them without repining. \ 
endeavour to qualify my afflic- 
tion with these three considera- 
tions : first, my innocence not 
deserving them; secondly, that 
they cannot last long; and, 
thirdly, that the change may be 
for the better. The first im- 
proves my hopes ; the second, 
my patience ; and the third, my 
courage. I am young in years, 
but old in what the world calls 
adversity ; and it has had such 
an effect, as to make me con- 
sider it the most beneficial inci- 
dent that could have occurred 
at my age. It has made me 
acquainted with three things 
which are little known, and as 
little believed, by any but those 



who have felt their effects : first, 
the villainy and censoriousness 
of mankind ; secondly, the futil- 
ity of all human hopes; and, 
thirdly, the happiness of being 
content in whatever station it 
may please Providence to place 
rne. In short, it has made me 
more of a philosopher than 
many years of a life spent in 
ease and pleasure would have 
done. 

" As they will no doubt pro- 
ceed to the greatest lengths 
against me, I being the only 
surviving officer, and they most 
inclined to believe a prior story, 
all that can be said to confute 
it will probably be looked upon 
as mere falsity and invention. 
Should that be my unhappy 
case, and they resolved upon 
my destruction as an example 
to futurity, may God enable me 
to bear my fate with the forti- 
tude of a man, conscious that 
misfortune, not any misconduct, 
is the cause, and that the Al- 
mighty can attest my innocence. 
Yet why should I despond ? I 
have, I hope, still a friend in 
that Providence which hath pre- 
served me amid many greater 
dangers, and upon whom alone 
I now depend for safety. God 
will always protect those who 
deserve it. These are the sole 
considerations which have en- 
abled me to make myself easy 
and content under my past mis- 
fortunes. 

" Twelve more of the people 
who were at Otaheit^ having 
delivered themselves up, there 
was a sort of a prison built on 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 67 



the after -part of the quarter- 
deck, into which we were all 
put in close confinement, with 
both legs and both hands in 
irons, and were treated with 
great rigour, not being allowed 
ever to get out of this den ; and, 
being obliged to eat, drink, 
sleep, and obey the calls of 
nature here, you may form some 
idea of the disagreeable situa- 
tion I must have been in, unable 
as I was to help myself (being 
deprived of the use of both my 
legs and hands), but by no means 
adequate to the reality. 

"On the 9th May we left 
Otaheit6, and proceeded to the 
Friendly Islands, and, about 
the beginning of August, got in 
among the reefs of New Hol- 
land, to endeavour to discover 
a passage through them : but 
it was not effected; for the 
Pandora, ever unlucky, and as 
if devoted by Heaven to de- 
struction, was driven by a cur- 
rent upon the patch of a reef, 
and on which, there being a 
heavy surf, she was soon almost 
bulged to pieces ; but having 
thrown all the guns on one side 
overboard, and the tide flowing 
at the same time, she beat over 
the reef into a bason, and 
brought up in fourteen or fif- 
teen fathoms; but she was so 
much damaged while on the 
reef, that, imagining she would 
go to pieces every moment, we 
had contrived to wrench our- 
selves out of our irons, and ap- 
plied to the captain to have 
mercy on us, and suffer us to 
take our chance for the preserva- 



tion of our lives ; but it was all 
in vain he was even so inhu- 
man as to order us all to be put 
in irons again, though the ship 
was expected to go down every 
moment, being scarcely able to 
keep her under with all the 
pumps at work. 

" In this miserable situation, 
with an expected death before 
our eyes, without the least hope 
of relief, and in the most trying 
state of suspense, we spent the 
night, the ship being by the 
hand of Providence kept up till 
the morning. The boats by 
this time had all been prepared; 
and as the captain and officers 
were coming upon the poop or 
roof of our prison, to abandon 
the ship, the water being then 
up to the combings of the 
hatchways, we again implored 
his mercy ; upon which he sent 
the corporal and an armourei 
down to let some of us out ot 
irons ; but three only were 
suffered to go up, and the 
scuttle being then clapped on, 
and the master-at-arms upon it, 
the armourer had only time to 
let two persons out of irons, the 
rest, except three, letting them- 
selves out : two of these three 
went down with them on their 
hands, and the third was picked 
up. She now began to heel 
over to port so very much, that, 
the master-at-arms sliding over- 
board, and leaving the scuttle 
vacant, we all tried to get up, 
and I was the last out but three. 
The water was then pouring in 
at the bulk-head scuttles ; yet I 
succeeded in getting out, arid 



68 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



was scarcely in the sea when I 
could see nothing above it but 
the cross -trees, and nothing 
around me but a scene of the 
greatest distress. I took a 
plank (being stark naked) and 
swam towards an island about 
three miles off, but was picked 
up on my passage by one of the 
boats. When we got ashore to 
the small sandy key, we found 
there were thirty -four men 
drowned, four of whom were 
prisoners, and among these was 
my unfortunate messmate, Mr 
Stewart : ten of us, and eighty- 
nine of the Pandora's crew were 
saved. 

"When a survey was made 
of what provisions had been 
saved, they were found to con- 
sist of two or three bags of 
bread, two or three beakers of 
water, and a little wine ; so we 
subsisted three days upon two 
wine-glasses of water and two 
ounces of bread per day. On 
the ist September we left the 
island, and on the i6th arrived 
at Coupang in the island of 
Timor, having been on short 
allowance eighteen days. We 
were put in confinement in the 
castle, where we remained till 
October, and on the 5th of that 
month were sent on board a 
Dutch ship bound for Batavia. 

" Though I have been eight 
months in close confinement in 
a hot climate, I have kept my 
health in a most surprising man- 
ner, without the least indisposi- 
tion, and am still perfectly well 



in every respect, in mind as 
well as body; but without a 
friend, and only a shirt and a 
pair of trousers to put on, and 
carry me home. Yet, with all 
this, I have a contented mind, 
entirely resigned to the will of 
Providence, which conduct 
alone enables me to soar above 
the reach of unhappiness." 

Even after they were taken 
ashore at Batavia, the treatment 
of these unfortunate prisoners 
was almost as bad as it had 
been on board the Pandora. 
They were imprisoned in the 
castle, closely confined in irons, 
and miserably fed. The hard- 
ships they endured in their 
passage to England in a Dutch 
ship were very severe, sleeping, 
as they had to sleep, for seven- 
teen months, on hard boards, 
or wet canvas, always on short 
allowance, and without any 
clothes but what charity sup- 
plied, and practical charity on 
board ship has, at all times, 
very limited scope; in those 
days and circumstances, its 
scope could not be but very 
limited. Heywood had, how- 
ever, during his imprisonment 
in Batavia, learned to make 
straw hats; and, having finished 
some with both hands in fetters, 
he sold them for half-a-crown 
a-piece. With the money thus 
acquired, he procured a suit of 
coarse clothes, in which, appar- 
ently with a light and cheer- 
ful heart, he arrived at Ports- 
mouth. 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



69 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE COURT-MARTIAL. 



THE ten prisoners reached this 
country in June, but the court- 
martial did not meet to try them 
till 1 2th September 1792. The 
president was Vice-Admiral 
Lord Hood. The members of 
court were Captains Sir Andrew 
Snape Hamond, Bart, John 
Colpoys, Sir George Montagu, 
Sir Roger Curtis, John Bakely, 
Sir Andrew Snape Douglas, 
John Thomas Duckworth, John 
Nicholson Inglefield, John 
Knight, Albemarle Bertie, Rich- 
ard Goodwin Reats. The trial 
took up six days. The witnesses 
examined were Fryer, the master 
of the Bounty; Peckover, the 
gunner; Purcell, the carpenter; 
Hay ward and Hallet, now lieu- 
tenants ; Captain Edwards, and 
Lieutenant Corner. The wit- 
nesses all except Hayward and 
Hallet seemed to give straight- 
forward evidence with a kindly 
feeling towards the prisoners. 
It came out during cross-ex- 
amination, that in the hurry and 
excitement of the moment when 
Bligh and his companions were 
being put in the open boat, an 
expectation arose that Fryer 
would make an attempt before 
leaving to recover the Bounty 
from Christian. He admitted 
if he had ventured on this trial 
of daring and pluck, Heywood 
and Morrison would have been 
the first he would have taken 
into counsel, and that he would 



have relied on them with con- 
fidence. Hayward does not 
come well out of the trial. It 
is never to be forgotten that at 
all trials criminal trials and 
the trials of life the witnesses 
are on their trial too. As they 
act truthfully and sympathetic- 
ally, or the reverse, so are they 
judged of outside and afterwards 
by a wider or more limited 
public. Mr Hay ward's evidence 
does not leave on the mind of 
one who has the patience to 
read it through, a desire to know 
any more about him. He seem- 
ed determined to do his best to 
secure a conviction, especially 
against his former bosom friend 
Heywood. This was of a piece 
with his conduct on board the 
Pandora in Matavai Bay, when 
Heywood gave himself up. 
Hallet again was the only one 
who saw Heywood laughing 
when Captain Bligh, with his 
hands tied behind him, made 
an earnest appeal to the latter. 
This was one of the points for 
which Heywood was condemn- 
ed to death. Subsequently 
Hallet expressed deep regret 
for almost putting the neck of 
an old friend into the noose. 
He became convinced either 
that he did not see anybody 
laughing, or that it must have 
been somebody other than Hey- 
wood. This young gentleman 
read an eloquent defence, and 



70 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



cross-examined the witnesses 
with skill and to the point. His 
mother had retained Erskine, 
then at the height of his fame, 
as counsel for the defence, but 
Heywood requested her to drop 
this expensive engagement, as 
it really would be of no avail 
in a trial by court-martial. Mr 
Aaron Graham, who had been 
secretary to the different admir- 
als on the Newfoundland sta- 
tions for twelve years, and was 
subsequently highly respected 
as a public magistrate in Lon- 
don, rendered Heywood valu- 
able assistance in the get-up and 
management of his case. Mor- 
rison also, and the others who 
could say anything for them- 
selves, read defences and cross- 
examined the witnesses. Elli- 
son, Millward, and Burkitt, who 
had been obtrusively active at 
every stage of the mutiny, had 
little to offer either in defence 
or in exculpation of the charge 
against them. On the sixth 
day, that is the i8th of Sep- 
tember, sentence was given : 
"That the charges had been 
proved against the said Peter 
Heywood, James Morrison, 
Thomas Ellison, Thomas Bur- 
kitt, John Millward, and William 
Muspratt ; and did adjudge 
them, and each of them, to 
suffer death, by being hanged 
by the neck, on board such of 
His Majesty's ship or ships of 
war, and at such time or times, 
and at such place or places, as 
the commissioners for executing 
the office of Lord High Admiral 
of Great Britain and Ireland, 



etc., or any three of them, for 
the time being, should, in writ- 
ing, under their hands, direct; 
but the Court, in consideration 
of various circumstances, did 
humbly and most earnestly re- 
commend the said Peter Hey- 
wood and James Morrison to 
His Majesty's mercy ; and the 
Court further agreed, that the 
charges had not been proved 
against the said Charles Nor- 
man, Joseph Coleman, Thomas 
M'Intosh, and Michael Byrne, 
and did adjudge them, and each 
of them, to be acquitted." 

A very common feeling pre- 
vailed that Heywood and Morri- 
son had been hardly dealt with, 
in having the sentence of death 
passed upon them, tempered 
though it was with a recom- 
mendation to the king's mercy. 
The court, however, had no dis- 
cretionary power. They were 
bound to record either a sen- 
tence of death or a full acquittal. 
The case was a mutiny aggra- 
vated by the piratical seizure of 
a king's ship. 

The four points which told 
against Heywood were (i.) 
That he assisted in hoisting out 
the launch; (2.) That he was 
seen by the carpenter resting 
his hand upon a cutlass; (3.) 
That on being called to by Lieu- 
tenant Bligh, he laughed; (4.) 
That he remained in the Bounty, 
instead of accompanying Bligh 
in the launch. On these mater- 
ial parts of the evidence against 
him he drew up a very clear 
and manly memorandum, and 
got it transmitted to the Earl o' 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 71 



Chatham, then First Lord of the 
Admiralty. Friends outside, 
especially Heywood's uncle, 
Commodore Pasley, and Mr 
Graham, were indefatigable in 
their exertions to procure a 
pardon for the two men re- 
commended to mercy especi- 
ally for Heywood. The final 
result was, that on the 24th 
October, the king's warrant was 
despatched from the Admiralty, 
granting a full and free pardon 
to Heywood and Morrison, a 
respite for Muspratt, which was 
followed by a pardon ; and for 
carrying the sentence of Ellison, 
Burkitt, and Mill ward in to execu- 
tion, which was done on the 
29th, on board his Majesty's 
ship Brunswick, in Portsmouth 
harbour. On this melancholy 
occasion, Captain Hamond re- 
ports that "the criminals be- 
haved with great penitence and 
decorum, acknowledged the jus- 
tice of their sentence for the 
crime of which they had been 
found guilty, and exhorted their 
fellow-sailors to take warning 
by their untimely fate, and what- 
ever might be their hardships, 
never to forget their obedience 
to their officers, as a duty they 
owed to their king and country." 
The captain adds, "A party 
from each ship in the harbour, 
and at Spithead, attended the 
execution, and, from the reports 
I have received, the example 
seems to have made a great 
impression upon the minds of 
all the ships' companies pre- 
sent." 

When the king's full and free 



pardon had been read to Hey- 
wood by Captain Montagu, with 
a suitable admonition and con- 
gratulation, he addressed that 
officer in the following terms : 
"Sir, when the sentence of 
the law was passed upon me, I 
received it, I trust, as became a 
man ; and if it had been carried 
into execution, I should have 
met my fate, I hope, in a manner 
becoming a Christian. Your 
admonition cannot fail to make 
a lasting impression on my mind. 
I receive with gratitude my sove- 
reign's mercy, for which my 
future life shall be faithfully 
devoted to his service." Hey- 
wood's future career was in no 
way prejudiced by the misfor- 
tunes of his early life. Lord 
Hood, who presided at the trial, 
earnestly recommended him to 
embark again as midshipman 
without delay, offering to take 
him into his own ship, the Vic- 
tory. Commodore Pasley re- 
spectfully declined this offer on 
Heywood's behalf. He went 
first on board his uncle's ship, 
the Bellerophon. He was sub- 
sequently appointed lieutenant 
to La Nymph, and was actively 
employed in Lord Bridpon's 
action off L'Orient, when three 
French ships were taken. As 
captain of the Leopard, Hey- 
wood made extensive surveys of 
the north-east and east coasts 
of Ceylon, and also of the coasts 
of India and the Eastern Islands. 
He was subsequently employed 
in important diplomatic services 
in South America. On his re- 
turn, he served first in the North 



72 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



Sea Fleet, and afterward in the 
Channel Squadron. His last 
appointment was to the Medi- 
terranean Fleet under Viscount 
Exmouth. At the conclusion 
of the war, when the naval ar- 
maments were reduced, Captain 
Heywood retired into private 
life. The remaining years of 
his honourable life were spent 
in endeavours to further the in- 
terests of the navy, which kept 
him in constant communication 
with the hydrographical depart- 
ment of the Admiralty. " Dur- 
ing his latter years," writes Lady 
Belcher, " Captain Heywood 
laboured under a fatal heart 
disease, which he bore with 
Christian calmness and thank- 
fulness for the many blessings 
he had enjoyed, averring that, 
notwithstanding the sufferings 
and anxieties which had attend- 
ed his early career, he would 
willingly pass through his life 
again, with all its trials and 
vicissitudes." He died on the 
loth of February 1831. 

After his release, Morrison 
served in several ships. When 
Admiral Sir Thomas Trowbridge 
was sent out in the Blenheim 
as commander-in-chief on the 
Indian station, he was appointed 
gunner on board the flag-ship. 

A last word about Captain 
Bligh, in the language of Lady 
Belcher : " He was afterwards 
employed in active service, and 
on the occasion of the remark- 
able mutiny at the Nore, was 
ordered to negotiate among the 
seamen, with the view of bring- 
ing them to a sense of their 



duty ; on which occasion he 
acted with great intrepidity. In 
the two famous actions of Cape 
St Vincent and Camperdown, 
Captain Bligh commanded the 
Glatton, and also at the battle of 
Copenhagen. On the latter oc- 
casion, Lord Nelson sent for him, 
and thanked him for his admir- 
able support during the action. 
" In 1805, he was appointed 
governor of New South Wales, 
and there his oppressive, arbi- 
trary conduct raised against him 
a host of enemies. He had 
been instructed by the home 
government to restrain within 
certain limits the importation of 
spirits into the colony ; and 
many men might have intro- 
duced this unpalatable reform 
without creating such hostile and 
dangerous opposition. Bligh, 
however, had no tact, no spirit 
of conciliation, and, in conse- 
quence, he was the cause of a 
military mutiny. In January 
1808, the New South Wales 
corps, commanded by Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel G. Johnstone, de- 
posed Governor Bligh, and 
placed him on board a ship 
proceeding to England. On 
his arrival, the public were not 
surprised to hear he had been 
sent away in so summary a 
manner; but the Government 
were, of course, compelled to 
order a court-martial on Colonel 
Johnstone, who came to Eng- 
land with several officers for his 
trial. It was held in Chelsea 
Hospital, and lasted thirteen 
days. Colonel Johnstone was 
convicted of mutiny, and cash- 



THE BOUNIY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



73 



iered, but allowed to return to 
the colony, and no executions 
took place. 

" Captain Bligh then retired 
into private life, where he ap- 
pears to have displayed more 
amiability of character than in 
any public capacity, as he was 
beloved by his family and friends. 
He attained the rank of vice- 
admiral of the blue, and died in 
London at the age of sixty-five." 

There are mutineers and men 



who have a faculty for provoking 
mutinies. Captain Bligh seems 
to have had the latter peculiarity 
in a large state of development. 
That such men do exist, and 
that their specialty finds ready 
scope when they are put in 
offices of trust and authority, is 
a fact which should never be 
overlooked when the circum- 
stances of any riot, tumult, re- 
volt, rebellion, or mutiny are 
being inquired into. 



CHAPTER V. 



FITCAIRN ISLAND. 



TWENTY years had gone by, 
when a new interest was aroused 
in the matter of the Bounty and 
her mutineers, which has by 
various circumstances been kept 
fresh to the present day. Flet- 
cher Christian and his fugitive 
associates had for that period 
ceased to occupy the general 
public mind. The subject had 
been dismissed on the assump- 
tion that the Bounty and those 
on board had gone to the bot- 
tom of the sea, or that the 
mutineers had met the retribu- 
tion supposed to be justly due 
to their criminal conduct at the 
hands of one or other of the 
groups of savage islanders. An 
American trading vessel, how- 
ever, made an accidental dis- 
covery, which was as interesting 
as it was wholly unexpected. 



The first intimation of this ex 
traordinary discovery was trans- 
mitted by Sir Sydney Smith 
from Rio de Janeiro, and was 
received at the Admiralty on 
May 14, 1809. It was con- 
veyed to Sir Sidney Smith from 
Valparaiso by Lieutenant Fitz- 
maurice, and ran thus : " Cap- 
tain Folger, of the American 
ship Topaz, of Boston, relates 
that on landing on Pitcairn 
Island, in lat. 25 2' S., long. 
130 W., he found there an 
Englishman, of the name of 
Alexander Smith, the only per- 
son remaining of nine that es- 
caped in his Majesty's late 
ship Bounty, Captain W. Bligh. 
Smith relates that, after putting 
Captain Bligh in the boat, 
Christian, the leader of the 
mutiny, took command of the 



74 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



ship and went to Otaheite, 
where great part of the crew 
left her, except Christian, Smith, 
and seven others, who each took 
wives, and six Otaheitan men- 
servants, and shortly after ar- 
rived at said island (Pitcairn), 
where they ran the ship on 
shore, and broke her up. This 
event took place in the year 
1790. 

" About four years after their 
arrival (a great jealousy exist- 
ing), the Otaheitans secretly re- 
volted, and killed every English- 
man except himself, whom they 
severely wounded in the neck 
with a pistol-ball. The same 
night, the widows of the de- 
ceased Englishmen arose and 
put to death the whole of the 
Otaheitans, leaving Smith the 
only man alive upon the island, 
with eight or nine women and 
several small children. On his 
recovery he applied himself to 
tilling the ground, so that it 
now produces plenty of yams, 
cocoa-nuts, bananas, and plan- 
tains ; hogs and poultry in 
abundance. There are now 
some grown-up men and women, 
children of the mutineers, on 
the island, the whole population 
amounting to about thirty-five, 
who acknowledge Smith as father 
and commander of them all : 
they all speak English, and have 
been educated by him (as Cap- 
tain Folger represents) in a re- 
ligious and moral way. 

"The second mate of the 
Topaz asserts that Christian, 
the ringleader, became insane 
shortly after their arrival on the 



sland,and threw himself off the 
rocks into the sea ; another died 
of a fever before the massacre 
of the remaining six took place. 
The island is badly supplied 
with water, sufficient only for 
the present inhabitants, and no 
anchorage. 

" Smith gave to Captain Fol- 
r a chronometer made by 
Kendall, which was taken from 
him by the governor of Juan 
Fernandez. 

" Extracted from the log-book 
of the Topaz, 2Qth Sept. 1808. 
" (Signed) WM. FITZMAURICE, 

"Lieut. 
"Valparaiso, Oct. 10, 1808." 

This narrative stated two facts 
that established its general 
authenticity, the name of Alex- 
ander Smith, who was one of 
the mutineers, and the name of 
the maker of the chronometer 
with which the Bounty was actu- 
ally supplied. The war which 
was raging in Europe at that 
time, was too engrossing to leave 
the British government any time 
to take the measures which this 
well authenticated information 
would seem to have demanded. 
Nothing further was heard of 
Smith and his family till the 
latter part of 1814, when a letter 
was transmitted by Rear-Admir- 
al Hotham, then cruising off the 
coast of America, from Mr Fol- 
ger himself, to the same effect 
as the preceding extract from 
his log, but dated March 1813. 

In 1814 the British govern- 
ment had two frigates cruising 
in the Pacific the Briton, com- 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 75 



manded by Sir Thomas Staines, 
and the Tagus, by Captain 
Pipon. The following letter 
from Sir Thomas Staines was 
received at the Admiralty early 
in the year 1815. 

"Briton, Valparaiso, 
"iStti October 1814. 
"I have the honour to inform 
you that on my passage from 
the Marquesas Islands to this 
port, on the morning of the iyth 
of September, I fell in with an 
island where none is laid down 
in the Admiralty or other charts, 
according to the several chrono- 
meters of the Briton and the 
Tagus. I therefore hove to, until 
daylight, and then closed to ascer- 
tain whether it was inhabited, 
which I soon discovered it to 
be, and to my great astonish- 
ment, found that every indi- 
vidual on the island (forty in 
number) spoke very good Eng- 
lish. They proved to be the 
descendants of the deluded crew 
of the Bounty, who, from Ota- 
heite, proceeded to the above- 
mentioned island, where the 
ship was burned. 

"Christian appeared to have 
been the leader and sole cause 
of the mutiny in that ship. A 
venerable old man, named John 
Adams, is the only surviving 
Englishman of those who last 
quitted Otaheite in her, and 
whose exemplary conduct, and 
fatherly care of the whole of the 
little colony, could not but com- 
mand admiration. The pious 
manner in which all those born 
on the island have been reared, 



the correct sense of religion 
which has been instilled into 
their young minds by this old 
man, has given him the pre-em- 
inence over the whole of them, 
to whom they look up as the 
father of one and the whole 
family. 

" A son of Christian was the 
first born on the island, now 
about twenty-five years of age, 
named Thursday October Chris- 
tian: the elder Christian fell a 
sacrifice to the jealousy of an 
Otaheitan man, within three or 
four years after their arrival on 
the island. The mutineers were 
accompanied thither by six Ota- 
heitan men and twelve women ; 
the former were all swept away 
by desperate contentions be- 
tween them and the Englishmen, 
and five of the latter died at 
different periods, leaving at pre- 
sent only one man (Adams) and 
seven women of the original 
settlers. 

"The island must undoubt- 
edly be that called Pitcairn, al- 
though erroneously laid down 
in the charts. We had the alti- 
tude of the meridian sun close 
to it, which gave us 25 4' S. 
latitude, and 130 25' W. longi- 
tude, by the chronometers of 
the Briton and Tagus. 

"It produces in abundance 
yams, plantains, hogs, goats, 
and fowls; but the coast affords 
no shelter for a ship or vessel 
of any description ; neither could 
a ship water there without great 
difficulty. 

"I cannot, however, refrain 
from offering my opinion, that 



76 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



it is well worthy the attention 
of our laudable religious so- 
cieties, particularly that for pro- 
pagating the Christian religion, 
the whole of the inhabitants 
speaking the Otaheitan tongue 
as well as English. 

" During the whole time they 
.nave been on the island, only 
one ship has ever communicat- 
ed with them, which took place 
about six years since ; and this 
was the American ship Topaz, 
of Boston, Matthew Folger, 
master. 

"The island is completely 
iron-bound with rocky shores, 
and the landing in boats must 
be at all times difficult, although 
the island may be safely ap- 
proached wiihin a small distance 
by a ship. 

"(Signed) T. STAINES." 

Such is the first account of 
this peculiar little colony, which 
may be regarded as official, 
being direct from an English 
officer who wrote from his own 
observation. 

Captain Pipon writes, if the 
discovery of a new island, as 
they at first thought the Pitcairn 
was, awakened their curiosity, 
it was still more excited when 
they ran in for land the next 
morning, on perceiving a few 
huts, neatly built, amidst planta- 
tions laid out apparently with 
something like order and regu- 
larity; and these appearances 
confirmed them more than ever 
that it could not be Pitcairn's 
Island, because that was de- 
scribed by navigators to be un- 



inhabited. Presently they ob- 
served a few natives coming 
down a steep descent with their 
canoes on their shoulders ; and 
in a few minutes perceived one 
of those little vessels darting 
through a heavy surf, and pad- 
dling off towards the ships ; but 
their astonishment was extreme 
when, on coming alongside, they 
were hailed in the English Ian 
guage with, " Won't you heave 
us a rope now ? " 

The first young man that 
sprung, with extraordinary alac- 
rity, up the side, and stood be- 
fore them on the deck, said, in 
reply to the question, "Who 
are you?" that his name was 
Thursday October Christian, 
son of the late Fletcher Chris- 
tian by an Otaheitan mother; 
that he was the first born on the 
island, and that he was so called 
because he was brought into the 
world on a Thursday in Octo- 
ber. Singularly strange as all 
this was to Sir Thomas Staines 
and Captain Pipon, this youth 
soon satisfied them that he was 
no other than the person he re- 
presented himself to be, and 
that he was fully acquainted 
with the whole history of the 
Bounty ; and, in short, that the 
island Before them was the re- 
treat of the mutineers of that 
ship. Young Christian was, at 
this time, about twenty-four 
years of age, a fine tall youth, 
full six feet high, with dark, al- 
most black, hair, and a counte- 
nance open and extremely in- 
teresting. As he wore no 
clothes except a piece of clod 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



round his loins, and a straw 
hat, ornamented with black 
cock's feathers, his fine figure 
and well-shaped muscular limbs 
were displayed to great advan- 
tage, and attracted general ad- 
miration. His body was much 
tanned by exposure to the 
weather, and his countenance 
had a brownish cast, unmixed, 
however, with that tinge of red 
so common among the natives 
of the Pacific islands. 

" Added to a great share of 
good humour, we were glad to 
trace," says Captain Pipon, "in 
his benevolent countenance, all 
the features of an honest English 
face." His manner of speaking 
English was exceedingly pleas- 
ing, and correct both in grammar 
and pronunciation. His com- 
panion was a handsome youth, 
seventeen or eighteen years of 
age, named George Young, the 
son of Young the midshipman. 
When Sir Thomas Staines took 
the youths below, and gave 
them something to eat, his sur- 
prise and interest were deeply 
excited when they both rose up, 
and one of them, placing his 
hands together in a posture of 
devotion, said grace in the words 
well known to an Englishman, 
" For what we are going to re- 
ceive, the Lord make us truly 
thankful." 

So many things new to them, 
the size of the ship and of the 
guns, indeed everything around 
them, seemed to astonish the 
youths Observing a cow, they 
were at first somewhat alarmed, 
and expressed a doubt whether 



it was a huge goat or a horned 
hog, these being the only two 
species of quadrupeds they had 
ever seen. A little dog amused 
them much. "Oh! what a 
pretty little thing it is !" exclaim- 
ed Young. "I know it is a dog, 
for I have heard of such an 
animal." These young men re- 
ferred the two captains to an 
old man on shore, whose name, 
they said, was John Adams, the 
only surviving Englishman that 
came away in the Bounty, at 
which time he was called Alex- 
ander Smith. This information 
induced the two captains to go 
on shore. Old Adams, having 
ascertained that the two officers 
alone had landed, and without 
arms, concluded they had no 
intention to take him prisoner, 
and ventured to come down to 
the beach, from whence he con- 
ducted them to his house. He 
was accompanied by his wife, a 
very old woman, and nearly 
blind. It seems they were both 
atfirst considerably alarmed; the 
sight of the king's uniform, after 
so many years, having no doubt 
brought fresh to the recollection 
of Adams the conspicuous part 
he had acted in the mutiny of 
the Bounty. Sir Thomas Staines, 
however, set his mind at ease on 
this main score. Adams pre- 
tended that he had no great 
share in the mutiny, that he was 
sick in bed when it broke out, 
and that when he got on deck 
he was compelled to take hold 
of a musket. He expressed 
himself ready and seemed de- 
sirous to return to England in 



78 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



one of the ships ; but the tears 
of the women, and apparent 
deep grief of the young men, 
put this altogether out of the 
question. The two captains 
learned from Adams, alias 
Smith, that Fletcher Christian, 
after landing on this island the 
hogs, goats, and poultry, which 
had been brought from Otaheite, 
ordered the Bounty to be set on 
fire, with a view, no doubt, of 
preventing any escape from the 
island ; and also, of removing 
an object which, if seen, might 
be the means of betraying his 
retreat. He seems to have lived 
a most miserable life for the 
short time he was spared in Pit- 
cairn Island. Sullen and mor- 
ose, he committed many acts of 
wanton oppression; and this 
led to his fate he was shot by 
an Otaheitan while digging in 
his field, about eleven months 
after they had settled on the 
island, and his death was only 
the commencement of feuds and 
assassinations, which ended in 
the total destruction of the whole 
party, except Adams and Young. 
By the account of the former, 
the settlers from this time be- 
came divided into two parties, 
and their grievances and quar- 
rels proceeded to such a height, 
that each took every opportunity 
of putting the other to death. 
Old John Adams was himself 
shot through the neck ; but the 
ball having entered the fleshy 
part only, he was enabled to 
make his escape, and avoid the 
fury of his assailants. The im- 
mediate cause of Christian's 



murder was his having forcibly 
seized on the wife of one of the 
Otaheitan men, which so exas- 
perated the rest, that they not 
only sought the life of the 
offender, but of others also, 
who might, as they thought, be 
disposed to pursue the same 
course. 

This interesting little colony 
was now found to contain about 
forty-six persons, mostly grown- 
up young people, with a few 
infants. The young men, all 
born on the island, were finely 
formed, athletic and handsome ; 
their countenances open and 
pleasing, indicating much bene- 
volence and goodness of heart : 
but the young women particu- 
larly were objects of attraction, 
being tall, robust, and beauti- 
fully formed, their faces beaming 
with smiles, and indicating un- 
ruffled good humour: while 
their manners and demeanour 
exhibited a commendable degree 
of modesty and bashfulness. 
Their teeth were beautifully 
white, and perfectly regular, 
without a single exception ; and 
all of them had the marked 
expression of English features, 
minus the clear red and white 
skin, they being fine brunettes. 
Adams, assured Sir Thomas 
Staines and Captain Pipon, that 
not one instance of debauchery 
or immoral conduct had occur- 
red on the island. The prin- 
ciples of morality and religion 
he had taught them, had hitherto 
controlled their conduct. The 
young women, with great sim- 
plicity, told Captain Pipon that 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 79 



they were not married, and that 
their father, as they called 
Adams, had told them it was 
right they should wait with 
patience, till they had acquired 
sufficient property to bring up 
a young family, before they 
thought of marrying ; and that 
they always followed his advice, 
because they knew it to be 
good. 

It appeared that, from the 
time when Adams was left alone 
on the island, tbe sole survivor 
of all the males fchat had landed 
from the Bounty, European and 
Otaheitan, the greatest harmony 
had prevailed in their little 
society; they all declared that 
no serious quarrels ever occurred 
among them, though a few hasty 
words might now and then be 
uttered, but, to make use of 
their own expression, they were 
only quarrels of the mouth. 
Adams assured his visitors that 
they were all strictly honest in 
all their dealings, lending or ex- 
changing their various articles 
of live stock or produce with 
each other, in the most friendly 
manner; and if any little dis- 
pute occurred, he never found 
any difficulty to rectify the mis- 
take or misunderstanding that 
might have caused it, to the 
satisfaction of both parties. 

The young girls, although 
they had only the example of 
their Otaheitan mothers to fol- 
low in their dress, were modestly 
clothed, having generally a piece 
of cloth of their own manufac- 
ture, reaching from the waist to 
the knees, and a mantle, or 



something of that nature, thrown 
loosely over the shoulders, and 
hanging sometimes as low as the 
ankles : this mantle, however, 
was frequently thrown aside, 
being used rather as a shelter 
for their bodies from the heat 
of the sun, or the severity of the 
weather, than for the sake of 
attaching any idea of immodesty 
to the upper part of the person 
being uncovered ; and it is not 
possible, says Captain Pipon, to 
behold finer forms than are 
exhibited by this partial expo- 
sure. He observes, " It was 
pleasing to see the good taste 
and quickness with which they 
form little shades or parasols of 
green leaves, to place over the 
head or bonnets, to keep the 
sun from their eyes. A young 
girl made one of these in my 
presence, with such neatness 
and alacrity, as to satisfy me 
that a fashionable dressmaker of 
London would be delighted with 
the simplicity and elegant taste 
of these untaught females." The 
same young girl, he says, accom- 
panied them to the boat, carry- 
ing on her shoulders, as a pre- 
sent, a large basket of yams, 
"over such roads and down 
such precipices, as were scarcely 
passable by any creatures except 
goats, and over which we could 
scarcely scramble with the help 
of our hands. Yet with this 
load on her shoulders, she skip- 
ped from rock to rock like a 
young roe." 

Having supplied Adams and 
his family with some tools, 
kettles, and other articles, the 



80 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



two officers took leave of them. 
Their interesting report of the 
infant colony, produced as little 
effect on the government as 
that of Folger; and nothing 
more was heard of it, for twelve 
years nearly, when in 1825, 
Captain Beechey, in the Blos- 
som, bound on a voyage of dis- 
covery, paid a visit to Pitcairn 
Island. Some whale -fishing 
ship, however, had touched there 
in the meantime, and left on 
the island a person of the name 
of John Buffet. In this man, 
they very fortunately found an 
able and willing schoolmaster: 
he had belonged to a ship which 
visited the island, and was so 
attracted by the behaviour of the 
people, being himself naturally 
of a devout and serious turn of 
mind, that he resolved to remain 
among them ; and, in addition 
to the instruction of the children, 
took upon himself the duty of 
clergyman, and became the 
oracle of the community. 

On the approach of the Blos- 
som towards the island, a boat 
was observed, under all sail, 
hastening towards the ship, 
which they considered to be the 
boat of some whaler, but were 
soon agreeably undeceived by 
the singular appearance of her 
crew, which consisted of old 
Adams and many of the young 
men belonging to the island. 
They did not venture at once 
to lay hold of the ship till they 
had first inquired if they might 
come on board ; and on permis- 
sion being granted, they sprung 
up the side, and shook every 



officer by the hand with undis- 
guised feelings of gratification. 
The activity of the young men, 
ten in number, outstripped that 
of old Adams, who was in his 
sixty-fifth year, and somewhat 
corpulent. He was dressed in 
a sailor's shirt and trousers, and 
a low-crowned hat, which he 
held in his hand until desired 
to put it on. He still retained 
his sailor's manners, doffing his 
hat and smoothing down his 
bald forehead whenever he was 
addressed by the officers of the 
Blossom. The young men 
were tall, robust, and healthy, 
with good-natured countenances 
and a simplicity of manner, and 
a fear of doing something that 
might be wrong, which at once 
prevented the possibility of 
giving offence. Their dresses 
were whimsical enough; some 
had long coats without trousers, 
and others trousers without coats, 
and others again waistcoats with- 
out either. None of them had 
either shoes or stockings, and 
there were only two hats among 
them, " neither of which," Cap- 
tain Beechey says, " seemed 
likely to hang long together." 

Captain Beechey procured 
from Adams a great many de- 
tails regarding the broils and 
disputes which led to the de- 
struction and death of all his 
guilty companions of the Bounty ; 
but space need not be taken up 
here with many of them. One 
of the mutineers, M'Koy, it 
appears, had formerly been em- 
ployed in a Scotch distillery, 
and, being much addicted to 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 81 



ardent spirits, set about making 
experiments on the tee-root, 
(Dracaena terminalis), and at 
length unfortunately succeeded 
in producing an intoxicating 
liquor. This success induced 
his companion Quintal to turn 
his kettle into a still. The con- 
sequence was, that these two 
men were in a constant state 
of drunkenness, particularly 
M'Koy, on whom, it seems, it 
had the effect of producing fits 
of delirium ; and in one of these 
he threw himself from a cliff, 
and was killed on the spot. 
Captain Beechey says, "The 
melancholy fate of this man 
created so forcible an impression 
on the remaining few, that they 
resolved never again to touch 
spirits ; and Adams has, I be- 
lieve, to this day kept his vow." 
After many bloody scenes, 
Adams and Young were left the 
sole survivors out of the fifteen 
males that had landed upon the 
island. Young was a man of 
some education, and of a ser- 
ious turn of mind ; and it would 
have been wonderful, after the 
many dreadful scenes at which 
they had assisted, if the solitude 
and tranquillity that ensued had 
not disposed them to repent- 
ance. They had a Bible and a 
Prayer-Book, which were found 
in the Bounty, and they read 
the Church Service regularly 
every Sunday. They now re- 
solved to have morning and 
evening family prayers, and 
to instruct the children, who 
amounted to nineteen, many of 
them between the ages of seven 



and nine years. Young, how- 
ever, was not long suffered to 
survive his repentance. An 
asthmatic complaint terminated 
his existence. 

Another peculiarity in Adams' 
account of the ultimate fate of 
the mutineers on this occasion, 
is worthy of notice. Like his 
account of where he was on the 
morning of the mutiny, it does 
not impress one with a convic- 
tion of the infallible accuracy of 
the statements of this patriarch. 
His sincere repentance, and 
subsequent excellent conduct, 
however, renders one indispos- 
ed to take further notice of his 
inaccuracies, than is necessary 
to give a fair sense of what he 
said. He told two different 
stories with regard to the con- 
duct of Christian. To Sir 
Thomas Staines and Captain 
Pipon, he represented this ill- 
fated young man as never happy, 
after the rash and criminal step 
he had taken, and that he was 
always sullen and morose, and 
committed so many acts of 
cruelty, as to incur the hatred 
and detestation of his associates 
in crime. Whereas he told 
Captain Beechey, that Christian 
was always cheerful; that his 
example was of the greatest ser- 
vice in exciting his companions 
to labour ; that he was naturally 
of a happy, ingenuous disposi- 
tion, and won the good opinion 
and respect of all who served 
under him' which cannot be 
better exemplified, he says, than 
by his maintaining, under cir- 
cumstances of great perplexity, 
F 



82 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



the respect and regard of all 
who were associated with him 
up to the hour of his death. 
The truth of the matter appears 
to be that Christian, so far from 
being cheerful, was, on the con- 
trary, always uneasy in his mind 
about his own safety, and this 
is proved by his having selected 
a cave at the extremity of the 
high ridge of craggy hills that 
runs across the island, as his in- 
tended place of refuge, in the 
event of any ship of war dis- 
covering the retreat of the mu- 
tineers, in which cave he resolv- 
ed to sell his life as dearly as he 
could. In this recess he always 
kept a store of provisions, and 
near it erected a small hut, well 
concealed by trees, which served 
the purpose of a watch-house. 
"So difficult," says Captain 
Beechey, " was the approach to 
this cave, that even if a party 
were successful in crossing the 
sidge, he might have bid de- 
fiance, as long as his ammuni- 
tion lasted, to any force." 

The Blossom was the first 
ship of war that Adams had 
been on, since the mutiny. It 
was several hours before the 
ship approached the shore, and 
the boats put off before she 
came to an anchor. 

On account of the rocks and 
formidable breakers, the party 
who went on shore were landed 
by the young men, two at a 
time, in their whale-boat. " The 
difficulty of landing," says Cap- 
tain Beechey, "was more than 
repaid by the friendly reception 
we met with on the beach from 



Hannah Young, a very interest- 
ing young woman, the daughter 
of Adams. In her eagerness to 
greet her father, she had outrun 
her female companions, for 
whose delay she thought it 
necessary, in the first place, to 
apologise, by saying they had 
all been over the hill in com- 
pany with John Buffet, to 
look at the ship, and were not 
yet returned. It appeared that 
John Buffet, who had been a 
seafaring man, had ascertained 
that the ship was a man-of-war, 
and, without knowing exactly 
why, became so alarmed and 
there was good reason for his 
alarm, for any of these captains 
might have made Adams a pri- 
soner for the safety of the old 
man, that he either could not or 
would not answer any of the inter- 
rogatories which were put to him. 
This mysterious silence set all 
the party in tears, as they feared 
he had discovered something 
adverse to their patriarch. At 
length his obduracy yielded to 
their entreaties; but before he 
explained the cause of his con 
duct, the boats were seen to put 
off from the ship, and Hannah 
immediately hurried to the 
beach to kiss the old man's 
cheek, which she did with a 
fervency demonstrative of the 
warmest affections. 

Captain Beechey, after de- 
scribing many of the manners 
and customs of the island, goes 
on to tell that during their stay, 
they dined sometimes with one 
person, sometimes with another, 
their meals being always th<; 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



83 



same, and consisting of baked 
pig, yams, and taro, and some- 
times sweet potatoes. Goats 
were numerous on the island; 
but neither their flesh nor their 
milk was relished by the natives. 
Yams constituted their principal 
food, either boiled, baked, or 
mixed with cocoa-nut, made 
into cakes, and eaten with mo- 
lasses extracted from the tee- 
root. Taro-root is no bad sub- 
stitute for bread ; and bananas, 
plaintains, and appoi, are whole- 
some and nutritive fruits. The 
common beverage was water; 
but they made tea from the tee- 
plant, flavoured with ginger, and 
sweetened with the juice of the 
sugar-cane. They but seldom 
killed a pig, living mostly on 
fruit and vegetables. With this 
simple diet, early rising, and 
taking a great deal of exercise, 
they were subject to few diseases. 
The young children were 
punctual in their attendance at 
school, and were instructed by 
John Buffet in reading, writing, 
and arithmetic; to which were 
added precepts of religion and 
morality, drawn chiefly from the 
Bible and Prayer-Book. They 
seldom indulged in jokes or 
other kinds of levity; and 
Beechey says, they were so ac- 
customed to take what was said 
in its literal meaning, that irony 
was always considered a false- 
hood in spite of explanation; 
and that they could not see the 
propriety of uttering what was 
not strictly true, for any purpose 
whatever. The Sabbath was 
wholly devoted to the church 



service, to prayer, reading, and 
serious meditation ; no work of 
any kind was done on that day, 
not even cooking, which was pre- 
pared on the preceding evening. 
" I attended," says Beechey, 
" their church on this day, and 
found the service well conduct- 
ed ; the prayers were read by 
Adams, and the lessons by 
Buffet, the service being pre- 
ceded by hymns. The greatest 
devotion was apparent in every 
individual ; and in the children 
there was a seriousness unknown 
in the younger part of our com- 
munities at home. In the 
course of the Litany, they pray- 
ed for their sovereign and all 
the royal family with much ap- 
parent loyalty and sincerity. 
Some family prayers, which 
were thought appropriate to 
their own particular case, were 
added to the usual service ; and 
Adams, fearful of leaving out 
any essential part, read in addi- 
tion all those prayers which are 
intended only as substitutes for 
others. A sermon followed, 
which was very well delivered 
by Buffet; and lest any part 
of it should be forgotten or 
escape attention, it was read 
three times. The whole con- 
cluded with hymns, which were 
first sung by the grown people, 
and afterwards by the children. 
The service thus performed was 
very long; but the neat and 
cleanly appearance of the con- 
gregation, the devotion that 
animated every countenance, 
and the innocence and simplic- 
ity of the little children, pre- 



84 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



vented the attendance from 
becoming wearisome. In about 
half an hour afterwards we again 
assembled to prayers, and at 
sunset service was repeated j so 
that, with their morning and 
evening prayers, they may be 
said to have church five times 
on a Sunday." 

Dancing was not encouraged 
among them. With consider- 
able difficulty, after much en- 
treaty, Captain Beechey and 
his friends prevailed on three 
grown-up ladies to perform the 
Otaheitan dance, which consist- 
ed of little more than shuffling 
their feet, sliding past each 
other, and snapping their 
thumbs. They appeared to 
have little taste for music, 
either vocal or instrumental. 
Adams told Captain Beechey 
one day, that it would add 
much to his happiness, if the 
captain would read the marriage 
ceremony over him and his wife. 
He had always had an idea of 
having this done when a proper 
opportunity should offer. It 
was done accordingly the follow- 
ing day, and the event was duly 
noted in a register by John 
Buffet. The marriages of the 
young people had all been offi- 
ciated at by Adams himself, who 
made use of a ring on such 
occasions, which had united 
every couple on the island since 
its first settlement. 

In consequence of a repre- 
sentation, made by Captain 
Beechey when there, of the 
distressed state of this little 
society, with regard to the want 



of certain necessary articles, 
His Majesty's Government sent 
out to Valparaiso, to be con- 
veyed from thence for their use, 
a proportion for sixty persons of 
the following articles : sailors' 
blue jackets and trousers, flan- 
nel waistcoats, pairs of stock- 
ings and shoes, women's dresses, 
spades, mattocks, shovels, pick- 
axes, trowels, rakes; all of which 
were taken in His Majesty's 
ship Seringapatam, commanded 
by Captain the Hon. William 
Waldegrave, who arrived there 
in March 1830. 

The ship had scarcely an- 
chored when George Young was 
alongside in his canoe, which he 
guided by a paddle ; and soon 
after Thursday October Chris- 
tian, in a jolly-boat, with several 
others, who, having come on 
board, were invited to breakfast, 
and one of them said grace as 
usual both before and after it. 
The captain, the chaplain, and 
some other officers accompanied 
these natives on shore, and hav- 
ing reached the summit of the 
first level or plain, which is 
surrounded by a grove or screen 
of cocoa-nut trees, they found 
the wives and mothers as- 
sembled to receive them. " I 
have brought you a clergyman," 
says the captain. " God bless 
you," issued from every mouth ; 
" but is he come to stay with 
us ? " " No." " You bad man, 
why not ? " "I cannot spare 
him, he is the chaplain of my 
ship ; but I have brought you 
clothes and other articles, which 
King George has sent you." 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 85 



" But," says Kitty Quintal, " we 
want food for our souls." 

" Our reception," says Cap- 
tain Waldegrave, " was most 
cordial, particularly that of Mr 
Watson, the chaplain ; and the 
meeting of the wives and hus- 
bands most affecting, exchang- 
ing expressions of joy that could 
not have been exceeded had 
they just returned from a long 
absence. The men sprang up 
to the trees, throwing down 
cocoa-nuts, the husks of which 
were torn off by others with 
their teeth, and offering us the 
milk. As soon as we had rested 
ourselves, they took us to their 



cottages, where we dined and 
slept." 

Captain Waldegrave, like all 
former visitors, bore ample testi- 
mony to the kind dispositions 
and active benevolence of these 
simple islanders. A remarkable 
proof of these amiable feelings he 
noted in the care that was taken 
of the surviving widows of the 
Otaheitan men who had been 
slain on the island, who were 
helpless and would have been 
destitute but for the humane 
consideration of the young 
people who supported them, 
and treated them with every 
attention. 



CHAPTER VI. 



NORFOLK ISLAND. 



A FEW years after John Buffet 
settled on Pitcairn Island, an- 
other English sailor took up his 
abode in the colony. His name 
was John Evans, and he was 
the son of a coachmaker in 
Long Acre, London. He was 
a worthy and well educated 
man. Both he and Buffet mar- 
ried, and thus two names were 
added to the roll of surnames. 

In the year 1828 a third sea- 
faring man chose Pitcairn Island 
as his home. His arrival was 
an event destined to affect the 
annals of the island. He was 
no passing sailor who took a 
fancy to the place and asked 



leave to stop there on his vo> 
age. For years he had enter- 
tained a desire to settle among 
the primitive inhabitants, who 
had been much talked and writ- 
ten about ever since Captain 
Folger's discovery had been 
made public. Having arrived 
at the island after many diffi- 
culties, he was heartily wel- 
comed, and married Sarah, 
the granddaughter of Fletcher 
Christian. The name of this 
man, destined to be the suc- 
cessor of John Adams in the 
patriarchate, was George Hunn 
Nobbs. 
John Adams died on the 



86 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



of March 1829, aged sixty- 
five. He had lived on Pitcairn 
Island since he was twenty-four, 
the only protector of a number 
of helpless human beings. The 
perfect harmony and content- 
ment in which they lived to- 
gether, the innocency and 
simplicity of their manners, 
their conjugal and parental 
affections, their religious and 
virtuous conduct, are all to be 
ascribed to the instructions and 
exemplary life of this remarkable 
man. He passed away in the 
presence of his family and 
affectionate flock. Adams no- 
minated Mr Nobbs as his 
successor in the pastorate. This 
gentleman possessing some 
knowledge of medicine and 
surgery besides a competent 
knowledge of the truths of 
religion, entered with zeal upon 
the many duties for the discharge 
of which his acquirements gave 
him a vocation. 

In 1790 the island was first 
settled by fifteen men and 
twelve women, making a total 
of twenty-seven. Of these were 
remaining in 1800, one man 
and five women, with nineteen 
children, the eldest nine years 
of age, making in the whole 
twenty-five. In 1808, Mr Fol- 
ger makes the population 
amount to thirty-five, being an 
increase of ten in eight years. 
In 1814, six years afterwards, 
Sir Thomas Staines states the 
adult population at forty, which 
must be a mistake, as fourteen 
years before, nineteen of the 
twenty-five then existing were 



children. In 1825, Captain 
Beechey states the whole popu- 
lation at sixty-six, of whom 
thirty-six were males, and thirty 
females. In 1830, the colony 
consisted of eighty-seven per- 
sons. A long drought that 
year, and a bad season for their 
plantations, gave rise to fears of 
famine overtaking them. A 
possible failure of water supply 
had long been a subject of grave 
consideration ; and the drought 
of this year led to the taking of 
a very serious step. The Brit- 
ish government proposed to the 
islanders that they should emi- 
grate to Otaheite. The queen 
of that island, Pomar, seconded 
this suggestion with great zeal. 
The Pitcairners were divided in 
opinion. A party headed by 
Mr Nobbs were much opposed 
to the movement. Notwith-' 
standing they all sailed for Ota- 
heite in March. A rich tract 
of land was assigned them by 
Queen Pomar, and the Ota- 
heitans assisted them in collect- 
ing wood and constructing 
houses. The climate, however, 
did not suit them, an epidemic 
seized them, and Thursday 
October Christian, the firstborn 
of Pitcairn Island, fell a victim 
to k. Besides, the morals of 
their neVv neighbours did not 
suit their simple, austere mode 
of life. So they resolved to 
return to their own old island 
home. Indeed, the Buffet family 
and some others did not re- 
main in Otaheite till the gene- 
ral re-emigration. They had 
come there in a government 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 87 



vessel. In September 1831, 
an American brig brought away 
all the families and landed them 
again at Pitcairn. This was 
done at their own expense, and 
greatly to Queen PomarS's regret. 
They restored their plantations, 
repaired their houses, and Pit- 
cairn village soon resumed its 
former aspect of cleanliness and 
comfort. 

In 1832 a man named Joshua 
Hill came to the island, pretend- 
ing to be a commissioner sent by 
Government to look after the 
inhabitants for their good. He 
talked of great powers entrusted 
to him, and was received into 
the house of John Buffet with 
delight. He wrought a deal of 
mischief among the families. 
He assumed the functions of 
judge, sentenced to the lash and 
to banishment, kept Mr Nobbs 
in continual fear of his life, till at 
last, after anxious correspond- 
ence with the home government, 
this impostor was in 1838 re- 
moved by orders of Government, 
and left at Valparaiso. 

Many ships of war touched at 
the island in the course of suc- 
ceeding years; but as yet no 
British Admiral had paid a visit 
to it. But Rear-Admiral Fair- 
fax Moresby was on the Pacific 
station in 1851, and he being 
known to have taken a special 
interest in the Pitcairn people, 
was invited to visit the island by 
a pleasant little note signed by 
fourteen of the female inhabi- 
tants. The frank invitation was 
cordially accepted; and this 
visit was an era to the people. 



Admiral Moresby arrived in his 
ship, the Portland, in August 
1852; and like every other 
visitor, he was quite fascinated 
with the persons and manners 
of the inhabitants. He took a 
special interest in Mr Nobbs 
and his family. He got that 
gentleman to confess himself the 
unacknowledged son of a mar- 
quis by an unfortunate daughter 
of an Irish baronet. Admiral 
Moresby procured a passage for 
him to London, where he was 
ordained a deacon, in August 
1852, by the late Bishop Blom- 
field, and a priest in November. 
The Society for the Propagation 
of the Gospel put him on its 
list, at a salary of ^"50 a year; 
and he was introduced to a 
great many distinguished people. 
Mr Nobbs was presented to 
Queen Victoria, who received 
him most graciously, and gave 
him portraits of herself and the 
Royal family. - He returned to 
Pitcairn in May 1853. 

The colony had now increas- 
ed to such an extent, that their 
beloved little island began to 
feel too small, or rather not fer- 
tile enough for them. Admiral 
Moresby . wrote, the year Mr 
Nobbs returned, to the Admir- 
alty, saying, that the time had 
arrived when measures should 
be taken for their future wel- 
fare. Government at that time 
abandoned Norfolk Island as a 
convict station ; and it seemed 
a very available home for the 
straitened inhabitants of the 
" small Rock in the West." Re- 
ports regarding Norfolk Island 



88 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



with a view to their removal 
to it, were duly presented to 
Government. They were, of 
course, all in the highest degree 
favourable to the project. No 
place could suit the Pitcairners 
so admirably as that abandon- 
ed convict station. Admiral 
Moresby was requested by what 
was termed the Pitcairn Fund 
Committee to sound them on 
the subject. This committee 
consisted of some influential 
patrons of the islanders, who 
collected funds for their benefit, 
and looked after their interests 
generally. Admiral Moresby 
found the Pitcairners favourable 
to the removal. In reply to a 
communication by him, the 
chief magistrate and councillors 
resolved : " It is very evident 
that the time is not far distant, 
when Pitcairn Island will be 
altogether inadequate to the 
rapidly increasing population, 
and the inhabitants do unani- 
mously agree in soliciting the 
aid of the British Government 
in transferring them to Norfolk 
Island, or some other appro- 
priate place." They expressed 
a desire and hope that wherever 
they were taken to, they might 
be allowed to live in a seclusion 
similar to that they had enjoyed 
on Pitcairn Island. Govern- 
ment entrusted the removal of 
them to Sir William Denison, 
K.C.B., Governor-General of 
New South Wales, and he sent 
Captain Freemantle, R.N., com- 
manding the Juno, to see the 
thing done. Norfolk Island 
was their destination of course 



Captain Freemantle reached 
the little island in 1855 ; and 
was rather surprised to find the 
people anything but desirous 
for the change of residence. 
Many of them had painful mem- 
ories of their Otaheite escapade 
twenty-five years ago. Captain 
Freemantle was in earnest in 
his mission. He believed it was 
for the good of the people ; and 
he overcame all scruples and 
objections. As a man-of-war 
could not be spared from the 
station, an emigrant ship, the 
Morayshire, was commissioned 
to transfer the islanders to their 
new home, an undertaking 
which Lieutenant Gregorie of 
the Juno was appointed to 
superintend. When he arrived 
at Pitcairn, he found that he 
had the work of persuading to 
do over again. And no won- 
der ! It was a depressing change 
for them, poor things. Kind, 
tender hearts like theirs required 
much persuasion before they 
could consent to leave their 
happy homes, and the graves of 
those they loved so well their 
father, John Adams, and the 
parents, brothers, sisters, and 
children, who bound them to 
Pitcairn, as well as quickened 
their sense of relationship to that 
other home beyond their graves. 
A few enterprising spirits 
seconded Lieutenant Gregorie's 
eloquence, and he eventually 
succeeded in bringing every 
soul away. After a passage of 
five weeks, the Pitcairners ar- 
rived at Norfolk Island, on 
Sunday, 8th June 1856. 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



89 



Mr Nobbs enters in his diary 
under this date : " Cloudy wea- 
ther, close in with Norfolk 
Island; very much disappoint- 
ed with its appearance from the 
present point of view, which is 
directly off the settlement, and 
presents a succession of hillocks 
and shallow ravines covered 
with short brown grass, but 
scarcely a tree to be seen. 
Every face wore an expression 
of disappointment, having been 
accustomed to hear the island 
so highly extolled. No doubt 
other parts have a better appear- 
ance, but this side certainly 
bears no comparison with our 
Rock in the West. 

"At ten A.M., left with my 
family, and some others, in the 
ship's lifeboat. It blew fresh, 
and we were nearly two hours 
rowing to shore. The wind 
being off the land during our 
passage, several squalls of rain 
occurred, and the boat leaking 
badly, we were thoroughly 
drenched, the women and 
children presenting a most 
forlorn appearance. Being con- 
ducted by Mr Stewart to his 
residence, I deposited my wife 
there, and then returned to the 
pier. On my way thither, I 
went into the large building 
where our people were congre- 
gating, and seeing they were 
beginning to feel comfortable, 
I returned to the landing- 
place. One of the Government 
prisoners doing duty as a 
constable to prevent any one 
intruding into the precincts of 
the large building (formerly the 



soldiers' barracks), where oui 
people were assembling seeing 
how thoroughly drenched I was, 
gave me so pressing an invita- 
tion to go to his dwelling, which 
was adjacent, and change my 
clothes, that I did not refuse 
his offer. He supplied me with 
a decent suit, and, moreover, 
brought me a mug of hot tea, 
and some excellent bread and 
butter. All this was done so 
respectfully, and with such good 
grace, that I forgot that this 
man was a twice convicted 
prisoner." 

Mrs Nobbs, writing three 
months after their arrival at 
Norfolk Island, expresses pretty 
fairly the impressions which 
generally prevailed. "We ar- 
rived," she says, " amid squalls 
of rain, which thoroughly drench- 
ed us; but Captain Denham, who 
was here, had fires prepared and 
tea ready for us, so that we soon 
got as comfortable as we could 
possibly be in, to us, such a 
bewildering place. Everything 
was so strange; the immense 
houses, the herd 1 * of cattle graz- 
ing, and in the distance the 
gigantic Norfolk pines, filled us 
for a moment with amazement. 
I was conducted by Mr Stewart 
to the Government House, and 
seated by a good fire in the 
drawing-room (I have learned 
that name since), which was the 
first fire I had ever seen in a 
dwelling-house, and an excellent 
addition to my previous ideas of 
domestic comfort. 

"The island is not to be 
compared for fertility to the one 



90 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



we left ; but being much larger, 
there is more room for our 
children to branch out upon; 
but I think there are few would 
not return (and I one of the 
number), if an opportunity offer- 
ed. My husband is much 
annoyed at these expressions of 
our feelings, and declares that 
he will never leave Norfolk 
Island. He is positive that the 
land is a good land, and that 
before twelve months we shall 
be of his opinion. Well, I hope 
this may be the case ; but bad 
or good, so long as he makes it 
his home, of course it will be 
mine; and seeing him so con- 
tented and confident, has for 
certain a good effect upon us 
all. . . . 

" The place is not nearly so 
well wooded and watered as 
we thought to have found it, 
and to a community like this, 
who, although at Pitcairn they 
were sometimes straitened in 
the staple articles of food, had 
generally something of an in- 
ferior kind to fall back upon, 
the prospect that in two months 
from this they will be without 
bread, flour, or any one thing 
that will answer for a substitute, 
is not very encouraging. The 
island, for spontaneous fertility, 
is not to be compared with 
the spot we have left, but I 
am sure the land is a good 
land, and will provide all we 
need, when we get the means of 
planting. " 

The Bishop of New Zealand, 
Dr Selwyn, accompanied by 
Mrs Selwyn, and the Rev. Mr 



Patteson, paid a visit to the 
new inhabitants of Norfolk Is- 
land in less than a month after 
they arrived. Mrs Selwyn re- 
mained with them, while the 
Bishop and Mr Patteson pur- 
sued their missionary voyage 
among the islands of Melanesia. 
He returned in September, and 
held a confirmation, which Mrs 
Selwyn had assisted actively in 
preparing for during his three 
months' absence. On this occa- 
sion, Mr Nobbs relates, " Aftei 
the departure of the congrega- 
tion, the Bishop, Mr Patteson, 
and myself, with old Arthur 
Quintal, were for some time 
employed in placing stools in 
front of the chancel, for the 
accommodation of those about 
to be confirmed. At half-past 
three, the afternoon service was 
commenced. The candidates 
were first called by name, and 
arranged on the before-men- 
tioned stools, the women on the 
right-hand range or tier, the 
men on the left. . . . The 
men were arrayed in good 
black or blue coats, with white 
pantaloons, and shoes and 
stockings. The women wore 
loose white frocks or tunics, 
and instead of bonnets, which 
many do^ wear on Sunday, was 
substituted a snowy white hand- 
kerchief doubled triangularly, 
without any attempt at adorn- 
ment, simply placed on the 
head, and tied with a half-knot 
under the chin. . . . The 
confirmation began by ten per- 
sons standing up in parallel 
rows of five each, without step- 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 91 



ping from the place where they 
had been seated, when, having 
listened attentively to the pre- 
face and questions put by the 
Bishop, they, with becoming 
earnestness, severally answered, 
'I do.' By a motion of the 
Bishop's hand they resumed 
their seats, and ten others rose, 
and so on in like order until all 
had been questioned and re- 
sponded. They then in similar 
order came up to the front of 
the altar, and kneeling, received 
the imposition of hands. I am 
sure it would have gratified our 
many friends could they have 
been present, and seen parents 
kneeling by the side of their 
children. Many of these were 
also parents, and in one instance, 
a great-grandmother was ac- 
companied by grand-daughters, 
three of whom had families of 
their own. . . . Before the 
conclusion, it became nearly 
dark in the church, and the 
Bishop was obliged to repair to 
the outer door to distinguish 
the names of the persons on 
the certificates of confirmation. 
The Bishop himself delivered 
them, first taking such person 
by the hand, and using the 
Christian name of each, asked 
God's blessing on them. And 
then the members of the various 
families returned to their re- 
spective homes well pleased and 
edified.;' 

It will be remembered that 
the Rev. Mr Patteson referred 
to here, was subsequently or- 
dained Bishop of Melanesia, 
which was erected into a see 



separate from New Zealand; 
and that he was murdered by 
savages, while faithfully and 
lovingly discharging the onerous 
duties of his sacred office. 

In the month of November 
1858, that is after living about 
two years and a half on Norfolk 
Island, two families of the name 
of Young returned to Pitcairn 
Island. The following extract 
is from a letter written by Sir 
W. Denison to Admiral Mores- 
by, in which he refers to this 
event as well as other interest- 
ing topics. He says "I had 
a rough passage of eight days 
to the island. ... I found 
that the great proportion of the 
people were well satisfied with 
their position and prospects. 
Thirty-three of the men had as- 
sociated themselves, and by 
clubbing their means, had pur- 
chased two boats and whaling 
gear from an American whaler. 
They had then gone energetic- 
ally into the business of bay 
whaling, and had killed whales 
enough to supply fourteen tons 
of oil, which at present prices 
may be worth nearly .500. 
Some have already 
commenced to manufacture 
dripstones, which sell well in 
the adjacent colonies ; some 
have commenced the manu- 
facture of soap; others are 
looking forward to a profitable 
trade in oranges and lemons; 
in fact, as regards the men, I 
am satisfied with their progress. 
I wish I could say the same 
with regard to the women; they, 
with one or two exceptions, do 



92 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



not appear to me nearly so 
civilised as the men. They 
approach nearer the Tahitian 
type ; and, as we must look to 
the women to give the first tone 
to the children, I should wish 
to see a great improvement in 
manner, appearance, and infor- 
mation. I trust, however, that 
Mr Rossiter's presence will do 
a great deal for them. Hither- 
to, the school has been but 
a trifling advantage, but now 
that Mr Rossiter has taken 
it in hand, I have a right to 
expect a great change for the 
better. . . . 

" I found that two families 
had gone back to Pi f cairn Island, 
vnd I heard that three more were 
contemplating a similar move. 
At a general meeting of the 
people, I spoke strongly to 
them, pointing out to them the 
folly, nay, the sin, which they 
were committing, in throwing 
aside for themselves as well as 
for their children the means of 
living which had been provided 
for them, and I warned them 
that I should not in any way 
countenance or assist them in 
removing; that I should put a 
condition of residence in the 
grant of land which I was pre- 
pared to make to them, and 
should prohibit any alienation 
of this land to any but inhabi- 
tants of the island. I felt the 
more bound to do this, as I 
found that the magistrates and 
Mr Nobbs had, in the case of 
the people who had left, been 
weak enough to agree to pay to 
the captain of a schooner a sum 



of ;6oo as the passage money of 
sixty adults to Pitcairn, and had 
given him bills for ^300 on 
their agent at Sydney, which he 
claimed when only sixteen went 
down, instead of sixty. This 
money, I may observe, was the 
value of the wool and hides 
sold, and was the property of 
the Government. I have now 
taken the management of the 
public funds out of the hands 
of the magistrates, and given it 
to the storekeeper, who is only 
to act as far as regards drawing 
bills upon the wool, etc., by my 
directions. 

" The island is now marked 
off in fifty-acre allotments, and 
I propose to send down the 
deeds of grant when I have 
settled the form and conditions, 
and arranged a simple system 
of registration, and forms of 
sale, mortgage, etc. . . . 

" I look forward to the time 
when Norfolk Island will be- 
come the St Michael's of New 
Zealand, Tasmania, and Mel- 
bourne. Lemons are indigen- 
ous, and form the best stock on 
which the orange can be grafted. 
I have sent down several of the 
best descriptions of orange, 
and shall supply them wkh 
shaddock and other fruits of 
the same kind. Mr Rossiter 
is, I am glad to find, a good 
gardener." 

Sir W. Denison adds, "I 
have given Mr Nobbs ,50 per 
annum put of the revenue of the 
island, in addition to the $0 
which he receives from the 
Society for the Propagation of 



THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



93 



the Gospel He is fairly entitled 
to this." 

These extracts give a suffi- 
cient glimpse of the affairs of 
the descendants of the mu- 
tineers of the Bounty, in the 
new home which Government 
chose for them and took them 
to. They have now, some- 
how or other, ceased to impress 
the reader of the continuation 
of their story as the very simple, 
primitive, pure, and incompar- 
able family they were pictured 
as being by all who visited them 
at Pitcairn. They are out a 
little wider in the world now; 
Buffet, Evans, Nobbs, and Ros- 
siter are imported influences, 
and their notions, aims, and 
means of carrying them out, are 
both more ample and very 
different from those of old John 
Adams. Mr Rossiter received 
a good income as schoolmaster 
and storekeeper, and proved 
himself very useful. He was a 
conscientious, industrious man, 
and a rather stern disciplin- 
arian. 

The establishing of a Mission 
College on Norfolk Island, was 
an occasion of trouble and 
anxiety to its imported inhabi- 
tants. They were afraid that a 
body of semi-converted natives 
of the Melanesian islands settled 
amqjng them, would damage 
morality and hinder social pro- 
gress. But their principal ob- 
jection to the project was based 
on a belief that there had been 
conferred on them by the Brit- 
ish Government an indefeasible 
right and title to the whole of 



Norfolk Island. They consid- 
ered that it was theirs and 
everything it contained. They 
were unwilling to admit a pre- 
cedent for alienation, fearing 
that it might deprive their 
posterity of a guaranteed inher- 
itance. It was, they maintained, 
upon the condition of unqualified 
cession that they consented to 
leave Pitcairn Island. This 
was, however, discovered to be 
a false impression, and after con- 
siderable delay and a good deal 
of plucky correspondence with 
Government, the Melanesian 
Mission College was sanctioned 
in 1866. Bishop Patteson paid 
^3 an acre for a thousand acres 
of land ; this ^3000 was care- 
fully invested, and the accruing 
interest is applied annually to 
paying the pastor and chief 
magistrate of the descendants of 
the mutineers of the Bounty, 
and also to the cost of medicines, 
flags, and other necessary and 
showy matters. In no way can 
the founding of this college be 
regarded as other than beneficial 
to the Norfolk Islanders. Their 
home acquires reputation by it, 
and if there is an importation of 
semi-civilised natives, there is 
also the introduction of highly 
educated gentlemen to look 
after them. This is the won- 
derful ultimate result of a rash 
and foolish mutiny. The home 
of their descendants, formerly 
the compulsory abode of out- 
casts, is now the " Holy Isle " 
of the Pacific Ocean, the seat 
of the Melanesian Mission 
College. 



94 THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS. 



LAST OF THE BOUNTY. 

The following paragraph cut 
from a newspaper in 1874 pre- 
sents a vivid idea of the hardi- 
hood and intelligence of the excel- 
lent people to whom it is a regret 
to say good-bye here at the close 
of our repetition of their story. 

" On the voyage from Sydney 
the Pearl stayed a day at Nor- 
folk Island, which is a territory 
within the jurisdiction of Sir 
Hercules Robinson, as Gover- 
nor of New South Wales. A 
very good story is told of the 
simple-minded, hardy descend- 
ants of the mutineers of the 
Bounty. The landing-place is 
an open roadstead. When 
Commodore Stirling visited the 
island in the Clio last year, a 
gale of wind was blowing, and 
the sea was running so high 
that it was impossible to land. 
After standing off and on for 
some time, the Clio was about 
to make sail for Sydney, the 
weather showing no signs of 



moderating, when a boat was 
observed to put off from the 
shore. Something serious is 
the matter, thought all on board, 
or the islanders would not ven- 
ture out in such a sea. The ship 
lay to, but the boat's crew had 
to toil all through the night 
before reaching her. When they 
gained the deck, Commodore Stir- 
ling said, with some solicitude in 
his manner, ' / am glad to see 
you. I hope nothing has gone 
wrong; but anything in the way 
of medicines or supplies I have is 
at your service. 1 ' We are all 
well, thank you,' answered the 
courageous boatmen, ' but there 
is one thing we would like have 
you a copy of " Lothair" T 
Two French gentlemen fought 
with swords in a Parisian book- 
shop for the right to purchase 
the last copy of the first edition 
of ' Le Diable Boiteux,' but it 
does not often fall to the lot of 
a modern author to produce a 
book for the possession of which 
people will risk their lives." 



END OF THE BOUNTY AND HER MUTINEERS 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



MUTINY IN THE 420 REGIMENT 

(THE ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT, OR BLACK WATCH) 

May 1743. 



THE Forty-Second, or Royal 
Highland, Regiment was the 
first, as it has continued to be 
the foremost, of the regiments 
which in their heroic services to 
the House of Hanover on the 
British throne, have reflected 
unfading glory on their race, 
and on the highlands and islands 
of Scotland. The roll on which 
its martial deeds of undying re- 
nown are emblazoned is one of 
the most dazzling among the 
honoured records of modern 
warfare. The origin of the first 
of the Highland regiments is in- 
teresting. 

The leading circumstances 
which led to its formation are 
easily recounted. The majority 
of the Highland clans continued 
faithful to the direct line of the 
Stuart dynasty, after the Revolu- 
tion of 1688 had led the royal 
train off at a siding. It took 
them three years to intimate 
their submission to the govern- 
ment of William III.; and that 
submission was only a hollow 
affair after all the time it took 



in shaping. In 1715 they took 
arms against the House of 
Hanover, under the enthusiastic 
Earl of Mar, with results disas- 
trous to the Highlanders. After 
an attempt made by the Spanish 
in 1719, to embroil Scotland 
again in a civil war proved itself 
fruitless, the country enjoyed 
comparative quiet for twenty- 
five years, during which period 
roads were made in the High 
lands, and various measures 
were adopted to improve the 
condition of the clans. 

Some Highlanders were taken 
into the service of the Crown 
and armed as early as 1725, 
when Marshall Wade was ap- 
pointed Commander-in- Chief 
in Scotland; and in 1729 
the Government took mea- 
sures for the embodying of a 
number of loyal Highlanders, 
who should be constituted a 
regular domestic military force, 
employed to keep order in the 
mountain districts, for which 
they were in every respect better 
qualified than soldiers from the 



96 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



Lowlands, bix companies were 
accordingly formed, and were 
employed, in 1730, enforcing 
the Disarming Act, overawing 
the disaffected, preventing re- 
prisals and plunders between 
the rival clans, and putting a 
check upon the depredations 
made by the mountaineers on 
their peaceable neighbours of 
the plains. The officers were 
generally selected from among 
the Campbells, Grants, Mun- 
roes, and other chief families 
which had embraced the princi- 
ples of the Revolution; but 
many of the men were from 
clan Athole, Perthshire, and 
other districts where loyalty to 
the dethroned dynasty was still 
? controlling sentiment. 

Many of the men in the ranks 
were cadets of gentlemen's 
families, sons of gentlemen 
farmers, and tacksmen, immedi- 
ately or more remotely con- 
nected with the leading families. 
They were generally of a higher 
grade in society than that from 
which the British soldier was 
raised in those days, or at any 
time since ; they were, in a word, 
men who felt themselves respon- 
sible for their conduct to high- 
minded and honourable rela- 
tions, as well as to a country 
for which they cherished a fondly 
devoted affection. 

These six companies were 
called the Freicudan Dhu, or 
Black Watch, from the colour of 
their dress, which consisted so 
much of the black, green, and 
blue tartan, that it gave them a 
dark and sombre appearance in 



comparison with the bright uni- 
form of the regular Seidaran 
Dearag, or Red Soldiers. 

The companies continued 
to discharge with faithfulness 
and efficiency their duties as a 
domestic watch till 1739. In 
that year, on the breaking out 
of war with Spain, King George 
II. resolved to incorporate the 
six companies of the Black 
Watch into a regiment of the 
line, to be augmented to ten 
companies, that he might pos- 
sess the advantage of a Highland 
corps in the coming struggle. 
Accordingly a warrant to this 
effect was issued to Colonel 
John, Earl of Crawford and 
Lindsay, under date October 25, 

1739. After some progress had 
been made in recruiting, the 
men were assembled in May 

1740, and embodied into a regi- 
ment in a field between Tay- 
bridge and Aberfeldy, in the 
county of Perth, under the title 
of the "Highland Regiment," 
but the corps still retained the 
country name of the Black 
Watch. They remained for 
about fifteen months on the 
banks of the Tay and of the 
Lyon. 

Colonel the Earl of Craw- 
ford was removed in December 
of the same year, from the Black 
Watch to the Second, or Scots, 
troop of Grenadier Life Guards; 
and Brigadier-General Lord Sem- 
pill was appointed colonel of the 
Highlanders. 

In the winter of 1741 the 
regiment resumed the duties 
formerly performed by the six 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 97 



companies in the Highlands; 
these it continued to discharge 
during 1742, the year in which 
King George II. sent an army 
to Flanders to support the 
House of Austria against the 
Elector of Bavaria and the King 
of France. 

The Highland Regiment hav- 
ing been selected to reinforce 
the army in Flanders, was 
assembled at Perth in March 
1743, preparatory for a march 
to London. 

Jfuch an order took the men 
by surprise, and awakened suspi- 
cion as well as astonishment. 
They had not expected it ; and 
were not slow to express their 
feelings and opinions, nor were 
they low in their tones. Not 
the men only. The regimenting 
of this body of Highlanders had 
been looked upon by many 
gentlemen of public spirit as a 
very significant experiment. It 
was a question of national im- 
portance. A firm and right 
step had been taken towards 
the final inclusion of the clans 
into the nation. A nation is an 
organised unity. Solongasthese 
Highland families remained 
irresponsive to its throbs and 
pulses, they were only instru- 
ments of trouble and danger. 
They were like a foreign body 
jammed too closely against the 
sensitive organisation of the 
country ; and the engrafting of 
them on to its stem was to be 
greatly facilitated by enlisting 
their best and bravest in the 
ranks of the nation's defenders. 

The proposal to send the 



Highland Regiment out of Scot- 
land, or, indeed, away from the 
Highlands, therefore, aroused 
the indignation of many of those 
who understood best the ele- 
ments of which it was com- 
posed. Lord President Forbes, 
in a special manner, disapprov- 
ed of and opposed the measure ; 
and no one knew the character 
of the corps better than he, or 
was more fully alive to the 
necessity of the duty they were 
performing its nature, and their 
capability of discharging it 
faithfully. This was 1743. 
How ominously soon did 1745 
follow upon the march of the 
Black Watch to the south of 
England ! 

Lord President Forbes wrote 
a letter to General Clayton, who 
had succeeded Marshal Wade 
in the commandership-in-chief 
of Scotland, of which the follow- 
ing is an extract, and explains 
sufficiently the unmistakable 
sentiments of his lordship on 
the subject. He writes : "When 
I first heard of the orders given 
to the Highland Regiment to 
march southwards, it gave me 
no sort of concern. I sup- 
posed the intention was only to 
see them ; but, as I have been 
lately assured that they are 
destined for foreign service, I 
cannot dissemble my uneasi- 
ness at a resolution that may, 
in my apprehension, be attended 
with very bad consequences; 
nor can I prevail with myself 
not to communicate to you my 
thoughts on this subject, how- 
ever late they may come." Hi? 
G 



98 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



lordship goes on to state what 
he fears will be the conse- 
quences to be expected from 
the removal of this regiment. 
"I must," he continues, "put 
you in mind that the present 
system for securing the peace 
of the Highlands, which is the 
best I ever heard of, is by 
regular troops stationed from 
Inverness to Fort William, along 
the chain of lakes which, in a 
manner, divides the Highlands, 
to command the obedience of 
the inhabitants of both sides, 
and, by a body of disciplined 
Highlanders, wearing the dress, 
and speaking the language of 
the country, to execute such 
orders as require expedition, 
and for which neither the dress 
nor the manners of other troops 
are proper. These Highlanders 
now regimented were at first 
independent companies ; and 
though their dress, language, 
and manners, qualified them 
for securing the lower country 
from depredations, yet that was 
not the sole use of them. The 
same qualities fitted them for 
every expedition that required 
secrecy and despatch. They 
served for all purposes of hussars 
or light horse, in a country 
whose mountains and bogs 
render cavalry useless ; and, if 
properly disposed over the 
Highlands, nothing that was 
commonlyreported and believed 
by the Highlanders could be 
a secret to their commanders, 
because of their intimacy with 
the people, and the sameness 
of language." 



There are other considera- 
tions besides those presented 
thus by the great patriot of his 
time. He views the Govern- 
ment measure for sending this 
regiment abroad mainly from 
the point of view of the suit- 
ableness of the men to a very 
necessary service. But how 
did the proposal affect the 
men's estimate of that Govern- 
ment, whose orders they had 
come under an oath to obey? 
Obedience has its limits, and 
the sense of duty is only a re- 
sponse to certain acknowledged 
claims. The men disputed the 
right of the Government to lay 
on them the command conveyed 
by this marching order. There 
are grounds for believing that, 
when they were regimented, 
the measure was represented to 
them as nothing more than a 
change of name and of officers, 
which implied the very sub- 
stantial advantage of more 
regular pay, if the duties were 
to be more definitely regulated. 
Under this arrangement they 
distinctly understood that they 
were to continue to be em- 
ployed, as formerly, in watching 
the country a sort of armed 
police, obeying officers who 
received orders from the central 
Government, instead of from any 
local power. When they showed 
astonishment and expressed sur- 
prise at orders to march to 
England, they were falsely told, 
that it was only that they might 
have an opportunity of showing 
themselves to the king, who had 
never seen a Highland regi- 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 99 



ment This explanation satis- 
fied the soldiers so far. It was 
a sop to their vanity; but no 
motive more dangerous and 
more self-defeating exists in the 
heart of man than his vanity, 
and the passionate impulses to 
which it often leads. In the 
case in point, the very vanity 
which lightened the steps of the 
Highlanders during their march 
to London, laid a dead weight 
on their hearts when the speci- 
ous lie which deceived, and, as 
they thought, befooled them, 
was detected. 

It is true enough that the 
king had never seen a Highland 
regiment. His Majesty had 
never seen a Highland soldier ; 
and he expressed a desire to 
see one. Three privates, re- 
markable for their athletic figure 
and good looks, were fixed upon 
and sent to London for his 
Majesty's gratification and in- 
spection a short time before the 
regiment marched. These were 
Gregor M'Gregor, commonly 
called Gregor the Beautiful; 
John Campbell, son of Duncan 
Campbell, of the family of Dun- 
caves, Perthshire; and John 
Grant, of Strathspey, of the 
family of Ballindalloch. Poor 
Mr Grant fell sick, and died at 
Aberfeldy. The others, it was 
reported at the time, were pre- 
sented by their Lieutenant- 
Colonel, Sir Robert Munro, to 
the king, and performed the 
broadsword exercise and that 
of the Lochaber axe, before his 
Majesty, the Duke of Cumber- 
land, Marshal Wade, and a 



number of general officers 
assembled for the purpose, in 
the Great Gallery at St James's. 
The exhibition was gratify- 
ing to all concerned. It was 
said that these two individual 
show-specimens of a High- 
land regiment displayed so 
much dexterity and skill in the 
management of their weapons, 
that the king expressed himself 
perfectly satisfied with it and 
them. Humiliating stage-play ! 
Had those two Highlanders sus- 
pected the treachery in train 
for themselves and their free- 
born comrades, for the giving 
effect to which this exhibition 
was but the opening prelude to 
" play in " their brethren, it is 
to be hoped they would have 
preferred taking the place of 
the brothers M'Pherson, who 
were subsequently murdered as 
mutineers on Tower Hill. The 
humiliation had a lower deep. 
Each of the two got a gratuity 
of a guinea, for showing him- 
self off to be so clever ; and 
they each gave his guinea 
to the porter at the palace 
gate as they passed out. They 
were not to be paid for being 
accomplished Highlandmen. 
They forgave the king for 
mistaking their character, and 
the consideration due to 
them in their own beloved 
country. 

The departure of the Black 
Watch from the country, which 
was doomed to miss it sorely 
very soon, was thus formally 
announced by the Caledonian 
Mercury : " On Wednesday last, 



100 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



Lord Sempill's regiment of 
Highlanders began their march 
for England in order to be re- 
viewed by his Majesty. They 
are certainly the finest regiment 
in the service, being tall, well- 
made men, and very stout." 
The word " stout " here has its 
older meaning, still common in 
Scotland, of healthy, strong, 
vigorous. 

Their march through the 
English counties supplied a 
feast of wonderment to the eyes 
of all who looked at them. A 
Highlander in full garb was a 
strange object to an English- 
man. A gentlemanly, tastefully- 
dressed, and gracefully - man- 
nered gorilla would not be more 
vacantly stared at in the crush 
of a crammed drawing-room, 
where all the expensive trains 
of fine society get crumpled 
into wisps, while so many ani- 
mated clothes -pegs are bust- 
ling to get as near him as is 
consistent or inconsistent with 
sangfroid, in the circumstances. 
The stories current in England 
at the time of the ferocious 
savagery of the Highlanders, 
and the frightful conflicts of 
their clans, were wild enough to 
have awakened expectations of 
a few full-dressed rehearsals, as 
these specimens of unabolished 
barbarism made their way 
through the counties. In Mar- 
chant's " History of the Rebel- 
lion " (Lond. 1746), we read of a 
gentleman in Derby expressing 
his astonishment " to see these 
savages, from the officer to the 
commonest man, at their several 



meals, first stand up and pull 
off their bonnets, and then lift 
up their eyes in a most solemn 
and devout manner, and mutter 
something in their own gibberish, 
by way, I suppose, of saying 
grace, as if they had been so 
many Christians ! " When Gor- 
don of Glenbucket, whom Lord 
President Forbes, who knew 
him intimately, described as " a 
good-natured, humane man," 
marched up his followers to 
join the rebel army in England, 
it was gravely questioned, 
whether they killed their pris- 
oners and sucked their blood, 
to whet their appetite for war, 
after the manner of other 
savages ? " 

It is never easy to imagine 
one's self living in the atmosphere 
of the absurd notions of an 
earlier age. In that day the 
monstrous tales which the good 
people of England believed 
regarding their neighbours on 
the Scottish mountains would 
have created many a hearty 
laugh, and a good deal of pity 
in the Highland clachans, if they 
could have been translated into 
Gaelic. 

Nobody was eaten during the 
march, and great was the 
astonishment of the beholders 
of the orderly conduct and fine 
martial appearance of this regi- 
ment of Highland gentlemen. 
During the journey great good 
humour prevailed in the ranks, 
heightened as it doubtless was 
by the unbounded hospitality 
and friendly feeling which they 
experienced in the country and 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS, lol 



die towns through which their 
route lay. 

The regiment reached the 
neighbourhood of London in 
two divisions. The former 
arrived on the 29th, and the 
latter on the 3oth of April. In 
a fortnight, that is, on the i4th 
of May, the whole body was 
reviewed on Finchley Common 
by Marshal Wade, who, from 
his influential residence in Scot- 
land for a time as commander- 
in- chief, was intimately ac- 
quainted with many of the 
officers and soldiers, and knew 
well the nature of the corps. 
This was the first mistake of the 
government, and it caused grave 
misgivings in the minds of many 
of these honest, hearty, straight- 
forward sons of the mountains, 
who expected to be reviewed in 
the presence of his Majesty, who 
seems never to have been made 
aware of, or did not think it 
worth his royal while to remem- 
ber, the fact that the bait with 
which his instruments had wiled 
away the Black Watch from the 
Highlands to London, was the 
assurance that the king, who 
had never seen one, was anxious 
to look at a Highland regiment. 
The two show specimens seem 
to have been quite enough for 
royal inspection, and in this 
King George II. was less wise 
in his generation than was the 
man in Greek fable, who, having 
a house to sell, and wishing 
bidders to form some adequate 
idea of its commodious apart- 
ments and all the conveniences 
it offered, took a stone or 



two of it to the market for in- 
spection. In fact, the king and 
the Duke of Cumberland had 
set sail from Greenwich for the 
Continent on the 3oth of April, 
the day on which the second 
detachment of the regiment 
reached the neighbourhood of 
London ; and being driven back 
to Sheerness the same night, he 
remained there wind - bound 
until the ist of May, when he 
again set sail, arriving next 
evening at Helvoetsluys, whence 
his Majesty proceeded on the 
following morning to Hanover. 
The Highlanders were not in any 
of his thoughts, unless it might 
happen to occur to him to 
wonder at what rate they would 
sell their lives when they arrived 
in Flanders, as had been 
planned before the regiment 
was formed. 

In the interval between their 
arrival and the review, the men 
had time to reflect on the king's 
conduct. So had others, when 
they learned the disappointment 
of the corps, which, notwith- 
standing Highland reserve, 
would be freely spoken of; for 
an indignant Highlandman is no 
inscrutable Sphinx. His Eng- 
lish may be bad, but he makes 
his meaning good. 

Besides, immense crowds of 
people from London and all the 
country round, flocked to see 
the strangers, whose dress and 
language were two new things, 
each of them an object of 
wonder. The favourable reports 
which had flown on before them 
of their appearance and be- 



102 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



haviour on the march, excited, 
however, a great deal more 
interest than either their dress 
or their language, or both. 
These were innocent reasons 
for obtrusive curiosity. 

But the state of the country, 
two years before the Rebellion 
of 1745, is not to be forgotten. 
King George's throne was not 
as stable as the Grampians at 
the time ; and there were thou- 
sands of men belonging to all 
grades of society in London and 
the region round about, as well 
as over all England and Scot- 
land, who grudged this accession 
of strength to the hated House 
of Hanover. Many, therefore, 
who resorted to the quarters of 
the Highlanders, had objects in 
view other than the gratification 
of a fussy curiosity. Insidious 
and effectual whispers were 
made into ears which had been 
quickened considerably by the 
king's departure. Malicious 
falsehoods were not withheld 
they never are in times of politi- 
cal fever. The Highlanders 
were told that it was an ill-con- 
cealed fact that the Government 
intended to transport them to 
the American plantations. They 
were to be kept for life in those 
realms of the most degrading 
banishment to penal servitude, 
which has blotted by its re- 
cords the bloody story of Eng- 
lish criminal law. The pretext 
for bringing them to London 
was really too flimsy, as they 
might easily perceive. To be 
reviewed by the king and the 
Prince of Wales, and his Ma- 



jesty had embarked for Hanover 
before they arrived ! He sailed 
on the day of their arrival. In 
fact, the real object and undis- 
guisable intention of the order 
for them to leave the Highlands 
was to get so many faithful 
Jacobites, who were known to 
be disaffected to the House of 
Hanover, and of a rebellious 
spirit towards it, out of Great 
Britain altogether. 

The Highlanders began to 
think they had been entrapped 
into the snare so feasibly de- 
scribed. The mere surmise of 
their being the victims of such 
a crafty and cowardly device, 
caused the indignation which 
is never slow to kindle in 
a Highland man's breast to 
burn dangerously. They were 
strangers in a foreign land, at 
home they were gentlemen; 
and the feeling that the sacred 
laws of hospitality had been 
deliberately violated added to 
their rage at treatment which, 
real a- it was, they had difficulty 
in believing that the representa- 
tions of it made to them were 
true. And when their confid- 
ence is shaken, there is no race 
so unreasoningly suspicious as 
the Highlanders. This is only 
the counterpart in their spirit to 
the fact, that in those whom 
they know they repose perfect 
confidence; if they are their 
superiors, it takes the form of 
implicit, respectful obedience. 
A stranger may obtain their 
trust, but it is after he proves 
that he merits it ; and if once it 
is given, it is unreserved and 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 103 



constant. Every officer had 
occasion to observe, in such 
transactions as the settlement 
of accounts with his men, how 
minute and strict, even punc- 
tilious, they were in every little 
matter; but after the matter 
was arranged, there was no more 
thought of scrutiny, his word or 
nod was as good as his written 
bond. 

Notwithstanding all that the 
men felt on this ill-omened 
occasion, they behaved with 
moderation and firmness, a fact 
to be frequently observed when 
men of an impulsive fiery dis- 
position are placed in a pre- 
dicament similar to that of the 
Black Watch in this emergency. 
They believed themselves to be 
deceived and meanly betrayed, 
but they proceeded to no im- 
mediate measures of violence. 
Their anxious thought was how 
they could best get back to 
their own mountains of freedom 
and straightforward dealing. 
They believed their officers to 
have become like themselves 
the dupes of a cruel deception 
and to them they imputed none 
of the blame. The incendiaries 
who had aroused them to a 
sense of their actual situation 
favoured this view of the ques- 
tion. They were hostile, not 
to the gentlemen in command 
of the regiment, but to the 
government; and the spirit of 
discontent and disaffection they 
sought to stir up, was evoked 
by accusing the Government of 
a breach of faith. The means 
they employed aiming at this 



end were successful to an extent, 
which the subsequent story of 
the mutiny will tell. 

It was not in the interest of 
the enemies of the Government 
to keep the affair a secret. It 
was freely talked about. The 
publications of the day, both 
those which were opposed to 
the House of Hanover and 
those which advocated its cause, 
discussed it without reserve. 
Numerous pamphlets appeared, 
in which the conduct of the 
Government and of the High- 
landers were canvassed as 
candidly as restrictions on the 
press at the time would permit. 
One in particular is selected by 
Colonel David Stewart in the 
account of the affair which he 
gives in his "Sketches of the 
Highlanders of Scotland, with 
Details of the Military Service 
of the Highland Regiments," a 
standard work on the subject, 
as showing considerable know- 
ledge of the affair, and con- 
taining a fair statement of the 
facts of the case. It appeared 
immediately after the mutiny. 
The author having alluded to 
the purpose for which these 
independent companies had 
been at first embodied, and 
having described their figure 
and dress, and the effect pro- 
duced in England by the novelty 
of both, proceeds thus to state 
the cause and circumstances of 
the mutiny : 

" From their first formation 
they had always considered them- 
selves as destined to serve ex- 
clusively in Scotland, or rather 



104 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



in the Highlands ;* and a special 
compact was made, allowing the 
men to retain their ancient 
national garb. From their ori- 
gin and local attachments they 
seemed destined for this special 
service. Besides, in the disci- 
pline to which they were at first 
subjected under their natural 
chiefs and superiors, there was 
much affinity with their ancient 
usages. So that their service 

* A remark made by Major Grose 
in his "Military Antiquities," maybe 
quoted here as confirming this state- 
ment of the anonymous pamphleteer. 
Treating of the formation of the High- 
land Regiment, and subsequent en- 
listment and desertion, while detailing 
the previous circumstances which led 
to it, he observes: "Among other 
inducements to enlist, thus improperly 
held forth, it is said the men were 
assured they should not go out of their 
own country. Under the faith of this 
promise, many respectable farmers' 
and tacksmen's sons entered them- 
selves as privates in the corps who 
would not otherwise have thought of 
enlisting." After narrating various 
circumstances of the mutiny, the Major 
concludes : "This transaction shows 
the danger and even cruelty of making 
promises to recruits, under anything 
less than the greatest certainty that 
they will be faithfully observed ; the 
contrary has more than once produced 
the most dangerous mutinies, and that 
even among the Highland regiments, 
whose education tends to make them 
more regular and subordinate than 
either the English or Irish ; and if 
the causes of almost every mutiny that 
has happened were diligently and dis- 
passionately inquired into and weighed, 
it will be found that nine-tenths out of 
ten of the soldiers, however wrong and 
unjustifiable in that mode of seeking 
redress, have had great reason of com- 
plaint, generally of some breach of 
positive promise made them at enlist- 
ing." 



seemed merely that of a clan 
sanctioned by legal authority. 
These and other considerations 
sanctioned them in the belief 
that their duty was of a defined 
and specific nature, and that 
they were never to be amalga- 
mated with the regular dispos- 
able force of the country. As 
they were deeply impressed with 
this belief, it was quite natural 
that they should regard with 
great jealousy and distrust any 
indication of a wish to change 
the system. Accordingly, when 
the design of marching them in- 
to England was first intimated 
to their officers, the men were 
not shy in protesting against 
this unexpected measure. By 
conciliating language, however, 
they were prevailed upon to 
commence and continue their 
march without reluctance. It 
was even rumoured in some 
foreign gazettes, that they had 
mutinied on the borders, killed 
many of their officers, carried 
off their colours, and returned 
to their native mountains. This 
account, though glaringly false, 
was repeated from time to time 
in those journals, and was neither 
noticed nor contradicted in those 
of England, though such an 
occasion ought not to have 
been neglected for giving a can- 
did and full explanation to the 
Highlanders, which might have 
prevented much subsequent dis- 
quietude. 

"On their march through 
the northern counties of Eng- 
land, they were everywhere re- 
ceived with hospitality. They 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 105 



appeared in the highest spirits, 
and it was imagined that their 
attachment to home was so 
much abated that they would 
feel no reluctance to the change. 
As they approached the metro- 
polis, however, and were ex- 
posed to the taunts of the true- 
bred English clowns, they be- 
came more gloomy and sullen. 
Animated even to the lowest 
private with the feelings of 
gentlemen, they could ill brook 
the rudeness of boors, nor could 
they patiently submit to affronts 
in a country to which they had 
been called by invitation of their 
sovereign. 

" A still deeper cause of dis- 
content preyed upon their minds. 
A rumour had reached them on 
their march, that they were to 
be embarked for the plantations. 
The fate of the marines, the 
invalids, and other regiments 
which had been sent to these 
colonies, seemed to mark out 
this service as at once the most 
perilous and the most degrading 
to which British soldiers could 
be exposed, with no enemy to 
encounter worthy of their cour- 
age. There was another con- 
sideration which made it peculi- 
arly odious to the Highlanders. 
By the Act of Parliament of the 
eleventh of George I., transporta- 
tion to the colonies was de- 
nounced against the Highland 
rebels, etc., as the greatest 
punishment that could be in- 
flicted upon them except death ; 
and when they heard that they 
were to be sent there, the galling 
suspicion naturally arose in their 



minds, that 'after being used 
as rods to scourge their own 
countrymen, they were to be 
thrown into the fire/ These 
apprehensions they kept secret 
even from their own officers; 
and the care with which they 
dissembled them is the best 
evidence of the deep impres- 
sion which they had made. 
Amidst all their jealousies and 
fears, however, they looked for- 
ward with considerable expecta- 
tion to the review, when they 
were to come under the im- 
mediate observation of his 
Majesty, or some of the royal 
family. On the i4th of May 
they were reviewed by Marshal 
Wade, and many persons of 
distinction, who were highly 
delighted with the promptitude 
and alacrity with which they 
went through their military ex- 
ercises, and gave a very favour- 
able report of them, where it 
was likely to operate most to 
their advantage. 

"From that moment, how- 
ever, all their thoughts were 
bent on the means of returning 
to their own country, and on 
this wild and romantic march 
they accordingly set out a few 
days after. Under pretence of 
preparing for the review, they 
had been enabled to provide 
themselves unsuspectedly with 
some necessary articles, and, 
confiding in their capabilities of 
enduring privations and fatigue, 
they imagined that they should 
have great advantages ever any 
troops that might be sent in 
pursuit of them. It was on the 



106 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



night between Tuesday and 
Wednesday after the review, 
that they assembled on a com- 
mon near Highgate, and com- 
menced their march to the 
north. They kept as nearly as 
possible between the two great 
roads, passing from wood to 
wood in such a manner that it 
was not well known which way 
theymoved. Orders were issued 
by the Lords-Justices to the 
commanding officers of the 
forces stationed in the counties 
between them and Scotland, 
and an advertisement was pub- 
lished by the Secretary at War, 
exhorting the civil officers to 
be vigilant in their endeavours 
to discover their route. It was 
not, however, till about eight 
o'clock in the evening of Thurs- 
day i Qth May, that any certain 
intelligence of them was obtain- 
ed, and they had then proceeded 
as far as Northampton, and were 
supposed to be shaping their 
course towards Nottinghamshire. 
General Blakeney, who com- 
manded at Northampton, im- 
mediately despatched Captain 
Ball of General Wade's regi- 
ment of horse, an officer well 
acquainted with that part of the 
country, to search after them. 
They had now entered Lady 
Wood, between Brig Stock and 
Dean Thorpe, about four miles 
from Oundle, when they were 
discovered. Captain Ball was 
joined in the evening by the 
general himself, and about nine 
all the troops were drawn up in 
order near the wood where the 
Highlanders lay. Seeing them- 



selves in this situation, and un- 
willing to aggravate their offence 
by the crime of shedding the 
blood of his Majesty's troops, 
they sent one of their guides to 
inform the general that he might, 
without fear, send an officer to 
treat of the terms on which they 
should be expected to surrender. 
Captain Ball was accordingly 
delegated, and, on coming to a 
conference, the captain demand- 
ed that they should instantly 
lay down their arms, and sur- 
render as prisoners at discretion. 
This they positively refused, de- 
claring that they would rather 
be cut to pieces than submit, 
unless the general would send 
them a written promise signed 
by his own hand, that their arms 
should not be taken from them, 
and that they should have a free 
pardon. Upon this the captain 
delivered the conditions pro- 
posed by General Blakeney, 
viz., that if they would peace- 
ably lay down their arms and 
surrender themselves prisoners, 
the most favourable report 
should be made of them to the 
Lords-Justices. When they 
again protested that they would 
be cut in pieces rather than sur- 
render, except on the condition 
of retaining their arms, and re- 
ceiving at free pardon, 'Hither- 
to,' exclaimed the captain, 'I 
have been your friend, and am 
still anxious to do all I can to 
save you ; but, if you continue 
obstinate an hour longer, sur- 
rounded as you are by the 
king's forces, not a man of you 
shall be left alive; and, for my 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 107 



own part, I assure you that I 
shall give quarter to none.' 

" The captain then demanded 
that two of their number should 
be ordered to conduct him out 
of the wood. Two brothers 
were accordingly ordered to 
accompany him. Finding that 
they were inclined to submit, 
he promised them both a free 
pardon, and taking one of them 
along with him, he sent back 
the other to endeavour by 
every means to overcome the 
obstinacy of the rest. He soon 
returned with thirteen more. 
Having marched these to a 
short distance from the wood, 
the captain again sent one of 
them back to his comrades to 
inform them how many had 
submitted, and in a short time 
seventeen more followed the 
example. These were all march- 
ed away with their arms (the 
powder being blown out of their 
pans), and when they came 
before the general they laid 
down their arms. On returning 
to the wood they found the 
whole body disposed to submit 
to the general's troops. 

" While this was doing in the 
country," says the intelligent 
writer to whom we are indebted 
for the foregoing facts, "there 
was nothing but the flight of 
the Highlanders talked of in 
town. The wiser sort blamed 
it, but some of their hot-headed 
countrymen were for comparing 
it to the retreat of the 10,000 
Greeks through Persia; by 
which, for the honour of the 
ancient kingdom of Scotland, 



Corporal M'Pherson was erect- 
ed into a Xenophon. But, 
amongst these idle dreams, the 
most injurious were those that 
reflected on their officers ; and, 
by a strange kind of innuendo, 
would have fixed the crime oi 
these people's desertion upon 
those who did their duty and 
stayed here. 

" As to the rest of the regi- 
ment, they were ordered im- 
mediately to Kent, whither they 
marched very cheerfully, and 
were from thence transported 
to Flanders, and are by this time 
with the army, where, I dare- 
say, it will quickly appear they 
were not afraid of fighting the 
French. In King William's 
war, there was a Highland regi- 
ment that, to avoid going to 
Flanders, had formed a design 
of flying into the mountains. 
This was discovered before they 
could put it into execution -, 
and General M'Kay, who then 
commanded in Scotland, caused 
them to be immediately sur- 
rounded and disarmed, and 
afterwards shipped them for 
Holland. 

"When they came to the 
confederate army, they behaved 
very briskly upon all occasions; 
but, as pickthanks are never 
wanting in courts, some wise 
people were pleased to tell 
King William that the High- 
landers drank King James's 
health, a report which was 
probably very true. The king, 
whose good sense taught him to 
despise such dirty informations, 
asked General Talmash, who 



108 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



was near him, how they behaved 
in the field ? * As well as any 
troops in the army,' answered 
the general like a soldier and a 
man of honour. * Why, then/ 
replied the king, ' if they fight 
for me, let them drink my 
father's health as often as they 
please/ On the road, and even 
after they entered London, they 
kept up their spirits, and march- 
ed very cheerfully; nor did they 
show any marks of terror when 
they were brought into the 
Tower." 

Another pamphlet of the day, 
while detailing a short examina- 
tion of two of the deserters, 
shows the feelings by which 
they were influenced, their 
suspicions of some attempt to 
entrap them, and the horror they 
felt of the country to which 
they believed they were to be 
sent, and to avoid which they 
had set out on their daring 
return towards the mountains of 
their Highland home. 

Private George Grant being 
asked several questions, answer- 
ed to them in order through 
an interpreter. The answers 
were these : 

" I am neither Whig* nor 
Papist, but I will serve the king 

* The term "Whig" was not 
applied by the Highlanders in a 
political sense. It extended generally 
to the neighbours on the plains ; and 
especially to the Covenanters. Ac- 
cording to Mrs Grant, in her "Supersti- 
tions of the Highlanders," this term 
"was by no means appropriated to 
political differences. It might perhaps 
mean, in a confined sense, the adher- 
ents of King William, by far the 



for all that. I am not afraid ; 
I never saw the man I was 
afraid of. 

* I will not be cheated, noi 
do anything by trick. 

" I will not be transported to 
the plantations, like a thief and 
a rogue. 

" They told me I was to be 
sent out to work with black 
slaves : that was not my bar- 
gain, and I won't be cheated." 

Could answers be more 
manly? And what language 
could more scathingly expose 
the villainy of a Government 
which would lay snares to entrap 
brave men like this with what 
they had not bargained for. The 
more any one reads of mutinies 
in the army and the navy in 
these days of some degree of 
respect for the rights of in- 
dividual men, the more he is 
amazed that there have been so 
few such risings among the 
heroes of the army and navy. 

John Stewart, of Captain 
Campbell's company, being inter- 
rogated, answered thus : 

" I did not desert ; I only 
wanted to go back to my own 
country, because they abused 

greatest caitiff in Highland delin- 
quency. But it meant more ; it was 
used to designate a character made 
up of negatives, who had neither ear 
for music nor taste for poetry, no 
pride of ancestry, no heart for attach- 
ment, no soul for honour ; one who 
merely studied comfort and conveni- 
ency, and was more anxious for the 
absence of positive evil, than the pre- 
sence of relative good. A Whig, in 
short, was all that Highlanders 
cordially hated a cold, selfish, for- 
mal character." 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 109 



me, and said I was to be trans- 
ported. 

" I had no leader or com- 
mander ; we had not one man 
over the rest. 

" We were all determined 
not to be tricked. We will all 
fight the French and Spaniards, 
but will not go like rogues to 
the plantations. 

" I am not a Presbyterian. 

" No ! nor a Catholic." 

The Highlanders, who in 
their miniature imitation of the 
1 0,000 Greeks, were all animated 
by the same spirit as George 
Grant and John Stewart, were 
marched back to London as 
deserters, and treated and tried 
accordingly. They were all 
arraigned before a court-martial 
on the 8th of June. After such 
justice as courts of the iniquit- 
ous nature which characterised 
these refuges of military and 
naval oppression and cruelty in 
those days, they were all found 
guilty, and sentenced to be 
shot. Only three of them, how- 
ever, were honoured with this 
favourite death of a soldier. 
The others were consigned to a 
doom more degrading in the 
eyes of their brave countrymen, 
both then and now. Two 
brothers, Corporals Malcolm 
and Samuel M'Pherson, and 
Farquhar Shaw, a private, were 
ordered for execution, and shot 
on Tower Hill. 

The following account of this 
untoward event appeared in St 
James's Chronicle of June 20, 

1743: 

" On Monday the i2th, at six 



o'clock in the morning, Samuel 
and Malcolm M'Pherson, cor- 
porals, and Farquhar Shaw, a 
private man, three of the High- 
land deserters, were shot upon 
the * parade within the Tower, 
pursuant to the sentence of the 
court-martial. The rest of the 
Highland prisoners were drawn 
out to see the execution, and 
joined in their prayers with 
great earnestness. They be- 
haved with perfect resolution 
and propriety. Their bodies 
were put into three coffins by 
three of the prisoners, their 
clansmen and namesakes, and 
buried in one grave, near the 
place of execution." 

Near the place of execution ! 
Far, far from those native glens 
where they had loved and were 
beloved, and farther from re- 
sponsive sympathy ; surrounded 
by strangers who did not under- 
stand their speech, could not 
read their looks, and had not 
means of access to their thrilling 
sense of the wrongs inflicted on 
them. These brave men were 
shot down like cowardly de- 
serters, while their silent hearts 
throbbed with such pulsations 
of sorrow as only heroic souls 
conceal. The rest would indeed 
join with great earnestness in 
their prayers, but dark must 
have been the scared forbidden 
scowl, deep the flood of grief, 
and desperate the undertone ot 
muttered vengeance whichruffled 
the wings of those earnest pray- 
ers. The Highlanders had been 
entrapped by foxy betrayers, 
and now three of their best 



110 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS, 



were sacrificed to satisfy a 
wolfish martial law. They were 
slaughtered, as regal stags from 
their distant, lonely mountains 
have often been since, in a cruel 
enclosure set up to suit the lazy 
convenience of high-born sports- 
men who feared the excitement 
and danger of the hunt. In- 
dignation at their fate is felt to 
this day among their country- 
men ; and official army books 
put into regimental libraries 
pass it glibly over. 

As to the three victims, 
martyrs, or murdered men 
any of the three terms will 
suit they had their memorial 
in many hearts. They must 
have been such as even men 
can love. In the language of 
Colonel Stewart : " There must 
have been something more than 
common in the case or character 
of these unfortunate men, as 
Lord John Murray, who was 
afterwards colonel of the regi- 
ment, had portraits of them 
hung up in his dining-room." 
But, semi-official writer as the 
ardent colonel was, he adds : 
"I have not at present the 
means of ascertaining whether 
this proceeded from an impres- 
sion on his lordship's mind that 
they had been victims to the 
designs of others, and ignorantly 
misled, rather than wilfully 
culpable, or merely from a 
desire of preserving the resem- 
blances of men who were re- 
markable for their size and 
handsome figure." 



Three paragraphs from the 
Scots Magazine, in the volume 
of 1743, tells what became of 
the regiment, and of the rest of 
the so-called deserters. The 
first, dated May, is : " More 
British troops gone to Flanders, 
among them Lord Sempill's 
Highland regiment." The se- 
cond, dated September, is: "The 
Highlanders in the Tower were 
drawn out in parade on August 
1 2th ; and were drafted off 
to the Leeward Islands, Ja- 
maica, New England, Georgia, 
Gibraltar, and Port Mahon, 
in order to be sent off by the 
first ships that sailed for these 
places." The third, also dated 
September, is: "The High- 
landers who were confined 
in the Tower, were carried to 
Graves end, in order to be 
shipped thirty for Gibraltar; 
twenty for Minorca; twenty for 
the Leeward Islands ; twenty- 
eight for Jamaica; and thirty- 
eight for Georgia." Adding 
the three who were shot, the 
victims of Government treach- 
ery, whose fate has been re- 
corded, were in all ONE HUN- 
DRED AND THIRTY-SIX. The 
sufferings of the country in 1745 
were in a large measure due to 
this betrayal; the glory which 
the 42d has achieved has 
been due to the boldness and 
bravery of men of like spirit 
with the two brothers, Malcolm 
and Samuel MTherson, and 
their brother in death, Farquhar 
Shaw. 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. Ill 



MUTINY IN THE 720 REGIMENT, 
SEAFORTH'S HIGHLANDERS. 

(NOW THE 72D REGIMENT, DUKE OF ALBANY'S OWN HIGHLANDERS.) 

September 1787. 



THIS memorable, but too com- 
mon occurrence in Highland 
corps is still referred to through- 
out Scotland as " The Affair of 
the Macraes." It is, as every 
mutiny in these regiments was, 
an instance of bad faith with 
the men on the part of the 
Government of the time and its 
agents. Fidelity cannot be 
looked for from those who 
believe that they have been 
deceived, especially if Celtic 
blood fires their veins. Dis- 
honour attaches to every breach 
of promise ; but no transaction 
of the sort is so despicable 
as that which plots a mean 
treachery against loyal-hearted, 
straightforward men, who devote 
themselves to privations, suffer- 
ings, and probable death in 
circumstances of the direst 
misery, which is only mocked 
at by inglorious gaudiness, when 
they sell their personal liberty 
to become poor but honest 
soldiers. 

The raising of the regiment 
in which this mutiny occurred 
is interesting. The Earl of 
Seaforth forfeited his estate and 
title by engaging in the rebellion 
of 1715. His grandson, Ken- 
neth Mackenzie, repurchased 
the estate from the Crown, and 
was created an Irish peer under 
the title, Viscount Fortrose; and 



was, in the year 1771, restored 
to the ancient title of the family. 
In 1778 he made an offer to 
George III. to organise a corps 
on his estate, which had in 
former times been able to raise 
a thousand men under the ban- 
ner of their chief. The offer 
was accepted, and, in the month 
of May, eleven hundred and 
thirty clansmen assembled at 
Elgin in obedience to the Earl 
of Seaforth's proclamation. This 
is a wonderful instance of the 
undying loyalty of the High- 
landers to the head of their 
family. In poverty and exile 
he was as much respected as he 
was when in possession of rank 
and fortune. In 1732 four 
hundred of the attainted Lord 
Seaforth's sept had marched to 
Edinburgh to lodge a large sum 
of money, a portion of their 
rents, to be remitted to him in 
France, 

The men who assembled at 
Elgin were principally raised 
from among the Mackenzies. 
Five hundred of them were 
from the Earl's own estates; 
about four hundred from among 
the Mackenzies of Redcastle, 
Applecross, Kilcoy, and Scot- 
well r , while upwards of two 
hundred were from the Low- 
lands. The clan Macrae had 
long been devoted adherents to 



112 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



the interests of the Seaforth 
family, and their name occurred 
so frequently in the corps, that 
it was known as the Macrae 
regiment. 

After being reviewed at Elgin 
in May, they marched to the 
south, some direct to Edin- 
burgh, and others temporarily 
sent to Glasgow and other 
towns in the west of Scotland, 
before proceeding to the metro- 
polis. 

In the month of June the 
regiment was inspected by 
General Skene, and was em- 
bodied as Seaforth's High- 
landers, or the ySth of the line. 
They were all found to be so 
effective, that not a man of 
them was rejected. After being 
for some time quartered in 
Edinburgh Castle, and in the 
suburbs, orders came that they 
were to hold themselves in 
readiness to march at an hour's 
notice, similar orders having 
been sent to all the troops in 
England and Scotland, the 
reason being that the ministry 
had been advised that the 
French intended to invade 
Britain at some place or other 
not specified. 

A few days later the regiment 
was ordered to proceed to 
Guernsey, with a view to relieve 
the M'Leod Highlanders, who 
had been told off for India, 
should their services there be 
required. At Guernsey the 7 8th 
would be at hand for the fray 
with the expected invaders. 
For this they were quite pre- 
pared. They would have met 



such a foe with alacrity. It 
was not fear of the French, 
cowardliness, nor any want ol 
loyalty which bred the disturb- 
ance which preceded their em- 
barkation. Their subsequent 
conduct, and even the courage 
they displayed in protecting 
their own interests on the occa- 
sion of their plucky mutiny, are 
quite sufficient to dispel any 
such surmises as these. 

They were to have embarked 
on board transport ships, sent 
for the purpose to Leith Roads, 
on Tuesday, September 22. 
Several companies which had 
been in the Castle since the end 
of May, or the beginning of 
June, prepared for embarkation 
with the utmost cheerfulness. 
But the soldiers who had been 
quartered on the inhabitants of 
Canongate and the Abbey had 
been exposed to counsels and 
other influences which had not 
found free access to the strong- 
hold at the top of Castle Hill. 
It was by no means a time of 
universal content with the 
Government and its policy, 
especially its warlike measures. 
It was indeed an era of political 
clubs, dangerous to the powers 
that were. Richard Parker, it 
will be. remembered, had been 
trained in coteries like these, in 
that very city, for the prominent 
part he was to play as a mutineer 
in the navy ten years later ; and 
men of like spirit with him 
might he not have been one of 
them ? went vigorously to the 
work of spreading discontent 
and sedition among the access- 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 113 



ible Highlanders whom they | 
met on the streets, in their 
lodgings, or over the tables of 
the plentiful public-houses down- 
stairs, or up the Closes. The 
men were very accessible for 
reasons other than these in- 
cendiaries had to assign. A 
difference had for some time 
subsisted between their officers 
and them. They alleged that 
they had not been paid their 
bounty-money, nor the arrears 
of their pay, and that they had 
been ill-used by the officers in 
many ways. And it will seem 
to most readers not improbable 
that they had some good grounds 
for these allegations, after they 
read a haughty and impertinent 
letter written by these officers 
two or three days after, when a 
compromise had been effected 
by gentlemen, who seem, at 
this distance of time, to have 
been wiser than they. As it 
was, however, the outside ad- 
visers of the billeted soldiers 
assured them that Lord Seaforth 
had sold them to the East India 
Company, and that they were 
to be sent to the distant un- 
healthy country, under that Com- 
pany's control. They would 
thus have to spend an inglorious 
life, till an obscure death, in- 
flicted by a deleterious climate, 
or a despicable enemy, re- 
lieved them, and would have 
no chance of reaping the shin- 
ing honours to be won in a 
conflict with the French, almost 
in sight, and certainly within 
the hearing, of those they loved 
and had left behind them in 



their native Highland glens and 
homes. 

The mutinous spirit of the 
malcontents first manifested 
itself not far from the Castle. 
The departure of the companies 
quartered in barracks there had 
been so timed that they were to 
meet their comrades who had 
been revelling in the rough and 
disloyal hospitality of the Can- 
ongate, at the North, or, as it 
was termed at the time, New 
Bridge. When they did meet, 
a scene of confusion bewildered 
the inhabitants and soldiers who 
were not in the secret, and gave 
scope to the mischievous pro- 
pensities of those who were. 
The populace, however, soon 
took the popular view of such a 
question, and cheered the parti- 
sans of disobedience. Their 
advisers hounded them on ; and 
they refused to march unless all 
their demands were complied 
with there and then. They re- 
pelled by force all the attempts 
of their officers to restore order. 
Obedience and discipline were 
at a discount. The men were 
encouraged in their mutinous 
conduct by the inhabitants, who 
insulted the officers, pelted them 
with stones, and struck them 
with their fists, or whatever they 
had, or could lay hold of. 

A portion of the men were, 
however, got out of the disorder 
after a time, and started for 
Leith Links, where they met 
the two companies from the 
Abbey, who had marched thither 
by the Easter Road ; and Lord 
Seaforth and the officers did 



114 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



their best to allay the mutinous 
spirit by assuring the men that 
their demands would be com- 
plied with as soon as possible. 

They were reduced to some- 
thing like order on Leith Links ; 
but when they were commanded 
to march to the Shore, another 
scene of disobedience occurred 
which created a most alarming 
confusion. Distrust of the 
nobleman at whose instance 
they had enlisted was general 
among the men, who felt also 
they had little occasion to put 
confidence in the other officers ; 
and this time the greater portion 
of the corps broke out into open 
mutiny. Repeated entreaties, 
and promises that every just de- 
mand would be attended to and 
satisfied, failed to exercise any 
soothing influence. About five 
hundred were prevailed upon to 
go on board the transports, but 
an equal number were deaf to 
all assurances ; and, being re- 
solute, as well as in possession 
of powder and shot, they had 
no fear of the results of any 
attempt at compulsion. That 
would have been foolish and 
ineffectual, not to say neces- 
sarily fraught with fatal conse- 
quences. 

The mutineers shouldered 
their arms, and set off at a 
quick march, with pipes playing, 
and two plaids fixed on poles 
for, not inappropriate, colours. 
They retired to Arthur's Seat, a 
selection of a place so well fitted 
for self-defence, that it looks like 
a preconcerted move. There 
they took up a position which 



enabled them to bid defiance 
to all attempts at coercion ; and 
were plentifully supplied with 
provisions by the people of 
Edinburgh and Leith, a great 
many of whom were forward to 
show sympathy with the muti- 
neers. Ammunition also in 
abundance was brought to them 
by their sympathising friends ; 
so that they felt themselves 
pretty secure, and well able to 
hold out till the authorities saw 
fit to come to terms with them. 
"The hill chosen for the 
rebel camp," remarks a writer in 
Chambers^ Journal for Janu- 
ary 1866, "was very different 
from the Arthur's Seat as it is 
now seen. Until within a very 
recent period, the level grounds 
surrounding it were divided into 
fields, many of the hollows were 
marshy and impassable, and the 
only roads were mere sheep- 
tracks. On this height, a well 
armed and provisioned force 
might have held its own for 
many months, in the then state 
of the military art It is not a 
little curious that the last time 
Colonel M'Murdo reviewed the 
Edinburgh Volunteers, he led 
them through various move- 
ments directed against the very 
spot where the rebel Seaforths 
had taken up their encamp- 
ment. Had it been necessary 
to reduce the mutineers by 
force, the attacking body would 
have had no splendid military 
road such as the Queen's Drive 
by which to approach the posi- 
tion, and would have found that 
in the marshy bog of Dunsappie, 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. ] 15 



and the rugged heights sur- 
rounding it, the rebels had 
powerful auxiliaries, absent in 
Colonel M'Murdo's mimic war." 

Officers were appointed by 
the men ; sentries were placed 
round their camp in regular 
form ; and thus they felt them- 
selves secure. The hillside en- 
campment looked as much like 
the Highlands as was possible 
in the circumstances ; and there 
were men on it who knew the 
tactics of Highland warfare. 
With such reflections these 
Highlanders were, for the short 
period the mutiny lasted, cheer- 
ful through the day, and slept 
soundly at night. They were 
visited in camp by persons of 
all ranks and classes. 

The authorities were not idle. 
They seem to have taken in- 
stant action when they saw the 
meaning of the disorder which 
took place at the North Bridge 
on Tuesday. Troops were 
ordered to the city. On Wed- 
nesday a large body of the 
Eleventh Regiment of Dragoons 
arrived, two hundred of the 
Buccleuch Fencibles, and four 
hundred of the Glasgow Volun- 
teers. On Thursday, Friday, 
and Saturday, bodies of regular 
troops from various corps came 
marching into Edinburgh. 

During this hill-encampment 
one of the mutineers fell over 
the rocks and was killed; an- 
other was accidentally shot 
through the thigh by one of his 
comrades, and was carried to 
the Royal Infirmary, which 
building was then in the sub- 



urbs ; but now, near the end of 
its hospital days, it stands in a 
busy part of the city which has 
crept round it. 

The authorities, both civil 
and military, seem to have taken 
a very lenient view of the con- 
duct of these Macraes. This 
is the most remarkable part of 
the story, and it tends forcibly 
to confirm the impression that 
they knew the men had griev- 
ances about their pay, at all 
events, which it was right should 
be adjusted. General Skene, 
second in command in Scotland 
at the time, visited the camp 
the morning after the outbreak, 
and behaved like a gentleman, 
fully aware that the men were 
not the only people who were 
to blame. Earl Seaforth had 
not completed his arrangements 
with Government for the raising 
of this regiment, it is well enough 
known, without a good deal of 
heart-burning on his part, and 
penurious jealousy on the part 
of the War Office authorities in 
London. If the men had not 
got their money, we may be 
sure it had not reached their 
officers. The pay-master would 
have been only too proud to 
have disbursed it. The authori- 
ties in Edinburgh, both civil 
and military, would know more 
of the real state of matters than 
they cared to put into words, 
spoken or written ; their good 
sense and feeling of justice 
expressed themselves in lenient 
conduct towards men who were 
doing a venial wrong to rectify 
a flagrant breach of faith. 



116 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



General Skene offered the 
men that an inquiry should be 
made into their alleged griev- 
ances, and that oblivion of all 
that had passed would be 
secured, if only they would 
consent to embark. The men 
saw that this was giving up all 
the advantage of their strong 
position. They insisted on 
having their money paid to 
them at once; and they required 
also that several officers named 
by them should be dismissed. 
A further demand they made 
was, that security should be 
given them that they would 
not be sent to the East Indies. 
On the same day, and on the 
day following, that is, on Wed- 
nesday and Thursday, the Duke 
of Buccleuch, the Earl of Dun- 
more, and Lord Macdonald, 
and many of the nobility be- 
sides, also of the gentry and 
clergy, visited the camp of the 
mutineers, and endeavoured to 
recall them to a sense of military 
duty ; or, if their sense of the 
duty of securing their own rights 
by holding Government to its 
bargain with them was too 
strong, to bring about some 
solution of the difficulty. 

On Thursday a report was 
spread that the Highlanders 
were threatening to march 
through the city, and that the 
troops would oppose them. 
Here was to be bloodshed on 
the High Street of Edinburgh, 
as there had been in the olden 
time. A proclamation was made 
by tuck of drum by order of the 
magistrates; and at noon ^ e 



following printed paper was 
posted in all the public places : 
" Thursday, September 24th, 
1778, all the inhabitants are to 
retire to their own houses on 
the first toll of the fire-bell." 
Nothing, however, happened. 
All remained perfectly quiet, 
and the inhabitants had little 
to fear. The Highlanders were 
not the men to do hurt to friends, 
and the people of Edinburgh 
had befriended them by their 
encouragement substantially ex- 
pressed in supplies of provisions 
and ammunition. 

A compromise was, however, 
happily effected on Friday 
morning, the fourth day of the 
mutiny, when the following 
terms were accepted by the 
men: 

First, a general pardon foi 
all past offences. 

Second, that all arrears and 
levy-money should be paid be- 
fore embarkation. 

Third, that they should not 
be sent to the East Indies. 

For supplementing the terms 
agreed on, a bond was granted, 
signed by the Duke of Buc- 
cleuch, the Earl of Dunmore, 
Sir Adolphus Oughton, K.B., 
commander-in-chief, and Gene- 
ral Skene. 

About eleven o'clock in the 
forenoon the men inarched 
down the hill, headed by the 
Earl of Dunmore, to St Ann's 
Yards, where they were met 
by General Skene, whom they 
saluted with three cheers. They 
then formed into a hollow 
square, and had the articles 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 117 



read to them by the general. 
He made a short speech, in 
which he exhorted the men to 
be in good behaviour, and in- 
formed them that a court of 
inquiry would be held upon 
their officers next morning, 
composed of officers belonging 
to other regiments, which every 
man who thought himself 
aggrieved might attend; and 
he might be sure justice would 
be done to him, as well as to all 
concerned. The men were then 
billeted in the suburbs till the 
embarkation should take place. 
This amicable settlement 
did not give satisfaction to 
some of the officers of the 
corps, probably those who were 
named by the men for dismissal. 
In the evening of the day on 
which the compromise took 
place, a letter appeared in the 
Edinburgh Advertiser, dated 
" Lawson's Coffee-house, Leith, 
Sept. 25," and signed, "The 
officers of the 78th Regiment." 
It read thus: "As we con- 
ceive the terms granted this 
day to the mutineers of the 78th 
Regiment to be totally incon- 
sistent with the discipline of the 
regiment, and highly injurious 
to our characters as officers, we 
think ourselves bound to take 
this first opportunity of publicly 
declaring, that it was transacted 
without our advice, and against 
our opinion. We understand 
Lord Dunmore was the principal 
agent on this occasion j we 
therefore think it necessary also 
to declare, that he was never 
desired to interfere by any 



officer in the regiment, and, we 
believe, acted without any 
authority whatever." This is 
the haughty and impertinent 
letter already referred to. The 
articles were signed by the 
Duke of Buccleuch, Sir Adol- 
phus Oughton, and General 
Skene, as well as by the Earl of 
Dunmore. General Skene read 
the articles, and gave a pacific 
address afterwards to the mutin- 
eers who had been subdued 
by reason. These " officers of 
the 78th Regiment" would have 
used stronger measures, pour 
encourager les autres, as has 
been remarked about the utility 
of measures of the last dire 
degree of extremity. Let us 
hope all the "officers of the 
78th Regiment" did not sign 
this instructive document. It 
reveals where a good many 
faults lay, even if they were not 
guilty of keeping back the 
soldiers' money which it is not 
easy to see how they could. It 
was as well for them as well as 
for the proud victims of their 
many petty tyrannies that mat- 
ters were managed without their 
advice and against their opinion, 
and that there was such a 
gentleman at hand as the Earl 
of Dunmore, " without being 
desired to interfere by any 
officer of the regiment/' and who 
could accomplish such happy 
results, acting " without any 
authority whatever." Readers 
in our days who wish to see a 
little behind the curtain dropped 
over the earlier treatment which 
led the half of a regiment to 



118 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



rebel, have reason to be grateful 
to these disciplinarian officers 
for the letter they wrote from 
" Lawson's Coffee-house." A 
" Friend to the Public" writing 
from Leith, criticises this letter 
with taunting sharpness. Writ- 
ing to the Edinburgh Evening 
Courant he says, he feels him- 
self called upon to applaud the 
wisdom and prudence of the 
reconciliation. The case was 
desperate; and few cases could 
be mentioned where so wide a 
breach was cemented in so easy 
a manner. He does not see 
how reconciliation can hurt the 
future discipline of the regiment, 
" when sure it is there could be 
no discipline had there been no 
men, as would visibly have 
been the case here, had 
not a reconciliation taken 
place." He asserts that the 
men would have submitted to 
the general in the first day of 
the mutiny, but for evil reports 
that one of Colonel Gordon's 
officers had come up as a spy 
to soothe them until they were 
surrounded by dragoons. 

When Lord Dunmore came 
on Friday morning bearing the 
articles of capitulation, it is said, 
the men were engaged preparing 
a petition to General Skene, 
which forty of them were to 
have presented to him. And 
that, when the general addressed 
them at St Ann's Yards, behind 
Holyrood House, they with one 
voice said they would die for 
him, and serve the king in any 
quarter of the globe, except the 
East Indies. 



In the Edinburgh papers of 
Monday, Spetember 28th, ap- 
peared an " Authentic Copy of 
the Report made to Sir Jame? 
Adolphus Oughton, command- 
ing His Majesty's Forces in 
North Britain, by the Court of 
Enquiry held at the Canongate 
Council-House 26th September 
1778. The Court consisted of. 
Colonel Scott, President; Lieut- 
Colonel Dundas, Majors Lyon, 
Stewart, and Whyte, members. 
The Court having heard a num- 
ber of witnesses, and also the evi- 
dence of several others, which 
being of similar nature, they were 
not sworn, as they had no parti- 
cular cause of complaint against 
their respective officers. The 
Court are unanimously of opin- 
ion, that there is not the smallest 
degree of foundation for com- 
plaints against any officer in 
the regiment in regard to their 
pay and arrears. And it further 
appears, that the cause of the 
retiring to Arthur's Hill, was 
from an idle and ill-founded 
report, that the regiment was 
sold to the East India Company, 
and that the officers were to 
leave them upon their being 
embarked on board the trans- 
ports. . 

" (Signed) GEO. SCOTT, 

Col. 83^ Regt. 
"(Appvd.) JA. ADOL. OUGHTON." 

This mild report was dictated 
by the spirit which influenced 
the leading men to leniency, 
and the mutineers to compro- 
mise. The officers are freed of 
blame in regard to pay and 
arrears only. The men origin- 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 119 



ally complained of their having 
been otherwise ill-used. The 
letter of the officers proves 
that they were quite capable 
of ill-usage. But the affair was 
pleasantly settled without their 
advice, and against their opin- 
ion, and for this they are the 
only unthankful persons on 
record; and this fact would 
not be thus repeated, were it 
not for a conviction in the 
writer's mind, that those who 
generally bear the punishments 
from which the leaders of this 
mutiny were mercifully saved, 
were " more sinned against than 
sinning a mild and trite way 
of expressing a very significant 
truth. 

In Ruddiman's Weekly Mer- 
cury appeared an effusion worthy 
of a Highland chief, dated Leith, 
October 4th, 1778, and signed 
"Seaforth." The earl writes: "A 
paragraph having appeared in 
an Edinburgh newspaper, and 
which has since been copied in 
the London papers, informing 
the public, that on the day of 
the tumult at Leith, previous to 
the first embarkation of the 
corps under my command, I 
had, upon my knees, begged my 
life from the enraged soldiers, 
I beg you will publish this to 
let the world know that it is an 
infamous falsehood ; nor would 
the certainty of immediate death 
have procured from me so 
humiliating a concession. At 
the same time I must add, that 
I never had any apprehension 
for my personal safety during the 
whole time the mutiny lasted." 



The wind-up of the affair is 
thus given in the Appendix to 
the volume of the Scots Magazine 
for 1778, p. 726 : " On Tuesday 
morning, September 29, the 
remainder of the corps, with 
the Earl of Seaforth and General 
Skene at their head, marched 
from the Abbey Close to Leith, 
and went on board the trans- 
ports with the greatest cordiality 
and cheerfulness. General 
Skene's prudence and good 
conduct in this troublesome 
business has, it is said, been 
highly approved of at head- 
quarters. No bloodshed, not- 
withstanding a very threatening 
appearance." 

Thus ended happily a very 
unhappy mutiny. The world is 
ruled by very little wisdom, a 
maxim which is well and forcibly 
illustrated by the doings of the 
rulers of Great Britain during 
what may be called the era of 
mutinies in the navy and army. 
Of this era the general features 
shall be summed up after the 
stories have been told in detail , 
but meantime all will remark 
how disastrous might have been 
the results of this "Affair of 
the Macraes." It was a time 
at which special efforts were 
imperatively required to recruit 
the army. Britain was in the 
midst of a struggle for existence. 
Europe was on the eve of 
mighty revolutions. It was the 
era of the French Revolution. 
Recruits for the army must be 
raised. The Highlands were a 
new mine, of a very broad and 
deep seam, to work for this 



120 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



wealth of the nation. But the 
rulers in London were bunglers 
at that kind of mining. They 
did not know how to go the 
right way about it. They 
thought a plan, owned to be 
wrong everywhere else, would 
be right enough here. With 
characteristic ignorance and its 
concomitant conceit, they took 
the Highlanders for gullible 
savages. Never was a more 
fatal mistake made, and the 
British Government found that 
out, both as they were resisted 
and worsted in each of the 
mutinous proceedings of the 
Highland regiments, and as 
they were served and saved by 
the gallantry, endurance, and 
high moral character of these 
truth-loving sons of the moun- 
tains. Had this threatening 
mutiny put as strong a check 
on recruiting as it might have 
done, the story of the glory of 
the British regiments might 
have been duller, and more de- 
pressing reading to the relatives 
and descendants of those who 
acted as if they wished the 
settlement had been otherwise 
the rule-bound "officers of the 
78th Regiment" included. 

To draw this short narrative 
to a close, the intention which 
the Government really enter- 
tained, notwithstanding all at- 
tempts to conceal it of send- 
ing the Seaforth Highlanders to 
India, having been postponed, 
they landed at Guernsey and 
Jersey in equal divisions, whence, 
at the end of March, they were 
removed to Portsmouth. On 



May i, 1781, they embaiked 
for India. Lord Seaforth died 
before they reached St Helena, 
to the great grief and dismay of 
his followers for they still felt 
that they were of the clan, and 
he was their chief the poor 
Highlanders who looked upon 
him as their only protector. 
On their account alone he had 
determined to abandon the 
comforts of a splendid fortune 
and high social consideration, 
to encounter the privations and 
inconveniences of a long voyage, 
and the dangers and fatigues of 
military service in a tropical 
climate. The inspiring spirit of 
the coronach would lay its hand 
heavily upon the soul of every 
Highlandman on that wide 
waste of waters, where their 
chief lay dead. The loss of 
him would associate with re- 
collections of home, melancholy 
thoughts of their absent kindred, 
and gloomy forebodings of the 
future. 

And their immediate future 
was gloomy enough. Before 
they reached Madras on April 
2, 1782, two hundred and thirty 
of them had died of scurvy, and 
of the eleven hundred who had 
sailed from Portsmouth, only 
three hundred and ninety men 
were fit to carry arms when 
they landed. Still the pressure 
of the service did not admit of 
delay, and those who could at 
all be moved were marched up 
country. Such was the kind 
of service to begin with, for tae 
privilege of entering which men 
had to risk their lives in mutiny 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 121 



before they received that bounty- 
money and those arrears of pay, 
which they fondly wished to 
leave with their longing families, 
bereaved by their enlistment of 
means of support and the bright- 
est cheer of the fireside. 

This regiment became, in a 
sense, the progenitor of the y2d. 
In 1784, in consequence of the 
peace, Seaforth's regiment hav- 
ing been raised on the condition 
of serving for three years, or 
during the war, such of the men 
as stood to this agreement were 
allowed to return to England, 
while those who preferred stay- 
ing in the country received the 
same bounty as the other volun- 
teers. The number of men who 
claimed their discharge reduced 
the regiment to three hundred ; 
but so many Highlanders from 
other regiments, ordered home 
on account of the peace, volun- 
teered, that the strength of the 
corps was immediately aug- 
mented to eight hundred. In 
1785 a detachment of recruits 
from the north of Scotland 
joined the regiment; and the 
following year, its number was 
changed to the 72d, in conse- 
quence of the reduction of 
senior regiments. In 1809 this 
regiment lost the kilt. In 1823 
it began to be called the " Duke 
of Albany's Highlanders," after 
the second title of the Duke of 
York. But it is, as has just been 
shown, the descendant by direct 
succession of the 1 130 men who 
assembled at Elgin in May 1778, 
principally of the clan of " Caber 
Fae," as the Mackenzies are 



called, from the stag's horns 
on the armorial bearings of 
Seaforth. 



In a mutinous incident which 
occurred soon after this "Affair 
of the wild Macraes," Edinburgh 
was disturbed by another out- 
break which took place among 
the West Fencible Highlanders, 
who had recently come from 
Glasgow with sixty-five French 
prisoners. It arose from some 
innovations or alterations which 
were proposed to be made in 
their ancient Highland garb 
particularly the cartouch-box, 
which they alleged, " no High- 
land regiment ever wore before." 
By preconcerted arrangement, 
the whole of the men, when 
paraded on the Castle Hill, simul- 
taneously tore them from their 
shoulders, cast them on the 
ground, and asserted loudly 
that they would not wear them. 
A few days after, the general 
marched four companies to 
Leith, where they were surround- 
ed by the loth Light Dragoons, 
and compelled, at the point of 
the sword, to accept the 
pouches, which were piled up 
before them. By a court-mar- 
tial held on Leith Links, several 
of the leaders were tried and 
scourged, after which the re- 
mainder marched to Berwick. 

Meanwhile the company on 
guard in the Castle, hearing of 
these proceedings, broke into 
open revolt, lowered the port- 
cullis, drew up the bridge, and 



122 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



loaded several pieces of cannon. 
The city, Mr James Grant says, 
in his Castle of Edinburgh, from 
which this short account is 
taken, was filled with consterna- 
tion, and a strong cavalry 
force took possession of the 
Castle Hill. 

The crisis was indeed danger- 
ous, for the vaults of the castle 
were full of French and Spanish 
prisoners. A French squadron 
was cruising off the coast, and 
had captured two vessels at the 
mouth of the Forth. Next day 
the company capitulated, and 



all laid down their arms save 
one, who with his claymore, 
madly assailed an officer of the 
loth, who struck him down and 
had him secured. The cavalry 
occupied the castle until the 
arrival of Lord Lennox's regi- 
ment, when a court-martial was 
held, which sentenced one High- 
lander to be shot, and another 
to receive a thousand lashes. 
But both were forgiven on 
condition of serving beyond the 
seas in a corps of the line a 
strange sort of conclusion in the 
circumstances. 



MUTINY IN THE OLD 76111 REGIMENT 
(MACDONALD'S HIGHLANDERS). 
March 1779. 



THIS mutiny was so quietly 
conducted and so honourably 
concluded that it made little stir 
in the newspapers of the time. 
The Scots Magazine and the 
Edinburgh Advertiser take no 
notice of it. The Edinburgh 
Evening Courant of Saturday 
March 20, 1779, says : "A 
report having spread that Gene- 
ral Macdonnell's Highlanders, 
who were embarked at Burnt- 
island on Wednesday last, were 
to go to the East Indies, with 
Lord M'Leod's second battalion, 
this circumstance gave a few of 
them uneasiness, but on their 
being assured that they were to 
go to North America, the whole 



embarked with great cheerful- 
ness and loud huzzas. It is no 
less true than remarkable, that 
not a man has deserted from 
this regiment since they received 
orders at Aberdeen and Banff 
to embark for America. Lord 
Macdonald marched with them 
from Perth, and assisted at the 
embarkation ; and it is but jus- 
tice to say, that the behaviour, 
sobriety, and good conduct of 
the regiment since they were 
raised, reflects the highest hon- 
our upon the officers and men." 
This meagre reference to an 
affair as honourable to the 
Highlanders as it was a disgrace 
to the Government of the time, 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 123 



or its officials, is a misstatement 
of the facts, as they are recorded 
by Major-General David Stewart 
in his "Sketches," a book on 
which all subsequent writers 
have relied as the standard 
authority on the subject of 
these " Historical Mutinies." 
The reason for the mutiny, as 
we learn from that writer, whose 
statements, as he says in the 
preface to his work, "are ground- 
ed on authentic documents ; on 
communications from people in 
whose intelligence and- correct- 
ness he places implicit confid- 
ence; on his own personal 
observation ; and on the mass 
of general information, of great 
credibility and consistency, pre- 
served among the Highlanders of 
last century," the reason for 
this mutiny was the not unusual, 
mean, huckstering about money, 
in trying to cheat the Highland- 
ers out of their pay. 

As to the regiment, letters 
of service were issued to Lord 
Macdonald, in December 1779, 
to raise a regiment in the High- 
lands and Isles of Scotland, 
allowing that nobleman the 
same military rank as had been 
conferred on the Earl of Sea- 
forth, by whose influence, as 
the readers of the mutiny just 
recorded in this volume, so 
many brave men had been 
added to the military efficiency 
of Great Britain. When such 
influence could be swayed, it 
was found convenient to pro- 
mote the Highland gentleman 
who possessed it to high rank 
in the army, without demanding 



that he should go through the 
various gradations up to it. 
Lord Macdonald, however, de- 
clined this privilege of his rank, 
and recommended Major John 
Macdonnell of Lochgarry for 
the colonelcy of the regiment, 
who was, accordingly, appointed 
lieutenant - colonel command- 
ant. Lord Macdonald did not 
relax his endeavours to give the 
letters of service addressed to 
him practical significancy. Al- 
though he held no military rank, 
he still exerted himself to com- 
plete the regiment. His influ- 
ence was as successful as it 
was extensive. He made a 
wise selection of officers from 
among the Macdonalds of 
Glencoe, Morar, Boisdale, and 
others of his own clan, and also 
from the families of Mackinnon, 
Fraser of Culduthel, and Cam- 
eron of Cullart, not to mention 
others. Thus 750 Highlanders 
were raised. A company was 
raised, principally in Ireland, 
by Captain Bruce. Other two, 
amounting to nearly 200 men, 
were gathered from the lowlands 
of Scotland by Captains Cun- 
ningham of Craigends, and Mont- 
gomery Cunningham, aided by 
Lieutenant Samuel Graham. 
In this manner 1086 men were 
raised, including non-commis- 
sioned officers and drummers; 
and each race was kept dis- 
tinct. 

General Skene reviewed the 
regiment at Inverness in March 
1778, and immediately after- 
wards, it was marched to Fort 
George, under the command of 



124 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



Major Donaldson, where it 
remained for twelve months. 

The corps was removed to 
Perth in March 1779, an d re- 
viewed there again by General 
Skene on the roth of that month. 
Being complete in number, and 
in an excellent state of discip- 
line, they were marched to 
Burntisland for embarkation, 
and were quartered in that port 
and the neighbouring town of 
Kinghorn. There were unmis- 
takable signs \)f uneasiness 
among ""he men. The report of 
the time was to the effect, as 
the Edinburgh Evening Courant 
has it, that they were destined 
for the East Indies instead of 
for North America. The East 
Indies and the plantations of 
America were two of the horrors 
of a Highland regiment in those 
old days, and for good reasons, 
as the Seaforth men learnt to 
their bitter cost in the former 
country, and all men who were 
sent were made to feel it in the 
latter. But this was not the 
cause of the ominous discontent 

Soon after their arrival at 
Burntisland, great numbers of 
the Highlanders were observed 
to group themselves in parties, 
and engage in earnest conversa- 
tion. Highlanders usually con- 
verse earnestly, especially when 
they feel they have a griev- 
ance ; and the groups at Burnt- 
island had a grievance, in rela- 
tion to a subject for which the 
Government they had sworn to 
serve faithfully had worked out 
for itself a bad reputation. The 
men conversed to some wise 



purpose. They conducted the 
most peaceable mutiny ever 
a wrong-headed Government 
forced upon its valiant defiers. 
And they did it thus. In the 
evening of the third day after 
their arrival at Burntisland, each 
company gave in a written state- 
ment, complaining of the non- 
performance of promises, of 
bounty-money not paid, and 
other neglects of duty on the 
part of the party in power, 
which were only too common in 
those days, as they would be at 
all times, if their intended vic- 
tims had not the pluck and the 
power to frighten them. The 
statement was accompanied 
with a declaration, that till these 
complaints were properly looked 
into and settled, the men would 
not embark. They requested, 
also, that Lord Macdonald, 
their trusted chief, as well as 
the patron of the regiment into 
which they had been formed, 
should be sent to see justice 
done to his clansmen. 

Answer was as usual delayed. 
It neither returned soon enough, 
nor in the manner they expected 
it would be sent; and the High- 
landers took action in their own 
stubborn and effective way. 

They got themselves arrayed 
in order, and marching in a 
body, took possession of a hill 
behind Burntisland, and there 
they took up a position from 
which it would have consider- 
ably troubled any available force 
to dislodge them. While con- 
tinuing firm in their purpose 
the mutineers abstained from 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 125 



all violence. They, in their 
law- defy ing position, abstained 
also from all lawlessness. As, 
for example, when several other 
young soldiers wished to join 
them in their rebellious camp, 
possibly more for the fun of the 
thing than any grievance they 
could assign, the Highlanders 
ordered them back to their 
quarters, telling them they had 
no cause of complaint, and 
no claims to be adjusted ; that 
they ought to do their duty, 
obey their officers, and leave 
Highlanders to answer for their 
own conduct 

They continued for some 
days in their camp on the hill, 
which gives its name to the 
town jBrenty-land. the land 
with the brent or high brow, as 
John Anderson's " bonny brow 
was brent" thus Bruntiland, spelt 
Burntisland, a word compounded 
of two well-known words, whose 
combined meaning gets no ex- 
planation from the neighbour- 
hood. They sent parties regu- 
larly down to the town for 
provisions, and paid punctually 
for what they received. It 
happened fortunately that the 
regiment was at the time com- 
manded by Major Donaldson, 
an officer of great experience, 
and quite as firm in his manner 
as he was conciliating. He was 
himself a Highlander Donald- 
son, a lowlandised form of Mac- \ 
donald and had served nine- 
teen years as adjutant and 
captain of the Black Watch. 
He had, therefore, a competent 
knowledge of the habits and 



peculiar character of his fellow- 
countrymen. He ordered an 
investigation of the complaints 
of his men, and the grounds for 
them. Aided by Lieutenant 
David Barclay, the pay-master, 
this inquiry was carefully con- 
ducted, and every man's claim 
was clearly made out It seems 
to have been a mismanaged 
business, when the men knew 
this before their superiors, and 
these only found it out after they 
had been defied in a most daring 
manner to look into the facts of 
the case. 

Lord Macdonald had been 
sent for as requested ; and when 
he arrived the statement of 
claims was laid before him. 
His lordship and Major Don- 
aldson advanced the money, 
and took on themselves the risk 
of recovering it from those who 
were responsible both for the 
money, the neglect to pay if 
not the intention not to pay it 
and for the risk of ruin to 
which they had heartlessly ex- 
posed a body of brave and 
honourable soldiers. 

Colonel Stewart remarks with 
pride : " It is a fact that ought 
not to be overlooked, and which 
I have from the best authority 
(as, indeed, I have for all I 
state), that when the individual 
claims were sent to the Isle 
of Skye, //, without exception, 
were found to be just ; a circum- 
stance which, no doubt, was 
taken into consideration by those 
who had to form a judgment of 
this act of insubordination." 

This was as formidable a 



126 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



mutiny as any on record, but 
the issue of it was most gratify- 
ing. Not a man was brought 
to trial or even put in con- 
finement. This detracts from 
its melodramatic interest, and 
renders its story less exciting 
than it would have been had 
innocent blood been freely shed, 
and merciless executions after- 
wards been falsely deemed to 
atone for it. But its human 
interest is of the deepest How 
many of the disgraces and dire 
catastrophes for which the 
governments of the world 
should stand pilloried to all the 
ages, but which are blotted 
over by the blood of the bravest, 
would have been averted, had 
truth met with mercy as in this 
case it did ? 

The regiment embarked at 
Burntisland on the iyth of 
March; and "before they sailed, 
all the men of Skye and Uist 
sent their money home to their 
families and friends." 

Lieutenant-Colonel Macdon- 
nell having been taken prisoner 
on his passage home from 
America, and Major Donald- 
son's health not allowing him 
to embark, the command de- 



volved on Major Lord Berri- 
dale, who accompanied the 
regiment to New York, where 
it landed in August. In the 
American war, they, when chance 
came in their way, confirmed the 
impression of pluck and bravery, 
which their conduct as muti- 
neers was fitted to make. It is 
difficult to end this account of 
their peculiarly auspicious mu- 
tiny, without repeating the folio w- 
ing anecdote, which illustrates 
the fibre of men who had in 
their own country to strike for 
their pay at the risk of being 
shot. On the occasion of the 
first order they received to 
go under fire, at the moment 
Lord Cornwallis was giving the 
word to charge, a Highland 
soldier rushed forward and 
placed himself in front of his 
officer, Lieutenant Simon Mac- 
donald of Morar. Lieutenant 
Macdonald having asked him 
what brought him there, the 
soldier answered, "You know, 
that when I engaged to be a 
soldier, I promised to be faith- 
ful to the king and to you; and 
while I stand here, neither 
bullet nor bayonet shall touch 
you, except through my body " 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 127 



MUTINY OF DETACHMENTS OF THE 420 
AND 7 IST REGIMENTS 

(ROYAL HIGHLAND AND ERASER'S HIGHLANDERS). 
,4*7/1779. 



SOME account of the raising of 
the Royal Highland Regiment, 
the Black Watch, has been given 
in relating the story of that 
mutiny, in which they imitated 
in miniature, according to some 
of the fertile imaginations of the 
time, the conduct of Xenophon's 
10,000 Greeks, and showed a 
spirit as worthy of immortal re- 
nown as theirs. 

Eraser's Highlanders were 
named after the Honourable 
Simon Fraser, son of that fine 
old Lord Lovat, who was be- 
headed on Tower Hill for the 
part he took in the Rebellion of j 
1745. The Honourable Simon 
Fraser had himself been engaged 
in the insurrection. But ten 
years worked a wonderfully wise 
revolution in the opinions and 
sentiments of the most sagacious 
advisers of the reigning House 
of Hanover. Mr Pitt, after- 
wards Lord Chatham, in the 
exercise of a policy as patriotic 
as it was prudent, applied a 
remedy for the disease of disaf- 
fection which raged among the 
Highlanders in their mountain 
homes. His sagacity had en- 
abled him to diagnose skilfully 
and successfully this great social 
and political evil. He observed 
that the secret of the attachment 



of the Highlanders to the 
descendants of their ancient 
kings, lurked in the romantic 
and chivalrous disposition of 
those clans ; and that this kept 
inspiring them with a sentiment 
of mistaken loyalty, by constant 
references to the sufferings and 
misfortunes of the fallen line of 
the Stuarts. 

Mr Pitt, therefore, abandon- 
ed the self-defeating illiberality 
which alienated from the throne 
he served so loyally, the affec- 
tions of a valuable portion of 
his fellow-subjects, and won over 
to the persons of George II. and 
his successors, the gratitude, and 
as has been amply proved, the 
incorruptible fidelity, of the 
Highlanders. 

With this in view, the great 
minister, in the year 1757, re- 
commended to his Majesty the 
employment of them, as freely 
as could be accomplished, in 
the military service of Great 
Britain. And a bold bid was 
made in appointing the quon- 
dam rebel, Simon Fraser, lieu- 
tenant-colonel commandant of 
a battalion, to be raised on the 
forfeited estate of his family 
which was at that time vested 
in the Crown and on the other 
estates of his kinsmen and clan. 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



The result proved the wisdom 
of Mr Pitt's suggestion, and 
brought out into striking relief 
the disinterested fidelity of his 
people to the disinherited young 
Lovat He had neither estate 
nor money. The only influence 
he possessed was the faithful 
attachment of his Highlandmen 
to a family he had not disgraced 
in their eyes. His person and 
the name he bore were talismans 
sufficient to gather in a few 
weeks, around the standard he 
raised, 800 men, all recruited 
by himself. The gentlemen of 
the country and the officers 
appointed to the regiment added 
700 more ; and a battalion of 
1460 men was thus added to 
the British army. 

All accounts agree as to the 
superior military character of 
this body of men. The regi- 
ment was quickly marched to 
Creenock, where it embarked 
to cross the Atlantic, and landed 
at Halifax in 1757. It was 
quartered alternately in Canada 
and Nova Scotia till the conclu- 
sion of the war, when, a number 
of the officers and men express- 
ing a desire to settle in North 
America, all who made this 
.choice were discharged and re- 
ceived a grant of land. The 
rest were sent home and dis- 
banded in Scotland. 

The success which attended 
the crucial experiment suggested 
by Mr Pitt, was acknowledged 
by all by none more than the 
king in whose reign the regi- 
ment was embodied. 

Colonel Fraser was, in the 



year 1774, restored to his family 
estate by a free grant of George 
III. In 1775 he again received 
letters of service for raising in 
the Highlands a regiment of two 
battalions. He was now in 
possession of wealth and terri- 
torial influence; but he relied, 
for the effecting of his purpose, 
as much on the respect and 
attachment felt by his country- 
men towards the family he 
belonged to, and to his person, 
as he had done eighteen years 
before. He expected no diffi- 
culty, and experienced none. 
At his call, two battalions, 
numbering 2340 Highlanders, 
were marched to Stirling, and 
thence to Glasgow, in 1776. 
This formed the 7ist regiment; 
and it shortly after sailed for 
America from Greenock in a 
large fleet, which took out also 
the 42 d and other troops. They 
disembarked in America in July 
of the same year, and in the 
battles and skirmishes in which 
they were constantly employed, 
they bore a cheerful part, theii 
spirit and intrepidity were uni- 
versally acknowledged. 

Recruiting for the 7ist and 
the 42d was vigorously carried 
on at home. In the Highlands, 
Frasers and others were eager 
to join their kinsmen in the 
exploits of a troublous time in 
the Far West. Many of their 
relations had settled in North 
America at the conclusion of 
that war after which the earlier 
Fraser's Highlanders had been 
disbanded. The military spirit 
was inspired by the hardy sons 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 129 



3f mountains as they breathed 
their native breezes, emblems of 
freedom. They longed to leave 
their poor, though much loved, 
hills and dales, and to go abroad, 
where military glory or material 
prosperity seemed so certainly 
attainable. They arranged easily 
with the recruiting agents, and 
enlisted with gladness of heart. 

It is proverbially a thorny, 
crooked by-way, which leads 
out of narrow beginnings into 
the broad fields of boundless 
enterprise. Ardent imaginations 
get impatient, and impatience 
procures experience of many 
annoyances. There are also to 
be encountered in these crooked 
ways men who have no ardent 
imaginations, and possess great 
patfence to take advantage of 
the victims of eager hearts who 
are hurrying to labour forward. 
Incalculable mischief often en- 
sues from the enforced contact 
of these two different classes, 
who are always to be found in 
every walk of life, as the follow- 
ing story of a mutiny will illus- 
trate. 

On the 2oth of April 1779, 
just about the time when their 
regiments were doing wonders 
at Brien Creek in America, a 
party of about fifty Highlanders, 
recruited for the 7ist and 420! 
regiments, were marched to 
Leith from Stirling Castle, for 
the purpose of embarking to 
join their then famous corps. 
This was what the men under- 
stood, and they looked forward 
eagerly and joyfully to it. But a 
report reached their ears which 



appalled them, and drove them 
into a mad and fatal mutiny. 
It was rumoured that they 
were to be drafted into the 
Edinburgh, Hamilton, the Glas- 
gow respectively the 8oth, the 
82d, and the 83d regiments 
or some other corps wearing the 
lowland garb, and speaking the 
English tongue. The men re- 
monstrated, when they heard 
this rumour so frightful to them, 
and openly declared their firm 
determination to serve in no 
regiment but that in which they 
had enlisted. They refused to 
go on board the transports. 
The following despatch, sent to 
Edinburgh Castle, was delivered 
on the same evening by a 
dragoon : 

" To Governor Wemyss of Edin- 
burgh Castle, or the com- 
manding officer of the South 
Fencible Regiment. 
" Headquarters, April 1779. 
"Sir, The drafts of the 
7ist regiment having refused to 
embark, you will order 200 
men of the South Fencibles to 
march immediately to Leith, 
seize those mutineers, and march 
them prisoners to the Castle of 
Edinburgh, to be detained there 
until further orders. I am, etc., 
"JA. ADOLPHUS OUGHTON." 

A party of about 200 
South Fencibles, under the 
command of Major Sir James 
Johnstone, three captains one 
of them the unfortunate Captain 
James Mansfield and six sub- 
alterns, were sent to Leith. 
The fencibles, on their arrival 
i 



130 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



at Leith, found the Highlanders 
drawn up, with bayonets 
screwed, their backs to the 
walls facing the quay. Sir James 
Johnstone drew up his men 
so as to prevent any of the 
mutineers escaping; and, at- 
tended by a sergeant who spoke 
Gaelic, went up to them, stated 
clearly the positive orders he 
had received, and expostulated 
with them on the folly of resis- 
tance. The sergeant reasoned 
with them too, and in their 
own language. But he soon 
turned to the major, and en- 
treated him to retire, as he was 
convinced the Highlanders 
would fire. 

Sir James Johnstone, upon 
this, ordered the division on 
the right to present, and after- 
wards to recover arms. They 
did so ; but meanwhile, a ser- 
geant observed one of the High- 
landers attempting to escape, 
and seized him by the collar. 
This sergeant immediately re- 
ceived two wounds by a sword 
or bayonet, another sergeant of 
the fencibles was wounded by 
a musket shot ; then several 
shots were fired on both sides. 
Captain James Mansfield, a 
highly esteemed and very worthy 
officer of the Fencibles, was 
killed by one of the first shots. 
It seems that Captain Mansfield 
was in front, and after some 
words, one of the Highlanders 
pushed at him with his bayonet, 
but missing his push, fired his 
piece, and killed the ill-fated gen- 
tleman on the spot. A corporal 
who stood near shot the High- 



landman ; and instantly a good 
many shots were fired. About 
fifteen Highlanders were killed, 
and above twenty wounded; 
and of the fencibles two privates 
were killed, and one wounded. 
The fencibles returned to the 
castle with 25 prisoners, several 
of whom were wounded. Nearly 
thirty wounded were taken to 
the Royal Infirmary. This 
addition to the wards of that 
institution rendered necessary 
an urgent appeal to the public 
for a large supply of old linen. 
The response to this request 
was so liberal on the part of the 
inhabitants, that the managers 
of the Infirmary acknowledged 
it with gratitude in the news- 
papers. 

The question, where had the 
Highlanders got the ammunition 
they used on this occasion, was 
considered very important, but 
it was never satisfactorily an- 
swered. It was said to be quite 
well known, that they had re- 
ceived no regular supply. At 
all events, a Leith porter, known 
as " Tinkler Tom/' and " a stout 
man with one leg " a sorry 
couple were taken up, and 
accused of inciting the mutiny, 
and of procuring ammunition 
for the mutineers, while the 
following proclamation was 
issued : " From the investigation 
before the sheriff, respecting the 
unlucky affair that happened on 
Tuesday afternoon at Leith, 
there is great reason for think- 
ing that the Highlanders were 
not provided with ammunition 
of any kind until they arrived 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 131 



at Leith ; and, as there is just 
cause for suspecting that they 
have been supplied with am- 
munition, either by the person 
presently in custody, or some 
others in Leith who have not 
yet been discovered, a reward 
of s sterling is hereby 
offered to any one, the person 
guilty excepted, who will dis- 
close by whom any of the High- 
landers were furnished, im- 
properly, with ammunition on 
Tuesday last The reward to 
be paid by me, William Scot, 
procurator-fiscal, upon convic- 
tion of the offenders. 

"WILLIAM SCOT." 

On Thursday, May 6th, a 
court-martial sat in Edinburgh 
Castle, to try Charles William- 
son, Archibald Maciver, and 
Robert Budge, three of the 
soldiers who had been made 
prisoners at Leith on the 2oth 
of April. The court was com- 
posed of the following officers : 
Lieutenant - Colonel Dundas, 
President; Major John Camp- 
bell, Captain James Campbell, 
Captain Angus M'Alister, Lieu- 
tenant William Morison, and 
Lieutenant James Ferguson, 
West Fencibles; Major James 
Mercer and Captain Lord 
Haddo, North Fencibles; Cap- 
tain John William Romer and 
Lieutenant Lord Napier, 3ist 
Foot; Captain John Popple 
and Lieutenant Peter Boisier, 
nth Dragoons; Lieutenant 
Alexander Trotter, 66th Foot. 

The following is the charge 



as it was read to the three muti- 
neers : 

" Charles Williamson and 
Archibald Maciver, soldiers of 
the 42 d Regiment of Foot, and 
Robert Budge, soldier in the 
yist Regiment of Foot, you, 
and each of you, are charged 
with having been guilty of 
mutiny at Leith, upon Tuesday, 
the 2oth of April last past, and 
of having instigated and incited 
others to be guilty of the same, 
in which mutiny several of his 
Majesty's subjects were killed 
and others wounded. 

"You are to stand trial on 
the above charge, on Thursday, 
6th May 1779. 

"JAMES DUNDAS, J.A." 

In behalf of the accused, the 
following defences were lodged : 

"The charge against the pri- 
soners is, that they were guilty 
of mutiny at Leith on Tuesday 
the 2oth of April, and of insti- 
gating and inciting others to be 
guilty of that mutiny, in which 
several of his Majesty's subjects 
were killed and others wounded, 
and they have pleaded Not 
Guilty to the charge. The 
prisoners, Archibald Maciver 
and Charles Williamson en- 
listed as soldiers in the 42d 
Regiment, being an old High- 
land regiment, wearing the 
Highland dress. Their native 
language was Erse (Gaelic), 
the one being a native of the 
northern part of Argyleshire, 
and the other of the western 
part of Inverness-shire, where 



132 MUTINIES 7,V HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



the language of the country is 
Erse only. They have used 
no other language, and are so 
ignorant of the English tongue, 
that they could not avail them- 
selves of it for any purpose in 
life. They have always been 
accustomed to the Highland 
habit, so far as never to have 
worn breeches ; a thing so in- 
convenient, and even so impos- 
sible for a native Highlander to 
do, that when the Highland dress 
was prohibited by Act of Parlia- 
ment, though the philibeg was 
one of the forbidden parts of 
the dress; yet it was found 
necessary to connive at its use, 
provided only it was made of a 
stuff of one colour, and not of 
tartan ; as is well known to all 
acquainted with the Highlands, 
particularly the more mountain- 
ous parts of the country. These 
circumstances made it necessary 
for them to enlist and serve in 
a Highland regiment only, as 
they neither could have under- 
stood the language, nor have 
used their arms, or marched in 
the dress of any other regiment. 
" The prisoner Robert Budge 
is a native of Caithness, where 
his mother tongue likewise was 
Erse, and that language was 
commonly used by him ; for 
though he had acquired so much 
of the English tongue as to en- 
able him to buy from or to sell 
to one who spoke English, in 
the common articles of com- 
merce in the country; yet he 
could not have made use of it 
in the ordinary run of the occur- 
rences of life. He, too, had 



been accustomed to the phili- 
beg; and found, that in any 
other dress than the Highland 
one, he could not have per- 
formed the duties of a soldier ; 
he therefore, likewise enlisted 
in the yist Regiment, which is 
a Highland corps. 

" The prisoners, along with a 
detachment, to the number of 
between sixty and seventy, were 
marched from Stirling on the 
1 9th April last. They arrived 
in the town of Leith, all the 
three being on carts, so that 
none of them were on the Links 
on the 2oth of that month. 
During March, they behaved 
with that obedience which be- 
longs to soldiers, nor have they 
been accused of any riotous or 
mutinous behaviour on the road. 
When the rest of the detach- 
ment arrived on Leith Links, 
the prisoners understand, they 
were informed, by their officer 
Captain Innes, who had con- 
ducted them, that they were 
now to consider the officers of 
the 83d or Glasgow Regiment 
a regiment wearing the low- 
land dress, and speaking the 
English tongue as their offi- 
cers ; but how this happened 
they were not informed. No 
order from the commander-in- 
chief; to their being drafted was 
read or explained to them ; but 
they were told, they must im- 
mediately march to the shore 
and embark. 

" A great number of the de- 
tachment represented without 
any disorder or mutinous be- 
haviour, that they were alto- 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 133 



gether unfit for service in any 
other corps than a Highland 
one; particularly, that they were 
incapable of wearing breeches 
as part of their dress. At the 
same time, they declared their 
willingness to be regularly trans- 
ferred or drafted into any 
other Highland regiment, or to 
continue to serve in those regi- 
ments into which they had been 
originally enlisted. But no re- 
gard was paid to these remon- 
strances, which, if they had had 
an opportunity, they would have 
laid before the commander-in- 
chief; but an order for immedi- 
ate embarkation must prevent 
this. The articles of war, which 
are appointed to be read and 
published once in every two 
months, at the head of every 
regiment, troop, or company 
mustered, and to be daily ob- 
served, and exactly obeyed by 
all officers and soldiers in his 
Majesty's service, cannot be 
unknown to any soldier, and 
must be attended to by them. 
By the sixth section of these 
articles, and article 3, it is de- 
clared : ' That no- non-commis- 
sioned officer or soldier shall 
enlist himself in any other regi- 
ment, troop, or company, with- 
out a regular discharge from 
the regiment, troop, or company 
in which he last served, on the 
penalty of being reputed a de- 
serter, and suffering accordingly; 
arid in case any officer shall 
knowingly receive and entertain 
such non-commissioned officer 
or soldier, or shall not, after his 
being deserter, immediately con- 



fine him, and give notice there- 
of to the corps in which he last 
served, he, the said officer, so 
offending, shall, by a court- 
martial, be cashiered.' 

"The detachment found them- 
selves in a disagreeable situa- 
tion. None of them were pos- 
sessed of discharges, in terms of 
this article of war, to enable 
them voluntarily to enter into 
another corps, other than the 
one they had enlisted in. No 
order from the commander-in- 
chief had been read or explain- 
ed to them, which could eithei 
supersede the necessity or en- 
title them to the benefit of such 
discharge. Captain Innes was 
no field-officer, and could not 
grant them one; and the officers 
of theGlasgow Regiment seemed, 
in such circumstances, disabled 
from assuming a military com 
mand over them. The natural 
idea that suggested itself to them 
was, that they should insist on 
serving still in the same regi- 
ment in which they were en- 
listed, and not go abroad as 
part of the 83d Regiment, till 
such time as these difficulties 
were removed. They accord- 
ingly drew up, under arms, on 
the shore of Leith, each respec- 
tive corps by itself; and the 
prisoners, seeing them drawn 
up, joined them, and were in- 
formed of what had happened. 

" The prisoners are informed 
that the orders that were issued 
to the detachment of the South- 
ern Fencibles that came down 
to Leith, were : To make them 
prisoners, and conduct them all 



l'J4 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



to the castle. Had these orders 
been explained to them, they 
would have submitted, and, with 
proper humility, have laid their 
case before those that could 
give them redress. But, unfor- 
tunately, the sergeant who ex- 
plained the orders to them in 
Erse, represented to them as 
if they were immediately to go 
abroad as a part of the Glasgow 
Regiment ; but which they do, 
with great deference, say, they 
did not, at the time, conceive 
they could lawfully have done. 

" None of the prisoners were 
guilty of any actual violence. 
No man received any hurt from 
them. The prisoner Maciver 
declared 'that he would not fire/ 
when some among the mob 
called out to them to do it. 
The prisoner Williamson had 
got drunk at Linlithgow, and 
continued very much intoxicated 
to the very end ; so that he was 
not perfectly conscious of what 
he was doing. And the prisoner 
Budge behaved in a very in- 
offensive manner, and surren- 
dered himself quietly as a pri- 
soner. None of all the three 
had any ammunition, nor could 
they have any previous inten- 
tion to mutiny; the fact of their 
being to be transferred to an- 
other regiment having been in- 
timated to them of a sudden, 
so as to leave no room for 
deliberation." 

The evidence was taken on 
Thursday and Friday. 

The Scots Magazine says : 
" Though in military events, 
prisoners are not usually allowed 



counsel ; yet in this case, by the 
candour of the commander-in- 
chief, a very eminent lawyer, 
Mr Andrew Crosbie, was per- 
mitted to appear on behalf of 
these prisoners." This is no 
other than the talented, eloquent, 
and jovial gentleman, alleged 
to have been the original in Sir 
Walter Scott's mind of the inimi- 
table " Pleydell " in " Guy Man- 
nering." A portrait of him is to 
be seen in the Parliament House 
of Edinburgh, with the inscrip- 
tion beneath: "Vice -Dean 
Crosby, 1784-85. Bequeathed 
by his widow." 

Lieutenant Stillfax, of the 
55th, deponed : That thirteen 
men of the 42 d, and fifty-one of 
the yist, in all sixty-four men, set 
off from Stirling to Leith, where 
they arrived on the 2oth of 
April 1779, at eleven o'clock 
before noon : That he got a 
letter on the iQth of April from 
(Captain Imrie, aid-de-camp to 
General Skene, to march the 
men to Leith ; and that this in 
consequence of an order from 
General Oughton ; but the place 
of destination was not then 
mentioned to the men : That 
Captain Innes, of the 7151, 
received the orders for incor- 
porating them with the 83d 
Regiment. The deponent, in 
consequence of an order from 
Captain Innes, marched the v 
men to the Links of Leith, in 
order to embark: That they 
learned when they came to the 
Links of Leith, that they were to 
be embarked and incorporated 
with the 8sd. This they learned 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 135 



from Major Ramsay, one of the 
officers of the Glasgow Regiment : 
That he marched the men to 
the town of Leith, in order to 
embark them : That the men 
seemed much concerned at 
understanding that they were to 
be turned over to the Glasgow 
Regiment, as they were enlisted 
for a Highland corps : That 
they made no resistance till 
they came to the shore, to 
which they marched quietly, 
being at first in order, but after- 
wards became mutinous : That 
five of the 42d, and two of the 
yist Regiment, went on board ; 
but the remainder fixed their 
bayonets, and said, they neither 
would embark nor be drafted: 
That the townspeople afterwards 
got amongst them, and gave 
them liquor, and they turned 
more mutinous than ever : That 
he knows the prisoners were of 
the mutineers; and that Mac- 
iver, pretending to be sick, was 
carried in a baggage-cart from 
Stirling to Leith : That about 
a quarter or half an hour before 
the fencibles came down to 
Leith, he saw Maciver upon the 
right of the mutineers, with 
his bayonet fixed; and when 
they came down, he went from 
man to man along the ranks; 
witness did not hear what he 
said; but, from his gesture, 
supposed he was persuading the 
men to refuse to embark ; and 
seemed to be quite sober, and 
very determined : That he also 
observed Williamson, one of 
the prisoners, who seemed to 
be drunk and was very noisy : 



That he cannot say any of the 
prisoners fired : That William- 
son and the whole of the men 
had fixed their bayonets ; but 
he did not know who fired first : 
When they fixed their bayonets, 
they refused to go on board, 
and refused all obedience to 
orders. Being interrogated for 
the prisoners, this witness de- 
clared, he saw Budge have his 
bayonet fixed ; but observed 
nothing else particular in his 
conduct more than the rest : 
That the greatest objection the 
mutineers had to the 83d Regi- 
ment, was the wearing of long 
cloth and breeches ; and heard 
some of them declare, they were 
willing to go into any Highland 
regiment, and all of them willing 
to join their own respective 
corps. 

Captain Innes, of the yist, 
deponed : That he marched the 
men mentioned in the preceding 
deposition from Stirling : That 
they set off on the iQth, lay at 
Linlithgow that night, and set 
off next morning for Leith: 
That the men's arms were exam- 
ined before leaving Linlithgow, 
and no powder or shot was 
found upon them; and to the 
best of his knowledge and belief, 
at that time they had no ammu- 
nition about them : That he 
received a letter (now produced) 
from General Oughton while at 
Linlithgow, advising that the 
men under his command were 
to be incorporated into the 83d 
Regiment; but did not then 
communicate the same to the 
men : That on the morning of 



136 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



April 2oth he went from Linlith- 
gow to General Oughton for 
orders, and the men were 
marched to Leith Links where 
the witness joined them : That 
from people on the Links they 
learned that they were to be 
incorporated with the 83d Regi- 
ment, at which they expressed 
their displeasure; and Maciver 
and Williamson swore, that they 
would rather die on the spot 
than be drafted into the 83d 
Regiment; at the same time 
they declared their willingness 
to go into their own corps, or 
to any other Highland regiment : 
That when he marched the 
Highlanders to Leith shore, 
Maciver and Williamson insti- 
gated the mutiny, by doing all 
they could to prevail on the 
7ist to join them in it, who to 
appearance had no such inten- 
tion ; and the witness believes, 
had the men of the 71 st Regiment 
come by themselves, they would 
have been prevailed upon to em- 
bark : That two of the 7 ist and 
five of the 426. Regiment did go 
on board ; and the rest refused, 
and fixed their bayonets; on 
which the witness went to Gene- 
ral Oughton, and acquainted 
him with whathadhappened. He 
was absent about an hour : That 
General Oughton despatched 
Captain Imrie to the Castle of 
Edinburgh for a detachment of 
200 of the South Fencibles : 
That, upon his return to Leith, 
he found the men in a single 
rank, with their backs to the 
wall : That the witness exhort- 
ed and admonished them to go 



on board; told them that the 
fencibles were coming down; 
and if they persisted in their 
disobedience, the consequence 
was they would be shot : That 
at this time he found many of 
the men in liquor, and they 
declared they were under no 
apprehension from the fencibles, 
and that they would stand upon 
their defence : That in about 
an hour after the witness return- 
ed from General Oughton, the 
fencibles arrived at Leith : 
That Captain Innes employed 
that interval in endeavouring 
all he could to bring the men 
to a sense of their duty ; but to 
no purpose, they being extreme- 
ly insolent to him ; and one 
Muir made a push at the witness 
with his bayonet: That upon 
the appearance of the fencibles, 
he again spoke to them, and 
told them that, if they con- 
tinued refractory, they would be 
shot, to which they answered, 
they would rather be shot than 
be drafted into the Glasgow 
Regiment. The witness did not 
know from whom the first fire 
came : That, upon his retiring, 
he heard a shot from the right 
of the line, and he thought it 
came from the wall : That the 
fencible arrived about an hour 
before the witness left the muti 
neers : That, during the period, 
the witness, and the other 
officers of the mutineers, with 
some of the officers of the 
fencibles, were employed to 
pacify the mutineers, and in- 
duce them to comply with the 
order for embarkation; but to 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 137 



no purpose : That Maciver 
and Williamson appeared to be 
the most active of those of the 
42d Regiment, and extremely 
enraged. 

James Dempster, jeweller in 
Edinburgh, deponed : That, 
looking out at a window, on 
Leith shore, immediately above 
the third man on the left of the 
Highlanders, he heard a shot 
from the north; but whether 
from the fencibles or the High- 
landers he did not know : That 
this was followed in about a 
minute by another shot from a 
Highlander on the left, by which 
Captain Mansfield fell, upon 
which a corporal, who was along 
with Captain Mansfield, fired, 
and killed that Highlander. 

James Dun, stabler in Edin- 
burgh, deponed : That, looking 
out at a window opposite to 
the river, he saw a shot coming 
from the right of the High- 
landers : That, a little after, he 
saw Captain Mansfield step up 
to one of the Highlanders, and 
lay his hand on his shoulder, 
as' if to expostulate with him ; 
and that he and another High- 
lander on his right stepped 
back, and made a push at 
Captain Mansfield with bay- 
onets ; upon which Captain 
Mansfield retreated; and im- 
mediately either the third or 
fourth man from the left of the 
Highlanders fired a shot ; upon 
which Captain Mansfield fell. 
He observed no fire from the 
fencibles before Captain Mans- 
field fell 

Sergeant W. Ralston, of the 



yist, deponed: That when the 
Highlanders were told they 
were to embark, and to be 
drafted into the 83d, they 
declared their reluctance, by 
saying they would not be put 
into breeches. On being asked 
from whence, and when, he 
heard the first shot, he replied, 
that it appeared to him to have 
been from the left of the High- 
landers, or the right of the 
fencibles, which of them he 
did not know, that it was not 
a single shot, but a running 
fire. 

Sergeant Ross, of the South 
Fencibles, deponed : That he 
was at Leith upon the 2oth of 
April last, during the mutiny; 
where he saw two of the pris- 
oners, Williamson and Maciver, 
Williamson very actively prompt- 
ing the mutiny : That William- 
son was much in liquor : That 
the deponent, by the order of 
Sir James Johnston, went up to 
expostulate with the mutineers 
in the Erse language ; and that 
when he was going on that 
errand, Williamson desired him 
not to come forward, and pushed 
his bayonet again and again at 
the deponent. Some time after 
that, the deponent heard a shot 
from the right of the High- 
landers : That two of the ser- 
geants of the South Fencibles 
came up, and laid hold of 
Maciver, who struggled with 
them in order to get rid of 
them, when a shot came from 
some of Maciver's party upon 
his left, which wounded the 
deponent : That, before this 



138 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



happened, the deponent was 
telling the mutineers, so far as 
they could hear, that, by orders 
of Sir James Johnston, the fenc- 
ibles were provided in ammuni- 
tion, and their guns all loaded : 
That they had better desist, be- 
cause they would be forced to 
embark. They answered, that 
they would die before they 
would wear breeches ; and told 
the deponent, that they were 
provided with ammunition. 
Being interrogated for the pris- 
oners, at what distance from 
the two prisoners the firing 
began, he thought about twenty 
yards from their left : That 
about two or three minutes 
before the firing began, a High- 
lander from amongst the mob 
called to the Highlanders, 
"Why don't you fire?" to 
which Maciver answered, he 
would not be the first that 
would fire. 

James Home, soldier in the 
South Fencibles, deponed : 
That he was along with Cap- 
tain Mansfield when the High- 
landers began to fire from their 
right. This witness heard them 
say before that they could prime, 
load, and fire as fast as the 
fencibles could do. He said 
that Captain Mansfield was 
speaking with the Highlanders, 
endeavouring to pacify them, 
and quell the mutiny, when the 
Highlanders charged their bay- 
onets, and pushed at him. 
When he was retreating to the 
division which he commanded, 
a Highlander fired upon him, 
and shot him. 



Corporal G. Little, of the 
South Fencibles, deponed : 
That he examined several of the 
Highlanders' muskets, which 
he found loaded, and likewise 
a cartridge-box with shot, but 
could not ascertain whether it 
belonged to the Highlanders or 
to the fencibles. 

Robert Mudie, ship-master in 
Leith, deponed : That he was 
on the top of the pier, on the 
left of the fencibles, opposite 
the right of the Highlanders, 
whom he saw standing with 
their bayonets charged, from 
which he retired farther to the 
right of the fencibles, fearing 
danger of a shot from the High- 
landers : That he saw a shot 
from the right of the High- 
landers, which was the first shot 
that was fired, and afterwards 
another from the left of their 
centre. Before the second shot 
was fired from the left of the 
Highlanders' centre, he ob- 
served Captain Mansfield, who 
was upon the right of the 
fencibles, protecting with his 
sword one of his soldiers, who 
was attacked by the High- 
landers ; and, upon a shot 
being fired, the mob called 
out that Captain Mansfield was 
killed; and the witness re- 
treated. 

Captain Rutherford, of the 
South Fencibles, deponed : 
That he heard a shot come 
from the Highlanders, and 
jumping into his place, ob- 
served a corporal on the 
right of the division mortally 
wounded. 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 139 



The question, whether he 
heard an order or paper read 
or explained to the Highlanders 
on the Links of Leith, relative 
to their being embarked, or 
drafted into the 83d Regi- 
ment, was put to Sergeant Ral- 
ston and Corporal Buchanan, 
both of the 7 ist ; and they both 
answered in the negative. Cap- 
tain Innes, also of the 7 ist, 
being interrogated, if, on the 
links of Leith, he read or ex- 
plained to them such a paper or 
order, declared he did not, as 
he thought it would have been 
improper. 

Sergeant Ralston, being inter- 
rogated whether the Highlanders 
complain of the usage, answered, 
that after they came to the pier 
of Leith, Hugh Muir, of the 
7ist, amongst others, said, that 
if an offer had been made to 
them of a voluntary draft 
into the 83d in the manner that 
the 3tst Regiment's men were 
drafted, he would have been 
among the first that would have 
offered himself; but that they 
were going to boat them like 
a parcel of sheep ; and, since 
that was the case, he would 
stand out to the last. 

Sergeant A. Ross, of the 
South Fencibles, being inter- 
rogated what message he deliv- 
ered to the Highlanders from 
Sir James Johnston in the Erse 
language, declared, that Sir 
James ordered him to go to 
the Highlanders, and use every 
gentle method of persuasion to 
pacify them, and get them to 
comply with the order of em- 



barkation. Being asked if he 
told the Highlanders, from Sir 
James, what they were to expect 
from their refusal to embark, he 
declared, that Sir James told 
him that his orders were, either 
to force them to embark, or 
bring them prisoners to the 
castle : That the witness com- 
municated these orders to the 
Highlanders. 

Sir James Johnston, Major 
of the South Fencibles, declared 
that the order did command a 
detachment of the above regi- 
ment to seize the Highlanders : 
That he now produces the said 
order, which is of the following 
tenor : 

" Headquarters, April 20, 177 9. 

"Sir, The drafts of the 
7 ist Regiment having refused to 
embark, you will order 200 men 
of the South Fencibles, under 
command of a field-officer, to 
march immediately to Leith, 
seize the mutineers, and march 
them prisoners to the Castle ot 
Edinburgh, to be detained there 
till further orders. I am, etc., 

"JA. ADOLPHUS OUGHTON." 

This order, which has already 
been quoted, was, as will be 
remembered, addressed to Gov- 
ernor Wemyss, of Edinburgh 
Castle, or the commanding- 
officer of the South Fencible 
Regiment. 

The witness further declared, 
that when he gave orders to 
Sergeant Ross to go and speak 
to the mutineers, in order to 
pacify them, that Williamson, 



140 MUTINIES TN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



one of the prisoners, more than 
once presented his piece, and 
the declarant thought once that 
he was actually going to fire 
upon him ; but that he was 
prevented by Maciver, another 
of the prisoners, saying some- 
thing to Williamson, which the 
deponent did not understand, 
upon which Williamson took 
down his piece ; and the declar- 
ant thought he owed his life to 
Maciver for so doing. 

Captain Innes showed to the 
Court an attestation, which he 
said was in the uniform style of 
the attestations for that regi- 
ment ; and it bore expressly, 
that the person thereby attested 
was to serve in the yist Regi- 
ment, commanded by Major- 
General Simon Fraser; and 
that they were to serve for 
three years only, or during the 
continuance of the war. The 
court-martial pronounced judg- 
ment on the 8th of May, but it 
was not made public till the 28th 
of that month. 

In the forenoon of that day, 
the regiment of the West Fen- 
cibles, then quartered in the 
suburbs of Edinburgh, having 
been marched up to the Castle 
Hill, were formed in three sides 
of a hollow square facing in- 
wards. The three prisoners 
were brought down from the 
castle. With drums muffled 
and rolling, while the band 
played a dead march, they, each 
stepping slowly behind a coffin 
he thought was meant for him, 
were brought by an armed 
escort down the winding path- 



way from the castle, and placed 
in the vacant space of the square, 
opposite a numerous firing party, 
under the orders of a provost- 
martial. 

On that bright and beautiful 
summer morning there was a 
dark cloud on every face in the 
solemn group. No ceremony 
is more impressive than a mili- 
tary execution and on that 
morning three soldiers were to 
suffer death. 

The condemned men were 
ordered to kneel beside their 
open coffins. The fencibles 
formed round them, and then 
the major read the following 
paper : 

"Headquarters, 26th May 1779. 
"At a general court-martial 
held in Edinburgh Castle on 
Thursday, the 6th of May, and 
the two following days, whereof 
Lieutenant-Colonel Dundas of 
the nth Dragoons, was presi- 
dent, for the trial of Charles 
Williamson and Archibald Mac- 
iver, soldiers of the 42d Regi- 
ment, and Robert Budge, soldier 
of the 7ist Regiment, accused 
of being guilty of a mutiny at 
Leith, upon Tuesday, the 2oth 
day of May 1779, and of insti- 
gating others to do the same ; 
the Court unanimously found 
the prisoners guilty of mutiny, 
being a breach of the ist, 2d, 
3d, 4th, and 5th articles of the 
second section of the Articles 
of War; and having duly con- 
sidered the evil tendency of 
mutiny and sedition, especially 
when carried on to such enor 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 141 



mous lengths as in the piesent 
case, did adjudge the aforesaid 
Charles Williamson, Archibald 
Maciver, and Robert Budge, to 
be shot to death. 

" Which sentence, having been 
transferred to the king, his 
Majesty having been pleased 
to signify his royal pleasure, 
that his Majesty, having regard 
to the former commendable and 
distinguished behaviour of the 
42d Regiment, to which the two 
first-mentioned prisoners belong ; 
and remarking that the third 
prisoner, Robert Budge, who is 
represented to be now only 
recovering from the wounds 
received in the affray, does not 
appear to have taken any for- 
ward part in the mutiny; is most 
graciously pleased to grant to 
the said Charles Williamson, 
Archibald Maciver, and Robert 
Budge, a free pardon, in full 
confidence that they will en- 
deavour, upon every future 
occasion, by a prompt obedi- 
ence and orderly demeanour, 
to atone for the unpremeditated 
but atrocious offence. 

"The prisoners were there- 
fore to be released, and join 
their respective companies. 

" (Signed) ROBERT SKENE, 
' ' Major- General. ' ' 

The condemned men remain- 
ed on their knees while a High- 
land officer translated the fore- 
going into Gaelic. It was a 
scene got up for effect. As 
James Grant describes it, with a 
pardonable appeal to his im- 
agiration: They were all pale 



and composed, but the last, 
who was suffering from severe 
wounds received at Leith; his 
countenance was emaciated and 
ghastly, and he was sinking 
from excessive debility. Their 
eyes were bound up; the officer 
retired ; the provost-martial ap- 
proached, and ordered his party 
to load. They were in the act 
of taking aim at the prisoners, 
who were praying intently in 
Gaelic, when Sir Adolphus 
Oughton stepped forward, and, 
displaying three pardons, com- 
manded them to recover arms. 

"Soldiers," said he, "in con- 
sequence of the distinguished 
valour of the Royal High- 
landers, to which two of these 
unfortunate men belong, his 
Majesty has been graciously 
pleased to forgive them all. 
Prisoners, rise, resume your 
arms, and rejoin your com- 
panies." 

An officer repeated these 
words in Gaelic. 

The scene and the whole 
proceedings were so solemn and 
affecting, that the released pri- 
soners were incapable of speech. 
Raising their bonnets, they 
endeavoured to express their 
gratitude by a faint cheer, but 
their voices utterly failed them ; 
and overcome by weakness and 
a revulsion of feeling, the sol- 
dier of the 7ist sank prostrate 
on the ground, between the 
coffins. 

More than forty of their com- 
rades, who were shot or had 
died of mortal wounds, were 
buried in the old churchyard 



H2 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



of South Leith, and a grassy 
mound long marked the place 
where they lay. 

There is one other incident 
of gloom, which is reported in 
the Edinburgh Evening Courant 
of April 24, 1797, thus : 

"Yesterday, at twelve o'clock, 
the corpse of the unfortunate 
and much lamented Captain 
James Mansfield was brought 
up on a hearse from Leith, and 
delivered over at the north end 
of the Bridge to the regiment, 
who attended under arms : they 
proceeded in solemn procession 
to Greyfriar's Churchyard, the 
duke's company, being the one 
Captain Mansfield, as captain- 
lieutenant, commanded, having 



a knot of crape upon their fire- 
locks, and the sergeants' halberts 
in scarfs, the music playing the 
dead march, and the drums 
muffled. The pall-bearers were 
the Duke of Buccleuch, as chief 
mourner ; Colonel Pringle , 
Majors Sir James Johnston and 
Hay ; Captains Scott of Gala, 
Rutherford of Edgerston, Scott of 
Mulleny, Lord Binning, and Sir 
Alexander Don. The grena- 
diers followed the pall, the rela- 
tions and friends of the deceased 
next, and a train of gentlemen's 
carriages closed the procession. 
The duke's company only fired 
over the grave." 

Captain Mansfield left a 
widow and six children. 



MUTINY OF THE 77x11 REGIMENT 

(ATHOLE HIGHLANDERS). 

January 1783. 



ATHOLE is a district in the north 
of Perthshire. The word in 
Gaelic means, The Pleasant 
Land; and, as far as the military 
influence of the Duke of Athole 
used to be concerned, it was 
pleasant enough for him at one 
time to be able to command the 
personal services of 3000 hardy 
Highland men at arms. On 
important occasions, indeed, he 
could double the number, the 
whole 6000 well-armed, and 
eager to enhance the glory of 



j their chief and clan in the eyes 
! of his king and country. 

The power of this Highland 
potentate became so great as to 
engender fear in the minds of 
those he served. It might be- 
come as dangerous as it had 
proved itself, on more than one 
occasion, advantageous. Ac- 
cordingly, it was thought neces- 
sary to cripple it by legal en- 
actment. But although by such 
means the chiefs of Athole were 
deprived of their power, they 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 143 



continued for many years to 
enjoy that great influence which 
sprang from the voluntary at- 
tachment and fidelity of their 
people. 

A time came when the young 
Duke of Athole felt that he was, 
like so many northern patriots, 
called upon to step forward and 
offer his services to Great Britain. 
The Government acceded to his 
loyal request to be allowed to 
raise a regiment of his High- 
landers for general service. He 
was empowered to appoint 
officers; and a corps of 1000 
men was soon recruited. 

They were embodied at Perth, 
and James Murray, son of Lord 
George Murray, and uncle to 
the duke, became their colonel. 
Both officers and men were such 
as the country needed. The 
former were young, and were 
inspired with the spirit of brave 
soldiers; the latter possessed 
every advantage of personal 
appearance and bodily strength, 
which are requisite for a high 
degree of the best military 
morals. 

They marched to Port-Patrick 
in 1778, whence they were ship- 
ped to Ireland in a time of 
expected trouble in that island. 
They remained there during 
the American war, and had 
little opportunity of distinguish- 
ing themselves in active service. 
It was not their fortune to be 
allowed to prove in any well- 
fought field, to what extent 
they were possessors of those 
qualities which ensure military 
success. But they were exem- 



plary in quarters, attached and 
obedient to their officers, and 
had every advantage of disci- 
pline. 

In 1783 the regiment was 
ordered to England, and march- 
ed to Portsmouth for the purpose 
of being embarked for India. 
Although the terms on which 
they had enlisted were, that they 
should serve for three years, or 
during the war, the men showed 
at first no reluctance to embark, 
nor did any of them claim the 
discharge to which their letters 
of service entitled them. On 
the contrary, Colonel Stewart 
records, when they came in 
sight of the fleet at Spithead, as 
they marched across Portsdown 
Hill, they pulled off their bon- 
nets, and gave three cheers for 
a brush with Hyder AIL But 
no sooner were they quartered 
in Portsmouth, to wait till the 
transports should be ready, than 
distrust and discord appeared. 

There is the usual account 
given in the papers of the time, 
of emissaries from London hav- 
ing expatiated with the High- 
landers on the faithlessness of 
the war authorities in sending 
them to the far East, when their 
term of service had expired. It 
seems they were told that they 
had been sold to the East India 
Company at a certain sum a 
head. Their officers were not 
guiltless in this transaction, it 
was added. These gentlemen 
were to get a proportion of the 
price of sale, and divide it 
among themselves. This was 
an incitement to the warmest 



144 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



feelings of resentment in the 
breast of the Athole Highland- 
ers. Confidence in their officers 
was undermined; and they 
must have been easily stirred 
up to disobedience. They were 
led to disregard the authority 
of gentlemen to whom they 
had hitherto shown the most 
devoted attachment. They 
would not believe their explana- 
tions. 

There is something even in 
this headstrong mutiny to say 
for the men. It was but only 
too true that the arrangements 
for sending them to India had 
been made without any regard 
to the engagement by which 
they felt themselves bound. 
They knew on what terms they 
had enlisted ; and no wonder 
that the insinuations, admitting 
them to be false, of the busy 
emissaries who were operating 
upon them for political and 
other eno^s of their own, had a 
tendency to destroy their faith 
in officers who also knew the 
terms on which the men had 
been enrolled. Authority being 
weakened, restraint was thus 
removed from natural indigna- 
tion. 

The consequence was a de- 
termination on the part of the 
men not to embark for India. 
They would adhere to their 
terms of service. 

The following account of the 
immediate issue of this resolu- 
tion, is taken from the Scots 
Magazine, dated January 1783 : 
'The 77th Regiment, Athole 
Highlanders, lying at Ports- 



mouth, which had been for 
some time under orders to em- 
bark for the East Indies, on 
Sunday the 26th, received final 
orders to embark next morning. 
In obedience to the order they 
assembled on parade, but with 
a determined resolution not to 
embark, alleging as a reason, 
that their arrears were not paid, 
and that they were enlisted on 
the express condition to serve 
only three years, or during the 
American war; and as they con- 
ceived those conditions were 
fulfilled, and that they were now 
intended for the East India 
Company's service, where none 
of their officers were going, they 
declared they would stand by 
each other to the last, and 
would not be compelled to em- 
bark for the East Indies, as they 
believed that their officers had 
bartered them away to that 
Company. 

"The colonel was not pre- 
sent, but the lieutenant-colonel 
and other officers insisted that 
they should embark ; in conse- 
quence of which, the soldiers 
surrounded them, violently 
beating the lieutenant-colonel 
and several others, who nar- 
rowly escaped with wounds and 
bruises ; after which they re- 
paired to the magazine, or store- 
house for the regiment, which 
they broke open, and furnished 
themselves with several rounds 
of powder and ball. 

"A party of the invalids were 
ordered out to prevent the 
Highlanders possessing them- 
selves of the parade guard-house, 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS, 145 



but being discovered before they 
gained that place, the High- 
landers fired on them, killed 
one, and wounded one or two 
others, which compelled the 
invalids to retreat. In short, the 
whole was a scene of the utmost 
drunkenness, riot, and confu- 
sion. Sir J. Pye, and Sir J. 
Carter, the mayor, took every 
step in their power to appease 
them, and on their promising 
they should not be embarked 
until further orders were re- 
ceived, they separated, and 
returned to their quarters in the 
evening, tolerably well satisfied ; 
and next morning they were in- 
formed that their embarkation 
should not be insisted on. 

"Immediately upon the ac- 
counts of this disturbance reach- 
ing London, Major -General 
Murray, colonel of the 77th 
Regiment, accompanied by the 
Duke of Athole, his nephew, 
went down to Portsmouth, and 
by their judicious and spirited 
conduct, assisted by Lord 
George Lennox, commanding 
then at Portsmouth, the men 
were prevailed upon, after hav- 
ing paraded the streets several 
days, first to assemble on the 
parade with their arms unloaded, 
and the day following without 
their arms." 

Several letters from Ports- 
mouth relative to this mutiny 
appeared in the public prints of 
the time, and of which the 
following are a few extracts : 

"Portsmouth, February 2d. 
"The Duke of Athole, Major- 



General Murray, and Lord 
George Lennox, have been 
down here; but the Athole 
Highlanders are still determined 
not to go to the East Indies. 
They have put up their arms 
and ammunition into one of the 
magazines, and p^ced a very 
strong guard over them, whilst 
the rest of the regiment sleep 
and refresh themselves. They 
come regularly and quietly to 
the grand parade, very cleanly 
dressed, twice a day. Their 
adj utant and other officers parade 
with them. One day it was pro- 
posed to turn the great guns on 
the ramparts against the High- 
landers, but that scheme was 
soon over-ruled. Another time 
it was suggested to send for 
some marching regiments quar- 
tered near this place; upon 
which the Highlanders drew up 
the draw-bridges, and placed 
sentinels at them. 

"The 8ist, another Highland 
regiment,* aboard the India- 

* This was the Aberdeenshire High- 
land Regiment. They were embarked 
at Portsmouth for India immediately 
after the preliminaries of peace had 
been signed, although the terms on 
which they had enlisted were, that 
they should be discharged in three 
years, or at the end of the war. The 
men at first made no objections, and 
remained quietly on board, awaiting 
the orders for sailing, but when it be- 
came known that their Athole brethren 
were insisting on the performance of 
the terms of their agreement, a very 
different feeling evinced itself. They, 
following the infectious example, called 
for the fulfilment of their contract, and 
requested that they should be marched 
back to their own country, and dis- 
charged there. This request was 



146 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



man, liive insisted on being 
disembarked. 

"The 68th Regiment, like- 
wise, which embarked a few 
days since on board transports 
for the West Indies, learning 
that the Highlanders are not to 
be sent the East Indies, deter- 
mined to disembark ; and, in 
consequence, very early yester- 
day morning, they were discover- 
ed getting the transports under 
way, with an intention to run 
into the harbour ; but were all 
prevented by a man-of-war firing 
on them, except one transport, 
the master of which was com- 
pelled by the soldiers, amount- 
ing to about 300, to bring his 
vessel to, near the southern 
beach. The men all got on 
shore, marched towards the 
town with an intention to de- 
mand quarters of Lord George 
Lennox, who met them, and 
ordered them to return, but 
they refused. His lordship 
would not permit them to have 
quarters, but sent them to Hil- 
sea barracks." 

Another correspondent writes : 

" Portsmouth February tfh. 

" You may be assured I have 
had my perplexities since the 
mutiny commenced in the 77th 
Regiment; but I must do the 
men the justice to confess, that, 
excepting three or four drunken 
fellows, whose impudence to 
their officers could only be 
equalled by their brutality, the 

granted, the regiment was marched to 
Scotland, and was disbanded at Edin- 
bu rgh. 



whole regiment have conducted 
themselves with a regularity 
that is surprising. For what 
might not have been expected 
from upwards of 1000 men 
let loose from all restraint? 
Matters would never have been 
carried to the pitch they have, 
but for the interference of some 
busy people, who love to be 
fishing in troubled water. 

"The men have opened a 
subscription for the relief of the 
widow of the poor invalid, for 
whose death they express the 
greatest regret. On their being 
informed that a regiment in 
garrison was coming to force 
them to embark, they flew to 
their arms, and followed their 
comrade leaders through the 
town, with a fixed determination 
to give battle ; but, in finding 
the report to be false, they 
returned in the same order to 
their own quarters. We have 
been informed that the regiment 
is not to go to the East Indies 
contrary to the men's inclination. 
This has satisfied them, but will 
be attended with disagreeable 
consequences to the service. 
For the 68th Regiment, that 
were on board transports, refus- 
ed also to go, and would have 
come on shore, but for a man- 
of-war firing at them, which has 
done some mischief; but could 
not prevent 300 of them from 
landing. . . . Since the 
debates in the House of Com- 
mons on this subject, I should 
not wonder if every man intend- 
ed for foreign service refused 
going, for the reasons there 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 147 



given, which, you may depend 
on it, *hey are now well ac- 
quainted with." 

The Highlanders applied to 
the notorious Lord George Gor- 
don, of Gordon Riots renown, for 
assistance; and the result will 
be read in the following letters : 

" Lord G. Gordon to the Earl 

of Shelburne. 

" My Lord Shelburne, I 
have just received two letters 
from Portsmouth, from his 
Majesty's yyth Regiment of 
Foot, the Athole Highlanders, 
and think it my duty to lay the 
following extracts from one of 
them before your lordship, as 
Prime Minister, without any loss 
of time : 

"'To the Right Honourable 
Lord George Gordon, Wei- 
beck Street, London. 

"'Portsmouth. 

" ' My Lord, Impressed with 
a deep sense of your exertions 
in support of the religion and 
liberty of the inhabitants of 
Great Britain, particularly in 
Scotland ; a great number of 
his Majesty's yyth or Athole 
Highland Regiment of Foot, 
take this method of making ap- 
plication to your lordship, for 
your support at this critical 
time. (Here they mention that 
the regiment was raised to serve 
only three years, or during the 
war ; and that, though they 
have not been employed in 
active service, yet they were 
always ready and willing to 
exert themselves, if occasion re- 



I quired ; and that they think it 
a violation of justice to order 
them abroad, now that the 
American war is over, peace 
signed with France and Spain, 
and a cessation of arms agreed 
on with Holland. They there- 
fore entreat Lord George Gor- 
don to apply to some member 
of Government on their behalf, 
and proceed) : 

" ' We are to embark to-mor- 
row; but there is every appear- 
ance at present of a desperate 
resistance being made by the 
men. How it will end time 
alone must determine. 

"'We assure your lordship, 
that we never were so much as 
informed of any such intention 
till last Wednesday, that we got 
the route from Andover to this 
place ; and notwithstanding 
peace being signed, we have 
received fresh orders for em- 
barkation to-morrow morning at 
ten o'clock. 

" * We beg leave to assure 
your lordship, that we entirely 
depend upon your interposition 
and support at this time. 

"' And we remain, etc.' 

" Now, my Lord Shelburne, I 
have nothing to add upon this 
subject at present, except that, 
if your lordship, or the King's 
Cabinet, think, from the good 
opinion the Athole Highlanders 
are pleased to express of me, 
that I can be of any service in 
the affair, I will either go down 
myself directly this night to 
Portsmouth, or write them a 
letter, or send my man express 



148 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



with a verbal message, or do 
anything that is just, and fair, 
and honourable. I am, etc. 
" G. GORDON. 

" Eleven o'clock, Tuesday Night. 
" Welbeck Street, January 



Lord Shelburne's answer was 
ihort and curt. He wrote : 

" Slwlburne House > 

January 2^th. 

" Lord Shelburne presents his 
compliments to Lord George 
Gordon, and thanks his lord- 
ship for his letter and offers of 
service, which he did not re- 
ceive till this morning. Every 
necessary measure was taken by 
his Majesty's servants yesterday 
upon the subject of it, imme- 
diately after the account was 
received." 

The mutiny of the Athole 
Highlanders is to be added as 
one more to the list of success- 
ful risings against an overreach- 
ing Government. Notice was 
taken of it in Parliament, as 
was referred to in one of the 
letters quoted. In the course 
of the Parliamentary debates on 
the subject, Mr Eden, afterwards 
Lord Auckland, who was then 
Secretary of State for Ireland, 
said : " He had happened to 
have the yyth Regiment imme- 
diately under his observation 
during sixteen months of their 
garrison duty in Dublin, and 
though it was not the most 
agreeable duty in the service, 
he must say that their conduct 
was most exemplary. Their 



officers were not only men of 
gentlemanly character, but pecu- 
liarly attentive to regimental 
discipline. He, having once, 
upon the sudden alarm of in- 
vasion, sent an order for the 
immediate march of this regi- 
ment to Cork, they showed 
their alacrity by marching at an 
hour's notice, and completed 
their march with a despatch 
beyond any instance in modern 
times; and this, too, without 
leaving a single soldier behind." 
A result of the discussion of 
the question, during which these 
complimentary remarks were 
made, was the following declara- 
tion which appeared in the 
London Gazette: 

" War Office, February tfh. 
" Whereas doubts have arisen 
with respect to the extent and 
meaning of his Majesty's orders, 
dated, War Office, December 
1 6, 1775, relative to the terms 
of enlistment of soldiers since 
that time in the marching regi- 
ments of infantry ; his Majesty 
doth hereby declare, that all 
men now serving in any march- 
ing regiment, or corps of in- 
fantry, who have been enlisted 
since the date of the said order, 
shall, on the ratification of the 
definitive treaty of peace, be 
discharged, provided they shall 
have served three years from 
the dates of their attestations. 
And all men enlisted and 
serving as above, who have not 
so completed their full time of 
service, shall be discharged at 
the expiration of three years 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 149 



from the dates of their re- 
spective attestations; and that, 
in the meantime, no person 
enlisted under the conditions 
above mentioned, shall be sent 
on any foreign service, unless 
he shall have been re-enlisted 
into his Majesty's service. 
"(By his Majesty's command.) 
"GEO. YGNGK." 

The result of this mutiny was 
that the regiment was marched 
to Berwick, and disbanded 
there, according to the original 
agreement. No man wai tried 
or punished a very safe infer- 
ence from which fact being, 
that however much to be re- 
gretted was the conduct of a 
few individuals, the Athole 
Highlanders had just cause of 
complaint. 

Colonel Stewart's concluding 
remarks on this mutiny are 
interesting. He says : " It is 



difficult for those who are not 
in the habit of mixing with the 
Highlanders, to believe the 
extent of mischief which this 
unhappy misunderstanding oc- 
casioned, and the deep and 
lasting impression it left behind 
it. In the course of my re- 
cruiting, many years afterwards, 
I was often reminded of this 
attempt on the Athole High- 
landers, which was always 
alleged as a confirmation of 
what had happened at an earlier 
period, to the Black Watch. 
This transaction, and others of 
a similar description, created 
distrust in Government, and in 
the integrity of its agents. If 
Government had offered a small 
bounty, when the Athole High- 
landers required to embark, 
there can be little doubt they 
would have obeyed their orders', 
and embarked as cheerfully as 
they marched into Portsmouth." 



MUTINY OF BREADALBANE FENCIBLES. 

December 1794. 



THE system of Fencible Regi- 
ments was had recourse to in 
Scotland as a mode of embody- 
ing troops somewhat different 
from the county militia of Eng- 
land. When the militia regi- 
ments were first established in 
England, the measure was not 
extended to Scotland, on ac- 
count of that national jealousy 



which had to await the advent 
of railways for its mollification. 
The people of Scotland were 
thought at the time not fit to 
be entrusted with arms, just as 
the people of Ireland are looked 
upon at present. Let us hope 
that in another hundred years 
the Irish will be thought as 
trustworthy in this matter as the 



150 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



Scotch are now. Perhaps an- 
other question will be settled 
then too Who was to blame ? 
It is to be feared that when 
this and many kindred ques- 
tions of international import- 
ance within the three kingdoms 
are fairly settled, England will 
feel she has little occasion to 
bear herself so proudly against 
ner two sisters as has for cen- 
turies been her wont. This by 
the way. 

The peculiarity of the fencible 
system, at the time it was started, 
was that while the officers were 
appointed and their commissions 
signed by the king, the men 
were to be raised by recruiting 
in the common manner, and 
not by ballot in the particular 
counties, as was the case in the 
militia. The social state of 
Scotland offered peculiar facili- 
ties for this system. There the 
influence of individuals could 
outbid social compulsion. Pro- 
perty, rank, and character, re- 
commended leaders to willing 
and obedient followers, as by a 
sort of pre-established harmony. 

In such a relation to the 
people stood several Highland 
noblemen and gentlemen whose 
moderate revenues were derived 
from wide acres of barren land ; 
but whose personal and family 
influence was of such a kind, 
that they could, at will, when 
the occasion required it, step for- 
ward at the head of a body of 
brave and hardy men to defend 
their country, or defy its enemies. 

Among these Highland pro- 
prietors the Earl of Breadalbane 



held a pre-eminent rank at the 
time referred to in the story of 
this mutiny. He made an offer 
to raise two fencible regiments ; 
the offer was accepted, and the 
corps were rapidly embodied in 
the summer of 1793. A third 
battalion was embodied in 
1794 the whole force amount- 
ing to 2300 men, of whom 
1600, or about two-thirds, were 
raised on the Breadalbane 
estate, wnich at the time sup- 
ported a population of not quite 
14,000. It is said that in a few 
days, indeed as quickly as the 
oaths could be administered by 
several neighbouring gentlemen 
who attended as justices of the 
peace, 500 men were attested 
at Taymouth Castle, the seat of 
Lord Breadalbane. The rest 
followed quickly. They were 
then removed to Perth, where 
they were joined by those raised 
in other parts of the country; 
and the whole were embodied, 
and formed into two battalions, 
named the ist and 2d Breadal- 
bane Fencible Highlanders. 

The mutiny of Breadalbane 
Fencibles, a rather serious dis- 
turbance, broke out in Glasgow 
in December 1794. The best 
thing to be done, if these re- 
hearsals of the instructive past 
are to be taken at their worth, 
is simply to record the accounts 
given at the time. The following 
is from the Scots Magazine, a 
journal which has already been 
frequently quoted in the furbish- 
ing up again of the story of Mu- 
tinies in Highland Regiments : 

" For some time past, a con- 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 151 



siderable alarm has been excited, 
by the improper conduct of some 
privates belonging to the Bread- 
albane Fencibles, lying at Glas- 
gow. 

" On Monday the ist Decem- 
ber, a soldier of the ist battalion 
of the Breadalbane Fencible 
Regiment, now quartered in 
Glasgow, having been confined 
in the guard-house upon an 
accusation of having been guilty 
of a military offence, a party of 
the regiment assembled round 
the guard-house, and obliged 
their olficers to set him at 
liberty. After committing this 
outrage, they behaved quietly 
and peaceably, and did regi- 
mental duty in the usual man- 
ner, though the spirit of mu- 
tiny still subsisted to such a 
degree, that the private soldiers 
of the regiment would neither 
agree to give up the soldier who 
had been released, nor the ring- 
leaders of the mutiny, to be 
tried for their crimes. Lord 
Adam Gordon, Commander-in- 
Chief for Scotland, immediately 
adopted the most vigorous 
measures for apprehending the 
mutineers, by collecting round 
Glasgow all the troops which 
could be spared for that service ; 
and General Leslie, Sir James 
Stewart, and Colonel Mont- 
gomery, went thither to take the 
command of them, with a deter- 
mined resolution forcibly to lay 
hold of the aggressors, in case 
they were not delivered up by 
the regiment. But before pro- 
ceeding to coercion, it was 
thought proper by Lord Adam 



Gordon, and the officers of his 
staff, with whom he consulted, 
to give the regiment a short 
time to reflect on their conduct, 
and the danger in which they 
stood, if they did not, of their 
own accord, do what was deter- 
mined should otherwise be done 
by force of arms ; a voluntary 
surrender of the offenders being 
deemed a better example of 
military discipline, than forcibly 
seizing them by other troops. 
This prudent experiment hap- 
pily succeeded : four of the 
ringleaders having surrendered 
themselves voluntarily and un- 
conditionally to Lord Breadal- 
bane, on Tuesday morning the 
1 6th instant, who were imme- 
diately marched prisoners to 
Edinburgh, under a strong guard 
of their own regiment, com- 
manded by Captain Campbell 
of the grenadier company. 
The Hon. Major Leslie, and 
Mr Maclean, adjutant of the 
regiment, having accompanied 
the party a short way on their 
march, were, upcn their return 
to town, grossly insulted by a 
number of riotous and disorderly 
inhabitants of the town, who, 
after having upbraided them for 
being active in sending off 
the mutineers to be punished, 
assaulted them with stones and 
other missile weapons, by one 
of which Major Leslie was 
knocked down ; and he and Mr 
Maclean were forced to take 
shelter in a house, where they 
secured themselves from the 
mob (who attempted to break 
open the doors and windows to 



152 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



get at them), till the Lord 
Provost, magistrates, and peace- 
officers, and the company of 
Breadalbane Regiment who 
were on duty at the guard- 
house, arrived and relieved them 
from their disagreeable and 
dangerous situation/' 

In addition to the above, the 
following account (which had 
been shown to, and approved by 
the Lord Provost of Glasgow) 
was published by the desire of 
the Right Hon. the Earl of 
Breadalbane, and the officers of 
the corps : 

"A great variety of ground- 
less rumours and exaggerated 
reports having gone abroad re- 
garding the conduct of the first 
battalion of the Breadalbane 
Fencible Regiment at Glasgow, 
on Monday the ist of Decem- 
ber, and since, by which the 
public mind has been consider- 
ably agitated, and greatly pre- 
judiced, it appears that, in 
justice to all concerned, a 
correct state of facts should be 
laid before the public. 

" During the affair of Monday, 
when a private of the light 
company, who had been con- 
fined for a military offence, was 
released by that company, and 
some individuals from other 
companies, who had assembled 
in a tumultuous manner before 
the guard - house, no person 
whatever was hurt, nor any 
violence offered ; and, however 
unjustifiable the proceeding, it 
originated, not from any dis- 
respect or ill-will to the officers, 
but from a mistaken point of 



honour in a particular set oi 
men in the battalion, who 
thought themselves disgraced 
by the impending punishment 
of one of their number. 

"The men of the battalion 
have, in every respect, since 
that period, conducted them- 
selves with the greatest regular- 
ity, and strictest subordination ; 
and on Tuesday and Wednesday 
they voluntarily delivered up to 
their colonel, the Earl of Bread- 
albane, such men as were de- 
manded on account of having 
been most forward in the affair 
of Monday. Of these one only 
made the least hesitation ; but 
he also, after some consideration, 
voluntarily surrendered himself, 
and the whole were sent off to 
Edinburgh, under the escort of 
a detachment of the regiment. 
The whole battalion seemed 
extremely sensible of the im- 
proper conduct of such as were 
concerned, whatever regret they 
might feel for the fate of the 
few individuals who had so 
readily given themselves up as 
prisoners to be tried for their 
own and others' misconduct 

"An account of this matter 
having appeared in the Glasgow 
Courier of Thursday, it is proper 
to observe, that a mistake has, 
through inadvertency or mis- 
information, got into that ac- 
count ; for there is no reason 
to believe that the mutineers 
were possessed of any ammuni- 
tion, though they did say it 
was offered to be procured for 
them by some of the inhabitants 
in their rear. 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 153 



"It is also to be remarked, 
that all of them offered to 
deliver themselves up on Mon- 
day the 8th, previous to any 
general officer, or troops, com- 
ing to Glasgow. 

"It may be observed further, 
that in the account published 
in the Edinburgh papers, it is 
said, that the volunteers quelled 
the riot raised by the towns- 
people, on the return of Major 
Leslie, and Mr M'Lean where- 
as it was a detachment of the 
Breadalbane Fencible Regiment 
who marched up to the relief of 
those gentlemen, with the great- 
est alacrity and expedition for 
which they received the thanks 
of the Lord Provost and general 
officers, besides a handsome 
acknowledgment from Major 
Corbet and the Glasgow Volun- 
teers. 

" Notwithstanding this unfor- 
tunate affair, it is but justice to 
observe, that in every other 
view, the soldiers of this regi- 
ment have, upon all occasions, 
behaved themselves with the 
greatest sobriety, and that they 
have been, and still are, upon 
the best of terms with their 
officers." 

Our authority further says : 

" Letters received from Glas- 
gow mention, that the utmost 
tranquillity prevails there. The 
magistrates have offered a re- 
ward of ^50 for discovering 
any of the persons who in- 
sulted the officers on Tuesday, 
but no discovery has yet been 
made. Several have been taken 
up, but dismissed for want of 



sufficient evidence. The three 
troops of the Queen's Own 
Regiment of Dragoons, which 
arrived in Glasgow from Paisley 
on Tuesday night, returned. 
The dragoons from Kilmarnock 
still remain at Glasgow. The 
Argyleshire Regiment of Fenci- 
bles arrived at Rutherglen, on 
Thursday, from Edinburgh ; 
and on Friday marched for 
Paisley. On Thursday night 
three more prisoners were 
brought to town from Glasgow, 
by a party of the 3d Regiment 
of Dragoons, and lodged in the 
castle." 

The Magazine for January 
1795, says: " The court-martial 
which has sat in the castle upon 
the mutineers of the Breadalbane 
Fencibles is now over. There 
have been eight prisoners tried 
upon three separate charges; 
but the sentences are not known 
till reported either to his Ma- 
jesty, or the commander-in-chief, 
who in this country is invested 
with the same powers as his 
Majesty, with regard to the 
sentences of courts - martial. 
The event has shown that four 
were found guilty. On the 2 7 th 
at ten o'clock, the four prisoners 
who had been adjudged to 
suffer death for the crimes of 
mutiny and disobedience, were 
taken from the castle in two 
mourning coaches, attended by 
the Rev. Mr Robertson M'Gre- 
gor, and under an escort of the 
3d Regiment of Dragoons, and 
a detachment of the 3d battalion 
of the Scotch Brigade. The) 
marched to the sands nea 



154 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



Musselburgh, where the escort 
was joined by several corps, 
and detachments of cavalry and 
infantry, all under the command 
of Major-General Sir James 
Stewart The sentence of the 
court-martial was then read to 
the prisoners, with the general 
orders given out by Lord Adam 
Gordon, approving of the pro- 
ceedings of the said court-martial, 
and directing the sentence to 
be carried into execution against 
Alexander Sutherland or Sandi- 
son, the most guilty of the 
offenders, but suspending the 
sentence of the other prisoners 
until his Majesty's pleasure 
should be known. The prison- 
er Sutherland was then shot to 
death by a party of the regiment 
to which he belonged, and the 
other prisoners were remanded 
to Edinburgh Castle, escorted 
as in the morning. It is but 
doing justice to the corps and 
detachment, assembled on this 
solemn occasion, to say that 
they behaved with the greatest 
propriety. Sutherland was a 
native of Caithness. He met 
his fate with becoming penitence 
and fortitude." 

Such is the account given of 
this sad affair at the time, in a 
journal which had to keep a 
look out against the penal con- 
sequence of writing or speaking 
at the end of the enlightened 
eighteenth century. 

Another account, much truer 
to Highland feelings, unstrained 
by the necessities undor which 
a man labours who is writing a 
semi-official record, is given by 



Colonel Stewart, one of the 
most honest of Highland his- 
torians. He says: "Several 
men having been confined and 
threatened with corporal punish- 
ment, considerable discontent 
and irritation were excited 
among their comrades, which 
increased to such violence, that, 
when some men were confined 
in the guard-house, a great pro- 
portion of the regiment rushed 
out and forcibly relieved the 
prisoners. This violation of 
military discipline was not to 
be passed over, and accordingly 
measures were immediately 
taken to secure the ringleaders. 
But so many were equally con- 
cerned, that it was difficult, if 
not impossible, to fix the crime 
on any, as being more promin- 
ently guilty. And here was 
shown a trait of character 
worthy of a better cause, and 
which originated from a feeling 
alive to the disgrace of a de- 
grading punishment. The 
soldiers being made sensible of 
the nature of their misconduct, 
and the consequent necessity of 
public example, several men 
voluntarily offered themselves to 
stand trial, and suffer the sen- 
tence of the law, as an atone- 
ment for the whole. These 
men were accordingly marched 
to Edinburgh Castle, tried, and 
four condemned to be shot 
Three of them were afterwards 
reprieved, and the fourth, Alex- 
ander Sutherland, was shot on 
Musselburgh Sands. 

" On the march to Edinburgh, 
a circumstance occurred, tb 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 155 



more worthy of notice, as it 
shows a strong principle of 
honour and fidelity to his word 
and to his officer, in a common 
Highland soldier. One of the 
men stated to the officer com- 
manding the party, that he knew 
what his fate would be, but that 
he had left business of the 
utmost importance to a friend 
in Glasgow, which he wished to 
transact before his death ; that, 
as to himself, he was fully pre- 
pared to meet his fate ; but with 
regard to his friend, he could 
not die in peace unless the 
business was settled, and that, 
if the officer would suffer him 
to return to Glasgow, a few 
hours there would be sufficient, 
and he would join him before 
he reached Edinburgh, and 
march as a prisoner with the 
party. The soldier added, 
'You have known me since I 
was a child; you know my 
country and kindred, and you 
may believe I shall never bring 
you to any blame by a breach 
of the promise I now make, to 
be with you in full time to be 
delivered up in the Castle.' 
This was a startling proposal to 
the officer, who was a judicious 
humane man, and knew per- 
fectly his risk and responsibility 
in yielding to such an extra- 
ordinary application. However, 
his confidence was such, that he 
complied with the request of 
the prisoner, who returned to 
Glasgow at night, settled his 
business, and left the town 
before daylight to redeem his 
pledge. Pie took a long circuit 



to avoid being seen, appre- 
hended as a deserter, and sent 
back to Glasgow, as probably 
his account of his officer's in- 
dulgence would not have been 
credited. In consequence of 
this caution, and the lengthened 
march through woods and over 
hills by an unfrequented route, 
there was no appearance of him 
at the hour appointed. The 
perplexity of the officer when 
he reached the neighbourhood 
of Edinburgh may be easily 
imagined. He moved forward 
slowly indeed, but no one ap- 
peared; and unable to delay 
any longer, he marched up to 
the castle, and as he was deliv- 
ering over the prisoners, but 
before any report was given in, 
Macmartin, the absent soldier, 
rushed in among his fellow- 
prisoners, all pale with anxiety 
and fatigue, and breathless with 
apprehension of the conse- 
quences in which his delay 
might have involved his bene- 
factor. 

" In whatever light the conduct 
of the officer may be considered, 
either by military men or others, in 
this memorable exemplification 
of the characteristic principle of 
his countrymen fidelity to their 
word it cannot but be wished 
that the soldier's magnanimous 
self-devotion had been taken as 
an atonement for his own mis- 
conduct and that of the whole, 
who also had made a high sacri- 
fice, in the voluntary offer of 
their lives for the conduct of 
their brother soldiers. Are 
these a people to be treated as 



156 MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 



malefactors, without regard to 
their feelings and principles; 
and might not a discipline, 



somewhat different from the 
usual mode, be, with advantage, 
applied to them ? " 



MUTINY OF THE GRANT FENCIBLES. 
Tune 1795. 



THIS mutiny, which broke out 
in June 1795, exhibits another 
instance of insubordination, 
originating in horror of the dis- 
grace, which, according to the 
views of the Highlanders, coulc* 
not fail to attach to themselveL 
and their country for a punish- 
ment which they regarded as 
infamous, while the so-called 
crime for which the punishment 
was inflicted, did not seem to 
them at all infamous in any 
moral seiise. But a word or 
two about the embodiment of 
the Grant Fencibles. 

Sir James Grant, of Castle 
Grant, was a good man, and a 
beloved patriarchal chief. He 
offered to raise a regiment of 
loyal men at the outbreak of the 
war. The offer was gladly ac- 
cepted, and two months after 
the declaration of war, the regi- 
ment assembled at Forres. 
This was at the close of April 
1793. Too many loyal men 
came forward ; and in May, 
seventy of them were discharged 
as supernumeraries. It was on 
the 5th of June that the corps 
was finally inspected and em- 



bodied by Lieu tenant -General 
Leslie. In August the regiment 
was marched to Aberdeen ; and 
after being stationed at that city 
for a time, was sent to Linlith- 
gow, Glasgow, Dumfries, Mussel- 
\>urgh, and many other towns 
south of the Forth. 

When stationed at Linlithgow 
in 1794, they were unfortunately 
selected for being sounded on a 
question, great in the apprehen- 
sion of a Highlander of the 
time. The service of Scotch 
Fencible Regiments was under- 
stood to be confined to Scotland, 
and at that time a desire was 
felt to extend their service. 
Measures were accordingly taken 
to sound the Grant men on this 
subject, but it would seem the 
process was not very prudently 
conducted. It was a case in 
which their feelings and preju- 
dices should have been carefully 
taken into account, especially 
when an agreement already 
come to was to be altered. 
Some of the officers, however, 
did not seem to think any ex- 
planation necessary ; others of 
them, it seems, entirely mistook 



MUTINIES IN HIGHLAND REGIMENTS. 1/57 



the meaning and import of the 
commanding officer's orders. 
Be it as it may, jealousy and 
distrust were engendered, the 
soldiers took alarm some were 
for agreeing with the proposals, 
others opposed them to the last 
degree and the result was, that 
no volunteering took place. 

This misunderstanding was 
not easily cleared away ; but it 
seemed to become allayed, after 
Sir James Grant, hearing of it, 
hurried to join his men. 

But when they were quartered 
in Dumfries in 1795, ^ unfor- 
tunately came to the surface 
again, as the story of this mutiny 
will illustrate. 

The following account of it 
appeared in the Scots Magazine 
of June in that year: "A dis- 
agreeable circumstance hap- 
pened in the ist Regiment of 
Fencibles, quartered at Dum- 
fries. One of the men being 
confined for impropriety in the 
field when under arms, several 
of his comrades resolved to 
release him ; but they were 
repelled by the adjutant and 
officer on guard, who made the 
ringleader a prisoner. The 
commanding-officer of the regi- 
ment immediately ordered a 
garrison court-martial, consisting 
of his own corps and the Ulster 
Light Dragoons. When the 
prisoners were remanded back 
from the court to the guard- 
room, their escort was attacked 
by fifty or sixty of the soldiers 
with fixed bayonets, part of 
whom ran away with the pri- 
soners. By the intrepidity and 



good conduct of the lieutenant- 
colonel and officers, they were 
secured. They afterwards ex- 
pressed a proper sense of their 
irregular conduct, and have 
peaceably submitted themselves 
to their fate." 

The July number of the same 
magazine a storehouse of his- 
torical information of incom- 
parable interest carries on the 
story thus : 

"On the lythinst, the five 
prisoners belonging to the ist 
Fencible Regiment, who were 
tried for the crime of mutiny by 
the late general court-martial, 
held at Musselburgh four of 
whom had been adjudged to 
suffer death, and the fifth to 
receive corporal punishment 
were carried from Musselburgh 
to the links of Gullen, escorted 
by the ist, 2d, first battalion of 
the 4th, and a detachment of 
the 7th Fencibl