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Full text of "The story of the Pilgrim fathers, 1606-1623 A.D. : as told by themselves, their friends, and their enemies"

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The Story of 

The Pilgrim Fathers, 

1606-1623 A.D. 



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The Story oi: 
The Pilgrim Father 

1606-1623 A.D. ; 

as told by 

Themselves, their Friends, and 

their Enemies, 



5 



EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAT, TEXTS, 

FA' 

EDWARD ARBER, f.s.a. 

Fellow of King's College, London ; Hon. Member of the Virginia and Wisconsin 

Historical Societies ; Late English Examiner at the London University, and 

also at the Victoria University, Manchester ; Emeritus Professor of 

English Language and Literature, IMason College, Birmingham. 



Above all things, Liberty. — J. Selden. 

Religion stands on tip-toe in oitr laud, 

Ready to />nss to the A)i!crica>i strand. — G. Herbert. 

Our 7innics, 
Faxiiliar in their nrouths as household iuoriis.— \\^ . Sh.^kespe.Mv'e. 



LONDON : 
WARD AND DOWNEY Limited. 

BOSTON AND NEW YORK: 
HOIJGPITON, MIFFLIN & CO. 

1897. 






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CONTENTS. 

CHAP. PAGE 

The Preface, ... . . . 1 

To OUR Readers in both hemispheres, . 12 

Introduction, 22 

I. Dr Cotton Mather's Life of Governor William 

Bradford, .39 

II. The Bradford Manuscript, 46 



SCROOBY. 



48 
57 
67 



71 



III. The Beginning of Things, .... 

IV. The Pilgrim District in England, . 
V. ScRooBY and Gainsborough, . . . 

VI. William Brewster, Postmaster at Scrooby 

January 1589 to 30 September 1607, 
VII. The Flight into Holland. [? October] 1607 — 

[? August] 1608, 87 

VIII. The Entries in Zachary Clifton's Family Bible. 95 



Amsterdam. 

IX. The British Churches in Amsterdam, ... 98 
X. The scandalous Ancient exiled English Church 

AT Amsterdam. 1597 — 1623, 101 

Its early days, 1592 — 1597, . . . . . 103 

George Johnson. 1592—1603, . . ' . . 108 

John Johnson. September — October 1602, . . 110 

Christopher Lawne's books. 1612 — 1613, . . 112 
The case of the Eev. Thomas White. 1603 — 

1606, . 118 

Peter Fairlambe. 1606, 121 



vi Contents. 

CHAP. PAGE 

The arrival of fresh English Churches in 

Amsterdam, 1607—1608, 121 

That unspeakable Daniel Studley. 1592 — 1612, 122 
The Ancient exiled English Church at 
Amsterdam splits in two. Saturday, 15/25 

December 1610, 124 

The Prophets of the " Holy Discipline," and 
their comical proceedings. 1602 — 1612, . . 126 
The fiendish cruelty of Richard Mansfield, 

1610—1612, 127 

The Ancient Church is an abomination to 
the citizens of Amsterdam. 1605 — 1612, . 128 
The divine blessing upon the Pilgrim Church, 129 
The death - bed Recantation of the Rev. 

Francis Johnson. 1617, 129 

The influence of the Separation, . . .130 
XI. The Rev. John Smyth, Preacher of the city 
of Lincoln ; afterwards Pastor of the Church 
at Gainsborough ; then Pastor of the 
Brethren of the Separation of the Second 
English Church at Amsterdam ; and lastly, 
the Se-Baptist. 1603—1612,. . . . . 131 
XII. The settlement of the Scrooby Church at 

Amsterdam. October 1607— August 1608, . . 141 

Leyden 

XIII. Beautiful Leyden, 143 

XIV. The British Churches in Leyden, . . .145 
XY. The Removal of the Pilgrim Church to Leyden, 

by Friday, 21 April /I May 1609, .... 146 
.XVI. The Purchase of the Rev. John Robinson's 
house in Bell Alley, Leyden, on Thursday, 

26 April /6 May 1611, 155 

XVII, The Inmates of the Rev. John Robinson's 
house in Bell Alley, Leyden, on Saturday, 

5/15 October 1622, 159 

'XVIII. The Marriages of Forefathers that were 
registered at the Stadhuis, or City Hall, 
Leyden ; between 1611 and 1621, . . . 161 



Co7itents, vii 



CHAK PAGE 

XIX. Other Marriages of English Exiles registered 

AT , THE StADHUIS, OR CiTY HaLL, LeYDEN ; 
BETWEEN 1610 AND 1617, . . . . . 167 

XX. The Eegistration at the Stadhuis, or City 
Hall, of such Members of the Pilgrim 
Church as were admitted Citizens, or 
Freemen, of Leyden ; between 1612 and 1615, 169 
XXI. The Members of the Pilgrim Church, and 
some other British subjects, who matriculated 
at Leyden University. 1609 — 1620, . . . 170 
XXII. Governor Bradford's panegyric of the Church 
Order of the exiled English Churches at 
Amsterdam and Leyden, . . . . . 172 

XXIII. The Rev. John Robinson and the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden ; and their relations to 
OTHER Reformed Churches. 1609 — 1625, . . 174 

XXIV. Bradford's Life of William Brewster, the 
Ruling Elder of the Pilgrim Church, . . 189 

XXV. The Pilgrim Press in Choir Alley, Leyden ; 
and its suppression : together with the books 

THAT were produced BY IT, BETWEEN OCTOBER 

1616 AND June 1619, 195 



The Resolution to migrate to America. 

XXVI. The two Virginia Companies. 1606— | J^gg' 248 

XXVII. The Reasons that moved most of the 
Pilgrim Church to migrate to America. 

■ 1617, 262 

The Discussion that followed, . . . 268 
The means they used for preparation to 
this weighty Voyage \Expebitjon\. 1617, 271 

XXVIII. Members of the Pilgrim Church who did 

NOT EMIGRATE TO AMERICA, . . . . ' • 273 

XXIX. Francis Blackwell leads the remnant of 
the Rev. Francis Johnson's Church towards 
Virginia. 1618—1619, . . . . .277 



viii Contents. 

CHAP. PAGE 

The Negotiations of the Pilgrim Church. 

XXX. The Negotiations with the London Virginia 

Company. 1617—1619, . . . . .280 
The Seven Articles. 1617, .... 280 
XXXI. The Negotiations with the Privy Council 
of England. The Three Points. January — 

February 1618, 293 

XXXII. The. Negotiations with the Dutch. 1620, . 297 

XXXIII. The Negotiations with Master Thomas 
Weston, Merchant ; and the Adventurers 

in and about London. 1620, .... 302 

XXXIV. Who were the Adventurers? . . . 320 
XXXV. Captain John Smith, the Hero of Virginia, 

offers his services to the Pilgrim Fathers ; 
who decline them : and then his advice, 
which they disregard, 323 

The Voyage to America. 

XXXVI. The Names of the Pilgrim Ships, . . 326 
XXXVII. The departure from Leyden. May — July 

1620, 327 

XXXVIII. The Business at Southampton. [? Wednesday, 
26 July /5 August] — Saturday, 5/15 August 

1620, 334 

XXXIX. The Story of the Speedwell, . . . 339 
XL. The Voyage of the Mayflower from 
Plymouth to Cape Cod. 6/16 September — 
11/21 November 1620, . . . ' . .347 
XLI. Who were the Pilgrim Fathers? . . 355 

XLII. The Passengers in the Mayflower ; and 

WHAT BECAME OF THEM, . . . ' . . 358 

XLIIL The Forefathers, or Old Comers. 1620 — 

1623, 381 

XLIV. That the Dutch could not have bribed 

Captain Jones of the Mayflower. 1620, . 389 
XLV. That Captain Jones of the Mayflower was 
not the Captain Thomas Jones op the 
DiSOOVERY, . . 392 



Contents, ix 



PAGE 



A Relation, or Journal, of the Beginning 
AND Proceedings of the English Plantation 

SETTLED AT PLYMOUTH, IN NeW ENGLAND. 

[London, 1622, 4], 395-505 

E. G, To HIS MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND, MASTER I. P., 397 

G. MouRT. To THE Eeader, 399 

I. R [Eev. John Eobinson.] A Letter of Advice 
TO the Planters of New England, 401 

A Eelation, or Journal, etc., . . . . . 407 

[The Compact.], . . . . . . . 409 

[The First Disco^t:ry.], 410 

[The Second Discovery.], 417 

[The Third Discovery.], 426 

A Journey to Packanokik, the habitation op the 
great King, Massasoyt. As also our Message, [and] 

the Answer and intertainment we had of him, . , 462 

A Voyage made by ten of our men to the 
Kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that had lost 

HIMSELF IN the WOODS. WiTH SUCH ACCIDENTS AS BEFELL 

US IN THAT Voyage, 474 

A Journey to the Kingdom of Namaschet, in 
defence of the great King, Massasoyt, against the 
Narrohiqgansets ; and to revenge the supposed death 
OF OUR interpreter Tisquantum, . . . . , 479 

A Eelation of our Voyage to the Massachusets ; 
and what happened there, . . . . . . 483 

E. W. [Edward Winslow.] A Letter setting 

FORTH A BRIEF AND TRUE DECLARATION OF THE WORTH 

OF THAT Plantation, etc., 488 

E. C. [Egbert Cushman.] Eeasons and 
Considerations touching the lawfulness of removing 
out of England into the parts of America, . . . 495 



X Contents. 

PAGE 

The Complaint of certain Adventurers 
AND Inhabitants of the Plantation in New 
England [for the robberies by the French- 
men from the Fortune in February 1622], 506-508 



E. W. [Edward Winslow.] Good News from 
New England. [London, 1624, 4], . . 509-600 

To THE Eeader, . . 611 

to all well-willers and furtherers of 

Plantations in New England, etc., . . . . . 513 
Good News from New England, . . . . . 517 
[The Religion and Customs of the Indians near 

New Plymouth], 581 

[A Description of New England ; and of those 

who should go there], 592 



A Brief Relation of a Credible Intelligence 

OF the present state of Virginia 599 

. A Postscript, . . . 600 



Index, . . 601 



THE PREFACE. 



^^~^plHE appearance, last year, by the kind assent 
"" of Doctor Frederick Temple, then Bishop 
of London and now Archbishop of 
Canterbury, of the noble photo-zincographic 
Facsimile of the once lost Bradford Manuscript, 
preserved at Fulham Palace, London, has naturally 
suggested that the Pilgrim Story should be again told 
— in a manner brief yet accurate; impartial yet 
sympathetic — in accordance with the authoritative 
statements of that Manuscript, and of other information 
that has come to light in recent years. 

What a strange thing it is, that hitherto there does 
not exist any adequate account, scientifically written 
but popular in form, of the Pilgrim Fathers. And this, 
although there has already grown up around their noble 
efforts, a considerable literature, through the incessant 
efforts of American Scholars and Historical Societies : 
a literature that will no doubt continue to grow till the 
end of time. 

Crammed as this volume is with information on the 
subject, most of it of paramount authority; it has not 
been found possible to bring the Pilgrim Story in it, to 
a later date than 1623. If that Story is to be continued, 
it must be in another similar volume ; which would 
probably carry it on to the years 1628, or 1630. 

What has been here attempted has been to select 
those facts which are material to the Story, and which 
are also absolutely, or morally, certain; to explode 

The Pilgrim Fathers. a 



2 The Preface. 

whatever myths we may happen to have met with; 
and to give exact references for everything that is 
adduced. In one sense, it has been a resetting of old 
material ; in another, the production of new facts. Our 
great desire has been, that there should be nothing in 
this Volume that the Reader may be hereafter compelled 
to unlearn ; but that he may feel sure that, in respect 
to all its contents, that he is standing upon the solid 
rock of truth. 

Although the Pilgrim Story must, after the 
appearance of this Volume, assume a somewhat 
different aspect from that which it has hitherto had ; 
it has been rather heightened than diminished in interest. 
There are two sides to every question. The Writings 
of Governor Bradford, Governor Winslow, Robert 
CusHMAN, &c., deeply interesting and authoritative as 
they are in regard to the inner life, the actual* 
experiences, the hopes and fears, of the Pilgrim Church ; 
yet are they, in their nature, nothing but ex 'parte 
statements. Neither do they cover the whole ground 
of the Story : so that they have to be partly checked, 
and partly added to, from the outside. 

Hitherto these Writers have either not been read at 
all : or they have been read, as if they were so much 
Gospel ; and that no other opinions varying from them 
were possible. Now it is quite certain that these Writers 
knew of a great many things that they did not feel 
called upon to put upon paper. They wrote — with 
transparent honesty be it said — on behalf of the Cause 
to which they had consecrated their lives. And then, 
having so successfully fought through "such a sea of 
troubles ; " they had, to say the least, the assurance of 
their convictions : just as, so often, in private life, our 



The Preface. 3 

successful friends have very pronounced opinions ; which 
we regard as the allowable play of character in such 
energetic natures. 

Especially must Governor Bradford's good-natured 
and optimistic estimates of the Leaders of the English 
Separation in Holland — Johnson, Clyfton and Smyth — 
be considered as incomplete and misleading : for reasons 
which will be found later on in this book. 

A cool-headed rectification of opinions has therefore 
been often necessary in this Volume. 

The general Reader will find not a few notable facts 
in this Volume. Of these, the following may be here 

mentioned : 

The story of the " Holy Discipline " : and of its vanishing 
away. 

The deliberate cruelty shown to the promoters of the " Holy 
Discipline," through the Bishops' Courts, by John Whitgift, 
Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Richard Bancroft, Bishop of 
London, in the days of Queen Elizabeth. 

The murderous statute of 1593, 35 Eliz. c. 1, intituled, An Act 
to retain the Queen^s subjects in obedience. 

The payments to William Brewster, as Post Master of Scrooby, 
from January 1589 to 30 September 1607. 

The identification of the Rev. John Smyth, the Se-Baptist, 
with the Eev. John Smith, Preacher of the city of Lincoln. 

The Entries in Zachary Clifton's Bible. 

The scandalous Ancient exiled English Church at Amsterdam. 

Matthew Slade's account of the burial of the Rev. Francis 
Johnson at Amsterdam on 10/20 January 1617/1618 : and of the 
publication by him there, a few days before his death, of a 
Recantation of his opinions, with a Refutation of the Five Articles 
[? of the Synod of Dort] ; in a book which no modern scholar has 
ever seen, and which is now believed to be utterly lost. 

The Story of the Pilgrim Press at Leyden, and of its suppression ; 
together vith the fullest List, yet published, of Books that may be 
assigned to it. 

The fact that, for more than a year before he left Leyden in the 



4 The Preface. 

Speedwell, Wili^iam Brewster was a hunted man ; hiding from 
the utmost efforts of the British Government to catch him. And 
that, had he been caught, so far from becoming the revered Euling 
Elder of the New England States ; he would probably have lain in 
prison till the Meeting of the Long Parliament, as his partner 
Thomas Brewer did ; if his imprisonment had not previously 
killed him. 

The Seven Articles of 161Y. The Three Points of 1618. 

The various Negotiations of the Pilgrim Fathers, in regard to 
their Exodus to America, with (1) the London Virginia Company, 
(2) the Priv^' Council of England, (3) the Dutch, and (4) the 
Adventurers. 

A reprint of two Journals describing the adventures of the 
Pilgrim Fathers during the first three years they were in New 
England. 

The Statement of the Claims in respect of the robberies by the 
Frenchmen from the Fortune in 1622. 

Evidence that Governor Bradford sent home an official 
despatch in that vessel : which was stolen, and is now possibly 
lost for ever. 

But still more unexpected, both to the Editor 

and the Reader, is the definition of the ecclesiastical 

position oi tlae Pilgrim Chuxch as tlaat oi The Church. 

of England — once removed. The evidence convincingly 

demonstrates the strong affection of that exiled Society 

to the Church of their fathers — the persecuting Bishops 

apart: an affection which only deepened as time 

went on, and experience of life increased. So that 

the Pilgrim Church stood then much nearer to 

the Anglican Church than John Wesley and his 

Community did in the last century. The villagers, 

that grouped themselves round the Rev. John 

Robinson and William Brewster, started at first 

on rigid lines: but as their continental life mellowed 

their experience, they became large-hearted and 

broad-souled ; and came to look on their separation 



The Preface. 5 

from the English Church as their misfortune, and not 
as a thing to glory in. 

Therefore, if the Church of England had existed 
then, as it exists to-day ; the Pilgrim movement would 
have never come into existence at all. Was it not 
rather the Stuart tyranny, working through the 
Church organization (as it did through all the other 
organizations of the State ; and notably that of Justice), 
that'^created it. 

In respect to such points as these, it may be necessary 
to say that we are absolutely impartial : having already 
edited some twenty thousand pages of letterpress, 
representing all sorts of opinions ; some of them Roman 
Catholic, and the rest embracing all shades of Protestant 
thought. We have never yet edited any book for a 
purpose ; and never will do so. We always start upon 
any investigation with a tabula rasa', and then just 
simply follow the evidence, wherever it may lead us. 

Perhaps it may be as well to warn the young 
Reader at the outset, that the reproaches hurled, in 
this book, at the then new School of Protestant Thinkers, 
called Arminians or Remonstrants, are simply so much 
unadulterated ignorance and fanaticism. 

Arminianism, with its vigorous assertion of the 
Freedom of the Human Will, was just the inevitable 
reaction, the swinging back of the mental pendulum, from 
the perfectly appalling doctrine of Divine Predestination 
of the rigid Calvinism, as set forth, for instance, in the 
nine Lanibeth Articles of the 20th November 1595. 

At the present day, the two theological Schools 
of Calvinism and Arminianism have representatives 
amongst the earnest Thinkers of most Protestant 
Communities. Each doctrine is, in its essence, true: 



6 The Preface. 

but it is beyond the power of Man to harmonize 
them. Which doctrine, therefore, one would adopt 
would probably depend upon one's bringing up, social 
environment, mental pace, attitude of mind, and so 
forth. Therefore the young Reader will come to 
regard controversies on these subjects as sheer waste 
of time. Let each man choose for himself. 

But then it was a very wild time, an Age of 
ceaseless conflict all round. The human mind, 
awakening from the sleep of Feudalism and the Dark 
Ages, fastened on all the problems that are inherent to 
human society: problems which, even at the present 
day, are not half solved. In England, during that 
seventeenth century, men were digging down to the 
very roots of things. They were asking. What is the 
ultimate authority in human affairs ? Upon what, does 
Government rest ? and for what purpose, does it exist ? 

And this clash of opinions went on in all Branches 
of Human Knowledge alike : in Politics, in Science, 
and in Philosophy ; as well as in Religion. And yet 
nobody thinks any the worse of Politics, Science, and 
Philosophy ; because, in these first steps, so many 
mistakes, false starts, and abortive efforts were then 
made by them, as will be found as regards Religion 
in this volume. Advance through making mistakes 
seems to be the law of human progress. 

The sharpest possible attention must be paid to the 
dates : for Chronology is the life of all historical studies. 
The thing to be certain about is the Day of the Week. 

In the seventeenth century, the difference between 

the Old Style of reckoning time, and the New Style, 

> was Ten days. Thus the eleventh day of the month 



The Preface, 7 

Old Style was the twenty-first day New Style. It 
was written, 11/21. 

For instance, the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth 
in New England, on 

11/21 December 1620, \8ee 'page 435.] 

which fell upon a Monday : a date since called 
Forefathers' Day. 

Another chronological point has also to be considered. 
The year was reckoned to begin on different days in 
different countries. 

For instance, in Holland, in the seventeenth century, 
the year began on the 1st of January : but, in England, 
the legal year began on the 25th of March. So that the 
eighty-three days, between the 1st of January and the 
24th of March, were regarded as belonging to what we 
should now consider as being the previous year. 

For example, permission was granted by the Town 
Council of Leyden to the Pilgrim Fathers to come to 
that city, 

" in their session at the Council House, the 12th 
day of February, 1609 " \^ee page 148.] 

That, according to the old English reckoning, was on 
2 February 1608. 

We combine the two Styles together in one formula, 
thus : 

2/12 February 1608/1609 
which fell upon a Thursday. 

Now will be seen the importance of the Day of the 
Week. The two Styles must coincide on the same day. 

Which Style was used, depended largely on the 
nationality of the Writer. The English Ambassador, 
and the Pilgrim Fathers, in Holland, generally dated 
their letters in the Old Style. 



8 The Preface 

Another point about time, which may be useful to 
remember in the present Work, is that the average time 
that elapsed between the writing of a letter at the 
Hague or Leyden, and its receipt in London; or vice 
versa : may be put at nine or ten days. Sometimes the 
post occupied only five days ; and sometimes, fifteen or 
sixteen. It all depended on the wind and the weather. 

The money of that period must be multiplied by 
about four to represent its purchasing power: that is 
£1, or 5$, then would (roughly speaking) buy as much 
as £4, or 20$, would now. This is merely a rough 
approximate way of expressing the present diminished 
purchasing power of gold coin. Scientifically speaking, 
the ratio would vary with respect to each article bought : 
but as a general approximation, four times, or a little under 
that, may be fairly accepted as the ratio of increased 
value for the first half of the seventeenth century. 

At this time of day, to hope to add anything 
absolutely new, to the sum of what is already known 
about the Pilgrim Fathers, is like hoping to find the 
Philosopher's Stone. The New England Scholars and 
Historical Societies, during the last hundred years, have 
so cleanly swept this field of history, that not even a 
single ear of wheat is to be hoped for. We ourselves had 
no such hope at all. Therefore the more do we rejoice 
in our good luck in finding the Statement of the Claims 
in respect of the robbery of the Fortune by the French 
in February 1622, which will be found at pages 506-508. 

It is extraordinary to what a large extent we are 
dealing, in this volume, with what is practically a Lost 
Literature. All the English books printed in Holland 



The Preface. 9 

and Flanders before 1641 are rare : but those printed 
there for the Separatists, in order to be sold or 
distributed in England, are amongst the rarest of them all. 
One simple fact will be a sufficient illustration of this : 

The British Museum does not possess, at this moment 
of writing, a single copy of the original editions of the 
seven books written by the Rev. John Smyth, the 
Se-Baptist ; and which were printed for him between 
1603 and 1613. Of how many other English Authors 
can it now be said, That, in their original editions, they 
are totally unrepresented in the great London Library ? 

Therefore we would here strenuously appeal to' all 
the great Collectors and Libraries of the United States, 
especially to those in New England, that instant search 
should be made through their Collections, for all the 
English Separatist Works known. For this purpose, 
the bibliographical information contained in this volume 
and in Doctor H. Martyn Dexter's Congregationalism 
&c., will be found helpful. And, further, that the finds 
should be reported to, and recorded by, some central 
body, like the American Library Association. This is 
not a sectional Literature. It is that which surrounds 
the ultimate origin of the United States : and therefore 
the effort may be regarded as a national one. 

Especially should a ceaseless hunt be made after all 
copies of Editions that can, with any probability, be 
assigned to the Pilgrim Press at Leyden. 

Most of all, that the following two utterly lost books 

be sought for, without wearying. 

Giles Thorpe. The Hunting of the Fox. Parti. 

? Printed by Thorpe himself at Amsterdam, about 1610. 

This is the lost scandalous chronicle of the Ancient 
exiled English Church in that city. 



lo The Preface, 

The death-bed Kecantation of the Rev. Francis Johnson. 
Printed at Amsterdam in [December] 1617. 

The Title even of this book is not known ; much less 
its contents. 

And now we have to ask for the kind co-operation 
of our Readers. We desire to give a perfectly exact, 
though a modernized, text. Many of the words and 
idioms in it, have, naturally enough, in the nearly three 
hundred years that have since passed away, become 
obsolete, or have quite changed their meanings. In all 
such cases we have put the real meaning after them, 
thus : 

admire \wo7ider at.^ lawful {morally/ right. It 

betake [entncst.'] does not usually mean 

civil [civilized.^ legal.] 

civil [secularj] painful [painstaking.] 

condescend [agree to.] a passionate letter [a 

estates [properties.] suffering, or heart-broken 

indifferently [impartially.] letter ; as in the sense 

of Passion Week. It 
does not mean a letter 
written in a rage.] 

In like manner, Indian Place Names are followed 
by their present English names : as, Massachusetts 
[Boston Bay], Namaschet [Middlehorough], Nauset 
[Eastha'in], Patuxet [Plymouth], Wessagusset 
[ Weymouth]. 

Again, some part of the text is confessedly very 

roughly written ; sometimes, in what almost might be 

regarded as broken English. 

As for this poor Relation, I pray you accept it, as being writ by 
the several Actors themselves, after their plain and rude manner : 
therefore doubt nothing of the truth thereof. If it be defective 
in anything, it is their ignorance ; that are better acquainted with 
planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected 
to the business ; it is all I care for. See page 397. 



The Preface. 1 1 

« 

Usually the imperfection of the style is by omitting 
words which were present to the mind of the Writer ; 
but which he did not put down in writing. These lost, 
but necessary, words have been supplied between square 
brackets. 

In these three ways, our Readers will have the 
advantage of a rigidly exact text, unavoidably 
containing many obsolete words and idioms; but 
which yet will be instantly understandable. 

In many cases, the Foot Notes are of equal importance 
and authority with the text. In such cases, they are 
merely the printer's device to bring matter relating to 
the same topic into the closest possible juxtaposition. 
Other Foot Notes are simply explanatory. 

All Foot Notes supplied by the present Editor, are 
followed by his initials — E. A. 

Our grateful thanks are here tendered, for valuable 
guidance and help from Professor Justin Winsor, 
Librarian of Harvard University, Massachusetts. This 
gentleman, so well known as a veritable Rabbin of 
Bibliography, is also the greatest living authority upon 
the colonial history of New England. 

In conclusion. This story belongs to the Universal 

Church of Christ. May it be especially helpful in 

uniting all true Protestant hearts, in the Old World as 

in the New, in the love, service, and worship of the 

ever-blessed Trinity ! 

Edward Arber. 

73 Shepherd's Bush road, 
West Kensington, 

London, W. 
15 January 1897. 




TO OUR READERS IN BOTH HEMISPHERES. 

HE Story of the Pilgrim Fathers divides itself into 
two parts : an ecclesiastical conflict in England 
and Holland ; and a colonizing effort in New 
England. It is as hard to make the American 
understand the theological niceties of the first part ; as it is to 
make the Englishman understand the geographical localities 
of the second. 

If we would wish to do but bare and simple justice to 
the Pilgrim Fathers ; we must strip ourselves of a great many 
ideas and opinions which, in our time, are the unquestioned 
and universal axioms of every day life and thought. 

There is not one of us but lives under conditions in which 
Law is always, and under all circumstances, the supreme 
authority. We can hardly realize a condition of society in 
which Law itself was struggling for existence ; in which 
everybody and everything was governed by the King's Will, 
and was subordinate and contributory to (O amazing words !) 
the royal satisfaction. 

Yet it was under conditions such as these, that the Pilgrim 
movement originated, and fought its way onward. Let us 
endeavour, then, to go back in our thoughts to their Age and 
to their circumstances. 

Doctor H. Martyn Dexter has done this for us, as regards 
the material things of life : 

Ordinary average life, three centuries ago, was so different from 
life now, as to make it well-nigh impossible, even for the most 
diligent antiquary, adequately to comprehend, and describe, that 
difference. 

12 



To our Readers in both hemispheres. 1 3 

Wlien the Fratres Angli in Belgia exulantes began to change the 
date of their letters to Francis Junius from the Sixteenth to the 
Seventeenth Century, even the scholars of the great Universities 
were still uncertain whether Copernicus had fairly out-reasoned 
Ptolemy in his theory of the solar system. 

It was Fourteen years, before John Napier of Merchiston, by 
the invention of logarithms, as Laplace said, by reducing to a 
few days the labour of months, doubled the life of all whose 
occasions lead them to abstruse mathematical calculations. 

It is thought to have been Two and twenty years after that 
date, before England saw her first weekly newspaper. 

It was Five and twenty, before hackney coaches began to be 
kept for hire in London. 

It was Eight and twenty, before William Harvey published 
his discovery of the circulation of the blood. 

It was Forty, before Gascoigne by his cross of fine wire in the 
focus of the telescope, raised it from a vaguely instructive curiosity 
to the dignity of an eye, accurate as well as far-seeing, to note 
celestial phenomena. 

It was Eight and forty, before the Barometer became available 
to measure heights, and foretell storms. 

It was Six and fifty, before Huyghens, applying the oscillating 
pendulum to the rude clock with vibrating balance, which had 
been in use for three or four hundred years, first gave to the world 
a measurer of time, '" more accurate than the sun itself." 

It was Four and sixty, before Thomas Willis described the 
nerve centre ; and showed that the brain is a congeries of organs, 
and the seat of moral and intellectual action. 

It was Six and sixty, before Newton, sitting in his garden, was 
started upon that train of thought which, years after, led him 
on to the development of the Law of Universal Gravitation : 
"indisputably and incomparably the greatest scientific discovery 
ever made." 

It was Two and seventy, before the same modest and 
marvellous intellect which had unravelled the problem of the 
celestial motions, discovered the key to the rainbow in the fact 
that light consists of rays of different colours and diverse 
refrangibility. 

It was Three and seventy, before the first Almanack of the 
present character was published in England. 



14 To our Readers in both hemispheres. 

It was Five and seventy, before Eomer, the Dane, discovered 
and measured the progressive motion of light. 

It was One hundred and nine, before a daily paper was started 
in London. 

It was One hundi^ed and fourteen, before Doctor John 
Wo CD WORD laid the foundation of the science of Geology, by 
demonstrating that the surface of the earth has an orderly 
■ stratification. 

It was One hundred and twenty, before Romer devised the 
mercurial Thermometer ; and introduced it to the Gentleman and 
the Farmer as well as the Scientist. 

It was One hundred and thirty- three, before Dufay made 
possible the science of electricity as it now exists. 

It was One hundred and forty, before there was a Circulating 
Library in London. 

It was One hundred and fifty-eight, before Cronstedt, of 
Sweden, published the elementary principles of the science of 
Mineralogy. 

It was One hundred and sixty, before there was a street light 
in London. 

It was One hundred and seventy-one, before Richard 
Arkwright was weaving cotton cloth at Cromford in Derbyshire, 
by means of spindles and looms driven by water. 

It was One hundred and seventy -nine, before the steam-engine, 
in the form now commonly used for manufacture and traflSc, was 
first devised. 

It was One hundred and eighty-four, before Henry Cavendish 
published, in the Philosophical Transactions^ the proof that Water 
is a compound of Oxygen and Hydrogen gases. 

It was One hundred and ninety-one, before Luigi Galvani 
announced the discoveries establishing that branch of science which 
bears his name. 

It was Two hundred and thirteen, before London Bridge was 
lighted with gas. 

It was Two hundred and nineteen, before the first ship, whose 
sails were aided by steam, crossed the Atlantic. 

It was Two hundred and twenty-nine, before Stephenson's 
"Rocket" led the panting and interminable succession of the 
locomotives of the nineteenth century. 

It was Two hundred and thirty -nine, before Louis Daguerre 



To otir Readers in both hevuspheres. 1 5 

announced the possibility of almost instantaneously securing and 
rendering permanent the facsimile portrait of a face or of a scene. 

It was Two hundred and forty, before the invention of 
prepayment by stamp, and the era of cheap postage. 

It was Two hundred and forty-four, before the Telegraph was 
first practically used in the transmission of messages between 
distant points : Two hundred and fifty-eight, before the. first 
telegram made its way from the Old World to the New under the 
Atlantic : Two hundred and seventy-seven, before the still more 
marvellous Telephone began to ofi'er itself to reunite the separated, 
even by the hearing of the ear: and Two hundred and seventy-eight, 
before the Phonograph, most wonderful of all, ofiered itself to store 
up for reproduction — on the turning of a crank — whatsoever of 
talk, or song, may have been admitted to its mysterious confidence. 
Congregationalism Sc, pp. 683-686, Ed. 1880, 8. 

Observations like these of Doctor Dexter make us 
feel the great distance of time which separates us from the 
Pilgrim Fathers; whose lives we are about to study so 
closely : and they will also help us to avoid the folly of harshly 
judging the opinions of the beginning of the Seventeenth 
Century, from the standpoint of the ideas of the end of the 
Nineteenth ; though, of course, Kight and Wrong are eternal. 

Then our thoughts must go back to an Age when the 
general drift of public affairs all over Europe was towards 
tyranny and oppression : a state of things which it is now 
very hard for us to realize. 

Spain, under Philip III., had already become a consolidated 
and illimitable autocracy. France was on its way to that 
absolute royal desipotism that enabled Louis XIV,, later 
on, to say, "I am the State." Ferdinand II., Emperor of 
Germany, was carrying on the Thirty Years' War in order 
that he might suppress Protestantism in Germany, and the 
liberty with which it was associated. It is but the simple 
fact that, at the time the Mayfiower was crossing the 
Atlantic, there were only two powerful free States in 
Europe, Great Britain and Holland. In nearly all the 
other countries, the Governments were doing nothing else 



1 6 To our Readers in both heinispheres. 

but ceaselessly striving, and with a marked success, to 
enslave the peoples committed to their care. 

This had been much aided by the Counter-Reformation 
carried on by the Papal Curia, from the time of the Council 
of Trent onwards ; by which the Roman Catholic Church had 
adapted itself to the new conditions of European life. Of 
that Counter-Reformation, with its two special developments 
of the Spanish Inquisition and of the Order of the Jesuits, the 
Reader will find an able description in A Relation of the State 
of Religion &c. London, 1605, 4. It was written by Sir 
Edwin Sandys ; whom we shall meet with later on in this 
Story. 

Indeed, so absolutely identified was the Roman Catholic 
Church of that Age, in the minds of most Englishmen, 
with all forms of political tyranny, that, later on, in the 
Massachusetts Colony, men were punished for saying. That it 
was a Christian Church : a proposition that no sane man now- 
a-days would for a moment deny. Let us then never forget 
that, at the back of all the Puritanism and Separatism of that 
Age, tbere ever lay the intensest hate of Roman Catholicism 
and of the tyranny with which it was then so thoroughly 
identified. 

Such being the general state of European Affairs : in 
England, Absolutism — that is, That the King was above The 
Law — came in with the Stuarts. The seventeenth century 
passed away in one long fight between Englishmen and that 
dynasty, over the then perfectly new doctsines of 

(1) The inherent Divine Right of Kings by blood or 

inheritance, 

(2) The absolute unconditioned Passive Obedience of 

Subjects, and 

(3) The unlawfulness of Resistance or Self-Defence in 

cases of oppression or violence, whether national or 
personal. 
If we have not stated these monstrous opinions sufficiently 



To our Readers in both hemispheres, 1 7 

clearly : let us do so in the words of Doctor Humphrey 
GowER, the Yice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 
in 1681 : 

We still believe and maintain that our Kings derive not their 
Titles from the people ; but from GOD. That to him only they 
are accountable. That it belongs not to subjects, either to create 
or censure ; but to honour and obey, their Sovereign : who comes 
to be so by a fundamental hereditary Eight of Succession ; which 
no Religion, no Law, no Fault or Forfeiture, can alter or diminish. 

Charles I., after having brought infinite evil upon his 
people, died a martyr for such principles as these. Among 
his last words upon the scaffold before the Banqueting Hall 
of Whitehall Palace, immediately before he was beheaded, 
were these : 

For the people. And truly I desire their liberty and freedom 
as much as anybody wliomsoever. But I must tell you. That their 
liberty and their freedom consists in having, of Government, those 
laws by which their life and their goods may be most their own. 
It is not for having share in Government, Sir. That is nothing 
pertaining to them. A Subject and a Sovereign are clean different 
things ; and therefore until they do that, I mean, that you do put 
the people in that liberty, as I say ; certainly they will never 
enjoy themselves. King Charles his Speech (&c., p. 6, London, [23 
Feb.] 1649, 4. British Museum Press-mark, E. 545 (5). 

The answer to that dying assertion is. That the English 
people had had a share in the national sovereignty long before 
the Stuarts, then only Norman Barons living near Oswestry 
in Shropshire, went to Scotland to seek their fortunes. 

These pernicious political dogmas received their death-blow 
at the happy and glorious Revolution of 1688. Then was 
formulated what is known as the Whig doctrine of the 
Covenant between the King and the People ; the King 
in 'his Coronation Oath, and the Subjects in their Oath of 
Allegiance. This meant that the Law was to be above the 
King; and that he held the throne by exactly the same 
authority as the subject held his house. 

King William III. and Queen Mary accepted the English 

The Pilgrim Fathers. B 



1 8 To our Readers in both hemispheres. 

Crown on these conditions on 23rd February 1689. England 
had, however, to fight France for nearly a quarter of a 
century before this "Whig doctrine could be regarded as an 
assured political fact. From the accession of George I. in 
1714, however, it has never been questioned. 

Now when we consider that this arduous vindication of 
the supremacy of Law amongst the English people, occurred 
many years after the Pilgrim Exodus from Leyden ; we can 
the better realize the wild times in which they lived. 

Then our thoughts must go back to a time when the 
Liberty of the Press simply did not exist in the British 
Isles. 

Printing was then only possible in London, Edinburgh, 
and Dublin j and at the University Presses at Oxford and 
Cambridge : but it was chiefly carried on in London. 

Even there, if a man were so rash as to buy type and a 
hand printing press ; he would be immediately sent to prison 
for that oflence. For no one in London was allowed to print 
anything unless he were a Freeman of the Company of 
Stationers : and even of those Freemen, only a certain few 
might 'print books ; though all of them were allowed to sell 
or bind them. 

There was a tradition amongst the London trade that, 
besides the King's Printers and other Patentees, there ought 
to be Twenty-two Printing Houses, and no more, in the 
Metropolis. But, for years together, there were not even so 
many as that. On 9th May 1615, there were nineteen of 
such Printing Houses in London; possessing thirty- three 
hand printing presses. 

The Master Printers could not have as many hand printing 
presses as they would like. Everything was regulated and 
fettered. Each one, on his filling the previous vacancy, 
started with one ; and, as lie rose in the Stationers' Company^ 
he might increase that number to two of such presses, and no 
more. Of the above nineteen Master Printers, the five junior 



To our Readers in both hemispheres. 19 

ones had only one press each ; the fourteen senior ones had 
two each. 

The London compositors then usually set up the books in 
type in their own houses ; and took the " formes of type " to 
the residence of the Master Printer to be machined. The 
custody of the hand printing press there was regarded then 
as dangerous a thing as the custody of dynamite would be 
now. It was most carefully locked up every night, in order 
to prevent secret printing. 

Regularly, every week. Searchers, appointed by the 
Stationers' Company, went through the house of each 
Master Printer, in order to see what boohs were at press, 
and whether they had been properly licensed. 

By this organization, and under these conditions, were 
produced the books of the Golden Age of English literature. 
The Reader will readily see how impossible it would be for 
anything that the King or the Bishops might choose to 
regard as obnoxious, to be printed in London. As a matter 
of fact, such books were printed on the Continent, as we shall 
see later on, in the case of William Brewster ; and smuggled 
into England. 

The Stuarts had an instinctive jealousy of the power 
of a free Press ; and, so far as in them lay, kept it under a 
strict supervision. Every Work, before it could be set up in 
type, had to be licensed by two persons : 

(a.) By a Chaplain of the Archbishop of Canterbury, or 
of the Bishop of London, for the time being : which two 
Prelates were more especially charged with the Censorship 
of the Press, up to the meeting of the Long Parliament in- 
1640. And this, not by force of any statute of the realm, 
as by a survival of that illimitable authority which formerly 
pertained to the Roman Catholic Bishops of England as 
"guardians of faith and morals." 

(b.) By one of the two Wardens of the Company of 
Stationers of London. 



20 To our Readers in both hemispheres. 

On being licensed, the Work was usually entered in the 
Registers at Stationers' Hall, London ; the entries of which, 
beginning about 1553, continue, with one or two breaks, 
down to the present day. Of the entries in these Registers 
between 1553 and 1640; we have privately printed a 
Transcript, in five quarto volumes, containing about 3,200 
pages. 

Such then being the genesis of an English book in the 
days of the Pilgrim Fathers, one can see what a one-sided 
struggle they had to carry on. The Bishops could freely 
allow anything to be printed that made for their Order : but 
nobody in his senses could expect them to allow for the press 
anything that challenged the divine right of the Hierarchy ; 
or that attacked the iniquities and illegalities of the Bishops' 
Courts, as they existed up to the time that the Long 
Parliament swept them all away. 

So the Rev. Richard Baxter tells that the Puritan and 
Separatist treatises were, in his early days, very hard to be 
met with ; and were secretly read and passed from hand to 
hand : and, being prohibited, they were the more eagerly 
sought after. 

The chiefly colonial story that we have to tell in this 
volume, represents but a part of the life of the English 
nation during this period. For their ceaseless and strenuous 
home struggles against the Stuart Kings; we would refer 
the Reader to John Forster's Sir John Elliot, 1592 — 1632. 
A Biography. 2 Vols., 1872, 8; and also to Doctor Samuel 
R. Gardiner's splendid History of England, 1603 — 1642. 10 
Vols., 1884, 8. 

Some day the Pilgrim Story will become the subject 
of a Poet's Song ; of which, perhaps, this volume may be a 
Ground Work. It contains every possible dramatic element : 
nobleness and baseness, bravery and cowardice, purity and 



To our Readers in both hemispheres, 21 

impurity of life, manhood and hypocrisy, gentleness and 
wrongheadedness. We very much fear, however, that 
(though Dramatic Poesy is the highest form of human 
expression) if that Song shapes itself into a Drama; the 
Pilgrim Fathers will turn in their graves. 

So we conclude here by quoting that wondrous passage 
penned by Milton in 1641, in which he defines the office of a 
Christian Poet : a passage that has oftentimes been present 
to us during the preparation of this volume, because it so 
aptly expresses the faith and aims of the Pilgrim Fathers. 

These abilities, wheresoever they be found, are the inspired gift 
of GOD ; rarely bestowed, but yet to some (though most abuse) in 
every nation : and are of power, beside[s] the office of a Pulpit, to 
inbreed and cherish in a great people the seeds of virtue and 
public civility ; to allay the perturbations of the mind, and set the 
affections in right tune ; to celebrate, in glorious and lofty Hymns 
the throne and equipage of GOD's almightiness ; and what He 
works, and what He suffers to be wrought with high Providence 
in his Church ; to sing the victorious agonies of Martyrs and 
Saints, the deeds and triumphs of just and pious nations doing 
valiantly through faith against the enemies of Christ ; to deplore 
the general relapses of Kingdoms and States from justice and 
GOD's true Worship. 

Lastly, whatsoever in Eeligion is holy and sublime ; in 
Virtue, amiable or grave : whatsoever hath passion \miffering\ or 
admiration \wonderment\ in all the changes of that which is called 
Fortune, from without ; or the wily subtleties and refluxes of Man's 
thoughts, from within : all these' things, with a solid and treatable 
smoothness, to paint out and describe. 

Teaching over the whole book, of sanctity and virtue, through 
all the instances of examples, with such delight that the paths of 
honesty and good life would then appear to all men, both easy and 
pleasant. The Reason of Church Government c&c, p. 39. 




INTRODUCTION. 

E have now briefly to consider the ecclesiastical 
condition of England ; out of which the Pilgrim 
Church sprang. 

The first thing that we have to recognize is, 

That from the Reformation onwards, England, as the only 

first-rate Protestant Kingdom in Europe, was in a condition 

of constant and imminent peril. Spain, by means of its large 

population in Europe ; its annual fleets of gold from the West 

Indies ; and, later on, its annual fleets of spices (more precious 

than gold) from Goa and Cochin ; had become the Colossus of 

Europe. As Sir Thomas OvERBUiiY tells us, in his Observations 

c&c, written in 1609, the Hope of the Western Monarchy 

was the daily dream of the Spanish Kings : and as matters 

then stood, if they could only but become masters of the 

harbours of Flanders, Holland, and England, they would then 

become the Lords of the civilized World. No one, therefore, 

knows anything of our history during the reign of Elizabeth, 

unless he adequately realizes the deep sense of national 

peril that ever lay behind the ceaseless efforts of English 

Statesmen. 

For whatever they might do, or not do, Philip II. was 
unhalting in bis ambition ; and so became a perpetual danger 
to Europe. Ifon sufficit orhis was the badge of his ambition : 
and "Time and I against the World" was the motto of his 
policy. 

And so, the more we know of that Age, the more important 
does the Defeat of the Spanish Armada appear. It was one 
of the three crushing victories wherewith England has altered 
for the better, the history of modern Europe : the Defeat of the 
Armada, the Battle of Blenheim, and the Battle of Waterloo. 

22 



Introduction, 23 

For there was always this about fighting the Spaniards, that 
they never gave in. It was like fighting Eternity. You might 
beat them, and plunder them to your heart's content ; but that 
did not stop the War : for fighting was the normal occupation 
of the Spanish Gentleman. All this had been foreseen 
by Queen Elizabeth and her Advisers from the very first. 
One hardly knows whether to admire more the Thirty years 
of Diplomacy, 1558 — 1588, which staved off the evil day : or 
the splendid deeds of that Fifteen years of War, 1588 — 1603, 
the history of which no man has yet written ; which conflict 
only came to an end through the death of the brave-hearted 
Queen and the consequent change of dynasty. 

The extremity of the national peril did indeed pass away 
when the Scottish Queen had been beheaded, and the Armada 
had been virtually destroyed : but England had still to hold 
her own, under the Divine Providence, by the strength of her 
right arm. 

Professor Froude tells us in his History of England, 
X., p. 325, Ed, 1860, 8, that down to the defeat of the Armada, 
three-fourths of the English nation, that is, about 3,600,000 out 
of about 4,800,000, were Roman Catholics. Political affairs 
were then managed by the vigorous one-fourth minority ; who 
lived chiefly in London, Bristol, Oxford, Cambridge, and other 
places in the south of England. 

Queen Elizabeth had nothing of the Puritan in her. 
She was a nationalist. Professor Frotjde thus describes her : 

She was free of access to her presence, quick-witted, and 
familiar of speech with men of all degrees. She rode, shot, jested, 
and drank beer ; spat, and swore upon occasions — swore not like 
" a comfit-maker's wife " ; but round mouth-filling oaths which 
would have satisfied Hotspur — the human character showing 
always tlirough the royal robes ; yet with the queenly dignity 
never so impaired that liberties could be ventured in return. . . . 

In her birth, she was the symbol of the revolt from the Papacy. 



I 

24 Introduction. 

She could not reconcile herself with Eome without condemning 
the marriage from which she sprang ; but her interest in 
Protestantism was limited to political independence. She mocked 
at Cecil and " his brothers in Christ." She affected an interest 
in the new doctrines, only when the Scots or the Dutch were 
necessary to her ; or when religion could serve as an excuse to 
escape an unwelcome marriage. When the Spanish Ambassador 
complained [in June 1578] of the persecution of the Catholics : she 
answered, That no Catholic had suffered anything who acknowledged 
her as his lawful Sovereign ; and that, in spiritual matters, she 
believed as they did. ... 

She would permit no authority in England which did not 
centre in herself. The Church should be a Department of the 
State, organised by Parliament, and ruled by the national 
tribunals. . . . There should be no conventicles and no chapels, 
to be nurseries of sedition. History of England^ Cliapter lx.. 
Vol. X., pp. 317, 323-4, Ed. 1860, 8. 

The Queen had daily before her eyes, as a political object 
lesson, the hopeless division and prostration of France : through 
the Civil Wars between the Huguenots on the one side ; and 
the House of Guise, followed by the Holy League, on the 
other. Therefore she was not going to allow the Puritans and 
Separatists, however staunch and loyal they might be to her 
personally, to dismember and exhaust England as the 
Huguenots had done France, even though they did not form 
more than one-fifteenth of the French population. 

Had she not also seen the Netherlands split up into 
Protestant Holland and Roman Catholic Flanders, simply on 
the score of religion % 

She would keep England undivided and strong. She 
therefore stiffly denied to the lower clergy and to the laity any 
right of initiation in religious matters whatsoever. She 
suspended Archbishop Edmund Grindal, Spenser's Algrind, 
because he sympathised with " Prophesyings." She purposely 
chose elderly men, whose ideas had been formed in her sister's 
reign, for her Bishops. We seem to trace a distinctly uniform 
policy as to Church Government all through her reign. Can 
we say that she was wrong? Was not the stability of 



Intro dttc Hon. 25 

England, beset on so many sides with enemies, worth the 
*'Holy Discipline" twenty times over? 

The Anglican Church first split into two Schools of 
Thinkers, amongst the English exiles at Frankfort on the 
Main in 1555; as is described in A Brief Discourse of the 
Troubles begun at Franhfort in Germany d&c, 1575, 4 : a "Work 
that is usually attributed to William Whittingham, Dean 
of Durham ; and which is certainly worthy of a new edition. 

On Queen Mary's death, the exiles hastened home : and 
soon after, we have in England the distinctions of Protestants, 
and of Puritans or Preciscians. Later, we have the three 
P's : — Protestants, Puritans, and Papists. Later still, we 
have Conformists and Reformists. 

In that most worthy man, Archbishop Matthew Parker, 
Queen Elizabeth had a most excellent adviser in those early, 
and most perilous, years of her reign. 

The Act of Supremacy and the Act of Vniform/ity were 
passed in 1559 ; but not strictly enforced at first. By 1565, 
Parker felt strong enough to enforce, by his Advertisements 
i&c., the use of the surplice in Divine Worship : whereupon 
there arose what is known as the "Ministering Apparel 
Controversy " of 1566. 

By 1571, the Puritans h^ developed their ideas as to 
Ecclesiastical Polity ; and they published a book called An 
Adm,onition to the Parliament of that year : which led to the 
literary conflict in 1672 that is known as " The Admonition 
to the Parliament Controversy." 

In this long struggle, the leaders of the opposite sides were 
Thomas Cartwright and Archbishop John Whitgift : who 
had, at one time, been Fellows together at the same table at 
Trinity College, Cambridge. 

As the first English Presbytery also met at Wandsworth 
in Surrey, on the 20th November 1572; we must consider 
that year as the date of the birth of the craze of the " Holy 
Discipline." 



26 



Introduction 



Let us see what this " Holy Discipline " was, for which 
men so readily suffered imprisonment, and even gave up their 
lives ; and for which they even more readily affirmed a special 
Divine command, and a perpetual duration : but which vanished 
away from off the face of the earth within two generations 
of its birth, and has not left a trace behind. 

The English Reformation, by the time of Queen Elizabeth, 
had secured to her Protestant subjects, the Right of Private 
Judgment, and the freest access to the Bible as the only rule 
of faith and practice. 

Many earnest seekers went to the Scriptures, and found 
there, two things : 

I. In the Old Testament, the rigid and elaborate organization 
of the Mosaic Law and Worship : which lasted some fifteen 
hundred years, until the destruction of Jerusalem by Emperor 
Titus. 

II. And then came the snare to their understandings, to 
find the counterpart of this, in the Christian Economy. The 
Church must have some kind of organization : could not they 
excogitate a parallel one by the application of private judgment, 
reason, and logic to the New Testament ? They found very 
little to go upon; only the three following passages of 
Scripture, which we give exactly in the three principal 
English versions : 



Geneva Veesion. 
1560 A.D. 



And GOD hath ordeined 
some in the Church: as 
first Apostles, secondly 
Prophets, thirdly teachers, 
then them that doe mir- 
acles : after that, the giftes 
of healing, helpers,* gou- 



ernourSjt 
tongues. 



diuersitie of 



Authorised Version. 

IGll A.D. 

1 Corinthians xii. 28. 

And GOD hath set some 
in the church , first apos- 
tles, secondarily prophets, 
thirdly teachers, after that 
miracles, then gifts of 
healings, helps,! govern- 
ments, diversities of 
tongues. 



Side Notes. 

* The offices of Deacons. 

t He setteth forth the 
order of Elders, which 
were the mainteiners of the Churches discipline. 



Revised Version. 

1881 A.D. 



And GOD hath set some 
in the church, first apos- 
tles, secondly prophets, 
thirdly teachers, then mir- 
acles, then gifts of heal- 
ings, helps, governments,* 
divers kinds of tongues. 

Side Note. 
* Or, wise counsels. 



Introduction. 



27 



Geneva V£ESion. 
1660 A.D. 



Authorised Version. 

1611 A.D. 

1 Timothy v. 17. 

Let the eldera that rule 
well be counted worthy of 
double honour, especially 
they who labour in the 
word and doctrine. 



The Elders that rule 
well, let them be had in 
double honour,* specially 
they which labour in the 
worde and doctrine. 

Side Note. 

* There were two kindes 
of Elders, the one attended 
upon the gouernement onely, and looked to 
the manners of the Congregation; the other 
did, beside that, attend upon preaching and 
prayers, to and for the Congregation. 

Romans xii. 6-8. 



Eevised Version. 
1881 A.D, 



Let the elders that rule 
well be counted worthy of 
double honour, especially 
those who labour in the 
word and in teaching. 



Having then gifts differ- 
ing according to the grace 
that is given to us, whether 
prophecy, let m prophesy 
according to the propor- 
tion of faith ; or ministry, 
let v,s wait on our minister- 
ing: or he that teacheth, 
on teaching ; or he that 
exhorteth, on ezhortation : 
he that giveth , let him do it 
with simplicity ; he that 
ruleth, with diligence ; 
he that sheweth mercy, 
with cheerfulness. 



And having gifts differ- 
ing according to the grace 
that was given to us, 
whether prophecy, let m* 
prophesy according to the 
proportion of our faith ; or 
ministry, let us give our- 
selves to our ministry ; or 
he that teacheth, to his 
teaching ; or he that ex. 
horteth, to his exhorting : 
he that giveth, let him do 
it with liberality ; he that 
ruleth, with diligence ; he 
that sheweth mercy, with 
cheerfulness. 



* Seeing then that we 
haue gifts that are diuers, 
according to the grace 
that is giuen vnto us, 
whether we hav^ pro- 
phecie, let vs prophecie ac- 
cording to the portion of 
faith: or an ofiSce, let us 
watte on the oflSce : or 
he that teacheth, on teach- 
ing: or he that exhorteth, 
on exhortation : he that 
distributeth, let him do 
it with simplicitie : he that 
ruleth, with diligence: he 
that sheweth mercie, with 
cheerfulnesse. 

Side Note. 

* And he dtuideth them 
into two sortes, to wit, into 

Prophets and Deacons : and againe he 
diuideth the Prophets into Doctours, and 
Pastours. And of Deacons he maketh three 
sortes : to vnt, the one to be such as are 
(as it were) treasurers of the Church Gofers, 
whome he calleth properly Deacons: the 
other to be the gouernours of discipline, 
who are called Seniours or Elders : the 
third, to be such as properly serued in 
the helpe of the poore, of which sort the 
companie of widowes were. 

Upon the Geneva Version of the above three passages; 
and more especially on its unauthorized Side Notes, was 
built up the " Holy Discipline " with its considerable array of 
Church Officers : Pastors, Doctors or Teachers, Ruling Elders, 
Prophets, Deacons, and Widows or Helpers or Deaconesses. 

This organization was a kind of exaggerated Presbyterianism. 
Its full nature may be studied in the three following books : 



28 Introduction. 

[Walter Travers. ] A full and plain Declaration of Ecclesiastical 
Discipline out of the Word of GOD ; and of the declining of the Church 
of England from the same. 1574,4. 

A Demonstration of the truth of that Discipline which Christ hath 
prescribed in his Woj'dfor the goveiniment of his Church in all times 
and places until the end of the world. 

This Work was secretly printed at the Martinist Press at East 
Molesey, in Surrey, in July 1588. For writing it, the Author, 
the Rev. John Udall, lingered to death in. prison, through the 
savage secular power of the Bishops. 

Richard Hooker. The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity. 1594 — 
1618, fol. 

And so, for years together, the conflict went on between 
the Eldership and Episcopacy. The Eldership was based, to 
some extent, upon popular election and choice. In theory, at 
any rate, it was government from below : government " of the 
people, by the people, and for the people." As regards 
Episcopacy, the Bishops were appointed at the King's choice, 
and were as much OflBcers of State as the Sheriffs. They 
held their lands by feudal tenure. It was government from 
above ; and dependent solely on the royal will and pleasure. 

Both systems had a good many purely human inventions 
in them. The Puritan might ask the Protestant, Where do 
you find Rural Dean, Archdeacon, Chancellor, or Archbishop 
in the Bible ? The Protestant might equally well retort. Where 
do you find Presbytery, Classis, Synod, General Assembly, 
and Moderator in the Bible 1 Of course, all these were merely 
human arrangements consecrated to Divine purposes ; and 
were sheer necessities in any large and widely spread 
organization. But then, there was the constant endeavour to 
claim for every part, and every portion, of each Ecclesiastical 
Polity an immediate and positive Divine instruction. 

Such then, in brief, was the " Holy Discipline " : a thing 
now so dead, that but few men know anything about it. It 
had two great weaknesses : 

(1) That it was so pivoted upon the Eldership, that if an 



Introduction, 29 

Elder went wrong (as we sball see, later on, Daniel Studley 
did), the system had no remedy. "Who was to watch the 
Watchers r' 

(2) The question that any practical Man of the World 
would put was, How could it possibly be financed? Each 
isolated voluntary association, fluctuating from month to 
month in numbers, was to pay three Officers — the Pastor, 
the Teacher, and the Ruling Elder: all of whom, being 
family men, must have enough to keep them and their 
families in decent respectability. 

The Pilgrim Church never prided itself upon its 
ecclesiastical organization ; which was, all through, of a 
most make-shift description. 

When it started at Scrooby, it seems to have had the 
Rev. Richard Olyfton for Pastor; and the Rev. John 
Robinson, when he came North, acted as Assistant or 
Teacher; with probably one or more Deacons. 

When it removed from Amsterdam to Leyden, and 
Clypton deserted that Church, about April 1609; the Rev. 
John Robinson was the only Officer, besides the Deacon or 
Deacons, for a considerable time. 

Then, at Leyden, at some date not later than 1613, 
William Brewster was elected Ruling Elder. 

All the arrangements seem to have been dictated by 
their practical necessities; and not according to the "Holy 
Discipline," or any other, theory. They n,ever had for their 
Officers, either Prophets, or Widows. 

As time went on, they rather leaned to the organization 
of the French Reformed Churches ; as will appear from their 
Three Points of 1618, see p. 293-296. 

Later still, the migration to America split the Church 
into two sections. After Robinson's death, the Leyden 
section had no Minister at all, until it went across the seas 
to join the Old Colony : and if the Plymouth Church had 
one characteristic more than another, it was That it was 



30 



Introduction. 



essentially a Church of Laymen; and, in that respect, it 
anticipated the Quakers. At any rate, as long as Governor 
Bradford lived ; no Minister even dared to aspire to lead 
them, as John Robinson had done at Amsterdam and Leyden. 
So it was ever a question of Men, and not of Methods : 
and therefore as an example of a perfect ecclesiastical 
organisation, the Pilgrim Church is simply nowhere. 
It had also these other two characteristics : 
That, within the limits of the Old Colony, it was a 
National Church ; for it embraced the whole community. 

And also. That, for many a long day to come, it would no 
more suffer Dissent from its organisation and methods, within 
those limits ; than James I. did from his organisation and 
methods, within his three Kingdoms. History repeats itself. 

Before we pass away from this subject, we may just 
touch upon one other point. 

There were great discussions among the Separatists as to 
the meaning of the following passage : 



Geneva Version. 
1560 A.D. 



And if hee refuse to 
heare them, tell it vnto 
the Church * 



Authorised Vehsion. 

1611 A.D. 

Matthew xviii. 17. 

And if he shall neglect 
to hear them, tell it unto 
the church. 



Side Note. 



* He speaketh not of any 
kinde of policie, but of an 
ecclestasticall assemUie, for he speaketh 
afterwarde of the power of loosing and 
binding, which belonged to the Church, 
and hee hath regard to the order used 
in those dayes, at what time the Elders 
had the iudgment of Church matters in 
their hands, John ix. 12, and xil, 42, and 
XTi. 2, and used casting out of the 
Synagogue for a punishment, as we doe 
HOW excommunication. 



Revised Version. 

1881 A.D. 



And if he refuse to hear 
them, tell it unto the 
church.* 

Side Note. 
* Or, congregation. 



Will it be believed that, after the many vicissitudes which 
the Ancient exiled English Church had passed through since 
it originated in London in September 1592, and settled at 



Introduction. ■ 31 

Amsterdam five years later, that that Community was rent 
asunder on 15/25 December 1610, upon a speculative point 
like this? The Rev. Francis Johnson, the Rev. Richard 
Clyfton, Daniel Studley, and others held that the -word 
Church here meant only the Eldership : maintaining what 
is known as the Barrowist viqw of Ecclesiastical Polity, 
from Henry Barrow. The Rev. Henry Ainsworth, Jean 
DE l'Ecluse, Giles Thorpe, and others held that it meant 
all the members of the society : maintaining what is known 
as the Brownist view of ecclesiastical polity, from Robert 
Browne. And so these late friends, about a point like this, 
mutually delivered one another over to Satan, which was then 
the formula of Excommunication ; and became known to each 
other, in derision, as the Franciscans and the Ainsworthians. 

It would seem that in this, the Rev. Francis Johnson 
made a grab for more power. What a strange fascination 
spiritual power has for some men ! At any rate, he was bitterly 
punished during those last seven years that remained to him in 
this life. We do not know the details of the disastrous career 
of his Church after it left Amsterdam for Emden about 1613 ; 
but this split seems to have reduced not a few of them to 
beggary. And then, at last, to return to Amsterdam, only to 
recant his opinions and die ! What a miserable fiasco was it all ! 

Such being the clash of opinions and the vanity of 
knowledge among men who were earnestly striving to be good ; 
let us now consider the secular power which the Bishops put 
forth for their suppression. 

This secular power was not based on statue law. Indeed, 
it was, many times, a flagrant defiance of it. It rested chiefly 
on the undefined royal prerogative. 

John Whitgift owed his Primacy in 1583, very largely 
to the vigorous manner in which he had fought, in his books, 
Thomas Cartwright and the " Holy Discipline." Upon his 
becoming Archbishop, he fully determined, coute qui coute, 
to stamp out not only Separatism or the " Holy Discipline " 



3 2 Introduction, • 

without the Church ; but likewise Puritanism within it : but 
the more he persecuted them, the more they both grew. 
Englishmen have never yet been slaves. 

Let us isee what a Bishop could do in his capacity as 
" Ordinary of the diocese." He could call any man or woman 
before him, and question them : and, from their answers, 
condemn them out of their own mouth, without the least 
confirmatory evidence ; and then send them to prison, for 
mere points of religious belief. This was by virtue of the 
Oath ex Officio ; which was the forerunner of the even more 
notorious Etcetera Oath of 1640. 

If the man or woman refused to answer ; after reviling 
them, he would send them to prison for that refusal. 

In either case, they remained in prison as long as the 
Bishop chose. The Habeas Cotjjus Writ had not yet been 
invented. The lawyers might say that the procedure of the 
Bishops' Courts were illegal : but what did it matter what 
they said ? All that a lawyer could say, was based on Law : 
and Law itself was struggling for existence. When it made 
for the Sovereign, it was enforced ; when it made against him, 
it was put aside. , 

The result of all this was, that the prisons of London were 
crammed with good Christians; who, according to modern 
ideas, were perfectly innocent of any crime. No wonder the 
Bishops were hated, for this use of their secular power. 

In 1588 — 1589, John Penry and Job Throgmorton 
tried to reach at the Bishops, by secretly printing, at the 
wandering Maitinist Press, scoffing and mocking pamphlets 
against them, supposed to be written by a mock-Archbishop, 
Martin Mar-Prelate. These derisive Marprelate Tracts 
circulated rapidly all over England. But the only result of 
this literary revolt from ecclesiastical tyranny, was the 
punishment, in February 1590, of all concerned in their 
production. Of this Controversy, we have given an account 
in our Introduction to it, published in 1879. 



Introduction, 33 

Whitgift, after the utmost use for ten years of the 
far-reaching powers ol the Ecclesiastical Courts, was still not 
satisfied. He had not yet cowed religious Englishmen. 

In 1593, Parliament sat from the 19th February to the 
12th April ; and in that time passed the most disgraceful Act 
of Queen Elizabeth's reign, 35 Eliz. c. 1. 

Our Readers will remember the brilliant story in the sixty- 
ninth Chapter of Professor Froude's History, of the itinerant 
barrel of beer at Chartley Manor House in 1587, which carried 
in, and out, the correspondence of Mary Queen of Scots, in 
relation to the Babington Conspiracy, that brought her to the 
block. This correspondence was all deciphered by Sir Francis 
Walsingham's Secretary, whose name Professor Froude gives 
as Phillipps ; but who is known in the State Papers as 
Thomas Phelippes, alias Morice, the Decipherer : "a spare, 
pock-marked, impassive, red-haired man," as the Professor 
describes him. 

In reward for his various services, the Government made 
Phelippes, the Collector of Customs for Cloth within the 
Port of London : but, though he held that appointment, 
he was constantly engaged in disseminating or obtaining 
information. 

We now give portions of two letters written by this man. 

THOMAS phelippes TO WILLIAM STERRELL. 
[?9] APRIL 1593. 

Sir. The Parliament is to end this week, [/if did end on I2th 
April.] 

The Bill preferred in the Upper House against Catholics, which 
you mentioned in your last, is passed both Houses, with some 
amendment. The point is, That they are tied to remain at their 
dwellings : if they do [not], to be banished the realm. The other 
Bill, passed in the Nether House, was thought so extreme, as it is 
suppressed. 

There was a Bill preferred against the Barrowists and Brownists, 
making it felony to maintain any opinions against the Ecclesiastical 
Government ; which, by the Bishops' means, did pass the Upper 

The Pilgrim Fathers. c 



34 Introduction. 

House : but was found \on bth Ap'il 1593] so captious by the 
Nether House, as it was thought it would never have passed in any 
sort ; afor that it was thought all the Puritans would have been 
drawn within the compass thereof. 

Yet, by the earnest labouring of those that sought to satisfy the 
Bishops' humours, it is passed ; to this effect. That whosoever 
shall be an obstinate Recusant \i.e. strictly speaking, a Rejecter 
of an accepted opini(m\y refusing to come to any Church; and do 
deny the Queen to have any power or authority in Ecclesiastical 
Causes ; and do by writing, or otherwise, publish the same ; and 
be a keeper [frequenter] of conventicles also : being convicted, 
he shall abjure [renounce, or give up] the realm within three 
months, and lose all his goods and lands. If he return without - 
licence, it shall be felony. 

Thus have they minced it, as is thought, so as it will not reach 
to any man that shall deserve favour ; in a concurrence of so 
many faults and actions. 

The week before [on 31st March], upon the late conventicle you 
wrote of last, Barrow and Goodman [or rather Greenwood], with 
some others, were indicted, arraigned, and condemned, upon the 
statute [23 Eliz., c. 2] of writing and publishing seditious books ; 
and should have been executed : but, as they were ready to be 
trussed up [i.e. tiedby the necks to the tree], were reprieved. 

But the day after [6th April] the Lower House had shewed 
their dislike of this Bill, were, early in the morning, hanged. 

It is said, The reprieval proceeded of a Supplication made to 
the Lord Treasurer [William Cecil, Lord Burlegh], complaining 
Thatf in a land where no Papist was touched for religion by death, 
their blood [of those] concurring in opinion, touching faith, with that 
[whicK] was professed in the country, should be fwst shed : desiring 
therefore conference, to be removed from their erro9's by reason; or else 
further satisfaction of [justifica-tion to] the World touching their 
opinions. 

Which was communicated by him to [John Whitgift,] the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, who nevertheless was very peremptory; 
so as the Lord Treasurer gave him and [Richard Fletcher] 
Bishop of Worcester, some round taxing words : and used some 
speech to the Queen ; but was not seconded by any [of the Privy 
Council], which hath made him more remiss, as is thought. 

It is plainly said> That their execution preceeded of [the] 



Introduction. 35 

malice of the Bishops, to spite the Nether House ; which hath 
procured them much hatred of the common people affected that 
way. ^S'. P. Dom. Eliz., Vol. 244, No. 124. 

THOMAS PHELIPPES to WILLIAM STERRBLL. 

12/22 JUNE 1593. 

Penry, the son \i.e, an author o/] of Martin Marprelate, was 
hanged lately [on 29th May], as two of the principal Brownists 
Barrow and Greenwood were before ; so as that Sect is in effect 
extinguished. S. P. Dom. Eliz.^ Vol. 245, No 30. 

Our space allows us to give in full, only the first 
Section of the murderous Act to retain the Queen^s subjects in 
obedience, 35 Eliz. c. 1 ; a statute worthy to be put by the 
side of that legal disgrace of Henry VIII.'s reign, the Act 
of the Six Articles of 1539 : and the infamy of it must 
be shared by all the Bench of Bishops in that Parliament 
of 1593. 

For the preventing and avoiding of such great inconveniences 
and perils as might happen and grow by the wicked and dangerous 
practices of seditious Sectaries and disloyal persons ; Be it enacted 
by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, and by the Lords Spiritual 
and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled, and by the 
authority of the same : 

That if any person or persons, above the age of sixteen years, 
which shall obstinately refuse to repair to some Church Chapel or 
usual place of Common Prayer, to hear Divine Service, established 
by Her Majesty's laws and statutes in that behalf made ; and 
shall forbear to do the same by the space of a month next 
after, without lawful cause : [Or] shall, at any time after forty 
days next after the end of this Session of Parliament [i.e. from 
23rd May 1593], by printing, writing, or express words or 
speeches, advisedly and purposely practice ; or go about to move or 
persuade any of Her Majesty's subjects, or any others within Her 
Highness's realms or dominions, to deny withstand and impugn 
Her Majesty's power and authority in Causes Ecclesiastical united 
and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm : Or to that end 
or purpose, shall advisedly and maliciously move or persuade 
any other person whatsoever to forbear or abstain from coming 



36 Introduction. 

to Church to hear Divine Service ; or to receive the Communion, 
according to Her Majesty's laws and statutes aforesaid : Or to 
come to, or to be present at, any unlawful assemblies conventicles 
or meetings, under colour or pretence of any Exercise of Religion ; 
contrary to Her Majesty's said laws and statutes : Or if any 
person or persons which shall obstinately refuse to repair to 
some Church Cliapel or usual place of Common Prayer, and 
shall forbear, by the space of a month, to hear Divine Service 
as is aforesaid ; shall, after the said forty days, either of him 
and themselves, or by the motion, persuasion, inticement, or 
allurement, of any others, willingly join, or be present at, any 
such assemblies conventicles or meetings, under colour or pretence 
of any such exercise of religion, contrary to the laws and statutes 
of this realm, as is aforesaid — 

That then every such person so offending as aforesaid, and 
being thereof lawfully convicted, shall be committed to prison : 
there to remain, without bail or mainprise, until they shall 
conform and yield themselves to come to some Church Chapel or 
usual place of Common Prayer, and hear Divine Service, according 
to Her Majesty's laws and statutes aforesaid ; and to make such 
open submission and declaration of their said conformity as 
hereafter in this Act is declared and appointed. The Statutes of 
the Realm, Vol. IV., Part II., p. 841, 1819, fol. 

The second Section provides that Offenders convicted, not 
conforming and submitting within three months shall abjure 
the realm : and refusing to do so, or returning to the realm, 
shall be deemed Felons ; and shall suffer [die'], as in the case 
of Felony, without benefit of Clergy. 

It was also provided " And this Act to continue no longer 
than to the end of the next Session of Parliament " ; which 
befell on 9th February 1598, 40 Eliz. So from 23rd May 1593 
till 9th February 1598, this Act was the law of the land. 

We are not able either to prove, or to disprove, the 
following statements of Governor Bradford : 

First, from Master Phit lips. A famous and godly Preacher, 
having heard and seen Master Barrow's speeches and preparations 
for death, said, "Barrow, Barrow, my soul be with thine !" 



Introduction. 37 

Tlie same author also reports, That Queen Elizabeth asked 
learned Doctor [John] Rainolds, What he thought of those two 
men, Master Barrow and Master Greenwood ? 

And he answered Her Majesty, That it could not avail any thing 
to show his judgement concerning them, seeing they were put to 
death. 

And being loath to speak his mind further ; Her Majesty 
charged him, upon his allegiance, to speak. 

Whereupon he answered. That he was persuaded, if they had 
lived, they would have been two as worthy Instruments for the 
Church of GOD as have been raised up in this Age. 

Her Majesty sighed, and said no more. 

But, after that, riding to a park by the place where they 
were executed ; and, being willing to take further information 
concerning them, demanded of the Right Honourable [George 
Clifford, third] Earl of Cumberland, that was present when 
they suffered. What end they made ? 

He answered, " A very godly end ; and prayed for your 
Majesty, and the State, &c." 

We may also add, what some of us have heard, by credible 
information, That the Queen demanded of the Archbishop [John 
Whitgift], What he thought of them in his conscience ? 

He answered, He thought they were the servants of GOD ; 
but dangerous to the State. 

" Alas ! " said she, " shall we put the servants of GOD to 
death!" 

And this was the true cause why no more of them were put 
to death in her days. 

First Dialogiie <&c. [Written about 1648.] Printed in A. 
Young's ChrovMes dtc, pp. 431-433, Ed. 1841, 8. 

The Reader can now sufficiently appreciate the active, 
powerful, and deadly hostility that the Churches at Scrooby 
and Gainsborough, about the year 1606, deliberately faced 
when they " as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, by a 
Covenant of the Lord, into a Church Estate, in the fellowship 
of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways made known, or to be 
made known, unto them, according to their best endeavours ; 
whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them." 



^S Introduction. 

Outside names have often been accepted by those at whom 
they have been flung; and thereby been made honourable. 
Instances of this in religious history are not infrequent. 
"And the disciples were called Christians first in Antioch." 
Those who, in the time of the Commonwealth, shook in their 
divine worship, were called the Quakers. John Wesley and 
his associates at Oxford, were called the Methodists. In 
politics likewise, reproachful names such as Whig and Tory, 
have been subsequently adopted as party badges. 

In the time of our Story, the word Brownist was flung at 
everybody that went out of the English Church; quite regardless 
as to whether they had accepted the views of Robert Browne 
or not. So the Ancient exiled Church and the Gainsborough 
Church, that had Httle or nothing in common with Browne, 
were constantly called Brownists. 

So hkewise was the Pilgrim Church : although Robinson 
in his Farewell Discourse to the Mayflower Pilgrims in July 
1620, at page 183, distinctly rejected, as his ecclesiastical 
Leader one whom he regarded as a renegade; and of 
whom, ten years earlier, he had written, "And if the 
Lord had not forsaken him, he had never so returned back 
into Egypt as he did : ' to live of the spoils of it,' as is 
said, he speaketh." A Justification of Sparation,'p, 54, Ed. 
1610, 4, 




CHAPTER I 

Doctor Cotton Mather's Life of Governor 
William Bradford. 

MONG those devout people was our William 
Bradford, who was born, anno 1588. 
[He was baptized on the 19th March 1589/ 
1590], in an obscure village called Austerfield : 
where the people were as unacquainted with the Bible 
as the Jews do seem to have been with part of it in the 
days of JosiAH. . . Here, and in some other places, he 
had a comfortable inheritance left him of his honest 
parents ; who died while he was yet a child ; and cast 
him on the education, first of his grandparents, and then 
of his uncles ; who devoted him, like his ancestors, unto 
the affairs of husbandry. 

Soon [An early] and long sickness kept him, as 
he would afterwards thankfully say, from the vanities 
of youth ; and made him the fitter for what he was 
afterwards to undergo. 

When he was about a dozen years old [? 1602], 
the reading of the Scriptures began to cause great 
impressions upon him ; and those impressions were much 
assisted and improved when he came to enjoy Master 
Richard Clyfton's illuminating Ministry, not far from 
his abode. [Austerfield is now 10 miles by the road from 
Babworth.] He was then also further befriended by 
being brought into the company and fellowship of such 

39 



40 The Life of Williain Bradford, Dr. c. Mather. 

as were then called [Christian] Professors; though the 
young man that brought him into it, did after become a 
profane and wicked apostate. Nor could the wrath of 
his uncles, nor the scoff of his neighbours, now turned 
upon him as one of the Puritans, divert him from his 
pious inclinations. 

At last, beholding how fearfully the evangelical 
and apostolical Church Form whereinto the Churches 
of the Primitive Times were cast by the good SPIRIT 
of GOD, had been deformed by the apostacy of the 
succeeding Times ; and what little progress the 
Reformation had yet made in many parts of Christendom 
towards its recovery: he set himself, by reading, by 
discourse, by prayer, to learn, Whether it was not 
his duty to withdraw from the communion of the 
Parish Assemblies, and [to] engage with some Society 
of the Faithful that should keep close unto the written 
Word of GOD as the rule of their Worship. And, after 
many distresses of mind concerning it, he took up a very 
deliberate and understanding resolution of doing so: 
which resolution he cheerfully prosecuted; although 
the provoked rage of his friends tried all the ways 
imaginable, to reclaim him from it. 

Unto all whom, his answer was, " Were I like[ly] to 
endanger my life, or consume my estate, by any ungodly 
courses ; your counsels to me were very seasonable. But 
you know that I have been diligent and provident in my 
Calling : and not only desirous to augment what I have, 
but also to enjoy it in your company; to part from 
which, will be as great a cross as can befall me. 
Nevertheless, to keep a good conscience, and walk in 
such a Way as GOD has prescribed in his Word, is a thing 
which I must prefer before you all, and above life itself. 
Wherefore, since it is for a good Cause that I am like[ly] 



Dr. c. Mather. The Life of WtlHam Bradford. 41 

to suffer the disasters which you lay before me; you 
have no cause to be either angry with me, or sorry for 
me. Yea, I am not only willing to part with everything 
that is dear to me in this world for this Cause : but I 
am also thankful that GOD hath given me a heart so to 
do ; and will accept me so to suffer for him." 

Some lamented him ; some derided him : all dissuaded 
him. Nevertheless the more they did it, the more fixed 
he was in his purpose to seek the Ordinances of the 
Gospel, where they should be dispensed with most of the 
commanded purity. And the sudden deaths of the chief 
relations, which thus lay at him, quickly after, convinced 
him. What a folly it had been to have quitted his 
Profession in expectation of any satisfaction from them. 
So to Holland he attempted a removal. 

Having, with a great Company of Christians, hired 
a ship to transport them for Holland ; the Master 
perfidiously betrayed them into the hands of those 
persecutors : who rifled and ransacked their goods ; and 
clapped their persons into prison at Boston, where they 
lay for a month together. But Master Bradford, 
being a young man of about eighteen \^He was in his 
eighteenth year in this autumn of 1607], was dismissed 
sooner than the rest. 

So that, within a while, he had opportunity with 
some others, to get over to Zealand [in the Spring 
of 1608] ; through perils both by land and sea not 
inconsiderable. 

Where, he was not long ashore ere a viper seized on 
his hand ; that is, an Officer, who carried him unto the 
Magistrates: unto whom an envious passenger [in the 
ship] had accused him as having fled out of England 
[i.e. for crime]. When the Magistrates understood the 



42 The Life of William Bradford. Dr. c Mather. 

true cause of his coming thither, they were well satisfied 
with him : and so he repaired joyfully unto his brethren 
at Amsterdam. Where the difficulties to which he 
afterwards stooped, in learning and serving of a 
Frenchman at the working of silks, were abundantly 
compensated [for] by the delight wherewith he sat 
under the Shadow of our Lord in his purely-dispensed 
Ordinances. 

At the end of two [or rather three] years [i.e. about 
March 1611], he did, being of age to do it, convert his 
estate [property] in England into money. But setting 
up for himself ; he found some of his designs, by the 
Providence of GOD, frowned upon; which he judged 
a correction bestowed by GOD upon him for certain 
decays of internal piety whereinto he had fallen. The 
consumption of his estate [money], he thought, came to 
prevent a consumption in his virtue. 

But after he had resided in Holland about half a 
score years [actually, from the Spring of 1608 to 22nd 
July 1620] ; he was one of those who bore a part in that 
hazardous and generous enterprise of removing into 
New England, with part of the English Church at 
Ley den : where, at their first landing, his dearest consort 
[Dorothy Bradford], accidentally falling overboard, 
was drowned in the harbour. 

And the rest of his days were spent in the services 
and the temptations of that American wilderness. 

Here, was Master Bradford, in the year 1621, 
unanimously chosen the Governor of the Plantation. The 
difficulties whereof were such, that if he had not been a 
person of more than ordinary piety, wisdom, and courage, 
he must have sunk under them. He had, with a laudable 
industry, been laying up a treasure of experiences ; and 



Dr. o. Mather. Tkc Lifc of WUHam Bradford. 43 

he had now occasion to use it. Indeed nothing but 
an experienced man could have been suitable to the 
necessities of the people. . . . 

He was indeed a person of a well-tempered spirit, or 
else it had been scarce possible for him to have kept the 
Affairs of Plymouth in so good a temper for thirty-seven 
years together: in everyone of which he was chosen 
their Governor ; except the three years wherein Master 
WiNSLOW, and the two years wherein Master Prince, at 
the choice of the people, took a turn with him. 

The Leader of a people in a wilderness had need to be 
a Moses; and if a Moses had not led the people of 
Plymouth Colony, when this worthy person was their 
Governor, the people had never with so much unanimity 
and importunity still called him to lead them. 

Among many instances thereof, let this one piece of 
self-denial be told for a memorial of him wheresoever 
this History [Magnalia Ghristi Americana] shall be 
considered. 

The Patent of the Colony [of 13/23 January 
1629/1630] was taken in his name, running in these 
terms "To William Bradford, his heirs, associates, 
and assigns." But when the number of the Freemen 
was much increased, and many new Townships 
erected ; the General Court there, desired of Master 
Bradford, that he would make a surrender of the 
same into their hands : which he willingly and 
presently [instantly'] assented unto, and confirmed it, 
according to their desire, by his hand and seal, reserving 
no more for himself than was his proportion, with others, 
by agreement. 

But as he found the Providence of Heaven many 
ways recompensing his many acts of self-denial : so he 
gave this testimony to the faithfulness of the Divine 



44 The Life of William Bradford. Dr. c Mather. 

promises, That he had forsaken friends, houses, and 
lands for the sake of the Gospel : and the Lord gave 
them him again. 

Here he prospered in his estate : and besides a worthy 
son which he had by a former wife ; he had also two 
sons and a daughter by another, whom he married in 
this land. 

He was a person for study as well as action : and 
hence, notwithstanding the difiiculties through which he 
passed in his youth, he attained unto a notable skill in 
languages. The Dutch tongue was become almost as 
vernacular to him as the English. The French tongue 
he could also manage. The Latin and Greek he had 
mastered. But the Hebrew, he most of all studied, 
Because, he said, he would see with his own eyes the 
ancient Oracles of GOD in their native beauty. 

He was also well skilled in History, in Antiquity, 
and in Philosophy. And for Theology, he became so 
versed in it, that he was an irrefragable disputant against 
the errors ; especially those of Anabaptism which (with 
trouble) he saw rising in his Colony. Wherefore he 
wrote some significant things for the confutation of 
those errors. 

But the crown of all was, his holy, prayerful, 
watchful, and fruitful Walk with GOD : wherein he 
was very exemplary. 

At length he fell into an indisposition of body, which 
rendered him unhealthy for a whole winter [1656 — 
1657] ; and as the Spring advanced, his health yet more 
declined. Yet he felt himself not what he counted 
sick till one day [7^A May 1657]. In the night after 
which, the GOD of Heaven so filled his mind with 



Dr. c. Mather. Tke Lifcof William Bradford. 45 

ineffable consolations, that he seemed little short of 
Paul, rapt up unto the unutterable entertainments 
of Paradise. 

The next morning, he told his friends, That the 
good SPIRIT of GOD had given him a pledge of his 
happiness in another world ; and the first fruits of his 
eternal glory. 

And on the day following he died, May 9th 1657, in 
the 69th [or rather Q^tK] year of his age ; lamented by 
all the Colonies of New England as a common Blessing 
and Father to them all. Magnolia cCrc, Book II., pp. 3-5, 
Ed. 1702, fol. 




CHAPTER II. 

The Bradford Manuscript. 

iN a note, dated 1646, Governor Bradford writes, 
" Full little did I think, that the downfall of 
the Bishops, with their Courts Canons and 
ceremonies, had been so near, when I first 
began these scribbled Writings ; which was about the year 
1630 : and pieced [them] up, at times of leisure, afterward." 
Bradford MS., folio 24. 

Prior to that year, however, he had been the author of 
two documents : 

(1) His Pocket Book, which was in the possession of the 
Rev. Thomas Prince, of Boston, N.E., in 1736 ; but which is 
now lost. It contained a Register of the deaths &c., commencing 
with that of William Butten on board the Mayflower on 6/16 
November 1620, down to the end of March 1621. 

(2) His Letter Book, as Governor of the Old Colony. The 
surviving fragment of this manuscript was printed by the 
Massachusetts Historical Society in 1794 : see pp. 321, 322 of 
this volume. _^ 

Some Papers, as those printed at pp. 309-314, evidently 
came into his possession as the successor of Governor John 
Carver. 

Robert Cushman's graphic letter from Dartmouth, at pp. 
342-345, probably reached him through his second Wife, 
Alice ; as it was addressed to her first husband, Edward 

SOUTHWORTH. 

Then the Bradford MS. may be regarded as a fair copy of 
various memoranda letters and accounts, that was commenced in 
1630, and digested into Annals down to the year 1646 ; with 
the addition, in 1650, of the List of the Mayflower passengers. 

46 



The Bradford Manuscript. 47 

But there is not space here, further to discuss its genesis, 
scope, and authoritativeness. 



Professor Justin Winsor, in his admirable Paper, 
Governor JBradford's manuscript History of Plymouth 
Plantation; and its transmission to our Times, Cambridge, 
Massa, 1881, 8., gives us the following particulars of the 
adventures of this document. 

Prince died in 1758 ; and he left, by will, the Library (which 
he had gathered ; and which he had kept in the " Steeple 
Chamber" of the Old South Church [Boston, Massa.]) to that 
Church, under the care of its Deacons : and it is highly probable 
that this manuscript was in this Collection at that time. 

The most commonly received opinion is, that it was taken from 
the Old South tower by some one who knew its value, during the 
time when Boston was occupied by British troops in 1775-1776 ; 
and was carried, upon the evacuation, to England. 



The manuscript then totally disappeared for nearly seventy 
years. 

The Bishop of Oxford (Samuel Wilberforce) had already 
published, in 1844, his first edition of the Histoid of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church in America ; and in his reference [at page 55] to 
the manuscript, he speaks of it as a " Manuscript History of the 
Plantation of Plymouth &c., iti the Fulham Library." 

Several American Scholars have claimed the honour of 
identifying, in February 1855, from the above description, the 
long lost Bradford MS. : but the credit of it really belongs to 
the late Mr John Wingate Thornton, of Boston, Massa., 
author of The Landing at Cape Anne, 1854, 8 ; as is stated 
by Professor Winsor, in his Narrative and Critical History of 
America, iii 286, 1886, 8. 



The manuscript is now one of the literary treasures of 
Fulham Palace, London. 




CHAPTER III. 
The Beginning of Things. 

[ATHANIEL MORTON, Secretary to the Court 
for the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth, 
commences his New England^s Memorial, 
published at Cambridge, New England, in 
1669, with the following words: 

In the year 1602, divers godly Christians of our 
English nation, in the north of England, being studious 
of Reformation ; and therefore not only witnessing 
against human inventions and additions in the Worship 
of GOD, but minding most the positive and practical 
part of Divine Institutions : they entered into Covenant 
to walk with GOD, and one with another, in the 
enjoyment of the Ordinances of GOD, according to 
the primitive pattern in the Word of GOD. 

By "entering into Covenant," Morton here means the 
estabUshment of a Reformist Church. Now it is clear, 
from what Governor Bradford states at page 78, that the 
Scrooby Church was formed about a year before the migration 
to Holland; "which was in the years 1607 and 1608." We 
have adduced, at pp. 133, 134, irrefutable evidence that, on 
the 22nd March 1605, the Rev. John Smyth was still a 
Conformist Minister, and Preacher of the city of Lincoln. 
So that, at that date, he had not even come to Gainsborough ; 
where, after nine months of doubting, he finally adopted 
the principles of the Separation. The formation of the 
Gainsborough Church cannot therefore be earlier than 1606. 

48 



The Beginning of Things, 49 

We also think that both the Separatist Churches migrated 
to Holland about the same time. 

Therefore we consider that Morton's date is wrong by- 
some four years. 

The Rev. Doctor Henry Martyn Dexter, of New 
Bedford, Massachusetts, a wealthy Congregational Minister, 
and a splendid Scholar and Researcher, has made the 
preparation of the present volume easier by his Works ; 
and especially by his Congregationalism as seen in its 
Literature^ 1880, 8. Perhaps no man has ever hunted more 
strenuously, or over a long period of time, or more regardless 
of expense, after the ultimate facts of the Pilgrim Story than 
Doctor Dexter has done. He, however, but represents the 
knowledge of the year 1880, when he tells us, 

"Assuming Robinson's leaving Norwich for the North 
to have been in 1604, we have little, if any, evidence of 
successful Separatism then anywhere in England, except at 
Gainsborough. . . . There may have been feeble efforts in the 
same line, contemporaneously in Norwich, London, Chatham, 
&c. : but we know of nothing anywhere comparable to Smyth's 
Company on the Trent." Congregationalism Sc, p. 376. 

We are not aware of any evidence tending to prove in 
the slightest degree, that Robinson was ever a member of 
Smyth's Church; and we have proved, at pp. 133-134, that 
the Gainsborough Church was not established tiU 1606. 
Therefore if Robinson went North in 1604, he must have 
gone to Scrooby. 

Coming down thirty-one years later in the Story, Doctor 
Dexter says 

*' If we remember that it is not easy at this date [1633], in 
all England, to count more than one Independent, and five or 
six Baptist Churches (of these two sorts) ; it becomes obvious 
that Separatism, as such, had not been making large growth 
within the kingdom during the first Third of the Seventeenth 
Century. This was not because Puritanism was dead. One 

The Pilgrim Fathers. D 



50 The Beginning of Things, 

explanation is, no doubt, found in the fact that Puritanism 
did not take kindly to Separatism." Ihid.^ pp. 637, 638. 



How did it all come about? Usually new religious 
Movements originate in the busy throng of men, and through 
the conflicting opinions of trained minds : as Lollardism, 
Methodism, and Ritualism at the University of Oxford ; and 
the *' Holy Discipline " at the University of Cambridge. But 
the Pilgrim District in England consists of nothing but an 
open country, dotted over with small villages and townships 
that, even at the present day, have a very small population. 

The Pilgrim Movement subsisted in this District for 
twenty-two years ; and no longer. Let us try and look at it, 
as if we were one of the oldest inhabitants in the place, that 
had seen both its beginning and its end. 

It had not been so very long ago, since the District had 
been near spectators of, if not actual participators in, the two 
Roman Catholic risings known as ** The Pilgrimage of Grace " 
of 1536, and ''The Rising of the North" of 1569. Speaking 
generally, the District was itself probably slowly passing 
from Roman Catholicism to Protestantism. John Milton's 
grandfather, as well as his own brother Christopher, were 
Roman Catholics : and it is more than likely, that of the 
three men who, in succession, were the Post Masters at 
Scrooby ; the grandfather was a Roman Catholic, the father 
a Protestant, as we know the Ruling Elder was a Separatist. 

Again, it is almost impossible for us now a days to realize 
the crass ignorance of the country peasantry of England in 
the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

We know that neither Shakespeare's father, nor his 
mother, with many other of his relations, could either read or 
write. The great Dramatist has given us specimens of the 
peasantry of his day, which is also the time of the Pilgrim Church 
in England, in his Midsummer NigMa Dream^ in Nick Bottom, 
the Weaver; Francis Flute, the Bellows Mender; Peter 



The Beginning of Things. 5 1 

Quince, the Carpenter ; Tom Snout, the Tinker ; Snug, the 
Joiner ; and Robert Starveling, the Tailor : And these seem 
to be the more learned of them, for they could combine together 
to act a play/ Then for his Constables, who represented 
the majesty of the law to such peasants \ has he not given 
us Dogberry and Verges ? Undoubtedly all these were not 
exaggerations ; but studies from the actual life of his day. 

By what possible process then, could such men as these, 
rise up to the intellectual level of the " Holy Discipline," and 
sit in judgement upon the Bishops? who, whatever drawbacks 
might be attributed to them, were generally learned men. 

For the peasants of the Pilgrim District, the Great North 
Road (itself a mere horse track, and not fenced in ; so that the 
traveller needed a guide, to prevent his wandering out of the 
way) was the only sign to them, of that great outside "World 
in which the Bishops lived ; but of which they personally 
knew little, or nothing at all. 

Herein, however, they were more fortunate in their 
intellectual development than Shakespeare. They had 
educated Leaders. He had none. 

Clyfton, Brewster, Robinson, and Smyth were all 
Cambridge University men : and but for them, there never 
would have been any Pilgrim Fathers at all. 

So going back to the ultimate facts, we say that the Pilgrim 
Movement originated in the Rectory and Church of Babworth 
in Nottinghamshire ; and that it was mainly a Nottinghamshire 
Movement. The West Riding of Yorkshire was not in it; 
except as Austerfield was the home of Governor "W. Bradford : 
but he, during the period now under review, was merely a child 
growing to youthhood. Lincolnshire, through the Congregation 
at Gainsborough, temporarily furthered the Movement during 
the years 1606 — 1608: but this was merely an accidental 
help, occasioned by the coming to that town of the Rev. 
John Smyth. In the main, Nottinghamshire men founded 
the Pilgrim Church. 

Now Nottinghamshire, at that time, as Archbishop Sandys 



5.2 The Beginning of Things, 

tells us at page 62, was wholly in the diocese of York ; and 
whatever official ecclesiastical documents still survive, should 
be found in that city, or at Southwell. 

John S. Piercy in his History of Retford^ page 205, 1828, 8, 

gives the following information about the Rectors of Babworth : 

Temp, Inst. Rectores. Patroni. Vacat. 

11 July 1586. Rev. Richard Clyfton. By the Assigns of 

John Sydenham. 

Rev. Richard Chester. Privatlus']. 

6 June 1605. Rev. George Turvin. Mortluus], 

The important point here, for our present purpose, is 
When did the Rev. Richard Clyfton give up the Living 
at Babworth ; and Why did he give it up ? We cannot say. 
We are told, see following pp. 95, 96, that his six children 
were born at the Rectory ; and the youngest of these, Eleazar, 
was born on the 1st November 1598 : so he was Rector till 
that date, at any rate ; but for how long after, has not yet 
been ascertained. 

To this Rectory then, some forty-five months before 
Governor Bradford was born, came this Derbyshire man, 
the Rev. Richard Clyfton, set. 33. He was what was then 
called, a " forward [advanced] Preacher," or a Reformist. 

Governor Bradford (who, as a youth, attended his 
Ministry) writes of him, in his First Dialogue ^ " Much good 
had he done in the country where he lived ; and converted 
many to GOD, by his faithful and painful Ministry, both in 
preaching and catechizing." In fact, both intellectually and 
spiritually, he woke up the neighbourhood. And this may 
have been the easier; because, curiously enough, Babworth 
parish was then, as now, pure country, with a small population. 
It contains 6,190 acres, with a population in 1891 of 753 
persons ; and, to this hour, it has not even a village : the 
farm labourers' cottages being grouped round the several farms. 

So that, although Clyfton deserted the Pilgrim Church 
in 1609 ; he must ever be regarded as the senior of the 
Leaders of that Separation, 



The Beginning of Things. 53 

The next event, in point of time, is that William 
Brewster, also a Nottinghamshire man and a Cambridge 
Undergraduate, took charge of the Post at Scrooby, from about 
January 1589. |His particular method of helping on the Cause, 
was to furnish money for the support of Reformist Preachers 
in the Parish Churches round about : "he himself [being] ," 
as Governor Bradford tells us at page 190, "most commonly 
deepest in the charge [expense], and sometimes above his ability." 
It should ever be remembered that the Ruling Elder worked 
vigorously for the common good, within the Church ; before he 
went out of it : and that persecution drove him out of it. 

These Preachers were not the incumbents of the Livings, 
who often did not preach at all, or simply read one of the 
Homilies ; but were extra Clergymen, to a large extent holding 
" Holy Discipline " views, who preached vigorous and lengthy 
extempore sermons. 

So Clyfton and Brewster worked on, for years together, 
till 1601 A.D. ; when another Nottinghamshire man makes 
his appearance on the scene. 

Worksop, Notts, is seven miles from Bab worth ; and just 
north of Sherwood Forest and the " Dukeries." 

John Holland, in his History of Worksop, page 127, 
1826, 4, in his Catalogue of the Vicars of Worksop, gives the 
following information : 

Temp. Instit. Vicarii Ecdesice. Patroni. Vacat. 

19 Junii ] 601. Ric. Bernard. Rig. Wallet Cession. 

ar. 
16 Febii. 1613. Oliver Bray. Idem. Mort\uus\. 

This Richard Bernard (a Cambridge Graduate, and a 
most excellent man; afterwards, and better known as, the 
Rector of Batcombe, in Somersetshire) was all but a Separatist 
himself. For a long time, he halted between two opinions : 
but finally adhered to the established Church. 

He seems to have known all the Leaders of this Separation 
personally: and, later on, he was one of the chief Writers 
against them. Here is a story of him. 



54 TJu Beginning of Things, 

But a speech of your own, uttered to myself \and therefore at 
some time in the years 1606 — 1608], ever to be remembered with fear 
and trembling, cannot I forget : when, after the Conference passing 
between Master H. [? Thomas Helwts, or Helwisse] and me, you 
uttered these words, " Well, I will return home, and preach as I 
have done : and I must say, as Naaman did, The Lord be merciful 
unto me in this thing ! " [II. Kings v. 18., Geneva Version.] 

And, thereupon, you further promised, with any provocation 
[thereto] by me or any other. That you would never deal against 
this Cause ; nor withhold any from it. Though the very next Lord's 
Day, or next but one, you taught publicly against it : and so broke 
your vow ; the Lord grant, not your conscience ! Rev. John 
Robinson. A Justification of Separation Sc, page 10, Ed. 1610, 4. 

Then Clyfton and Brewster continued to work on for 
the spiritual enlightenment of the district, probably also now 
working together, until about 1604, when the Rev. John 
Robinson another Nottinghamshire man and also a Cambridge 
Graduate, came north from Norwich. 

The Separatist Movement continued to grow ; but, as 
Governor Bradford tells us at page 70, the Church at Scrooby 
was not formally organised till 1606 : when the late Rector of 
Babworth became its Pastor, and the Rev. John Robinson 
became his Assistant; with probably one or more Deacons. 
When the Rev. John Clyfton declined to migrate to 
Leyden, and threw in his lot with the Ancient exiled Church 
at Amsterdam; then it was, in 1609, and not earlier, that 
the Rev. John Robinson became the Leader of the Pilgrim 
Fathers; and so remained until his death in 1625. 

About 1606, the Rev. John Smyth, likewise a Cambridge 
Graduate, came from Lincoln to the edge of the Pilgrim District, 
at Gainsborough, and founded there a Separatist Church; 
which, after an existence of two years, migrated to Amsterdam. 
This Lincolnshire Movement is entirely distinct from the one 
we are now considering : though, of course, the one helped the 
other. Worksop is about twenty miles from Gainsborough ; 
so that the following anedote of the Rev. Richard Bernard 



The Beginning of Things, 55 

is a remarkable testimony to the power of the Rev. John 
Smyth's Ministry at that time. 

Once [1 e. between 1606 aiid 1608], you know, Master B[ernard], 
you did separate from the rest, an hundred voluntary [Christian] 
Professors into Covenant with the Lord, sealed up with the Lord's 
Supper, "to forsake all known sin, to hear no wicked or dumb 
Ministers," and the like. Which Covenant, long since, you have 
dissolved : not shaming to affirm, you did it only in policy, to keep 
your people from Master Smyth. Rev. John Robinson. A 
Justification of Separation <&c., pp. 94, 95, Ed. 1610, 4. 

With the exodus of these two Congregations, the whole of 
the Separatist Movement, in the Pilgrim District, absolutely 
died out ; as if it had never existed at all. 

It was entirely the work of four Cambridge University men : 
and when they departed out of the country, it departed with 
til em. 

Among the other features of this movement are these : 

1. London had nothing to do with it. 

2. It originated in the locality ; and nearly all its Leaders 
were local men, or from the adjoining counties. 

3. During this Nottinghamshire period of its history, it 
produced no books : probably on account of the metropolitan 
Censorship of the Press described at pp. 18-20. 




I<)ndart,S£a/z/}v43r Gec^ZstxtlA 




CHAPTER IV. 
The Pilgrim District in England. 

;HIS District lies entirely in the broad valley of 
the lower Trent, about thirty to forty miles 
from its junction with the Ouse; when they 
together form the Humber. It is an open 
country, rather pleasing than pretty : and far away from any 
great centre of population. It was then, as it is now, but 
thinly populated : and it is therefore the last place in the 
word where a religious movement might have been expected 
to originate. 

Within four hours after leaving the King's Cross terminus 
in London, the Great Northern Railway trains bring you to 
Bawtry, co. York, 151^ miles by rail, but 153 by the Great 
North Road. 

Bawtry is about an equal distance, of a mile or so, from 
Austerfield to the north-east ; and Scrooby to the south-east : 
but, except that, later, it supplanted Scrooby as the Post town 
of the locality, it does not concern our present enquiry. 

Going southward from Bawtry, one immediately perceives 
the spire of St Wilfrid's, Scrooby. Then on our right, the 
road to Blyth, 4 miles ; and to Worksop 11 miles, turns off. 

Passing tliis, we come to Ryton stream, which Leland, 
at page 61, calls "Scrooby Water." It falls into the Idle 
below that village. 

The Great North Road used to go through Scrooby ; but, 
early in this century, it was diverted, and is now placed on the 
west of it. 

57 



58 The Pilgrim District in England. 

As the roads exist at the present day : 

Looking northward from Scrooby, Bawtry is 1 mile 
distant, Austerfield 2 miles, Doncaster 10 miles, and York 
46 miles. 

Looking eastward, Scaftworth is 1 mile distant, Everton 
3 miles, Gringley on the Hill 6 miles, Gainsborough 12 miles, 
Lincoln 31 miles, and Boston 67 miles. 

Looking southward, Babworth is 8 miles distant, Retford 
8 miles, Tuxford 14^ miles, Mansfield 25 miles, and Nottingham 
35 miles. 

Looking westward, Blyth is 4 miles, and Worksop 11 
miles. 

But it is a very great question what cross roads (that 
is horse paths ; for wheeled vehicles were not common), then 
existed. The present road, six miles, from Gainsborough 
to Gringley on the Hill, was only made about a hundred 
years ago. 

The Church Living at Scrooby has been annexed to the 
Rectory of Sutton cum Lound : all the three villages being so 
small, as that their Livings have been thrown into one. 

In the same way the Living of Austerfield has been annexed 
to the Rectory of Bawtry. 

The Pilgrim District in England may be roughly defined 
as an isosceles triangle of which Austerfield, Babworth, and 
Worksop are the three points. 

The first impression on reaching Scrooby, is that of perfect 
wonderment how so small a place could possibly have originated 
the Pilgrim Movement. It is about one half the size of 
Austerfield, which contains 2,781 acres, with a population in 
1891 of 351 ; whereas Scrooby has but 1,520 acres, with a 
population, in that year, of 219. 

As a matter of fact, it was the Great North Road that was 
the proximate cause of the Pilgrim Church. That supported 
William Brewster ; and he was a leading spirit in, and one of 
the financiers of, that Cause. 



The Pilgrim District in England. 59 

It must be clearly understood that the old Manor Place at 
Scrooby has absolutely disappeared. The Rev. Canon JoHir 
Raine, wrote in 1860, 

The Mounds of the Fish Ponds of Scrooby Palace still remain. 
The Manor House itself is simply a plain farm tenement, with a 
lofty and round headed arch, now blocked up, in one wall, which 
probably formed once a carriage entrance ; and a niche in another. 
An old and tottering mulberry tree * is recorded to have been 
planted by Cardinal Wolset. And these are all the remains of 
the archiepiscopal Palace of Scrooby. Sic transit ! The History and 
Antiquities of the Parish of Blyth, p. 130. Westminster, 1860, 4. 

The Manor House Farm has been held for many years 
back by Mr Shillito ; who died, set. 76, in 1896 ; and is now 
occupied by his widow, Mrs Catharine Shillito. It is held 
from Lord Crewe; who himself holds it under a long lease 
from the Archbishop of York. 

When Mr Shillito was a boy, about 1830, the country 
between Scrooby and Scaftworth was not enclosed ; and the 
Idle covered more ground than it does at present. 

The Farm is annually visited by some fifty persons, chiefly 
Americans; but, in 1896, double that number came to see it. 

We have here given a Map of the District ; but any one 

desirous of more minute information, should get from London 

Ordnance Map. One Inch to the Mile. 

Sheet 101. (East Retford.) Price, One Shilling. 

This map includes Gainsborough ; but not Austerfield. 

And those who would like to go further into the matter, 

should get 

Ordnance Map. Six Inches to the Mile. 
Nottinghamshire. Sheet VI., N.W. Price, Two Shillings. 
The Map gives Scrooby very plainly; with the Manor 
House Farm clearly marked thereon. 

These are really two of the most authentic Memorials of 
the Pilgrims that can now be procured. 



This tree has since disappeared. — E. A. 



6o The Pilgrim District in England, 

Turning now to the history of the place : when Cardinal 
WoLSEY wanted to bury himself in the country, away from 
the observation and wrath of King Henry VIII., he went to 
Scrooby. 

And the next day, he came to Scrooby ; where he continued 
until after Michaelmas [1530], ministering many deeds of charity. 

Most commonly, every Sunday, if the weather did serve, he 
would travel unto some parish church thereabout, and there would 
say his divine service ; and either hear or say mass himself, causing 
some one of his Chaplains to preach unto the people. And that 
done, he would dine in some honest house of that town : where 
should be distributed to the poor, a great alms ; as well of meat 
and drink, as of money to supply the want of sufficient meat, if the 
number of the poor did so exceed of necessity. 

And thus with other good deeds practising and exercising 
during his abode there at Scrooby ; as making of Love Days, and 
agreements between party and party being then at variance : he 
daily frequented himself there, about such business and deeds of 
honest charity. 

George Cavendish. The Life of Cardinal Wolsey, Vol. 1., 
pp. 260, 261, Ed. 1825, 8. 

An Inventory of the implements in the 39 chambers or 
apartments of the Manor House at Scrooby, on the 12th 
January 1535/1536, will be found calendared in The Letters 
and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII., Vol. X., page 30, 
Ed. 1887, 8. 

Eight years later, in 1538, John Leland the Antiquary, 
gives us the following account of Scrooby and Bawtry : 

From Gainsborough, over Trent, into Nottinghamshire ; and so 
to Madersey \now Mattersey] village, a five miles ... 

Thence I rode a mile, in low wash and somewhat fenny 
ground ; and a mile farther or more, by higher ground, to 
Scrooby in Nottinghamshire. 

In the mean townlet of Scrooby, I marked two things : 

The parish church [of St Wilfrid] not big; but very well 
builded ex lapide polite quadrato. 

The second was a great Manor Place, standing within a moat, 
and [be]longing to the Archbishop of York ; [and] builded into 
Courts. Whereof the first is very ample, and all builded of timber : 



The Pilgrim District in E7igland. 6i 

saving the front of the Hall, that is of brick ; to which ascenditur 
per gradus lapideos. The Inner Court building, as far as I marked, 
was of timber building ; and was not in compass past the fourth 
part of the Utter Court. 

From Scrooby to Bawtry, a mile or more. 

Riding a very little beyond Scrooby Manor Place, I passed by 
a ford over the [Ryton] river ; and so, betwixt the pales of two"^ 
Parks pDeJlonging to Scrooby, I came to Bawtry. 

Bawtry is a very bare and poor market town ; standing in 
Yorkshire, as the inhabitants of it told me. So that, by this, it 
should seem that Scrooby Water \the Ryton stream}, in some parts, 
divideth the Shires. 

The Itinerary of John Leland, began about 1538, 30 Henry 
VIII. Ed. (in 9 Vols.) by Thomas Hearne, Vol. I., pp. 28, 29, 
Oxford, 1710, 8. 

We learn from the following letters of Edwin Sandys, 
Archbishop of York, that, in spite of its small size and 
population, Scrooby was an important place in his day. 

ARCHBISHOP EDWIN SANDYS TO QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
SATURDAY, 24 NOVEMBER /4 DECEMBER 1582. 

Most gracious Sovereign. Your Majesty's letter, dated at 
Windsor, the 5th of November ; I received at Bishopsthorpe, the 
18th of the same : and, remembering that it was in me more 
dutiful to answer by myself than by any other means or message, 
I presently \at once] entered on my journey towards the Court. 

After I had passed three days' journey from home, such was the 
weakness of my body and the grief of my mind meeting together 
that I fell into such a feebleness and sickness that I could travel 
no farther : by reason whereof I am, of necessity, forced to answer 
by my letter, which I minded to do by word of mouth. 

Most gracious Sovereign. Give me leave to put you in mind, 
that I am an old man ; my body worn out with much painful 
travail. This is, with me, annus climactericus onagnus [i.e. 63 : for 
he died on 10 July 1588, cet. 69]. I look not to live many days. 
I have lived in the Ministry, and painfully travailed in the 
preaching of the Gospel these five and thirty years. I have ever 
entered at the door by lawful Calling, and never at the window by 
indirect Dealing. How I have laboured in GOD's vineyard, how 
uprightly I have walked in GOD's house : heaven and earth will 



62 The Pilgrim District in England, 

record with me ! Hitherto I never impaired any ecclesiastical 
Living ; but left the same in better case than I found it. I must 
needs, in conscience, continue the like course. 

But, alas, gracious Sovereign, your late letter has greatly 
assaulted this course. For as no creature living can be more loath 
than I, to shew myself unthankful in denying your Highness 
anything ; at whose hands I have received all things : so may I 
not yield to that, wherein I should so highly grieve GOD, kill 
mine own conscience, and do that which should tend to your 
Majesty's dishonour. 

And when I remember your Majesty's most princely speech 
uttered to me, at Richmond, touching this like matter, that was, 
That you would never impair any bishopric ; but leave them in as 
good state as you found them : and That if we were hurt ; we 
should hurt ourselves, and no fault in your Majesty : and also 
how GOD hath appointed you to be a Nurse unto the Church of 
Christ : I assure myself that your Majesty was never acquainted 
thoroughly with the thing which, by your letter, was required. 

The request in your Highness's letter is — to lease unto your 
Majesty, one Manor ; not naming any. The Lease sent withal, by 
me to be sealed, compriseth in it, two great Manors, Southwell and 
Scrooby ; with all their members and appurtences whatsoever ; 
which are all the lands and Livings that the See of York hath in 
Nottinghamshire : even so much, that they are esteemed [to be] 
the third part of all the [Arch]bishop's Livings. These two Matnors 
be stately, and the Countenance \maintenance\ of the [Arch]bishop ; 
endowed with great liberties and Charters from your Majesty's 
progenitors. 

These granted away, the [Arch]bishop is excluded out of 
Nottinghamshire, [it, however,] being wholly of his diocese : and 
a great part thereof where I have twice, by my ordinary 
jurisdiction, visited in mine own person ; and once, by authority 
of the High Commission, with [Henry Hastings] the Earl of 
Huntingdon and others. And also kept house amongst them, at 
sundry times ; and, at some one time, by four months together, in 
mine own house there. 

The rent reserved, in this new conceived Lease, for the Manor 
of Scrooby with its members is £40 by year : and yet the annual 
rent thereof to the [Arch]bishop is £170 by year. But this is a 
small loss to that which followeth. 



The Pilgrim District in England. 63 

I am compelled, by law, to repair two fair Houses standing 
upon these two Manors : whither I resort for my lodging, at such 
times as I come thither for your Majesty's service. By this Lease, 
if it should pass ; I am excluded out of both. 

I am restrained by your Majesty's special letter, [either] to sell 
or [to] give away any timber trees ; which your Highness 
count[eth] no Bishop hath better observed than I. This Lease 
granteth liberty to cut down and sell all woods, underwoods, and 
trees. 

There pertain to these two Manors, as members thereof, 32 
towns ; and, as it is thought, 1000 tenants, poor Copyholders, for 
the most part ; which have enjoyed great liberties and customs 
All these, by this Lease, may be racked ; and, as the Prophet 
saith, the "skin pulled off their backs" [Mic. iii. 2, 3] : the cry 
whereof would sound in your Majesty's ears, to your great 
discontent. 

The Manor of Southwell hath belonging unto it, three Parka 
well furnished with deer. By virtue of this Lease, they may all 
be disparked ; and turned to greater gain. 

In this Lease, be all E, granted ; which thing within 

the space of twenty years and less, will make the annual rent of 
these two Manors above £1,000 by year ; if the land be racked 
[literally s9"i^e2;eo? to the dregs. It means here, the rent raised to the 
uttermost'] as now a days amongst men is commonly used. 

The woods now growing are esteemed [to be] worth £5,000 : so 
that the great abatement of the annual rent beforementioned [from 
£170 io £40], the want \neglecting] of the Houses, the cutting down 
of all the woods, the great Liberties and Boyalties pertaining to 
these two Manors, the great benefit of these II with 

perquisites in Courts, Felons' and Deodans' goods ; with all other 
commodities belonging to these two Manors and their members ; 
would, within the compass of this Lease, if it should be granted, be 
a loss unto the See of York of £70,000 at the least. Too much, 
most gracious Sovereign ! too much to pull away from a poor 
Bishopric ! inferior to many others in revenue, but superior in 
charge and countenance {maintenance]. The Lord forbid that I 
should ever yield to so great inconveniences, or consent to the 
ruin and spoil of this poor Bishopric ; which, in conscience, I 
should help and not hurt : and it would, in time, be chronicled by 
the Papists to the slander of the Gospel, and my perpetual infamy. 



64 The Pilgrim District in England. 

Thus much known to your Majesty, I do assure myself, such is 
the great care that your Highness hath for the preservation of the 
patrimony of the Church, that you will not mislike [my denial] ; 
but rather me unworthy to live, if T should consent to so great an 
evil. 

O gracious Sovereign ! Let me have the continuance of your 
gracious favour ! and suffer me to live, while I live, for my days 
will be short, with a clear conscience towards GOD ! and send not 
my grey head to the grave with sorrow ! For as I acknowledge 
myself most bound unto your Highness ; so is there no subject 
that beareth to your Majesty a more faithful true and dutiful heart 
than I do. 

And that it may appear to your Majesty, that I seek not myself, 
but the good of the Church ; I shall most gladly give all the 
substance that I have, as it shall please you to appoint ; as also to 
resign up the whole Interest that I have in this [archjbishopric to 
your Majesty's hands, to dispose of ; or else what thing soever 
lieth in me to do, which with a good conscience towards GOD 
I may, that shall be ever most ready to your Majesty's command. 

Thus, with my most hearty prayer to GOD for your Majesty's 
good and long preservation ; I most humbly take my leave, this 
24th day of November 1582 

Your Majesty's 
most humble and faithful subject, 
E. Ebor. 

John Le Neve. The Lives . . . of the Protestant Bishops of the 
Church of England. Vol. I., Part II., pp. 58-63, Ed. 1720, 8. 

Landsdowne MS., No. 50. Articles 33, 34 consist of 
another letter and its enclosure from Archbishop Edwin 
Sandys; justifying himself from the attacks of Matthew 
HuTTON the Dean of York, and also enclosing a List of the 
Reversions and Leases that he had given to his six sons. 

In the letter, he naively says, " I am bound in conscience to 
take care of my family : " and he certainly did so. 

ARCHBISHOP EDWIN SANDYS TO WILLIAM CECIL, LORD BURLEGH. 
HUNTINGDON; 22 MAY /I JUNE 1586. 

The List shews that Sir Samuel Sandys had had six leases ; 



The Pilgrim District in England. 65 

Sir Miles Sandys, five leases; Sir Edwin Sandys, four 
leases ; Henry Sandys, two leases ; Thomas Sandys, two 
leases ; and George Sandys the Poet, two leases. 
The following Items in this List concern Scrooby. 
5. Item, an other Lease, of the Manor of Scrooby to the said 
Samuel Sandys. 

Annui reddihts. £21, 2s. 6d. 
Esteemed to [be worth] £100. 
9. Item, a lease of the Mills at Scrooby to Samuel Sandys 
his son. 

Annui redditus. £11, 12s. 2d. 
Esteemed to [be worth] £100. 
It was by the granting of the above leases, that William 
Brewster became acquainted with the Sandys family : for 
he held the Manor House from Sir Samuel Sandys. And 
when the Pilgrim Church at Leyden determined to go to 
America, the first thing they did, was to approach Sir Edwin 
Sandys, then one of the Council for Yirginia, through their 
Ruling Elder. See page 284. 

Robert Thoroton in his Antiquities of Nottinghamshire, 
London, 1677, fol. 

Here, within memory [say, then from 1620], stood a very fair 
Palace ; a far greater House of receipt, and a better seat for 
provision, than Southwell : and had attending to it, the North 
Soke ; consisting of very many towns thereabouts. It hath a fair 
park belonging to it. 

Archbishop Sandys caused it to be demised to his son. Sir 
Samuel Sandys : since which, the House hath been demolished 
almost to the ground. ' 

The Church, a fair one too, if not ruinous, is appropriated to 
the Archbishopric of York. pp. 479, 480. 

To modern ideas, Austerfield Church is a discredit to the 
locality. It is more like a barn than a church. 

At the northern end of the village, is a cottage, now 
divided into two tenements which is believed to have been 
William Bradford's home. Here again there is nothing 

The Pilgrim Fathers. E 



66 The Pilgrim District in England. 

remarkable in the scenery. It is simply open, pleasant, 
breezy country. 

Bradford, as a boy, used to walk from Austerfield to 
Babworth, to hear the Rev. Richard Clyfton, the Reformist 
Clergyman who was the Rector there. 

We walked the present road, 10 miles ; which is probably 
identical with that lad's tramp for the 6 miles to Barnby 
Moor; where the Great North Road, going south, bears away 
to the eastward. Considering the unenclosed condition of 
the country then, Bradford probably made some straight cut 
from there, to Babworth ; save a mile or two of the distance. 

At Babworth, the Church, the Rectory, and the Hall, are 
all enclosed in the same beautiful park. It requires a very 
strong literary faith to realize that such a democratic 
movement as that of the Pilgrim Church, should have 
originated in what is now such an aristocratic locality, and 
such an early Paradise. 

We have now briefly noticed the Pilgrim District proper ; 
which, with the exception of Austerfield, is entirely in 
Nottinghamshire. After the Pilgrim Movement had been in 
existence there some twenty years; in 1606, the Rev. John 
Smyth came from Lincoln to Gainsborough, and dared to set 
up a Separatist Church there. 

There is nothing whatever in Gainsborough that can now 
be definitely associated with either the Nottinghamshire, or 
the Lincolnshire, Separatists. 

We may mention, however, in passing, that Gainsborough 
is the St Oggs of George Eliot's Mill on the Floss ; that the 
Trent is the Floss; and that the Mill, which she called 
Dorlcote Mill, still exists below the town. 



CHAPTER V. 

SCROOBY AND GAINSBOROUGH. 



\.*'iin\ 



UT that I may come more near my intendment ; 
^^^^( when as by the travail and diligence of some 
'VJ^il godly and zealous Preachers [in the Parish 
Churches], and GOD's blessing on their 
labours : as in other places of the land [of England] so in 
the north parts, many became inlightened by the Word of 
GOD ; and had their ignorance and sins discovered unto 
them ; and began by his grace to reform their lives and 
make conscience of their ways : the work of GOD was no 
sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both 
scoffed and scorned by the profane multitude ; and the 
Ministers urged with the yoke of Subscription [to the 
Thirty -nine Articles of 1562], or else must be silenced. 
And the poor people were so vexed with Apparitors and 
Pursuivants, and the Commissary Courts ; as truly their 
affliction was not small : which notwithstanding they 
bore, sundry years, with much patience, till they were 
occasioned, by the continuance and increase of these 
troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in 
those days, to see further into things, by the light of the 
Word of GOD. How not only these base and beggarly 
Ceremonies were unlawful [morally wrong] ; but also that 
the lordly and tyrannous power of the Prelates ought 
not to be submitted unto : which thus, contrary to the 
freedom of the Gospel, would load and burden men's 
consciences; and, by their compulsive power, make a 

67 



68 Scrooby and Gainsborough, got. w. Bradford. 

profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of 
GOD. And that their Offices and Callings, Courts and 
Canons &c., were unlawful and antichristian : being 
such as have no warrant in the Word of GOD ; but the 
same were used in Popery, and still retained. 

Of which, a famous Author [Emanuel van Meteren] 
thus writeth in his Dutch Commentaries, at the coming 
of King James into England. "The new King," saith 
he, "found there established the Reformed Religion, 
according to the Reformed Religion of King Edward 
the Sixth, retaining or keeping still the spiritual 
[ecclesiastical] state of the Bishops, &c., after the old 
manner : much varying, or differing, from the Reformed 
Churches in Scotland, France, and the Netherlands, 
Emden, Geneva, &c. : whose Reformation is cut, or 
shapen, much nearer the first Christian Churches, as it 
was used in the Apostles' times." [A General History 
of the Netherlands, translated by E. Grimstone, Lib. 
XXV., fol. 119, Ed. 1608, foL] 

So many therefore of these Professors * as saw the 
evil of these things, in these parts ; and whose hearts 
the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth ; 
they shook off the yoke of antichristian bondage. And, 
as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, by a 
Covenant of the Lord, into a Church estate, in the 
fellowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways made 
known, or to be made known, unto them, according 
to their best endeavours ; whatsoever it should cost 
them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them 
something, this ensuing History will declare. 

* Christian Professors. A title peculiar to some few in the land [of 
England] ; which favour the forward Preachers, frequent their sermon 
and advance the Cause of Reformation. Rev. John Robinson. A 
Justification of Separation <fec., p. 7, Ed. 1610, 4. 



Gov. w. Bradford. Scvooby and Gainsborough, 69 

These people became two distinct bodies, or Churches ; 
and in regard of [the] distance of place, did congregate 
severally. For they were of sundry towns and villages ; 
some in Nottinghamshire, some of Lincolnshire, and 
some of Yorkshire : where they \tlie three Counties] border 
nearest together. 

In one of these Churches, besides others of note, was 
Master John Smith, a man of able gifts and a good 
Preacher ; who, afterwards, was chosen their Pastor. 
But these, afterwards [, in 1608 — 1612], falling into 
some errors in the Low Countries : there, for the 
most part, buried themselves and their names. 

But in this other Church, which must be the subject 
of our discourse, besides other worthy men, was 
Master Richard Clyfton a grave and reverend 
Preacher: who, by his pains and diligence had done 
much good; and, under GOD, had been the means 
of the conversion of many. Also that famous and 
worthy man. Master John Robinson; who afterwards 
was their Pastor for many years, till the Lord took 
him away by death. Also Master William Brewster, 
a reverend man ; who afterwards was chosen [at Lej^^den] 
an Elder of the Church, and lived with them till old age. 

But, after these things, they could not long continue 
in any peaceable condition ; but were hunted and 
persecuted on every side : so as their former afflictions 
were but as flea-bitings in comparision of these which 
now came upon them. For some were taken and clapt up 
in prison. Others had their houses beset and watched, 
night and day ; and hardly escaped their hands : and the 
most were fain to fly and leave their houses and 
habitations, and the means of their livelihood. Yet these, 
and many other sharper things which afterwards befell 
them, were no other than they looked for : and therefore 



70 Scrooby and Gainsborough. gov. w. Bradford. 

were [they] the better prepared to bear them by the 
assistance of GOD's grace and SPIRIT. 

Yet seeing themselves thus molested ; and that there 
was no hope of their continuance there [as a Church]: by a 
joint consent, they resolved to go into the Low Countries, 
where they heard was Freedom of Religion for all men ; 
as also how sundry, from London and other parts of 
the land [of England], had been exiled and persecuted 
for the same Cause, and were gone thither, and lived 
at Amsterdam and in other places of the land [of 
Holland]. 

So, after they had continued together about a year ; 
and kept their Meetings every Sabbath in one place or 
another, exercising the Worship of GOD amongst 
themselves ; notwithstanding all the diligence and malice 
of their adversaries : they seeing they could no longer 
continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into 
Holland as they could. Which [migration] was in the 
years 1607 and 1608. Bradford Manuscript, folios 27-31. 



CHAPTER VI. 

William Brewster, Postmaster at Scrooby. 
January 1589 to 30 September 1607. 



N the Public Record Office of London, are the 
following "Declared Accounts. Pipe Office," 
rendered by the Master of the Posts, John 
Stanhope ; afterwards the first Lord Stanhope 




of Harrington. 




Roll. 


Dates. 


Name of Accountant. 


2737. 


1 April 1590 to 31 March 1592. 


John Stanhope. 


2738. 


1 April 1592 to 31 March 1594. 


do. 


2739. 


1 April 1594 to 31 March 1597. 


Sir John Stanhope. 


2740. 


1 April 1597 to 31 March 1599. 


do. 


2741. 


1 April 1699 to 31 March 1602. 


do. 


2742. 


1 April 1602 to 31 March 1605. 


John, Lord Stanhope 


2743. 


1 April 1605 to 31 March 1607. 


do. 


2744. 


1 April 1607 to 31 March 1609. 


do. 



The first thing these Rolls give is the following List of 
the Posts, at this time, along the great North Road, between 
London and Berwick upon Tweed : to which we have added 
the exact mileage as given in Daniel Paterson's British 
Itinerary . . . roads in Great Britain. 

Miles. 
Berwick, co. Northumb. 337J 

Belford, co. Northumb. 322^ 

Alnwick, co. Northumb. 307f 

Morpeth, co. Northumb. 288^ 

71 



Miles. 



15 
29^ 
f 



48^ 



72 W. Brewster, Post Master at Scroohy. 

jifiles. ' Miles. Miles. 

[— Carlisle, CO. Cumb. 56^ 330 

20f Haltwhistle, co. Northumb. 35j 309^ 

35| Hexham, co. Northumb. 20| 294^ 



At Newcastle, the road turned of westward to Carlisle ^^ 

63^ Newcastle, co. Northumb. 273f 

78 Durham, co. Durham. 259j 

96j Darnton \i.e. Darlington\ co. Durham. 241 

112^ Northallerton, co. York. 225 

Here, going north, alternative routes presented themselves. The 
above is the NortJiallerton route. 

131i Boroughbridge, co. York. 206 

1431 Wetherby, co. York. 194 

160 Ferrybridge, co. York. 177i 

175^ Doncaster, co. York. 162 

{Later, the Post was removed from Scroohy to 

184^ Bawtry, co. York. 153] 

185|- Scrooby, co. Notts. 152 

199| Tuxford, CO. Notts. 137^ 

213 Newark, co. Line. 124j 

227^ Grantham, co. Line. 110 

238| South Witham, co. Line. 99 

248 Stamford, co. Line. 89^ 

262^ Stilton, co. Hunts. 75 

[There were two routes from London to Alconhw^ Hill. The 
shorter one, through Royston, which we give here ; which was 64 miles, 
measured from Shoreditch Church, London: and the longer one, 
through Hitchen ; which ivas 67| 'miles, measured from Hick^s Hall, 
London!] 

278^ Huntingdon, co. Hunts. 58| 

288 Caxton, co. Camb. . 49i 

299| Eoyston, co. Herts. 37^ 

316i Ware, co. Herts. 21 ' 

326 Waltham Cross, co. Herts. 11? 

337i London. — 



W. Brewste7% Post Master at Scrooby. 73 

Mr Herbert Joyce, C.B., in his History of the Post Office^ 
page 3, 1893, 8, states 

As late as 1621, all the Posts in the Kingdom, which even then 
were only four in number, started from the Court : 

I. The " Court to Berwick," i.e. the post to Scotland. 
II. The " Court to Beaumaris," i.e. the post to Ireland. 

III. The " Court to Dover," i.e. the post to the Continent. 

IV. The " Court to Plymouth," i.e. the post to the Eoyal Dockyard. 

We now give the contents of two rare broadside 
Proclamations of January 1584, of which copies are preserved 
in the British Museum, Press-mark, G. 6,463, as they will 
give us some insight as to the nature of the duties that 
William Brewster had to perform while he was Post Master 
at Scrooby. 

Orders set down and allowed by the Lords of Her Majesty's Privy 

Council^ and appointed to he put in p'int^ for the Posts 

between London and the Borders of Scotland. 

At Westminster, the 14th of January 1583[-4]. 

For the avoiding of sundry inconveniences happening by the 
over great liberty of late used in riding Post; and for the easing 
[of] divers Her Majesty's good subjects, greatly complaining to have 
been thereby oppressed ; and for sundry other good considerations : 
the Lords of Her Majesty's most honourable Privy Council have 
set down and established these Orders following — straitly charging 
and commanding, in Her Majesty's name and behalf, as well the 
Master of the Posts as all other Justices of the Peace, Mayors, 
Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, Headboroughs, and all other persons 
whatsoever, to see the same duly observed and kept in all places, 
as they and every of them tender Her Majesty's service ; and 
at their perils will answer to the contrary. 

Inprimis. If any man, having the place or name of an ordinary 
Post, shall not reside and dwell upon the same charge himself in 
person ; but execute the same by a deputy : the Master of the 
Post shall forthwith remove him, and take order for the placing 
of a suflBcient man in his room. 

Item. That it shall not be lawful [= legal] for any man riding 



74 ^. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. 

in Post by Commission, to take his horses of any man, but of the 
ordinary and standing Posts ; or at their appointment : whose 
Commission ought to be signed, either by Her Majesty, three of 
Her Highness [Privy] Council, the Lord Treasurer of England, the 
Earl Marshal of England, the Lord Governor of Berwick or his 
Deputy, the Lord President of the North or his Deputy, the 
Wardens of the Northern Marches, Her Majesty's Secretary, and 
the Master of the Posts. 

Item. That eveiy one so riding Post by Commission for Her 
Majesty's service and affairs, shall pay One Penny, half Penny, the 
mile. But whosoever, upon any business urgent, shall be occasioned 
to ride in Post without Commission, he shall be likewise horsed by 
the standing Post of the place, or by his appointment : and of 
every such, for their \ihe Post's] relief, it shall be lawful for the 
Posts to take after the rate of Two Pence the mile. 

Item. To this end, every Post shall be bound to keep a fair 
paper book, well bound ; to register the names of all men 
so riding in Post (with the number of their horses, and [the] 
date of the[ir] Commission), as well without Commission as with 
Commission. 

Item. If in case, that currers \couriers\ shall come so thick, 
or in such number, that the Post's own furniture \supply of horses] 
shall not be able to suffice ; then it shall be lawful for him to take 
up, or appoint such as have horses to hire, to supply his want. 
And to this end, he shall be assisted by the Mayors, Constables, 
and other Officers. [They] taking, in those cases, for the hire of 
those horses [the prices] as the Posts themselves are wont to do for 
their own. 

Item. That no man riding in Post, shall ride without a 
guide : which shall blow his horn, so oft as he meeteth company, 
or passeth through any town, or at the least thrice every 
mile. 

Item. That all Her Majesty's Posts may the better attend 
upon their charges and Offices, and faithfully perform the daily 
service thereto belonging : Her Majesty's pleasure is That they 
be exempted from all attendance at Assizes, Sessions, Inquests, and 
Musters. 

Item. That no packets or letters shall be sufficient warrant or 
authority to constrain the Posts to run with them in Post ; except 
they be directed for Her Majesty's affairs, and shall be signed 



W. Brewster y Post Master at Scrooby. 75 

eitlier by Her Majesty, her Privy Council, or any of the Personages 
authorised, and above named. 

Item. That every Post do daily observe the Orders sometimes 
^formerlyl set down by Her Majesty's Council, for [the] expedition 
of letters in Her Majesty's affairs, viz. 

That they ride in summer, accounting from the Annunciation 
of our Lady [25th March] to the feast of St Michael the 
Archangel [29th September], Seven miles the hour 
And, in the winter, which is the rest of the year, Five miles 
the hour, as the way shall fall out. 
Whereby, the Posts doing their duties, the Packet may be 
carried in summer between London and Berwick in forty-two 
hours [= 294 mi7es], and in winter, in three score [= 300 miles?^ 

Lastly. It is hereby commanded that, from henceforth, if any 
Hackneyman, Ostlers, Tapsters, or others shall, contrary to this 
Order, directly or indirectly carry Packets ; or serve any horses 
with a guide or a horn, without the consent or the privity of the 
ordinary Post of the place, that then the Officer or Officers of the 
place, or the next Justice of thfe Peace, shall commit the same person 
or persons to prison, there to abide until they have put in sufficient 
bond and surety unto the said Post, for the keeping and observing 
of these Orders in time to come. 

All which aforesaid Orders, Her Majesty straightly chargeth 
and commandeth all Justices of the Peace, Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, 
Constables, Headboroughs, and all others, her Officers and servants, 
to see observed as far as in them shall lie ; and to be aiding and 
assisting unto her said ordinary Posts for the due execution of the 
same, as they tender Her Majesty's service, and at their perils will 
answer to the contrarj'^. 

Lastly. Because, that, through the over great liberty of riding 
in Post, many inconveniences fall out, through the Hackneymen in 
Kent ; it shall be lawful for the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports 
and the Master of the Posts to take order with the Posts between 
London and Dover in that behalf. 

* It will be seen from this, that the distance to Berwick was reckoned 
at 300 miles, instead of 337^ miles. — E. A. 



76 W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby, 

God save the Queen ! 

T. Bromley, Can<^dtarius\. W. [Lord] Bdrghlet. E. [Earl of] Lincoln. 
F. [Earl of] Bedford. R. [Earl of] Leicester. C. [Lord] Howard. 

[Sir] F. Knolles. H. [Lord] HuNSDON. 

[Sir] C. Hatton. [Sir] F. Walsingham. 

Imprinted at London, by Christopher Barker, 
Printer to the Queen's most excellent IVtajesty. 



Articles set down hy the Right Worshipful Thomas Randolph, 

Esquire, Master and Comptroller General of all Her Majesty's Posts ; 

and straightly hy him commanded to he kept hy the Posts from 

London to the Northern Borders against Scotland, for the hette?' 

observation and due execution of such Orders as lately 

were appointed hy the Lords of Her Majesty's 

Privy Council. 

First. That every Post for the Service of the Packet for Her 
Majesty's afifairs, shall have, in his stable, or in a readiness, 
throughout the year, three good and sufficient post horses, with 
saddles and furniture fit and belonging ; three good and strong 
leather bags, well lined with baize or cotton, to carry the Packet 
in ; and three horns, to blow by the way : as by their Lordships' 
Order is commanded. Whosoever shall fail hereof, at any time 
when they shall be surveyed, shall abide the punishment that the 
Master of the Posts shall lay upon him. 

2. That every Post, so soon as the Packet directed for Her 
Majesty's affairs shall be brought unto him, shall forthwith, or 
within one quarter of an hour after, with all speed and diligence 
carry the same, or cause it to be carried, to the next Post : 
according to the Orders by their Lordships also set down. The 
breach of this Article shall also be punishable at the Master of the 
Posts' pleasure. 

3. That every Post, either of his own, or such as he shall keep 
or appoint under him, shall have always in readiness four good 
and sufficient post horses, and two horns, to serve at all occasions 
for such as, either by Commission, or otherwise for better 
expedition, shall ride in Post. And if the number of horses 
[required] exceed their own furniture {supply'], then that they 
supply their want as by their Lordships is provided for, and set 
down [in the preceding Order in Council]. 



W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. "]"] 

4. That every Post, from henceforth, keep two fair paper Books, 
or one large and great one, as well to register the names, dates, 
and number of horses, of such as, either with Commission, or 
without, shall run the Post ; as also to enter the Packets that, for Her 
Majesty's affairs, shall pass, and be carried by them. And the 
same shall signify, at the end of every month, or within ten days 
after, unto the Master of the Posts : and so often as he shall, upon 
occasions, either generally, or particularly, call and send for the 
same. 

5. That no Post shall hazard, or send any Packets directed for 
Her Majesty's affairs, by any person whatsoever but by an express 
[actiud] servant of his own, and that in Post : upon pain of 
forfeiture of one Quarter's wages for the first offence ; whereof 
the half to be given to the Informer thereof whosoever, and the other 
half to be at the disposing of the Master of the Posts. And for the 
second offence, expulsion out of his Office : the same being duly 
proved against him. 

6. That all Posts and guides riding with any Currior [CoiCT^r 
or Through Post, either with Commission, or without, shall bring 
the party so riding unto the house and dwelling place of the next 
standing Post, that is also to furnish him of fresh horses ; or shall 
signify the same unto him, the party being a Personage, or Man 
of Sort, that, for his pleasure, will make choice of his lodging : 
and shall not suffer him, so riding, to pass the next ordinary stage, 
without the consent and liking of the Post of the place ; upon pain 
of forfeiture of Ten Shillings to the Post offended, and a full 
restitution of so much as he should have gained. 

7. Also, be it especially and duly observed by all Her Majesty's 
Posts, as they will answered to the contrary. That if any Innholder, 
Hackneymen, or others whatsoever, having horse[s] to hire, shall 
take upon him, contrary to their Lordships' Orders, to deliver any 
horses with horn and guide to any man running the Post, either 
with Commission, or without ; without the knowledge and consent 
of the ordinary Post of the place where the horses were delivered, 
if any Post there be appointed : the Post of the next stage by 
whom he passeth, shall, in this case, stay [detain] and charge the 
Officer, with safe custody of the guide or conductor ; and shall not 
deliver any horses to the party so riding, till notice be given, either 
to Her Majesty's Secretary [of State], or the Master of the Posts. 

8. That no Post, or guide, ride without his horn : and the same 



'/^ W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. 

to blow as is prescribed by their Lordships ; be it either with the 
Packet, or with Through Post. Neither shall he refuse to carry 
the mail, or other carriage \luggage\ of the party riding behind 
him \i.e. on another Jiorse\ so that the same exceed not the weight 
of forty pounds at the utmost. 

9. That no Post's servant or boy riding with the Packet, shall 
deliver any by -letters {^p'ivate letters], or private packets, before 
he have first discharged himself of the Packet for Her Majesty's 
affairs, by delivering the same unto the hands of the next standing 
Post : unto whom also, he shall commit and deliver all the by -letters 
and private packets, as well as the other, upon pain of the forfeiture 
of Ten Shillings to the Post offended, and the displeasure of the 
Master of the Posts. 

10. That no Post's servant, or boy, riding with the Packet, and 
having by-letters, or private packets, or other kind of carriage 
[luggagel, committed unto them, shall adventure to open or break 
up, or any other ways, directly or indirectly, shall fraudulently 
embezzle or convey [away] the same wilfully : but shall safely 
deliver the same unto the hands of the next Post, as is above said. 
And whatsoever he be, that shall be found to be faulty herein, 
he shall lose his Master's service ; and the Master shall underlie 
such punishment as the Master of the Posts shall find him 
worthy of. 

11. Lastly. Because that the negligence of servants and boys 
hath always been the greatest cause of the former disorders ; and 
that also to grow and fall out, through the small care and want of 
government in the Masters : ■ these, therefore, for a warning in 
time to come, shall be to signify unto all the Posts in general, 
That whose servant or boy soever shall hereafter, either directly or 
indirectly, break, disobey, or be found faulty of, any of these Articles 
above said ; the penalty and forfeiture thereof, shall lie upon the 
Master himself, without favour or remission. 

And hereunto I will all Her Majesty's Posts to have a special 
care and regard, as they will answer to the contrary. 
London, the 22nd January 1583[-4]. 

Thomas Randolph, 
Comptroller of all Her Majesty's Posts. 



W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. 79 

Sir Thomas Randolph having died, John Stanhope was 
made Master of the Posts on 20th June 1590. 

On the following 22nd August, he wrote the following 
letter to William Davison; who had been lately one of 
the Secretaries of State to Queen Elizabeth. 



JOHN STANHOPE TO WILLIAM DAVISON. 
OATLANDS; SATURDAY, 22 AUGUST /I SEPTEMBER 1590. 

Sir, How willingly I would yield to any [of] your 
requests, and how readily do you the best service I could ; 
I hope, if ever you please to employ me, you shall not 
then need to doubt. And I protest I am heartily 
sorry that the party you write for, hath wronged 
both himself, and the respect I would have had to 
him for your sake, in estranging himself from me, and 
indirectly seeking either his continuance, or preferment 
to the place. 

It is most true, that when old Brewster died, a 
kinsman near, cousin-german full to me, Samuel 
Bevercotes by name, a Lawyer [Barrister] of Gray's 
Inn, one I love and owe a better turn to, wrote 
earnestly unto me, praying me, for that he dwelt 
near in those parts, and that the Post [Master] was 
newly dead, that I would give him the credit to 
recommend one to the place, fit and sufficient, of 
good behaviour, and such as one as would give for 
it as any other should. 

Sir, I assure you, I was glad I had any means to 
pleasure him ; and presently [at once] returned him 
answer, That, if the place were void, I was willing to 
accept one from him, fit for that service. 



8o W. Breivster, Post Master at Scrooby. 

Within a day or two, Master [Thomas] Mills (whom 
I use still, as Master Randolph did, in this Office) coming 
to me; I told him of old Brewster's death, and my 

grant. 

He answered me, He [had] heard nothing thereof : 
and j^et his son [William Brewster afterwards the 
Ruling Elder'] was then presently in town, and had 
been with him the day before; but [Master Mills] said, 
He would enquire : And returning to me, the next 
day, said. The young man was gone down : but he 
remembered Master Randolph had accepted of him, in 
his lifetime, to exercise the place, for defaults of his 
father's weakness. 

Presently I sent one to my cousin Bevercotes', to 
acquaint him therewith : who, going into the country, 
wrote unto me again, That most certainly I was abused 
in their part. Young Brewster had never used it in 
his father's life : nor had any hope now to have it, but 
by Master Mills his means. He wrote further. That 
Master Mills had written, as he was credibly advertised, 
to the Post of Doncaster and Tuxford, to win them 
to say. That he [William Brewster] had admittance 
and use of the place in his father's time : which they 
refused to do as a thing untrue. Further, That he 
had lately given money to him [Master Mills] for 
the place. 

All this while, nor to this hour ; I never heard one 
word from young Brewster. He neither came to me, 
being in town ; nor sent to me, being absent : but, as 
though I were to be overruled by others, made his way 
according to his liking. 

When my cousin, whom I trusted, did advertise me 
of this manner of dealing ; and instantly required the 
admittance of him whom he nominated : I granted 



W. Brewster, Post Master at Scroohy. 8 1 

thereto, and have written my letters accordingly ; which 
went away but three days since. 

Now, Sir, in whom the fault is ; or how to redress 
my error committed herein : I pray you help me ! 

First, I know my interest such as, whether he had 
the place or no ; I can displace him : and think him 
worthily displaced for his contempt of me, in not 
seeking me at all. 

But if it be true, as 1 protest two or three besides my 
cousin have advertised me, that he never used the room 
\Office\ in his father's life; besides, such gentlemen as 
went down with [Edward Somerset] my Lord of 
Worcester to Scotland [in June 1590] told me, the old 
man furnished them of horses, as they went ; and, in their 
return, finding him dead, the widow told them, Her son 
was gone up to sue for the place : then have I done but 
like a kinsman to pleasure my cousin, without just 
ofience to any. 

Of Master Randolph's promise to you for your man, 
1 nothing doubt ; because yourself write it : but that 
he was not placed presently \at once] upon that promise, 
that seems by their report. 

Sir, in regard of you, I will seek to be better 
satisfied in the matter ; and if I find cause, and may, 
without disgracing [to] my cousin and touch to myself, 
I will revoke my grant : if you shall not rest satisfied 
that he have any other [Postmastership] that shall fall 
void with the first. 

And so, Sir, sorry I have troubled you with such 
circumstance [details], and with so ill a hand [writing] ; 
being in bed for sloth, and yet willing to despatch your 
man [messenger] ; I pray you believe of me as I have 

The Pilgrim Fathers, f 



82 W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. 

written : and you shall hear and see ere long, what I 
will do to satisfy you. 

And so, humbly recommending you to the Almighty 
I take my leave. This 22nd of August. Oatlands. 

Yours most assured, 

John Stanhope. 

Sir, I will send you the letters [that] were sent me 
by a man of mine. 

[Addressed] — To his honourable friend. Master 
Secretary Davison. 

S. P. Dom. Eliz. Vol. 233, No. 48. 



On this letter, Secretary Davison has made the following 
endorsement 

That Brewster ought not [to] be displaced more than 
the rest of the Posts. 

If he were possessed of the place by Master 
Kandolph's gift, long before his father's death; and 
no good cause now to except against him ; then ought 
he not more to be displaced than the rest of the Posts. 



W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. 83 



But he was 
possessed of the 
place by Master 
R andolph's<^ 
gift long before 
his father's 
death ; as may 
appear by the 



^record of his name in the Roll, among 

the other Posts. 

by receipt of the fee, this year and a 

half. 

' his Master \i.e. 
Tr.i)^F7>s'0iv]that 
rec om mended 
him thereunto. 
Master Mills, 
that was privy to 
the gift ; and did 
both register his 
name, and pay 
him his wages. 



the testimony of 



I 



his exercise of the place now above 
a year and a half; which may be 
testified by the Posts his next 
neighbours. 

Neither is there any I „„/«„• p ., ci 

.„ < i. i. I sufhciency for the Service, 

just cause now to except J ,. , "^ , „ ' 

against him, either in^ ^^«^^f g^ ^^^^reof hitherto ; 

respect of his f ""^ ^^^^^ ^'^^^^^« ^^^^SO" 

V ever. 

Therefore he ought to be no more displaced than the 
rest of the Posts. 

''The charge he hath been at for 
provision, this hard year, for the Service. 

Other reasons.] ,7; ^^'^ "T- ^^""""^t ^""t"^^""' ""' '^^^'' 

utter undoing, by being suddenly 

dispossessed. 
.The harms of the example, &c. 

S. P. Dom. Eliz. Vol. 233, No. 48. 



84 W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby. 

Secretary Davison's contention was evidently successful, 
though we cannot prove any payment to the future Ruling 
Elder earlier than on the 1st April 1594. 

We now give the various payments to him ; which occur 
under the heading of 

SIR JOHN stanhope's ACCOUNTS. 
WAGES AND ENTERTAINMENT OF ORDINARY POSTS 
LAID BETWEEN LONDON AND BERWICK IN 
HER majesty's SERVICE, VIZ. : 

'Roll 2737. Declared Accounts. Pipe Offi.ce, 

By the space of two whole years containing 731 

days within the time of this Account, begun the first 

day of April 1500, 32 Eliz.\ and ended the last day of 

March 1592, 34 Eliz. : both days included. 
The Post of Scrooby for his 

ordinary wages, serving Her Majesty 

all the time aforesaid, after the rate 

of 20d per diem, amounting to the 

sum of 

The names of the Postmasters south of London are 

given in this Roll ; but not of those on the Great North Road. 



£60, 18s. 4d. 



Roll 2738. Declared Accounts. Pipe Office. 

By the space of two whole years beginning the first 
day of April 1592, 34 Eliz. ; and ending the last day 
of March 1594, 36 Eliz. : both days reckoned inclusive. 

The Post of Scrooby for his 
ordinary wages serving Her Majesty 
all the time aforesaid, after the rate 
of 20d per diem, amounting to the 
sum of 

The southern Postmasters are also named in this Roll ; 
but not those on the Great North Road. 



£60, 16s. 8d. 



W. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby, 85 

Roll 2739. Declared Accovunts. Pipe Office. 

By the space of three whole years begun the first of 
April 1594, and ended the last of March 1597, both days 
included, containing 1,096 days. 



William Brewster, Post of 



:i 



ScROOBY for his ordinary wages, [ -Pqi fi QA 
serving Her Majesty, all the time | -" > • • 

aforesaid, at 20d per diem. J 



Boll 2740. Declared Accounts. Pipe Office. 

By the space of two whole years begun the first of 
April 1597 and ended the last of March 1599, both days 
included. 

William Brewster, Post of ) 
SCROOBY, for his ordinary wages,! ^ 

serving Her Majesty, all the time T '^^^' ^^^' ^^' 
aforesaid, at 20d per diem. ) 

Roll 2741. Declared Accounts. Pipe Office. 

For three whole years, containing 1096 days, begun 
the first of April 1599 and ended the last of March 1602. 

William Brewster, Post of^ 
ScROOBY, for his like wages, at r £91, 6s. 8d. 

20d per diem, for the same time. J 

Roll 2742. Declared Accounts. Pipe Office. 

William Brewster, Post of 
ScROOBY, for his wages, as well at 
20d per diem, for 456 days, begun 
the first of April 1602 and ended the 
last of June 1603, £38 ; as also at \ £102, Os. Od. 
2s per diem, for 640 days, beginning 
the first of July 1603 and ended the 
last of March 1605, £64 : in all the 
sum of 



86 TV. Brewster, Post Master at Scrooby, 



Roll 2743. Declared Accounts. Pipe Office. 

For two whole years, containing 730 days, begun the 
first of April 1605 and ended the last of March 1607. 

William Brewster, Post of' 
Scrooby, for his wages, at 2s per 
dierriy for the said time 



£73, Os. Od. 



Roll 2744. Declared Accounts. 

William Brewster, Post of ^ 
Scrooby, for his wages, at 2s per 
diem, for 183 days, begun the first 
of April 1607 and ended the last of 
September *1607,£1 8, 6s ; and then 
Francis Hall succeeding him at 2s 
2^er diem for 548 days, begun the 
first of October 1607 and ended the 
last of March 1609, £54, 16s 



Pipe Office. 



£73, 2s. Od. 



*Most unfortunately the Roll is now damaged; and is 
only readable in bits from here. We have therefore given the 
rest of this entry from the print made of it in 1854, by 
Mr Joseph Hunter, at p. 68 of his Collections concerning 
the Founders of New Plymouth. 

This date, the 30th September [1607], about which there is 
no doubt, is most important in our Story ; because it is the 
anterior date of the Flight of the Pilgrims into Holland. 

Brewster would naturally hold his appointment up to 
the very last moment practicable ; so the painful experience 
that the Pilgrims passed through at Boston, as described at 
pp. 88, 89, must have occurred in October, or November, 1607. 




CHAPTER VII. 

The Flight into Holland. 
[? October], 1607— [? August] 1608. 

EING thus constrained to leave their native 
soil and country, their lands and livings, 
11 and all their friends and familiar 
acquaintance: it was much, and thought 
marvellous by many. But to go into a country they 
knew not, but by hearsay ; where they must learn a 
new language, and get their livings they knew not how ; 
it [also] being a dear place, and subject to the miseries 
of war : it was by many thought [to be] an adventure 
almost desperate, a case intollerable, and a misery worse 
than death. Especially seeing they were not acquainted 
with trades [handicrafts] or traffic, by which that 
country doth subsist : but had only been used to 
a plain country life, and the innocent trade of 
husbandry. 

But these things did not dismay them, though 
they did sometimes trouble them : for their desires 
were set on the Ways of GOD, and to enjoy his 
Ordinances. 

But they rested on his Providence ; and knew whom 
they had believed [2 Tim. i. 12]. 

Yet this was not all. For though they could not 
stay ; yet were they not suffered to go : but the ports 
and havens were shut against them. So as they were 

87 



88 The Flight into Holland, gov. w. Bradford. 

fain to seek secret means of conveyance ; and to bribe 
and fee the mariners, and give extraordinary rates for 
their passages. 

And yet were they oftentimes betrayed, many of 
them ; and both they and their goods intercepted and 
surprised, and thereby put to great trouble and charge. 

Of which I will give an instance or two ; and omit 
the rest : 

There was a large company of them purposed [m 
1 0ctober, 1607] to get passage at Boston in Lincolnshire; 
and for that end, had hired a ship wholly to themselves, 
and made agreement with the Master to be ready at a 
certain day, and take them and their goods in, at a 
convenient place : where they accordingly would all 
attend in readiness. 

So, after long waiting and large expenses, though 
he kept not day [his appointed time] with them ; yet 
he came at length, and took them in, in the night. 
But when he had them, and their goods aboard ; he 
betrayed them : having beforehand complotted with 
the Searchers and other Officers so to do. Who took 
them, and put them into open boats ; and there rifled 
and ransacked them : searching them to their shirts 
for money; yea, even the women further than became 
modesty. 

And then carried them back into the town [of 
Boston], and made them a spectacle and [a] wonder to 
the multitude ; which came flocking on all sides to 
behold them. 

Being thus first by these catchpole Officers rifled 
and stripped of their money, books, and much other 
goods; they were presented to the Magistrates [of the 
locality] : and messengers [were] sent to inform the 



Gov. w. Bradford. Tkc Flight iftto Hollaud. 89 

Lords of the [Privy] Council of them ; and so they 
were committed to ward. 

Indeed, the Magistrates used them courteously, and 
shewed them what favour they could; but could not 
deliver them till order came from the [Privy] Council 
table. But the issue was that, after a month's 
imprisonment, the greatest part were dismissed ; and 
sent to the places from whence they came : but Seven 
of the principal were still kept in prison, and bound 
over to the Assizes. 

The next Spring after [1608], there was another 
attempt made by some of these, and others, to get over 
at another place. And it so fell out, that they light of 
[alighted on] a Dutchman at Hull; having a ship of 
his own, belonging to Zealand. They made agreement 
with him, and acquainted him with their condition : 
hoping to find more faithfulness in him, than in the 
former [Master] of their own nation. 

He bade them not fear ; for he would do well 
enough. 

He was, by appointment, to take them in between 
Grimsby and Hull [in the mouth of the Humber], 
where was a large common a good way distant from 
any town. 

Now, against the prefixed time, the women and 
children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a 
small Bark ; which they had hired for that end : and 
the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out, 
that they were there a day before the ship came : and 
the sea being rough, and the women very sick; [the 
women] prevailed with the seamen to put into a 
creek hard by; where they lay on ground at low 
water. 



90 The Flight into Holland, got. w. Bradford. 

The next morning, the ship came : but they [in the 
Bark] were fast, and could not stir till about noon. 

In the meantime, the ship Master, perceiving how 
the matter was, sent his boat, to be getting the men 
aboard ; whom he saw ready, walking about the shore. 
But, after the first boat full [including evidently 
William Bradford] was got aboard, and she was 
ready to go for more; the Master espied a great 
company, both horse and foot, with bills [spears with 
a double-edged sword at the top of each of them] and 
guns, and other weapons : for the country [Country, 
here meaning the north-eastern part of Lincolnshire] 
was raised to take them. The Dutchman seeing that, 
swore his country's oath, Sacremente ! ; and, having the 
wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted sails, and away ! 

But the poor men, which were got aboard, were in 
great distress for their wives and children ; which they 
saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their 
helps : and [for] themselves also, not having a cloth to 
shift them with [a change of clothing], more than they 
had on their backs ; and some, scarce a penny about 
them; all they had being aboard the Bark, It drew 
tears from their eyes ; and anything they had, they 
would have given to have been ashore again : but all in 
vain. There was no remedy. They must thus sadly 
part. 

And, afterwards, [they] endured a fearful storm at 
sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived 
at their port ; in seven whereof, they neither saw sun, 
moon, nor stars: and were driven near the coast of 
Norway. The mariners themselves often despairing of 
life : and once, with shrieks and cries, gave over all ; as 
if the ship had been foundered in the sea, and they 
sinking without recovery. But when man's hope and 



Gov. w. Bradford. The Flight zuto Hollaud. 9 1 

help wholly failed ; the Lokd's power and mercy- 
appeared in their recovery: for the ship rose again, 
and gave the mariners courage again to manage her. 

And if modesty would suffer me \Brabforb was 
therefore on hoard], I might declare with what fervent 
prayers, they cried unto the Lord in this great distress. 
Especially some of them, even without any great 
distraction, when the water ran into their mouths and 
ears ; and the mariners cried out, " We sink ! We 
sink!": they cried, if not with miraculous, yet with 
a great height, or degree, of divine faith, " Yet Lord, 
thou canst save ! Yet Lord, thou canst save ! " ; with 
such other expressions as I will forbear [to mention]. 

Upon which, the ship did not only recover; but 
shortly after, the violence of the storm began to abate : 
and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such 
comforts as every one cannot understand. And, in the 
end, brought them to their desired haven: where the 
people came flocking admiring [wondering at"] their 
deliverance ; the storm having been so long and sore. 
In which, much hurt had been done; as the Master's 
friends related unto him, in their congratulations. 

But to return to the others, where we left [them]. 
The rest of the men, that were in [the] greatest danger, 
made shift to escape away before the troops could 
surprise them : those only staying that best might be 
assistant unto the women. But pitiful it was to see the 
heavy case of these poor women in this distress. What 
weeping and crying on every side! Some for their 
husbands that were carried away in the ship, as is 
before related. Others not knowing what should become 
of them and their little ones. Others again melted in 
tears, seeing their poor little ones hanging about them ; 
crying for fear, and quaking with cold. 



92 The Flight into Holland, gov. w. Bradford. 

Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one 
place to another; and from one Justice [of the Peace] 
to another : till, in the end, they knew not what to do 
with them. For to imprison so many women and 
innocent children, for no other cause, many of them, 
but that they must go with their husbands, seemed to 
be unreasonable : and all would cry out of them. And 
to send them home again was as difficult ; for they 
alledged, as the truth was, they had no homes to go 
to : for they had either sold, or otherwise disposed of, 
their houses and livings. 

To be short, after they had been thus turm oiled a 
good while ; and conveyed from one Constable to 
another : they were glad to be rid of them in the 
end upon any terms; for all were wearied and tired 
with them. 

Though, in the mean time, they, poor souls ! endured 
misery enough : and thus, in the end, necessity forced 
a way for them. 

But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omit 
the rest: though 1 might relate many other notable 
passages and troubles which they endured and underwent, 
in these their wanderings and travels both at land and 
sea. But I haste to other things. 

Yet I may not omit the fruit that came hereby. For 
by these so public troubles, in so many eminent places, 
their Cause became famous ; and occasioned many to 
look into the same: and their godly character and 
Christian behaviour was such, as left a deep impression 
in the minds of many. And though some few shrank 
at these first conflicts and sharp beginnings, as it was 
no marvel ; yet many more came on with fresh courage, 
and greatly animated others. 



Got. w. Bradford. The Flight luto Holland. 93 

And, in the end, notwithstanding all these storms of 
opposition, they all gat over at length. Some at one 
time, and some at another ; and some in one place and 
some in another: and met together again, according 
to their desires, with no small rejoicing. Bradford 
Manuscript, folios 31-39. 

Let us now look at the management of these two Exoduses. 
It was the law of England, that no one could go out of 
the Kingdom without the King's license. When Milton 
went abroad in 1639, he obtained a license for himself and his 
servant, as a matter of course. But what sense there could be 
in hindering the emigration of Separatists ; whom we have 
seen, at pp. 35, 36, from 1593 to 1598, were banished by law : 
it is hard to understand. 

The first thing to notice is, that the Idle is navigable for 
boats from Scaftworth, where it is the size of a large canal ; to 
West Stockwith, where it flows into the Trent. Early in this 
century, coals were brought up the Idle, in flat bottom barges 
towed by horses, to Bawtry : and this traflic went on till 
railway competition killed it. 

The women, children, and luggage could therefore easily 
be sent by water as far as Gainsborough : which place is 
55 miles from Boston. In some way or another, they 
managed to reach the river Witham near Boston ; and 
embarking in the night, were betrayed on board, by the 
Master, the morning. That scoundrel seems to have acted 
as if these Separatists, in going out of the English Church, 
had gone beyond the protection of English law ; and were 
therefore only to be plundered. 

In those days, a journey on foot of 50 miles was quite as 
great a feat as one of 3,000 miles by rail would be now. 
These inland Nottinghamshire people would be utter strangers 
in many things to the Boston people. 

It must ever be remembered that the Boston Magistrates 
befriended the Pilgrims, so far as they could. 



94 The Flight into Holland, oov. w. Bradford. 

^ The next time, in the Spring of 1608, the Pilgrims 
organized better : but they were still unfortunate. 

The women, children, and goods probably reached the 
Trent, by the Idle, as before : and there they were put in the 
Bark. 

The Trent at Gainsborough flows at about eight miles an 
hour ; though many of its affluents, like the Idle, are sluggish 
in their current. 

It is 30 miles from Gainsborough to the mouth of the 
Trent ; 22 miles from thence, to Hull ; and 20 miles from Hull 
to Great Grimsby : or, in all, 72 miles. 

Where then was the creek where the Bark lay on ground 
at low water ; and " where was a large common a good way 
distant from any town*?" 

Local opinion would seem to favour East Halton Skitter 
haven, in Lat. 53°, 41^, 30"; because that is the only break 
in the specified coast line of Lincolnshire viz. between Hull 
and Great Grimsby : from which latter place it is distant 
some twenty miles. 

If so, the Bark went down the Trent, 30 miles \ and then 
some 20 miles or so along the coast : while the men must have 
walked fully forty miles from West Stockwith to East Halton 
Skitter. 

When this attempt had also so unfortunately failed ; the 
Pilgrims gave up all thoughts of any combined emigration : 
and stole over to Amsterdam, in small parties. 




CHAPTER VIII 

The Entries in Zachary Clifton's Family Bible. 

S^ N the Finch Collection of the Library of the 
Taylorean Institution at Oxford, Press-mark, 
W. 164, there is a copy of the Bible, Geneva 
■^^ Version (which is usually called the "Breeches 
Bihley" from its translation of Genesis iii. 7), that was 
printed at London, in quarto, by the Deputies of Christopher 
Barker, in 1599. 

This Volume was the Family Bible of the Zachary 
Clifton, the son of the Rector of Babworth, afterwards 
the Pastor of the Separatist Church at Scrooby; whogp 
name, as printed in books, is spelt Richard Clyfton : 
but, m these entries, the family name is uniformily spelt 
Clifton. 

Of these entries, the following is a line for line modernised 
reprint : 

Thomas Clifton, of Normanton, in the county of Derby, had issue by 
his first wife, 3 sons, Richard, Edward, and John ; and 4 daughters, 
Jane, Elinor, Ann, and Dorothy : and by his second wife, 2 sons, Steven 
and William ; and 1 daughter, Jane. 

Richard, eldest, son to Thomas Clifton, and born at Normanton above- 
said, married Ann, daughter of I. Stdffen of Wor[k]8op, in the county 
of Nottingham, September anno 1586. He was Minister and Preacher 
of the Gospel at Babworth in the said county ; and had issue, by his 
wife, 3 sons, Zachary, Timothy, and Eleazer ; and 3 daughters, Mary, 
Hanna, and Priscilla : all born at Babworth abovesaid. 
Mary, born August, anno 1587 ; and died September following. 
Zachary, born May 12, 1589. [He died May 26, 1671 ; see entry helow.] 
Hanna, born January , anno 1590 ; and died 24 March, anno 1602. 
Priscilla, born April 1593 ; and died May following. 
Timothy, born 29 September 1595. He died at Amsterdam, June 7 1663. 

95 



96 Entries in Zachary Clifton s Bible. 

Eleazar, born 1 November 1598. He died at Amsterdam, January 18 1668. 

Memorandvmi, Richard Clifton, with his wife and children, came into 
Amsterdam, in Holland, August 1608. 

Ann, wife of the said Richard, died at Amsterdam, 3 September 
anno 1613 ; and was buried in the South Church : vixit cmnos 58. 
Richard Clifton died at Amsterdam, 20 May 1616 ; and was 
buried in the South Church : vixit annos 63. 

Zachary, son of Richard Clifton above named, married Mary the 
daughter of Arthur Hopps [by his first wife Dorothy Johnson] of Richmond, 
in the county of York, February 16, anno 1617 ; and had issue by her, 2 sons, 
Israel and Zachary, bol^h born at Richmond aforesaid. 
IsRAiiL, born 2 January, anno 1620 ; and died 28 September, anno 1622. 
Zachary, born May 4, anno 1624 ; and died 25 July, anno 1629. 
Memorandum. Mary, wife of the aforesaid Zachary Clifton was born 
at Richmond before named, March 25, anno 1598 ; and died 
there, 30 October 1625 : vixit annos 26, menses 7, dies 5. 

Zachary Clifton took for his second wife, Elizabeth Wayt, daughter 

Laurence and Katherine Wayt of Cookridge near Leeds, in Yorkshire, 

and was married at Amsterdam, 22 April 1631. He had issue by his 

said wife, these children, born at Amsterdam : viz. Elizabeth, 

Zachary, Eleazar, Elizabeth, Mary, Israel, Richard, Elizabeth 

Martha, Hanna. Memorandum. They were all born such a day of the month, stylo novo 

Elizabeth, bom 14 January 1632. She died 2 February following, 

Zachary, born 10 May 1633. {Afterwards Rector of Wishrough Oreen, co. Suss. 

Eleazar, born 15 October 1635. He died at Rotterdam, June 9 1667 

Elizabeth, born 11 September 1637. She died 23 February 1638 

Mary, bom 28 September 1639. She died, unbaptized, 2 October following 

Israel, born 6 March 1641. He died 14 of the same. 

Richard, born 25 November 1642. He died 10 November (Old Style) 1664 

Elizabeth, born 7 June 1644, She died 22 August following, 

Martha, born 4 November 1645. She died 27' January 1646 

Hanna, born 26 June 1648. She died 18 April 1671. 

Memorandum. Richard, son of Zachary Cleftoi 

by Elizabeth his wife, died at Newcastl 

upon Tyne, the 10th of November, wnno 1664: an< 

was buried there at Allhallows Church, ii 
the North Alley, near the Quire door ; by th 

burial place of Doctor Newton ; and next to it, o] 
the north side. 

Eleazkk, son of Zachary Clifton by Elizabet: 



Entries in Zachary Clifton s Bible. 97 

his wife, died at Rotterdam in Holland, the 9th of 

June {Stylo Novo), anno 1667 ; and was buried there in the 
French Church. 

Hannah, daughter of Zachaby and Elizabeth Clifton 

abovesaid, died at Newcastle, AprQ 18th 

1671 ; and was buried there in Allhallows 
Church, by {besides} her brother E-iohard. 

Zachaey Clifton, son of Richard 

at Newcastle, 26 of May 1671 : 

in Allhallows Church, Newcastle, 

29th 1671, anno cetatis 82. 



Clifton 


died 


was 


buried 


May 


the 



Memorandum. I came from Amsterdam 1 November 1G52 ; and came to Newcastle 

4th January following. 

my wife with R. and H. came from Amsterdam, 29 March 1663. 

they came to Newcastle, May 6 following. 

"We went to hou8e[k.eeping] at Newcastle, June 6, 1653. 

The importance of the above entries in regard to our 
Story, lies in the statement that the Rev. Richard Clyfton, 
the Pastor of the Scrooby Church, arrived with his family 
at Amsterdam, in August 1608. 

As Governor Bradford tells, at page 142, "Now when 
Master Robinson, Master Brewster, and other principal 
members were come over [to Amsterdam] (for they were of 
the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before them) " ; 
and as the Rev. Richard Clyfton was the Pastor and 
senior Clergyman of the Scrooby Congregation, though 
(from the omission of his name here by Bradford) possibly 
not its leading spirit : we must accept the date of the arrival 
of himself and his family at Amsterdam, August 1608, as the 
posterior date of the Exodus from Scrooby. 



The Pilgrim Fathers. 




CHAPTER IX. 

The British Churches in Amsterdam. 

^HERE were, in one way or another, at different 
periods in the life time of the Rev. John 
Robinson, no less than seven religious 
Communities of Englishmen and Scotchmen 
in Amsterdam. We will take them in the order of date. 

THAT POOR ENGLISH CONGREGATION IN AMSTERDAM, TO 
WHOM H. C, FOR THE PRESENT, ADMINISTERETH 
THE GOSPEL. 1597 1599 [, OR EVEN LATEr]. 

Very little is known of this Church ; and that little is 
found in the Works of the Rev. Henoch Clapham before 
1600. It was, however, clearly in existence before the 
reorganisation in that city of the Ancient exiled English 
Church in September 1597 j and it certainly lasted till 1599, 
if not later. 

Let us see what this Clergyman wrote of himself, after he 
had renounced the " Holy Discipline," in 1600. 

In my first looking after Religion, my lot was to associate with 
such only as only tasted and afi'ected another kind of Ministry : 
which, as they said, yet we had not in England. And that they 
termed the Ministry of Pastor, Doctor, Elders, Deacons, Widows, 
due to every particular [separate] Church. 

Those words, I soon learned : as also. That the Pastor was to 
exhort ; the Doctor, to teach and deliver doctrine ; the Elders, to 
govern and exercise the disciplinal censures in common with the 
Pastor and Doctor ; the Deacons, only to attend the poor and 
Love Feasts ; the Widows, to wait on the sick. 

All this so hanging together, [that] except I would practice 
contrary to my persuasion (as many deceitfully have done), out of 
the land I must I as I loved my liberty. 

98 



The British Churches in Amsterdam 99 

I did so. First, into the Low Countries I went : afterwards, 
into Scotland. After that, again into the Low Countries : then 
again into Scotland. And once again into the Netherlands &c. 
Sometimes hauled by this faction ; sometimes hauled by that faction. 
But, the Lord being merciful unto me, howsoever I was notably 
distract[ed] about external Church Government ; yet, as all my 
printed books will testify, I kept me ever fast unto tbe main point 
— that is, \mto the foundation of the Gospel I had before here 
received, and had, in Lancashire, for some two years [1591 — 1593], 
publicly ministered : being before, now some nine years since 
[1591], ordained fully thereto \i.e. tool Priests Orders] by Bishop 
[William] Wickham, then Bishop of Lincoln. Antidoton; or a 
sovereign Remedy against Schism and Heresy, pp. 1, 2, London, 
1600, 4. 

Clapham dedicates his Sin against the HOLY GHOST, 
Amsterdam, 1598, 4, "to his faithful Brethren, a poor 
Remnant of the ever Visible Catholic and Apostolic Church, 
Abraham Crottendine, John Joope, Hugh Armourer, 
Christopher Symkins, Thomas Farrat, Abraham Wakefield, 
&c." 

One of these Brethren, John Joope, published at 
Amsterdam, in 1599, The Description of a true Visible 
Christian ; and, in the Pre/ace, he tells us, that this Work is 
Chapter III. of a book by the Rev. Henoch Clapham, 
consisting of 26 Chapters : which book apparently was never 
printed. 

In October 1607, Clapham was made Vicar of Northbourne 
in Kent ; and held that Living till his death in 1614. 

the ancient exiled ENGLISH CHURCH. 1597 — 1610. 

So much of the history of this Community as concerns our 
present Story will be found in the next Chapter. 

THE SCOTCH PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. 1607 — THE PRESENT DAY. 

On the 5th February 1607, the Rev. John Paget preached 
his first Sermon at the Scotch Presbyterian Church in the 
Begyn Hof, Amsterdam ; of which Church he was Minister 
till his death in 1636. Rev. William Steven. The History 



loo The British Churches in Amsterdam 

of the Scottish Church, Rotterdam. With Notices of the other 
British Churches in the Netherlands, pp. 273, 279, Edinburgh, 
1833, 8. 

This Church has continued to the present time. 

THE GAINSBOROUGH CHURCH. 1608 — 1609. 

The history of this body, while united, in this city, will be 
found in Chapter XI. 

THE SCROOBY CHURCH. 1608 1609. 

The experiences of this Church at Amsterdam are 
described by Governor Bradford in Chapter XII. 

MASTER THOMAS HELWYS'S COMPANY. 1609 1613. 

In 1609, before the 12th March; the Gainsborough 
Church divided asunder : and the majority, headed by the 
R,ev. Thomas Helwys, drave out a minority of thirty-two 
persons, headed by the Rev. John Smyth. See pp. 137, 140. 

master JOHN Smyth's company. 1609 — 1615. 
Some account of this Church, at the " Great Cake House," 
will be found at pp. 137-140. 

the rev. FRANCIS JOHNSON's CHURCH. 1610 — 1619. 

On the 15/25 December 1610, the Ancient exiled Church 
split into two sections. Those who adhered to the Rev. 
Francis Johnson were called the Franciscans. Some notices 
of this period of their career will be found at pp. 125, 126, 
129, 130, 277-279, 290 : but not very much is known of it. 

the rev, henry AINSWORTH'S CHURCH. 1610 1701. 

The other section of the Ancient exiled Church survived 
all the other English Separatist Communities in Amsterdam. 
They were called the Ainsworthians until their Pastor's death 
in the Spring of 1623. The Rev. John Canne the Elder was 
afterwards their Minister. Their remnant were finally 
absorbed in the Scotch Presbyterian Church above mentioned, 
about the 10th April 1701. 




CHAPTER X. 

The scandalous Ancient exiled English Church 
AT Amsterdam. 1595 — 1623. 

In perils among false brethren. 2 Cor. xi. 26. 
Religion is the best thing : and the corruption of it the worst. Neither 
hath greater mischief and villainy'' ever been found amongst men — Jews, 
Gentiles, or Christians — than that which hath marched under the Flag of 
Religion ; either [Religion] intended by the seduced, or pretended by 
hypocrites. Rev. John Robinson, Observations Divine and Moral, p. 40, 
Ed. 1625, 4. 

|E are now come to the most painful part of this 
book — the scandalous proceedings in the Ancient 
exiled English Church at Amsterdam. That 
Community consisted of knaves and dupes. 
Doubtless many of the latter were well-intentioned Christians ; 
though greatly misled. Of course, we must speak of this 
Church as a whole. 

We shall not dwell upon this disagreeable subject here 
longer than is absolutely necessary : but will rather refer to 
the authorities where the fuller details will be found. It is 
not an actual part of the Pilgrim Story : but yet the Scrooby 
Church sojourned amongst them (though they were not of 
them) for a year or so. 

These scandals, the "some other reasons" of Governor 
Bradford, were the cause that constrained the Pilgrims to 
uproot themselves for a second time ; and that at any cost, in 
their pursuit not only of peace, but also of moral purity. In a 
large commercial city like Amsterdam, there were many more* 
possible ways of getting a living than in a smaller University 
town like Leyden. If they had sought peace only, they 

101 



I02 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 

might easily have formed a Third exiled English Church at 
Amsterdam ; and still kept to their livelihoods in that city, 
a very important matter. But, once more, they threw up 
everything for principle ; and migrated to Leyden to avoid not 
simply the quarrels in the Ancient Church : but also, we 
think, the moral pollution that was rampant in it. Surely, 
never did men more strenuously strive to do what they 
thought to be right, and that in the most peaceable possible 
way, than did the Pilgrim Church. 

The history of this ancient Reformist Church at Amster- 
dai^Q is one of the saddest chapters in the annals of Protest- 
antism. It was established upon what were then considered 
to be the newest principles. It was based solely upon the 
rational study of the Scriptures. It was to be an object 
lesson to the whole World of what the Christian Church of 
the Future, in all its purity holiness and usefulness, was to 
be. Especially was it to be a most vigorous protest against 
the Church at home. It was the most notable English 
Christian Community on the Continent, that was completely 
organised on the lines of the "Holy Discipline." Whereas 
the other Separatist Churches abroad, the Pilgrim Church 
alone excepted, usually vanished away in a few years ; this 
Ancient one actually subsisted unbroken for thirteen years 
[1597—1610] together. 

Yet, notwithstanding all this, the history of this Society 
is nothing but a tissue of folly, wrongheadedness, and violence ; 
of hypocrisy, wrangling, and immorality : so that its members 
became quite odious to the inhabitants of Amsterdam. 




The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 103 



The early days of the Ancient English Church. 

1592—1597. 

HE Ancient Church began with its first Pastor, 
the Rev. Francis Johnson ; of whom Governor 
Bradford gives the following remarkable 
account. One might almost say, That such 
sudden conversions, either to good or to evil, were 
characteristic of that Age. 

Doctor [William] Ames was estranged from, and opposed 
Master Robinson * ; and yet afterwards there was loving- 
compliance and near agreement between them. 

And, which is more strange. Master [Francis] Johnson himself , 
who was afterwards Pastor of the Church of GOD at Amsterdam, 
was a Preacher to the Company of the English [Merchants] of the 
Staple at Middelburg in Zealand ; and had great and certain 
maintenance (£200 per annum) allowed him by them, and was 
highly respected by them. 

And [lie] was so zealous against this Way as that [when] Master 
Barrow and Master Greenwood's [A plain'] Refutation of Master 
Gifford['s book, intituled A short Treatise against the Donatists of 
England] was privately in printing in this city, he not only was a 
means to discover it ; but was made the [English] Ambassador's 
Instrument to intercept them at the press, and see them burnt. 

The which charge he did so well perform, as he let them go on 
until they were wholly finished ; and then surprised the whole 
impression, not suffering any to escape : and then, by the 
Magistrate's authority, caused them all to be openly burnt ; [he] 
himself standing by, until they were all consumed to ashes. Only 
he took up two of them : one to keep in his own study, that he 

* The correspondence between them, before 1612, will be found at pp. 
47-54 of The profane Schism &c. The Rev. John Robinson, in the 
Preface to his Religious Communion of 1614, writes "Now as I neither 
am, nor would be thought, insensible of this unchristian enmity," in 
publishing " certain private letters passing between him and me, about 
private communion [joining in private worship, as in Prayer Meetings] 
betwixt the members of the true Visible Church and others." 



I04 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 

might see their errors ; and the other to bestow on a special friend, 
for the like use. 

But mark the sequel. When he had done this work, he went 
home : and being set down in his study, he began to turn over 
some pages of this book, and superficially to read some things here 
and there, as his fancy led him. At length, he met with something 
that began to work upon his spirit ; which so wrought with him as 
[it] drew him to this resolution, seriously to read over the whole 
book: the which he did once and again. 

In the end, he was so taken, and his conscience was troubled so, 
as he could have no rest in himself until he crossed the seas, and 
came to London, to confer with the Authors [? m the summer of 
1592] ; who were then in prison, and [were] shortly after executed 
[6th April 1593]. 

After which conference, he was so satisfied and confirmed in the 
truth, as he never returned to his place any more at Middelburg ; 
but adjoined himself to their Society in London \of which he was 
elected the Pastor in September 1592] : and was aftei'wards [on 5th 
December 1592] committed to prison \in the Clinic Prison^ ; and 
then [in 1597] banished. 

And, in conclusion, coming to live at Amsterdam, he caused the 
same books, which he had been an Instrument to burn, to be new 
printed and set out [in 1605], at his own charge. 

And some of us here present testify this to be a true Relation ; 
which we heard from his own mouth, before many witnesses. 

A very grave man he was, and an able teacher : and was the 
most solemn, in all his administrations, that we have seen any ; 
and especially in dispensing the Seals of the Covenant, both 
Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 

A good disputant he was. We heard Master [John] Smyth, 
upon occasion, say, That he was persuaded no men living were able 
to maintain a Cause against those two men, meaning Master 
Johnson and Master Ainsworth, if they had not the truth on 
their side. 

He — by reason of many dissensions that fell out in the Church ; 
and the subtilty of [Daniel Studley,] one of the [Ruling] Elders 
of the same — came, after many years [, in 1609], to alter his 
judgement about the Government of the Church, and his 
practice thereupon : which caused a division among them [on 
15/25 December 1610]. 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 105 

But he lived not many years after ; and died at Amsterdam [in 
January 1618], after his return from Emden. First Dialogue &c. 
[Written in 1648.] Printed in A. Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim 
Fathers, pp. 423-425, 445, 1841, 8. 

Here then, we think that Governor Bradford is perfectly 
untrustworthy in his charitable estimate of character. It is 
true that he does not say very much in his favour ; but the 
general impression of it all is that Johnson was a Saint : 
whereas, in this book, he is abundantly proved to be a most 
remarkable Sinner. He was an arrogant, wrongheaded, 
irascible man ; an unnatural son, &c. : anything, in fact, but 
a Christian Gentleman. In addition to which, and apart 
from all personal failings ; he was the responsible head of a 
Society which became an abomination to the citizens of 
Amsterdam. 

Johnson's character was therefore inconsistent: having 
some good points ; but many more bad ones. 

Harleian MS. 7042 consists of the Baker Transcripts 
from the Manuscripts (now lost) of the Lord Keeper of 
the Great Seal, Sir John Puckering j who died on 30th 
April 1596. 

From these Transcripts we learn (, fols. 30, 60, 61, 63) that 
the Ancient Church was constituted, in September 1592, at 
the house of one Fox in Nicholas lane, London, with the 
following Officers : 

Pastor. Francis Johnson. 

Teacher. John Greenwood. [Hanged on 6th 

April following.] 
Ruling Elders. Daniel Studley and George Kniveton. 
Prophets. [Not stated.] 

Deacons. Christopher Bowman and Nicholas 

Lee. 
Widows or Deaconesses. [? None.] 

This is further confirmed by the following passage from 
page 429 of A Survey of the pretended " Holy Disciplines^ 



io6 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 

anonymously written by Richard Bancroft, then Bishop 
of London ; and published in London, in 1593, in quarto. 

One Collins, a man amongst them, not unlearned as it seemeth, 
doth write in this sort hereof : " Ecdesia potenti ejus dextra adjiUa 
&c. ' The Church, assisted with the mighty hand of GOD ' hath 
chosen Ministers. Master Johnson for her Pastor ; Master 
Greenwood for her Doctor ; Master Studley and Master 
George Knife[ton, or Kniveton], for Elders ; Nicholas Lee 
and Christopher Bowman for her Deacons. 

" The other Assembly also (whereunto are added John Nicholas, 
Thomas Michell, John Barnes, and some others, with me) with 
GOD's assistance, will begin, out of hand, to create linto itself 
Ministers." 

So there were two Groups of Separatists in London in 
September 1592. 

Harleian MS. 7042 contains the Answers to a number of 
Interrogatories put to these men, on or about 2/12 or 4/14 
April 1593 ; in which are the following descriptions. 

Francis Johnson, a Minister, of the age of 31 years ; of 
uncertain abode. 

George Johnson, late Schoolmaster in St Nicholas lane, 
London, born in Eichmondshire in the county of York, of the 
age of 29 years. He was taken in an assembly of people in a 
wood beyond Islington. 

George Kniveton, of Newgate Market, an Apothecary, of 
the age of years. He was made Elder half a year ago \i.e, in 
September 1592]. 

Christopher Bowman, a Goldsmith, doth dwell in "West 
Smithfield, of the age of 32 years. Was chosen a Deacon in 
September last. He was imprisoned five years past [in 1588], for 
putting up a Petition to the Queen's Majesty ; and continued in 
prison four years [1588 — 1592] for the same. He was married in 
John Penrt's house. Edward Settle \the Separatist Pastor before 
Johnson] did pray ; and John Greenwood was present. 

Edward Boys, a Haberdasher, dwelling in Fleet street, of the 
age of 33 years. 

All this Church organization was a flat defiance of the 
Hierarchy. 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 107 

On 5/15 December 1592, Feancis Johnson and John 
Greenwood were arrested at Edward Boys's house. 

On 4/14 March 1592/1593, fifty-six, including George 
Johnson, were arrested in the wood beyond Islington. 

The Bishops kept the leaders in prison : Edward Settle, 
in the Gate House; Erancis Johnson, in the Clink; George 
Johnson, in the Eleet; Daniel Studley, in Newgate, &c. 

The rest of the Church gradually emigrated, in 1593-4, to 
Holland : at first, to Kampen ; then, to Naarden ; and finally, 
by 1595, to Amsterdam. 

About September 1594, Francis Johnson married 
Thomasine Boys, the well-to-do Widow of the above 
mentioned Edward Boys, the Haberdasher: and thereby 
commenced the Old Clothes Controversy which is described 
in the next Chapter. 

On 25 March /4 April 1597, the Privy Council of 
England directed that Francis Johijson and Daniel Studley 
should be put on board the Hopewell ; and George Johnson 
and John Clarke put on board the Ghancewell. These two 
vessels formed a fruitless Expedition to Rainea [The Magdalen 
IsleSj in the Gulf of St Laiurence]. [R. Hakluyt, 
Voyages dec, iii. 242-249, Ed. 1810, 4.], and left Gravesend 
on Friday 8/18 April 1597. The Chancewell was wrecked 
on the 23 June /3 July following : and the Hopewell was 
back in the British Channel on 1/11 September next. 

Landing at Southampton, the four Separatists stole over 
to Amsterdam : where the Ancient Church was reconstituted 
with the following Officers, about September 1597. 
F*astor. Francis Johnson. 

Teacher. Henry Ainsworth. 

Ruling Elders. Daniel Studley, George Kniveton, and 

Master Slade. [Later on, there was 
also Jean de l'Ecluse.] 



io8 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 

Prophets. Thomas Cocky. Jacob Johnson. 

Deacon. Christopher Bowman. 

Widow or [Governor Bradford describes this 

Deaconess. "ancient widow" at page 172; but 

does not tell us her name.] 




George Johnson. 

1592—1603. 

^HE first idea of the Separatist Churches seems to 
have been that — in order to maintain the 
requisite high standard of purity of life — there 
should be a perpetual scrutiny of each other's 
faults : so that every one was to be a spy on all the rest, 
and to be ever bringing them to book. What a base 
conception of the Christian life ! 

Robert Browne's Church, in 1582 — 1583, was greatly 
afflicted in this way ; so that existence there became a positive 
torment. 

The same conception marked the early days, at least, of the 
Ancient exiled English Church : so that there has come down 
to us, a most wonderful literary monument of this vulgar 
nagging spirit, in the following Work. 

A Discourse of some Troubles and Excommunications in the 
banished English Church at Amsterdam. 

Printed at Amsterdam. 1603, 4. 

This book is printed in Dutch black letter ; and breaks off 
abruptly at page 214 ; through the death in prison of the Author. 

It was strenuously hunted for, for above sixty years together ; 
but in vain : so that it was quite given up for a lost book. 

However, in 1872, Doctor H. Marttn Dexter, with the kind 
help of Mr William Alois Wright, then Librarian, now Vice- 
Master, of Trinity College, Cambridge, after a long search, found 
a copy in that CoUege Library. Press-mark, C. 4, 53. 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 109 

This year, 1896, we have found another copy in the Library of 
Sion College, London. Press-mark, A. 69, 3. 

These are the only two copies at present known. 

The Rev. Francis Johnson, about September 1594, 
married, in the Clink Prison, a well-to-do Widow, Mistress 
Thomasine Boys, the relict of Edward Boys the Haberdasher 
in Fleet Street above referred to. She was fond, as a 
haberdasher's Widow might well be, of being well dressed ; 
the cost of which, be it noted, she paid for out of her own 
money. 

Then George Johnson made war upon her ; hurling texts 
of Scripture at his brother and her, as opportunity offered. 
One sees in his conduct the pitiful meanness and vulgarity of 
the rigid Separation. 

Then Francis Johnson and Daniel Studley made war 
upon him : and the Story gets interesting in watching their 
methods in dealing with him ; to see how the " Holy 
Discipline " would act in real rlife. They offered to make him 
an Elder, if he would only be quiet : but pragmatical George 
stood firm for the principle of being disagreeable upon 
principle. So this fatuous Much ado about Nothing finally 
ends in Francis Johnson delivering his brother George over 
to Satan, about the year 1599. 

George retaliates by publishing the Story in this 
unfinished Discourse, in 1603 ; being at that time in Durham 
prison, where he died : thereby showing up this Old Clothes 
Controversy, as Doctor Dexter calls it ; and the perversity 
and narrow-mindedness of all concerned in it. 

It seems to us that George Johnson richly deserved to 
be cast out of a Society in which he had deliberately made 
himself intolerably offensive : but that his brother Francis 
committed an error in policy, in going so far as publicly to 
excommunicate his own brother. Some other way should 
have been found. 

But while Francis may, to some extent, be excused for 




no The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 

his action towards his brother in 1599; his treatment of his 
father in 1602 seems to be perfectly unpardonable. 

• The Pastor seems to have been steadily going from bad to 
worse in that interval. 



John Johnson. 
September — October 1602. 

E have seen, at page 106, that George Johnson 
was born in Richmondshire, that is, the North 
Riding of Yorkshire. It was prpbably from 
there, that his father, John Johnson, a 
septuagenarian, came to Amsterdam to make peace, about 
September 1602. 

Feancis Johnson, now a thoroughly bad man, treated 
his father ; and suffered him to be treated by his Church, 
with scorn and derision. Finally, though his father did not 
belong to his Community, he had the amazing impudence to 
deliver him over to Satan. 
Christopher Lawne says 

This Censure was done so violently and cruelly that no advice, 
counsel, no nor threats, of the Dutch Church \wlwse Latin 
Declaration of 29 October /8 November 1602, he p7'ints} might 
restrain, or stay, the rage of Master Francis. 

In that Master Francis did continue and persist obstinately 
unto the death of his father ; without revocation of his error, or 
reconciliation to his father : sending his father down to the grave 
with this curse upon his back ... in all this, he hath filled [up] 
the measure of his iniquity. T/ieprofane Schism (&c., p. 61. 

Perhaps, in all literature, there does not exist a more 
crushing rebuke to a bad son than the following paper by 
John Johnson. It is written with a studied moderation. 

Son. You asked me also, in the presence of Master Studley, 
Wherein you were unnatural ? 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 1 1 1 

I answer you, By these things following ; you urging me thereto : 

1. That I coming, in my old age, so far, so hard and 
dangerous, a journey, to seek and make peace between you, the 
Church, and your brother : I could never see the least inclination 
in you to peace. Neither tendered you my old age ; but so used 
me as, if GOD strengthened not me, you might presently bring my 
gray hairs with sorrow to the grave. 

2. Lodging in your house, the first week ; you were so far from 
peace, and so unkindly used me, that you made me weary before 
the week was ended : so was I forced to shift to my other son's 
[? Jacob Johnson] lodging. 

3. When I dealt with you for peace : you sought to catch and 
ensnare me in my words ; and afterward, as I perceived, also 
seduced the Elders and the people to the like dealing. 

4. You upbraided me with things secret between me and my 
child in the country [George Johnson] ; which were untrue : and 
if they had been true, you ought not to disgrace me as Ham did. 
Genesis ix. You did worse than he did : but, GOD have praise ! 
they were not true. Yet your unnatural and unchristian dealing 
appeared herein: both in upbraiding me untruly and unjustly; 
and, if it had been true, so to do, it is as to vex and disgrace me. 

5. To let me stand two hours on my feet before you and the 
people ; and yourself sat all the time : and not once bid me sit 
down yourself; neither spake to the people to bid me. 

6. Not once, in the space of six weeks, did you come to visit 
me, or ask how I did : being in the same city with you ; and having 
come so far for your peace. 

7. You denied to give me your hand {signature] unto that, 
which before you had granted to others. 

8. You would not trust my word ; but forced me to 
Protestations. 

9. These, and such like things, made me call to mind your 
unnaturalness that, in the space of five years [1597 — 1602] and 
more, you had not wiitten to me. That you were desirous to see 
my face ; or That I should be welcome to you, when I wrote to you 
of my purpose in coming. So little thankfulness and Nature have 
you shewed unto me, for all my care and pains for you, from your 
youth : and, I fear, your example will make many fathers, if they 
be not upright-minded, to hold their children from learning, and 
studying in the Universities. 



I 12 



The Ancient Ckurck at Amsterdam, 



10. You heard me scoffed and gibed by divers in the 
Congregation, and not once rebuked them : which many children 
not professing godliness, but led only by Nature, would not have 
indured to hear against their father. 

11. But, no wonder ! For, at length, you became so hardened 
that you sat as principal ; and heard your father excommunicated : 
being come to be a peace-maker. Hath the like unnaturalness 
been read, or heard of ? 

12. Coming afterward to you, and talking with you : you said, 
You might not keep company with me. Doth Excommunication 
cut off duties of children to fathers, &c. ? 

The "profane Schism <&c., pp. 64-66. 

We then come to this judgement as to Francis Johnson. 
That by October 1602, he was a dead Christian; that, by 
then, he was an utter disgrace to our sacred Faith ; and that 
what he afterwards said, preached, or wrote, is not deserving 
of serious attention, from a spiritual point of view. 



Christopher Lawne's books, 1612 — 1618. 

E must now break off the chronological sequence 
of events, in order to determine the truthfulness, 
or falsehood of Lawne's two books : for they 
profess to describe the inner life of the Ancient 
Church from the year 1602 onwards. "We may state, at once, 
that we consider them worthy of an implicit belief ; and will 
now give our reasons for so thinking. 

On the 6/16 July 1612, there was entered at Stationers' 
Hall, London, to Walter Burre the Publisher, under the 
hands [signatures] of the Rev. Doctor Nidd, a Chaplain to 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, and also of Richard Field 
and Humphrey Lownes, the two Wardens of the Stationers' 
Company, a book called The prophane [= profane] Schism of 
the Brownists <tc. [E. Arber, Transcript <&;c.^ iii. 490, 
1876, 4]. 




The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 113 

This book was written by four persons, Christopher 
Lawne, John Fowler, Clement Saunders, and Robert 
BuLWARD : who had, previous to the 9/19 July 1611, with- 
drawn from the Ancient Church, and joined themselves to the 
Scotch Presbyterian Church in Amsterdam ; of which Church 
the Minister was the Rev. John Paget. 

The full Title of this book is as follows : in respect to 
which it will be noticed that the names of the Place of 
Printing, of the Printer, and of the Publisher, are all 
designedly omitted from it ; apparently (the book being 
of a highly libellous character, if untrue) in view of possible 
legal proceedings. 

The profane Schism of the Brownists or Separatists ; with the 
impiety, dissensions, lewd and abominable vices, of that impure 
Sect : 

{Christopher Lawne, 
John Fowler, 
Clement Saunders, 
Robert Bulward ; 

lately returned from the Company of Master Johnson, that wicked 
Brother, into the bosom of the Church of England, their true 
Mother. 1612, 4. 

The Preface of this Work thus ends : 

And although we be unlearned men which have composed 
this book; yet we hope it will not be disliked therefore : seeing 
we speak of nothing but which our own knowledge and experience 
hath taught us ; and the admonition may take better place, because 
that the most which are taken in the net of Brownism, are men of 
our condition. 

This Work we refer to as, The 'profane Schism &c. 

As soon as copies of it reached Amsterdam, they led to the 
production of another English book there, wdth the following 
Title : 

A Shield of Defence against the Arrows of Schism shot abroad 
by Jean de l'Ecluse in his AdvertiseTnent against Master [Thomas] 
Brightman. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. H 



1 14 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 

Hereunto is prefixed a Declaration touching a book intituled, 
The profane Schism of the Brovmists. 

By John Fowler, Clement Saunders, Robert Bulward. 

Printed at Amsterdam, by Henry Laurenson, dwelling upon 
the water, at the sign of the Writing Book. 1612, 4. 

Apparently the only two copies known of this "Work are in 
the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Press-marks, Pamph. 10 ; and 
4° 9.48. Th. L'Ecluse's Advertisement is apparently a lost book. 

"We shall refer to this Work as A Shield of Defence <kc. 

The parts of its Declaration that are material to our 
present purpose, are as follows : 

Christian Reader. There was, of late, a book published in 
London, under this title, The profane Schism of the Brownists. Such 
a book indeed we sent, by one of us, to be printed there ; but in 
the publishing thereof, great injury hath been done unto us, and 
chiefly in three ways : by Addition, by Detraction [Omissio7i], and 
by Alteration of the same. 

Secondly, there is, in sum, left out the greatest part of the book 
which we sent to be printed : yea, in exact account, there is not a 
fourth part thereof that is printed . . . 

Only this we understand by a letter sent from Christopher 
Lawne, who was entrusted with this business. That he, according 
to the order in such like cases, seeking unto such as were 
appointed for the allowance of books to be printed; and leaving it 
in the hands of [the Rev. Doctor Nidd,] a certain Chaplain of the 
Archbishop [George Abbot], to get it read over and viewed, until 
he himself might return out of the country into which he was 
fchen going down — before he could come up to London again, 
he found the book already printed, contrary to his expectation : 
and in the printing thereof, so mangled and defaced as is above 
specified. 

And howsoever we do now disclaim this book above mentioned, 
as none of ours ; being thus corruptly printed, with such Additions, 
Omissions, and Alterations : yet do we still acknowledge that all 
the particular matters of fact recorded against the Brownists, in 
that book, are such things as were taken out of our Writing 
[Tnanuscnpt] ; and for proof thereof, we are able and ready to produce 
our testimony and witness, as occasion shall require. The most of 
them are testified and confessed by themselves ; and the most 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 115 

heinous things, even under their own handwriting : and the rest 
are such things as either we ourselves, or others, will witness. 

And therefore, though we complain of injury for the manner of 
publishing that book: yet let not the Brownists insult thereupon ! 
Though we be wronged : yet are not they cleared from the matters 
there noted ; which are still in force against them. 

The Rev. John Paget thus wrote, in 1618, to the Rev. 
Henry Ainsworth of the same city. 

You speak of disguised pamphlets that are come out of our 
Congregation : but the books which you seem to aim at, are such as, 
for the matter of them, are taken out of your offensive Company; 
and do, in part, shew the disguised practises of your Separation. 

For the persons that published them \i.e. C. Lawne and his 
fellows'], they also were such as came out of your Company: who 
(leaving their schism, which they once professed with you) were 
more fit to witness such things as they had heard and seen among 
you. 

For the helpers which they had herein ; they had, beside others. 
Master [Giles] Thorpe; now an Elder of your Congregation also, 
but then a Deacon. Out of whose Writing \inanuscript\ which he 
communicated with them, they received sundry things which they 
published; and many more which should have been published, had 
not their book been misprinted [in London], contrary to their 
minds. For the manner of printing and publishing one of those 
books, great injury hath been done unto them : as hath been noted 
before. \See previous page.] An Arrow against the Separation of the 
Brownists, pp. 333, 334, Amsterdam, 1618, 4. 

The next point that we have to note is, That neither the 
Rev, Francis Johnson's Church, nor the Rev. Henry 
Ainsworth's Church, either individually or collectively, 
dared to attempt, this time, to vindicate themselves from the 
perfectly crushing charges of Lawne's and Fowler's books 
against them, in 1612 and 1613, in a Court of Justice : as we 
shall presently see, they had already failed to do, in respect 
to the similar accusations of the Rev. Thomas White, in 
February 1606, see pp. 118-120. The presumption therefore 
is, That what these books state is perfectly true. 



1 16 The Ancient Church at Amsterdmn. 

But what was decided to be done was, That the Rev. 
Richard Clyfton, who had now absolutely identified himself 
with the Rev. Francis Johnson and his Ghurch, should write 
a reply to them : which he did under the following title. 

An Advertisement concerniag a Book lately published by 
Christopher Lawne and others, against the English exiled Church 
at Amsterdam. 

By Richard Clyfton, Teacher of the same Church. 

Printed in the year of our Lord, 1612, 4. 

There is a copy of this rare book in the Bodleian Library. 
Press-mark, Pamph. 10, 

But it had been better for his friends, if Clyfton had held 
his peace. 

For at pages 115-125 of this book is printed the Answer 
of Daniel Studley, now, in 1612, cast out of the Ruling 
Eldership, to the accusations of Lawne and his fellows : an 
Answer that is perfectly amazing ; for in it Studley simply 
throws away his defence, confessing to immoralities even so 
late as in 1610. How Clyfton could be such a fool as to 
print this Answer is past all comprehension. How could he 
so play into the hands of his enemies ! 

But having published the book; he went yet a step 
further in folly, and retracted it all in writing : as the Rev. 
John Paget, who had the Separatist Churches in the city 
where he lived constantly under his observation, thus tells 
us in 1618; when Clyfton had been dead now some twenty 
months. 

The principal penman, or scribe, of the Separation [Master 
Clyfton, Teacher in Master Johnson his Company], that hath 
written most and purposely against the book which you call a libel 
[The profane Schism (&c.\ hath, long since, acknowledged his fault 
for the same ; and that under his hand in writing : acknowledging 
the great fruit that comes by publishing the personal sins of them 
that continue in error. And thus, by his repentance, hath made 
some satisfaction for his offence : as, in due time, is further to be 
manifested. An Arroiv against the Separation of the Bronmists, p. 8, 
Amsterdam, 1618, 4. 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 1 17 

To Clyfton's book, there appeared the following reply by 
the Rev. Henry Ainsworth. 

An Animadversion to Master Richard Clyfton's Advertisement : 
who — under pretence of answering Christopher Lawne's book — 
hath published another man's [R. Ainsworte^s] private Letter ; 
with Master Francis Johnson's Answer thereto. 

Which Letter is here justified ; the Answer thereto refuted : 
and the true causes of the lamentable breach, that hath lately fallen 
out in the English exiled Church at Amsterdam, manifested. 

Imprinted at Amsterdam, by Giles Thorpe, anno Domini^ 
1613, 4. 

This Work throws some side lights on the Pilgrim Church. 

At page 111, the Rev. John Robinson replies to 
Johnson's censures of his Justification of the Separation (Ssc, 

At pp. 133-136, is The Testimony of the Elders of the 
Church at Leyden, respecting the Split at Amsterdam. It is 
signed by the Rev. John Robinson and William Brewster. 
Therefore Brewster was a Ruling Elder at Leyden at least 
as early as 1613. 

At page 136, the following passage occurs in this 
TestiTYiony. 

And here the work of GOD's Providence is to be observed, 
That they [the Franciscans], who would have no peace with their 
brethren [the Ainsworthians'] abiding in the same city with them, 
are about to leave it themselves ; and to settle their abode 
elsewhere. 

This fixes the Exodus of the Rev. Francis Johnson's 
Church to Emden in 1613. But they were not there long. 
When his next book, A Christian Plea, appeared in 1617 ; 
the Church was back again in Amsterdam. 

It also appears from this book, that two men and a widow 
of the Ainsworthians were the chief owners of the building of 
the Meeting House at Amsterdam : but that the ground on 
which it stood was held, in trust only, by a man who belonged 
to Johnson's Church. It was upon these facts, that the 
Burgomasters awarded the building to the Ainsworthians : 



ii8 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 

who, ousting the Franciscans therefrom, occasioned their 
migration to Emden. 

On the 15/25 May 1613, there was entered, also to Walter 
BuRRE, at Stationers' Hall, London, under the license of the 
same Rev. Doctor Nidd, another book on the Ancient exiled 
Church. [E. Arber, Transcript d&c, iii. 523, 1876, 4.] It 
has the following Title. 

Brownism turned the inside outward. Being a Parallel between 
the Profession and Practice of the Brownists' religion. 

By Christopher Lawne, lately returned from that wicked 
Separation. 

London. Printed for Walter Burre, and are to be sold at 
his shop in Paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the Crane. 1613, 4. 

This Work adds no new facts. It merely applies those 
already known. It may be regarded as a Supplement to 
The profane Schism dsc. 

We have gone thus deeply into the bibliography of these 
books, in order to show that Lawne's books were never really 
controverted by those whom they so deadly attacked ; and 
therefore, that we must, in default of their denials, accept the 
statements contained in them as substantially true. 



The case of the Rev. Thomas White. 

1603—1606. 

lETXJRNING now to the chronological sequence 
of events, we have next to note that about the 
year 1603, a Clergyman named the Rev. Thomas 
White joined the Ancient Church. He was so 
shocked with what he saw there, that he wrote a book with 
the following Title. 

A Discovery of Brownism ; or a brief discovery of some of the 
errors and abominations daily practised, and increased, amongst 




The Ancient Church at A7nsterdam, 119 

the English Company of the Separation remaining, for the present, 
at Amsterdam in Holland. 

London. Printed by E. A. [Edward Aldee] for Nathaniel 
FosBRooKE ; and are to be sold at his shop at the West End of 
Paul's. 1605, 4. 

British Museum Press-mark, 698, 8, 4 (7). 

This book was entered at Stationers' Hall on 26 October 
/5 November 1605. [E. Arber, Transcript &c.y iii. 304, 
1876, 4.] 

It is as strong in its accusations as anything that 
Christopher Lawne and his fellows ever wrote some seven 
or eight years later. 

The Kev. Francis Johnson immediately published the 
following reply. 

An Inquiry, and Answer of Thomas White his Discovery of 
Brownism. 1606, 4. 

A copy of this rare book is in the Bodleian Library. Press-mark, 
C. 3. 1. Line. 

At pages 28, 29 of this Inquiry <&c., which was written 
and published before the Trial came on, is the following 
passage. 

For which Master Studley hath called him before the 
Magistrates here \i.e. at Amsterdam]^ for a slanderer ; desiring 
that proof may be brought, or satisfaction made, according to 
justice. 

The woman he hath named before to be Judith Holder. 
For which, also, she hath called him before the Magistrates of 
this city. 

Lawne, at pp. 26-30 of The profane Schism d&c, prints a 
certified copy of the Arrest Roll of the city of Amsterdam^ 
relating to this trial. From which it would appear, that 
Francis Johnson, Jacob Johnson, Henry Ainsworth, 
Francis Blackwell, Daniel Studley, Christopher 
Bowman, John Nicholas, Judith Holder, William Barbor, 
and Thomas Bishop caused the Rev. Thomas White, and 
his wife Rose White, to be arrested on account of the 



1 20 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 

accusations in the above mentioned book ; which specifically- 
charged Studley with immorality; and Bowman, with 
peculation, on account of which he was called "Judas the 
Purse Bearer." 

The trial came on upon the 14/24 February 1606. We 
give the result in Lawne's words. 

Concerning these Articles which they laid in against Master 
White, as though he had slandered them therein : when as Master 
White had once taken order, by his Attorney, to answer the 
matter ; when as also he had, for proof thereof, brought sundry 
witnesses before the Burgomasters, which there did testify, and by 
their oaths and depositions confirm, the things which Master 
White had written : then was Master White discharged ; and 
had liberty from the Magistrates to go for England, as his 
occasions or business should require. 

After which time, there was never any other sentence given by 
the Magistrates to reverse the same : insomuch that at length, the 
Brownists themselves (although troublesome and contentious in 
this, as in other actions) were content to let their Suit fall, and 
ceased to proceed any further therein. And much better had it 
been for them, never to have begun it ; than, with so much shame, 
and so many rebukes, to leave it off, pp. 28, 29. 

We have only one remark to make here on this subject ; 
and that is, That from the date of this verdict, 14/24 February 
1605/1606, the Community over which the Rev. Francis 
Johnson presided, must be regarded in its collective capacity 
as a Church of Christ, to be corrupt and dead. For, 
notwithstanding this damaging legal exposure, matters went 
on in it, for some years to come, just as they had gone on in 
the past. 

Here then the "Holy Discipline," in actual practice, 
utterly broke down. 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 121 




Peter Fairlambe. 1606. 

N the 1/11 July 1606, there was entered at 
Stationers' Hall London, the undermentioned 
Work, [E. Arber, Transcript &c.^ iii. 326, 
1876, 4.] 

The Recantation of a Brownist. 
By Peter Fairlambe. 

At London. Printed for Henry Gosson ; and are to be sold at 
the sign of the Sun in Paternoster row. 1606, 4. 

This work contains a Bibliography of Works for, and 
against, the Separation, up to the time of its publication. 
It does not concern the Separatist Churches in Holland ; but 
is connected rather with Barbary and the Rev. Thomas 
Bernhere. The Rev. Francis Johnson is however 
frequently mentioned in it. 



The arrival of fresh English Churches in 
Amsterdam. 1607 — 1608. 




ETWEEN October 1607 and August 1608, the 

Pilgrim Church, from Scrooby, arrived in 

Amsterdam : and, for a time, joined itself to 

the Ancient exiled Church there. 

In 1608, the Gainsborough Church, under the Rev. 

John Smyth, the Se-Baptist, arrived in Amsterdam: and 

formed itself into the Second exiled English Church there. 

Its history is briefly told at pp. 131-140. 




122 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 



That unspeakable Daniel Studley. 1592 — 1612. 

E are not going to defile this book with any 
account of the goings on of Daniel Studley in 
the Ancient Church ; from, at least, 1 604 till 
1612. We will merely say that this Ruling 
Elder was the Falstaff of that Community; ever prowling 
about after other men's wives, &c., &c., &c. The details will 
be found in The 'profane Schism &c. 

At pp. 15, 16, of that Work, will be found the Articles 
exhibited against him, at the time of the Split on 15/25 
December 1610, in order to secure his deposition. An effort 
yfhich failed. 

At page 11, Lawne thus refers to the two men who 
took the trouble to deliver him over to Satan, on 28 July 
/7 August 1611. 

But who be those two subscribers that set their hands to this 
Excommunication ? These two be the two special Champions of 
the Franciscan Schism ; the two principal pillars of that rotten 
Separation : the one [Daniel Studley] by his wit, and the other 
[Edward Benet] by his wealth. 

At page 16, Lawne calls Studley "that hypocritical 
Chameleon." 

The following additional passages are all that need be 
adduced here : 

But if any would further know what this Daniel Studley is, 
let them ask Samuel Fuller, a Deacon of Master Robinson's 
Church ; and desire to see a copy of the letter which Daniel 
Studley sent unto him : or let them ask Master [Giles] Thorpe, 
a Deacon, of Master Ainsworth's Church ; and desire to see a 
book intitled " The First Part of The Hunting of the Fox" and 
there shall he see Daniel Studley traced up and down. The 
profane Schism c&c, p. 11, Ed. 1612, 4. 

It is clear from this passage that Giles Thorpe, the 
Printer at Amsterdam, was the author, and probably also 
the printer, of The Hunting of the Fox. 



The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 123 

The next passage shows that this, at present lost book, was 
printed before the 15/25 December 1610. 

Before the schism of the Ainsworthians from the Franciscans, 
the sins and scandals of Daniel Studley were shewed and 
manifested by divers of the Ainsworthians [see previous, page] : and 
yet such opposition was made against them as that Daniel Studley 
did neither soundly repent, nor lose his Office : from which he is 
now [i.e. on some date between August 1611 and August 1612] 
deposed. 

That which the Popular Government could not then effect, is 
now effected since that Government was changed by Master 
Johnson \i.e. since he hecarm the autocrat of his Church]. A Shield 
of Defence^ p. 37. 

Surely the Rev. John Robinson was thinking of Daniel 
Studley, when he wrote the following passage in the second 
book which he published after his removal to Leyden. If so, 
he had come to regard the Ancient Church at Amsterdam 
as a " rebellious rout." 

But this I hold, that if iniquity be committed in the Church ; 
and complaint, and proof, accordingly made ; and that the Church 
will not reform, or, reject the party offending : but will, on the 
contrary, maintain presumptuously, and abet, such impiety — that 
then, by abetting that party and his sin, she makes it her own 
by imputation ; and enwraps herself in the same guilt with the 
sinner. And, remaining irreformable (either by such members 
of the same Church as are faithful, if there be any ; or by other 
sister Churches), wipeth herself out of the Lord's Church Roll : 
and now ceaseth to be any longer the true Church of Christ. 
And whatsoever truths, or ordinances, of Christ, this rebellious 
rout [crowd] still retains ; it but usurps the same, without right 
unto them, or promise of blessing upon them : both the persons 
and sacrifices are abominable unto the Lord. Tit. i. 16 ; Pro v. 
xxi. 27. Justification of Separation, p. 247, Ed. 1610, 4. 

It would seem likely that, knowing the motives for it, 
the Rev. Francis Johnson resented the Exodus of the 
Pilgrim Church to Leyden; which would have greatly 
reduced his importance, if not his income. At any rate, we 



124 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 

have here the reply of him and his Ruling Elder to the 
foregoing opinions of the Pilgrim Pastor. 

Master Johnson, for the further manifestation of Master 
Robinson's errors, since that time, also brought Master Robinson's 
book against Master Bernard \A Justification of Separation o&c, 
1610] into their Meeting House [at Amsterdam] ; and there, before 
the Congregation, made a solemn testification against the manifold 
errors contained in it : which he disclaimed ; and not only so, but 
wrote to Master Robinson, to rebuke him for the same. 

Daniel Studley is so apt in reproach that he runs upon the 
Letter : making, as it were, an Alphabet of Slander ; having it so 
perfect as his ABC. For trial hereof, see how he grinds his teeth 
against Samuel Fuller, a Deacon of Master Robinson's Company ; 
whom, with his friends, he describes [? in 1610, or 1 1611] as 
being* "ignorant idiots, noddy Nabalites, dogged ^^he Flowers 
DoEGS, f airfaced Pharisees, shameless Shemites, of studiey's eio- 
malicious Macchiavellians." quent letter to 

Thus doth this Alphabetical Slanderer flourish ^*°'''^^ ^''"^''* 
among them, with the taunting and flaunting figures of his profane 
conceited spirit. The profane Schism Sc, p. 76. 



The Ancient exiled English Church at Amsterdam 

splits in two. 

Saturday, 15/25 December 1610. 

I OHNSON, instigated Governor Bradford thought 
by Studley, in the year 1609, developed very 
autocratic views about Tell it unto the Church ! 
making the Eldership to be a kind of aristocracy, 
and all the rest of the community to be merely dummies. 

Whereupon there arose in the Church a fierce wrangle for 
more than a year ; in which Ainsworth appears to have 
been very patient and reasonable, and Johnson to have been 
specially arrogant and violent. 

At last, the inevitable Split came on Saturday, 




The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 125 

15/25 December 1610 : when each section delivered the other 
over to Satan, as the manner was. 

Johnson, having deposed Ainsworth from his Office of 
Teacher, appointed Clyfton in his place. He had then for 
his Ruling Elders, Daniel Studley, Edward Benet, Jacob 
Johnson, Stanshall Mercer : and, later, Christopher 
Bowman, then a Deacon, was promoted to the Eldership. 

Only one of Johnson's Elders went out with Ainsworth : 
and that was Jean de L'Ecluse. He was immediately 
accused by Jacob Johnson of drunkenness. The profane 
Schism d'c.f p. 73. Had he not gone out, he would not have 
been so accused. 

Ainsworth appointed Master May for another of his 
Ruling Elders ; and, later on, promoted Giles Thorpe, the 
Deacon to an Eldership in his Church. 

Johnson published the following defence of his opinions. 

A short Treatise concerning the exposition of those words of 
Christ. Tell the Church ! Sc, Matt, xviii. 17. Printed in the year 
of our Lord 1611, 4. 

At the beginning of this "Work, he says : 

The occasions that have moved me hereunto, are not unknown 
to many others besides myself : and I need not speak of them in 
particular. 

After that the Burgomasters decided that the Meeting 
House belonged to members of Ainsworth's Church ; the 
Franciscans migrated, in 1613, to Emden : apparently to 
their great impoverishment. Then, for the next three or four 
years, we know very little about them. 

In November 1614, Doctor William Ames, in his Preface to 
William Bradshaw's The Unreasonableness of the Separation 
(&c., Dort, 1614, 4, writes : 

Think not evil ! if thou meanest well. We intend not to insult 
over him that is down, or to pursue a man that is flying of himself : 
but to lend him a hand, that knoweth not well which way to take. 
Master Johnson indeed is rather to be pitied than much opposed. 



126 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 

We need but stand still as lookers on. He falleth willingly on his 
own sword. 

Then come Johnson's printed Recantation, his death 
and burial at Amsterdam ; as told by Matthew Slade 
at pp. 129, 130. 

Then Francis Blackwell, acting on the resolution which 
the Leyden Church had already come to, leads forth the 
remnant of the Franciscans to emigrate to Virginia. Governor 
Bradford tells us the sad story at pp. 277-279. See also 
pp. 290, 291. How, being caught by the Bishops, they threw 
over their principles ; and rather than be baulked of their 
voyage, caved in to them : so that Blackwell goes off with 
Archbishop Abbot's blessing. How they mutually cursed 
one another in the streets of Gravesend. How they were 
packed in the ship like herrings. Lastly, how Blackwell 
and most of them died before ever they saw Virginia. 

Truly, Francis Johnson's Church was buried in the 
Atlantic Ocean. 



The Prophets of the "Holy Discipline," and their 
COMICAL proceedings. 1602 — 1612. 

^AWNE gives us two accounts of these Prophets. 
Thomas Cocky and Jacob Johnson were 
Prophets in the united Church, before the 
Split. 

Falling into variance one with another, one of them brings in 
before the Church, a list of fifteen lies, wherewith he charged the 
other. The other again, to requite his pains, brings in, at the 
next turn, against him, a list of sixteen lies. Betwixt them both, 
they make up the sum of thirty-one lies. The profane Schism. 
(&c., p. 83. 

At the Split, Cocky became an Ainsworthian. 

At pp. 58, 59 of the same Work, there is the following 




The Ancient Church at Amsterdam. 127 

Statement by W. Simson, a member of Ainsworth Church j 
who was troubled with 

(1) Our rejecting communion with all the Eeformed Churches 
on earth; and all true Christians in the same. [How contrary this, 
to the practice of the Pilgrim Church /] 

(2) Our own manner of Exercise on the Lord's Day is with such 
confusion, and contradicting one another ; so that even our own 
profession of Separation is indeed quite overthrown thereby. 
For example, Thomas Cocky, in his prophesy, witnessing against 
England, saith. Their Ministry is antichristian : and being so, 
they can beget no true faith ; and no true faith can have no true 
salvation : and so consequently in the Church of England is taught 
no salvation. A fearful sentence in my judgement. 

Again, our beloved Master [Jean] de l'Ecluse, in his doctrine 
of prophesy, laboured to prove Separation from a true Church for 
any corruption obstinately stood in. This doctrine was, by another, 
in prophesying, then shewed to be absolutely contrary to that 
place of Rev. ii. 24, Which how unsoundly it was concluded by 
our Teacher {the Rev. Henry Ainsworth] was then observed by 
many. The profane Schism (&c., pp. 58, 59. 

What an affront to the Divine Majesty, in the very act of 
worship, all this was, need not be dwelt upon. 

The fiendish cruelty of Richard Mansfield. 

1610—1612. 

E next come to the case of Kichard Mansfield. 
Lawne tells us, at pp. 32-41 of The profane 
Schism d&c, that be was an Ainsworthian : and 
therefore leads us faintly to hope that atrocious 
indignities and unheard barbarities to wliich tliis brute 
subjected the unfortunate Maidens of the Separation of that 
Congregation, were not earlier* than the Split on the 15/25 
December 1610 : otherwise the duration of his horrible 
brutalities is not indicated. 

Had this monster been living now, his life would not have 
been worth five minutes' purchase, outside a prison. 




12 



8 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 




The Ancient Church is an abomination to the 
CITIZENS OF Amsterdam. 1605 — 1612. 

N proof of this, Lawne, in Tlie jn-ofane Schism &c., 
p. 21, cites the two following facts. 

The testimony of the Dutch Church 
concerning the Brovmists. 

When as they sent their messengers, with some questions, unto 
the Dutch Eldership : they received this answer from them, That 
they did not acknowledge their Assembly to be an Ecclesiastical 
Assembly, or a lawful Church. 

And when Master Johnson and others of them, were instant 
[urgent] to hear reasons of this answer from them : it was further 
answered, They would do it, if they saw it needful ; or if they 
found anything that was worthy of answer. 

The testimony of the Magistracy of Amsterdam, 
concerning the Brownists. 

The Magistrates — both, of old, [in the Suit] against Master 
[Thomas] White [in 1606] ; and now, of late, in [the] Suit about 
their Meeting House [in 1611] — when they sought to lay in their 
Action in the name of the Church : they were repelled by the 
Magistrates that are members of the Dutch Church. They would 
not receive complaint from them, in the quality or name of a 
Church ; or [in] the name of any Elder or Deacon : but as from 
private men. The Magistrates told them, That they held them, 
not as a Church ; but as a Sect. 

This only confirms what the Rev. Thomas White had 
written so far back as the 20/30 July 1605, There is no 
Sect in Amsterdam, though many, in such contempt for 
immoral life, as the Brownists are. The profane Schism &;c. 
p. 27. 




The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 129 



The divine blessing upon the Pilgrim Church. 

LL this while, though they had troubles of their 
own (as who has not?), one seems to see the 
Divine blessing resting upon the Pilgrim Church. 
The Children of Peace received peace. It was as 
if the Almighty would try the Pilgrim Fathers, as he tried 
Abraham ; and then bless them, as he blessed him : so that 
a mighty nation has sprung from their loins. Has he not 
multiplied their seed " as the stars of the heaven ; and as 
sand which is upon the sea shore % " 

And just as the Amsterdam people were going further 
and further from the mother Church at home ; so the Leyden 
Church was drawing nearer and nearer to it. 



The death-bed Recantation of the Rev. Francis 

Johnson. 1617. 

OW we come to the death-bed acknowledgment of 
the Rev. Francis Johnson, that his whole life 
had been one long mistake. " If the blind lead 
the blind, both shall fall into the ditch." 

MATTHEW SLADE TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
AMSTERDAM ; SATURDAY, 10/20 JANUARY 1617/1618. 

This day we have buried Master Francis Johnson, a man that 
hath, many years \8ince September 1597], been Pastor of the 
Brownists : and (having cast himself, and drawn others, into great 
troubles and miseries, for their opinions and schism) did, a few 
days before his death, publish a Book ; * wherein he disclaimed 

* This book was probably published in the previous December, and 
therefore would bear the date 1617. It is certainly not A Christian 
Plea etc., which Johnson published in that year. Even the Title of this 
Recantation is not known, so utterly has the book perished. — E. A. 
The Pilgrim Fathers. i 




130 The Ancient Church at Amsterdam, 

most of his former singularities, and refuted them. To which 
Work, he hath also annexed a brief Refutation of the Five Articles, 
[? of the Synod of Dort]. 

S. P., Eolland. Bundle 12a 



The influence of the Sepaeation. 

F we ask ourselves, What effect had all this Separ- 
ation upon the Church of England 1 the answer 
must be, Nothing at all. The Anglican Church 
went on to its way, heedless of the Separatists. 
The struggle between the King and the Hierarchy on the 
one side, and the lower Clergy with the spiritually-minded, 
liberty-loving Laity on the other, intensified as time went on ; 
especially after Laud became the Primate in 1633. The 
Separation, the Forlorn Hope of Puritanism, was a sign of 
the Times ; nothing more. 

One sees now so clearly how inevitable the great Civil War 
was. In some shape or other, it was bound to come. The 
regeneration of the British Constitution and of British society 
was not possible without that great political thunderstorm. 





CHAPTER XL 

The Rev. John Smyth, Preacher of the city of 

Lincoln; afterwards Pastor of the Church at 

Gainsborough; then Pastor of the Brethren 

of the Separation of the Second English 

Church at Amsterdam; and lastly, 

THE Se-Baptist. 1603—1612. 

"rajjj^HE Bibliography of the Separation is most 
difficult. This is partly because so few copies 
of these Works have survived. For instance, 
if a Londoner would see all the known copies of 
the first editions of the Rev. John Smyth's Works, he must 
travel first to Oxford, and then to Cambridge, and thence to 
York ; and so back to London : a journey of some four 
hundred miles. It is also difficult because the Separatists 
hardly ever printed the month or day on which they finished, 
or printed, their books ; but only the year. 

So likewise, although Dr H. Martyn Dexter has done 
much to clear the way in The true Story of John Smyth, 
the Se-Baptistf Boston, Massa., 1881, 4, the biography of this 
Separatist is as difficult to write as that of any Englishman's 
of that Age could now possibly be. We are able to supplement 
Doctor Dexter in some respects ; but cannot but feel that 
what follows, is but a mere sketch. We have not space here 
for a full treatment of this subject. 

There are two solid facts to go upon : 
1. The Rev. Francis Johnson, while a Fellow of Christ's 
College, Cambridge, was his Tutor. Therefore Smyth was of 

that College. 

181 



1 32 Smyth and the Gainsborough Church, 

Doctor Dexter would identify him with the John Smyth 
who matriculated as a Sizar at Christ's College on the 26th 
November 1571. But that is too early, as it would make him 
senior to his Tutor in the College : for Francis Johnson 
matriculated as a Pensioner in that College and University gn 
the 1st April 1579. 

2. The Rev. Richard Bernard tells us {Plain Evidences^ 
page 21) that Smyth was ordained a Clergyman by William 
Wickham; who was Bishop of Lincoln between the 20th 
November 1584 and the 22 February 1595. 

He is therefore apparently the John Smith of Christ's 
College, who took his M.A. in 1593 ; and not the man of the 
same name and College who took his B.A. in 1593, and his 
M.A. in 1597. If this be correct ; he would have gone up to 
the University about 1586, and was probably born somewhere 
about 1572 ^ and would therefore be somewhere about forty 
years of age, when he died in August 1612. 

In his later years at any rate, he and those he came in 
contact with always spelt his name Smyth : but many of his 
opponents spelt it Smith, as he did himself at first. 

We must therefore be on our guard in this matter. For 
he had two contemporaries, of the name of John Smith, both 
Clergymen, and who also wrote upon Prayer. Curiously 
enough, though not related to each other, they were both of 
the same College ; St John's College, Oxford : 

John Smith, of Berkshire, Vicar of St Laurence's, Reading, 
Berkshire ; and author of The Doctrine of Prayer in general 
for all men, London, 1595, 4. 

John Smith, of Warwickshire, Vicar of Clavering, Essex, 
from 1592 to 1616 ; and author of The Substance and Pith of 
Prayer. His collected Works were printed in 1629, under 
the title of The Essex Dove dec. 

The next point is to prove that John Smith the Preacher 
of, or Lecturer in, the city of Lincoln from 1603 to 1605, is 



Smyth and the Gainsborough Church. 133 

the same man as John Smyth the Se-Baptist, that appears in 
our literature from 1608 to 1613. 

In the library of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, there is a 
copy of the following Work, that is believed to be unique. Its 
Press-mark is 7. 5. 76. 

The bright Morning Star, or the Resolution and Exposition of 
the 22nd Psalm ; preached publicly in four Sermons at Lincoln. 
By John Smith, Preacher of the City. 

Printed by John Legat, Printer to the University of 
Cambridge. 1603. 

And are to be sold at the Sign of the Grovm in Paul's 
Churchyard by Simon Waterson. 

In octavo. 

The following entry was made at Stationers' Hall, 

22 Martij [1605]. 
Master Man Entered for their copy vnder the hands of the 
Senior. wardens A booke called A paterne of true Prayer 

Thomas Man or exposicon vppon the lords prayer Done by John 
Junior. Smythe &c. of Lincoln . . . vjd 

E. Arber. Transcript (&c., iii. 285, Ed. 1876, 4. 

Every copy of this first edition of 1605 has apparently 
disappeared. The Work however was reprinted in 1624, with 
the following Title. 

A Pattern of True Prayer. A learned and comfortable 
Exposition or Commentary upon the Lord's Prayer ; wherein the 
doctrine of the Substance and Circumstances of true Invocation is 
evidently and fully declared out of the Holy. Scriptures. 

By John Smith, Minister and Preacher of the Word of GOD. 

London. Printed by I. D. for Thomas Man [the Junior in the 
above entry at Stationers' Hall] ; and are to be sold by William 

HEFFARD, JoHN BELLAMY, and BENJAMIN FiSHER. 1624. 

In octavo. 

It is a considerable Work ; running, besides the introductory 
matter, to 452 octavo pages. The opening lines of the Epistle 
Dedicatory to Edmund Sheffield, Lord Sheffield ; afterwards 
Earl of MuLGRAVE, are as follows : 

"It is neither ambition, nor covetousness, Bight Honourable, 
that moveth me to publish this Tieatise to the view of all ; which, 



T34 Smyth and the Gainsborough Church, 

not long since, I delivered to the ears of a few : being the Lecturer 
in the city of Lincoln. . ." 
British Museum Press-mark, 873, f. 36. 

Now Richard Bernard tells us, in both his Works, Nos. 
2 and 1 2 of this Controversy, that the Writer of A Pattern of 
true Prayer was John Smyth, the Se-Baptist. We will here 
further confirm this testimony by the witness of John Cotton 
in 1647. 

As for Master Smith, he standeth and falleth to his own 
Master. Whilst he was Preacher to the city of Lincoln, he 
wrought with GOD then. What temptations befell him after, by 
the evil workings of evil men, and some good men too ; I choose 
rather to tremble at, than discourse of. 

(1) The Bloody Tenent washed &c. 

(2) A Reply to Master [Roger] Williams' Answer to Master 

Cotton's Letter^ p. 58. 
London, [15 May] 1647, 4. British Museum Press-mark, E. 387 (7). 
See also pp. 14, 15 of Roger Williams "Master Cotton's Letter^ 
lately printed, Examined and Answered." London, [5 Feb.] 1644, 4 : 
where T. Ptgott's account of the death of the Se-Baptist \see 
page 140] is referred to by Cotton. British Museum Press-mark, 
E. 31 (16). 

Therefore so late as on the 22 March 1605, the Rev. John 
Smyth was still at Lincoln ; and was still a Conformist. It 
was later, at Gainsborough, that, after doubting there for nine 
months, he threw off the Church of England, embraced the 
Separation, and became Pastor of the Church at Gainsborough. 
This could not have occurred earlier than 1606 ; unless 
he doubted after he became Pastor, and then the date 
might possibly be 1605 : but we think 1606 the more 
likely date : and that once he decided, he did not afterwards 
doubt. 

We also believe that the Gainsborough Church went to 
Amsterdam about the same time as the Pilgrim Church, in 
1608. If so, it had a very short existence in England; a 
couple of years or so. 



Smyth and the Gainsborough Church. 135 

This Church was not organised on the lines of the " Holy 
Discipline " ; but upon Smy thian principles. Its Pastor held 
that Scripture knew of but one kind of Elders : in opposition 
to the "Holy Discipline" theory of the three separate Offices 
of Pastor, Teacher, and Elder. 

We have shown at page 55 that so long as the Gainsborough 
and the Scrooby Churches were in England, they printed 
nothing. They only began to publish when they came into 
contact with the continental printers : and this was not till 
the year 1608. 

On the 17th October 1608, the Second Volume (3rd and 
4th Decades) of Bp. Joseph Hall's Epistles was entered for 
publication at Stationers' Hall. The first Epistle in this 
Volume is 

To Master Smith and Master Eob[inson], Kingleaders of 
the late Separation. At Amsterdam. 

The coupling thus of these two names together, favours 
the idea that they migrated about the same time. 

Clearly then both of these Churches were settled at 
Amsterdam before the 17th October 1608 : but how much 
earlier than that date, Symth's Congregation arrived there, 
in that year, has yet to be ascertained. 

The printed Controversy against this fresh Separation 
began with the following Works. 

1. The Sermon preached at the Cross [i.e. PauVs Cross^ London\ 

February 14, 1607 [-8]. By William Crashaw, B.D. and 
Preacher at the Temple, London. 1608, 4. 

Entered for publication at Stationers' Hall on the 19 
April 1608. (E. Arber, Transcript c^c, iii. 375, 1876, 4.) : 
but the Preface is dated, The Temple, May 21st 1608. 

2. Eev. Richard Bernard. Christian Advertisements and 

Counsels of Peace. Also Dissuasions from the Separatists' 
Schism, commonly called Brownism. London, 1608, 8. 



136 Smyth and the Gainsborough Church. 

The Preface is dated, " At Worksop in Nottinghamshire, 
June 18 [1608] : " on which day also this book was entered 
at Stationers' Hall. 

This date is very important, because Bernard wrote this 
book in reply to a letter which John Smyth, " Pastor of the 
Church at Gainsborough," had written to him, in three days, 
some six or seven months previously \ or in November or 
December 1607 : and therefore the Gainsborough Church had 
not migrated to Holland at those dates. This letter, Smyth 
printed in his Parallels <&c. in 1609. As we know that the 
Pilgrim Church migrated to Holland between October 1607 
and August 1608 ; it would again seem that the two Churches 
went over about the same time : but whether together or 
separately, cannot at present be said. 

Then comes, in the order of time, 

3. Bishop Joseph Hall's Epistle to Smyth and Robinson ; in 

his Epistles, The Second Volume. London. 1608, 8. 

We hold that Smyth could get nothing printed until he 
came to Holland; and therefore we place the next book, 
which is both anonynious and undated, in 1608. 

4. Principles and Inferences concerning the Visible Church 

&c., 32 pp. 16 mo. 
The only known copy of this " little Method," as he calls it at 
page 11 of his Parallels c^c, is in York Minster Library. 

It was at one time thought that theXxainsborough Church, 
on its arrival at Amsterdam, joined the Ancient exiled 
Church there, as the Scrooby Church certainly did : but it 
is clear from the next Work that this was not the case. 
Besides, the Gainsborough Church, on its settling in that 
city, threw off the Calvinistic doctrines; and embraced 
Arminianism. This was enough, of itself, to make a bottomless 
gulf between the two Churches. 



Smyth and the Gainsborough Church. 137 

In the following Work, Smyth called the *' Ancient exiled 
Church " there, the " Ancient Brethren of the Separation " ; 
and his own Community he calls "the Brethren of the 
Separation of the Second English Church at Amsterdam. 

5. Eev. John Smyth. The Differences of the Churches of the 

Separation. 1608, 4. 
There is a copy of this Work in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 
Press-mark, Pamph. 6 (1). 

6. H. A. [Henrt Ainsworth.] Counterpoison. 1608, 4. A 

Eeply to Crashaw, No. 1 ; and Bernard, No. 2. 
This Work, at page 41, states that the colleague of 
Robert Browne, "Master [Richard] Harrison returned 
not unto your Church of England ; but died at Middelburg 
in this faith that we profess." This is quite a new fact. 

Events seemed to have moved rapidly in the Gainsborough 
Church. 

In the year 1608, John Smyth baptized himself; and so 
became the Se-Baptist of Church History. 

On some date in 1609, before the 12th March (Doctor 
Dexter [The true Story dtc, page '37] has verified this date, 
12th March 1609 [iV.^.], by a reference to the original 
manuscript in Amsterdam) ; and therefore within four years 
of the foundation of the Church ; the Rev. Thomas Helwys, 
William Pygott, Thomas Seamer, John Murton, and 
the majority cast out from among them, the following 
thirty- two persons : who shortly after applied to the 
Mennonite Church, Amsterdam, for membership ; making 
the following Confession of Error. 

The names of the English people who confess this their error, 
and repent of the same, viz. That they undertook to baptize 
themselves ; contrary to the order laid down by Christ. Who 
now therefore desire to get back into the true Church of Christ 
as speedily as may be. We are of one accord in the desire to have 
this our wish signified to the Cliurch. 



;8 Smyth and the Gainsborough Church, 



Men. (16). 
Hugo Bromhead. 
Gervase Nevill. 
John Smyth. 
Thomas Canadtne. 
Edward Hawkins. 
John Hardie. 
Thomas Ptgott. 
Francis Ptgott. 
Robert Stavely. 
Alexander Fleminge. 
Alexander Hodgkins. 
John Grindal. 
Solomon Thomson. 
Samuel Halton. 



Thomas Dolphine. 
Matthew Pygott. 

Women. (16). 
Ann Bromhead. 
Jane Southworth. 
Mary Smyth. 
Joan Halton. 
Alice Arnfield. 
Isabel Thomson. 
Margaret Staveley. 
Mary Grindal. 
Alice Pygott. 
Margaret Pygott. 
Betteris Dickens. 
Mary Dickens. 



Alice Paynter. 
Alice Parsons. 
Joan Briggs. 
Jane Organ. 

B. Evans, D.D. 
Early English Bap- 
tists, i. 24*4, 245, Ed. 
1862, 8. H. M. 
Dexter, D.D. The 
true Story (&c., 36, 
Ed. 1881, 4. 



This application for membership was, at some date after 
8/18 July 1610, declined by the Mennonite Church. 

This ejection notwithstanding, the Se-Baptist vigorously 
replied to Bernard, in 

7. Rev. John Smyth. Parallels, Censures, and Observations. 
. Printed 1609, 4. 
This is a print of the above mentioned Letter of November or 
December 1607 ; with Observations and Comments. 



Then the Ancient exiled Church replied to Smyth's 
Differences (fee. No. 5, in the following Work. 

8. Rev. Henry Ainsworth (a) A Defence of the Holy 
Scriptures, Worship, and Ministry used in the Christian 
Churches separated from Antichrist. 

(b) A few Observations upon some of Master Smyth's 
Censures in his Answer [Parallels So.] made to Bernard. 
Amsterdam. Giles Thorpe. 1609, 4. 

Meanwhile, in March 1608 [i.e. 1609], the Se-Baptist was 
engaged in another controversy with a member of the Ancient 
exiled Church, the Rev. Richard Clyfton, on the subject of 
Infant Baptism, which he called The Mark of the Beast. The 
following books should always be read together. 



Smyth and the Gainsborough Church, 1 39 

9. The Character [i.e. Mark^ or Sigri] of the Beast. Published 

by the Rev. John Smyth. 1609, 4. 
There is a copy of this Work in the Bodleian Library. 
Press-mark, Pamph. 7. 

10. The Plea for Infants and Elder People concerning 
their Baptism. Published by Eev. Richard Cltfton. 
Amsterdam. Giles Thorpe. 1610, 4. 

In this year, 1609, must have appeared the Pilgrim 
Pastor's first book : now, in its original edition, utterly lost. 

11. Rev John Robinson. An Answer to a censorious Epistle. 

In reply to No. 3. Bp. Hall reprinted it in his 
Common Apology Sc. 

On the 18th December 1609, there was entered tcWiLLiAM 
Welby the Publisher, Contemplative Pictures with tvholesome 
Precepts <i;c.^ by Richard Bernard (E. Arber, Transcript dhc^ 
iii. 426, Ed. 1876, 4.) No book, with such a title, is known 
to have been written by Bernard. We therefore take it to 
be the entry of the following Work, also published by Welby. 

12. Rev. Richard Bernard. Plain Evidences : the Church 

of England is apostolical ; the Separation, schismatical. 
London, 1610, 4. In reply to Nos. 6 and 7. 

In this book, Bernard tells us that he had heard of the 
following Work, but that he had not yet seen it : so we will 
place it next. 

13. Rev. John Robinson. A Justification of Separation from 

the Church of England. 1610, 4. In reply to No. 2. 

Then we have, 

14. Bishop Joseph Hall. A common Apology of the Church 
of England. London, 1610, 4. In reply to No. 11 ; which 
it reprints. This Work was entered at Stationers' Hall 
on 16th January 1610. (E. Arber, Transcript <&c.^ iii 
426, Ed. 1876, 4). 

This Work practically ends this particular Controversy. 



I40 Smyth and the Gainsborough Church. 

We will describe the extinction of Master Smyth's 
Company in the words of Doctor Dexter. 

" Jan Munter was a friendly Waterlander. He owned 
a ' Great Cake House' or bakery ; which appears to have had 
some sort of annex, where men might both meet and lodge. 
And in the hinder part of this, John Smyth now seems to 
have taken refuge, with his little band . . . and, to all 
appearance, unconnected with any Church organization, spent 
here the brief remainder of his earthly life. 

" For years, a feeble man ; in the summer of 1612, he fell 
sick with consumption. And after seven weeks of increasing 
debility ; on 1st September of that year, he was borne from 
the Cake House to his burial in the Niewe Kerk. 

"Late in 1614, what remained of his Company, renewed 
their old request for admission, to one of the Mennonite 
Churches; which, 20th January 1615 [iT.iS'.] was granted. 

"For a short season, a separate English Service was held 
by them in the Cake House : but it was not long, before they 
became absorbed among the Dutch ; leaving no trace of 
separate existence visible to history. The trive Story <&^c., pp. 
37, 38. . 

An undated book appeared, apparently in 1613, with the 
following Title, 

The last book of John Smith called, The Retraction of his 
Errors ; and the Confirmation of the Truth. 

T. P. [Thomas Pygott]. A Declaration of the Faith of the 
English People remaining at Amsterdam in Holland ; being the 
Remainder of Master Smyth's Company. With an Appendix 
giving an account of his Sickness and Death. 16mo. 

The only known copy of this Work is in York Minster Library. 
It has been reprinted in Robert Barclay's T/ie Inner Life of the 
Religious Societies of the Commonwealth, London, 1876, 4. 



The Rev. Thomas Helwys's Company returned to London 
about 1613. So, in all, the Gainsborough Church, as such, 
was in existence about ten years, from 1606 to 1615. 




CHAPTER XII. 

The settlement of the Scrooby Church 

AT Amsterdam. 
October 1607 — August 1608. 

'OVERNOR BRADFORD thus describes the first 
impressions of the Nottinghamshire men, on 
their arrival on the Continent. 

Being now come into the Low Countries, 
they saw many goodly and fortified cities, strongly 
walled, and guarded with troops of armed men. Also 
they heard a strange and uncouth language : and beheld 
the different manners and customs of the people, with 
their strange fashions and attires ; all so far differing 
from that of their plain country villages, wherein they 
were bred and had so long lived, as it seemed they 
were come into a New World. 

But these were not the things, they much looked on ; 
or [which] long took up their thoughts : for they had 
other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage 
and maintain. For though they saw fair and beautiful 
cities, flowing with an abundance of all sorts of wealth 
and riches : yet it was not long before they saw the grim 
and grisly face of Poverty coming upon them like an 
armed man ; with whom they must buckle and incoun- 
ter, and from whom they could not fly. But they were 
armed with faith and patience against him and all his 
encounters : and though they were sometimes foiled ; yet, 
by GOD's assistance, they prevailed and got the victory. 

141 



142 The Scrooby Church at Amsterdam. 

Now when Master Robinson, Master Brewster, and 
other principal members were come over [to Amsterdam] 
(for they were of the last, and stayed to help the 
weakest over before them) ; such things were thought 
on as were necessary for their settling, and [the] best 
ordering of the Church affairs. Bradford M.S.y folios 
39-41. 




CHAPTER XIII 
Beautiful Letden. 

OCTOR H. MARTYN DEXTER {Congregation, 
alism (Sec, p. 383, Ed. 1880, 8.) gives us the 
following translation from Les Delices de Leide, 
Ed. 1712: 

"Leyden was then a city of some one hundred thousand 
inhabitants. It was beautiful exceedingly, in its way. 
One of its French chroniclers described it thus : 

The city of Leyden is, without contradiction, one of 
the grandest, the comeliest, and the most charming, cities 
of the world. 

The cleanness and breadth of its streets ; the number 
of its canals provided with bridges, bordered on either 
side by lindens, which (during the summer heats) cast 
delightful shadows where the people make their 
promenade; the tidiness and elegance of its buildings; 
and its great number of public Places embellished 
likewise with lindens or elms ; and the extreme neatness 
of the bricks with which the streets are paved: all 
this, in former times, caused Polyander, a celebrated 
Professor, who was housed on the Rapenburg, to boast 
that he lived in the most beautiful spot in the world. 

Which he was wont to prove familiarly thus : 

"Of the four quarters of the world, Europe is the 
noblest and the nicest. The Low Countries are the best 
part of Europe. Of the Seventeen Provinces of the 
Low Countries ; [the Province of] Holland is the richest, 

143 



144 Beautiful Ley den. 

the most flourishing, and the finest. The most beautiful 
and altogether charming city [of the Province] of 
Holland is Leyden. While the handsomest canal and 
the loveliest street in Leyden is the Rapenburg. 
Wherefore," concluded he, "I am lodged in the mo^ 
beautiful spot in the world." 

" PoLYANDER left Dort to be Professor of Sacred Theology 
at Leyden not quite two years after Robinson and his 
Company arrived." 




CHAPTER XIV. 

The British Churches in Leyden. 

URING the period of our Story, in addition to 
the Pilgrim Church, there was also at Leyden, 
an organization of the Presbyterian Church of 
Scotland ; to which the City Council successively 
allotted, as their place of meeting, 

St Catherine Gasthuis, from 1609 till 1622 ; 
Jerusalem Kirk, from 1622 till 1644. 

The first two Ministers of this Church were 

Robert Drurie, from 1609 till his death in 1616 ; 
Henry Goudgier, from 1617 till his death in 1661. 
See Rev. William Steven, History of the Scottish Churchy 
Rotterdam; from 1614. With Notices of the other British 
Churches in the Netherlands, pp. 314, 315, Edinburgh, 1833, 8. 



The PUgrim Fathers. 145 



CHAPTER XV. 

The Removal of the Pilgrim Church to Leyden, by 
Friday, 21 April /I May 1609. 

C. M. [the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, of Brooklyn 
N.Y., at the time United States Minister at 



^^ 7) the Hague] in the Historical Magazine, Yol. III., 
^t£)<S^^ pp. 357, 358, Boston and New York, 1859, 4.], 
among some exceedingly valuable contributions to the Pilgrim 
Story from the official documents at Leyden, thus refers to 
Mr George Sumner : 

" He brings to light the fact that no Church was assigned 
them, as was customary, by the Municipal Authorities ; and 
that their Pastor was buried in a hired vault : . . . without 
apparently having once thought of the other fact which 
overlies those he brings forward ; and which is proven by his 
own examination of the Records of the city, that the Pilgrims 
never applied to the city authorities, as did their countrymen 
under Drurie, for a Place of Worship. 

" The Records of the city, during their residence in Leyden, 
are extant and complete; and show no application of the sort: 
but, on the contrary, reveal another application by them, that 
for denization — in which they are particular to declare, in 
advance of their coming to Leyden, their independence of 
all aid whatsoever; in case such liberty should be given 
them. . . 

"The document to which we now refei*, appeared in 
print two years after Mr Sumner's article [Memoirs of the 
Pilgrims at Leyden"], in the Nederlansch Archief voor Kerkelijke 
Geschiedenis for 1848, in a Memoir by Professor Kist, of the 

146 



The Removal to Ley den. 1 47 

University of Leyden, reproducing, with some explanations 
and additions, the facts gathered by Mr Sumner. 

" This Memoir is entitled Joei^ Eobinson, Minister of the 
Brownist Congregation of Leyden^ the Mother Church of the 
English Independents^ and Founder of the Colony of Plymouth 
in North America : and the document is the application, by 
the Pilgrims, to the authorities of Leyden for denization. . . 

"It is taken from the Gerechts Dags Bceken, or Court 
Registers of the city, for the 12th of February 1609; and 
reads as follows : " 

TO THE HONOURABLE THE BURGOMASTERS AND COURT 
OF THE CITY OF LEYDEN. 

With due submission and respect ; Jan Robarthse, 
Minister of the Divine Word, and some of the members 
of the Christian Reformed religion, born in the Kingdom 
of Great Britain, to the number of one hundred persons 
or thereabouts, men and women, represent t hat they 
are desirous of coming to live in this city, by the first 
day of May [iV^.^Sf.] next ; and to have the freedom thereof 
in carrying on their trades, without being a burden in 
the least to any one. They therefore address themselves 
to your Honours; humbly praying that your Honours 
will be pleased to grant them free consent to betake 
themselves, as aforesaid. 

This doing, &c. 

"There is no date or signature to the document; or 
name of place where it was written. It is a mere Record or 
Registration of the Application ; and the phrase in this city 
would seem to indicate, either that some of the applicants 
were present at Leyden at the time ; or that the Registrar 
entered the substance of the petition in his own words. 

The action of the Court is given in the margin ; and reads 
as follows : " 

The Court, in making a disposition of this present 



1 48 The Removal to Ley den. gov. w. Bradford, 

Memorial, declare that they refuse no honest persons 
free ingress to come and have their residence in this 
city; provided that such persons hehave themselves, 
and submit to the laws and ordinances : and, therefore, 
the coming of the Memorialists will be agreeable and 
welcome. 

Thus done, in their session at the Council House, the 
12th day of February, 1609 [i\^.>S^.]. 

Done in my presence. 

(signed) I. Van Hout. 



Governor Bradford gives us the following account of the 
experiences of the Pilgrim Church at Leyden. 

And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year 
[1608], Master RoBiNSON their Pastor and some others 
of best discerning, seeing how Master John Smith and 
his Company were already [1608] fallen into contention 
with the Church that was there before them ; and no 
means they could use, would do any good to cure the 
same : and also that the flames of contention were 
like[ly] to break out in the Ancient Church itself, 
as afterwards lamentably came to pass \on 15/25 
Deceviher 1610]. 

"Which things they prudently forseeing, thought it 
was best to remove, before they were any way engaged 
with the same : though they well knew it would be 
much to the prejudice of their outward estates; both 
at present, and in likelihood in the future — as indeed it 
proved to be. 

For these, and some other reasons, they removed to 
Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet 
situation : but made more famous by the University 
wherewith it is adorned ; in which, of late, had been so 



Got. w. Bradford. Tkc Rcmoval to Leydeu, 1 49 

many learned men. But wanting that traffic by sea 
which Amsterdam injoys, it was not so beneficial for 
their outward means of living and estates. But being 
now here pitched, they fell to such trades and 
imployments as they best could ; valuing peace and 
their spiritual comfort above any other riches 
whatsoever : and, at length, they came to raise a 
competent and comfortable living ; but with hard and 
continual labour. 

Being thus settled, after many difficulties; they 
continued, many years S^A'pril 1609 — July 1620], in 
a comfortable condition, injoying much sweet and 
delightful society and spiritual comfort together in the 
Ways of GOD, under the able Ministry and prudent 
government of Master John Robinson ; and Master 
William Brewster ; who was an Assistant unto him, 
in the place of an Elder, unto which he was now \i.e. 
at Ley den] called, and chosen by the Church. So as 
they grew in knowledge, and other gifts and graces 
of the SPIRIT of GOD ; and lived together in peace, 
and love, and holiness. 

And many came unto them, from divers parts of 
England ; so as they grew [to] a great Congregation. 

And if, at any time, any differences arose or offences 
broke out, as it cannot be but some time there will, even 
amongst the best of men ; they were ever so met with 
and nipt in the head betimes, or otherwise so well 
composed ; as still love, peace, and communion were 
continued : or else the Church purged of those that 
were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much 
patience used, no other means would serve ; which 
seldom came to pass. 

Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect 



1 50 The Removal to Ley den. gov. w. Bradford. 

that this worthy man had to his flock ; and his flock, to 
him : that it might be said of them, as it once was, of 
that famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius [Antoninus] 
and the people of Rome, That it was hard to judge 
whether he delighted more in having such a people, 
or they in having such a Pastor. Golden Book_ &c* 
His love was great towards them ; and his care was 
always lent for their best good, both for soul and body. 
For besides his singular abilities in divine things, wherein 
he excelled ; he was also very able to give directions in 
civil [secular] affairs, and to foresee dangers and 
inconveniences : by which means he was very helpful 
to their outward estates; and so was, every way, as 
a common father unto them. 

And none did more offend him than those that were 
close and cleaving to themselves, and retired from the 
common good : as also such as would be stiff" and rigid 
in matters of Outward Order ; and inveigh against the 
evils of others, and yet be remiss in themselves, and not 
so careful to express a virtuous conversation. 

They, in like manner, had ever a reverent regard 
imto him and had him in precious estimation as his 
worth and wisdom did deserve. And though they 
esteemed him highly whilst he lived and laboured 
amongst them: yet much more after his death, when 
they came to feel the want of his help; and saw, by 



■ * Bradford, we fear, would have been very much horrified, if he had 
known that he was here quoting from the Work of a E-oman Catholic 
Bishop. The Golden Book of the Emperor MARCUS A ureljus was really 
written by Antonio de Guevara, Bishop of Mondonedo ; and was 
translated into English by John Bourohieb, second Lord Bebners. 
Another translation of the same Work, by Sir Thomas North, was called 
The Dial of Princes. Guevara's excellent Works were decidedly popular 
in England in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. — E. A. 



Gov. w. Bradford. The Removal to Ley den, 151 

woeful experience, what a treasure they had lost, to the 
grief of their hearts and wounding of their souls. Yea, 
such a loss, as they saw could not be repaired. For it 
was as hard for them to find such another Leader and 
Feeder in all respects, as for the Taborites to find another 
[JoHANN Trocznov] Ziska : and, although they did not 
call themselves Orphans, as the others \iKe Taborites] 
did, after his death; yet they had cause, as such, to 
lament, in another regard, their present condition and 
after usage. 

But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to 
the honour of GOD, and without prejudice to any, That 
such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and fervent 
love, of this people, whilst they thus lived together, 
towards GOD and his Ways ; and the single-heartedness 
and sincere afiection, one towards another ; that they 
came as near the primitive pattern of the first Churches, 
as any other Church of these later Times has done, 
according to their rank and quality [in life]. 

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of the 
several Passages that befel this people whilst they thus 
lived in the Low Countries, which might worthily require 
a large Treatise of itself ; but to make way to shew the 
Beginning of this Plantation, which is that I aim at : 
yet, because some of their adversaries did, upon the 
rumour of their removal, cast out slanders against them, 
as if that State [here meaning the Magistrates of Leyden] 
had been weary of them ; and had rather driven them out 
(as the heathen historians did feign of MosES and the 
Israelites, when they went out of Egypt), than that it 
was their own free choice and motion — I will therefore 
mention a particular or two, to shew the contrary ; and 
the goodacceptation they had in the place where they lived. 



152 The Removal to Ley den. gov. w. Bradford. 

And, first, though many of them were poor; yet 
there was jnone so poor but [that], if they were known to 
be of that Congregation, the Dutch, either bakers or 
others, would trust them in any reasonable matter, when 
they wanted money : because they had found by 
experience, how careful they were to keep their word ; 
and saw them so painful \;painsialzing\ and diligent in 
their callings. Yea, they would strive to get their 
custom; and to imploy them above others in their 
work, for their honesty and diligence. 

Again, the Magistrates of the City, about the time of 
their coming away {July 1620], or a little before, in the 
public Place of Justice, gave this commendable testimony 
of them, in the reproof of the Walloons, who were of the 
French Church in that city, " These English," said they, 
"have lived amongst us, now these twelve years [April 
1609 — July 1620]; and yet we never had any suit, or 
accusation came against any of them : but your strifes 
and quarrels are continual, ic." 

In these Times also were the great troubles raised by 
the Arminians ; who as they greatly molested the whole 
State [of Holland], so this city in particular, in which 
was the chief University : so as there were daily 
and hot disputes in the Schools [of the University] 
thereabout. 

And as the students and other learned were divided 
in their opinions herein ; so were the two Professors 
or Divinity Readers themselves : the one daily teaching 
for it, the other against it ; which grew to that pass, that 
few of the disciples of the one, would hear the other 
teach. 

But Master Robinson, though he taught thrice a 
week himself, and writ sundry books, besides his 



aoT. w. Bradford. The Reifioval to Ley den. 1 53 

manifold pains otherwise ; yet he went constantly to 
hear their Readings, and heard the one as well as the 
other : by which means, he was so well grounded in the 
controversy, and saw the force of all their arguments, 
and knew the shifts of the adversary. 

And being himself very able, none was fitter to 
buckle with them than himself; as appeared by sundry 
disputes : so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians. 
Which made [Simon Biscop, Latinized] Episcopius, the 
Arminian [Divinity] Professor, to put forth his best 
strength, and set forth sundry Theses ; which, by public 
dispute, he would defend against all men. 

Now [John] Polyander, the other Professor, and 
[one of] the chief Preachers of the city, desired Master 
Robinson to dispute against him : but he was loath, 
being a stranger. Yet the other did importune him, and 
told him, That such was the ability and nimbleness of 
the adversary, that the truth would suffer, if he did 
not help them. So as he condescended [agreed], and 
prepared himself against the time. 

And when the day came ; the Lord did so help him 
to defend the truth, and foil this adversary, as he put him 
to an apparent non 'plus, in this great and public audience. 
And the like, he did a second, or third time, upon such 
like occasions. The which as it caused many to praise 
GOD, that the truth had so famous [a] victory ; so it 
procured him much honour and respect from those 
learned men, and others which loved the truth. 

Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and 
his people, or desiring their absence ; as it was said by 
some of no mean note, That were it not for giving offence 
to the State of England, they would have preferred l\im 
otherwise, if he would; and allowed him some public 
favour. 



154 ^-^^ Removal to Ley den &ov. w. Bradford. 

Yea, when there was speech of their removal into 
these parts [of North America]; sundry of note and 
eminence of that nation \t\ie Dutch] would have had 
them come under them : and for that end, made them 
large offers. 

Now though I might alledge many other particulars 
and examples of the like kind, to shew the untruth and 
unlikelihood of this slander ; yet these shall suffice : 
seeing it was believed of few ; being only raised by 
the malice of some, who laboured [for] their disgrace. 
Bradford MS., folios 41-47. 




CHAPTER XVL 

The Purchase of the Rev. John Robinson's house, 

IN Bell Alley, Leyden, on 

Thursday, 26 April /6 May 1611. 

C. M. [the Hon. Henry C. Murphy] in the 
Historical Magazine, Yol. III., pp. 330, 331, 
Boston and New York, 1859, 4, thus writes : 
"There is a space of two years, or a little 
more, between the time of the arrival of Robinson and his 
flock in Leyden, and the purchase of this house ; in which he 
afterward lived until his death. There is nothing to show 
where he resided during that short period. 

"But, on the 5th of May 1611, a Transport Brief or 
deed, was made to him, in conjunction with three others of 
his Congregation, of the house and piece of ground in 
question, nearly opposite the Belfry which stood in the rear 
of St Peter's Church, and fronting on Pieter's Kerckhoff, 
or the Clock Steech {literally translated Bell Alley), a street 
between twenty and thirty feet wide. . . : 

"Now the fact that the title was taken in the name 
of four persons in connection with another circumstance, 
disclosed in another Record ; namely, that Robinson was the 
only one of the four who lived in the house — goes to show 
that the purchase was for a general object ; of which he, the 
Pastor, was the leader. 

"This deed was found recorded in Register M. M., page 
105, of Indemnifications (JProtocollen van Waerbrieoen) ; and 
was doubtless so recorded as a security to the Granter, for 
the balance of the purchase money." 

155 



156 Rev. John Robinsons house at Leyden. 

We, PiETER Akentszoon Deyman and Amelis van 
HOGEVEEN, Schepens [Aldermen or Town Magistrates] in 
Leyden, make known that before us came JoHAN DE 
Lalaing, declaring, for himself and his heirs, that he 
had sSld, and by these presents does sell, to Jan 
RoBiNSZOON, Minister of GOD's Word of the English 
Congregation in this city, WiLLEM Jepson, Henry 
Wood, and Raynulph [ = Ralph'] Tickens, who has 
married Jane White— jointly and each for himself 
an equal fourth part — a house and ground, with a 
garden situated on the west side thereof, standing 
and being in this city on the south side of the 
Pieter's KerckhofF [grounds of Peter's Church] near 
the Belfry ; formerly called the Groene Port [Green 
Gate]. 

Bounded and having situated on the one side, 
eastwardly, a certain small room, which the Comparant 
[the Appearer or Granter] reserves to himself; being 
over the door of the house hereby sold : next thereto is 
Willem Simonszoon van der Wilde; and next to 
him, the residence of the Commandarije. And on the 
other side, westwardly, having the Widow and Heirs 
of HuYCK van Alckemade; and next to him, the 
Comparant himself; and next to him is the Donckere 
Graft [the Dark Canal], which is also situated on the 
west of the aforesaid garden ( ; and next to it, is the 
Falide BagynhofF [Veiled Nuns' Cloister]) extending 
from the street of the Kerckhofi* aforesaid, to the rear 
of the Falide BagynhofF beforenamed. 

All, and so, as the aforesaid house is at present built 
and made, used and occupied ; with everything thereto 
attached [aert-ennagelvast, fastened to the ground or 
nailed], to him, the Comparant, belonging : subject to a 
yearly rent charge of eleven stivers and twelve pence 



Rev. John Robinsons house at Ley den. 157 
[ = say 20 English pence then] * payable to the Heer van 

POELGEEST. 

And he, the Comparant, promises the aforesaid house 
and ground, upon the conditions aforesaid, to warrant 
and defend from all other incumbrances with which 
the same may be charged, for a year and a day, and 
for ever, as is just: hereby binding thereto all his 
property, moveable and immoveable, now owned, or 
hereafter to be owned by him, without any exception. 

Further making known that he, the Comparant, is 
paid for the aforesaid purchase, and fully satisfied 
therewith, the sum of eight thousand guilders * [ = £1,400 
English then], the last penny with the first : and 
that with a purchase money lien — two thousand 
guilders [ = £350 English then], being paid down ; and 
five hundred guilders [ £87, 10s. English then] to be paid 
in May 1612, and annually thereafter, until all be paid. 

And this all in good faith, and without fraud. 

In witness of these presents, we have set our seals, 
the 5th of May 1611. 

(Signed) J. Swanenburch. 

"The Grantees in this conveyance, besides Robinson 
himself, were members of his Congregation; as we find by 
the Record of Marriages. None of them went to America. 

"Jepson bought out the interest of the others, on the 
13th of December 1629, after Robinson's death. He is 
described in this second conveyance as a Carpenter. 

"Tickens was the brother-in-law of Robinson; whose 



* A Dutch Single Stiver =x 1| English Penny ; and as 20 Single Stivers 
went to the Carolus Guilder, that wonld, theoretically, have been worth 
23. S^d. English money. But, actually, the Carolus Guilder seems to have 
been worth, in the way of exchange, 3s. 6d. — E. A. 



158 Rev, John Robinson's house at Ley den. 

wife Bridget was the sister of Jane White. Roger White, 
who communicated from Leyden, to Governor Bradford, 
the death of Robinson, was the brother of Mrs Robinson. 
From the circumstance that Jane White's name is 
mentioned in the deed, it may be inferred that the money 
for Tickens' share came from her. Tickens is described as 
a Looking-Glass Maker. 

"In 1637, Jepson, who had become the sole owner, having 
died; the property was conveyed by the Guardians of his 
children, to Stoffel Janszoon Ellis : and thus ceased to be 
held any longer by the Brownists. 

" The house was taken down, with a number of others, in 
1681-3, for the purpose of erecting a Hof for the Walloons ; 
still remaining, called Pesyn's Hof [A Home for aged 
Walloons?)^ There are over forty of these Hofs in Leyden." 




CHAPTER XVII. 

The Inmates of the Rev. John Robinson's house 

IN Bell Alley, Leyden ; on 

Saturday, 6/15 October 1622. 

C. M. [the Hon. Henry 0. Murphy] states, in 
the Historical Magazine III., 332, Boston and 
, New York, 18.59, 4, that 

" The other Record to which we referred 
as showing that Robinson alone resided in the house — 
excepting, of course, the room over the door, reserved by 
JoHAN DE Lalaing — is a List of those rated for a Poll 
Tax, on the 15th of October 1622, in the Bon or Wyk 
(that is, a small district set off for municipal purposes), 
called The Seven Houses. 

" The only persons mentioned as living in this house are 
those composing Robinson's family; making, with himself, 
nine in all. They are named as follows : " 
John Robinson, Minister. 
Brugitt^ [Bridget] Robinson, his wife. 
James 



Brugitta 

Isaac 

Mercy 

Fear 

Jacob 

Mary Hardy, Maid-servant 



Robinson's children. 



I 



" The only further mention of any portion of the family 

159 



i6o Isaac Robinson. 

that we have noticed, is the marriage of the daughter 
Bridget, on the 10th and 26th May 1629 \N.S\ to John 
Grynwich, Student of Theology, Young Man. 

" On that occasion, Robinson's Widow attended as a 
witness." 



In this connection, it may be useful to record the following 
fact concerning the third child above mentioned. 



'O 



A fragment of Judge Sewall's Journal^ during his judicial 
circuit in the Old Colony, in 1702, reads thus. 

Saturday, April 4th. Saw Lieut. HowLAND upon 
the road ; who tells us, he was born February 24th 1626, 
at our Plymouth. 

Visit Master [Isaac] Robinson, who saith, He is 92 
years old ; is the son of Master Robinson, Pastor of the 
Church of Ley den ; part of which came to Plymouth. 
But, to my disappointment, he came not to New England 
till the year [1631] in which Master Wilson was 
returning to England; after the settlement of Boston. 

I told him [I] was very desirous to see him ; for his 
father's sake, and his own. Gave him an Arabian piece 
of gold, to buy a book for some of his grandchildren. 

Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., p. 6, Boston and New York, 
1860, 4. 




CHAPTER XVIIL 
The Marriages of Forefathers that were 

REGISTERED AT THE StADHUIS, OR CiTY HaLL, 

Leyden; between 1611 and 1621. 

C. M. [the Hon. Henry C. Murphy] in the 
Historical Magazine, Yol. III., pp. 261-263, 
vm r^n w^* ^^^> Boston and New York, 1859, 4, states : 
<^qgpQ»^ urpj^e Begistrar, or Clerk, spelt the names 

according to his own ear, and the powers of the Dutch 
alphabet. The consequence is that there is hardly a 
name, either of a person or place, of English derivation 
correctly spelt. Still, in most of the cases, the English name 
shines through the Dutch covering sufficiently distinct. In 
those cases, in which we have not been able to recognise it, 
we give the orthography as it is in the Record, and in italics. 

*' The Minute of each marriage is very full, giving, as 
it were, a succinct history of the previous condition in life of 
both parties. It furnishes the dates of the First Publication 
of the Bans, and of the Marriage ; the names of the parties to 
the ceremony ; the occupation of the Bridegroom ; the places 
of birth of both; their previous condition as to marriage, 
whether widowed or not ; and if widowed, the name of the 
deceased : and is accompanied by the names of two or three 
friends, on each side, to prove their identity. 

"The names which occur of the Pilgrims are not very 
numerous ; though there is a goodly number of them, and 
some of the most distinguished. 

"For convenience we wiU take them up in the order of 
the arrival of the ships in America." 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 161 L 



1 62 Marriages of Forefathers at Ley den. 

I. Those who came over in 1620, 
in the Mayflower. 

1611, October 4, November 4.— Degoky Priest, of 
London, in England ; accompanied by William Lysle, 
and Samuel Fuller, as witnesses, with 
Sarah Vincent, of London, Widow of John 
Vincent; accompanied by Jane JJiggens, and 
Rosamond Jepson, as witnesses. 

" Degory Priest died in the general sickness which 
carried off so many of the First Comers, shortly after his 
arrival in America. His Wife did not accompany him in the 
Mayflower. 

" It appears by a subsequent Minute in this Record, that 
she married again, on the 13th of November 1621, with 
GoDDARD Godbert; and is there called 'Sarah Allerton, 
Widow of Degory Priest.' 

" She was probably related to Isaac Allerton, as we 
find the marriage of the latter on the same day as hers with 
Degory Priest, as follows : " [see page 376.] 

1611. October 4, November 4. — Isaac Allerton, 
Young Man (that is, having never been married before), 
of London, in England ; accompanied by Edward 
Southworth, Richard Masterson, and Ranulph 
[ = Ralph] Tickens, as witnesses, with 

Mary Norris, Maid, of Newbury, in England ; 
accompanied by Anna Fuller, and Dillen Carpenter 
as witnesses. 

" Isaac Allerton who, upon the death of John Carver 
the first Governor of the Colony, was chosen Assistant, was, 
as we learn from another Record, a Tailor." 

1612. January 27, February 1. — William White, Wool 



Marriages of Forefathers at Ley den. 163 

Carder, Young Man, of England, accompanied by 
William Jepson and Samuel Fuller, with 
Anna Fuller, Maid, of England, accompanied by 
Rosamond Jepson, and Sarah Priest. 

" William White died shortly after reaching America ; 
and his Widow became the second Wife of Edward Winslow, 
whose first marriage we find in our Record." 

1613. March 15, April 30. — Samuel Fuller, Say 
\This word means Silk, also Satin, and likewise Serge] 
Maker, of London, in England; Widower of Elsie 
Glascock; accompanied by Alexander Carpenter, 
William Hoyt his brother in law, Roger Wilson, and 
Edward Southworth, with 

Agnes Carpenter, Maid, of Wrentham, in England; 
accompanied by Agnes White, and Alice Carpenter 
her sister. 

" Samuel Fuller was the future Physician of the 
Colony. Agnes, his Wife by this marriage, did not live 
long : and he married, as we will presently see, his third 
Wife in Leyden. 

" Alice Carpenter became the second Wife of Governor 
Bradford. She came to America a Widow." 

1613. November 8, November 30. — William 
Bradford, Fustian [This word now means Corduroy, 
also Moleskin, and likewise Velveteen] Maker, Young 
Man, of Austerfield, in England, with 
Dorothy May of Witzbuts [? Wisbeach], in England. 
Is not identified ; but presents a Certificate. 

"Dorothy May was drowned on the 7th of December 
1620, in Cape Cod harbour. Her father is mentioned by 
Roger White in a letter, from Leyden, to Governor 
Bradford, ia 1625." 



164 Marriages of Forefathers at Ley den. 

1613. November 30, December 21.— MosES Fletcher, 

Smith, of England, Widower of Maria Evans; 

accompanied by William Lysle, and William Bradford, 

with 

Sarah Dingby, also of England, Widow of 

William Dingby, accompanied by Sarah Priest, and 

Margaret S a very. 

"Moses Fletcher died in the general sickness." 

1617. May 12, May 27. — Samuel Fuller, Say 
Maker, of England, Widower of Anna Carpenter; 
accompanied by Samuel Lee his future brother in 
law, with 

Bridget Lee, Maid, of England ; accompanied by J00& 
Lee, her mother. 

1618. May 27, May 16.— Edward Winslow, Printer, 
Young Man, of London, in England ; accompanied by 
Jonathan Williams, and Isaac Allerton, with 
Elizabeth Barker, Maid, from Ohatsum (Chester?), 
in England ; accompanied by Jane Phesel, her niece ; 
and Mary Allerton. 

II. Those who came over m 1621, 
in the Fortune. 
"The first of these was William Bassett. His Bans 
were published first with Mary Butler, on the 19th of 
March 1611 ; but she died before the third publication. 
" He soon found, however, another bride." 

1611. July 29, August 13. — William Bassett, 
Englishm.an, Widower of Cecil Lecet\ accompanied 
by Roger Wilson, and Edward Goddard, with 
Margaret Oldham, Maid, from England ; accompanied 
by Wybran Tavtes, [? Pantes] and Elizabeth Neal. 
" In the division of the lands by the General Court of 



Marriages of Forefathers at Ley den. 165 

the Colony, on the 22nd of May 1627, the name of the Wife 
of William Bassett is given as Elizabeth Bassett, as there 
are two of that name mentioned in his family." 

1617. May 19, June 3. — Kobert Cushman, Wool 
Carder, of Canterbury, in England ; Widower of Sarah 
Cushman ; accompanied by John ICebel with 
Mary Chingleton ( ? Singleton), of Sandwich, 
Widow of Thomas Chingleton ; accompanied by 
Catherine Carver \i}ie wife of John Carver]. 

III. Those who came over in 1623, m the 
Ann and Little James. 

1612. July 6, July 23.— George Morton, Englishman, 

of York, in England, Merchant; accompanied by his 

brother Thomas Morton, and Roger Wilson ; 

with 

Julia Ann Carpenter, Maid, accompanied by her father, 

Alexander Carpenter, her sister Alice Carpenter, 

and Anna Robinson; as witnesses. 

1614. Sept. 5, November 1. John Jenne[y], Young 

Man, Brewer's Man, of Norwich, in England; living 

in Rotterdam ; accompanied by Roger Wilson ; 

with 

Sarah Carey, Maid, of Moncksoon, in England; 

accompanied by Joanna Lyons. 

" The last of the Forefathers whom we have been enabled 
to discover in this List, is Stephen Tracy." 

1620. December 18, 1621, January 2nd. — Stephen 
Tracy, Say Maker, Young Man, from England ; 
accompanied by Anthony Clemens; with 



1 66 Mar7'iages of Forefathers at Ley den, 

Trifasa Le , Maid, of England ; accompanied by 

Pruce Jennings. 



" There were some who came to America afterwards ; but 
they are not reckoned among the First Comers. 

"The only one of them, however, whom we have been 
enabled to discover, is Richard Masterson ; who was of the 
number who, in 1625, addressed a letter to Bradford and 
Brewster." 

1619. November 8, November 26. — Richard Master- 
son, Wool Carder, Young Man, of Sandwich, in England ; 
accompanied by William Talbot, and John Ellis 
his brother in law, with 

Mary Goodall, Maid, of Leicester, in England ; 
accompanied by Elizabeth Kibbel [ ? Keble ] and 
Mary Finch. 




CHAPTER XIX. 

Other Marriages of English Exiles registered at 
THE Stadhuis, or City Hall, Leyden; 

between 1610 AND 1617. 

C. M. [the Hon. Henry C. Murphy] continues, 
" There are others of Robinson's Congregation, 
in this Record, who did not emigrate to 
America ; as we may judge from the names 
of the witnesses. 

" Thus William Brewster is given as a Witness : 
on behalf of William Pantes, Fustian Maker,* from near 
Dover, on his marriage 
with Wybra Hauson, Maid, on the 4:th December 1610: 

on behalf of Raynulph [ = Ealph] Tickens, Young Man, of 

London ; 

with Jane White, Maid, of JBehel^ on the 11th of April 

1611: 

and for William Buckrum, Block Maker, Young Man, ol 



* With the exception of Thomas Brewer, who was a Gentleman, and 
a landed proprietor, of Kent ; and of Merchants, like George Morton, 
Edward Pickering, &c. : most of the members of the Pilgrim Church, 
during their stay in Holland, had to support themselves by handicrafts ; 
whether they had done so before in England, or not. It was the only 
possible way of getting a living in a Dutch city, at that time. Governor 
Bradford tells us, at page 87, that the Scrooby contingent were 
agriculturists. Commerce, Fishing, Handicrafts, and Agriculture were 
the four chief ways in which the Dutch then made their money. — E. A. 

167 



1 68 Other Marriages of English Exiles. 

Ipswich ; 

with Elizabeth Neal, Maid, of Scrooby, on the 17th of 

December 1611, 

*' William Bradford is, in the same manner, witness at the 
marriage 

of Henry Crullins, Bombazine Worker, Widower, of 
England, residing at Amsterdam ; 

with Elizabeth Pettinger, Maid, of Moortel^ on the 20th of 
November 1613. 

" And John Carver appears, in the same capacity, on 
behalf 

of John Gillies^ Merchant, of Essex ; Widower of Elizabeth 
Pettinger ; on his marriage 

with Rose Lysle, Maid, of Yarmouth, on the 23rd of March 
1617." 




CHAPTER XX. 

The Registration at the Stadhuis, or City Hall, of 

SUCH Members of the Pilgrim Church as were 

admitted Citizens, or Freemen, of Leyden; 

between 1612 AND 1615. 

ROM the Book of Admissions. The number was 
only three. 

1612. March 30. — William Bradford, 
Englishman; admitted upon the proof and 
security of Roger Wilson and William Lysle. 

1614. February 7. — Isaac Allerton, Englishman, 
of London ; admitted upon the proof and security of 
Roger Wilson and Henry Wood. 

1615. November 16. — Degory Priest, Hatter, of 
England ; admitted upon the proof and security of 
Roger Wilson, Say Draper, and Isaac Allerton, 
Tailor. 

H. C. M, [the Hon. Henry C. Murphy] as before. 



169 




CHAPTEK XXL 

The Members of the Pilgrim Church, and some 

OTHER British subjects, who matriculated 

AT Leyden University. 1609 — 1620. 

,OCTOR W. N. DU RIETJ, the present Chief 
Librarian of this famous University, has 
published, as a tercentenary memorial of its 
foundation, a nominal List of all the Rectors, 
Curators, Professors, and Students of the University in the 
city of Leyden, under the title of Album Studiosorum, 
Academice Lugduno Batavce^ 1575 — 1875. Accedunt nomina 
Guratorum et Professorum per eadem secula. Hagse Comitum, 
1875, 4. 

Prom this list, we extract six names : three only of which, 
Braeber [ = Brewer], Robinson, and Brewster, seem to be 
members of the Separatist Church at Leyden; though, as 
appears from page 187, Bastwick attended that Church while 
studying at the University. 

From the fact of married men, well on in life, matriculating ; 
it would seem that doing so, gave position in Leyden society. 

17/27 April 1610. Robertus Dur^eus, 

[set.] 55, ' Anglicanee 
Ecclesiae Min. 

Notice that this Minister of the Scotch Presbyterian 
Church is called the Minister of the English Church. 

7/17 February 1615. Thomas Braeber, 

Anglus, [aet.] 35, L. 
[Litterarum Studiosus.] 
170 



Matriculations at Leyde^t University, 171 

We take this to be the matriculation of Thomas Brewer, 
of whom so much is said at pp. 195-247. His name, properly- 
spelt, does not occur in this Album. It happens, however, 
that his Christian name, Thomas, was an extremely infrequent 
one among the Students : so that, combined with the word 
Englishman, would seem to settle the matter. As he is 
stated, at page 247, to have been 65 when he died in December 
1640; the above age also roughly agrees. 

26 August /5 September 1615. Joannes Kobintsonus, 

Anglus, [set.] 39, T. 
[Theologise Studiosus]. 

Notice that the Register does not say that he was the 
" Minister of the English Church," as it said of Drury. 

Doctor H. Martyn Dexter {Congregationalism due, p. 360, 
New York, 1880, 8.) gives us the full wording of this entry. 

September 5, 1615. Coss. permissu [After leave by 
the Magistrates], Joannes Robints[onus — evidently 
subsequently added]] Anglus, an. xxxix, Stud. Theol: 
alit familiam [He has a family]. 

4/14 January 1617. Joannes Bastwyck, 

Anglus, [aet.] 22, P. et 

[see page 186] Pol. [Philosophise et 

Politices Studiosus.] 

3o August /9 September 1617. Alexander Leighton, 

Anglus Londinensis, 
[set.] 40, M. Cand. 
[Medicinae Candidatus.] 

12/22 May 1619. Robertus Brewster, 

Anglus, [set.] 20, L. 
[Litterarum Studiosus.] 




CHAPTER XXII 

GovERNOK Bradford's panegyric of the Church 

Order of the exiled English Churches 

AT Amsterdam and Leyden. 

FTER what has gone before, the Reader cannot 
accept this rose-coloured description, written in 
1648, some thirty years after the events, as an 
accurate and complete statement of affairs. 
One cause of satisfaction there would undoubtedly be. That 
whatever the merits or the demerits, of the organization might 
be ; it had this crowning advantage. That it originated from the 
people : and was not imposed upon them from above, by an 
act of royal authority. 

Truly, there were in them [those two Churches that 
were so long in exile] many worthy men ; and, if you had 
seen them in their beauty and order as we have done, you 
would have been much affected therewith, we dare say. 

At Amsterdam, before their division and breach, they 
were about three hundred communicants. And they 
had for their Pastor and Teacher, those two eminent 
men before named [Francis Johnson and Henry 
Ainsworth] ; and, in our time [1607 — 1609], four grave 
men for Ruling Elders ; and three able and godly 
men for Deacons : one ancient Widow for a Deaconess ; 
who did them service many years, though she was 
sixty years of age when she was chosen. She 
honoured her place, and was an ornament to the 
Congregation. She usually sat in a convenient place in 

the Congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand ; 

172 



Gov. w. Bradford. Pauegyvic of tkc Church Order. 173 

and kept little children in great awe, from disturbing 
the Congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and 
weak, especially women ; and, as there was need, called 
out Maids and young Women to watch, and do them 
other helps, as their necessity did require : and, if they 
were poor, she would gather relief for them, of those 
that were able ; or acquaint the Deacons. And she was 
obeyed as a Mother in Israel, and an Officer of Christ. 

And for the Church of Leyden, they were sometimes 
not much fewer in number ; nor at all inferior in able 
men : though they had not so many Officers as the 
other. For they had but one Ruling Elder [William 
Brewster] with their Pastor ; a man well approved and 
of great integrity. Also they had three able men for 
Deacons [John Carver, Samuel Fuller, and ? ]. 
And that which was a crown unto them, they 
lived together in love and peace all their days ; 
without any considerable differences, or any disturb- 
ance that grew thereby, but such as was easily healed 
in love : and so they continued until, with mutual 
consent, they removed into New England. And what 
their condition hath been since, some of you that are of 
their children do see and can tell. 

Many worthy and able men there were, in both places, 
who lived and died in obscurity in respect of the World, 
as private Christians : yet were they precious in the 
eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew 
them. Whose virtues we, with such of you as are their 
children, do follow and imitate. First Dialogue &c., 
Printed in A. Young's Chronicles &c., pp. 455, 456, 1841, 8. 

But for all the above ; the mutual hatred between 
members of the Reverend Henry Ainsworth's Church, and 
the Reverend John Robinson's, will frequently crop up 
in the following Story. 




CHAPTER XXIII. 
The Rev. John Robinson and the Pilgkim Church 

AT LeYDEN ; AND THEIR RELATIONS TO THE 

OTHER Reformed Churches. 
1609—1625. 

OYERNOR BRADFORD is very brief here, as 
often elsewhere; where we should have been 
very thankful, if he had said more. 

Master John Robinson was Pastor of 
that famous Church at Leyden in Holland ; a man not 
easily to be paralleled for all things : whose singular 
virtues we shall not take upon us here to describe; 
neither need we, for they so well are known both by 
friends and enemies. 

As he was a man learned, and of solid judgement, 
and of a quick and sharp wit ; so was he also of a 
tender conscience, and very sincere in all his ways ; a 
hater of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very 
plain with his best friends. He was very courteous, 
affable, and sociable in his conversation ; and towards 
his own people especially. 

He was an acute and expert disputant, very quick 
and ready ; and had much bickering with the Arminians, 
who stood more in fear of him than [of] any of the 
University [of Leyden]. 

He was never satisfied in himself until he had 
searched any cause, or argument, he had to deal in, 
thoroughly and to the bottom. And we have heard him 

174 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Church, 175 

sometimes say to his familiars, That, many times, both 
in writing and disputation, he knew he had sufficiently 
answered others ; but, many times, not himself. And 
[he] was ever desirous of any light : and the more able, 
learned, and holy the persons were; the more he 
desired to confer and reason with them. 

He was very profitable in his Ministry, and 
comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of 
them : and as loving was he to them ; and entirely 
sought their good for body and soul. 

In a word, he was much esteemed and reverenced 
of all that knew him ; and his abilities [were 
acknowledged] both of friends and strangers. 

But we resolved to be brief in this matter ; leaving 
you to better and more large information herein from 

others. 

» 

First Dialogue &c. [Written in 1648.] Printed in 
A. Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 
451-452, 1841, 8. 



THE ECCLESIASTICAL POSITION OF THE PILGRIM 
CHURCH AT LEYDEN. 1609 — 1625. 

Governor Winslow thus defines the ecclesiastical position 
of the Pilgrim Church ; and in doing so, gives us Robinson's 
celebrated Farewell Address to the Mayflower Pilgrims. 

Having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of 
our New England Plantations was not laid upon schism, 
division, or separation; but upon love, peace, and 
holiness : yea, such love and mutual care of the Church 
of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the welfare 



176 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church, 

of each other, and their posterities to succeeding 
generations, as is seldom found on earth. And having 
shewed also that the Primitive Churches are the only 
pattern which the Churches of Christ in New England 
have in their eye; not following Luther, Calvin, 
Knox, Ainsworth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, 
further than they follow Christ and his Apostles : I am 
earnestly requested to clear up another gross mistake 
which caused many, and still doth, to judge the harder 
of New Eno-land, and the Churches there: "because," 
say they, " the Church of Plymouth, which went first to 
Leyden, were Schismatics, Brownists, Rigid Separatists, 
&c. ; having Master Robinson for their Pastor : who 
made, and to the last professed, separation from 
other the Churches of Christ, &c. And the 
rest of the Churches in New England, holding 
communion with that Church, are to be reputed such 
as they are." : 

For answer to this aspersion. First, he that knew 
Master Robinson, either by his doctrine daily taught; 
or hath read his Apology published [m its English 
version in 1625] not long before his death; or knew 
the practice of that Church of Christ under his 
government; or was acquainted with the wholesome 
counsel he gave that part of the Church which went 
for New England at their departure, and afterward : 
might easily resolve the doubt, and take ofi" the 
aspersion. 

For his doctrine (I living three years [1617 — 1620] 
under his Ministry, before we began the work of 
Plantation in New England), it was always against 
separation from any [of] the Churches of Christ; 
professing and holding communion both with the French 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 177 

and Dutch [Reformed] Churches ; yea, tendering it to the 
Scots also, as I shall make appear more particularly anon : 
ever holding forth how wary persons ought to be in 
separating from a Church; and that till Christ the 
Lord departed wholly from it, manought not to leave it, 
only to bear witness against the corruption that was in it. 

But if any object, He separated from the Church of 
England, aud wrote largely against it. I acknowledge 
he wrote largely against it : but yet, let me tell you, 
he allowed hearing the godly Ministers [of that 
Church] preach and pray \i.e. in extempore prayer] 
in the Public Assemblies. Yea, he allowed private 
communion not only with them; but [with] all that 
were faithful in Christ Jesus in the Kingdom 
of England] and elsewhere, upon all occasions: yea 
[honoured them [the Puritan Anglican Clergy], for 
the power of godliness, above all the other Professors 
of religion in the world. Nay, I may truly say, his 
spirit cleaved unto them [the Puritan Anglican 
Clergy], being so well acquainted with the integrity of 
their hearts, and care to walk blameless in their lives : 
which was no small motive to him to persuade us to 
remove from Holland [to] where we might probably 
not only continue English; but have and maintain such 
sweet communion with the godly of that nation, as 
through GOD's great mercy we enjoy this day. 

'Tis true, I confess, he was more rigid in his course 
and way at first, than towards his latter end. For his 
study was peace and union, so far as might agree with 
faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and division, 
there was nothing in the world more hateful to him. 
But for the government of the Church of England as 
it was in the Episcopal Way ; the Liturgy and stinted 
Prayers of the Church then ; yea, the constitution of it 

The Pilgrim Fathers. M 



178 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 

as National, and so consequently the corrupt communion 
of the unworthy, with the worthy, receivers of the Lord's 
Supper : these things were never approved of him, but 
witnessed against, to his death ; and are by the Church 
over which he was, to this day. . . . 

In the next place, I should speak of Master 
Robinson's Apology ; wherein he maketh a brief defence 
against many adversaries, &c. But because it is both 
in Latin [Apologia justa &c., 1619] and English [A just 
and necessary Apology &c., 1625 and 1644], of small 
price [i.e. cheap in price], and easy to be had : I shall 
forbear to write of it ; and only refer the Reader to it, 
for the differences between his Congregation and other 
the Reformed Churches. 

The next thing I would have the Reader take notice 
of is. That however the Church of Leyden differed in 
some particulars ; yet [it] made no schism or separation 
from the Reformed Churches : but held communion with 
them occasionally. For we ever placed a large difference 
between those that grounded their practice upon the 
Word of GOD, though differing from us in the 
exposition or understanding of it ; and those that hated 
such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in 
antichristian opposition to it aud persecution of it, as 
the late Lord Bishops did. ... 

As for the Dutch, it was usual for our members that 
understood the language, and lived in, or occasionally 
came over to, London [? Leyden], to communicate with 
them : as one John Jenney, a brewer, his wife and family, 
&c., long did ; and without any offence to the Church. 

So also for any that had occasion to travel into any 
other part of the Netherlands ; they daily [that is, not 
every day ; hut usually] did the like. 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 179 

And our Pastor, Master Robinson, in the time when 
Arminianism prevailed so much, at the request of the 
most orthodox Divines as [John] Polyander, Festus 
HoMMius, &c,, disputed daily [? 1616] in the Academy 
at Leyden, against [Simon Bischop, or] Episcopius 
and others, the grand champions of that error 
\Arwjinianis7ri\ ; and had as good respect amongst 
them, as any of their own Divines. Insomuch as when 
GOD took him away from them and us by death ; the 
University and Ministers of the city accompanied him 
to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities : 
bewailing the great loss that not only that particular 
Church had, whereof he was Pastor; but some of the 
Chief of them sadly \B6beTl'y\ affirmed. That all the 
Churches of Christ sustained a loss by the death 
of that worthy Instrument of the Gospel. 

I could instance also divers of their members 
\i.e. of the Dutch Refor'med Church] that understood 
the English tongue, and betook themselves to the 
communion of our Church; [who] went with us to 
New England, as Godbert Godbertson [afterwards 
corrupted to Cuthbert Cuthbertson], &c. Yea, at this 
very instant [1646], another called MosES Symonson 
[or SiMONSON; afterwards corrupted to Simmons], 
because [he was] a child of one that was in communion 
with the Dutch Church at Leyden, is admitted into 
Church fellowship at Plymouth in New England; 
and his children also to baptism as well as our 
own. And other Dutch [are] also in communion 
at Salem, &c. 

And as for the French [Reformed] Churches, that we 
held, and do hold, communion with them, take notice 
of our practice at Leyden, viz. That one Samuel Terry 
[Ferrier, as at page 274] was received, from the 



1 80 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 

French Church there, into communion with us. Also 
[Hester Cooke] the wife of Francis Cooke, being 
a Walloon, holds communion with the Church at 
Plymouth, as she came from the French, to this day; 
by virtue of communion of Churches. 

There is also one Philip de la Noye [afterwards 
corrupted to Delano], born of French parents, came 
to us from Leyden, to New Plymouth : who, coming 
to age of discerning, demanded also communion with 
us; and, proving himself to be come of such parents 
as were in full communion with the French Churches, 
was hereupon admitted by the Church of Plymouth. 
And after, upon his removal of habitation to Duxbury, 
where Master Ralph Partridge is Pastor of the Church ; 
and upon Letters of Recommendation from the Church 
at Plymouth : he was also admitted into fellowship with 
the Church at Duxbury, being six miles distant from 
Plymouth. And so, I dare say, if his occasions lead him, 
may [be admitted] from Church to Church throughout 
New England. 

For the truth is, the Dutch and French Churches, 
either of them, being a people distinct from the 
World, and gathered into a holy communion (and 
not National Churches — nay, so far from it, as 
I verily believe, the sixth person [of the population] 
is not of the [Reformed] Church); the difference is 
so small, if moderately pondered, between them and 
us, as we dare not, for the world, deny communion 
with them. 

And for the Church of Scotland, however we have 
had least occasion offered to hold communion with 
them ; yet thus much I can and do affirm : 

That a godly Divine [David Calderwood] coming 
over to Leyden in Holland, where a book was printed, 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 1 8 1 

anno 1619, as I take it, showing the nullity of [the] Perth 
Assembly * ; whom we judged to be the author of it, and 
[who was] hidden in Holland for a season, to avoid the 
rage of those evil times : whose name I have forgotten. 
This man, being very conversant with our Pastor, Master 
Robinson; and using to come to hear him on the 
Sabbath : after Sermon ended, the Church being to 
partake in the Lord's Supper, this Minister stood up and 
desired [that] he might, without offence, stay and see 
the manner of his administration [of], and [of] our 
participation in, that Ordinance. 

To whom our Pastor answered in these very words, 
or to this effect : " Reverend Sir, You may not only 
stay to behold us ; but partake with us, if you please : 
for we acknowledge the Churches of Scotland to be the 
Churches of Christ, &c." 

The Minister also replied to this purpose, if not also 

* That Calderwood was the author of the book entitled Perth 
Assembly, 1619 ; he tells us himself, in the following passage in his The 
True History of the Church of Scotland, p. 732, Ed. 1678, fol. 

"The same day afternoon [Friday, 11/21 June 1619], after the 
King's letter was read in the Secret Council [the Privy Council of Scotlandy 
at Edinburgh] the Captain of the Guard was directed immediately to search 
James Cathkine, Richard Lawson, and Andrew Hart, Booksellers 
[at Edinburgh], their booths and houses ; for all writs [writings] books 
and pamphlets, as it pleased them to call them, set forth against 
[the] Perth Assembly [of 25th-27th August 1618]: and, in special, the 
book entituled Perth Assembly, which was spread [distributed] in the 
beginning of June [1619]. But neither the book, nor the author Master 
David Calderwood, was found. ... 

" The Author of the book, from this time forth, removed from place 
to place, as the Lord provided for him, till the 27th of August [1619, 
O.S.] ; at which time he embarked, and departed out of the country." 

How the printing, by William Brewster, of Calderwood's two 
books Perth Assemhly, and De regimine Ecclesice ScoticancE brevis Relation 
led to the suppression of the Pilgrim Press at Leyden, is fully told 
at pp., 195-247.— E. A. 



1 82 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church, 

in the[se] same words : " That, for his part, he could 
comfortably partake with the Church; and willingly 
would : but that it is possible some of his brethren of 
Scotland might take offence at his act ; which he desired 
to avoid, in regard of the opinion the English Churches 
(which they held communion withal) had of us." 
However he rendered thanks to Master Robinson ; and. 
desired, in that respect, to be only a spectator of us. . . 

In the next place, for the wholesome counsel, 
Master Robinson gave that part of the Church whereof 
he was Pastor, at their departure from him [1620], to 
begin the great work of Plantation in New England. 

Amongst other wholesome instructions and 
exhortations, he used these expressions, or to the 
same purpose : 

We were now, ere long, to part asunder; and the 
Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our 
faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it 
or not ; he charged us, before GOD and his blessed 
angels, to follow him no further than he followed 
Christ: and if GOD should reveal anything to us 
by any other Instrument of his, to be as ready to 
receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by 
his Ministry. For he was very confident the Lord 
had more truth and light yet to break forth out of 
his holy Word. 

He took occasion also miserably to bewail the state 
and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come 
to a period \jvbll si<yp\ in religion ; and would go no 
further than the Instruments of their Reformation. As, 
for example, the Lutherans : they could not be drawn 
to go beyond what LuTHER saw. For whatever part of 
GOD's will, he had further imparted and revealed to 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 183 

Calvin ; they will rather die than embrace it. " And 
so, also," saith he, " you see the Calvinists. They stick 
where he left them : a misery much to be lamented. 

*' For though they were precious shining lights in 
their Times ; yet GOD had not revealed his whole will 
to them : and were they now living," saith he, " they 
would be as ready and willing to embrace further light, 
as that they had received." 

Here also he put us in mind of our Church Covenant ; 
at least that part of it whereby " we promise and 
covenant with GOD, and one with another, to receive 
whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from 
his written Word " : but withal exhorted us to take heed 
what we received for truth ; and well to examine and 
compare, and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth 
before we received it. " For," saith he, " it is not 
possible the Christian World should come so lately out 
of such thick antichristian darkness ; and that full 
perfection of knowledge should break forth at once." 

Another thing he commended to us, was that we 
should use all means to avoid and shake off the name 
of " Brownist " ; being a mere nickname and brand to 
make religion odious, and the Professors of it, to the 
Christian World. " And to that end," said he, " I should 
be glad if some godly Minister would go over with you, 
before my coming. For," said he, " there will be no 
difference between the unconformable Ministers [the 
Puritan Anglican Clergy'] and you ; when they come 
to the practice of the Ordinances out of the Kingdom." 
And so advised us, by all means, to endeavour to close 
with the godly party of the Kingdom of England : and 
rather to study union than division, viz. : How near we 
might possibly, without sin, close with them ; than, in 
the least measure, to aifect division or separation from 



1 84 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 

them. " And be not loath to take another Pastor or 
Teacher," saith he ; " for that Flock that hath two 
Shepherds is not indangered ; but secured by it." 

Many other things there were of great and weighty 
consequence, which he commended to us. But these 
things I thought good to relate, at the request of some 
well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the 
godly — so distracted at present [1646] about the settling 
of Church Government in the Kingdom of England — 
that so both sides may truly see what this poor 
despised Church of Christ, now at New Plymouth in 
New England, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was, 
and is; [and] how far they were, and still are, from 
separation from the Churches of Christ, especially 
those that are Reformed. 

'Tis true, we profess and desire to practice a 
separation from the World and the works of the World ; 
which are works of the flesh, such as the Apostle 
speaketh of. Ephes. v. 19-21, 1 Cor. vi. 9-11, Ephes. ii. 
11, 12. And as the Churches of Christ are all Saints 
by Calling; so we desire to see the grace of GOD 
shining forth, at least seemingly (leaving secret things 
to GOD), in all we admit into Church fellow^ship with 
us : and to keep ofi" such as openly wallow in the mire 
of their sins : that neither the holy things of GOD, 
nor the communion of the Saints, may be leavened or 
polluted thereby. 

And if any (joining to us formerly either when we 
lived at Leyden in Holland, or since we came to New 
England) have, with the manifestation of their faith and 
profession of holiness, held forth therewith separation 
from the Church of England : I have, divers times, both 
in the one place and the other, heard either Master 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 185 

Robinson our Pastor, or Master Brewster our Elder, ^ 
stop them forthwith : shewing them, That we required 
no such things at their hands ; but only to hold forth 
faith in Christ Jesus, holiness in the fear of GOD, and 
submission to every ordinance and appointment of GOD : 
leaving the Church of England to themselves and to the 
Lord, before whom they should stand or fall ; and to 
whom we ought to pray to reform what was amiss 
amongst them. Now this Reformation we have lived 
to see performed and brought about \by the abolition of 
Bishops in England\ by the mighty power of GOD, this 
day in a good measure ; and I hope the Lord Jesus will 
perfect his work of Reformation till all be according 
to the good pleasure of his will. 

By all which, I desire the Reader to take notice of 
our former and present practice ; notwithstanding all 
the injurious and scandalous taunting reports [that] 
are passed on us. And if these things will not satisfy : 
but we must still suffer reproach, and others for our 
sakes, because they and we thus walk — our practice 
being, for aught we know, wholly grounded on the written 
Word, without any addition or human invention 
known to us: taking our pattern from the Primitive 
Churches, as they were regulated by the blessed 
Apostles in their own days; who were taught and 
instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the 
unerring and all-knowing Spirit of GOD to bring to 
their remembrance .the things they had heard — I say, 
if we must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding 
our charity towards them who will not be in charity 
with us, GOD's will be done ! Hypocrisy unmasked 
cfec, pp. 92-99, Ed. 1646, 4. 



1 86 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church, 

To this, we may add the testimony of the Rev. John 
Paget, Minister of the Scotch Presbyterian Church at 
Amsterdam ; who, in his written controversy, during the year 
1618, with the Rev. Henry Ainsworth, then the only Leader 
left of the Separation in that city, thus refers to the Leyden 
Church : 

Seeing Master Robinson and his people do now, as 
divers of themselves confess, receive the members of the 
Church of England into their Congregation ; and this 
without any renunciation of the Church of England; 
without any repentance " for their idolatries committed" 
in the Church of England : how can you hold them \at 
LeydcTh] to be a true Church, and communion with them 
lawful ? An Arrow against the Separation of the 
Brownists, p. 127, Ed. 1618, 4. 



One more witness, and his testimony shall suffice. John 
Bastwick, who was a fellow sufferer with Burton and 
Prynne, was a strong Presbyterian. As we have seen at 
page 171, he matriculated at Leyden University on 4/14 
January 1617. In the following passage, he sweeps away, 
as matters of no account, many things which are very precious 
to English Churchmen. Still, his testimony is very important 
for two things : 

1. The moderate requests of the first English Reformists : 
which however were stiffly denied by the Bishops, 
notwithstanding; on the principle of Grant one thing; 
you must grant all ! Reform coming from below, was 
to be resisted to the uttermost. 

2. The speech, which we have here printed in a larger 
type, of the Rev. John Robinson to him at Leyden. 

Writing in 1646, Bastwick tells us : 

It is well known that, in the time of the Prelates' power, the 
removal of a very few things would have given great content unto 
the most scrupulous consciences. 



Robinson and the Pilgrim Chu7xh, 187 

For I myself can speak thus much, not only concerning the 
conscientious Professors here in England, but the most rigid 
Separatists beyond the seas ; with many of which, I had familiar 
acquaintance at home and abroad : and amongst all that I ever 
conversed with, I never heard them, till within these twenty 
years [1627 — 1646], desire any other thing in Reformation but 
that the Ceremonies might be removed with their Innovations ; 
and that Episcopacy might be regulated, and their boundless 
power and authority taken from them ; and that the extravagances 
of the High Commission Court might be annihilated and made 
void ; and that there might, through the Kingdom, be a preaching 
Ministry everywhere set up. 

This was all that the most, that I was then acquainted with, 
desired in the Reformation of Church matters. Indeed, within 
these sixteen years [1631 — 1646], I met with some that desired a 
more full Reformation : and yet, if they might have enjoyed but 
that I now mentioned, they would have been very thankful to 
GOD and Authority, and have sat down quietly. 

But yet, I say, the extremest extent of their desires reached 
but to the removal of all the Ceremonies and Innovations ; the 
taking away of the Service Book \_BqoTc of Common Prayer] : and 
the putting down of the High Commission Court (which was 
called the Court Christian, though it was rather Pagan), and the 
removal of the Hierarchy, root and branch ; and the setting up 
and establishing of a godly Presbytery through the Kingdom. 
This was, I say, all and the uttermost Reformation that was 
required by the most scrupulous men then living, that I knew. 

Yea, I can speak thus much, in the presence of GOD, 
That Master Robinson, of Leyden, the Pastor of the 
Brownist Church there, told me, and others who are yet 
living to witness the truth of what I now say : 

" That if he might in England have enjoyed but the 
liberty of his Ministry there, with an immunity but from 
the very Ceremonies ; and that they had not forced him 
to a Subscription to them, and imposed upon him the 
observation of them : that he had never separated from 
it, and left that Church." 

This I can depose. So that all men may see, the very dispensing 



1 88 Robinson and the Pilgrim Church. 

with the Ceremonies would then have given great content to the 
most austere Professors : how much more may any man suppose, 
would they have sat down satisfied, if but the very Ceremonies 

then might have been removed. 

Surely, if the Prelates had not been infatuated ; and had they 
but, in those things, a little connived, and would have abated 
somewhat of their rigour ; for aught I know, they might have 
never been questioned : but they might have enjoyed all their 
honours and greatness, and whatsoever they could have desired ; 
and that, with the good liking of all the people. The utter routing 
of the whole Army of all the Independants and Sectaries <&c., Sig. 
F. 2, 1646, 4. 

There is a copy of this rare book in the Bodleian Library. 
Press-mark, Mason AA., 477. 




CHAPTER XXIV. 

Bradford's Life of William Brewster, the Ruling 
Elder of the Pilgrim Church. 

SHOULD say something of his life; if to 
say a little were not worse than to be silent : 
but I cannot wholly forbear, though hapily 
[haply] more may be done hereafter. 
After he had attained some learning, viz. the 
knowledge of the Latin tongue and some insight in the 
Greek ; and spent some small time at Cambridge * : and 
then, being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and 
virtue, he went to the Court ; and served that religious 
and godly Gentleman, Master [William] Davison 
divers years, [before and] when he was Secretary 
of State [1586—1587]. Who found him so discreet 
and faithful, as he trusted him above all others 
that were about him; and only imployed him in all 
matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed him 
rather as a son than a servant ; and, for his wisdom and 
godliness, in private he would converse with him, more 
like a friend and familiar than a master. 

He attended his master when he was sent in 
ambassage by the Queen into the Low Countries, in the 
[Robert Devereux] the Earl of Leicester's time, as for 

* He matriculated at Cambridge University on the 3rd December 
1580, as a Pensioner of Peterhouse College. — E. A. 

189 



190 Life of William Brewster, got. w. Bradford. 

other weighty Affairs of State, so to receive possession of 
the Cautionary Towns [of Flushing, Brielle, and 
Rammekins] : and in token and sign thereof, the keys 
of Flushing being delivered to him, in Her Majesty's 
name, he kept them some time and committed them to 
this his servant ; who kept them under his pillow, on 
which he slept, the first night. And at his return, 
the States [General] honoured him [W. Davison] with 
a gold chain : and his master committed it to him ; 
and commanded him to wear it, when they arrived in 
England, as they rid \rode\ through the country, till 
they came to the Court. 

He afterwards remained with him till his troubles 
\in April 1587], that he was put from his place about 
the death of [Mary] the Queen of Scots; and some 
good time after [till December 1588] : doing him 
many faithful offices of service in the time of his 
troubles. 

Afterwards he went and lived in the country [i.e 
with his father at Scroohy], in good esteem amongst his 
friends, and the Gentlemen of those parts ; especially the 
godly and religious. 

He did much good, in the country [district, or County] 
where he lived, in promoting and furthering Religion ; 
not only by his practice and example, and provoking 
and incouraging of others : but by procuring good 
Preachers to [the Parish Churches in] the places 
thereabouts; and drawing on of others to assist and 
help forward in such a work, he himself [being] most 
commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes above 
his ability. 

And in this state, he continued many years [? 1589 
— ? 1606], doing the best good he could; and walking 



Got. w. Bradford. Life of WilliafH Brcivster. 191 

according to the light he saw, until the Lord revealed 
further unto him. 



And, in the end, by the tyranny of the Bishops 
against godly Preachers and people, in silencing the one 
and persecuting the other; he, and many more of those 
times, began to look further into things ; and to see 
into the unlawfulness [mrongfulness] of their Callinors, 
and the burthen of many anti-christian corruptions : 
.which both he, and they, endeavoured to cast off; as they 
also did, as in the beginning of this Treatise is to be 
seen [see pp. 67-70]. 

After they were joined together into communion [in 
1606], he was a special stay and help unto them. They 
ordinarily met at his house on the Lord's Day, which 
was a Manor of the Bishop's [the Archbishop of York] ; 
and with great love he entertained them when they 
came, making pro\4sion for them, to his great charge : 
and continued to do so, whilst they could stay in England 
[1606—? October 1607]. 

And when they were to remove out of the country 
[England], he was one of the first in all adventures, and 
forwardest in any charge. He was the chief of those 
that were taken [in, ? October, or ? Kovember, 1607] at 
Boston [in Lincolnshire], and suffered the greatest loss ; 
and of the Seven that were kept longest in prison, and 
after [were] bound over to the Assizes. 

After he came into Holland, he suffered much 
hardship ; after he had spent the most of his means, 
having a great charge and many children : and, in regard 
of his former breeding and course of life, not so fit for 
many imployments as others were ; especially such as 



192 Life of William Brewster, gov, w. Bradford. 

were toilsome and laborious. But yet he ever bore his 
condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. 

Towards the latter part of those twelve years [1608 
— 1620] spent in Holland; his outward condition was 
mended, and he lived well and plentifully. For he fell 
into a way, by reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach 
many students who had a desire to learn the English 
tongue, to teach them English : and by his method they 
quickly attained it with great facility ; for he drew 
Rules to learn it by, after the Latin manner. And many 
Gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as 
they had time from other studies : some of them being 
Great Men's sons. 

He also had means to set up printing, by the help of 
some friends ; and so had imployment enough : and by 
reason of many books which would not be allowed to be 
printed in England, they might have had more than they 
could do. 

But now removing into this country \New England\ 
all those things were laid aside againe, and a new course 
of living must be framed unto ; in which he was no way 
unwilling to take his part, and to bear his burden with 
the rest. Living many times without bread or corn, 
many months together ; having many times nothing but 
fish, and often wanting that also; and drunk nothing 
but water for many years together, yea, till within five 
or six years of his death [1638 or 1639 — 1644]: and 
yet, he lived, by the blessing of GOD, in health till very 
old age. 

And besides that he would labour with his hands 
in the fields, as long as he was able; yet, when the 
Church had no other Minister, he taught twice every 



QoT. w. Bradford. Lifcof William Brewster. 193 

Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to 
the great contentment of the hearers, and their 
comfortable edification : yea, many were brought to 
GOD by his Ministry. He did more in this behalf in 
a year than many, that have their hundreds [of pounds] 
a year, do in all their lives. 

For his personal abilities, he was qualified above 
many. He was wise and discreet and well spoken, 
having a grave and deliberate utterance, of a very 
cheerful spirit ; very sociable and pleasant amongst his 
friends ; of a humble and modest mind ; of a peaceable 
disposition ; undervaluing himself and his own abilities, 
and sometime[s] overvaluing others. Inoffensive and 
innocent in his life and conversation ; which gained him 
the love of those without as well as those within : yet, 
he would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, 
both publicly and privately; but in such a manner as 
usually was well taken from him. 

He was tender hearted and compassionate of such as 
were in misery : but especially of such as had been of 
good estate and rank, and were fallen unto want or 
poverty ; either for goodness' and religion's sake, or by 
the injury and oppression of others. He would say. Of 
all men, these deserved to be pitied most. And none 
did more ofiend and displease him, than such as would 
haughtily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, 
being risen from nothing ; and having little else in them 
to commend them, but a few fine clothes and a little 
riches more than others. 

» 

In teaching, he was very moving and stirring of 
affections : also very plain and distinct in what he 
taught ; by which means he became the more profitable 

The Pilgrim Fathers. N 



194 Life of William Brewster, gov. w. Bradford. 

to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in prayer, 
both public and private, in ripping up the heart and 
conscience before GOD ; in the humble confession of 
sin; and [in] begging the mercies of GOD in Christ 
for the pardon of the same. He always thought it 
were better for Ministers to pray oftener, and to divide 
their prayers than [to] be long and tedious in the same : 
except upon solemn and special occasions, as in Days 
of Humiliation, and the like. His reason was. That the 
hearts and spirits of all, especially the weak, could 
hardly continue, and stand bent as it were, so long 
towards GOD as they ought to do in that duty, without 
flagging and falling off. 

For the Government of the Church, which was most 
proper to his Office, he was careful to preserve good 
order in the same, and to preserve purity both in the 
Doctrine and Communion of the same ; and to suppress 
any error or contention that might begin to rise up 
amongst them. And accordingly GOD gave good 
success to his indeavours herein all his days ; and he 
saw the fruit of his labours in that behalf. 

But I must break off: having only thus touched 
a few, as it were Heads of, things. Bradford MS., 
folios 489-498. 




CHAPTER XXV. 
The Pilgrim Press in Choir Alley, Leyden; and 

ITS SUPPRESSION : TOGETHER WITH THE BOOKS 

that were produced by it, between 
October 1616 and June 1619. 

E suppose that we may rightly call that printing 
organization, which two members of the Leyden 
Church carried on — Thomas Brewer, the sleeping 
Partner, finding the money, and apparently 
asking no questions ; and William Brewster, the working 
Partner, organizing and managing it — the Pilgrim Press. It 
produced nothing but Pilgrim books : for which cause, it was 
suppressed. 

The Reader will do well to refer now to the method of 
printing books in London, described at pp. 18-20 : and then 
he will note that, in the following correspondence, there is no 
hint whatever of a hand printing press. It would seem that 
Brewer bought type only ; and that Brewster arranged with 
some Dutch Master Printer, to print off the sheets, from the 
English type sent to him : and this would be quite practical, 
because the Press was by no means so stringently overseen in 
Holland as it was in London. 

The name of David Calderwood (the author of the History 
of the Kirk of Scotland, 1560 — 1625 : and, under the name of 
Edwardus Didoclavius, of The Altar of Damascus &c., 1621 ; 
enlarged, in the Latin edition, Altare Damascenum &c., 1623) 
must henceforth be for ever associated with that of the Pilgrim 
Fathers. Eor it was their production anonymously, at the 
Pilgrim Press at Leyden, of two of his Works — Perth 
Assembly , 1619 ; and De regimine Ecclesicb Scoticance hrevis 

195 



196 The hunt after William Brewster. 

Belatio, 1619, that led to the seizure of Brewer's types by 
the University of Leyden; to the imprisonment of Brewer 
by that town and University ; and to the ceaseless, but 
unsuccessful, hunt, for more than a year, after William 
Brewster by the University of Leyden, by Sir Dudley 
Carleton the English Lord Ambassador in Holland, 
and by Sir Robert Naunton the Secretary of State in 
London. 

The Ruling Elder of the Pilgrim Church was, for more 
than a year before he left Delf shaven in the Speedwell on the 
22 July/1 August 1620, a hunted man : and it speaks volumes 
for the fidelity of that Church that, through all this storm, 
they so bravely and faithfully sheltered their beloved Officer 
from the fury of the English King. 

Except for the few words of Governor Bradford at page 
192, not the slightest hint of this business is given in the 
Pilgrim literature. In reading this correspondence, we have 
always to ask this question. If they did so much to Thomas 
Brewer (who was a Gentleman of position, wealth, and 
lands), for merely supplying the money : what would they 
have done to William Brewster, who was relatively a man of 
the people, for organizing and carrying on this printing work 1 
At every step, we feel the constant dread lest fche Ruling 
Elder should be found ; and so that he should have to share 
the hard fate that ultimately overtook Brewer. If James I. 
so violently bullied James Cathkin, the Edinburgh Printer, 
as described at pp. 239-242, upon the baseless suspicion of his 
having produced Perth Assembly : what would he have done 
to the actual printer of it ? 

Let it however be said at once, that, judged by modern 
ideas, Brewster was perfectly within his right, in running 
this secret printing business ; and in producing ecclesiastical 
treatises, which now a days would be considered as perfectly 
harmless : but, judged by the ideas of his own Age, he was 
nothing else than a theological dynamitard. 

At this time, James I. was resolutely bent upon destroying 



The himt after William Brewster. 197 

the Kirk of Scotland, and in forcing Episcopacy upon that 
unwilling nation. This wicked work was carried on by his 
son Charles I., and was the proximate cause of the great 
Civil War. 

We have already seen how completely the King and the 
Bishops controlled the Press in Britain. The Pilgrims were 
therefore materially damaging their enemies, by helping the 
Scotch Kirk, through the printing, at the Pilgrim Press, of 
arguments against Episcopacy, in David Calderwood's two 
books. And it was these two books more especially, that 
were so bitterly resented by the English King. 

We now give first, the despatches preserved in the 
Public Record Office, in London; together with the most 
valuable information obtained at Leyden, by H. C. M. [the 
Hon. Henry C. Murphy, of Brooklyn, N.Y.] : and then a 
Bibliography of the books — most of them being without 
either the name of the Printer, or that of the Place of 
Printing — that may reasonably be assigned to the Pilgrim 
Press. 

It is greatly to be regretted that the various enclosures in 
Sir Dudley Carleton's despatches, are not now to be found 
in the Public Record Office. 

Mr Murphy, in the Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., p. 4, 
Boston and New York, 1860, 4, writes : 

" The name of William Brewster occurs several times 
besides on the occasions of the Marriages. 

"It is connected with the earliest entry to be found 
relating to the Pilgrims in these Records, after the application 
for denization ; and we believe, with the earliest date yet 
produced of their actual residence in Leyden. 

" It is a Minute of the death of one of his children, on the 
20th of June 1609. He then resided, it appears, in a narrow 
street or alley, called Steuchsteeg. 

" He subsequently removed to the Choorsteeg, Vicua 



198 The hunt after William Brewster'. 

Choralis ; which is an alley extending from th© Broadway, 
to the Choir of St Peter's Church. 

" These streets are obscure ; but eligibly situated." 

" Thomas Brewer is styled in the Records, Edelman^ 
an Honourable. He owned a house near Robinson's, in the 
Eloksteeg [Bell Alley] ; and it was in the garret of that house, 
that the printing materials were found and seized. 

" Two years after the death of Robinson, he sold out his 
property and effects in Leyden ; and returned to England." * 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; SATURDAY, 17/27 JULY 1619. 

I have seen [i.e. at the Hague], within these two days, 
a certain Scottish book, called Perth Assembly, written 
with much scorn and reproach of the proceedings in that 
Kingdom concerning the Affairs of the Church. It is 
without name, either of Author or Printer : but I am 
informed it is printed by a certain English Brownist of 
Leyden ; as are most of the Puritan books sent over, of 
late days, into England. 

Which being directly against an express Placaat 
[now spelt Plakkaat = Edict] of the States General, 
which was published in December last [1618] : I intend, 
when I have more particular knowledge of the Printer, 
to make, complaint thereof ; conceiving that His Majesty 
will not dislike I should so do. 

Thus I humbly take my leave. From the Hague, 
this 17th of July 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 132. 



* The reason of this will be seen at pp. 226-247. — E. A. 



The hunt after William Brewster, 199 

SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; THURSDAY, 22 JULY/1 AUGUST 1619. 

Right Honourable. By letters of 14th and 17th of 
of this present [month] by [George] Marten the Post, of 
which I sent the duplicates by [Robert Sydney] my 
Lord Lisle, the 18th ; I advertised your Honour of all 
we had here worth His Majesty's knowledge. 

. And withal, I sent your Honour a book, intituled 
Perth Assembly : of which, finding many copies dispersed 
at Leyden, and from thence some sent into England, 
I had reason to suspect it was printed in that town; 
but, upon more particular enquiry, [I] do rest somewhat 
doubtful. 

Yet, in search after that book, I believe I have 
discovered the Printer of another [edition of] De 
regimine Ecclesice Scoticanoe ; which His Majesty was 
informed to be done in Middelburg : and that is, one 
William Brewster, a Brownist, who hath been, for 
some years, an inhabitant and printer at Leyden ; but 
is now, within these three weeks [2nd — 22nd July 
1619], removed from thence, and gone back to dwell 
in London. Where he may be found out, and examined, 
not only of this book, De regiraine Ecclesioe Scoticanoe : 
but likewise of Perth Assembly; of which, if he was 
not the Printer himself, he assuredly knows both the 
Printer and the Author. 

For, as I am informed, he hath had, whilst he 
remained here, his hand in all such books as have been 
sent over into England and Scotland. As particularly, 
a book in folio, intituled [Thomas Cartwright,] A 
Confutation of the Rhemists' Translation, Glosses, and 
Annotations on the New Testament; anno 1618, was 
printed by him. 



200 The hunt after William Brewster. 

So was another, in decimo-sexto, Be vera et genuina 
Jesu Geristi Domini et Salvatoris nostri Religione ; 
of which I send your Honour herewith the Title Page. 
And if you will compare that which is underlined 
therein, with the other [the second edition of] De 
regimine Ecclesice Scoticance, of which I send your 
Honour the Title Page likewise; you will find it 
is the same character [type]. And the one being 
confessed, as that De vera et genuina Jesu Geristi 
&c., Religione, Brewster doth openly avow; the other 
cannot well be denied. 

This I thought fit, for His Majesty's service, to 
advertise your Honour. ... 

From the Hague, this 22nd of July 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 132. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL ; TUESDAY, 3/13 AUGUST 1619. 

I am told William Brewster is come again for 
Leyden ; where I doubt not but your Lordship will 
lay [wait] for him, if he come thither : as I will 
likewise do here ; where I have already committed some 
of his complices, and am commanded to make search 
for the rest. . . . 

Whitehall, 3rd of August 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 132. 



The hunt after William Brewster, 201 

SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; FRIDAY, 20/30 AUGUST 1619. 

I have made good enquiry after William Brewster 
at Leyden, and am well assured that he is not returned 
thither ; neither is [it] likely he will : having removed 
from thence both his family and goods. . . . 

From the Hague, this 20th of August 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 132. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL; MONDAY, 23 AUGUST / 2 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

My good Lord. His Majesty doth so much resent 
those Puritan pamphlets which are there [at Leyden] 
imprinted underhand [secretly] by the practices of 
Brewster and his complices in those parts, and in 
Scotland, and here — divers of whom [his accomplices], 
as we are informed, have made, very lately, an escape 
from hence ; and are slipped over hither [to Leyden] 
with him, the said Brewster — [that he] hath com- 
manded me again, over and beside what I wrote unto 
you in my former [of the 3/13 August], to require your 
Lordship, in his name, to deal roundly [energetically] 
with the States [General], as in his name, for the 
apprehension of him, the said Brewster ; as they tender 
His Majesty's friendship. 

Whitehall, 23° Augusti 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 132. 



202 The hunt after William Brewster. 

SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; SATURDAY, 28 AUGUST /7 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

Touching Brewster, I am now informed that 
he is on this side the seas ; and that he was seen 
yesterday [27 August /6 September] at Leyden : but, as 
yet, is not there settled. 

To complain of him in general terms, were to 
small effect : but when I can certainly learn where 
he is permanent[ly] ; I will then move the States 
[General] to do that which belongs to them, for His 
Majesty satisfaction. 

From the Hague, the 28th of August 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 132. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; FRIDAY, 3/13 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

I have used all diligence to enquire after Brewster ; 
and finds he keeps most at Amsterdam : but, being 
incerti laris, he is not yet to be lighted upon. 

I understand he prepares to settle himself at a village 
called Leerdorp [now spelt Leiderdorp], not far from 
Leyden ; thinking there to be able to print prohibited 
books without discovery : but I shall lay wait for 
him, both there and in other places, so, as I doubt but 
either he must leave this country ; or I shall, sooner or 
later, find him out. 

Thus I humbly take leave. From the Hague, this 
3rd of September 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



The hunt after William- Brewster, 203 

THE SCHEPENS {aLBERMEN] AND COUNCIL OF LEYDEN 

to jacob von brouckhoven, deputy 
of that city. 
Leyden ; Thursday, 9/19 September 1619. 

. To Master Jacob von Brouckhoven, Deputy 
Councillor of their High Mightinesses. 

We have to-day summoned into our presence 
Thomas Brewer, an Englishman ; and he being heard, 
we learn that his business heretofore has been printing, 
or having printing done : but in consequence of the 
publication of the Placaat {EdicV^ in relation to the 
Printing of Books, [?in December 1618],* he had 
stopped the Printing Office; which was, at that time, 
mostly his own, and that his partner was a certain 
William Brewster, who was also in town at present, 
but sick. 

We have therefore resolved, after having communi- 
cated with the Rektor Magnificus [Reinerus Bontius], 
to deliver the said Thomas Brewer, who is a member 
of the University, in the place where it is the custom to 
bring the members thereof : and in regard to William 
Brewster, to bring him, inasmuch as he is sick, into 
the Debtors' Chamber, provisionally; where he went 
voluntarily. 

Of which things we have thought proper to inform 
you, and to await further orders in the matter. 

Quoted by H. C. M. in Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., 
p. 5, Boston and New York, 1860, 4. 

* Master Thomas Brewee was evidently a strictly honourable, and 
perfectly truthful, English Gentleman. What then does he mean here, 
as to the four books printed in 1619, that are described on pp. 238, 242, 245 ? 



204 The hunt after William Brewster. 

SIB DUDLEY CABLETON TO SIR ROBEBT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE ; FRIDAY, 10/20 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

I have at length found out Brewster at Leyden, 
whom the Magistrates of that town, at my instance, 
apprehended yesternight [last night, that is 9/19 
September], though he was sick in bed ; as likewise 
one Brewer, of his profession, a Brownist, who was 
an assistant to him in his printing. 

By [Monsieur Brouckhoven,] the Deputy of that 
town, who is continually resident here at the Hague 
and is this day gone thither \to Leyden], I have 
required to have their books and their printing letters 
[tyjpe'] seized ; as likewise to have them strictly examined 
of all the books, as well Latin as English, they 
have printed, for the space of eighteen months or two 
years past. [The printing however actually began 
about October 1616.] Of which, I shall have answer this 
night, or to-morrow. 

From the Hague, this 10th of September 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



warrant of the university of leyden to seize 

brewer's types. 

leyden; SATURDAY, 11/21 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

upon the application of Loth Huyghenszoon Gael, 
Bailiff of the University, to have an Assessor and 
Schepenmaster [Chief Justice, or Alderman] to assist 
him in seizing the types of Thomas Brewer, a member 
of the said University, now in prison ; and in searching 
his library for any Works printed, or caused to be 



The hunt after William Brewster, 205 

printed, by him, within a year and a half or there- 
abouts ; and in seizing the same ; and in examining 
him as to what books he has printed, or caused to be 
printed, within a year and a half either in English or 
in other languages : the Rektor and Judges of the said 
University have appointed, and by these presents do, 
Doctor Johannes Polyander, Assessor; and Doctor 
GuiLIELMUS BONTIUS, Schepenmaster, provisionally 
only, for the seizure of the type ; and searching of the 
Library aforesaid ; and seizing the books. 

In pursuance whereof, the types found in the garret 
were seized ; the garret door nailed in two places, and 
the seal of the said Officer, impressed in green wax over 
paper, is placed upon the lock and nails ; a Catalogue 
is made of the books, and the chamber where the same 
were found is sealed with the aforesaid seal upon the 
lock and nails. 

Done, the 21st of September 1619, in my presence. 

(signed) J. Vervey. 

Criminal and Civil Record, Letter A. ; quoted by 
H. C. M. in Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., pp. 5, 6, 
Boston and New York, 1860, 4. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE ; SUNDAY, 12/22 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

In my last, I advertised your Honour, that Brewster 
was taken at Leyden : which proved an error, in that 
the Scout [in modern Dutch, Schout — Bailiff], who 
was employed by the Magistrates for his apprehension 
being a dull, drunken fellow, took one man for another. 
But [Thomas] Brewer (who set him on work 



2o6 The hunt after William Brewster. 

and, being a man of means, bare the charge of his 
printing) is fast in the University [of Ley den] s Prison : 
and his printing letters [type] (which were found in 
his house, in a garret where he had hid them), and 
his books and papers, are all seized and sealed up. 

I expect, to-morrow, to receive his voluntary Con- 
fession of such books as he hath caused to be printed 
by Brewster, for this year and a half or two years 
past [or rather y since about October 1616] : and then 
I intend to send one expressly to visit his books and 
papers; and to examine him particularly touching 
Perth Assembly, the discourse De regimine Ecclesice 
Scoticance, and other Puritan pamphlets which I have 
newly recovered. ... 

From the Hague, this 12th/22nd of September 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



THE SCHEPENS AND COUNCIL OF LEYDEN TO JACOB 

VON BROUCKHOVEN. 
LEYDEN; MONDAY 13/23 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

We have, this day, in consequence of your letter, 
summoned the Officer ; and strongly enjoined upon him, 
to do his best to arrest William Brewster ; in whose 
person he was mistaken : which he has promised to do. 
But, at the same time, said, That the said William 
Brewster had already left. 

A meeting was held to-day, at the llektor's, in regard 
to the case of William Brewer. 

Quoted by H. C. M. in Historical Magazine, Vol IV., 
p. 5, Boston and New York, 1860, 4. 



The hunt after William Brewster. 207 

WAKRANT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LETDEN TO EXAMINE 

THOMAS BREWER; AND TO REMOVE HIS TYPE 

TO THE UNIVERSITY ROOMS. 

LEYDEN; MONDAY, 13/23 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

On this 23r(i September 1619, the Honourable Rektor 
and Judges of the University in the City of Leyden, 
have, upon the application of Loth Huyghenszoon 
Gael, Bailiff of the University, appointed, and by these 
presents do appoint, Doctor Cornelius Swanenburg, 
Assessor; and Doctor Guilielmus Bontius, Schepen- 
master ; to examine Thomas Brewer, in custody of the 
said Bailiff, as to what books he has, within a year and a 
half past \i.e. since 13/23 March 1618], printed, or caused 
to be printed in Latin, English, or other langilages. 

And the said Assessor and Jan Bout Jacobszoon, 
Schepenmaster, shall cause the type of the said Brewer, 
which have been seized, to be brought, for better 
keeping, from his house, to the University Rooms. 

Which is accordingly done, the day and year 
aforesaid, in my presence. 

(signed) Jacob V. Vervey. 

Quoted by H. C. M. in Historical Magazine, Vol. 
IV., p. 6, Boston and New York, 1860, 4. 



sir ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL ; SATURDAY, 18/28 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

I am sorry that Brewster's person hath so escaped 
you : but I hope Brewer will help you to find him out. 

Whitehall, 18° Septembris 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



2o8 The hunt after William Brewster, 

SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; SATURDAY, 18/28 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

Since my last of the 12th of this present [month], 
whereby I advertised your Honour of Brewer's being 
laid fast in the University's Prison at Leyden ; I have 
sent an Advocate of this town \The Hague], who 
understands our language, with a servant of mine, 
expressly to visit his books and papers : and to present 
certain Interrogatories * to those who examine him 
whereof I send your Honour the translation ; with his 
Answers,* which are so indirect that they give no man 
satisfaction that sees them. 

And therefore I have now used [Maurice] the 
Prince of Orange's authority; who hath spoken 
himself to [Reinerus Bontius] the Rector of the 
University, not to give the prisoner any liberty until 
His Majesty's pleasure be known concerning him : 
which the Rector doth promise shall be fullfilled ; 
notwithstanding that the whole Company of Brownists 
[the Leyden Church] doth offer caution [security] for 
Brewer. And he being a University man, the scholars 
[students] are likewise stirred up by the Brownists to 
plead Privilege in that kind, when caution [security] 
is offered. 

Wherefore I am requested by the Rector, and by the 
Deputy of the town of Leyden, Monsieur Brouckhoven, 
residing here [at the Hague] in the Council of [the 
Province of] Holland, whose serious care in this business 
I cannot but commend to His Majesty, to know His 
Majesty's pleasure with the soonest: whereby to prevent 
some disorder, which may happen upon this occasion. 

* These Interrogatories and Answers are not now with the State 
Papers ; and are apparently lost. — E. A. 



The hunt after William Brewster. 209 

Meantime I intend to have him further examined, 
which Monsieur Brouckhoven will give order for on 
Monday next [20/30 September], when he goeth to 
Leyden for two or three days ; and if there be any things 
more particular in his Confession, I will send the same 
speedily to your Honour; as with these which go 
herewith, I thought it my duty to despatch this 
bearer expressly. 

Amongst tlie books touching which I have caused 
him to be examined, I have inserted some, as that 
Amesii in Grevinchovium {see page 237], which as he 
cannot deny [because William Brewster's name is in 
the iw/prinf] so he may, and doth, confess it without 
difficulty : but by that character [ type ] , he is 
condemned of the rest. And certain experienced printers, 
which have viewed the letters \type\ affirm that all 
and every one of the books with which he is charged, 
particularly those De regimine Ecclesice Scoticance and 
Perth Assembly, were printed by [mt/i] them. 

And it appears that this Brewer, and Brewster 
whom this man set on work, having kept no open 
shop, nor printed [any altered into] many books 
fit for public sale in these Provinces, their practice 
was to print prohibited books, to be vented underhand 
\sold secretly"] in His Majesty's kingdoms. 

And if, hereupon. His Majesty will be pleased that 
I move the States General to take some strict order 
therein, through all their Provinces ; either by further 
explanation of their late Placaat [Edict] concerning 
[the] Printing of Books and Libels, or [in] some other 
way : as I believe they will do it very willingly, so 
will it serve for [the] preventing of the like inconvenience 
hereafter. 

What this Brewer is, and what fantastical courses 

The Pilgrim Fathers. O 



2IO The hunt after William Brewster, 

he hath run heretofore, your Honour will see by an 
Information * which hath been given me concerning him. 
Thus I humbly take leave. From the Hague, the 
18th of September 1619. 

Postscript. Upon some just ground of suspicion 

that Master Ames hath his hand in many of these 

books, which your Honour will find specified in these 

Interrogatories ; I have desired the Curators of the 

University of Ley den not to admit him to a place of 

public Professor, to which he doth pretend [aspire] 

and hath many strong recommendations, until he hath 

given His Majesty full satisfaction : which they do 

very willingly yield unto ; and I am very well assured, 

his preferment will here stay unless His Majesty give 

way unto it. 

Thus I rest, your Honour's &c., 

Dudley Carleton. 
S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



MATTHEW SLADE TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
AMSTERDAM ; SATURDAY, 18/28 SEPTEMBER 1619. 

Right Honourable. My duty remembered unto your 
good Lordship. 

May it please the same to understand that I have 
made the best enquiry that I could, concerning William 
Brewster, among them that know him well. But 
cannot hear otherwise than that he is yet dwelling 
and resident at Leyden. 

* This Information is not now with the State Papers, and is probably 
lost.— E, A. 



The hzcnt after William Brewster. 211 

Neither is it likely that he will remove his dwelling 
hither : there being another English printer named 
William Thorp \or rather Giles Thorpe], also a 
Brownist, settled here ; and for that there is also 
variance about religion, between the Separatists \ilie 
Rev. Henry A ins worth's Church] at Amsterdam and 
them of Leyden. 

If he lurk here, for fear of apprehension; it will 
be hard to find him. But I will speak with our 
Burgomaster about that business, at his return; who 
is not yet, in two or three days, expected. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 

THE HAGUE ; 
WEDNESDAY, 22 SEPTEMBER /2 OCTOBER 1619. 

Concerning Brewer, now prisoner at Leyden, who 
was the chief subject of my last despatch ; I have, as 
yet, no more to advertise : but I shall expect, with much 
devotion, His Majesty's pleasure about him. . . . 

From the Hague, this 22nd of September 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 

HAMPTON COURT ; 
TUESDAY, 28 SEPTEMBER /8 OCTOBER 1619. 

Sir. For answer to your last of the 18th of 
September, it is His Majesty's pleasure that you present 
his princely thanks to that noble Prince ; also to . 
Monsieur Brouckhoyen, and [Reinerus Bontius] the 



212 The hunt after William Brewster. 

Rector [of the University of Leyden] : for their serious 
care, and respect shewed, in the apprehension and 
examination of Brewer. From whom, His Majesty 
hopes well that j^ou will draw more particularities in 
his after Confessions than yet he sees in those you 
have sent us over ; which meanwhile he takes in good 
part as a fair beginning and introduction to the rest. 

When you shall have discovered all you can there, 
His Majesty would have you move the States [General] 
earnestly, in his name, that he may be remanded \8ent 
over] hither. Which he promiseth himself, that they 
will not take it for an unreasonable request, since he is 
his own native subject : they having formerly remanded 
some of their own [subjects] hither, upon His Majesty's 
like motion. 

But if any fond [/oo^'isA] scruple or difficulty should 
be made herein, in respect of the scholars [stucZeTiis] 
their pleading their Privilege in that tumultuous town, 
especially in these troubled times ; or otherwise : His 
Majesty will have you, rather than you should fail in 
his design, to descend {stoo'p] thus much further, as to 
promise them. That if they shall so require, he will 
return him \T. Brewer] back again, after he shall have 
informed himself from him, of divers things merely 
concerning his own special service : His Majesty having 
no intention to touch him, either in body or goods ; or to 
punish him further than with a free Confession of his 
own misdemeanours, and those of his complices. 

And for the time to come, you are required to move 
the States [General], to take some strict order, through 
all their Provinces, for the preventing of the like abuses 
and licentiousness in publishing printing and venting 
underhand [secretly] such scandalous and libellous 
pamphlets. 



The hunt after William Brewster. 213 

For Ames his preferment, His Majesty doth utterly 
distaste it ; as if a new VORSTIUS were reviving in him : 
and would, in no sort, have any way given unto it. 

Hampton Court, this 28th of September 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



THE REFUSAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN TO 

SURRENDER THOMAS BREWER. 

LEYDEN ; MONDAY, 11/21 OCTOBER 1619. 

At an extraordinary Meeting of the Curators and 
Burgomasters, held on the 21st October 1619. 

It being represented to the Curators and Burgomasters, 
that the Ambassador of His Royal Majesty, the King of 
Great Britain requested that Thomas Brewer, English 
Gentleman, who is now confined in the Prison of the 
University, upon the complaint of the said Ambassador, 
by order of the Rektor and Assessors, might be taken 
from here to His Royal Majesty in England, it is 
resolved : 

That the said Brewer shall be still offered, as before, 
to the said Ambassador, 

for further examination in the presence of any one 
whom His Excellency may be pleased to appoint, 
or he shall go before His Excellency himself, 
or otherwise, a proper Obligation shall be demanded 
from His Excellency, to the effect that the said 
Brewer shall be restored here ao-ain within two 
months. 
Which he not consenting to; the matter must be 
referred to the High and Mighty Lords the States of 
[the Provinces of] Holland and West Friesland. 



2 1 4 The hint after William Brewster. 

Register of the University, quoted by H. C. M. in 
Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., p. 6, Boston and New 
York, 1860, 4 

It will be noticed that Sir Dudley Carleton never 
informed King Jambs of the above refusal ; of which he must 
have known. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; WEDNESDAY, 18/23 OCTOBER 1619. 

In [A.] the further Examination of Brewer, [B.] the 
remanding [sending] him into England, and [C] the 
moving [of] the States [General] to take some strict 
order against the like abuse [i.e. of secret printing] as 
that of which he is accused ; touching which three points, 
I understand His Majesty's pleasure by your Honour's 
letters of the 28th of the last [month] : 

[A.] In the first, I find it lost labour, he persisting 
in his former Answers : only he hath written me a 
long impertinent letter, * which I send your Honour 
herewith. 

[B.] In the second, because I know it will be a matter 
of much difficulty to efifect his Majesty's desire ; in 
regard of the scrupulosity of the town and University of 
Leyden in point of Privilege : both [of] which are 
interessed [interested] herein, as a mixed cause ; he 
being apprehended by the Public Escoutete [ = Schout — 
Bailif], and kept in the University Prison. 

I have therefore thought best to begin the matter 
there, by preparing the Curators and the Rector of the 
University as likewise the Magistrates [of the town], 

* This letter is not now with the State Papers, and is apparently lost. 
— E. A. 



The hunt after William Brewster. 1 1 5 

by means of their Deputy, Monsieur Brouckhoven : 
having spoken likewise with [Maurice] the Prince of 
Orange, to the same effect. 

The Curators are now at this present at Leyden, 
upon the admission of some of their new Professors ; 
and have promised me their endeavours to give His 
Majesty satisfaction. Wherein I shall know, within 
these two days, what to trust to. 

And then I may, upon better grounds, move the 
States [General] both touching that point in particular, 
and likewise concerning the last in general [C], of 
preventing the like abuse, not only in that town 
[Leyden] but in all the Provinces. Wherein I will 
neither fail of my duty in doing, nor diligence in 
advertising. 

Meanwhile I humbly take my leave. From the 
Hague, this 13th of October 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



SIB DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; FRIDAY, 22 OCTOBER/1 NOVEMBER 1619. 

Right Honourable. The business of Brewer, now 
prisoner at Leyden, whom His Majesty demands to be 
remanded [sent over] into England, requires a letter 
apart. 

Concerning which, I have been spoken with twice 
since my last to your Honour, by Sir Thomas Dutton, 
of the 13th of this present [month]. 

First, by two of the Curators of the University. 

And after, by one of the Curators, [Reinerus 
Bontius] the Rector, his two Assessors ; and a Deputy 
from the town [of Leyden] : all which came unto me in 



2 1 6 The hunt after William Brewster. 

one company ; and, after large profession of due respect 
to His Majesty and desire to give His Majesty all possible 
satisfaction, they alledged unto me these difficulties : 

First. The Privilege of the University : which any 
man that is matriculated, as this Brewer is, may plead, 
upon any accusation, for his trial upon the place; 
without having his cause or person removed elsewhere, 
contrary to his own mind. 

Secondly. The nature of their University : consisting 
chiefly of strangers ^foreigners] ; to whom if they should 
not carefully preserve their privileges in a matter of this 
consequence, they would all fly [from] their University. 

Thirdly. The condition of the time : there being 
now newly a general Reformation made; and if they 
should neglect the preservation of their privileges, they 
should expose themselves unto the scandal of such as are 
deported \han{8hedL\. 

Lastly. The example of one Cluverus [? Philip 
Cluvier or Cluverius], a German ; who, having printed 
a book against the Emperor Rodolph, and thereupon 
being required of the States [General], to be sent 
to Prague, there to be punished ; the University made an 
absolute refusal, as that which could not be granted 
without breach of their privileges. 

To all which points I answered : 

First, concerning their Privileges in general. It was 
an argument that I sought to maintain, not to infringe, 
them ; in that I addressed myself first to them, who were 
the Chief of the University : before I would move the 
States [General] to use authority this business. 

And for Brewer in particular, though he were a 
matriculate man, his printing house where he, for the 
space of these three years [This fixes the beginning of the 



The hunt after Willimn Brewster. 217 

secret "printing in October 1616], hath printed prohibited 
books and pamphlets — not for the use of the IjDiversity 
of Leyden, or [of] these Provinces; but for His Majesty's 
disservice, and the trouble of his Kingdoms — was in the 
town. 

And, in the like case, I asked them, If some busy, or 
factious, Arrainian, a subject of these Provinces, should 
matriculate himself in one of the Universities of Oxford 
or Cambridge ; and there print, and vsend over hither, 
books of that argument : of which their Ambassador 
should complain, and desire to have him remanded [sent 
over] ; how they would take it, if they should be answered 
by a Plea of Privilege ? 

Touching the Nature of the University, which 
consists of strangers ; I said, They must have, in that 
regard, the greater consideration of giving contentment 
to stranger [foreign] Princes : otherwise they would, and 
might very well, forbid their subjects from frequenting 
their University. 

Concerning the time of their present Reformation ; 
I desired them to remember to whom they might 
chiefly ascribe this Reformation : which they have often 
acknowledged unto me, to proceed from His Majesty; 
and then to consider. Whether it was fit to allege this 
Reformation against His Majesty's satisfaction. 

As for Cluverus ; I told them the case was 
different, in that he was required to receive both trial 
and punishment at Prague : but His Majesty demands 
Brewer without intention to touch him, either in body 
or goods; or to punish him further than with a free 
Confession of his own misdemeanours, and those of 
his complices; with purpose to return him back again 
(after he shall have informed himself from him, of 
such things which concern his service), if they shall so 



2i8 The hunt after William Brewster. 

require it. And for conclusion, I wished them to put 
[a] difference between the satisfaction of that Emperor, 
with whom they had little or no correspondence, and 
the King my Master ; whom this State in general, and 
that University in particular, could not but acknowledge 
their best friend. 

I found them well apprehensive of these reasons, 
and to continue, in as much as depended on them, 
for so they professed, in their desire of giving His 
Majesty satisfaction. But because their University 
acknowledgeth for Founders, the States [of the Province] 
of Holland ; whose assembly is near at hand, within a 
fortnight, or three weeks at the furthest, they desired 
me to forbear pressing this matter any further till that 
time. 

Wherein I made no difficulty : knowing it would be 
fruitless. Only I told them. That if they had readily 
consented, I made no doubt but that Brewer might be 
in England, and returned again, before the meeting of 
the States of Holland. 

The Curators asked me, when they alone were with 
me, Whether I would give them an act [deed] in writing, 
.in manner of a Safe Conduct, for Brewer's return ; in 
case they should send him into England ? 

Wherein, having no express order [i.e. from the 
King] ; 1 prayed them to weigh. Whether that were any 
way needful ; in regard, by what had passed in former 
occasions, they might be well assured, that His Majesty's 
word, given by any of his Ministers, will never be 
infringed. 

I understand they have privately appointed [John] 



The hunt after William Brewster. 219 

PoLYANDER and [Anthony] Walrus to deal with 
Brewer, of his own accord to desire to go into England 
whereby to satisfy His Majesty, and preserve their 
privileges : which I do not mislike. For if he yield 
thereunto, His Majesty hath what he requires. If he 
make difficulty, I have the more just subject to press his 
remanding ; which, at the time of the assembly of the 
States of [the Province of] Holland, I will not fail to 
do. And before [that], in regard the University belongs 
only to this Province, it will be to no purpose to move 
anything to the States General. 

Of this, I beseech your Honour to advertise His 
Majesty. So I humbly take leave. From the Hague, 
this 22nd of October 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL; SATURDAY, 23 OCTOBER /2 NOVEMBER 1619. 

His Majesty hath charged me, once more, to 
require you, as from himself, that you press, with 
all earnestness, the matter of Brewer, in all the three 
points I recommended to you, from Hampton Court, 
28^* Septembris. 

Whitehall, 23° Octobris 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 133. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE ; MONDAY, 25 OCTOBER /4 NOVEMBER 1619. 

What is done about Brewer at Leyden; your 



2 20 The hunt after William Brewster. 
Honour will see by a letter * I have, even now, received 

from POLYANDER. 

Thus I humbly take my leave. From the Hague, 
this 25th of October 1619. 

S. P. Holland, Bundle 133. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE ; WEDNESDAY, 3/13 NOVEMBER 1619. 

Right Honourable. One of the Curators, and 
[Reinerus Bontius] the Rector of the University of 
Leyden ; with John Polyander and [Daniel] Heinsius, 
came to me on Monday last, being the 1st of this present 
[month], expressly from Leyden, to let me know their 
resolution to send Brewer into England : which, for the 
preservation of the privileges of their University, they 
made appear unto me, by a Writing under Brewer's 
hand, to proceed of his own desire, as a dutiful subject 
to His Majesty ; and willing to give His Majesty all 
satisfaction. 

But, first, he requires of them, in the said Writing, to 
to be assured 

[1] It is His Majesty's own pleasure to have him sent. 

[2] Next, That he may go as a free man under 
caution [security'] of his lands and goods; not as a 
prisoner. 

[3] Then, That he may not be punished during his 
abode in England, either in body or goods. 

[4] And, That he may be sufiered to return hither, 
in a competent time. 

[5] And lastly, That his journey be without his own 
charge. 

* This Letter is not now with the State Papers. Sir Dudley states, at 
p. 231, that he had not taken a copy of it. — E. A. 



The hunt after William Brewster. 221 

These things were requested of me by the Curator, 
the Rector, and the rest, in his behalf. Wherein I made 
them this verbal promise, without being further moved 
by any of them, as I was formerly, to give them my act 
[deed] in writing : 

[1] That, for the first, It was His Majesty's express 
will and pleasure : which I might the better assure them, 
having the same, now a second time, reiterated unto me 
by your Honour's letter of the 23rd of October ; which, 
at that instant, I received. 

[2] Next, That if they would take caution [secv/rity] 
of him of his lands and goods, for his rendering 
himself to His Majesty in England ; I left it* to their 
discretions. But to send him as a free man could not 
well be, as long as he remained in reatu [in the state 
of a person arraigned]. 

[3] Then, That for his body and goods during his 
abode in England, I undertook he should not be touched : 
being so warranted by your Honour's former letter of 
the 21st of September. 

[4] And for his return, That it should be within the 
space of three months at the furthest ; and sooner, if he 
dealt ingenuously and freely in his Confessions. 

[5] Touching the charge of his journey, I made 
no difficulty to free both him and them thereof: not 
doubting but His Majesty will be pleased to allow it. 

So as there remaining this only point of difference 
between us. Whether he should go as a prisoner, or as a free 
man ? In the end we concluded of [agreed to] a middle 
way betwixt both, That he should go suh libera custodia. 

* The Bond, dated 2/12 November 1619, which Brewer gave the 
University of Leyden, to return to that city, is printed by H. C. M. in 
Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., p. 6, Boston and New York, 1860, 4. — E. A. 



222 The hunt after William Brewste7\ 

Being attended from Ley den to Rotterdam, by one 
of the Beadles, with another Officer, of the University ; 
and [to] be there delivered to some such person as I 
should appoint for his safe convoy into England : where I 
have undertaken for him, he shall not be cast into any 
common prison, nor be ill used. Though for his liberty, 
I let them know, he must not expect it but according as 
he shall merit it by the satisfaction he shall give His 
Majesty. 

Wherein if he fail of what he now seems willing to 
perform, the fear of being returned back thither again 
to the place \ilie Prison of the University of Leyden] 
where he hath lain ever since his first apprehension ; and 
where he may lie long enough, unless he be delivered 
by His Majesty's grace and favour, will be a sufficient 
torture. 

But, on the other side, if he carry himself well and 
dutifully, I beseech your Honour to be a means to His 
Majesty, that he may be well treated and sent back 
with contentment : the rather, because he hath taken 
his resolution of presenting himself unto His Majesty, 
against the minds of some stiff-necked men [? of the 
Pilgrim Church] in Leyden; who endeavoured to 
dissuade him. And it will give all inferior persons 
encouragement by his example, according to the like 
occasions, willingly to submit themselves : he being a 
Gentleman of a good house, both of land and living; 
which none of his profession [Brownists] in these parts 
are — though through the reveries [dreams] of his 
religion (he being, as I advertised your Honour, a 
professed Brownist), he hath mortgaged and consumed 
a great part of his estate. 

This noble Gentleman, Sir William Zouche, being 



The hunt after William Brewster. 223 

to go into England upon his own affairs, hath, upon my 
intreaty, willingly undertaken the charge of conducting 
Brewer to your Honour. For which purpose, he hath 
stayed his journey until this time, when I am promised 
Brewer shall meet him at Rotterdam : and he being a 
Gentleman of His Majesty's Privy Chamber as well as 
a servant to this State [of Holland] ; His Majesty may 
be pleased to take notice of his readiness to do His 
Majesty service. 

Thus I humbly take leave. From the Hague, the 
3rd of November 1619. 

[P.^.] At the assembly of the States of [the 
Province of] Holland, which is to begin the 8/18 of 
this present [month] ; I will not fail to move the States 
to take some strict public order against these abuses 
of private printing, for His Majesty's service : as well 
[as 7nuc/i] as they have, not long since, carefully done 
for their own. 

This despatch is endorsed 

By Sir William Zouche, who carries Brewer the 
Printer into England, to His Majesty. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; WEDNESDAY, 10/20 NOVEMBER 1619. 

I will hope that Brewer, whom Sir William Zouche 
took charge to conduct to your Honour, the 3rd [day] of 
this present [month], will be with you, about this time ; 
if the winds have not hindered their passage. 

"For that night, I understand he was delivered unto 



224 T"^^ hunt after William Brewster. 

Sir William Zouche, by the Beadle of the University 
of Leyden, at Rotterdam; and the next day, they set 
forward together by way of Zealand. 

The Hague, the 10th of November 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Wrongly placed in Bundle 133, 
under 10 October 1619. 



SIR WILLIAM ZOUCHE TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
ROTTERDAM ; SATURDAY, 13/23 NOVEMBER 1619. 

Right Honourable. I did purpose to have adver- 
tised your Lordship of our proceedings. 

I was, last night, almost out of hope of having my 
expected company : but, about ten of the clock, Master 
^Brewer arrived, conveyed hither by the Beadle of the 
University [of Leyden], Master [John] Robinson and 
Master Kebel [John Keble] accompanied *7et i wiu 
by two other of his friends; their names I t^em" b/ the 
think are not worth the asking.* way. [d o.] 

We go forward about two or three of the clock; and 
if we find not a boat of Terveer {the present Veere on 
the island of Walcheren] ready to go away, we intend 
to lie at Dort this night. 

The Gentleman seems very ready and willing to go 
with me ; and hath good hope of his despatch and 
happy issue, if he be not referred to the judgement of 
the Bishops ; concerning which, he says, he made caution 
[a proviso] before his departure : and if you have 
not written so much already, he desires you will do so 
much, when you write next to Master Secretary [Sir 
Robert Naunton.] 



The hunt after William Brewster, 225 

He excuses his long stay [at Leyden], by reason 
of the sudden warning to provide him[self for the 
journey] . 

He demanded of me, If I had order to defray 
him ? 

I have told him, " Yes." 

He says, He is contented : but says, It was not his 
desire ; nor mentioned by him. 

I assure your Lordship, I will make no delay ; but 
take the speediest opportunities to be rid of this 
employment. 

My best service humbly remembered to your Honour 
and my honourable Lady. 

I take my leave and rest. 

Ready to observe and serve you, 

W. ZOUCHE. 

Rotterdam, 
the 13th of November 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL; SATURDAY, 20/30 NOVEMBER 1619. 

For Brewer, His Majesty will be well content with 
the course offered in Polyander's letter to your 
Lordship. 

For his assurance : no good subject can refuse His 
Majesty's gracious promise, signified by my former 
letter to your Lordship. 

Whitehall, 20^ Novembris 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. P 



2 26 The hunt after William Brewster. 

SIR WILLIAM ZOUCHE TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
flushing; FRIDAY, 26 NOVEMBER /6 DECEMBER 1619. 

Right Honourable. I have here waited a wind, 
these ten days [17/26 November]; but can get none 
good: nor fair weather. No day hath passed without 
a storm : and some of them so rude as the streets, in 
some places, have run with salt water that hath scaled 
the walls ; and in other [places], it hath made pools 
and lakes, and kept the people within their own 
doors. 

A ship, with a mast lost, brought news of a Tilt-Boat 
drowned; wherein were above thirty. Of them, about 
seven saved. 

George Martin [the Post] is this day arrived ; 
having been nine days between Rotterdam and here. 

I have had scarce any opportunity to go over into 
Flanders ; and Master Brewer [is] very unwilling to go 
that way in so bad weather. 

He hath many friends in Middelburg; and those 
exceeding[ly] earnest in his Cause : as the Treasurer 
General; his brother [the] Chief of the Reckon[ing] 
Chamber; and his other brother [Willem], a 
Minister. Their name is Teelinck. And one, Master 
VosBERGHE, Chief Reckon-Master \Accountant\ ; who 
was on tlie way towards Holland, to speak to His 
Excellency [Maurice, Prince of Orange], in Master 
Brewer's behalf : and to have advised him, to have 
challenged the privileges of the University and of the 
town [of Leyden] ; by which he should have had his 
trial there. 

They told me many stories of it ; and how an Earl of 

Holland had been denied to have a prisoner out of 
the town. 



The hunt after William Brewster, 227 

I was, on Monday was sevennight [15/25 November], 
invited to dinner by them [ ? a^ Middelburg] ; wherein 
they did expostulate the business. 

As, how great a power our King hath here, as to 
have a prisoner, after he had been kept in prison longer 
[than] the law of the land doth allow, to be sent to him, 
almost with breach of their privileges : and that he shall 
have ever the same power, if he perform the conditions 
made by your Lordship his Ambassador ; who will not 
abuse them, but have authority from His Majesty for all 
you do. 

But if the conditions are broken, they will be more 
wary to satisfy his demand again in the same kind ; or 
to trust your Lordship. 

And if there be any occasion, they [the University of 
Ley den] will write, and send in his behalf: and have 
persuaded me so to signify so much to His Majesty. 

I have promised to tell so much to Master Secretary 
[Sir Robert Naunton] ; and to the King, if it please him 
to question with me concerning him : otherwise I durst 
not, of myself, presume to speak with him about it. 

I was much importuned, as if I had been a Great 
Man, and have had many promises of their loves and 
friendship, if I can shew him any ; and they, being my 
Lords and Paymasters, may do it, if it please them. 

My Lord, I pray you pardon my brevity ; for I write 
in haste ; and, it may be, I forget somewhat of this 
case. 

The names of the other two that came with Master 
Brewer to Rotterdam, are Jenkins and Lile [ William 
Lysle], 

My duty and service remembered to your Lordship 
and my good Lady. 



2 28 The hunt after William Brewster. 

I commit your Lordship to GOD's protection ! 

Your Lordship's 
as I ought, in all love, to serve you, 

W. ZOUCHE. 
Flushing, 
the 26th of November 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE ; SUNDAY, 28 NOVEMBER /8 DECEMBER 1619. 

The States [GeneralJ's Fleet against the Pirates 
could not possibly put to sea until this day, which is the 
first easterly wind we have had for these six weeks 
past [i.6. since Villi Ocloher]. 

I hope it will carry over Sir William Zouche and 
Master Brewer to your Honour; who have lain long 
together at Flushing : and his fellow Brownists at 
Ley den are somewhat scandalized, because they hear 
Sir William hath taugljt him to drink healths. 

The Hague, the 28th of November 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON, 
WHITEHALL; FRIDAY, 3/13 DECEMBER 1619. 

My Lord Ambassador. Sir William Zouche is at 
length arrived with his Charge; wherewith I have 
acquainted His Majesty, the best I can in both their 
favour : and do now daily expect his own directions for 
my proceeding in that business. 

Whitehall, the 3rd of December 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134. 



The hunt after William Brewster. 229 

It is delightful to find that James I., after all this mighty 
preparation, came to feel that he was in a corner. Brewer's 
voluntary surrender, under the protection of the University 
of Leyden, had outwitted him. So he here turns round, and 
rebukes his Lord Ambassador. But Sir Dudley Carleton 
knew him well ; and had been sufficiently guarded, as his 
reply shows. 

SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL; THURSDAY, 16/26 DECEMBER 1619. 

Brewer's manner of coming hath a little troubled His 
Majesty, who saith, You should not have intermingled 
those instructions which he gave for the carriage of 
this business with the States [General], with any other 
fashion of proceeding with himself \T. Brewjsr], or with 
any other inferior Officers apart, as you have done. 

For the charge of his journey, His Majesty hath no 
purpose to take it upon him longer than whiles he is 
within his dominions. 

As for his coming hither, if it have proceeded from 
his own free motion only. His Majesty oweth it to him ; 
and not to the States [General] : and so he would have 
you understand it, and tell them. 

But if the States [General] had sent him, by their 
own authority, whether he had been willing to have 
come or not; His Majesty would have acknowledged 
the thanks to them for it. And His Majesty had no 
meaning to engage himself, nor purposes to do, further 
to the States [General] touching him, than that they 
should perceive he would not be cruel : and [that] his 
desire of his coming over, was to no other end but 
that he might know the truth. 

All which. His Majesty's pleasure is, and I am 
commanded to instruct you, that you should take heed 



230 The hunt after William Brewster. 

of being too forward hereafter in confounding matters so 
different, and so punctually [exactly] to be distinguished, 
as are the overtures of treating with a free State, and 
the accepting of capitulations [stipulations] from a 
subject delinquent [failing in his duty]. 

He [T. Brewer] remaineth with one of the 
Messengers of the Chamber ; and is to be examined 
by Sir John Benet and Sir Henry Martin. 

You shall do well to cause his books and his letters, 
and alphabets [types] to be kept in safe custody at 
Leyden : as you advertised that they were. 

Whitehall, 16*> Decembris 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 134. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; SATURDAY, 1/11 JANUARY 1619/1620. 

Right Honourable. In answer of your Honour's 
letter of the 16th of this last month and year; which 
yesterday I received, by this bearer, William Dirston : 

First, concerning the manner of sending Brewer into 
England; I must humbly crave pardon for anything 
[that] was done therein different from His Majesty's 
pleasure : which is, and shall always be, a strict rule 
of my proceedings. 

And though it be true that by public proposition in 
the assembly of the States General I did not press his 
remanding into England; knowing — as well by the 
speech I had with [Maurice] the Prince of Orange 
and some of the States : as likewise by the observation 
I make of their present carriage of affairs, which is full 



The ktmt after William Brewster. 231 

of stiffness ; out of jealousy [/ear] they should be less 
curious and careful of [the] preservation of their 
privileges than those who were lately in Government 
— what rubs \hindTance&\ it would have met with. 
And I hold it no service to His Majesty to entangle 
his affairs with difficulties ; when the end may be 
attained unto, by a more facile and feasible way. 

Yet I did not so much forget myself, or my duty, 
as to capitulate SjYhoke conditions] with him; being, 
as your Honour saith, "a subject delinquent:" not 
having, at any time since his remanding came in 
question, so much as sent unto him; and, at his 
going, I refused to speak with him. So as all which 
passed was betwixt the Magistrates and chief Officers 
of the town and [of the] University of Leyden and 
himself. With which, it is true, they acquainted me; 
and I left it to them to proceed after their manner, so 
as His Majesty might be satisfied in the matter : which 
was to have him sent over, whereby to know the truth 
of what belonged to his printing. 

And this I conceived would not have been 
disagreeable to His Majesty; having understood by 
your Honour's letter of the 20th of November, that 
His Majesty liked well of the course set down in 
Polyander's letter, which 1 sent your Honour : and 
that was no other than this which is since taken, as 
far as I can call to remembrance ; not having retained 
a copy of Polyander's letter. 

All I undertook for, was his good treatment in 
England, and yet that as a prisoner, not as a free 
man ; and his safe return hither : for which I had 
His Majesty's order. 

About the time of his going over [? 1/11 December] ; 
a resolution was taken, at my motion, by the States 



232 ' The hunt after William Brewster. 

General, upon the first occasion to reprint and publish 
anew their Placaat \Edici\ against private printings; 
with addition of a clause, which might comprehend 
more expressly than yet the Placaat doth, the chief 
friends and allies of this State. 

Which [reprint] hitherto is not effected : but I most 
humbly refer it to His Majesty, Whether, at such a time 
as it is his pleasure to send Brewer back, I shall not 
call upon them for it? with declaration of the occasion 
which moves His Majesty thereunto. 

Meantime, I fail not to send to Leyden, to cause 
his books, letters, and alphabets [^ypes] to be safely 
kept; according as your Honour requires. 

The Hague, this 1st of January 1619, stylo vetero. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 135. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; THURSDAY, 13/23 JANUARY 1619/1620. 

The States General have finally published a Placaat 
[Edicf] against licentious printing of libels and pamphlets, 
either in strange languages or their own, which doth 
concern strangers [^foreigners] in amity with this State, 
as well as themselves. 

And though other Princes will receive benefit hereby : 
yet is it done only in His Majesty's contemplation 
[behalf] ; and at my pursuit, [I] having carried the same 
through divers Colleges ; as the States General ; the 
States of [the Province of] Holland ; and the High 
Councils, who do not usually give way to a restraint of 
any thing which may touch upon liberty. 

And there is not a greater argument than this, of a 



The hunt after William Brewster. 233 

better temper in this State than formerly. Wherefore 
His Majesty may be pleased to take particular knowledge 
thereof to their Ambassadors [in England], to encourage 
them in well doing. 

The Hague, the 13th of January 1620. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 135. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL; FRIDAY, 14/24 JANUARY 1619/1620. 

My Lord Ambassador. I have cleared His Majesty's 

construction the best I can, touching Brewer ; who 

did all that a silly creature could, to increase his 

unsatisf action : viz., standing upon Terms of Covenant 

publicly passed by your Lordship, and I know not 

what; as he saith, Heinsius, Polyander, and I know 

not who, assevered {asseveraiedil it unto him. But I 

have beaten him from his asse [a punning allusion to 

Baalambs ass\ ; and drawn something from him that 

hath in part contented His Majesty : who bade me 

tell you, that he gives no credit to this fool's confident 

and improbable assertions ; and that he will be very 

good friends with you, if you can procure Brewster 

to be taken, wherein he makes no doubt of your careful 
endeavour. 

Whitehall, 14° Januarii 1619. 

I thought fit to let you know by this Postscript, that 
I have discharged Brewer : who hath hitherto been 
defrayed by His Majesty; but offered to return upon 
his own charge. 



2 34 The hunt after William Brewster. 

I doubt [suspect] he will advise Brewster to 
conceal himself; and therefore have thus forewarned 
your Lordship. 

He [T. Brewer] will be known of no privity, 
or so much as conjecture that he can make, how their 
pamphlets have been vented [sold]: which I presume 
will be better learned from him there [a^ Leyden], upon 
the place, before he shall be discharged ; by perusing 
his papers, and other examinations. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 135. 



SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 
THE HAGUE; FRIDAY, 14/24 JANUARY 1619/1620. 

The enclosed from Polyander will shew your 
Honour that Brewer's letters [type] and papers are 
in safe custody. 

That which he enlargeth further concerns Master 
[William] Ames : who, seeking for a Professor's place 
[in the University of Leyden] (if not in Divinity, yet 
in Logic, or some of the sciences), finds friends amongst 
the Curators; particularly Pauw of Amsterdam, whose 
sons he hath under his tutelage. 

Upon knowledge whereof, I recommended to 
Polyander the care, as I have done formerly to all 
the Curators, that His Majesty should not be affronted 
with that man's preferment, before he had given full 
satisfaction to His Majesty in those things wherein he 
hath offended His Majesty. 

From the Hague, this 14th of January 1619. 



The hunt after William Brewster, 235 
Enclosure. 

JOHN POLYANDER TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
LEYDEN ; WEDNESDAY, 12/22 JANUARY 1619/1620. 

Monseigneur. Les charact^res \iy'pe'\ de Thomas 
Brewer sont bien gardes en la chambre de Messieurs les 
Curateurs ; et ses livres et papiers en sa propre maison. 

Touchant I'autre duquel votre Excellence me parla 
denierement a la Haye ; j'ai advert! mes amis de se 
donner garde d'ofFenser la Majesty de la Grande 
Bretagne, a laquelle nous sommes tant obliges, par 
line compassion imprudente. J'espere qu'ils en feront 
leur profit au contentement de votre Excellence. 

Au demeurant, si en quelque autre affaire je puis 
faire par de 9a quelque service a votre Excellence ; je 
vous prie de fair ^tat de moi, comme de votre 

humble et fidele serviteur, 

Jehan Polyander. 
De Leyde, 
le 22de Janvier 1620. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 135. 



SIR ROBERT NAUNTON TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
WHITEHALL; THURSDAY, 20/30 JANUARY 1619/1620. 

Master Brewer being now dismissed, as I wrote in 
my last ; His Majesty would have you take occasion, 
upon his coming back thither, to renew your former 
motion for publishing anew their Placaat [^Edicf] in 
more particular terms against printing of anything that 
may touch, or give distaste or prejudice to, their friends 
and allies. 

Whitehall, 20° Januarii 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 135. 



236 The hunt after William Brewster. 

SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR ROBERT NAUNTON. 

THE HAGUE ; , 
SATURDAY, 29 JANUARY /8 FEBRUARY 1619/1620. 

Right Honourable. Your Honour's letter of the 14th 
of this present [month], came to my hands, by way of 
Antwerp, the 23rd. 

Since which time, I have acquainted the Curators 
of the University of Leyden, with the good treatment 
which hath been given unto Brewer, far beyond his 
deserving; and with his delivery. 

For which they render His Majesty their humble 
thanks. And, at his return hither — unless he undertake 
to them to do his uttermost in finding out of Brewster — 
wherein I will not fail likewise, of all other endeavours, 
he is not like[ly] to be at liberty. 

The suspicion whereof, I believe, keeps him from 
hence ; for, as yet, he appears not in these parts. 

From the Hague, this 29th of January 1619. 

S. P. Holland. Bundle 135. 



the university of leyden decide still to keep 

THOMAS brewer's TYPE. 
LEYDEN ; SATURDAY, 29 APRIL /9 MAY 1620. 

At a Meeting held the 9th of May 1620. 
A certain Memorial of the Ambassador Carleton is 
read, to the effect. That the types and papers of 
Brewer might remain in keeping here. 
It is resolved to keep the said types as hitherto.* 

Quoted by H. CM. in Historical Magazine, Vol. IV., 
p. 6., Boston and New York, 1860, 4. 

* This Resolution clearly proves that Brewer had not returned to 
Leyden up to the date of passing it. — E. A. 



Works printed at the Pilgrim Press, 237 

In dealing with the publications of the Pilgrim Press, we 
must proceed from the certain to the probable. 

That William Brewster printed the following two books 
is absolutely certain : for their imprints contain his name 
and address. 

1. Thomas Cartwright. Commentarii succinti et dilucidi in 
Proverbia Salomonis. Quibus adhibita est Prsefatio. . . . Johannis 
PoLYANDRi, Sanctse Theologise Professoris, Leidensis. 

Lugduni Batavorum. Apud Guilielmum Brewsterum. In 
vice Chorali. 1617. 4. 

Professor Polyander's Preface is dated 31 December 
/lO January 1616/1617. It would be only reasonable to 
allow two months for the production of a considerable Work 
like this. That would take us back to October 1616; about 
which time Sir Dudley Carleton tells us, at page 216, the 
printing began. Therefore this was probably the first book 
that William Brewster sent to press. 

King James could, of course, see nothing objectionable 
in a Work of this kind. We have seen that Professor 
Polyander was active in suppressing the Pilgrim Press 
in 1619 ; and perhaps all the more so, from his having 
contributed a Preface to this non-controversial book 
printed at it. 



The next book that probably issued from the Pilgrim 
Press was probably the following Work, written by Doctor 
William Ames against Nikolaas Grevinchovius. 

2. Guilielmi Amesii ad Responsiwn Nicolai Grevinchovii, 
Rescrvptio contracta. 

Prostant Lugduni Batavorum. Apud Guilielmum Brewsterum. 
In vico Chorali. 1617. 16. 



After the production of these two books, Brewster 
omitted his name and the place of printing from the 
imprints of all the books produced by him. 



2 7,8 Works printed at the Pilgrim Press. 

Next to the above two works, as to perfect certainty of 
issue from the Pilgrim Press, is the following book : which 
Sir Dudley Caeleton stated on 22 July /I August 1619, 
see page 200, that " Brewster doth openly avow." 

3. De vera et genuina Jesu Christi Domini et Salvatoris 
nostri Religione. 

Authore Ministr. Angl. 
Impressis Anno Domini 1618. 16. 

Of this Work, the only two copies at present known are in the 
Bodleian Library, Oxford. Press-marks. 8° A. 13. Th. BS.; and 
8' C. 687. Line. 



Sir Dudley Carleton, at page 199, states that Brewster 
also printed the following bulky Work. 

4. Thomas Cartwrioht. A Confutation of the Rhemists' 
Translation, Glosses, and Annotations on the New Testament 

Printed in the year 1618, fol. 

And this accords with unbroken tradition. 



Here then we have four Works, printed in 1617 — 
1618, of a non-contentious character as regards the British 
Government; the production of which by Brewster, was 
either avowed by him, or is otherwise equally certain. 

Starting with these, Sir Dudley Carleton tells us, at 
page 209, that certain experienced Dutch printers affirmed 
that the following two books were printed from the same 
type. It is very likely that they knew the type well; and 
that Brewer originally bought it from some Dutch printer 
or type-founder. It would be well if this opinion could be 
tested by some typographical expert in the present day. 
5. [David Calderwood.] Perth Assembly. 1619. 4. 



De regimine Ecclesiae Scoticanae brevis Relatio. 1619. 8. 
Apparently two editions of this small book were printed in 



Works printed at the Pilgrim Press. 239 

Holland ; the second one, in point of time, by William Brewster 
at Leyden. We have only met with one of these editions. It has 
no name of Author. But when Calderwood reprinted it in 1623, 
at the end of his Altare Damascenum, he gave it the name of an 
imaginary Author, Hierontmus Philadelphus. So the correct 
full title is 

6. HiERONYMUs Philadelphus [i.e. David Calderwood]. De 
regimine Ecclesiae Scoticanse brevis Relatio. 1619. 8. 



Before we pass from these two books, the production of 
which more especially led to the suppression of the Pilgrim 
Press ; we may dwell for a moment upon the Perth Assembly 
of 1619. 

The General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland were the 
regular pitched battles between the British King and the 
Scotch nation. In the General Assembly that sat at Perth 
on 25th — 27th August 1618 ; James I. was particularly 
aggressive and violent in his attempts to force Episcopacy 
upon an unwilling people. 

David Calderwood then wrote his book called Perth 
Assembly ; which was sent over to Leyden to be printed at 
the Pilgrim Press. 

From the following, slightly abridged, passage from the 
Rev. Thomas Thomson's Life of David Calderwood^ in Vol. 
VIII. of the Woodrow Society's Ed. of his History (&c., it 
would appear that copies of this invective were in Scotland 
in April 1619; though they were not put into circulation 
till the June following, as Calderwood tells us himself, see 
page 181. 

Sir Dudley Carleton first met with a copy, at the Hague 
on 15/25 July of that year ; see page 198. 

While these violent proceedings of the Perth Assembly were 
in progress, Calderwood was still lurking in Scotland ; and 
shifting from place to place, according to the emergency. His 
chief concealment was in Cranstoun [near Edinburgh] ; where a 
secret chamber had been prepared for him, by the kindness of 



240 Works printed at the Pilgrim Press. 

Lady Cranstoun; and in which he could lurk unsuspected, 
notwithstanding the strict search by which he was surrounded. 

It may be easily imagined that the uni'ighteous measures of 
the Prelatic faction were ^'iewed by him, from the loopholes of 
his retreat, with mingled indignation and sorrow. But he did 
not confine himself merely to silent feeling ; and, although an 
utterance of any kind was sure to complicate his dangers, he 
wrote the well known tract entitled Perth Assembly: in which 
he demonstrated the utter nullity of that Meeting and all its 
proceedings. 

It was no easy matter to embody such a work in types, and 
bring it before the eyes of the Scottish public. And, therefore, it 
had to be printed in Holland ; so anonymously withal, that it bore 
the name neither of Author, Printer, nor Place of Publication : 
and the copies were smuggled over into Scotland, in April 1619, 
with great risk and difficulty — in short, the pamphlets were packed 
up in vats ; as if they had been a mercantile consignment of French 
wines or strong waters [hrand^l. 

Even then, they had to encounter all the hazards that commonly 
belong to contraband wares. 

When they were landed at Burntisland, the Minister of the 
parish, being a Prelatist, would fain have searched these suspicious 
looking commodities : but was only prevented by the accredited 
functionary of such inquests — the Collector of the Customs. 

From Burntisland, these vats were brought to Leith : and 
while they lay upon the landing place, among other packages 
containing French articles of traffic, the sharp-eyed [John 
Spottiswood] Archbishop of St Andrews passed by, and looked 
at them ; but happily without suspicion. 

But the matter and style of Perth Assemble/ betrayed its 
authorship: so that the King and Bishops, in deep resentment, 
not only denounced the Work as an atrocious and seditious Libel; 
but prosecuted the search after Calderwood more keenly than 
ever. 

On this account, the house of James Cathkin (a distinguished 
bookseller in Edinburgh ; and a well known adherent of the 
Historian) was particularly suspected, and carefully rummaged : 
but although there were five or six copies of the pamphlet lying 
upon the very bed which Calderwood, at that time, had been in 
the practice of using ; the searchers did not perceive them. 



Works printed at the Pilgrim Press. 241 

At length, in August 1619, he embarked at Newhaven [, on the 
Firth of Forth], for Holland ; and reached that country in safety. 

The generous-hearted ladies of the Scottish metropolis took 
care that the uncompromising Champion of the Church they loved 
so "well, should not depart into exile in a state of utter destitution. 
This was sneeringly alluded to by his enemy, Spottiswood . . . 
and he talked of " that knave who is now loupen over sea, with his 
purse well filled by the wives of Edinburgh." 

Cathkin was groundlessly suspected of having printed the tract 
of the Perth Assembly : and, in consequence of this suspicion, he 
was apprehended, in June 1619, at London ; whither he had 
repaired in the course of his mercantile transactions. 

He was examined by no less a Personage than the august 
Sovereign himself. 

" Where were ye born ? " demanded the King. 

" In the city of Edinburgh," replied the bibliopole. 

" What religion are ye of ?" rejoined the King. 

"Of the religion your Majesty professes," said the bookseller. 

" The devil take you away, both body and soul ! for you are 
none of my religion. You are a recusant. You go not to 
Church.' 

The royal polemic, having now waxed warm, proceeded to 
argue in favour of Holy Days ; but finding that the Presbyterian 
bookseller would not be persuaded, he broke ofi" with, "Ye are 
worse than Turks and Jews ! " Then, turning to the Courtiers who 
were standing by, he exclaimed, in a towering passion, " I can never 
get order of these people of Edinburgh ! I forgave them the 
seventeenth day. The devil rive their souls and bodies all in 
coUops, and cast them into hell ! " 

After this unkingly outburst, James proceeded to question the 
bookseller about the publishing of Perth Assembly ; but in this, the 
latter denied all participation. 

He was then asked, Whether Calderwood had resorted to 
his house, while lurking about Edinburgh ? 

And the honest bookseller, being pressed with this question, 
was obliged to confess, That Calderwood had occasionally slept at 
his house ; and that he had spokne with him, within these fifteen 
days. 

" We have found the taed ! " cried the King exultingly. " Let 
The Pilgrim Fathers. q 



242 Works printed at the Pilgrim Press. 

us hold us here, forsooth ! Master David Calderwood is a good 
brother, and a good lear father ! " 

Cathkin was then charged with having declared the Assembly 
of Perth to be unlawful \this word, used in 1849, = illegal] : and, 
in allusion to the refusal of the Presbyterians to receive the 
Communion kneeling, the King said of the bookseller, still on 
his knees, " See, thir people will kneel to me ; and will not kneel 
to GOD ! " James theii endeavoured alternately to puzzle and 
browbeat his victim into conformity with the [Five] Articles : 
but Oathkin's Presbyterianism was of too sturdy a character to 
be thus overcome. 

He was remanded to prison for further examination : and 
it was shortly after this singular interview, that his house in 
Edinburgh was searched ; as has been already mentioned. 

After a confinement of three weeks, he was set at liberty : as 
he made it evident that he had taken no part in the printing, or 
sale, of Perth Assembly. 

We have identified a Volume in Doctor Williams's Library 
in Gordon square, London, Press-mark, 12-30-32, containing 
the Jive following texts in octavo. 

7. An Answer to the Ten Counter Demands propounded by T. 
Drakes [, or Thomas Drax], Preacher of the Word at H[arwich] 
and D[overcourt], in the county of Essex. 

By William Euring. 
Printed in the year 1619. 8. 
The only copy at present known. The Ten Counter Demands is 
apparently totally lost : and its existence is only known from this 
reply. 

8. The People's Plea for the Exercise of Prophecy. Against 
Master John Yates [Preacher in Norwich] his Monopoly, 

By John Eobinson. 
Printed in the year 1618. 8. 
It is not clear that Yates's book was actually printed. If it 
was, it is now apparently quite lost. 

9. Certain Keasons of a Private Christian against Conformity to 
Kneeling in the very act of receiving the Lord's Supper. 

By Thomas Dighton Gent[leman]. 
Anno 1618. 8. 



Works printed at the Pilgrhn Press. 243 

There is anotlier copy of this Work in the Bodleian Library, 
Oxford. Pre3s-mark 8. D. 57. - Th. 



10. The Second Part of a plain Discourse of an unlettered 
Christian ... in refusing Conformity to Kneeling in the act of 
receiving the Lord's Supper. 

By Thomas Dighton Gent[leman]. 
Printed in the year 1619. 8. 
? The only copy at present known. 



11. A true, modest, and just Defence of The Petition for Refor- 
mation exhibited [in 1603] to the King's most excellent Majesty. 

Containing an An&iuer to the Confutation published [in 1603] 
under the names of some of the University of Oxford [ ; and 
reprinted in 1608 and 1612]. 

Imprinted 1618. 8. 



Any one seeing this volume in Doctor Williams's Library, 
would at once say, That all these five rare texts came from 
the same Press ; but that there was nothing to show where 
that Press was. 

If however we look at their literary character and general 
drift, we cannot but believe that they issued from the Pilgrim 
Press at Leyden : for if one was printed there, the rest were. 

If any one doubts this ; he must indicate where else, in 
the years 1618 and^l619, it would have been possible to have 
printed such English books as these. Who, for instance, 
would have dared to have printed William Euring's book 
but the Pilgrims themselves ? 



*e>^ 



We now come to editions which are more uncertain ; but 
which still may be reasonably assigned to the Pilgrim Press 
at Leyden : mainly because, for books of such a character, 
and of those dates, no other place of origin can be suggested. 
Typographical experts could however settle the question. 

They are all reprints of " Holy Discipline," or of Brownist, 
tracts. 



244 Works priiUed at the Pilgi'im Press. 

[12. (Walter Travkrs.) A full and plain Declaration of 
Ecclesiastical Discipline out of the "Word of GOD; and of the 
declining of the Church of England from the same. Reprinted 
1617. 4. 

Copies of this Edition are in the British Museum, Press-mark, 
4106. b.; and the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Press-mark, A. 9. 16. 
Line] 

[13. (John Field and Thomas Wilcox.) An Admonition to the 
Parliament holden 13 Eliz., 1570—1571. 

An Exhortation to the Bishops to deal brotherly with 
their Bretheren. 

An Exhortation to the Bishops to answer a little book 
\The Admonition &cl\ that came forth the last Parliament. 
(Thomas Cartwbiqht.) A Second Admonition to the 
Parliament. 

Imprinted 1617. 4. 
A copy of this Edition is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 
Press-mark A. 9. 6. Line] 



The late Doctor H. Martyn Dexter had a copy of each 
of the following reprint editions. They will probably be 
found in the Dexter Collection; now in Yale University 
Library, New Haven, Connecticut. 

[14. R. H. (Richard Harrison). A Little Treatise upon Ps. 
cxxii. 1, stirring up unto careful desiring, and dutifully labouring 
for, true Church Government. 1618. 16.] 



[15. (Laurence Chaderton). A fruitful Sermon on Romans, 
xii. 3-8. 1618. 16.] 



It is possible that the identification of other issues of the 
Pilgrim Press may reward the bibliographical hunt that will 
now set in aftei* them : and hunting after lost books, beats 
fox-hunting. 

Should, however, the above List prove to be complete ; it 
abundantly witnesses to the great energy with which William 
Brewster drave on this printing effort. 



Works printed at the Pilgrim Press. 245 

Let us arrange the "Works chronologically under the years. 
A stricter sequence is not possible. 

1617. 

1. Thomas Cartwright. Commentarii ... in Proverbia 

Salomonis. 4. 

2. Doctor William Ames. Rescriptio contracta. 16. 

12. [Walter Travers.] A Declaration of Ecclesiastical Dis- 

cipline. 4. 

13. [John Field and Thomas Wilcox.] An Admonition to the 

Parliament. 
[Thomas Cartwright.] A Second Admonition to the 
Parliament. 4 

1618. 

3. De vera et genuina Jesu Christi . . . Religione. 16. 

4. Thomas Cartwright. A Confutation of the Rhemists' 

Translation, &c. fol. 

8. John Robinson. The People's Plea. 8. 

9. Thomas Dighton. Certain Reasons . . . against Conformity 

to Kneeling &c. 8. 

11. A Defence of The Petition for Reforrruxtion. 8. 

14. R. H. [Richard Harrison.] A little Treatise upon Ps. 

cxxii. 1. 16. 

15. [Laurence Chaderton.] A Sermon on Rom. xii. 3-8. 16. 

1619. 

5. [David Calderwood.] Perth Assembly. 4. 

6. [David Calderwood.] De regimine Ecclesise Scoticanae 

brevis Relatio. 8. 

v. William Euring. An Answer to Thomas Drakes' Ten 
Counter Demands. 8. 

10. Thomas Dighton. The Second Part . . . refusing Con- 
formity to kneeling. 8. 

The above fifteen books, if not more, were produced in the 
thirty-three months, at the furthest, between October 1616 
and June 1619, both inclusive. * 

Considering the rate at which books were then produced, 
the amount of matter, both in Latin and in English, that 
was put into type, was certainly considerable; as the secret 



246 Works printed at the Pilgrim Press, 

organization for its production could not, in any case, have 
been a large one. 

We assume that the books were printed off, or as it is now 
called " machined," at Dutch hand printing presses. 



Thomas Brewer was nothing daunted with his Leyden 
experiences. He lived for the " Holy Discipline " ; and 
suffered much on its behalf. 

The following extracts tell us briefly the story of the rest 
of his life. 

JAMBS martin's DETECTION OF BROWNISTS IN KENT. 
SUNDAY, 17/27 SEPTEMBER 1626. 

A Detection of certain dangerous Puritans and Brownists 
in Kent. 

1. Thomas Brewer, Gentleman, who hath writ a book \but 
f not printed it], containing about half a quire of paper ; wherein 
he propheaies the destruction of England within three years, by 
two Kings : one from the North, another from the South. 

The said Brewer coming, not long since, from Amsterdam, 
where he became a perfect Brownist ; and being a man of good 
estate, is the general patron of the Kentish Brownists : who, by 
his means, daily and dangerously increase. 

He, the said Brewer, hath printed a most pestilent book beyond 
the seas : wherein he affirmeth. That King James would be the 
ruin of Religion. To the like purpose, he published a book or two 
more : which David Pareus, at Neustadt, shewed to a Knight, 
who told me of it. 

2. One Turner, a candle-maker or chandler, of Sutton Valence 
in Kent, preaches in houses, barns, and woods. That the Church of 
England is the Whore of Babylon, and the Synagogue of Satan, 
&c. He hath many followers : and is maintained principally by 
the said Thomas Brewer ; whose Chaplain he seems to be. 

3 and 4. One Winock and [one] Crumpe at Maidstone, both 
rich men, as far as in them lies, maintain these Sectaries. 
Witnesses of the Premisses are 
SirP. H. ; Knight. 
Master Barrell, Preacher of Maidstone. 



Works printed at the PilgriTu Press. 247 

Master Simondson, Schoolmaster of Maidstone, and 
Master Fisher, of Maidstone. 
With many more. 
Testified by them, September 16 and 17, 1626. 

James Martin, M.A. 

S.P. Dom. Ch. /., Vol. 35, No. 110. 



A posthumous Work by Thomas Brewer, appeared in 
London, [on 25 August] 1656, in 8vo. British Museum 
Press-mark E. 1654 (1). It is entitled Gospel Public Worship 
<fec., and is an Exposition of Rom. xii. 1-8, and Matthew xviii., 
already referred to at pp. 27, 30. The following extracts from 
its Preface tell us of the fate which overtook Brewer ; and 
which would certainly have overtaken William Brewster, 
had he been caught. 

Reader. In the ensuing Treatises are represented to thy view, 
a few of those many excellent manuscripts penned by Master 
Thomas Brewer : who (besides many former, and some long, 
persecutions endured under the Prelates) suffered imprisonment 
[on and from 18th October 1626] by the Bishops in the King's 
Bench Prison, above the space of fourteen years [together with a 
fine of £1,000], for saying 

That because the Prelates did not derive their Offices from 

His Majesty as they ought : therefore he durst not partake 

with them, nor the derivers of their Offices from them, in 

the proper works of their Offices. 

Who upon the presentation of the said Petition [to the House of 

Lords on 24 November 1640] was released : but, about a month 

after, he died in a good old age and full of days [get. 65.] 

Most of which were the Author's own experiences and practices 
and experimental observations. Who, in the time of his liberty, 
was a frequent publisher of them himself at Leyden in Holland ; 
where he walked in communion with Master Robinson and also 
with Master Ainsworth. Also, after the time of his restraint, 
procuring liberty of his Keeper ; and sometimes in the Prison ; he 
taught them frequently in several Congregations in London. 




CHAPTER XXV L 
The two Virginia Companies. 

'""-{IS: 

\HE two English Virginia Companies were the 
stepping stones to our colonization of New 
England. In themselves, they did not prosper : 
the London one became bankrupt, and had 
its Charter annulled; and the Plymouth one voluntarily 
surrendered up its Charter to King Charles I. But it is 
hard to conceive how New England and Virginia could ever 
have been peopled by Enghshmen, but for these Societies. 

King James I. created them, by giving them Charters on 
the 10/20 April 1606, as 

The First, or London, Virginia Company ; to which 
was assigned American territory between 34 and 41° 
N. Lat. 

The Second, or Plymouth, Virginia Company; to 
which was assigned American territory between 38° 
and 45° N. Lat. 

We will now very briefly sketch the history of each 
Company; and then gather from their Minutes, what 
information they can give us respecting the Pilgrim Fathers, 
down to 1623. 



24 




The two Virginia Companies, 249 



THE FIRST, OR LONDON, VIRGINIA COMPANY. 
TUESDAY, 10/20 APRIL 1606— WEDNESDAY, 

16/26 JUNE 1624. 

AFTER WHICH THERE WERE 
THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR VIRGINIA. 
THURSDAY, 15/25 JULY 1624 — ? 

E shall see, at page 289, Robert Cushman's 
account of the Split in this Society on the 
28th April 1619. From that day, until the 
16th June 1624, when Milton's James Ley 
(afterwards the 1st Lord Ley, and later on, the 1st Earl of 
Marlborough), Lord Chief Justice, pronounced a Judgement 
against the Company, and annulled its Charter : during 
all these years, the Council of this Society was torn in 
sunder by two factions. This was however nothing but 
what was going on all over Great Britain. Everywhere there 
was a struggle between the Royal Prerogative and Popular 
Election. 

What may be regarded as the King's Party, being those 
to whom he shewed favour, was headed by Robert Rich, 
2nd Earl of Warwick; Sir Thomas Smith; Sir Nathaniel 
Rich; Sir Henry Mildmay; and Alderman Sir Robert 
Johnson. 

What may be regarded as the People's Party, was 
headed by Henry Wriothesly, 3rd Earl of Southampton 
(the Patron of Shakespeare) ; William Cavendish, 1st Earl 
of Devonshire; Sir Edward Sackville; Sir John Ogle; 
and Sir Edwin Sandys. 

(S. P. Colonial, Yol. XL, 11 & 25 March 1623). 
According to modern ideas, the action of Sir Thomas 



250 The two Virginia Companies. 

Smith, after he had voluntarily laid down the Treasurership 
of the Society, was perfectly indefensible. 

The State Papers represent the views of the Popular 
Party : and the Duke of Manchester's Papers, now 
temporarily lodged in the Public Record Office, represent 
the views of the King's Party. 

On the 7/17 May 1623, the Council, in which the Popular 
Party (of which Sir Edwin Sandys was the moving spirit) 
had then the majority, issued a Declaration setting forth, 
That the one chief root of all these divisions has been some 
Instruments of the Earl of Warwick. This Declaration will 
be found in John Burk's History of Virginia, i. 316, Ed. 
1822,8. 

Arthur Woodnoth, who was also of the Popular Party, 
published A Short Collection of the inost remarkable Passages, 
from the Original to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company, 
London, 1651, 4. British Museum Press-mark, B. 626 (3). 

Mr Conway Robinson has edited for the Virginia 
Historical Society (Collections, New Series, Vol. 7), An 
Abstract of the Proceedings of the Virginia Company of 
London, 1619—1621, Richmond, Va., 1888, 8. ; from Two 
Volumes which contain the duplicate Minutes of the Company, 
from the 28th April 1619 (the day Sir Edwin Sandys was 
made Treasurer) until the 7th June 1624, nine days before 
Lord Chief Justice Ley annulled the Company's Charter. 

These two Volumes of Minutes, after many wanderings, 
are now amongst the manuscript treasures of the Library of 
Congress at Washington. 

The original Minutes have apparently perished. It 
would have been distinctly to the interest of Sir Thomas 
Smith and his party, that they should perish. 

The history of the preservation of a contemporaneous 
Copy of the original Records is thus given. 



The two Virginia Companies, 251 

" In one of the old mansions of rural Chelsea (which, tradition 
sajs, was the home of Sir Thomas More, the warm friend of 
Erasmus, and author of the political romance of Utopia), there 
dwelt, in 1624, Sir John Danvers, a prominent member of the 
Virginia Company ; who had married the gentle and comely 
Widow Herbert : already the mother of ten children ; two of 
whom were George the holy Poet, and Edward the philosophical 
Deist. 

"After the King had resolved to annul the Charter of the 
Company ; an attempt was made to obtain the Records by their 
opponents. 

"The Secretary of the Company [Edward] Collinqwood, 
probably under the direction of Deputy [Governor] Nicholas 
Ferrar, one day visited Sir John Danvers ; and mentioned, That 
thi^ee London merchants had lately called upon him, to obtain 
information. 

"A Clerk of Collinqwood's [Edward Waterhouse] was 
immediately secured as [a] copyist : and, to preclude discovery, [he] 
Avas locked up in a room in Danvers' house ; while he transcribed 
the Minutes. 

" After the Transactions were copied on folio paper ; to 
prevent interpolation, each page was carefully compared with the 
originals by Collinqwood; and then subscribed Con [i.e. Congruit] 
CoLLiNGWooD : [when] Danvers took them to the President of the 
Company, Henry Wriotheslet, Earl of Southampton. 

" The Earl was highly gratified in the possession of a duplicate 
copy of the Company's Transactions : and expressed it, by throwing 
his arms around the neck of Sir John ; and then, turning to his 
brother, said, ' Let them be kept at my house at Tichfield. Thoy 
are the Evidences [Title-deeds] of my honour : and I value them 
more than the Evidences of my lands.' " Rev. Dr. E. D. Neill, 
History c&c, pp. iii. iv., Ed. 1869, 4. , 

The Rev. Doctor Edward D. Neill searched these 
duplicate Minutes at Washington, and printed his gatherings 
in his History of the Virginia Company of London, Ed. 
1869, 4. 

We give at pp. 253, 254, such Minutes from this Work, 
as relate to our present Story. 



252 The two Virginia Companies, 




THE SECOND, OR PLYMOUTH, VIRGINIA COMPANY. 

TUESDAY, 10/20 APRIL 1606— MONDAY, 

2/12 NOVEMBER 1620. 

THEN, ON THE GRANTING OF THE GREAT GHARTERy 
THE COUNCIL FOR THE AFFAIRS OF NEW ENGLAND 

IN AMERICA, 

OR MORE BRIEFLY, 

THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 

TUESDAY, 3/13 NOVEMBER 1620 — SUNDAY, 

7/17 JUNE 1635. 

N spite of its title, the Council of this Society 
usually met for business in London. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges was the ruling spirit 
of this Company. 

Many of the original Minutes of the Council of this 
Company are preserved in the PubHc Record Office at 
London, in S. P. Colonial^ Vols. I. and II. 

Those of these Minutes which are material to our present 
purpose will be found quoted at pp. 255-261. 

The firm settlement, under another Charter^ of the 
Massachusetts Bay, by Governor John Winthrop and his 
associates, practically superseded this • Company. 
The following documents tell the end of this effort. 
1635. 
25 April. Declaration of the Council for New England, for the 

resignation of the great Charter. 
1st May. The presentation of this Declaration \,o King Charles I. 
7th June. The Act of Surrender of the great Charter to the 
King. 

S. P. Colonial, Vol. VIII., Nos. 54, 58, 60. 



The two Virginia Companies, 253 



MINUTES OF THE TWO VIRGINIA COMPANIES, 

RELATING TO THE PILGRIM FATHERS, 

IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. 

1619—1624. 



THE MINUTES OF THE LONDON VIRGINIA COMPANY. 

From the Rev. Dr. E. D. Neill's History of 
the Virginia Company, Ed. 1869, 4. 

WEDNESDAY, 26 MAY /5 JUNE 1619. 

May 26, 1619. One Master Wencop, commended to the 
Company by [Theophilus Clinton, alias Fiennes], the [4th] Earl of 
Lincoln, intending to go in person to Virginia and there to plant 
himself and his Associates [the Pilgrim Fathers'], presented his 
Patent now to the Court : which was referred to the Committee 
that meeteth upon Friday morning [28th May] at Master 
Treasurer's [Sir Edwin Sandys'] house [, near Aldersgate], to 
consider ; and if need be, to correct the same. p. 128. 



WEDNESDAY, 9/19 JUNE 1619. 

By reason it grew late, and the Court [was] ready to break up ; 
and as yet Master John Whincop's Patent for him and his 
Associates to be read : it was ordered. That the seal should be 
annexed unto it. And have referred the trust thereof to the 
Auditors to examine that it agree with the original : which if it 
do not, they have promised to bring it into the Court, and cancel 
it. p. 128. 

WEDNESDAY, 2/12 FEBRUARY 1619/1620. 

At a great and general Quarter Court holden for Virginia, at 
Sir Edwin Sandys' house, near Aldersgate, the 2nd of February 
1619 [1620]. 

The Treasurer, Sir Edwin Sandys, of Grants of Land : he 
acquainted them of four several pair of Indentures lying, all 
engrossed, before them. . . . 



254 Th^ ^^^ Virginia Companies, 

Fourth. To John Peirce and his Associates \the Pilgvim 
Fathers], their heirs and assigns. 

Which — being, all four, now read and examined ; and finding 
them agree with the drafts perused and allowed by the Auditors 
— were all of them allowed ; and sealed, in view of the Court, with 
a total approbation, p. 168. 



The Mayflower returned to London on the 6th May 
1621 ; and on the following 1st June, John Peirce took a 
Patent from the Council for New England. 

MONDAY, 16/26 JULY 1621. 

July 16th. It was moved, seeing that Master John Peirce 
had taken a Patent of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and thereupon [had] 
seated his Company within the limits of the Northern Plantations, 
as by some was supposed ; whereby, as by some was supposed, he 
seemed to relinquish the benefit of the Patent he took of this 
Company : that therefore the said Patent might be called in ; 
unless it might appear [that] he would begin to plant within the 
limits of the Southern Colony, p. 133. 



WEDNESDAY, 13/23 FEBRUARY 1621/1622. 

February 13th, 1621. Master Deputy [Treasurer, John Ferrar] 
acquainted the Court, that one Master John Clarke, being taken, 
[coming] from Virginia, long since \in 1612], by a Spanish ship 
that came to discover that Plantation, That forasmuch as he hath 
since that time, done the Company good service in many voyages 
to Virginia ; and, of late \i.e. in 1619, see page 316], went into 
Ireland, for transportation of cattle to Virginia : he was a 
humble suitor to this Court, that he might be a Free Brother of the 
Company, and have some shares of land bestowed upon him. 

The Rev. Doctor E. D. Neill adds, " He was hired by Daniel 
GooKiN, owner of the Providence, to take that ship to Virginia ; 
which arrived April 10th 1623. [See S. P. Colonial, Vol. II., 14 
April 1623]. And, soon after this, he died in the Colony." pp. 
132, 133. . 



The two Virginia Companies. 255 



THE MINUTES OF THE COUNCIL FOB NEW ENGLAND. 

31 MAY 1622—5 MAY 1623. 

S. p. Colonial, Vol. II. ; in the Public Record 

Office at London. 

WHITEHALL ; FRIDAY, 31 MAY /lO JUNE 1622. 

Present. 

[LoDOVicK Stuart,] the [1st] 

Duke of Lenox. 
[Thomas Howard,] the [14th] 

Earl of Arundel. 
[Edward Gorges] the [1st] 

Lord Gorges [of Dundalk]. 
Sir Robert Mansell. 

First, it is ordered, That, concerning the Complaint made of 
Master Weston ; Petition shall be made to His Majesty for the 
forfeiture of his ship and goods to the President and Council's 
use. 

It is ordered that Doctor Goche shall be Treasurer. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 
Sir Samuel Arqall. 
Doctor Barnaby Goche. 



FRIDAY, 5/15 JULY 1622. 



The Lord Gorges. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



Sir Samuel Arqall. 
Dr B. Goche, Treasurer. 



First, it is ordered. That David Thompson do attend the Lords 
[of the Privy Council], with a Petition to His Majesty, for forfeits 
committed by Thomas Weston. 



SATURDAY, 2/12 NOVEMBER 1622. 



Dr B. Goche, Treasurer. 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



Sir Samuel Argall. 
Captain Thomas Love. 



256 The two Virginia Companies. 

It is ordered, That a Commission be engrossed for Captain 
Francis West ; and afterwards sealed. 

[It was sealed on 30th November /lO December 1622.] 



FRIDAY, 8/18 NOVEMBER 1622. 

Master Treasurer. Sir Samuel Arqall. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

It is agreed on. That there shall be a Commission granted to 
Captain Francis West, to go to New England, Captain of the 
ship called the Plantation] and Admiral of that coast during this 
voyage. 

And this clause to be inserted in the Commission, That he hath 
power to take any to associate [with] him there, for the despatch 
of his employments, according as he shall think meet. 

And that a Patent be granted to Captain Thomas Squibb, to be 
aiding and assisting to the Admiral. 

[It was sealed on 22nd November 1622.] 



WEDNESDAY, 13/23 NOVEMBER 1622. 



The Lord Gorges. 

Master Treasurer. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



Sir Samuel Argall. 
Dr. Matthew Sutcliffe. 
[, Dean of Exeter.] 



Sir Egbert Mansell's Note for payment in of his Adventure 
of £110, is accepted p'ow^ joa^ef. 

" I am contented to pay this sum this time two years certain ; 
or within six months after such time, as I shall receive letters of 
advertisement from Captain Squibb, after his discovery and survey 
of Mount Mansell ; or else, within six months after his return 
thence. 

"And hereunto I subscribe, this 19th of November 1622. 
Testatur. Eo: Mansell." 

Francis Shelden. 
Thomas Squibb. 

[This Note of Hand was accepted on 22nd November 1622.] 



The two Virginia Companies. 257 



TUESDAY, 19/29 NOVEMBER 1622. 



Master Treasurer. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



Sir Samuel Argall. 
Dr. Matthew Sutcliffe. 



It is ordered, That a letter be written from the Council to 
Master Weston, to deliver to Leonard Peddock, a boj, native of 
New England, called Papa Whinett, belonging to Abbadakest, 
Sachem of Massachusets \i.e. Boston Bay] : which boy, Master 
Peddock is to carry over [to New England] with him. 

[For Minute of Vlj'^1 December 1622, respecting Captain Thomas 
Jones ; see page 393.] 

TUESDAY, 21/31 JANUARY 1622/1623. 

Master Treasurer. Sir Samuel Argall. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

Emanuel Altum \or rather Alltham] goeth Captain in the 
new pinnace [the Little James], built for Master Peirce's 
Plantation. 



TUESDAY, 18/28 FEBRUARY 1622/1623. 



[John Ramsay,] the Earl of 
Holderness. Yice-President. 

[Robert Rich,] the [2nd] Earl 
of Warwick. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 
Sir John Bourchier. 
Sir Henry Spelman. 
Sir Samuel Argall. 
Captain Thomas Love. 



Whereas a Petition was exhibited to this Council, in the behalf 
of Master Peirce and his Associates, for a certificate unto the 
Mayor of Norwich, to redeliver certain barrels of meal which they 
had provided to transport to New England, for relief of the 
Planters there ; being stayed by the Mayor or his Officers. 

The Council answered their Petition prout etc. 
rj,, u ii '^^^ Mayor and Aldermen answer hereunto, by 
misinformed by letter dated the day [of March 1622, seepage 259] ; 
Plymouth Com- whereby it appeared the Council were misinformed 
^"'°^' by the Company, and by one Rounce. 



TUESDAY, 25 FEBRUARY /7 MARCH 1622/1623. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Sir Samuel Argall. 

Sir Henry Spelman. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. B 



258 The two Virginia Companies, 

Whereas the Adventurers for Master Peirce's Plantation 
exhibited their Petition for the altering of some part of the 
Licence granted for the lAttle James to Samuel Althem [or rather 
Alltham] Captain, viz. 

That in consideration of many crosses and losses hj them 
lately sustained, they might have to themselves the Moiety — 
formerly rese^rved unto the Council — [of] all such prizes as they 
should seize and lawfully take upon the coasts of New England ; 
as by the Petition and Licence appeareth. 

It is ordered and agreed accordingly. And a Licence is now 
sealed and signed by Robert [Rich, 2nd Earl of] Warwick, [Sir] 
Ferdinando Gorges, [Sir] Samuel Arqall ; and the former 
Licence is cancelled, in the presence of the said Council. 



TUESDAY, 11/21 MARCH 1622/1623. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. | Sir Henry Spelman. 

It is ordered. That the Clerk give notice to Master John 
Peirce, to attend the Council on Tuesday next, to answer such 
Complaints as his Associates shall object. 

Emmanuel Altham, Captain of the Little James of London, and 
other of the Adventurers of New Plymouth, crave the aid of the 
Council, for [the] discharging of some of their ship's company ; 
which were lately pressed \i.e. hy a Press Gang] by the Marshal 
of the Admiralty, for His Majesty's service. 

WTiereupon, the Clerk was willed to acquaint the Marshal, 
That these persons were shipped in the Little James to go to New 
England ; and therefore were free, by His Majesty's Charter 
granted to the Council [for New England]. 

The Marshal answered, That he sent not on board [the Little 
James], to press any : but if any were pressed, it was their own 
fault to be abroad [i.e. ashore]. And that such as were pressed ; 
their names were returned to Chatham, where the Kmg's ships 
lay : so that he could not discharge them. But he would 
henceforth forbear to press any of such ships' companies as should 
be bound for New England. 



TUESDAY, 18/28 march 1622/1623. 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges. | Sir Henry Spelman. 

Touching the Petition exhibited to the Council, by the 



The two Virginia Companies. 259 

Adventurers of New Plymouth in New England against Master 
John Peirce the Patentee, with whom they are Associates : 
Master Peirce and the Associates met, and made several 
Propositions, each to the other ; but agreed not. 

Whereupon they were appointed to give meeting each to other; 
and then to certify the Council what they concluded on : that 
then such further course might be taken as should be meet. 

Upon reading of a letter written from the Mayor and 
Aldermen of Norwich to the Council, touching their detaining of 
certain barrels of meal from the Adventurers of New Plymouth : 
it appeareth that one Eounce of Norwich, Agent for the 
Adventurers, had misinformed the Council therein. 

Whereupon it was ordered, That Rounce should be spoken 
with, touching his wrong information. And it is thought fit, 
That henceforth no Information be taken but upon oath. 



TUESDAY, 25 MARCH /4 APRIL 1623. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 
Sir Samuel Argall. 
Sir Henry Spelman. 



Master John Peirce and 
his Associates \i,e. the 
Adve7iturers]. 



After a long dispute of the difTerences between Master John 
Peirce and his Associates, 

It appeared that Master John Peirce obtained from the 
Council [for New England] an Indenture, purporting a Grant of 
certain lands in New England for settling of a Plantation there, 
dated the first day of June 1621.* 

It further appeared that, upon the 20th day of April 1622, 
Master John Peirce granted Letters of Association unto the said 
Adventurers ; whereby he made them jointly interested with him, 
in the lands granted by the abovesaid Indenture. 

Moreover it appeared that, upon the said 20th day of April 
1622, after the said Master Peirce had interested the said 
Adventurers in the lands passed unto him by the said Indenture, 
that he yielded and surrendered up [to the Council for New 
England] the said Indenture, and received up the Counter-part 
thereof. 

* This Patent is now preserved in the Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth, 
Massachusets. — E. A. 



26o The two Virginia Companies, 

And [that he] took [from the same Council] a Patent or Deed 
Poll [a legal deed^ not indented ; executed hy one party ^ and 
therefore consisting of only one document^ of the said lands to 
himself, his heirs, associates, and assigns for ever; bearing dated 
the said 20th of April 1622.* With which Surrender and New 
Grant, the Adventurers affirmed, that they were not privy unto : 
and therefore conceived themselves deceived by Master Peirce ; 
which was the cause of their Complaint, 

At length, by the mutual consent of Master Peirce and of the 
said Adventurers, it was ordered as foUoweth : 

Whereas there were several differences between John Peirce, 
Citizen and Clothworker of London, and [James Shirley] the 
Treasurer and others the Associates of him the said John Peirce, 
that were Undertakers with him for [the] settling and advancement 
of the Plantation at Plymouth in the parts of New England ; All 
which, after the full hearing and debating thereof before us, were 
finally concluded upon, by the offer of the said John Peirce ; and 
the mutual acception \_acceptatio7i\ of the said Treasurer and 
Company then present, in the behalf of themselves and the rest of 
the said Company : 

That the said Associates with their Undertakers and 
servants now settled, or to be settled, in Plymouth aforesaid, 
should remain and continue tenants unto the Council 
established for the managing of the foresaid Affairs of New 
England : notwithstanding a Grant, bearing date the 20th 
of April 1622, by the said Peirce obtained, without the 
consent of the said Associates, from the said Council ; 
contrary to a former Grant to the said Peirce, made in 
the behalf of himself and his said Associates, dated the 
first of June 1621. And so the said Associates are left free 



* On the same day, he received the new Patent, under which it was 
beheved that he intended to hold the settlers as his tenants ; and control 
the destinies of the Colony. He actually set sail for New England, 
armed \\dth this Patent ; and was only prevented by providential storms, 
which twice drove him back, from consummating his ingenious scheme. 
The Adventurers remonstrated with him in vain : and he demanded £.500 
in consideration of the surrender of his Grant. — The Hon. W. T. Davies, 
Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, pp. 44, 45. Ed. 1883, 8, 



The two Virginia Co77tpanies, 261 

to hold the privileges by the said former Grant of the first 
of June ; as if the latter had never been : and they, the said 
Associates, to receive and enjoy all that they do, or may, 
possess by virtue thereof. 

And the surplus that is to remain over and above, by reason 

of the latter Grant ; the said Peirce to enjoy, and to make 

the best benefit of, as to him shall seem good. 

For performance whereof, both parties have submitted 

themselves to the authority and pleasure of the said Council, to 

pass unto them new Grants for either of their Interests ; and final 

determination of all the dififerences between them : agreeable [to] 

and upon such conditions as are usual, or as in equity the Council 

shall think fit. 

Master [James] Shirley, Treasurer to the said Adventurers of 
New Pl}Tiiouth, propoundeth, in the behalf of the said Adventurers, 
that they may have a Patent for so much as is granted to them in 
the former Indenture made to Master Peirce, dated the first of 
June 1621. 

MONDAY, 5/15 MAY 1623. 

Master Treasurer. Sir Samuel Argall. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

Touching the differences between Master [Stephen] Hopkins 
and Master Peirce : 

Master Hopkins allegeth that he hath paid to Master Peirce, 
for transportation of himself and two persons more ; and likewise 
for his goods. 

Which Master Peirce acknowledgeth : but allegeth that, by 
reason of his unfortunate return, the rest of the passengers that 
went upon the like conditions, had been contented to allow 40s, a 
person towards his loss ; and therefore desireth that Master 
Hopkins may do the like. Which Master Hopkins, at length, 
agreed unto ; so as Master Peirce and his Associates will accept 
£6, for three passengers, out of [the] £20 his Adventure which 
he hath in their Joint Stock. 

And therefore they both pray that the Council will be pleased 
to write to the Associates \the Adventurers in London], to accept 
thereof. 

Which they are pleased to do. 

A letter was, this day, written and signed prout supra. 




CHAPTER XXVII. 

The Reasons that moved most of the Pilgrim 
Church to migrate to America. 1617. 

OVERNOR WINSLOWs account of the more 
public motives, is as follows : 

I persuade myself, never people upon 
earth lived more lovingly, and parted more 
sweetly than we, the Church at Leyden, did. Not 
rashly, in a distracted humour ; but, upon joint and 
serious deliberation, often seeking the mind of GOD 
by fasting and prayer: whose gracious presence we 
not only found with us; but his blessing upon us 
from that time to this instant [1646] : to the 
indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of 
strangers, and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, 
to see such effects of our prayers and tears before our 
pilgrimage here be ended. And therefore briefly take 
notice of the true cause of it : 

'Tis true that that poor persecuted Flock of Christ, 
by the malice and power of the late Hierarchy [Bishops 
were abolished in England on 1st September 1642], were 
driven to Leyden in Holland, there to bear witness, 
in their practice, to the Kingly Office of Jesus Christ 
in his Church : and there lived together ten years [the 
exact time of the unbroken Church at Leyden was from 
April 1609 to July 1622, O.S.] under the United States 
[i.e. the States General], with much peace and liberty. 

262 



The Reasons for Migrating to America. 263 

But our Reverend Pastor, Master John Robinson 
of late memory ; and our grave Elder, Master William 
Brewster, now [1646] both at rest with the Lord ; 
considering, amongst many other inconveniences, 

How hard the country was, where we lived. 
How many spent their estate \i.e. all their 
means] in it ; and were forced to return for 
England. 

How grievous [it was] to live from under 
the protection of the State of England. 

How like[ly] we were to lose our language, 
and our name, of English. 

How little good we did, or were like[ly] to do, 
to the Dutch ; in reforming the Sabbath. 

How unable there, to give such education to 
our children as we ourselves had received. 

&c. &c. &c. 

They, I say, out of their Christian care of the Flock 
of Christ committed to them, conceived, If GOD would 
be pleased to discover some place unto us, though in 
America ; and give us so much favour with the King 
and State of England as to have their protection there, 
where we might enjoy the like liberty; and where, 
the Lord favouring our endeavours by his blessing, 
we might exemplarily shew our tender [loving] 
countrymen, by our example, [they being] no less 
burdened than ourselves, where they might live and 
comfortably subsist; and enjoy the like liberties with 
ourselves, being freed from antichristian bondage ; keep 
their names and nation; and not only be a means to 
enlarge the dominions of our State, but [of] the 
Church of Christ also, if the Lord have a people 
amongst the natives whither he would bring us ; &c. 

Hereby, in their grave wisdoms, they thought we 



264 The Reasons for Migrating to America. 

might more glorify GOD, do more good to our country, 
better provide for our posterity, and live to be more 
refreshed by our labours; than ever we could do in 
Holland where we were. Hypocrisy unTnashed <^c., pp. 
88, 89, Ed. 1646, 4. ^ 

Governor Bradfoed tells us more fully as to the private 
motives for the migration : 

After they had lived in this city [Leyden] some 
eleven or twelve years — which is the more observable, 
being the whole time of the famous Truce between that 
State [Holland] and the Spaniards [This is not quite 
exact The Ten Years' Truce was from 9th April 1609 
to Sth April 1619] — and sundry of them were taken 
away by death; and many others began to be well 
stricken in years : the grave mistress. Experience, 
having taught them many things ; those prudent 
Governors [Robinson and Brewster], with sundry of 
the sagest members, began both deeply to apprehend 
their present dangers ; and wisely to foresee the future, 
and think of timely remedy. 

In the agitation of their thoughts, and much 
discourse of things hereabout, at length they began to 
incline to this conclusion — of removal to some other 
place. Not out of any newfangledness, or other such 
like giddy humour; by which men are oftentimes 
transported to their great hurt and danger : but, for 
sundry weighty and solid reasons; some of the chief 
of which, I will here briefly touch : 

And first, they saw, and found by experience, the 
hardness of the place [Leyden] and country 
Holland] to be such as few, in comparison, would 
come to them ; and fewer that would bide it out, 
and continue with them. For many that came to 



The Reasons for Migrating to America. 265 

them, and many, more that desired to be with 
them, could not endure that great labour and hard 
fare; with other inconveniences, which they 
underwent, and were contented with. But 
though they loved their persons, approved their 
Cause, and honoured their sufferings : yet they 
left them, as it were weeping, as Orpah did her 
mother in law Naomi [Ruth i. 14] ; or as those 
Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be 
excused and borne with, though they could not 
all be Catoes. For many, though they desired 
to enjoy the Ordinances of GOD in their purity 
and the liberty of the Gospel with them ; yet, 
alas, they admitted of bondage with danger of 
conscience, rather than to indure these hardships. 
Yea, some preferred and chose the prisons in 
England ; rather than this liberty in Holland, 
with these afflictions. But it was thought that 
if a better and easier place of living could be 
had, it would draw many ; and take away these 
discouragements. Yea, their Pastor would often 
say, That many of those [that] both wrote and 
preached now against them; if they were in 
a place where they might have liberty and live 
comfortably, they would then practice as they 
did. 

Secondly. They saw that though the people 
generally bore all these difficulties very cheerfully 
and with a resolute courage, being in the best and 
strength of their years ; yet old age began to steal 
on many of them, and their great and continual 
labours with other crosses and sorrows hastened 
it before the time : so as it was not only probably 
thought, but apparently seen, that, within a few 



266 The Reasons for Migrating to America, 

years more, they would be in danger to scatter, 
by necessities pressing them ; or sink under their 
burdens; or both. And therefore according to 
the divine proverb, that " a wise man seeth 
the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself," 
Prov. xxii. 3 [Geneva Version] ; so they, like 
skillful and beaten [veteran or weatherheaten] 
soldiers, were fearful either to be intrapped or 
surrounded by their enemies, so as they should 
neither be able to fight, nor fly. And therefore 
[they] thought it better to dislodge betimes to 
some place of better advantage, and less danger ; 
if any such could be found. 

Thirdly. As necessity was a taskmaster over 
them, so they were forced to be such not only to 
their servants; but, in a sort, to their dearest 
children : the which, as it did not a little wound 
the tender parts of many a loving father and 
mother, so it produced likewise sundry sad and 
sorrowful effects. For many of their children (that 
were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations ; 
having learnt to bear the yoke in their youth, 
and [being] willing to bear part of their parents' 
burden) were, often times, so oppressed with their 
heavy labours that, though their minds were free 
and willing ; yet their bodies bowed under the 
weight of the same, and became decrepid in their 
early youth ; the vigour of Nature being consumed 
in the very bud as it were. But that which was 
more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to 
be borne, was that many of their children (by these 
occasions ; and the great licentiousness of youth 
in that country, and the manifold temptations 
of the place) were drawn away by evil examples 



The Reasons for Migrating to America, 267 

into extravagant and dangerous courses ; getting 
the reins off their necks, and departing from 
their parents. Some became soldiers. Others 
took upon them far voyages by sea : and other 
some, worse courses, tending to dissoluteness and 
the danger of their souls; to the great grief of 
their parents, and dishonour of GOD. So that 
they saw their posterity would be in danger to 
degenerate and be corrupted. 

Lastly, and which was not least, a great hope 
and inward zeal they had of laying some good 
foundation, or at least to make some way 
thereunto, for the propagating and advancing 
the Gospel of the Kingdom of Christ in those 
remote parts of the world : yea, though they 
should be but even as stepping stones unto others, 
for the performing of so great a work. 

The place they had thoughts on was some of 

those vast and unpeopled countries of America, 

which are fruitful and fit for habitation : being 

devoid of all civil [civilised] inhabitants ; where 

there are only savage and brutish men, which 

range up and down little otherwise than the wild 

beasts of the same. 

These, and some other like, reasons moved them to 

undertake this resolution of their Removal : the which 

they afterwards prosecuted with so great difficulties, as 

by the sequel will appear. Bradford MS., folios 47-51. 




268 The Reasons for Migrating to America, 

THE DISCUSSION THAT FOLLOWED. 

OYERNOR WINSLOW is here very brief: — 
Now these their private thoughts, upon 
mature deliberation, they \i.e, the Pastor 
and the Ruling Elder] imparted to the 
brethren of the Congregation; which, after much 
private discussion, came to public agitation, till, at 
the length, the Lord was solemnly sought in the 
Congregation, by fasting and prayer, to direct us. Who 
moving our hearts more and more to the work ; we sent 
[1617] some of good abilities [i.e. Robert Gushman 
and JoEN Carver] over into England, to see what 
favour or acceptance such a thing might find with the 
King. Hypocrisy unmasked ^c, page 89, Ed. 1646, 4. 

Governor Bradford is much fuller on this point. 

This Proposition being made public and coming to 
the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions 
amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts 
amongst themselves. 

Some, from their reasons and hopes conceived, 
laboured to stir up and incourage the rest to 
undertake and prosecute the same. 

Others again, out of their fears, objected against it 
and sought to divert from it: alledging many things, 
and those neither unreasonable, nor unprobable, as 

That it was a great design and subject to many 
unconceivable perils and dangers, &c. Besides the 
casualties of the seas, which none can be freed from ; 
the length of the voyage was such as the weak bodies of 
women, and other persons worn out with age and travail 
\labour\ as many of them were, could never be able to 
endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of the 



The Reasons for Migrating to America. 269 

land, which they should be exposed unto, would be too 
hard to be borne ; and likely some, or all of them 
together, to consume and utterly to ruinate them. For 
there they should be liable to famine, and nakedness, 
and the want (in a manner) of all things. The change 
of air, diet, and drinking of water would infect their 
bodies with sore sicknesses and grievous diseases. 

And also those which should escape, or overcome, 

these difficulties, should yet be in continual danger of 

the savage people. Who are cruel, barbarous, and most 

treacherous ; being most furious in their rage, and 

merciless where they overcome : not being content only 

to kill and take away life ; but delight to torment men 

in the most bloody manner that may be — flaying some 

alive with the shells of fishes : cutting off the members 

\lirY\hs\ and joints of others by piecemeal ; and, broiling 

[them] on the coals, eat the collops of their \tke vict%'ms''\ 

flesh in their sight, whilst they live : with other cruelties 

horrible to be related. And surely it could not be 

thought but the very hearing of these things could not 

but move the very bowels of men to grate \wee'p\ within 

them ; and make the weak to quake and tremble. 

It was further objected. That it would require greater 
sums of money to furnish such a voyage \ex'pedition\ 
and to fit them with necessaries, than their consumed 
estates would amount to : and yet they must as well 
look to be seconded with Supplies \TeinfoTceinfhents\ as 
presently to be transported [conveyed over the sea to 
ATnerica]. 

Also many presidents [precedents], of ill success and 
lamentable miseries [that had] befallen others in the 
like designs, were easy to be found ; and not forgotten 
to be alledged. Besides their own experience in their 
former troubles and hardships in their removal into 



270 The Reasons for Migrating to America. 

Holland : and how hard a thing it was for them to live 
in that strange place, though it was a neighbour 
[neighbouring] country, and a civil [civilized] and rich 
Common Wealth. 

It was answered. That all great and honourable 
actions are accompanied with great difficulties ; and 
must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable 
courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but 
not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not 
invincible. For though there were many of them likely ; 
yet they were not certain. It might be [that] sundry 
of the things feared might never befall ; others, by 
provident care and the use of good means, might in a 
great measure be prevented : and all of them, through 
the help of GOD, by fortitude and patience, might either 
be borne, or overcome. 

True it was, That such attempts were not to be made 
and undertaken without good ground and reason; not 
rashly, or lightly, as many have done for curiosity, or 
hope of gain, &c. But their condition was not ordinary. 
Their ends were good and honourable ; their Calling 
lawful and urgent : and therefore they might expect the 
blessing of GOD in their proceeding. Yea, though they 
should lose their lives in this action : yet might they 
have comfort in the same ; and their endeavours would 
be honourable. 

They lived here [in Leyden] but as men in exile, 
and in a poor condition : and as great miseries might 
possibly befall them in this place. For the twelve 
[or rather^ ten] years of Truce were now out : and there 
was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for 
war ; the events whereof are always uncertain. The 
Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savages of 
America; and the famine and [the] pestilence as sore 



The Reasons for Migrating to America. 271 

here as there; and their liberty less to look out for 
remedy. 

After many other particular things answered and 
alledged on both sides ; it was fully concluded by the 
major part \mcL^oriiy\ to put this design in execution ; 
and to prosecute it by the best means they could. 
Bradford MS., folios 51-55. 



THE MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION TO THIS 
WEIGHTY VOYAGE [EXPEDITION]. 1617, 

ND first, after their humble prayers unto 
GOD for his direction and assistance, and 
a general conference held hereabout ; they 
consulted what particular place to pitch 
upon and prepare for. 

Some, and none of the meanest, had thoughts, and 
were earnest for Guiana, or some of those fertile places 
in those hot climates. Others were for some parts of 
Virginia, where the English had already made entrance 
and beginning. 

Those for Guiana alledged that the country was rich, 
fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual Spring and a 
flourishing greenness ; where vigorous Nature brought 
forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any 
great labour or art of Man : so it must needs make the 
inhabitants rich, seeing less provisions of clothing and 
other things would serve, than in more cold and less 
fruitful countries must be had. As also that the 
Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, 
had not yet planted there, nor anywhere very near the 
same. 




272 The Reasons for Migrating to America. 

But to this it was answered, That, out of question, 
the country was both fruitful and pleasant ; and might 
yield riches and maintenance to the possessors, more 
easily than the others : yet other things considered, 
it would not be so fit for them. And first, 
That such hot countries are subject to grievous 
diseases and many noisome impediments, which other 
more temperate places are freer from ; and would not 
so well agree with our English bodies. Again, if they 
should there live and do well, the jealous Spaniard 
would never suffer them long : but would displant, 
or overthrow, them, as he did the French in Florida 
[m 1565], who were seated further from his richest 
countries ; and [this] the sooner, because they should 
have none to protect them ; and their own strength 
would be too small to resist so potent an enemy and 
so near a neighbour. 

On the other hand, for Virginia, it was objected, That 
if they lived among the English which were there planted, 
or so near them as to be under their government ; 
they should be in as great danger to be troubled 
and persecuted for their Cause of Religion, as if they 
lived in England : and, it might be, worse [troubled]. 
And if they lived too far off; they should neither have 
succour, nor defence from them. 

But, at length, the conclusion was, to live as a distinct 
body by themselves, under the general government of 
Virginia ; and by their friends to sue to His Majesty 
that he would be pleased to grant them Freedom of 
Religion : and that this might be obtained, they were 
put in good hope by some Great Persons of good rank 
and quality, that were made their friends. Bradford 
MS., folio 55. 




CHAPTER XXVIIL 

Members of the Pilgrim Church who did not 
emigrate to america. 

OVEENOR WINSLOW teUs us, at page 328, 

that there were "a very few who had rather 

we would have stayed [in Holland]." Here 

are some of the names of these " very few : " 

H. C. M. [the Hon. Henry C. Murphy], in the Historical 

Magazine, Vol. III., pp. 358, 359, Boston and New York, 

1859, 4, writes : 

" We have already given the different trades pursued by 
those of Robinson's Congregation, who were married at 
Leyden ; and emigrated in the first four ships. 

"We now furnish, from the same source, a List of some 
of them who did not embark in the Mayflower, the Fortune, 
the Ann, or the Little James. Sometimes the particular city 
is named ; at others, only the country from whence they came." 

Zachariah Be^ry, from England. 
William Buckram, from Ipswich, Block Maker. 
Samuel Butler, from Yarmouth, Merchant. 
Stephen Butterfield, from England, Silk Worker. 
Alexander Carpenter. 

"Father of Governor Bradford's second wife, and of 
George Morton's wife." 

Roger Chandler, from Colchester, Silk Worker. 

Anthony Clemens. 

John Codmore, from England, Ribbon Weaver. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 273 * B 



274 Exiles who did not go to America. 

Henry Cullens, from England, Bombazine Worker. 
** He lived at Amsterdam." 

John Ellis. 

Daniel Fairfield, from Colchester, Silk Worker. 

Samuel Ferrier, from Caen, Normandy; Silk 
Worker. 

"This is an instance of the admission of a Frenchman 
into the Congregation. We gather this from the fact that he 
married Mildreth Charles, Maid, from England, on the 16th 
May 1614 : having, on that occasion, two of the Congregation, 
namely Roger Wilson and Samuel Fuller, as witnesses." 

John Gillies, from Essex, Merchant. 
Abraham Gray. 

Thomas Hatfield, from England, Wool Carder. 
William Hoyt. 

John Jennings, from Colchester, Fustian Worker. 
Edmund Jepson, from England, Bombazine Worker. 
Henry Jepson, from England, Silk Worker. 
William Jepson. 
John Keble. 

Samuel Lee, from England, Hatter. 
Isaac Marcus. 
Henry Marshall. 

Robert Nelson, from England, Baize Worker. 
Israel Nes. 

William Pantes, from Dover, Fustian Worker. 
Joseph Parsons, from Colchester, Silk Worker. 
'' Edward Pickering, from London, Merchant. 
John Reynolds, from London, Printer. 
*' He lived at Amsterdam." 

John Robinson, from England, Minister. 
Roger Simons, from Sarum \^al%sbw}ry\ Mason. 
Robert Smith. 



Exiles who did not go to America. 275 

Thomas Smith, from Bury [St Edmunds], Wool 
Carder. 

'* He married Anna Crackston ; daughter of John 
Crackston, one of the company of the MayfiowerT 

Edward Southwobth, from England, Silk Worker. 
" First husband of Governor Bradford's second Wife," 

Thomas Southworth. 

" Brother of Edward." 

John Spoonard, from England, Ribbon Weaver. 

" John Carver attended as a witness to his marriage, 
9th December 1616." 

William Talbot. 

RaYNULF [= ItALPH\ TiCKENS. 
" Brother-in-law of Robinson." 

Robert Warrener, from England, Wool Carder. 
Roger White. 

" Brother of Mistress Robinson." 
Roger Wilkins, from England, Wool Carder. 
Jonathan Williams. 
Thomas Williams. 

Henry Wilson, from Yarmouth, Pump Maker. 
" John Carver attended as witness to his marriage, on 
the 16th May 1616." 

Roger Wilson, from England, Silk Worker. 
Henry Wood. 

" These Lists might be much extended ; but we have 
confined ourselves to such as most distinctly appear to have 
been connected with Robinson's Congregation prior to the 
sailing of the first four ships. A close scrutiny would, we 
doubt not, double the number. 

"An interesting question presents itself, as to what 
became of these numerous families. 



276 Exiles who did not go to America. 

"At first, the Congregation at Ley den consisted, as we 
have seen, of about one hundred persons, men and women. 

" Subsequent accessions, from England and other sources, 
increased the number to about three hundred souls, in 1620 ; 
of whom it is said not more than one half went to America. 

"After the death of Robinson, in 1625; there does not 
appear to have been any Minister among them. Some of his 
flock, like his own children, became absorbed in the Dutch 
population; though there is not at this day [1 August \^'b^\ 
more than three names of families, in Leyden, bearing any 
resemblance to those above given." 




CHAPTER XXIX. 

Francis Blackwell leads the remnant of the 

Rev. Francis Johnson's Church towards 

Virginia. 1618—1619. 

OVERNOR BRADFORD thus writes: 

A word or two, by way of digression, touching 
this Master Blackwell. He was an Elder of 
the Church at Amsterdam : a man well known 
of most of them. He declined from the truth [i.e. the true 
theory of a Church'], with Master Johnson and the rest : and 
went with him, when they parted asunder [on 15/25 December 
1610] in that woeful manner; which brought so great 
dishonour to GOD, scandal to the truth, and outward ruin 
to themselves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, 
through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest 
with him in the heavens ; and that they are arrived in the 
haven of happiness : though some of their bodies were thus 
buried in the terrible seas, and others sunk under the burden 
of bitter afflictions. 

He, with some others, had prepared for to go to Virginia. 

And he, with sundry godly citizens, being at a private 
meeting (I take it, a Fast) in London : being discovered, 
many of them were apprehended ; whereof Master Blackwell 
was one. 

But he so glossed with [cajoled ] the Bishops ; and either 
dissembled, or flatly denied, the truth [i.e. the Principles of 
the Separation], which formerly he had maintained : and not 
only so, but very unworthily betrayed, and accused another 
godly man, who had escaped, that so he might slip his own 

277 



278 The rascality of Francis Blackwell. 

neck out of the collar; and, to obtain his own freedom, 
brought others into bonds. Whereupon, he so won the 
Bishops' favour, but lost the Lord's, as he was not only 
dismissed : but, in open court, the Archbishop [George 
Abbot] gave him great applause ; and his solemn blessing to 
proceed in his voyage. But if such e«vents follow the 
Bishops' blessings ; happy are they that miss the same ! It 
is much better to keep a good conscience, and have the 
Lord's blessing, whether in life or death. 

But see how the man, thus apprehended by Master 
Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his. 

Right dear friend and Christian brother, Master Carver. I 
salute you and yours in the Lord, &c. As for my own present 
condition ; I doubt not but you well understand it ere this, by our 
brother Maistersone : who should have tasted of the same cup, 
had his place of residence and his person been as well known as 
myself. 

Somewhat I have written to Master Cushman, how the matter 
still continues. I have petitioned twice to [the] Master Sheriffs, 
and once to my Lord Cooke : and have used such reasons to move 
them to pity that, if they were not overruled by some others, I 
suppose I should soon gain my liberty. As that, I was a young 
man, living by my credit, indebted to divers in our city, living at 
more than ordinary charges in a close and tedious prison, besides 
great rents abroad, all my business lying still ; my only servant 
lying lame in the country, my wife being also great with child. 

And yet no answer till the Lords of His Majesty's [Priv)'] 
Council gave \have given] consent. 

Howbeit, Master Blackwell, a man as deep in this action as I, 
was delivered at a cheaper rate ; with a great deal less ado : yea, 
with an addition of the Archbishop's blessing. 

I am sorry for Master Blackwell's weakness, I wish it may 
prove no worse. But yet he and some others of them, before their 
going [i.e. to Virginia ; and therefore they left before the Ath September 
1618, the date of this letter], were not sorry ; but thought it was for 
the best that I was nominated [denounced] : not because the Lord 
sanctifies evil, to good ; but that the action was good, yea, for the 
best. 



The rascality of Francis Blackwell. 279 

One reason, I well remember, he \Frangis Blackwell] used 
was, because this trouble would increase the Virginia Plantation ; 
in that now people began to be more generally inclined to go : and 
if he had not nominated [accused] some such as I, he had not 
been free ; because it was [it being] known that divers citizens, 
besides themselves, were there. 

I expect an answer shortly what they intend concerning me. I 
purpose to write to some others of you; by whom you shall know 
the certainty. 

Thus, not having further at present to acquaint you withal, 
commending myself to your prayers, I cease : and commit you, and 
us all, to the Lord. 

Your friend and brother in bonds, 

Sabine Staresmore. 
From my Chamber in Wood street Counter, 
September 4th, aniio 1618. 

But [of] thus much by the way; which may be of 
instruction and good use. Bradford MS., folios 69-71. 



When to the above, we add what Robert Cushman tells 
us respecting Blackwell, at page 290, of "a stratagem he 
once made for Master Johnson and his people at Emden ; 
which was their subversion [utter ruin] " : it is hard to say 
which of his Elders were the more consummate rascal, 
Francis Blackwell, or Daniel Studley. " By their fruits, 
ye shall know them." 




CHAPTER XXX. 

The Negotiations with the London Virginia 

Company. 1617—1619. 

The Seven Articles. 1617. 

HE first step that was taken was to draw up 
the following Declaration of Faith and Church 
Polity : in which the Pilgrim Fathers strove, 
in order to conciliate the King and his 
Government, to minimize to the uttermost their differences 
from the Church of England as it then existed. 

The following document in the Public Record OflBce, 
London, is a copy only ; and its real date is before November 
1617: 

Seven Articles which the Church of Leyden sent 
to the [Privy] Council of England to be 
considered of, in respect of their Judgements : 
occasioned about their going to Virginia, anno 
1618. 

1. To the Confession of Faith [The 39 Articles 
of Religion of 1562] published in the name of the 
Church of England, and to every Article thereof; we 
do (with the Reformed Churches where we live, and also 
elsewhere) assent wholly. 

2. As we do acknowledge the Doctrine of Faith 
there taught; so do we, the fruits and effects of the 
same Doctrine, to the begetting of saving faith in 
thousands in the land [of England], Conformists and 
Reformists, as they are called : with whom also, as 
with our brethren, we do desire to keep spiritual 

280 



The Seven Articles. 1617. 281 

communion in peace ; and will practice in our parts all 
lawful things. 

3. The King's Majesty we acknowledge for Supreme 
Governor in his Dominions in all causes, and over all 
persons : and that none may decline or appeal from 
his authority or judgement in any cause whatsoever: 
but that in all things obedience is due unto him ; 
either active, if the thing commanded be not against 
GOD's Word; or passive, if it be, except pardon can 
be obtained. 

4. We judge it lawful \morally right] for His 
Majesty to appoint Bishops [to be] Civil Overseers 
or Officers in authority under him in the several 
Provinces, Dioceses, Congregations, or Parishes, to 
oversee the Churches, and govern them civilly [secularly] 
according to the laws of the land : unto whom, they are, 
in all things, to give an account ; and by them, to be 
ordered according to godliness. 

5. The authority of the present Bishops in the land 
[of England], we do acknowledge so far forth as the 
same is indeed derived from His Majesty unto them ; 
and as . they proceed in his name : whom we will also 
therein honour in all things ; and him, in them. 

6. We believe that no Synod, Classes, Convocation, 
or Assembly of Ecclesiastical Officers hath any power 
or authority at all but as the same [is] by the 
Magistrate given unto them. 

7. Lastly, we desire to give unto all Superiors due 
honour, to preserve the unity of the Spirit with all 
that fear GOD, to have peace with all men what in us 
lieth, and wherein we err to be instructed by any. 

Subscribed per John Robinson and William 
Brewster. 

S. P., Colonial, Vol. I. No. 43. 



282 Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 

The above extremely able Paper gave rise to a short 
controversy in print at the time. 

The Rev. Thomas Drakes [or Drax as his name is spelt in 
R. Newcourt's Repertorium, II., p. 220, Ed. 1710, fol.] was 
the Vicar of Harwich and Dovercourt; and died before 18 
March 1618. 

Very soon then after the presentation of the above Seven 
Articles, he published a reply to them entitled, " Ten 
Counter Demands propounded to the Separatists against 
their Seven Demands " : which Work is now apparently 
totally lost. 

To it, there appeared from the Pilgrim Press at Leyden, 
the following reply. 

William Euring, " An Answer to the Ten Counter 
Demands propounded by T. Drakes, Preacher of the Word 
at H. and D., in the county of Essex." 

Printed in the year 1619, 8. 

Of this Answer, only one copy is at present known to 
exist; and that is in Doctor Williams' Library, Gordon 
square, London, W.C. Press-mark, 12 — 30 — 22. 

The above Seven Articles have been reprinted by Mr 
George Bancroft, in 2 iVew York Historical Society^s 
Publications, iii., 1856, 8. 



Governor Winslow's summary account of these negotiations 
is as follows : 

These [Agents, i.e., Robert Cuseman and John 
Carver] also found GOD going along with them; and 
got Sir Edwin Sandys, a religious gentleman then 
living, to stir in it. Who procured Sir Robert 
Naunton, then Principal Secretary of State to King 
James of famous memory, to move His Majesty, by 



Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 283 

a private motion, to give way to such a people, who 
could not so comfortably live under the government of 
another State, to enjoy their liberty of conscience under 
his gracious protection in America : where they would 
endeavour the advancement of His Majesty's dominions, 
and the enlargement of the Gospel, by all due means. 

This, His Majesty said, was a good and honest motion : 
and asking, What profits might arise in the part we 
intended ? for our eye was upon the most northern 
parts of Virginia ; it was answered " Fishing." 

To which he replied, with his ordinary asseveration, 
" So GOD have my soul ! 'tis an honest trade ! ^ It 
was the Apostles' own calling ! &c." 

But afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton, who 
took all occasions to further it, that we should confer 
with the Bishops of Canterbury [George Abbot] 
and London [John King], &c. 

Whereupon we were advised to persist upon his first 
approbation ; and not to entangle ourselves with them. 
Which caused our Agents to repair to the [First, or 
London] Virginia Company : who, in their Court \or 
GoTYimittee Meeting in February 1619], demanded our 
ends of going. Which being related; they said. The 
thing was of GOD, and granted a \2jrgQ Patent. And 
one of them lent us £300 gratis, for three years : which 
was repaid. Hypocrisy unmasked <^c., pp. 89, 90, Ed. 
1646, 4. 



284 Negotiations with the Virginia Co, 

Governor Bradford's account is much more detailed. 

Whereupon two were chosen, and sent into England 
at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter. Who 
found the Virginia Company very desirous to have 
them go thither : and willing to grant them a Patent 
with as ample priviledges as they had, or could grant 
to any ; and to give them the best furtherance they 
could. 

And here it will be requisite to insert a letter 

or two that may give light to these proceedings. 

A copy of a Letter from Sir Edwin Sandys,* directed to 

Master John Eobinson and Master William Brewster. 

[London ; Wednesday, 12/22 November 1617.] 

After my hearty salutations. The Agents of your Congregation, 
Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication 
with divers select {specially deputed'] Gentlemen of His Majesty's 
Council for Virginia : and by the Writing of \The'\ Seven Articles, 
subscribed with your names, have given them that good degree 
of satisfaction, which hath carried them on with a resolution to set 
forward your desire in the best sort that may be, for your own, 
and the public, good. 

Divers particulars [have to be considered], whereof we leave 
to their faithful report : [they] having carried themselves here 
with that good discretion as is both to their own [credit], and 
their credit from whence they came. 

And whereas, being to treat for a multitude of people, 
they have requested further time, to confer with them that 
are to be interessed [interested] in this action, about the several 
particularities [points] which, in the prosecution thereof, will 
fall out considerable: it hath been willingly assented to. And 
so, they do now return unto you. 

If therefore, it may please GOD, so to direct your desires 
as that, on your parts, there fall out no just impediments ; I trust, 
by the same direction, it shall likewise appear that, on our parts, 

* The Pilgrims first acted upon William Brewster's acquaintanc 
with the Sandys family ; which has been described at page 65. 



Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 285 

all forwardness to set you forward shall be found, in the best sort, 
which with reason may be expected. 

And so, I betake [commit] you, with this design (which I hope 
verily is the work of GOD), to the gracious protection and blessing 

of the Highest. 

Your very loving friend, 

Edwin Sandys. 
London, November 12th 

anno 1617. 

Their answer was as follow eth : 

• [Leyden ; Monday, 15/25 December 1617.] 

Right Worshipful, 

Our humble duties remembered, in our 
own, our Messengers', and our Church's name : with all thankful 
acknowledgement of your singular love expressing itself as 
otherwise, so more specially in your great care and earnest 
endeavour of our good in this weighty business about Virginia. 
Which, the less able we are to requite, we shall think ourselves 
the more bound to commend in our prayers unto GOD for 
recompence. Whom, as for the present, you rightly behold in our 
indeavours : so shall we not be wanting on our parts, the same 
GOD assisting us, to return all answerable fruit and respect unto 
the labour of your love bestowed upon us. 

We have (with the best speed, and consideration withal, that 
we could) set down our Requests in writing, subscribed, as you 
willed, with the hands [sigTiatures] of the greatest part of our 
Congregation ; and have sent the same unto the Council [for 
Virginia] by our Agent and a Deacon of our Church, John Carver ; 
unto whom we have also requested [Robert Cushman] a Gentleman 
of our Company to adjoin himself : to the care and discretion 
of which two, we do refer the prosecuting of the business. 

Now we persuade ourselves, Right Worshipful, that we need 
not provoke your godly and loving mind to any further, or more 
tender, care of us ; since you have pleased so far to interest us in 
yourself that, under GOD, above all persons and things in the 
world, we rely upon you : expecting the care of your love, counsel 
of your wisdom, and the help and countenance of your authority. 

Nothwithstanding, for your encouragement in the work, so far 
as probabilities may lead ; we will not forbear to mention these 
instances of Inducement : 



286 Negotiations with the Virginia Co, 

First. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us ; unto 
whom, and whose service, we have given ourselves in many trials : 
and that he will graciously prosper our indeavour, according to the 
simplicity \j[>ure-mindedness\ of our hearts therein. 

Secondly. We are well- weaned from the delicate milk of our 
mother country: and [are] inured to the difficulties of a strange 
and hard land {Holland^ : which yet, in great part, we have, by 
patience, overcome. 

Thirdly. The people are, for the body of them, industrious and 
frugal, we think we may safely say, as any company [society'] of 
people in the world. 

Fourthly. We are knit together, as a body, in a most strict and 
sacred Bond and Covenant of the Lord ; of the %'iolation whereof 
we make great conscience : and by virtue whereof, we do hold 
ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of 
the whole, by every one ; and so mutually. 

, Lastly. It is not with us as with other men whom small things 
can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish themselves 
at home again. We know our entertainment in England, and in 
Holland. We shall much prejudice both our arts [trades] and means 
by removal. If we should be driven to return [from Virginia], we 
should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts : neither 
indeed look ever, for ourselves, to attain unto the like in any other 
place, during our lives ; which are now drawing towards their 
periods [ends]. 

These Motives we have been bold to tender unto you, which 
you, in your wisdom, may also impart to any other our worshipful 
friends of the Council [for Virginia] with you : of all whose godly 
disposition and loving [?care] towards our despised persons, we 
are most glad ; and shall not fail by all good means to continue 
and increase the same. 

We will not be further troublesome ; but, with the renewed 
remembrance of our humble duties to your Worship — and, so far 
as in modesty we may be bold, to any other of our wellwillers of the 
Council with you — we take our leaves : committing your persons 
and counsels to the guidance and direction of the Almighty. 
Yours much bounden in all duty, 

John Eobinson, 
William Brewster. 
Ley den, December 15th, 
anno 1617. 



Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 287 

And some of the Chief of that Company doubted not 
to obtain their suit of the King, for Liberty in Religion ; 
and to have it confirmed under the King's broad seal, 
according to their desires. But it proved a harder 
piece of work than they took it for : for though many 
means were used to bring it about ; yet it could not be 
effected. 

For there were divers of good worth [who] laboured 
with the King to obtain it, amongst whom was Sir 
Robert Naunton, one of his chief Secretaries [of State] ; 
and some others wrought with the Archbishop [George 
Abbot] to give way thereunto: but it proved all in 
vain. 

Yet thus far they prevailed, in sounding His Majesty's 
mind, That he would connive at them, and not molest 
them ; provided they carried themselves peaceably : but 
to allow, or tolerate, them by his public authority, under 
his seal ; they found it would not be. And this was all, 
the Chief of the Virginia Company, or any others of 
their best friends, could do in the case. Yet they 
persuaded them to go on : for they presumed they \tlie 
Pilgrims] should not be troubled. 

And with this answer, the Messengers returned ; and 
signified what diligence had been used, and to what 
issue things were come. 

But this made a damp in the business ; and caused 
some distraction. For many were afraid that if they 
should unsettle themselves, and put off their estates 
\sell off their properties], and go upon these hopes ; it 
might prove dangerous, and but a sandy foundation. 
Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed 
hereupon, without making any suit at all : than, having 
made it, to be thus rejected. 

But some of the Chiefest thought otherwise, and 



2 88 Negotiations with the Virginia Co, 

that they might well proceed hereupon; and that the 
King's Majesty was willing enough to suffer them 
without molestation : though, for other reasons, he 
would not confirm it by any public act [deed]. And 
furthermore, if there were no security in this promise 
intimated; there would be no great certainty in a 
further confirmation of the same. For if, afterwards, 
there should be a purpose, or desire, to wrong them; 
though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it 
would not serve the turn: for there would be means 
enew [enough] found to recall, or reverse, it. And 
seeing therefore the course was probable ; they must 
rest herein on GOD's Providence, as they had done in 
other things. 

Upon this resolution, other Messengers [this time 
William Brewster and Robert Cushman] were 
despatched [in 1619], to end with the Virginia Company 
as well as they could : and to procure a Patent with as 
good and ample conditions as they might by any good 
means obtain. Also to treat and conclude with such 
Merchants, and other friends, as had manifested their 
forwardness to provoke to, and adventure in, this 
Voyage [Expedition]. For which end, they had 
instructions given them, upon what conditions they 
should proceed with them ; or else to conclude nothing, 
without further advice. 

These things being long in agitation, and Messengers 
passing too and again about them, after all their hopes, 
they were long delayed by many rubs that fell in their 
way. 

For at the return of these Messengers into England, 
they found things far otherwise than they expected. 
For the Virginia Council was now so disturbed with 
factions and quarrels amongst themselves, as no business 



Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 289 

could well go forward. The which may the better 
appear in one of the Messengers' letters, as f olloweth : 

[London ; Saturday, 8/18 May 1619.] 
To his loving friends, &c. 

I had thought long since to have writ unto you, but could not 
effect that which I aimed at ; neither can yet set things as I 
wished. Yet notwithstanding, I doubt not but Master B[rewster] 
hath written to Master Robinson. But I think myself bound 
also to do something, lest I be thought to neglect you. 

The main hindrance of our proceedings in the Virginia business 
is the dissensions and factions, as they term it, amongst the Council 
and Company of Virginia; which are such as that, ever since we 
came up, no business could by them be despatched. 

The occasion of this trouble amongst them is, for that, a while 
since. Sir Thomas Smith, repining at his many Offices and troubles, 
wished the Company of Virginia to ease him of his Office in being 
Treasurer and Governor of the Virginia Company. 

Whereupon the Company took occasion to dismiss him, and [on 
28th April 1619] chose Sir Edwin Sandys Treasurer and Governor 
of the Company : he having 60 voices ; Sir John Wolstenholme, 
16 voices ; and Alderman [Sir Robert] Johnson, 24 voices. But 
Sir Thomas Smith, when he saw some part of his honour lost, was 
very angry ; and raised a faction to cavil and contend about the 
election : and sought to tax Sir Edwin with many things that 
might both disgrace him, and also put him by his Office of Governor. 
In which contentions they yet stick; and are not fit, nor ready, 
to intermeddle in any business : and what issue things will come 
to, we are not yet certain. It is most iike[ly] Sir Edwin will carry 
it away [maintain his election] : and if he do, things will go well in 
Virginia ; if other wise, they will go ill enough. Always we hope 
in two or three Courts Days things will settle. Mean space I 
think to go down into Kent [Cushman came from Canterbury 
see page 165] ; and [to] come up again [in] about fourteen days, or 
three weeks, hence : except either by these aforesaid contentions, 
or by the ill tidings from Virginia, we be wholly discouraged. Of 
which tidings I am now to speak. 

Captam [Sir Samuel] Argall is come home this week 
I2nd-8th May 1619.] He, upon notice of the intent of the Council, 
came away before Sir George Yeardlet came there : and so there 

The Pilgrim Fathers. T 



290 Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 

is no small dissension [here]. But his tidings are ill, thotigh his 
person be welcome. 

He saith, Master [Francis] Blackwell's ship came not there 
till March [1619]. But going, towards winter [1618 ; hefore Septemher 
4tth\ they had still northwest winds ; which carried them to the 
southward, beyond their course. And the Master of the ship and 
some six of the mariners dying ; it seemed they could not find the 
[Chesapeake] Bay till after long seeking and beating about. 

Master Blackwell is dead,. and Master Maggner the Captain. 
Yea, there are dead, he saith, 130 persons, one and [an]other, in that 
ship. It is said, There were in all 180 persons in the ship ; so as 
they were packed together like herrings. They had amongst them 
the flux [dysentery]^ and also want of fresh water : so as it is, here, 
rather wondered at, that so many are alive, than that so many 
are dead. 

The Merchants here say, It was Master Blackwell's fault to 
pack so many in the ship. Yea, and there were great mutterings 
and repinings amongst them, and upbraiding of Master Blackwell 
for his dealing and disposing of them ; when they saw how he 
had disposed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the 
streets at Gravesend rang of their extreme quarrelings, crying 
out one of another, " Thou has brought me to this ! " and " I may 
thank thee for this ! " [Thou-ing and thee-ing were then expressions 
of scorn.'] 

Heavy news it is, and I would be glad to hear how far it will 
discourage [you at Leyden]. I see none here discouraged much ; 
but rather desire to learn to beware by other men's harms, and to 
amend that wherein they have failed. 

As we desire to serve one another in love, so [let us] take heed 
of being inthralled by any imperious person ; especially if they 
be discerned to have an eye to themselves. It doth often trouble 
me to think that, in this business, we are all to learn, and none to 
teach : but better so, than to depend upon such teachers as Master 
Blackwell was. Such a stratagem he once made for Master 
[Francis] Johnson and his people at Emden ; which was their 
subversion. But though he then cleanly, yet unhonestly, plucked 
his neck out of the collar ; yet, at last, his foot is caught. 

Here are no letters come [from Virginia]. The ship Captain 
[Sir Samuel] Argall came in, is yet in the west parts [of England]. 
All that we hear is but his report. It seemeth he came away secretly. 



Negotiations with the Virginia Co. 291 

The ship that Master Blackwell went in will be here shortly. It 
is, as Master Robinson once s^id, He thought we should hear no 
good of them \i.e. the remnant of the Rev. Francis Johnson's Church 
that went from Amsterdam to Virginia']. 

Master B[rewster] is not well at this time. "Whether he will 
come back to you, or go into the north [of England] ; I yet know 
not. For myself, I hope to see an end of this business ere I come 
[back] : though I am sorry to be thus from you. If things had 
gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within these 
fourteen days. I pray GOD direct us, and give us that spirit 
which is fitting for such a business. 

Thus having summarily pointed at things ; which Master 
Brewster, I think, hath more largely writ of to Master Robinson : 
I leave you to the Lords's protection. 

Yours in all readiness, Sc, 

Robert Cushman. 
London, 
May 8th, anno 1619. 

But, at last, after all these things, and their long 
attendance; they had a Patent granted them [by the 
Company, on 9/19 June 1619 ; see page 253], and 
confirmed under the Company's seal : but these divisions 
and distractions had shaken off many of their pretended 
friends ; and disappointed them of their hoped-for and 
proffered means. 

By the advice of some friends, this Patent was not 
taken in the name of any of their own [Company] but 
in the name of Master John Wincob [or rather Whincop 
or WiNCOP] a religious Gentleman, then belonging to 
[the household of Elizabeth de Clinton,] the Countess 
[Dowager] of Lincoln : who intended to go with them. 
But GOD so disposed as he never went ; nor they ever 
made use of this Patent, which had cost them so much 
labour and charge : as by the sequel will appear. 
Bradford MS., folios 55-71. 

Let us see what progress had now been made. In 



292 Negotiations with the Virginia Co, 

October — November 1617, the negotiations with the London 
Virginia Company began ; and they, at length, had culminated 
in the sealing of their first Patent, to John Wincop, upon 
9/19 June 1619. 

But the Pilgrims wanted more than a Patent from the 
Company : they also wanted free shipping. The Company, 
however, was practically penniless ; and was on its way to the 
bankruptcy which overtook it in 1624. 

So the Pilgrims had to cast about for some means to get 
across the Atlantic : and, then it was, that, despairing of all 
help from home, they unwillingly began their negotiations with 
the Dutch, 




CHAPTER XXXL 

The Negotiations with the Privy Council. 

The Three Points. 

January — February 1618. 



OVERNOU BRADFORD here carries on the 



For further light in these proceedings, see 
some other Letters and Notes, as followeth : 



THE COPY OF A LETTER SENT TO SIR JOHN WOSTLEHOLME. 
[lEYDEN; TUESDAY, 27 JANUARY /6 FEBRUARY, 1617/1618.] 

Eight Worshipful. With due acknowledgement of our 
thankfulness for your singular care and pains in the business of 
Virginia; for our, and, we hope, the common, good : we do 
remember our humble duties to you ; and have sent inclosed, 
as is required, a further explanation of our Judgements in The 
Three Points specified by some of His Majesty's honourable 
Privy Council. And though it be grievous unto us, that such 
unjust insinuations are made against us ; yet we are most glad 
of the occasion of making our just purgation unto so honourable 
Personages. 

The Declarations we have sent inclosed; the one more brief 
and general, which we think the fitter to be presented: the other 
something more large, and in which we express some small accidental 
differences ; which if it seem good unto you and others of our 
worshipful friends, you may send instead of the former. 

Our prayer unto GOD is, that your Worship may see the fruit 
of your worthy endeavours; which on our parts we shall not fail 
to further by all good means in us. And so praying that you 
would please, with the convenientest speed that may be, to give us 

293 



294 Negotiations with the Privy Council, 

knowledge of the success of the business with His Majesty's Privy 
Council; and accordingly, what your further pleasure is, either for 
our direction, or furtherance in the same. So we rest. 

Your Worship's in all duty, 

John Eobinson, 
William Brewster. 

Leyden, January 27th 
anno 1617 [—1618], Old Style. 

The first brief Note was this : 

Touching the Ecclesiastical Ministry, namely, of Pastors for 
Teaching, Elders for Ruling, and Deacons for distributing the 
Church's contribution; as also for the two Sacraments, Baptism and 
the Lord's Supper : we do wholly and in all points agree with the 
French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of 
Faith. 

The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required 
of us; and that convenient satisfaction be not given by our taking 
the Oath of Allegiance. 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 



The second was this : 

Touching the Ecclesiastical Ministry &c. . . . . (as in the 
former) .... we agree in all things with the French Reformed 
Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith. Though 
some small differences be to be found in our practices ; not at all 
in the substance of the things, but only in some accidental 
circumstances : 

As, first. Their Ministers do pray with their heads covered: 
ours, uncovered. 

Secondly. We choose none for Governing Elders but such as 
are able to teach : which ability they do not require. 

Thirdly. Their Elders and Deacons are annual, or at most for 
two or three years: ours perpetual. 

Fourthly. Our Elders do administer their Office, in Admonitions 
and Excomunications for public scandals, publicly; and before the 
Congregation: theirs more privately, and in their Consistories. 



Negotiations with the Privy Council. 295 

Fifthly. We do administer Baptism only to such infants as 
whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some Church : which 
some of their Churches do not observe ; though in it our practice 
accords with their public Confession^ and the judgement of the most 
learned amongst them. 

Other differences worthy mentioning, we know [of] none in 
these Points. 

Then about the Oath, as in the former. 

Subscribed, 

John Robinson. 
William Brewster. 



Part of another Letter from him that delivered these : 

LONDON ; [SATURDAY,] FEBRUARY 14/24, 1617 [ — 1618]. 

Your Letter to Sir John Wolstenholme, I delivered, almost 
as soon as I had it, to his own hands ; and stayed with him the 
opening and reading. There were two Papers inclosed. 

He read them to himself, as also the Letter : and in the 
reading he spake to me, and said "Who shall make them?" viz. 
the Ministers. 

I answered his Worship, That the power of making was in the 
Church, to be ordained by the Imposition of Hands by the fittest 
Instruments they had. It must either be in the Church, or from 
the Pope : and the Pope is Antichrist. 

. " Ho ! " said Sir John, " what the Pope holds good, as in the 
Trinity, that we do well to assent to : but " said he, " we will not 
enter into dispute now." 

As for your Letters, he would not show them at any hand ; lest 
he should spoil all. He expected you should have been of [George 
Abbot] the Archbishop's mind for the Calling of Ministers : but it 
seems you differed. I could have wished to have known the 
contents of your two [Papers] inclosed : at which he stuck so 
much ; especially the larger [one]. 

I asked his Worship, What good news he had for me to write 
[to Leyden] to-morrow ? 

He told me, "Very good news : for both the King's Majesty 
and the Bishops have consented." 



296 Negotiations with the Privy Council. 

He S8ftd he would go to Master Chancellor, Sir Fulke Greville, 
as this day; and next week, I should know more. 

I met Sir Edwin Sakdys on Wednesday night [11th February]. 
He wished me to be at the Virginia Court the next Wednesday 
[18th February] ; where I purpose to be. 

Thus loath to be troublesome at present, I hope to have 
somewhat, next week, of certain, concerning you. I commit you 
to the Lord. 

Yours, 

Sabine Staresmore. 
Bradford MS., folios 63-65. 




CHAPTER XXXII 
The Negotiations with the Dutch, 1620. 

E will first give the documents ; and afterwards 
discuss them. 

PETITION OF THE DIRECTORS OF THE 

NEW NETHERLAND COMPANY. 

WEDNESDAY, 2/12 FEBRUARY 1619/1620. 

To the Prince of Orange, &c. 

The Directors of the Company trading to New Netherland, 
situate in latitude from 40 to 45 degrees, between New France and 
Virginia, reverently represent 

That they, the Petitioners, have, as discoverers and first finders 
of the said countries, traded thither now several years ; in virtue 
of a certain general Charter from the High and Mighty Lords 
States General, dated the 10th March 1614 [N.S.\ That they, 
also, have delivered to their High Mightinesses their written Report, 
with a Map, of the situation and usefulness of [the] said countries. 

And whereas the Petitioners' Charter has expired, so that every 
one is now at liberty to trade there ; they have again sent thither 
two ships, in order to preserve the reputation of [the] said trade. 
Some vessels have been likewise sent by other traders, exclusive of 
the Company. 

Now it happens that there is residing at Leyden a certain 
English Preacher, versed in the Dutch language, who is well 
inclined to proceed thither to live : assuring the Petitioners that 
he has the means of inducing over four hundred families to 
accompany him thither, both out of this country and England. 
Provided they would be guarded and preserved from all violence on 
the part of other potentates, by the authority and under the 
protection of your Princely Excellency and the High and Mighty 
Lords States General, in the propagation of the true [and] pure 
Christian religion, in the instruction of the Indians in that country 

297 



298 Negotiations with the Dutch, 

in true learning, and in converting them to the Christian faith : 
and thus, through the mercy of the Lord, to the greater glory of 
this country's government, to plant there a new Commonwealth ; 
all under the order and command of your Princely Excellency 
and the High and Mighty Lords States General. 

And whereas they, the Petitioners, have experienced that 
His Majesty of Great Britain would be disposed to people the 
aforesaid lands with the English Nation ; and by force to render 
fruitless their possession and discovery, and thus deprive this 
State of its right ; and apparently with ease surprise the ships 
of this country which are there, and are ordered to remain there 
the whole year : wherefore they, the Petitioners, pray and request 
that your Princely Excellency may benignly please to take all 
the aforesaid into favourable consideration, so that, for the 
preservation of this country's rights, the aforesaid Minister and the 
four hundred families may be taken under the protection of this 
country ; and that two ships of war may be provisionally 
despatched to secure to the State the aforesaid countries ; inasinuch 
as they would be of much importance, whenever the West India 
Company is established, in respect to the large abundance of 
timber fit for shipbuilding, &c., as may be seen by the 
accompanying Report. On all which 

(Endorsed) Petition of the Directors of the Company 
trading to New Netherland, 12 February 1620. 

Documents . . . 'procured in Holland &c.^ Ed. E. B. 
O'Callaghan. Vol. I., pp. 22, 23. Albany N.Y., 1856, 4. 



RESOLUTION OF THE STATES GENERAL ON THE PETITION 
OF THE NEW NETHERLAND COMPANY. 

Saturday, the 11th April 1620 \_N.8\ 

The Petition of the Directors of the New Netherland Com- 
pany, that they, for the peopling of the said Island [of Manhattan], 
may be assisted with two ships of war, is again rejected. Idem^ 
p. 24. 

SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO THE ENGLISH PRIVY COUNCIL. 
THE HAGUE ; TUESDAY, 5/15 FEBRUARY 1621/1622. 

May it please your Lordships. Having received your Lordships' 



Negotiations with the Dutch. 299 

letter, of the 15th of December [1621], touching the Hollanders 
entering, a year since \i.e. in December 1620], and planting 
a Colony, upon some parts of the north of Virginia, within the 
precinct of which His Majesty had formerly granted, by his 
Patent^ the quiet and full possession unto particular persons : with 
commandment from His Majesty to move the States General, not 
only to make stay of such ships as are here prepared for that 
voyage ; but likewise to prohibit the further prosecution of that 
Plantation : 

I took the liberty which the season gave me — all these country 
\ButcK\ ships being then, as they still are, bound in with ice — to 
inform myself of the state of the business, before I would appear 
in their Assembly ; and could not find (either by such merchants 
with whom I have acquaintance at Amsterdam ; or by [Maurice] 
the Prince of Orange and some of the States, of whom I made 
enquiries) any more in the matter but that, about four or five years 
since [1618, or 1617], two particular Companies of Amsterdam 
merchants began a trade into those parts, betwixt 40 and 45 
degrees [North] ; to which, after their manner, they gave their 
own names of New Netherlands ; a South, and a North, Sea ; a 
Texel ; a Vlieland ; and the like. Whither they have, ever since, 
continued to send ships, of 30 or 40 lasts [ = 60 to 80 tons\ at the 
most, to fetch furs ; which is all their trade : for the providing 
of which, they have certain Factors there, continually resident, 
trading with [the] savages. And, at this present, there is a ship 
at Amsterdam bound for those parts. 

But I cannot learn of any Colony ; either already planted 
there by these people, or so much as intended. 

And I have this further reason to believe there is none — 
because, within these few months, divers inhabitants of this 
country, to a considerable number of families \i.e. 60 families of 
WallooTis\ have been suitors unto me to procure them a place of 
habitation amongst His Majesty's subjects of those parts : which, 
by His Majesty's order, was Aiade known to the Directors of the 
Plantation \i.e. Tlie London Virginia Company/] ; and if these 
country men [Dutchmen] were in any such way themselves, there is 
small appearance [that] they would desire to mingle with strangers, 
and be subject to their Grovernment. 

Nevertheless because more may be known to your Lordships 



300 Negotiations with the Dutch. 

than I can learn here ; I have not failed of my duty in demanding 
audience of the States, and saying to them what I was commanded: 
the effect \suhstance\ whereof (as the use here is, being so required) 
I gave them in writing; according to the copy I send your 
Lordships herewith. 

Which those of [the Province of] Holland demanded of the 
Assembly ; whereby to take information of the business, of which 
they pretended ignorance : thereupon to frame an Answer to His 
Majesty ,• which, when I shall receive, I will not fail to advertise 
your Lordships. 

So I most humbly take leave. From the Hague, the 5th of 
February 1621. 

S. P., Holland. Bundle 145. 



1. The first important point here is, That it is clear that, 
on the 2/12 February 1619/1620, the date of the first 
document, Master Thomas Weston, the London Merchant of 
whom we shall presently hear so much, had not yet come to the 
Leyden Church ; and made his proposals to them : because, 
at page 317, the Rev. John Robinson writes of him to John 
Carver, " When we had another course with the Dutchmen, 
[we] broke it off, at his motion." Now these negotiations 
were certainly not broken off on the above date. 

2. But these were broken off before 1/11 April 1620, the 
date of the second document ; otherwise they would have 
come to an end thi'ough the failure of the New Netherland 
Company, consequent on the refusal of the States General : 
instead of which, the Englishmen broke them off. 

3. Therefore we can say with certainty, that, Thomas 
Weston appeared on the scene , at Leyden, on some date 
between 2/12 February and 1/11 April 1620. 

4. Notice Sir Dudley Carleton's statement that, up to 
the 5/15 February 1622, no Colony of any kind existed at the 
island of Manhattan ; but only Fur Factors. 

Why then did the Pilgrims, having rejected all idea of 



Negotiations with the Dutch. 301 

living under the Dutch, on the arrival of the Mayflower off 
Cape Cod on the 9/19 November 1620, deliberately sail 
southward in order to settle themselves somewhere near the 
Hudson river, which, as they then thought, was some thirty 
miles off, see page 407 ? 

Three reasons may be assigned for this : 

First. Their Patent^ granted to Master Wincop, was for 
the northern parts of Virginia. 

Secondly. In the course of their negotiations with the New 
Netherland Company, they must have received some special 
and favourable information from them, respecting that part of 
North America. 

Thirdly. A cogent reason for such a desired proximity 
would be, mutual help in time of need. We can see how 
deeply they felt their utter isolation from all European aid, 
when they first anchored in Cape Cod Bay, from Governor 
Bradford's remarks at pp. 351-354. 




CHAPTER XXXIII 

The Negotiations with Master Thomas Weston, 

Merchant; and the Adventurers, in 

and about london. 1620. 

OR these Negotiations, Governor Bradford is the 
only authority. 

About this time, whilst they were 
perplexed with the proceedings of the 
Virginia Company ; and the ill news from thence about 
Master Blackwell and his Company ; and making 
enquiry about the hiring and buying of shipping 
for their Voyage: some Dutchmen made them [? in 
January 1620] fair offers about going with them [to 
the Hudson river]. 

Also one Master Thomas Weston, a Merchant of 
London, came to Ley den about the same time [? February 
1620] : who was well acquainted with some of them, 
and a furtherer of them in their former proceedings [? at 
Boston, or ?at Amsterdam, or ?at Ley den]. Having 
much conference with Master Robinson and others of 
the Chief of them ; [he] persuaded them to go on, as it 
seems ; and not to meddle with the Dutch, or too much 
to depend on the Virginia Company. For if that failed 
[in supplying them with shipping to go to America], 
if they came to resolution [to migrate], he and such 
Merchants as were his friends, together with their [the 
Pilgrims'] own means, would set them forth : and they 
should make ready, and neither fear want of shipping . 

302 



Negotiations with the Adventtirers, 303 

nor money ; for what they wanted should be provided. 
And, not so much for himself, as for the satisfying of 
such friends as he should procure to adventure in this 
business, they were to draw [up] such Articles of 
Agreement, and make such Propositions, as might the 
better induce his friends to venture. 

Upon which, after the former's conclusion [the break 
off with the Dutch, in ? March 1620], Articles were 
drawn, and agreed unto; and were shown unto him, 
and approved by him: and afterwards, by their said 
Messenger (Master John Carver) sent into England. 
Who, together with Robert Cushman, were to 
receive the monies, and make provision both for 
shipping and other things for the Voyage : with this 
charge, not to exceed their Commission ; but to proceed 
according to the former Articles. 

Also some were chosen to do the like, for such things 
as were to be prepared there [i.e. in Holland]. So those 
that were to go, prepared themsejves with all speed, 
and sold off their estates [properties] ; and, such as were 
able, put in their monies into the Common Stock : which 
was disposed, by those appointed, for the making of 
general provisions. 

About this time also, they had heard, both by Master 
Weston and others, that sundry honourable Lords had 
obtained a large grant from the King for the more 
northerly parts of that country, derived out of the 
Virginia Patent] and wholly secluded from their 
Government : and to be called by another name, viz. New 
England.* Unto which, Master Weston and the Chief 



* Here ia a slip of memory on behalf of Governor Beadfoed. James 
I.'s Warrant to Sir Thomas Coventey to prepare the new Patent, for, The 



304 Negotiations with the Adventurers. 

of them, began to incline, it was best for them to go : as 
for other reasons, so chiefly for the hope of present 
[immediate] profit, to be made by the fishing that was 
found in that country. 

But as, in all businesses, the acting part is most 
difficult, especially where the work of many Agents 
must concur : so was it found in this. For some of 
those that should have gone, in England, fell off; and 
would not go. Other merchants and friends that had 
offered to adventure their monies, withdrew ; and 
pretended many excuses. Some disliking they went not 
to Guiana. Others again would adventure nothing, 
except they went to Virginia. Some again, and those 
that were most relied on, fell in utter dislike with 
Virginia ; and would do nothing, if they went thither. 

In the midst of these distractions, they of Leyden, 
who had put off their estates [sold their properties] and 
laid out their monies, were brought into a great strait : 
fearing what issue these things would come to. But, at 
length, the Generality [Tnajority of the Adventurers] was 
swayed to this latter opinion [of going to Virginia]. 

But now another difficulty arose. For Master 
Weston and some others that were for this course 
[of going to Virginia], (either for their better advantage ; 
or rather for the drawing on of others, as they pretended) 
would have some of these Conditions altered, that were 
first agreed on at Leyden. 

To which the two Agents sent from Leyden ; or, at 



Council for the Affairs of New England in America," is dated the 23rd 
July 1620 ; and the SpeedwelllQit Delfshaven on the 26th July 1620 ; both 
Old Style. The actual Patent was not signed till 3rd November 1620. 
The Pilgrim Fathers could only have heard of this Warrant, on their 
arrival at Southampton. — E. A. 



Negotiations with the Adventurers. 305 

least, one of them [Robert Cushman] who is most 
charged with it, did consent. 

Seeing else that all was like[ly] to be dashed, and the 
opportunity lost ; and that they which had put off their 
estates \sold their properties], and paid in their monies, 
were in hazard to be undone : they presumed to conclude 
with the Merchants on those terms, in some things 
contrary to their order and Commission; and without 
giving them [at Leyden] notice of the same. It was 
concealed, lest it should make any further delay. 
Which was the cause, afterward, of much trouble and 
contentions. 

It will be meet [that] I here insert these [altered] 
Conditions ; which are as f olloweth : 

Anno 1620 [O.S.], [Saturday,] July 1st. 

1. Tlie Adventurers and Planters do agree, That every person 

that goeth, being aged sixteen years and upwards, be 
rated at £10 : and £10 to be accounted a Single Share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself out 

with £10, either in money or other provisions, be 
accounted as having £20. in Stock : and in the Division 
shall receive a Double Share. 

3. The persons transported and the Adventurers shall continue 

their Joint Stock and Partnership together, the space 
of Seven Years ; except some unexpected impediment do 
cause the whole Company to agree otherwise ; during 
which time, all profits and benefits that are got by [the] 
trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other 
means, of any person, or persons, [shall] remain still in the 
Common Stock until the Division. 

4. That, at their coming there [i.e. in Virginia], they choose 

out such a number of fit persons as may furnish their 
ships and boats for fishing upon the sea : imploying the 
rest in their several faculties [trades] upon the land; 
as building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and 
making such commodities as shall be most useful for the 

Colony. 
The Pilgrim Fathers u 



3o6 Negotiations with the Adventurers. 

5. That at the end of the Seven Years, the Capital and Profits 

(viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatties) be equally 
divided betwixt the Adventurers and [the] Planters. 
Which done, every man shall be free from other of them, 
of any debt or detriment concerning this Adventure. 

6. Wliosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth 

any[thing] into the Stock, shall, at the end of the Seven 
Years, be allowed proportionately to the time of his so 
doing. 

7. He that shall carry his wife and children, or servants, shall 

be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years 
and upward, a Single Share in the Division ; or, if he 
provide them necessaries, a Double Share : or, if they be 
between ten years old and sixteen, then two of them 
to be reckoned for a person, both in Transportation and 
Division. 

8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of 

ten years, have no other Share in the Division but fifty 
acres of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the Seven Years be 

expired, their Executors to have their part or Share at 

the Division, proportionately to the time of their life in 

the Colony. 
10. That all such persons as are of this Colony are to have their 

meat, drink, apparel, and all provisions out of the Common 

Stock and goods of the said Colony. 
The chief and principal differences between these, 
and the former, Conditions stood in those two points : 
[5.] That the houses, and lands improved, especially gardens 

and home lots, should remain, undivided, wholly to the 

Planters, at the Seven Years' end. 
[11.] Secondly. That they should have had two days in a 

week for their own private imployment, for the more 

comfort of themselves and their families ; especially 

such as had families. 

But because Letters are by some wise men counted 
the best part of Histories ; I shall show their grievances 
hereabout by their own letters : in which the passages 
of things will be more truly discerned. 



Negotiations with the Adventurers. 307 

[We must here re-arrange these letters in the Bradford 
Manuscript in a strict chronological order. — E. A.] 

[a letter from sundry of the pilgrim church to their 

agents in london.] 
wednesday, 31 may /lo june 1620. 

To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman 
these, <S:c. 

Good Brethren. After salutations, &c. "We received divers 
letters at the coming of Master [Thomas] Nash, and our Pilot 
\%o}vo woLS to navigate the Speedwell from DelfsJiaven to Southampton] 
which is a great incouragement unto us ; and for whom, we 
hope, after times will minister occasion of praising GOD. And 
ndeed had you not sent him, many would have been ready to 
faint and go back : partly in respect of the new Conditions 
which have been taken up [accepted] by you, which all men are 
against ; and partly in regard of our own inability to do any 
one of those many weighty businesses, you refer to us here. 

For the former whereof, Whereas Robert Cushman desires 
reasons for our dislike, promising thereupon to alter the same ; 
else saying we should think he hath no brains : we desire him 
to exercise them therein, referring him to our Pastor's former 
reasons ; and them, to the censure of the godly wise. But our 
desires are, that you will not entangle yourselves and us in any 
such unreasonable courses as these are, viz. 

[5.] That the Merchants should have the half of men's houses 

and lands at the Divident. 

[11.] And that persons should be deprived of the two [week] 

days in a week agreed upon ; yea, [of] every moment of 

time, for their own particular [private use]. By reason 

whereof, we cannot conceive why any should carry 

servants, for their own help and comfort ; for [seei7ig] that 

we can require no more of them, than all men one of 

another. 

This we have only by relation from Master Nash, and not from 

any writing of your own ; and therefore [we] hope you have not 

proceeded far in so great a thing without us. But requiring you 

not to exceed the bounds of your Commission ; which was to 

proceed upon the things or Conditions agreed upon, and expressed 

in writing, at your going ever about it, we leave it : not without 



3o8 Negotiations with the Adventurers. 

marvelling that yourself (as you write) knowing how small a thing 
troubleth our consultations, and how few (as you fear) understand 
the business aright ; [you] should trouble with such matters as 
these are, &c. 

Salute Master Weston from us ; in whom we hope we are not 
deceived. We pray you make known our estate unto him ; and, if 
you think good, show him our letters. At least, tell him, That, 
under GOD, we much rely upon him ; and put our confidence in 
him. And, as yourselves well know, that if he had not been an 
Adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand : presuming 
that if he had not seen means to accomplish it, he would not have 
begun it. So we hope, in our extremity, he will so far help us 
as [that] our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. 

Since therefore. Good Brethren, we have plainly opened the 
state of things with us, in this manner ; you will, &g. 

Thus beseeching the Almighty, who is all-sufficient to raise us 
out of this depth of difficulties, to assist us herein : raising such 
means, by his Providence and fatherly care for us his poor children 
and servants, as we may with comfort behold the hand of our GOD 
for good towards us in this our business ; which we undertake in 
his name and fear, we take leave, and remain 

Your perplexed, yet hopeful, brethren, 

Samuel Fuller, 

June 10th, New Style, Edward Winslow. 

Anno 1620. William Bradford. 

Isaac Allerton. 

Besides these things, there fell out a diflference 
amongst those Three that received the monies and 
made the provisions in England. For besides these two, 
formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden for this end, viz. 
Master Carver and Robert Cushman, there was one 
chosen in England to be joined with them, to make the 
provisions [arrangements] for the Voyage. His name was 
Master [Christopher] Martin. He came from Biliericay 
in Essex : from which parts came sundry others to go 
with them ; as also from London and other places. And 
therefore it was thought meet and convenient by them 



Negotiations with the Adventurers. 309 

in Holland, that these strangers that were to go with 
them, should appoint one thus to be joined with them : 
not so much for any great need of their help as to 
avoid all suspicion, or jealousy, of any partiality. And 
indeed their care for \agains(\ giving offence, both in 
this and other things afterward, turned to great 
inconvenience unto them ; as in the sequel will appear : 
but, however, it shewed their equal and honest minds. 

The provisions [preparations] were, for the most part, 
made at Southampton; contrary to Master Weston's 
and Robert Cushman's mind ; whose counsels did most 
concur in all things. 

A touch of which things, I shall give, in a letter of 
his, to Master Carver : and more will appear afterward. 

[ROBERT CUSHMAN AT LONDON TO JOHN CARVER, ? AT SOUTHAMPTON.] 

SATURDAY, 10/20 JUNE 1620. 

To his loving friend, Master John Carver, these, c&c. 

Loving friend. I have received from you, some letters full of 
[dis]affection and complaints : and what it is you would have of 
me, I know not. For your crying out, " Negligence ! Negligence ! 
Negligence ! " : I marvel why so negligent a man was used in the 
business. Yet, know you ! that all that I have power to do here, 
shall not be one hour behind, I warrant you ! 

You have reference to Master Weston to help us with money, 
more than his Adventure : when he protesteth, But for his 
promise, he would not have done anything. He saith. We take a 
heady course, and is offended that our provisions [preparations] 
are made so far off, as also that he was not made acquainted with 
our quantity of things : and saith, That in now being in three 
places too far remote [i.e. Lei/den, London^ aiid SouthampttOTi], we 
will, with going up and down, and wi'angling and expostulating 
pass over the summer before we will go. 

And to speak the truth there is fallen already amongst us a fiat 
schism ; and we are readier to go to dispute, than to set forward a 
voyage. I have received from Ley den, since you went [? to 
Southampton], three or four letters directed to you ; though they 
only concern me. I will not trouble you with them. 



'> 



lo Negotiations with the Adventurers. 



I always feared the event of the Amsterdam's [i.e. members of 
the Rev. Henry Ainsworte's Church there'] striking in with us. I 
trow, you must excommunicate me, or else you must go without 
their company ; or we shall want no quarrelling. But let them pass. 

"We have reckoned, it should seem, without our host ; and 
counted upon one hundred and fifty persons. There cannot be 
found above £1,200 and odd monies, of all the Ventures you can 
reckon : besides some cloth, stockings, and shoes ; which are not 
counted. So we shall come short at least £300 or £400 \i.e. at £\0 
a person]. 

I would have had something shortened, at first, of beer and 
other provisions, in hope of other Adventures. And now we 
could have, both in Amsterdam and Kent, beer inough to serve 
our turn : but now we cannot accept it without prejudice [i.e. 
having already/ made other arrangements]. 

You fear. We have begun to build ; and shall not be able to 
make an end. Indeed our courses were never established by 
counsel ; we may therefore justly fear their standing. Yea, there 
was a schism amongst us [Three], at the first. 

You wrote to Master Martin to prevent the making of the 
provisions in Kent : which he did, and set down his resolution, 
How much he would have of everything ; without respect to any 
counsel, or exception. Surely, he that is in a society, and yet 
regards not counsell, may better be a King than a consort. 

To be short, if there be not some other disposition settled unto, 
than yet is : we, that should be partners of humility and peace, 
shall be examples of jangling and insulting. 

Yet your money which you there \? SoutJiampton] must have ; 
we will get provided for you instantly. £500, you say, will serve. 
For the rest which here and in Holland is to be used ; we may go 
scratch for it. 

For Master Crabe,* of whom you write, he hath promised to go 
with us : yet I tell you, I shall not be without fear *HewasaMin- 
till I see him shipped ; for he \i.e. his going] is is'er. [W. B.j 
much opposed. Yet T hope he will not fail. 

Think the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting : 
and the Lord guide us all 1 

Your loving friend, 

Egbert Cushman. 
London, June 10th 

Anno 1620. 



Negotiations with the Adventtcre^^s. 3 1 1 

A LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN'S TO THEM [aT LETDEN]. 
[LONDON ; ? SATURDAY, 10/20 JUNE 1620.] 

Brethren. I understand by letters and passages that have 
come to me, that there are great discontents and dislikes of my 
proceedings amongst you. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content to 
bear it : as not doubting but that, partly by writing, and more 
principally by word when we shall come together, I shall satisfy 
any reasonable man. 

I have been persuaded by some, especially this bearer [the 
hearer of this : ? John Iurner intended, see pp. 315, 316] to come and 
clear things unto you : but, as things now stand, I cannot be 
absent one day, except I should hazard all the Voyage. Neither 
conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, Brethren, 
this as a step to give you content. 

First, for your dislike of the alteration of one clause in the 
Conditions ; if you conceive it right, there can be no blame lie on 
me at all. For the Articles first brought over by John Carver were 
never seen of any of the Adventurers here, except Master Weston : 
neither did any of them like them, because of that clause ; nor 
Master Weston himself, after he had well considered it. But as at 
the first there was £500 withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his 
brother, upon that dislike ; so all the rest would have withdrawn, 
Master Weston excepted, if we had not altered that clause. Now 
whilst we at Leyden conclude[d] upon points, as we did ; we reckoned 
without our host : which was not my fault. 

Besides, I shewed you, by a letter, the equity of that Condition 
and our inconveniences : which might be set against all Master 
Robinson's inconveniences : 

That without the alteration of that clause, we could 
neither have means to get thither ; nor Supply 
[reinforcements'] whereby to subsist, when we were there. 

Yet notwithstanding all those reasons ; which were not mine, 
but other men's wiser than myself : without answer to any one of 
them ; here cometh over many querimonies and complaints against 
me : of lording it over my bretheren ; and making conditions fitter 
for thieves and bondslaves than honest men ; and that, of my own 
head, I did what I list. 

And, at last a Paper of Reasons, framed against that clause in 
the Conditions : which as they were delivered me open, so my 
Answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but 



312 Negotiations with the Adventurers, 

inconveniences ; such as a man might frame twenty as great on the 
other side, and yet prove, nor disprove, nothing by them : so they 
miss and mistake both the very ground of the Article^ and nature 
of the project. 

1. For, first, it is said, That if there had been no division of 
houses and lands, it had been better for the poor. 

\A.n&wer^ True, and that showeth the inequality of the 
Conditions. We should more respect him that ventureth both his 
money and his person, than him that ventureth but his person only. 

2. \A.n8wer!\ Consider whereabout we are. Not giving alms, 
but furnishing a Store House. No one shall be poorer than another 
for Seven Years ; and if any be rich, none can be poor. At the 
least, we must not, in such business, cry " Poor ! Poor ! Mercy 1 
Mercy ! " Charity hath its life in Wrecks, not in Ventures. You 
are by this most in a hopeful pity of making. Therefore complain 
not before you have need ! 

3. This will hinder the building of good and fair houses ; 
contrary to the advice of Politics \Political Economists]. 

Ansioer. So we would have it. Our purpose is to build for the 
present such houses as, if need be, we may, with little grief, set 
afire, and run away by the light [thereof]. Our riches shall not be 
in pomp, but in strength. If GOD send us riches, we will imploy 
them to provide more men, ships, munition, Sc. You may see it 
amongst the best Politics [Political Economists^ that a Common 
Weal is readier to ebb, than to flow, when once fine houses and gay 
clothes come up. 

4. The Government [there] may prevent excess in building. 
Answer. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build 

mean houses ; the Government's labour is spared. 

5. All men are not of one condition. 

Answer. If by condition, you mean wealth ; you are mistaken. 
If you mean, by condition, qualities ; then I say : 

He that is not content his neighbour shall have as good a house, 
fare, means, &c., as himself, is not of a good quality. 

Secondly. Such retired \seljisK\ persons as have an eye only to 
themselves, are fitter to come where catching is, than closing : and 
are fitter to live alone ; than in any society, either civil or religious. 

6. It will be of little value, scarce worth £5 [a house, &c.]. 
Answer. True, it may be not worth half £5. If then so small 

a thing will content them [the Adventurers] ; why strive we thus 



Negotiations with the Adventurers. 313 

about it, and give them occasion to suspect us to be worldly and 
covetous ? I will not say what I have heard, since these Complaints 
came first over [from Holland]. 

7. Our friends with us that adventure, mind not their own 
profit, as did the old Adventurers. 

Answer. Then they are better than we, who for [want of] a 
little matter of profit are ready to draw back. And it is more 
apparent, (Brethren, look to it !) that [ye] make profit your main 
end ! Repent of this, else go not ! lest you be like a Jonas to 
Tarshish. 

Secondly. Though some of them mind not their profit ; yet 
others do mind it : and why not, as well as we % Ventures are 
made by all sorts of men ; and we must labour to give them all 
content, if we can. 

8. It will break the course of Commxmity, as may be showed by 
many reasons. 

Answer. That is but said : and I say again, It will best foster 
Communion [? the common interest, or ? the community of goods^ as 
may be showed by many reasons. 

9. Great profit is like[ly] to be made by trucking, fishing, Sc. 
Answer. As it is better for them, so for us : for half is ours, 

besides our living still upon it. And if such profit in that way 
come, our labour shall be the less on the land : and our houses and 
lands must, and will be, of less value. 

10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. 

Answer. True ; but do they put us upon it ? Do they urge 
and egg us [on] ? Hath not the motion and resolution been always 
in ourselves ? Do they any more than, in seeing us resolute if we 
had the means, help us to means upon equal terms and conditions ? 
If we will not go, they are content to keep their monies. 

Thus, I have pointed at a way to [un]lose those knots : which I 
hope you will consider seriously ; and let me have no more stir 
about them. 

Now, further, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made : 
but, surely, this is all that I have altered ; and [the] reasons [for 
it], I have sent you. 

If you mean it [in respect] of the two days in a week for 
particular [private purposes'], as some insinuate ; you are deceived. 
You may have three days in a week, for me, if you will. And 
when I have spoken to the Adventurers of times of working, 



314 Negotiations with the Adventurers. 

they have said, They hope we are men of discretion and conscience ; 
and so fit to be trusted ourselves with that. 

And, indeed, the ground of our proceedings at Leyden was 
mistaken ; and so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c. 

As for them of Amsterdam \i.e. the rmmhers of the Rev. Henry 
AiNswoRTj^s Church there], I had thought they would as soon have 
gone to Rome as with us : for our liberty [i.e. moderate views Sc.] 
is to them as ratsbane ; and their rigour [i.e. rigid ideas] as bad 
to us as the Spanish Inquisition. If any practice [performance] of 
mine discourage them ; let them yet draw back ! I will undertake 
they shall have their money again presently [instantl;i/] paid 
here : or if the Company think me to be the Jonas, let them cast 
me ofi" before we go. I shall be content to stay [in England] with 
good will ; having but the clothes on my back. 

Only let us have quietness, and no more of these clamours. 
Full little did I expect these things which are now come to 
pass, c§c. 

Yours, 
[? 10/20 June 1620.] Robert Cushman. 



But whether this letter of his ever came to their 
hands at Leyden I well know not. I rather think 
it was stayed by Master Carver ; and kept by him, 
for fear of offence. 

But this which follows was there received. Both 

[of] which, I thought pertinent to recite. 

[The date of this letter is 11th June, which, in 1620, fell on a 
Sunday. But the date must be an error for two reasons : 

(1) " and have took [a] liking of one till Monday," could hardly 
have been written on the previous day : but might have been 
written on the day before that, viz., Saturday, 10th June 1620 ; 
which is the date of the previous letter to John Carver, at pp. 
309-310. Both letters would seem to have been dated the same day. 

(2) It is unlikely that one of the Pilgrim Fathers would have 
written a business letter on a Sunday, unless under some 
extraordinary necessity.] 



Negotiations ivith the Adventurers. 3 1 5 

ROBERT CUSHMAN's REPLY TO THE LETTER OF THE FOUR AT LEYDEN. 
LONDON ; SATURDAY, 10/20 JUNE 1620. 

Salutations, &c., I received your letter [of 31 May /lO June] 
yesterday [9/19 June] by John Turner : with another, the same 
day, from Amsterdam, by Master W., savouring of the place 
whence it came. 

And indeed the many discouragements I find here \in London], 
together with the demurs and retirings there [at LeT/den], had made 
me to say, " I would give up my accounts to John Carver ; and, 
at his coming [i.e. from Southampton to London], acquaint him 
fully with all courses [2:)roceedings] : and so leave it quite, with 
only the poor clothes on my back." 

But, gathering up myself, by further consideration ; I resolved 
yet to make one trial more : and to acquaint Master Weston with 
the [ ? ] fainted [prostrate ] state of our business. 

And though he hath been much discontented at some thing[s] 
amongst us of late ; which hath made him often say, That, save 
for his promise, he would not meddle at all with the business any 
more. Yet (considering how far we were plunged into matters ; 
and how it stood both on our credits and undoing), at the last, he 
gathered up himself a little more : and coming to me, two hours 
after, he told me. He would not yet leave it. 

And so, advising together, we resolved to hire a ship ; and 
have took [a] liking of one till Monday [12th June], [of] about 
sixty last* [ r 120 tons] : for a greater we cannot get, except it be 
too great. But a fine ship it is. And seeing our near [stingy or 
slwrt-sighted ] friends there [at Leyderi] are so straitlaced ; we hope 
to assure [make sure of her] without troubling them any further : 
and if the ship fall too small ; it fitteth well, that such as stumble 
at straws already, may rest them there [at Leyderi] awhile, lest 
worse blocks come in the way, ere the Seven Years be ended. 

If you had beaten this business so thoroughly a month ago [i.e. 
in April! May 1620] and writ to us as you now do ; we could thus 
have done [it] much more conveniently. But it is, as it is. 



* A Last = 2 Tons =-12 Barrels of 32 gallons each = 384 gallons. [See 
E. Arber, An English Garner, iii. pp. 626, 632, Ed. 1880, 8.] This vessel 
then, of 120 tons, was therefore not the Mayflower, of 180 tons ; which, up 
to this date, 12/22 June 1620, had apparently not been either considered, 
or looked at. — E. A. 



3i6 Negotiations with the Adventurers. 

I hope our friends there \at Leyden\ if they be quitted 
of the ship hire [of this ship], will be induced to venture the 
more. 

All that I now requii^e is, that salt and nets may there [m 
Holland, the great centre of the European fishing trade], be bought : 
and for all the rest, we will here provide it. Yet if that will 
not be [i.e. if the Leyden Venturers would not pay for the salt and 
nets] : let them but stand for it a month or two, and we will take 
order to pay it all. 

Let Master Eeynolds tarry there, and bring the ship [the 
Speedwell] to Southampton. 

We have hired another Pilot here, one Master [John, 
see page 254] Clarke : who went last year, to Virginia, with a 
ship of kine [cattle]. 

You shall hear distinctly [more explicitly] by John Turner : 
who, I think, shall come hence on Tuesday night [13th June]. 

I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to 
my complaints [the complaints of me] ; but I shall learn to pass 
little for their censures : and if I had more mind to go and 
dispute and expostulate with them, than I have care of this 
weighty business ; I were like them who live by clamours and 
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at liberty to do 
much : for I am fettered with business ; and had rather study to 
be quiet, than to make answer to their Exceptions. If men be set 
on it, let them beat the air ! 

I hope such as are my sincere friends will not think but I can 
give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking about the 
matter, and other things tending to this business ; I shall next 
inform you more distinctly [explicitly]. Mean space, entreat our 
friends not to be too busy in answering matters, before they know 
them. If I do such things as I cannot give reasons for, it is 
like[ly] you have set a fool about your business : and so turn the 
reproof to yourselves, and send another ; and let me come again 
to my combs [wool combs, see page 165]. 

But, setting aside my natural infirmities, I refuse not to 
have my cause judged, both of GOD and all indifferent men : 
and when we come together, I shall give account of my actions 
here. 

The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see 
unto the equity of my cause ! and give us quiet, peaceable, and' 



Negotiations with the Adventurers. 317 

patient minds in all these turmoils ! and sanctify unto us all crosses 
whatsoever ! 

And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection, 

Your poor Brother, 

Robert Cushman. 
June 11th [? 10th] 1620. 

I hope we shall get all here [m Londoiil ready in fourteen days. 

[Tlie following was written while the last Letter was on its 
way to Leyden.] 

A LETTER OF MASTER ROBINSON'S TO JOHN CARVER. 
LEYDEN ; WEDNESDAY, 14/24 JUNE 1620. 

My dear friend and brother, whom with yours, I always 
remember in my best affection ; and whose welfare I shall never 
cease to commend to GOD by my best and most earnest prayers. 

You do thoroughly understand, by our general letters, the estate 
of things here : which indeed is very pitiful ; especially by want of 
shipping, and not seeing means likely, much less certain, of having 
it provided. Though withal, there be great want of money, and 
means to do needful things. 

Master [Edward] Pickering, you know before this, will not 
defray a penny here ; though Robert Ctjshman presumed, of I 
know not how many £100 from him, and I know not whom : yet it 
seems strange that we should be put to him to receive both his, and 
his partner's Adventure ; and yet Master Weston writ unto him 
that, in regard of it, he hath drawn upon him [? by Bill of 
Exchange, for] a £100 more. But there is in this some mystery, 
as indeed it seems there is in the whole course. 

Besides, whereas divers are to pay in some parts of their money 
yet behind : they refuse to do it, till they see shipping provided ; 
or a course taken for it. Neither, do I think, is there a man 
here [who] would pay anything, if he had again his money in 
his purse. 

You know right well, we depended on Master Weston alone ; 
and upon such means as he would procure for this common 
business : and when we had in hand another course with the 
Dutchmen, [we] broke it off, at his motion ; and upon the Ccniditions 
by him shortly after propounded. He did this, in his love, I know : 
but things appear not answerable from him hitherto. That he 
should have first put in his monies [? £500,] is thought by 



'I 



1 8 Negotiations with the Adventurers. 



many to have been but fit ; but that I can well excuse, he being 
a Merchant and having use [interest] of it to his benefit ; whereas 
others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But 
that he should not but have had either shipping ready before this 
time ; or at least certain means and course, and the same known to 
us for it : or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my 
conscience be excused. 

I have heard, That when he hath been moved in the business, 
he hath put it off from himself, and referred it to the others : and 
would come [i.e. in London] to George Morton, and inquire news 
of him about things ; as if he had scarce been some accessory unto 
it. Whether he hath failed of some helps from others which he 
[hath] expected, and so be not well able to go through with things ; 
or whether he hath feared lest you should be ready too soon, 
and so increase the charge [for the hire] of shipping above that 
[which] is meet ; or whether he hath thought by withholding to 
put us upon straits, thinking that thereby Master Brewster 
and Master [Edward] Pickering would be drawn, by importunity, 
to do more ; or what other mystery is in it, we know now : but 
sure we are, that things are not answerable to such an occasion. 

Master Weston makes himself merry with our endeavours 
about buying a ship [the Speedwell] : but we have done nothing in 
this but with good reason, as I am persuaded ; nor yet, that I know 
[of], in anything else, save in those two : 

The one, that we imployed Egbert Cushman, who is known, 
though a good man and of special abilities in his kind, yet most 
unfit to deal for other men by reason of his singularity [oddity or 
particularity/] and too great indifferency for any conditions, and 
for, to speak truly, that we have had nothing from him but terms 
and presumptions. 

The other that we have so much relied, by implicit faith as it 
were, upon generalities [a general pi'omise] ; without seeing the 
particular course or means for so weighty an affair, set down 
unto us. 

For shipping. Master Weston it should seem, is set upon 
hiring ; which yet I wish he may presently effect : but I see little 
hope of help from hence, if so it be. Of Master [Thomas] Brewer, 
you know what to expect. I do not think Master Pickering will 
ingage; except in the course of buying [? ships, as] in former letters 
specified. 



Negotiations with the Adventurers. 319 

About the Coixditions, you have our reasons for our Judgements 
of [as to\ what is agreed. And let this specially be borne in mind, 
That the greatest part of the Colony is like[ly] to be imployed 
constantly, not upon dressing their particular \owii\ land and 
building houses ; but upon fishing, trading, &c. : so as the " land 
and house " will be but a trifle for advantage to The Adventurers ; 
and yet the division of it, a great discouragement to the Planters ; 
who would with singular [especial^ care make it comfortable, 
with borrowed hours from their sleep. 

The same consideration of common imployment constantly, by 
the most, is a good reason not to have the two days in a week 
denied the few Planters for private use : which yet is subordinate 
to common good. Consider also how much unfit that you, and 
your likes, must serve a new [apjprenticeship of Seven Years ; and 
not a day's freedom from task ! 

Send me word what persons are to go ; who, of useful faculties 
{trades\ and how many ; and particularly of everything. 

I know you want not a mind. I am sorry you have not been 
at London all this while : but the provisions [preparations] could 
not want you. [Carver was apparently at Southampton.'] 

Time will suflfer me to write no more. Fare you, and yours, 
well always in the Lord : in whom I rest. 

Yours to use, 

John Robinson. 

I have been the larger in these things, and so shall 
crave leave in some like passages following, though in 
other things I shall labour ' to be more contract, that 
their children may see with what difficulties their 
fathers wrestled^ in going through these things, in their 
first beginnings: and how GOD brought them along, 
notwithstanding all their weaknesses and infirmities. 
As also that some use may be made hereof, in after 
times, by others in such like weighty imployments. 
And herewith I will end this Chapter. Bradford MS., 
folios 73-9L 




CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Who were the Adventurers? 

IaPTAIN JOHN SMITH in his General History 
of Virginia, <)&c., published in July 1624, writes 
as follows : 

The Adventurers, which raised the Stock 
to begin and supply [reinforce] this Plantation, were 
about seventy : some, Gentlemen ; some. Merchants ; 
some, handicraftsmen ; some adventuring great sums ; 
some, small; as their estates and affection served. 

The General Stock already employed [exjpended'] is 
about £7,000. By reason of which charge, and many 
crosses ; many of them would adventure no more : but 
others (that know so great a design cannot be effected 
without both charge, loss, and crosses) are resolved to 
go forward with it to their powers ; which deserve no 
small commendations and encouragement. 

These [the Adventurers generally'] dwell most[ly] 
about London. They are not a Corporation : but [are] 
knit together, by a voluntary combination, in a Society, 
without constraint or penalty ; aiming to do good, and 
to plant Eeligion. 

They have a President and a Treasurer, every year 
newly chosen by the most voices \the majority "present^ 
who ordereth the affairs of their Courts and Meetings : 
and, with the assent of the most of them, undertaketh 
all ordinary businesses; but, in more weighty affairs, 
the assent of the whole Company is required. Lib VI., 
fol. 247. 

320 



Who were the Adventurers? 321 

In his Advertisements <&c., [written in October 1630; 
but printed in] 1631, Captain Smith adds the following 
information : 

These disasters, losses, and uncertainties made such 
disagreement among the Adventurers in England, who 
began to repent ; and [would] rather lose all, than 
longer continue the charge : being out of purse £6,000 
or £7,000 ; accounting my Books and their Relations as 
old Almanacks. 

But the Planters, rather than leave the country, 
concluded absolutely to supply themselves ; and to all 
their Adventurers, [to] pay them, for nine years, £200 
yearly, without any other account : where, more than 
600 Adventurers for Virginia, for more than £200,000, 
had not sixpence, p. 19. 

The following for ty -two Adventurers signed the Composition 
with the Plymouth Colony, on 15/25 November 1626, to 
receive .£200 a year, for nine years. Apparently these were 
all the Adventurers in England who had any stake in the 
Plantation at that time. 

Robert Allden. Timothy Hatherley. 

Emanuel Alltham. Thomas Heath. 

Richard AndrewvS. William Hobson. 

Thomas Andrews. Robert Holland. 

Laurence Anthony. Thomas Hudson. 

Edward Bass, Robert Kean. 

John Beauchamp. Eliza Knight. 

Thomas Brewer. John Knight. 

Henry Browning. Miles Knowles. 

William Collier. John Ling. 

Thomas Coventry. Thomas Millsop 

Thomas Fletcher. Thomas Mott. 

Thomas Goffe. Fria. Newbald. 

Peter Gudburn. William Penington. 

The Pilgrim Fatlievs. X 



32 2 ' ^ yyiio were trie 


/iaventurers r 


William Penrin. 


James Shirley. 


John Pocock. 


John Thorned. 


Daniel Poynton. 


Matthew Thornhill. 


William Quarles. 


Joseph Tilden. 


John Revell. 


Thomas Ward. 


Newman Rookes. 


John White. 


Samuel Sharp. 


Richard Wright. 



These names are preserved to us in Governor Bradford's 
Letter Book, reprinted in 1 Mass. Hist, Coll., iii. 48, Ed. 1794, 8. 



The following had also been among the Adventurers prior 
to the 25th November 1626. 

William Greene. Edward Pickering. Thomas Weston. 



The names of six of the above are found subsequently 
■Jimong the members of the Massachusetts Company. 

Thomas Andrews. John Pocock. Samuel Sharp. 

Thomas Goffe. John Revell. John White. 




CHAPTER XXXV. 

Captain John Smith, the Hero of Virginia, offers 
HIS services to the Pilgrim Fathers; who 

DECLINE THEM: AND THEN HIS ADVICE, 
WHICH THEY DISREGARD. 

FTER his return from Virginia in 1612, Captain 
Smith devoted his life to the exploration and 
colonization of New England. In the following 
passages, he describes his negotiations with the 
Leyden Separatist Church. All the numbers of persons that 
he gives are merely round numbers ; and not exact ones. 

In the interim, many particular [separate] ships 
went thither, and finding my Relations true ; and that 
I had not taken that I brought home, from the French 
men, as had been reported : yet further for my pains 
to discredit me, and my calling it New England, they 
obscured it, and shadowed it, with the title of Canada ; 
till, at my humble suit, it pleased our most royal King 
Charles, whom GOD long keep bless and preserve ! , 
then Prince of Wales, to confirm it, with my Map and 
Book, by the title of New England. 

The gain thence returning did make the fame 
thereof so increase, that thirty, forty, or fifty Sail went 
yearly ; only to trade and fish. 

But nothing would be done for a Plantation till 
about some hundred of your Brownists of England 
Amsterdam and Leyden, went to New Plymouth : whose 

323 



324 Captain /. Smith and the Pilgrims. 

humorous ignorances caused them, for more than a year 
[1620 — 1621], to endure a wonderful deal of misery with 
an infinite patience ; saying, My Books and Maps were 
much better cheap to teach them than myself. Many 
others have used the like good husbandry; that have 
paid soundly in trying their self-willed- conclusions. 

But those \ihe Pilgrim Fathers], in time, doing well ; 
divers others have, in small handfuls, undertaken to go 
there, to be several Lords and Kings of themselves : 
but most [have] vanished to nothing. 

The True Travels c&c, pp. 46, 47, [August] 1629, 4. 

At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed 
Brownists, as they are termed, with some Gentlemen 
and Merchants of Leyden and Amsterdam, to save 
charges [i.e. the expense of employing Captain Smite], 
would try their own conclusions, though with great 
loss and much misery, till time had taught them to see 
their own error : for such humorists [contrarious people] 
will never believe well, till they be beaten with their 
own rod. 

Yet, at the first landing at Cape Cod, being a 
hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind 
at Plymouth; for want of good take-heed, thinking 
to find all things better than I advised them, [they] 
spent six or seven weeks in wandering up and down, 
in frost and snow, wind and rain, among the woods 
creeks and swamps, [so that] forty of them died, and 
threescore were left in most miserable estate at New 
Plymouth where their ship [the Mayflower] left them, 
and but nine leagues [= 27 miles], by sea, from where 
they landed. 



Captain J. Smith and the Pilgrims. 325 

Advertisements <^c., pp. 17-19, [Written in October 
1630 ; but printed] 1631, 4. 

While these were the opinions of Captain Smith ; one 
fails to see, looking back on the events as they actually- 
occurred, where he could have done much better than the 
Pilgrim Fathers did, from the time of their first landing at 
Cape Cod until their settlement at New Plymouth. His 
hardened constitution might, however, have enabled him to 
be very helpful in the sickness of the following Spring of 
1621. 

It is very pleasant to see him speak so well of the 
Pilgrims ; although they did not accept either his offers, 
or his advice. 




CHAPTER XXXVI. 

The Names of the Pilgrim Ships. 

T was the Rev. G. Cuthbert Blaxland, M.A., in 

his " Mayflower Essays," that first asked, What 
is the authority for the names of the two Pilgrim 
Ships of 1620? Curiously enough, these names 

do not occur either in the Bradford Manuscript ; or in 

Mourt's Relation. 

The authority for the name of the Mayflower is of the 
year 1623; and is the heading in the Official Records of the 
Old Colony, reprinted at page 383. 

The authority for the name of the Speedwell is very much 
later; being indeed of no earlier date than 1669: in which 
year it first appeared on the fifth page of Nathaniel Morton's 
New England^ s Memorial. 



326 




CHAPTER XXXVII. 

The Departure from Leyden. 
May— July 1620. 

F this Exodus, we have two Accounts, which 
must here be blended together. We will begin 
with Governor Winslow: 
Our Agents [i.e. William Brewster avd 
Robert Cushman] returning ; we further sought the 
Lord, by a public and solemn Fast [? in April, or even 
earlier in, 1620; as those who went, had to sell their 
properties before they could put in their ventures], for 
his guidance. 

And hereupon we came to this resolution : 

That it was best for one part of the Church to 
go at first ; and the other to stay, viz. 
The youngest and strongest part to go. 
Secondly. They that went should freely offer 
themselves. 

Thirdly. If the major part [rtiajority] went, the 
Pastor to go with them : if not, the Elder only. 

Fourthly. If the Lord should frown upon 
our proceedings, then those that went [were] to 
return ; and the brethren that remained still 
there, to assist and be helpful to them. But if 
GOD should be pleased to favour them that 
went, then they also should endeavour to help 
over such as were poor, and ancient, and willing 
to come. 
These things being agreed, the major part stayed ; and 

327 



328 The Departure from Ley den, 

the Pastor with them for the present : but all intended, 
except a very few who had rather we would have stayed 
[in Holland], to follow after. The minor part, with 
Master Brewster their Elder, resolved to enter upon this 
great work. But take notice the difference of number was 
not great. Hypocrisy unmasked &c., p. 90, Ed. 1646, 4. 

Governor Bradford gives us some further particulars. 

Upon the receipt of these things, by one of their 
Messengers ; they had a solemn Meeting, and a Day of 
Humiliation, to seek the Lord for his direction. And 
their Pastor took this text, 1 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4. • "And 
David's men said unto him. See, we be afraid here in 
Judah; how much more if we come to Keilah against 
the host of the Philistines ? Then David asked counsel 
of the Lord again." [Geneva Version.] From which 
text, he taught many things very aptly, and befitting 
their present occasion and condition : strengthening them 
against their fears and perplexities ; and incou raging 
them in their resolutions. 

After which, they concluded both what number 
[150, as stated at page 310], and what persons should 
prepare themselves to go with the first: for all that 
were willing to have gone, could not get ready, for [on 
account of] their other afiairs, in so short a time [? May 
— July 1620] ; neither, if all could have been ready, had 
there been means to have transported them all together. 

Those that stayed, being the greater number, 
required the Pastor to stay with them; and, indeed, 
for other reasons, he could not then well go : and so it 
was the more easily yielded unto. 

The others then desired the Elder, Master Brewster, 
to go with them: which was also condescended unto 
[agreed to]. 



The Departure from Ley den, 329 

It was also agreed on, by mutual consent and 
covenant, that those that went should be an absolute 
Church of themselves, as well as those that stayed: 
seeing, in such a dangerous voyage and a removal to 
such a distance, it might come to pass they should, for 
the body of them, never meet again in this world. Yet, 
with this proviso. That as any of the rest came over to 
them, or of the others returned upon occasion ; they 
should be reputed as Members, without any further 
dismission or testimonial. 

It was also promised to those that went first, by the 
body of the rest, That if the Lord gave them life, and 
means, and opportunity; they would come to them as 
soon as they could. Bradford MS., folios 71-73. 

[THURSDAY, 20/30 JULY 1620.] 

Governor Wins low thus describes the Farewell Feast at 
Leyden. 

And when the ship [the Speedwell] was ready to 
carry us away, the brethren that stayed (having again 
solemnly sought the Lord with us, and for us ; and we 
further engaging ourselves mutually, as before) : they, I 
say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go, at 
our Pastor's house, [it] being large ; where we refreshed 
ourselves, after our tears, with singing of Psalms, making 
joyful melody in our hearts as well as with the voice, 
there being many of the Congregation very expert in 
music ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever 
mine ears heard. Hypocrisy &c., p. 90, 91, Ed. 1646, 4. 

Governor Bradford's account is more pathetic. 

At length, after much travail, and these debates ; all 
things were got ready and provided. A small ship [the 
Speedwell], of some 60 tons,l was bought and fitted in 



330 ^h.e Departure from Ley den, 

Holland : which was intended as to serve to help to 
transport them; so to stay in the country and attend 
upon fishing and such other affairs as might be for the 
good and benefit of the Colony when they came there. 
Another was hired at London, of burden [of] about nine 
score [180 tons] : and all other things got in readiness. 

[THURSDAY, 26/30 JULY 1620.] 

So being ready to depart, they had a Day of Solemn 
Humiliation : their Pastor taking his text from Ezra 
viii. 21, " And there, at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed 
a Fast, that we might humble ourselves before our GOD ; 
and seek of him a right way for us, and for our children, 
and for all our substance." {Geneva Version!] Upon 
which [text], he spent a good part of the day very 
profitably \see'p'p. 182-184], and suitable to their present 
condition. The rest of the time was spent in pouring 
out prayers to the Lord with great fervency, mixed 
with abundance of tears. Bradford MS., folio 91. 

[FRIDAY, 21/31 JULY 1620.] 

Governor Winslow resumes : • 

After this, they [who stayed] accompanied us to 
Delfshaven [about 24 miles from Leyden], where we 
were to embark ; and there feasted us again. Hypocrisy 
nnmxished &c., page 91, Ed. 1646, 4. 

Governor Bradford is fuller here. 

And the time being come that they must depart, they 
were accompanied with most of their brethren out of the 
city [of Leyden] unto a town sundry miles ofi*, called 
Delfshaven ; where the ship lay ready to receive them. 
So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had 
been their resting place near[ly] twelve years [or more 
exactly, from April 1609 to 2lst July 1620]: but they 



The Departure from Ley den. 331 

knew they were pilgrims [Heb. xi.] and looked not 
much on these things ; but lift[ed] up their eyes to 
the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted their 
spirits. 

When they came to the place, they found the ship 
and all things ready : and such of their friends as could 
not come with them, followed after them ; and sundry 
also came from Amsterdam [about 50 miles] to see them 
shipped, and to take their leave of them. That night 
was spent with little sleep by the most ; but with friendly 
entertainment, and Christian discourse, and other real 
expressions of true Christian love. 

[SATURDAY, 22 JULY /I AUGUST 1620.] 

The next day, the wind being fair, they went aboard 
[the Speedwell] and their friends with them ; when truly 
doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting. 
To see what sighs and sobs and prayers did sound 
amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye, and 
pithy speeches pierced each heart : that sundry of the 
Dutch strangers, that stood on the key [quay, or wharf] 
as spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet 
comfortable and sweet it was to see such lively and 
true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. 

But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them 
away that were thus loath to depart ; their Reverend 
Pastor, falling down on his knees, and they all with 
him,* with watery cheeks, commended them, with most 
fervent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing. And 
then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took 
their leaves one of another : which' proved to be the last 
leave to many of them. Bradford MS., folios 91-93. 

* That is, on board the Speedwell ; and not on the shore as in the 
painting to the Corridor of the Houses of Parliament. — E. A. 



332 The Departure from Ley den. 

Governor Winslow adds a few touches here. 

And after prayer performed by our Pastor, where a 
flood of tears was poured out ; they accompanied us to 
the ship : but were not able to speak one to another, for 
the abundance of sorrow to part. 

But we only [alone] going aboard, the ship lying to 
the key [quay] and ready to set sail ; the wind being fair, 
we gave them a volley of small shot [musketry] and [of] 
three pieces of ordnance : and so lifting up our hands to 
each other ; and our hearts for each other to the Lord 
our GOD, we departed — and found his presence with 
us, in the midst of our manifold straits [that] he carried 
us through. 

And if any doubt this Relation, the Dutch, as I hear, 
at Delf shaven preserve the , memory of it to this day 
[1646] ; and will inform them. 

But falling in with Cape Cod, [9th November], which 
is in New England ; and standing to the southward for 
the place we intended [about the Hudson river] ; we met 
with many dangers : and the mariners put back into the 
harbour of the Cape, which was the 11th of November 
1620. Where (considering winter was come; the seas 
[were] dangerous ; the season, cold ; the winds, high ; and 
being well furnished for a Plantation) we entered upon 
discovery ; and settled at Plymouth : where, GOD being 
pleased to preserve and enable us, we that went, were at 
a thousand pounds charge [ = £4,000 now] in sending for 
our brethren that were behind ; and in providing there 
for them, till they could reap a crop of their own 
labours. 

And so, good Reader, I have given thee a true and 
faithful account, though very brief, of our proceedings : 
wherein thou seest how a late Writer [Robert Baillie], 



The Departure frotn Ley den. 33 



-1 



and those that informed him, have wronged our 
enterprise. 

And, truly, what I have written is far short of what it 
was ; omitting, for brevity sake, many circumstances, as : 
The large offers the Dutch offered to us. 
Either to have removed into [the Province of] 
Zealand ; and there lived with them : 

Or, if we would go on such adventures, to go, 
under them, to Hudson's river, where they have 
since a great Plantation, &c. \New Ai^isterdam, 
now New York] ; and how they would freely 
have transported us, and furnished every family 
with cattle, &c. 

Also the English Merchants that joined with us 
in this expedition : whom we since bought out. 
Which is fitter for a History than an Answer to such 
an Objection : and [which History,] I trust, will be 
accomplished in good time.* 

By all which the Reader may see there was no 
breach between us that went, and the brethren that 
stayed : but such love as indeed is seldom found on 
earth. Hypocrisy iin'tnasked <&c., p. 91, Ed. 1646, 4. 



* Does WiNSLOAV here refer to the Bradford MS. ? He must have 
known of it. — E. A. 




CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

The Business at Southampton.. 
[? Wednesday, 26 July /5 August] — Saturday^ 

5/15 August 1620. 

ERE let us consider the excellent management and 
strategy of this Exodus. If the Pilgrims had 
gone to London, to embark for America ; many, 
if not most, of them w^ould have been put in 
prison : especially William Brewster. So only those 
embarked in London, against whom the Bishops could take 
no action. 

The stay at Southampton would not have been more than 
three or four days, but for the leakage of the Speedwell. 

As matters fortunately turned out, in spite of all delays, 
they were able to leave England, without meeting with either 
hindrance, or annoyance, from either the Government, or the 
Bishops. 

Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind, they 
came, in short time,* to Southampton ; where tws was about 
they found the bigger ship come from "^^^^l ^"^^' 



* The date of the arrival of the Speedwell at Southampton is not stated : 
but four days would be a fair allowance for a quick passage of a 60 tons 
vessel, from Delfshaven. If so, as she sailed on Saturday 22 July /I 
August, she would have joined the Mayflower on the following Wednesday 
26 July /5 August. ■ 

We know for certainty, from page 343, that had not the Speedwell 
been leaky, the Mayflower was ready to sail on Saturday, 29 July /8 Atigust : 

334 



Gov. w. Bradford. Tke Bustuess at SotilkamploH. 335 

London, lying ready, with all the rest of their 
Company, f 

After a joyful welcome and mutual congratulations, 
with other friendly entertainments ; they fell to parley 
about their business. How to despatch with the best 
expedition ? as also with their Agents, about the 
alteration of the Conditions. 

Master Carver pleaded, He was employed here at 
[Soutjhampton ; and knew not well what the others had 
done at London. 

Master CusHMAN answered, He had done nothing but 
what he was urged to, partly by the grounds of equity ; 
and more especially by necessity : otherwise all had 
been dashed, and many undone. And in the beginning, 
he acquainted his fellow Agents [John Carver and 
Christopher Martin] herewith: who consented unto 
him, and left it to him to execute ; and to receive the 
money at London, and send it down to them at 
[Soutjhampton ; where they made the provisions 
[^preparations]. The which he accordingly did: 
though it was against his mind and [the minds of] some 
of the Merchants, that they were there made. And 
for giving them notice at Leyden of this change [? of 
arrangements] ; he could not well, in regard of the 
shortness of the time. Again he knew it would trouble 
them, and hinder the business; which was already 

but the twice trimming of the Speedwell at Southampton delayed their 
departure for another week. 

t The Rev. Thomas Prince, who, in 1736, had access to documents now 
lost, adds here : 

" who had been waiting there, with Master CuSHMAN, seven days." A 
Chronological History of New England, Part I., page 70, Ed. 173G, 8. 

If this statement be correct ; the Mayflower must have reached 
Southampton about the 19/29 July. 



33^ The Business at Soutkampto7t, gov. w. Bradford, 

delayed over long, in regard of the season of the year ; 
which we feared they would find to their cost. 
But these things gave not content at present. 

Master Weston likewise came up from London, to 
see them despatched; and to have the Conditions 
confirmed. 

But they refused, and answered him, That he knew 
right well that these were not according to the first 
Agreement. Neither could they yield to them without 
the consent of the rest that were behind : and indeed 
they had special charge, when they came away, from the 
Chief of those that were behind, not to do it. 

At which, he was much offended; and told them, 
They must then look to stand on their own legs. So he 
returned in displeasure ; and this was the first ground of 
discontent between them. And whereas there wanted 
well near £100 to clear things at their going away ; he 
would not take order to disburse a penny : but let them 
shift as they could. 

So they were forced to sell oflf some of their provisions 
to stop this gap: which was some three or four score 
firkins of butter; which commodity they might best 
spare, having provided too large a quantity of that kind. 

Then they writ a letter to the Merchants and 
Adventurers, about the differences concerning the 
Conditions^ as followeth : - 

August 3rd, anno 1620. [Southampton.] 

Beloved friends. Sorry we are that there should be occasion 
of writing at all unto you : partly because we ever expected to see 
the most of you here ; but especially because there should any 
difference at all be conceived between us. But seeing it falleth 
out that we cannot confer together : we think it meet, though 



Gov. w. Bradford. The Busmcss ut Soutkamptou. 337 

briefly, to shew you the just cause and reason of our differing 
from those Articles last made by Robert Cushman, without our 
commission or knowledge. And though he might propound good 
ends, to himself : yet it no way justifies his doing it. 

Our main difference is in the Fifth and Ninth Articles, 
concerning the dividing, or holding, of house and lands [See 
pp. 306, 307] : the injoying whereof, some of yourselves well know, 
was one special motive, amongst many others, to provoke us to go. 
This was thought so reasonable, that when the greatest [one] of 
you in adventure, whom we have much cause to respect, when he 
propounded Cotiditions to us, freely of his own accord, he set this 
down for one. A copy whereof we have sent unto you ; with some 
additions then added by us : which being liked on both sides, and 
a day set for the payment of monies ; those of Holland paid in 
theirs. 

After that, Robert Cushman, Master [John] Peirce, and 
Master [Christopher] Martin brought them into a better form ; 
and writ them in a book now extant : and upon Robarts shewing 
them, and delivering Master [William] Mullins a copy thereof 
under his hand, which we have ; he paid in his money. 

And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to 
[Sout]hampton ; but only as one got, for himself, a private copy 
of them. Upon sight whereof, we manifested utter dislike : but 
[we] had put off our estates \_properties\ and were ready to come ; 
and therefore [it] was too late to reject the Voyage \Expedition\ 
y Judge therefore, we beseech you, indifferently [impartially] of 
things ; and if a fault have been committed, lay it where it is, and 
not upon us ! who have more cause to stand for the one, than you 
have for the other. 

"We never gave Robert Cushman [a] commission to make 
any one Article for us : but only sent him to receive monies 
upon Articles before agreed on ; and to further the provisions 
[preparations'] till John Carver came, and to assist him in it. 

Yet since you conceive yourselves wronged, as well as we 
[do] ; we [have] thought meet to add a branch to the end of our 
Ninth Article as will almost heal that wound, of itself, which yo i 
conceive to be in it. But that it may appear to all men, that we 
are not lovers of ourselves only ; but desire also the good and 
inriching of our friends, who have adventured your monies with 
our persons : we have added our last Article to the rest, promising 
The Pilgrim Fathers, T 



338 The Business at Southampton, gov. w. Bradford. 

you again by letters in the behalf of the whole Company [at 
Southampton, and at Leyden], 

That if large profits should not arise within . ^^ ^^^ ^®" 

1 « TT 1 '11 1' ^ ,-\ 'o"" tliem, that 

the Seven Years, that we will contmue together tbiswas not ac- 

longer with you ; if the Lord give a blessing, cepted. [W.B.j 

This, we hope, is sufficient to satisfy any in this case ; especially 
friends : since we are assured that if the whole charge [j^I,700] 
were divided into four parts ; [the Adventurers] of three of them 
would not stand \i7imt\ upon it, neither do regard it, <&c. 

We are in such a strait at present as we are forced to sell 
away £60 worth of our provisions, to clear the haven \the 'port of 
Southamptori] ; and withal put ourselves upon great extremities : 
scarce having any butter, no oil, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every 
man a sword to his side ; wanting many muskets, much armour, 
i&c. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to such eminent 
dangers as , are like[ly] to insue, and trust to the good Providence 
of GOD rather than his name and truth should be evil spoken of, 
for us. 

Thus saluting all of you in love ; and beseeching the Lord to 
give a blessing to our endeavour, and keep all our hearts in the 
bonds of peace and love ; we take leave : and rest 

Yours (&c. 

August 3rd 1620. 

It was subscribed with many names of the Chiefe^t 
of the Company. Bradford MS., folios 93-9V. 




CHAPTER XXXIX 

The Story of the Speedwell. 

E are indebted to Governor Bradford for the 
following information. 

All things being now ready and every 
business dispatched, the Company was called 
together; and this letter [by the Rev. John Robinson, 
see pp. 401-406] read amongst them : which had good 
acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. Then 
they ordered and distributed their Company for either 
ship, as they conceived for the best: and, chose a 
Governor, and two or three Assistants for each ship, 
to order the people by the way ; and [to] see to the 
disposing of the provisions, and such like affairs. All 
which was not only with the liking of the Masters of 
the ships : but according to their desires. Which being 
done, they set sail from thence \^Souiha7n'pton\ about 
the 5th of August [1620]. 

Being thus put to sea, they had not gone far; but 
Master Reynolds, the Master of the lesser ship, 
complained that he found his ship so leak[y] as he 
durst not put further to sea till she was mended. So 
the Master of the bigger ship, called Master Jones, 
being consulted with ; they both resolved to put into 
Dartmouth, and have her there searched and mended : 
which accordingly was done, to their great charge; 
and loss of time, and [of] a fair wind. She was here 

thoroughly searched from stem to stern. Some leaks 

339 



340 The Story of the Speedwell, got. w. Bradford. 

were found and mended : and now it was conceived 
by the workmen and all, that she was sufficient ; and 
[that] they might proceed without either fear or 
danger. 

So with good hopes, from hence they put to sea 
again,* conceiving they should go comfortably on ; not 
looking for any more lets [hindrances] of this kind: 
but it fell out otherwise. For after they were gone to 
sea again, above 100 leagues without [beyond] Land's 
End; holding company together all this while: the 
Master of the small ship complained [that] his ship was 
so leaky, as he must bear up, or sink at sea ; for they 
could scarce free her with much pumping. So they [i.e. 
Captains Jones and Reynolds] came to [a] consultation 
again; and resolved [for] both ships to bear up back 
• again, and put into Plymouth : which accordingly was 
done. 

But no special leak could be found ; but it was judged 
to be the general weakness of the ship, and that she 
would not prove sufficient for the voyage. 

Upon which, it was resolved to dismiss her, and part 
of the Company ; and [to] proceed with the other ship. 
The which, though it was grievous and caused great 
discouragement, was put in execution. So after they 
had took out such provision as the other ship could well 
stow, and concluded what number, and what persons, 
to send back ; they made another sad parting : the one 

* Captain John Smith states : 

They left the coast of England the 23rd of August, with about 120 
persons : bvit, the next day, the lesser ship sprung a leak, that forced their 
return to Plymouth : where discharging her and twenty passengers, with 
the great ship and a hundred [or more exactly 102] persons, besides sailoi-s, 
they set sail again the 6th of September. Ne^o England's Trials, 2nd Ed., 
1622 4. 



Gov. w. Braaford. Tkc Stovy of tkc Spcedwell. 341 

ship going back for London ; and the other was to 
proceed on her voyage. * 

Those that went back \abovbt 18 or 20] were, for the 
most part, such as were willing so to do ; either out of 
some discontent, or [the] fear they conceived of the ill 
success of the Voyage S^Expeditionl'. seeing so many 
crosses befallen, and the year time so far spent. But 
others, in regard of their own weakness [of health] 
and charge of many young children, were thought least 
useful, and most unfit to bear the brunt of this hard 
adventure : unto which work of GOD and judgement of 
their bretheren, they were contented to submit. And 
thus, like Gideon's army, this small number was divided : 
as if the Lord, by this work of his Providence, thought 
these few too many for the great work he had to do. 

But here, by the way, let me show, how afterwards 
it was found that the leakiness of this ship was partly 
by [her] being overmasted, and too much pressed with 
sails. For after she was sold,t and put into her old 
trim ; she made many voyages, and performed her 
service very suflSciently ; to the great profit of her 
owners. 

But more especially, by the cunning and deceit of 
the Master and his [ship's] company; who were hired 
to stay a whole year in the country : and now fancying 
dislike, and fearing want of victuals, they plotted this 
stratagem to free themselves ; as afterwards was known, 
and by some of them confessed. For they apprehended 

* The names of the one hundred and two persons that finally left 
Plymouth in the Mayflower on 6/16 September 1620, will be found at 
pp. 364-380.— E. A. 

t The Speedwell had been bought with Leyden money. The proceeds 
of her sale, after her return to London, would, of course, go to the credit 
of the common Joint Stock there. — E. A. 



342 The Story of the ^"^^^dii^^^. gov. w. Bradford. 

\tliovi^M\ that the greater ship, being of force \betier 
"manned and armed] and in which most of the 
provisions were stowed; she would retain enough for 
herself, whatsoever became of them or the passengers : 
and indeed such speeches had been cast out by some of 
them. And yet, besides other incouragements, the Chief 
of them that came from Leyden went in this ship, to 
give the Master content. But so strong was self love 
and his fears, as he forgot all duty and former kindnesses, 
and dealt thus falsely with them ; though he pretended 
otherwise. 

Amongst those that returned was Master Cushman 
and his family : whose heart and courage was gone 
from him before, as it seems; though his body was 
with them till now he departed. As may appear by a 
passionate [heart-broken] letter he writ to a friend in 
London from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay there a 
mending: the which [as], besides the expressions of 
his own fears, it shows much of the Providence of GOD 
working for their good, beyond man's expectation ; and 
other things concerning their condition in these straits : 
I will here relate it. And though it discover some 
infirmities in him (as who under temptation is free!): 
yet after this, he continued to be a special Instrument 
for their good ; and to do the offices of a loving friend 
and faithful brother unto them, and partaker of much 
comfort with them. The letter is as followeth : 

TO HIS LOVING FRIEND ED[wARD] s[oUTHWORTH] AT HENIGE HOUSE, 

IN THE DUKE PLACE [, LONDON], THESE. 

DARTMOUTH ; [THURSDAY,] AUGUST 17, ANNO 1620. 

Loving friend. My most kind remembrance to you, and your 
wife, with loving E. M. (&c. ; whom in this world I never look to 
see again. For, besides the eminent [imminent] dangers of this 
Voyage which are no less than deadly, an infirmity of body hath 



Gov. w. Bradford. The Stoiy of the Sy^^^A^N^, 343 

seized me which will not, in all likelihood, leave me till death. 
What to call it, I know not. But it is a bundle of lead, as it 
were crushing my heart more and more these 14 days [3 — 17 AugM&t\, 
as that, although I do the actions of a living man, yet I am but as 
dead. But the will of GOD be done ! 

Our pinnace [, the Speedwell,'] will not cease leaking; else, I think, 
we had been half way at Virginia. Our voyage hither hath been 
as full of crosses as ourselves have been of crookedness. We put 
in here to trim her ; and I think, as others also, if we had stayed 
at sea but three or four hours more, she would have sunk right 
down. And though she was twice trimmed at [Southjhampton ; 
yet now she is as open and [as] leaky as a sieve : and there was a 
board, two feet long, a man might have pulled off with his fingers ; 
where the water came in as at a mole hole. 

We lay at [Southjhampton seven days [30 July — 5 Aug. 1620], 
in fair weather, waiting for her : and now we lie here waiting 
for her in as fair a wind as can blow, and so have done these four 
days [13 — 17 August] ; and are like[ly] to lie four more [they 
actually left on 23 August\ and by that time the wind will happily 
[haply] turn, as it did at [Soutjhampton. Our victuals will be 
half eaten up, I think, before we go from the coast of England ; 
and, if our voyage last long, we shall not have a month's victuals 
when we come in the country. 

Near[ly] £700 hath been bestowed [spent] at [Sout]hampton, 
upon what I know not. Master [Christopher] *Hewa8Gov- 
Martin* saith. He neither can, nor will, give any emor in the 
account of it. And if he be called upon for accounts ; b'gg^r ship ; and 

h. ,1 , /. , 1 1 /. 1 r -u- • J MasterCuBhman, 

ecriethoutof unthankrumess for his paiDS and care, ^ggjgtg^nt rwBi 

that we are suspicious of him : and flings away, and 

will end nothing. Also he so insulteth over our poor people [the 

Leyden Pilgrims], with such scorn and contempt, as if they were 

not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your heart to 

see his dealing, and the mourning of our people. They complain 

to me ; and, alas, I can do nothing for them. If I speak to him, 

he flies in my face, as [if I were] mutinous ; and saith. No complaints 

shall be heard or received but by himself : and saith. They are 

fro ward and waspish discontented people, and I do ill to hear 

them. There are others that would lose all they have put in, or 

make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might depart : 

but he will not hear them ; nor suffer them to go ashore, lest they 

should run away. 



344 ^^^ Story of the Speedwell, got. w. Bradford. 

The sailors also are so offended at his ignoraut boldness in 
meddling and controling in things he knows not what belongs to 
[them], as that some threaten to mischief him. Others say, They 
will leave the ship, and go their way. But at the best, this cometh of 
it, that he makes himself a scorn and [a] laughing stock unto them. 

As for Master Weston, except grace do greatly sway with 
him, he will hate us ten times more than ever he loved us, for not 
confirming the Conditions. But now since some pinches have taken 
them, they begin to reveal the truth, and say. Master Eobinson was 
in the fault,* who charged them never to consent to ,i ti^jn^ ^g 
those Conditions^ nor choose me into Office ; but was deceived in 
indeed appointed them to choose them they did choose. *^®*® things. 
But he and they will rue too late. They may now 
see, and all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so 
ignorant, yea, and so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they 
were resolved not to seal those Conditions^ I was not so resolute 
[? as resolute] at [South] hamp ton to have left the whole business, 
except they would seal them : and better the Voyage to have 
broken off then, than to have brought such misery to ourselves, 
dishonour to GOD, and detriment to our loving friends, as now 
it is like[ly] to do. Four or five of the Chief of them which came 
from Ley den, came resolved never to go on those Conditions. 

And Master [Christopher] Martin, he said, He never received 
no money on those Conditions ! He was not beholden to the 
Merchants for a pin ! They were bloodsuckers ! and I know not 
what. Simple man ! He indeed never made any Conditions with 
the Merchants, nor ever spake Avith them : but did [tnadel all 
that money [the jS700] fly to [at] [Sout]hampton, or was it his own ? 
Who will go and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did ; 
and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions ? 

Secondly, I told him of the alteration long ago, and he was 
content : but now he domineers, and said, I had betrayed them 
into the hands of slaves ! He is not beholden to them ! He can set 
out two ships himself to a voyage 1 when, good man ! he hath but 
£50 in [the Venture] ; and if he should give up his * t h i s was 
accounts, he would not have a penny left him \i.e. found true after- 
of his own]* as I am persuaded, (&c. [Seepage 442.] "w^»rd. [W. B.] 

Friend, if ever we make a Plantation, GOD works a miracle ! 
especially considering how scant we shall be of victuals ; and, most 
of all, ununited amongst ourselves, and devoid of good tutors and 



Got. w. Bradford. The Stovyof the Speedwcll. 345 

regiment \leadert. aind organisatioTi]. Violence will break all. 
Where is the meek and humble spirit of Moses ? and of Nehemiah, 
who reedified the walls of Jerusalem, and the State of Israel ? 
Is not the sound of Rehoboam's brags daily heard amongst us ? 
Have not the philosophers and all wise men observed that, even 
in settled Common Wealths, violent Governors bring, either 
themselves, or [the] people, or both, to ruin ? How much more in 
the raising of Common Wealths, when the mortar is yet scarce 
tempered that should bind the walls ? 

If I should write to you of all things which promiscuously 
forerun our ruin, I should overcharge my weak head, and grieve 
your tender heart : only this I pray you. Prepare for evil tidings 
of us, every day ! But pray for us instantly [without ceasing] ! 
It may be the Lord will be yet intreated, one way or other, to make 
for us. I see not, in reason, how we shall escape, even the gasping of 
hunger-starved persons: but GOD can do much; and his will be done! 

It is better for me to die, than now for me to bear it : which I 
do daily, and expect it hourly; having received the sentence of 
death both within me and without me. Poor William King and 
myself do strive who shall be meat first for the fishes ; but we look 
for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh 
no more: but looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure 
all these things, and account them light in comparison of that joy 
we hope for. 

Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I named them : 
whose prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to see [them] ; but 
not till I can, with more comfort, look them in the face. The Lord 
give us that true comfort which none can take from us ! 

I had a desire to make a brief Relation of our estate to some 
friend. I doubt not but your wisdom will teach you seasonably to 
utter things, as hereafter you shall be called to it. That which I 
have written is true ; and many things more, which I have 
foreborne. I write it, as upon my life and last confession in 
England. What is of use to be spoken of presently [at once], you 
may speak of it ; and what is fit to conceal, conceal ! Pass by 
my weak manner ! for my head is weak, and ray body feeble. 
The Lord make me strong in him, and keep both you and yours ! 

Your loving friend, 

Robert Cushman. 
Dartmouth, August 17 1620. 



34^ The Story of the Speedwell, got, w. Bradford. 

Those being his conceptions and fears at Dartmouth ; 
they must needs be much stronger, now at Plymouth. 
Bradford MS., folios 101-109. 

We have seen, at page 307, that the Pilot, who was to 
navigate the Speedwell to Southampton, had arrived at 
Leyden before the 31 May /lO June 1620. Therefore that 
vessel had been bought before that date. Governor Bradford 
tells us, at pp. 329, 330, that that ship had *' been bought 
and fitted in Holland." 

Now it was those members of the Leyden Church who 
were responsible for this fitting of the Speedwell, that were 
the proximate causes of most of the troubles on the voyage out ; 
and of many of the deaths at Plymouth in New England, 
in the course of the following Spring. For they overmasted 
the vessel ; and by so doing, strained her hull while sailing. 

Then that cunning rascal. Captain Reynolds finding 
this out : all that he had to do, was to clap on all possible 
sail; and so to make the hull, as Robert Cushman tells us it 
was, " [as] leaky as a sieve." 

For this fatuous and supreme error of judgment in busi- 
ness matters, and all that came of it ; the Leyden Church 
alone were responsible. No one in England had anything to 
do with it. 

Imagine for a moment, what might have occurred had not 
the trim of the Speedwell been so unfortunately altered. 

The Mayfiower and the Speedwell would probably have 
left Southampton about the 30 July /9 August 1620 ; and 
would then have arrived at the Hudson river, in the following 
September/October. The whole course of the subsequent 
history of New England would have been entirely different 
from that which has actually occurred. 

Most certainly the overmasting of the Speedwell during 
her refitting in Holland, in May — July 1620, is one of the 
Turning Points of modern history. What mighty events 
sometimes proceed from small causes ! 




CHAPTER XL 

The Voyage of the Mayflower from 
Plymouth to Cape Cod. 
6/16 September — 11/21 November 1620. 

OVERNOR BRADFORD is our only authority 
for this Voyage which (including both day of 
departure and that of arrival) took sixty-seven 
days * and his account is far too brief, 
September 6. These troubles being blown over, and 
now all being compact together in one ship ; they put to 
sea again with a prosperous wind : which continued 
divers days together, and was some incouragement 
to them. Yet, according to the usual manner, many 
were afflicted with sea sickness. 

And I may not omit here a special work of GOD's 
Providence. There was a proud and very profane 
young man, one of the seamen ; of a lusty able body, 
which made him the more haughty. He would always 
be contemning the poor people in their sickness, and 
cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and [he] 
did not let [stop] to tell them, That he hoped to help to 



* Captain John Smith states : 

But being pestered lovercrowded] nine weeks in this ' leaking unwhole- 
some ship, lying wet in their cabins ; most of them grew very weak, and 
weary of the sea. New England's Trials, 2nd Ed., 1622, 4. 

347 



34^ The Voyage of the yidiy^ovf^r, gov. w. Bradford. 

cast half of them overboard before they came to 
their journey's end ; and to make merry with what 
[property] they had. And if he were by any gently 
reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. 

But it please GOD, before they came half [the] seas 
over, to smite this young man with a grievous disease ; 
of which he died in a desperate manner and so [he] was 
himself the first that was thrown overboard. Thus 
his curses light[ed] on his own head : and it was an 
astonishment to all his fellows ; for they noted it to be 
the just hand of GOD upon him. 

After they had injoyed fair winds and weather for a 
season, they were incountered many times with cross 
winds ; and met with many fierce storms ; with which 
the ship was shrewdly shaken, and her upper works 
made very leaky. And one of the main beams in the 
midships was bowed and cracked ; which put them in 
some fear that the ship could not be able to perform 
the voyage. So some of the Chief of the Company, 
perceiving the mariners to fear the sufiiciency of the ship 
(as appeared by their mutterings), they entered into 
serious consultation with the Master and other Officers 
of the ship, to consider, in time, of the danger ; and 
rather to return, than to cast themselves into a desperate 
and inevitable peril. 

And truly there was great distraction and difference 
of opinion amongst the mariners themselves. Fain 
would they do what could be done, for their wages' 
sake; being now near[ly] half the seas over. On the 
other hand, they were loath to hazard their lives too 
' desperately. 

But in examining of all opinions, the Master and 
others affirmed, They knew the ship to be strong and 



Gov. w. Bradford. The Voyog^e o/ ^Ae Mdiy^ower, 349 

firm under water : and for the buckling [fastening 
with a loop of iron] of the main beam, there was a 
great iron screw [that] the passengers [had] brought 
out of Holland, which would raise the beam into his 
place. The which being done, the Carpenter and 
Master afiirmed, That a post put under it, set firm 
in the lower deck; and otherways bound: he [they] 
would make it sufficient. And as for the decks and upper 
works, they would caulk them as well as they could: • 
and though, with the working of the ship, they would 
not long keep staunch ; yet there would otherwise be 
no great danger, if they did not overpress her with 
sails. 

So they committed themselves to the will of GOD, 
and resolved to proceed. 

In sundry of these storms, the winds were so fierce 
and the seas so high, as they could not bear a knot of 
sail : but were forced to hull [drift about, withowt sails] 
for divers days together. 

And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a 
mighty storm, a lusty young man, called John Rowland, 
coming upon soihe occasion above the gratings, was 
with the seel [roll or pitching] of the ship thrown into 
the sea : but it pleased GOD that he caught hold of the 
topsail halliards, which hung overboard and ran out at 
length; yet he held his hold, though he was sundry 
fathoms under water, till he was hauled up, by the 
same rope, to the brim of the water ; and then, with a 
boathook and other means, [was] got into the ship again, 
and his life saved. And though he was something ill 
with it : yet he lived many years after ; and became 
a profitable member, both in Church and Common 
Wealth. 



350 The Voyage of ^/le Mayflower, got. w. Bradford, 

In all this vovacre, there died but one of the 
passengers; which was William Butten, a youth, 
servant to [Doctor] Samuel Fuller; [and he died] 
when they drew near the coast [of New England]. 

But to omit other things, that I may be brief, 
after long beating at sea, they fell [in] with that land 
which is called Cape Cod : the which being made, and 
certainly known to be it ; they were not a little joyful. 

After some deliberation had amongst themselves, and 
with the Master of the ship; they tacked about, and 
resolved to stand for the Southward, the wind and 
weather being fair, to find some place about Hudson's 
river, for their habitation. 

But after they had sailed that course about half the 
day, they fell amongst dangerous shoals and roaring 
breakers,* and they were so far intangled therewith, 
as they conceived themselves in great danger : and 
the wind shrinking [failing] * upon them withal, they f 
resolved to bear up again for the Cape; and thought 
themselves f happy to get out of those dangers before 



* The Mayflower probably made the Cape towards its northern extremity. 
The perilous shoals and breakers, among which she became entangled, 
after sailing above half a day south (or south-south-west, as on page 407], 
were undoubtedly those which lie off the south-eastern extremity of the Cape, 
near Monamoy Point. The Pollock Rip, the most considerable of these, 
corresponds to the " roaring breakers " mentioned by Bradford. 

She may have also encountered the Great, and Little Round Shoals. 
It is not likely that she sailed far enough south, to fall in with the Bass 
Rip, or the Great Rip. Because she could reach these ; the current and 
flood tide probably drove her in between Monamoy Point and Nantucket. 

Had the wind permitted her to pursue a southern course ; she might, 
in a few hours, have found an opening, and passed safely to the westward. 
A. Young, Chronicles d;c., p. 103, Ed. 1841, 8. 

t It is quite clear from the wording of the text, that the Pilgrims 



Got. w, Bradford. Tkc Voya^eo/^AeMayhowGr. 351 

night overtook them, as by GOD's good Providence they 
did. And the next day [but one], they got into the 
Cape harbour ; where they rid in safety. 

A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. , ^^^^^^^ ^^^y 
It was thus first named [Cape Cod] by Cap- took much of 
tain GosNOLD and his Company,* -4 'yi')20 1602. 

And after, by Captain [John] Smith was called [in 
1616] Cape James : but retains the former name amongst 
seamen. Also the Point which first showed these dan- 
gerous shoals unto them, they [Captain Gosnold's crev)] 
called Point Care,t and Tucker's Terror f : but the 
French and [the] Dutch, to t^s day, call it Malebarr, by 
reason of those perilous ^ho^.s, and the losses they have 
suffered there. 

Being thus arrived in a good harbour, and brought 
safe to land ; they fell upon their knees and blessed the 
GOD of heaven : who had brought them over the vast and 
furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils 
and miseries thereof ; again to set their feet on the firm 
and stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel 
if they were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so 
affected with sailing a few miles on the coast 
of his own Italy, as he affirmed. That he had 
rather remain twenty years on his way by land, than 
pass by sea to any place in a short time ; so tedious and 
dreadful was the same to him. 



tliemselves decided what course the Mayflower was to take ; consulting, 
of course, Captain Jones as to points of seamanship. It is also clear that 
Captain Jones fully assented to his ship going southward : and that they 
all rejoiced together, when they had successfully turned back. — E. A. 

t Point Care is Monaraoy Point ; and Tucker's Terror is the Pollock 
Pip. — A. YouNa, as above. 



352 The Voyage of the Mayflower, gov. w. Bradford 

[the outlook when the MAYFLOWER ANCHORED IN 
CAPE COD HARBOUR, ON IITH NOVEMBER 1620.] 

But here I cannot but stay and make a pause ; 
and stand half amazed at this poor people's present 
condition. And so I think will the Reader too, 
when he well considers the same. 

Being thus passed the vast ocean ; and a sea of 
troubles before, in their preparation, as may be 
remembered by that which went before : they had 
now no friends to welcome them ; nor inns to entertain 
or refresh their weather-beaten bodies; no houses, or 
much less towns, to repair to, to seek for succour. 

It is recorded in Scripture, as a mercy to the Apostle 
and his shipwrecked company, that "the Barbarians 
shewed us no small kindness " in refreshing them, Acts 
xxviii. [Geneva Version] : but these savage barbarians, 
when they met with them, as after will appear, were 
readier to fill their sides full of arrows, than otherwise. 

And for the season, it was winter : and they that 
know the winters of that country, know them to be 
sharp and violent, and subject to cruel and fierce storms ; 
[and] dangerous to travel to known places, much more 
to search an unknown coast. 

Besides, what could they see but a hideous- and deso- 
late wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men ; and 
what multitudes there might be of them, they knew not. 
Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah 
to view from this wilderness, a more goodly country to 
feed their hopes: for which way so ever they turned 
their eyes, save upward to the heavens, they could have 
little solace and content in respect of any outward objects. 

For summer being done, all things stand upon them 



Gov. w. Bradford. The Voyage of tkc yi'dj^^o^^x. 353 

with a weather-beaten face ; and the whole country full 
of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage 
hue. 

If they looked behind them, there was the mighty 
ocean which they had passed ; and [which] was now as a 
main bar and gulf to separate them from all the civil 
{civilized^ parts of the world: 

If it be said, They had a ship to succour them ; it 
is true. But what heard they daily from the Master 
and [the ship's] company ? But [except] that with speed 
they should look out a place, with their shallop, where 
they would be, at some near distance ; (for the season 
was such, as he would not stir from thence, till a safe 
harbour was discovered by them, where they would be ; 
and [to which] he might go without danger) : and [also] 
that [the] victuals consumed apace; but he must, and 
would, keep sufficient for themselves; and [for] their 
return [to England]. Yea, it was muttered by some, 
That if they got not a place in time ; they would turn 
them and their goods ashore, and leave them. 

Let it also be considered, what weak hopes of Supply 
[reinforcements] and succour, they left behind them 
that might bear up their minds in this sad condition and 
trial they were under : and they could not but be very 
small. It is true, indeed, the affections and love of their 
brethren at Ley den were cordial and entire towards 
them ; but they had little power to help them or 
themselves : and how the case stood between them 
and the Merchants, at their coming away, hath already 
been declared. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. z 



354 *^^^ Voyage of the MdJY^iov^et. got. w. Bradford. 

What could now sustain them, but the SPIRIT of 
GOD, and his grace ? 

May not, and ought not, the children of these fathers 
rightly say, Our fathers were Englishmen, which came 
over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this 
wilderness: but they "cried unto the Lord, and he 
heard their voice, and looked on their adversity, cfec." 
Deut. xxvi. 7 [Geneva Version]. Let them therefore 
"praise the Lord, because he is good and his mercies 
endure for ever. Yea, let them which have been redeemed 
of the Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from the 
hand of the oppressor. When they wandered in the 
desert wilderness, out of the way ; and found no city to 
dwell in. Both hungry and thirsty, their soul was 
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the 
Lord, his loving kindness; and his wonderful works, 
before the sons of men." Ps. cvii. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8 [Geneva 
Version ; hut not quoted exactly']. Bradford MS. 
folios 109-113. 




CHAPTER XLI. 
Who weee the Pilgrim Fathers ? 

' HO were the Pilgrim Fathers 1 

The general answer to this must be : 
All those members of the Separatist Church at 
Leyden, who voted /or the migration to America ; 
whether they vjere actually able to go there or not : together with 
such others as joined their Church from England. . 

Membership in the Pilgrim, Church was the first qualification: 
intended^ or actual^ emigration to New England was the second 
one. 

This general definition will include the Rev. John 
Robinson and his family ; who were unable to leave Leyden. 
It also includes the 35 members of the Leyden Church who 
arrived, at Plymouth in New England, in the Fortune, in 
November 1621 ; the 60 who arrived, in the Ann and Little 
James in August 1623; the 35 with their families, who 
arrived in the Mayflower in Augu.^t 1629; and the 60 who 
arrived in the Handmaid, in May 1630. 

It likewise includes Christopher Martin and his wife," 
who joined from Billericay in Essex : and Richard Warren, 
and John Billington sen. and his family ; who came from 
London. 

It embraces also William King, who started from 
Southampton in the Mayflower on the 5th August 1620; 
but who, with Robert Cushman, returned back from the 
voyage, at Plymouth ; see page 345. 

It further includes hired men, such as John Howland, 
a Man-servant in Governor Carver's family ; and John 

356 



35^ Who were the pilgrim Fathers. 

Alden the Cooper : who both came out in the Mayflower^ and 
eventually embracing the Pilgrim Cause, became honoured 
men among the Pilgrim Fathers. 

On the other hand, it excludes all those members of the 
Pilgrim Church who had no wish to go to America. A List 
of some of these will be found at pp. 273-276. 

It also excludes all hired men who went out in the 
Mayflower \ and who did not become members of the Church 
in the Old Colony. So all the Mayflower passengers were not 
Pilgrim Fathers. 

It likewise excludes Thomas Weston and all the seventy 
Adventurers, as such : for having Shares in the Joint Stock 
did not make them Pilgrim Fathers. 

It further excludes (though it is very hard to make the 
exclusion) three of the four London Merchants, now known 
as the noble Friends of the Pilgrims ; who were among 
the number of the Adventurers, and who also joined with 
the eight Undertakers of the Colony in the Composition 
of 15/25 November 1626 : Richard Andrews, John 
Beauchamp, and James Shirley; but it includes the 
Fourth of these, Timothy Hatherley, because he settled 
at Scituate about the year 1635. 

The eight Colonial, and the four London, Undertakers of 
'the Composition of 1626, were also called. The Purchasers. 

Governor Bradford, writing in 1650, calls the passengers 
in the Mayflower^ the Old Stock. 

Doctor Alexander Young states, " Those who came in 
the first three ships the Mayflower [11/21 December 1620], 
the Fortune [9/19 Novemoer 1621], and the Anne [and Little 
James, August 1623], are distinctively called the Old Comers 
or Forefathers." Chronicles d&c, page 352, Ed. 1841, 8. 



Who were the Pilgrim Fathers. 357 

For the names of all the Forefathers, and some account 
of what became of many of them, see the next two Chapters. 



We also speak of the Pilgrim Ciiurch : meaning by that 
the Scrooby Congregation in their migrations to Amsterdam 
and Leyden ; with the various accessions to their number in 
both those cities. 




CHAPTER XLII 

The Passengers in the Mayflower ; and what 

became of them. 

ARIOUS numbers have, at different times, been 
given as to the number of the passengers that 
were on board the Mayjlower^ in her voyage to 
America in 1620. Those given by Captain John 
Smith, at page 324, are merely round numbers. 

We will now proceed, on the authority of the Bradford 
MS., to place this matter beyond any further dispute. 

The reckoning all depends on the date in respect to which 
it is made. 

The following Nominal List shows that One Hundred 
AND Two persons left Plymouth in Devonshire, on board the 
Mayflower, on Wednesday 6/16 September 1620: and that 
number may therefore be regarded as final. 

While at sea, 29. William Butten died, and 
103. OcEANUS Hopkins was born. 

So the number on hoard at one time was still 102, when 
i\iQ May flower fiTst anchored in Cape Cod harbour on 11/21 
November 1621 ; on which day, the Compact was signed. 

The number of different individuals conveyed by the ship, 
was further increased to 104, between the 6th and 12th 
December, by the birth, in Cape Cod harbour, of 

104. Peregrine White, the first Englishman born in New 

England ; see page 426. 

So 102 individuals actually left England, 1 died at sea, 2 

were born on board, and 103 actually arrived in New 

England. 

858 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 359 

It will be noticed that Governor Bradford groups these 
104 persons into (1) Households or Families, " 24 in number ; 
roughly arranged according to the Order of the Signatures in 
the Compact, see page 378: and (2) Single Men : whereas 
in the Relation (&c., see page 440 of this volume, we read 
that, on the afternoon of Thursday, 28 December /7 Januaiy 
1620/1621, 

"We went to measure out the grounds. And first, we 
took notice how many families there were : willing all single 
men, that had no wives, to join with some family as they 
thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses. Which was 
done ; and we reduced them to nineteen families." 



Let us now classify these 104 different individuals in 
accordance with the following Nominal List : 





Passeogers in the 
Mayflower. 


Died in the Fin 
Year. 


t 


The Survivors on 
9/19 Nov. 1621. 




Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male, 


Female, 


L Households 




















The Heads 


24 






13 


— 




11 




-_ _ 


Their Wives 






18 




14 








4 


Their Sons, or 




















other Male 




















relatives 


13 




— 


3 


— 




10 






Their Daugh- 
ters, or other 




















Female re- 




















latives 






7 


— 






— 




t 


Their Male 




















Servants 


14 






9 






6 




— 


One Female 




















Servant 


— 




1 












1 


II. Single Men 


15 






9 


— 




6 




— 


Adults 


66 


+ 


2r - 92 


34 + 


14 = 


48 


32 


+ 


12 = 44 


III. Children 


9 


+ 


3= 12 


4 + 


1 


5 


5 


+ 


2= 7 


- 


J75 


+ 


29 104 


38 + 


15 = 


53 


37 


+ 


14 = 51 



'»6o The Passengers in the Mayflower. 



J 



The almost entire destruction of the Wives is a most 
affecting fact. Did they sacrifice themselves for their 
children ? For none of the Daughters died ; and the 3 Sons 
who did, were in two families in which all the parents, there 
present, also died. 

Of the twenty-four Households, four were completely 
obliterated by the sickness; which chiefly took the form of 
scurvy. 

IX. Master Christopher Martin containing 4 persons 

XIX. Thomas Tinkler „ 3 „ 

XX. John Rigdale „ 2 „ 

XXIII. John Turner „ 3 



12 



}» 



)} 



Four other Households entirely escaped the infection. 

XII. Master Stephen Hopkins containing 8 persons. 

XIII. Master Richard Warren „ 1 person. 

XIV. John Billington sen. „ 4 persons. 
XVII. Francis Cooke „ 2 „ 

15 „ 



Each of the remaining sixteen Households lost one, or 
more, of its members. 

Of the 66 men who embarked on board the Mayflower^ 
William Butten died at sea : so that the utmost possible 
number of signatures to the Compact in Cape Cod harbour, 
on the 11/21 November 1620, was Sixty-five : but only Forty- 
one actually signed that document; whose names will be 
found at pp. 378-380, together with the names of the Twenty- 
four who did not sign. 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 361 

Of the 53 who died, beginning with William Butten, 
47 died before the Mayflower started homewards on 5/15 
April 1621. 
6 including Governor John Carver and Mistress 
Katherine Carver, died after that date; and 
before the arrival of the Fortune on 9/19 November 
— 1621. Governor Bradford, however, gives no hint* 
53 as to the names of the other four. 

The names of 53 who died in the first year, are printed, 
in the following Nominal List, in Italics. 

Of the 51 Survivors on the arrival of the Fortune ; only 
23 died by the year 1650, i.e. in the following twenty-nine 
years. The names of the 28, then alive, will be found on 
the next page. 

Where Governor Bradford differs, in the spelling of 
personal names in this List, from that of the printed texts, or 
the accepted normal spelling ; his spelling is given in Italics 
between square brackets, thus : 

John Tilley \Tilue\. 



362 The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

THE NAMES OF THOSE WHICH CAME OVER FIRST, IN THE 

YEAR 1620, AND THEIR FAMILIES; AND WERE, BY THE 

BLESSING OF GOD, THE FIRST BEGINNERS, AND (iN A 

sort) the FOUNDATION, OF ALL THE PLANTATIONS 

AND COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND. 

Of these 100 [or rather 104] persons which came 
first over in this first ship together: the greater half 
[actually 53] died in the general mortality; and most of 
them in two or three months' time. And from those 
which survived (though some were ancient ; and others 
left the place and country) ; yet of those few remaining, 
there are sprung up above 160 persons [We make their 
number to be 181], in this thirty years, and are now 
living in this present year 1650 : besides many of their 
children which are dead, and come not within this account. 

" And of the Old Stock [i.e. the May^ow er passengers], 
of one and another, there are yet living, in this present 
year 1650, near 30 persons.* Let the Lord have the 
praise ! who is the high preserver of men. 

* The exact number would appear, from the following Nominal List, 
to be 28, as follows : 

I. John Howland. Constanta Hopkins. 

II. Richard More. Damaris HoPKiNa. 

III. Gov. Edward Winslow. Edward Dotey. 
George Sowle. XIV. Francis Billington. 

IV. Gov. William Bradford. XV. Henry Samson. 
V. Isaac Allerton. XVI. Elizabeth Tilley. 

Bartholomew Allerton XVII. Francis Cooke. 

Remember Allerton. John Cooke. 

Mary Allerton. XVIII. Joseph Rogers. 

VIII. Capt. Miles StANDisH. XXT. Mary Chilton. 

X. Priscilla Mullins. XXII. Samuel Fuller. 

XI. Susanna White. XXIV. Samuel Eaton. 



Resolved White. 



Peregrine White. John Aldkn. 

XII.' Giles Hopkins. 'E. A. 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 363 

These, being about a hundred souls, came over in 
this first ship; and began this work: which GOD, of 
his goodness, hath hitherto blessed. Let his holy name 
have the praise ! 

And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 
thirty years completed since these beginnings; and 
that the great works of his Providence are to be 
observed : I have thought it not unworthy my pains to 
take a View of the Decreasings and Increasings of these 
persons ; and [of] such changes as hath passed over 
them and theirs in this thirty years. It may be of some 
use to such as come after : but, however, I shall rest in 
my own benefit. Bradford MS., folios 526, 527, 530. 

The passages between *' ", are the exact words 

of Governor Bradford. The other information gives the 
substance of what he writes. 

"We must now introduce a most admirable Work to our 
Readers, Ancient Landmarks 0/ Plymouth by the Hon. William 
T. Davis, formerly President of the Pilgrim Society there ; and 
published at Boston, Massa., in 1883, 8. Among many 
thousands of names ; it contains those of all the residents 
at Plymouth down to 1700 a.d. ; when the population was 
about a thousand souls. It also has most excellent plans. 
In the Hon. Mr Davis, we have one of the most sure-footed of 
local antiquaries : and, with regard to the subjects upon which 
it treats, his masterly Work leaves nothing further to be 
desired. 

We have given, between square brackets, from Mr Davis's 
book, the dates of the death of many of the Mayflower 
passengers. 



o 



64 The Passengers in the Mayflower. 



I. 

1. Governor John Carver. 

He died at Plymouth, in April 1621. 

2. Mistress Katharine Carver, his Wife. 

She died at Plymouth, in June 1621. 

3. Desire Minter. 

She returned to her friends in England; and proved not 
very well, and died there. 

4. John Rowland, a Man-servant. 

He married Elizabeth Tilley, the daughter of John 
TiLLEY. " And they are iDoth now living [in 1650] ; and 
have 10 children now, all living. And their eldest 
daughter hath 4 children ; and their second daughter 
1 : all living. So 15 are come of them." 15 

[He died at Plymouth, N.E., in 1673.— W. T. Davis.] 

5. Roger Wilder, a Man-servant. 

He died, in the first sickness, in Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

6. William Latham, a servant boy. 

After more than twenty years stay in the Old Colony; he 
went into England, and from thence to the Bahama 
Islands : and there, with some others, was starved to 
death. 

7. A lyiaid-Servant. 

She married at Plymouth; and died, a year or two after, 
there. 

8. Jasper More, a hoy that was put to this family. 

BicHARD M ore's brother. He died in Cape Cod harbour, 
on 6/16 December 1620. 

15 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 365 

II 15 

9. Master William Brewster, the Ruling Elder. 

He lived to a very old age. About eighty years he 
was, when he died [at Duxbury] on 10/20 April 1644 : 
having lived some 23 or 24 years here in the country. 
" His daughters, which came over after him, are dead : 
but have left sundry children alive. His eldest son 
is still living [in 1650] ; and hath 9 or 10 children : 
one married, who hath a child or 2." 11 

10. Mistress Mary Brewster, his Wife. 

His Wife died long before him [at Plymouth, before 
1627] ; yet she died aged. 

11. Love Brewster, their son. 

He lived till this year 1650 : and dying [at Duxbury], 
left 4 children now living. 4 

12. Wrastle \ot Wrestling] Brewster, their son. 

He died a young man unmarried. 

13. Richard More, a boy that was put to this 

family. 

" He is married, and hath [in 1650] 4 or 5 children, all 
living." 4 

[He was afterwards called Mann ; and died at Scituate, 
N.E., in 1656.— W. T. Davis.] 

14. .^ MoRE^ ahoy that was put to tills faniily. 

Richard More's brother. He died, in the first sickness, 
at Plymouth, in the Spring of 1621. 

III. 

15. Governor Edward Winslow. 

His Wife died the first winter : and he married 
[Susanna] the Widow of Master White ; and hath 
[in 1650] 2 children, besides sundry that are dead. 2 

He died at sea, in the West Indies, in 1655. 

36 



366 The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

16. Mistress Elizabeth Winslow, his first Wife, 36 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, on 24 March 
•/3 April 1621. 

17. George Sowle [or Soule], a Man-servant. 

" Is still [in 1650] living ; and hath 8 children.'' 8 

[He died at Duxbury, N.E., in 1680.— W. T. Davis.] 

18. Elias Story, a Man-servant. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

19. Ellen More, a little girl that was put to this 

family. 
EiCHARD More's sister. She died, in the first sickness, 
at Plymouth, in the Spring of 1621. 

IV. 

20. Governor William Bradford. 

His wife died soon after their arrival : and he married 
again, and hath [in 1650] 4 children ; 3 whereof are 
married. 4 

He died at Plymouth, N.E., on 9th May 1657, see p. 45. 

21. Mistress Dorothy Bradford, his first Wife. 

She was drowned from on board the Mayflower, in Cape 
Cod harbour, on 7/17 December 1620. 

V. ■ 

22. Master Isaac Allerton. 

"Himself married again with the daughter of Master 
Brewster ; and hath 1 son living by her : but she is 
long since dead. And he is married again ; and hath left 
this place [Plymouth'\ long ago." He had sons in England. 1 
[He died at New Haven, N.E., in 1659.— W. T. Davis.] 

49 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. ^6"]- 

23. Mistress Mary Allerton^ his Wife. 49 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, on the 25 
February /7 March 1621. 

24. Bartholomew Allerton, their son. 

" Is married in England ; but I know not how many 
children he hath." 

25. Remember Allerton, their daughter. 

" Is married at Salem [, N. E.] ; and hath [in 1650] 3, 
or 4 children living." 3 

[She married Moses Maverick ; and died at Salem, N.E., 
after 1652.— W. T. Davis.] 

26. ]\Iary Allerton, their daughter. 

" Is married at Plymouth ; and hath [in 1650] 4 children." 4 
[She married Thomas Cushman ; and died at Plymouth, 
N.E., in 1699.— W. T. Davis. She was the last survivor 
of those who left England in the MayflowerJ] 

27. John Hooke, a servant hoy. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

VL 

28. Samuel Fuller, the Deacon, and Surgeon. 

"After his Wife came over, he had 2 children by her; 
which are [in 1650] living, and grown up in years. But 
he died some fifteen years ago. 2 

[He died at Plymouth, N.E., in 1633.— W. T. Davis.] 

29. William Butten, a Man-servant. 

He died on board the Mayflower at sea ; " near the coast " 
of New England, on 6/16 November 1620. 

VII. 

30. Master John Crackston [Crakston] sen. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 



of 1621, 



58 



.368 'The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

31. John Crackston \Grakston\ jun. 58 

" And about five or six years after [in 1628], his son died 
[at Plymoutli]. Having lost himself in the woods, his foot 
became frozen ; which put him into a fever, of which he 
died." 

VIII. 

32. Captain Miles Standish. 

"He married again: and hath 4 sons living [in 1650]; 
and some are dead." Who died 3rd October 1655. 4 

[He died at Duxbury, N.E., in 1656.— W. T. Davis.] 

33. Mistress Rose Standish, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, on 29 
January /8 February 1621. 

IX. 

34. Master Chpjstopher Martin, the Treasurer. 

He came from Billericay in Essex, see page 308. He died, 
in the first sickness, on board the Mayflower, at Plymouth, 
on 8/18 January 1621. See pp. 343, 344, 442. 

35. Mistress ? Martin, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth in the Spring 
of 1621. 

36. Solomon Prower, a Man-servant. 

He died, in the first sickness," at Plymouth, on 24 December 
/3 January 1620/1621. 

37. John Langemore, a Man-servant. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. The Sixth and last who died in December 1620. 

X. 

38. Master William MuLLiNS, 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, on 21 
February /3 March 1620/1621. 

62 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 369 

39. Mistress ? MuLLlNS, his Wife. 62 
She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the 
Spring of 1621. 

40. Joseph Mullins; their son, a child. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the 
Spring of 1621. 

41. Priscilla Mullins ; their daughter, a child. 

" Married with John Alden : who are both [in 1650] 
living, and have 11 children. And their eldest daughter 
is married, and hath 5 children." 16 

[She died at Duxbury, N.E., after 1650.— W. T. Davis.] 

42. Robert Carter, a Man-servant. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the 
Spring of 1621. 

XI. 

43. Master William White. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, on 21 
February /3 March 1620/1621. 

t 

44. Mistress Susanna White, his Wife. 

She afterwards married Governor Edward "Winslow. 
{She died at Marshfield, N.E., in 1680.— W. T. Davis.] 

45. Resolved White, their son. 

He married, " and hath [in 1650] 5 children." 5 

[He died at Salem, N.E., after 1680.— W. T. Davis.] 

104. Peregrine White, their son, an infant. 

He was born on board the Mayjlower, in Cape Cod 
harbour, in December 1630. He was the first 
Englishman born in New England. 

He married ; and hath [in 1650] 2 children. 2 

[He died at Marshfield, N.E., on 20th July 1704.] 



85 



The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 A 



T^yo The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

46. 'William Holbeck, a Man-servant 85 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

47. Edward Thompson, a Man-servant 

He died on board the Mayflower^ in Cape Cod harbour, 
on 4/14 December 1620. He was the first that died 
after the Pilgrims arrived in New England. 

XII. 

48. Master Stephen Hopkins. 

He came from London, see page 427. 
Master Hopkins and his Wife are now [in 1650] both 
dead. But they lived twenty years in this place 
\PlymoutK\ : and had 1 son (who became a seaman 
and died at Barbadoes) and 4 daughters born here. 5 

[He died at Plymouth, N.E., in 1644.— W. T. Davis.] 

49. Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins. 

[She died at Plymouth, N.E., after 1640.— W. T. Davis.] 

[Two children by his former Wife.] 

50. Giles Hopkins, his son. 

" Is married, and hath [in 1650] 4 children." 4 

[He died at Yarmouth, N.E., in 1690.— W. T. Davis.] 

51. Constanta [or Constance] Hopkins, his 

daughter. 

"Is also married, and hath 12 children: all of. them 
[in 1650] living, and one of them married." 12 

[She married Nicholas Snow ; and died at Eastham, 
N.E., in 1677.— W. T. Davis.] 



[Two w,ore children, by his Wife Elizabeth.] 
52. Damaris Hopkins, their daughter. 

[She married Jacob Cooke, of Plymouth, N.E. ; and 
died there, between 1666 and 1669.— W. T. Davis.] 



106 



The Passengers in the yidiy^ov^^v, 371 
103. OcEANUS Hopkins, their son, an infant 106 

He was born on board the Mayjiower, at sea. 

[He died at Plymouth, N.E., in 1621.— W. T. Davis.] 

53. Edward Dotey \J)oty\ a Man-servant. 

" By a second Wife, hath 7 children : and both he and 
they are living [in 1650]." He came from London, see 
page 427. 7 

[He died at Yarmouth, N.E., in 1655.— W. T. Davis.] 

54. Edward Leister \Litster\, a Man-serva.nt. 

" After he was at liberty [i.e. had served his timel, went 
to Virginia ; and died there." 

XIIL 

55. J^aster Richard Warren. 

He came from London, see page 427. His Wife and 

children were left behind ; and came afterwards. 

His Wife came over to him ; by whom he had 2 sons 

before he died : and one of them is married, and 

hath 2 children. 

" But he had 5 daughters more, [who] came over with 

his Wife : who are all married, and living [in 1650] ; 

and have many children." 

[He died at Plymoutii, N.E., in 1628.— W. T. Davis.] 

XIV. 

56. John Billington [Billinton] sen. 

" He, and some of his, had been often punished for 
miscarriages before ; being one of the profanest families 
amongst them. They came from London : and I know 
not, by what friends, shuffled into their Company." 
Bradford MS., folio 342. 

He was hanged in October 1630, for the murder of 
John Newcomen. 

57. Ellen Billington, his Wife. 

[She married Gregory Armstrong, in 1638, — W. T. 
Davis.] 

117 



372 The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

58. John Billington, jun., their son. 11*7 

He died before his father was executed in October 1630. 

59. Francis Billington, their son. 

"Is married, and hath 8 children [in 1650]." 8 

[He died at Yarmouth, N.E., after 1650.— W. T. Davis.] 

XV. 

60. Master Edward Tilley [Tillie]. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

61. Ann Tilley, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

61. Henry ,Samson, their cousin, a child. 

" Is still living [in 1650] ; and is married, and hath 

7 children." 7 

[He died at Duxbury, N.E., in 1684.— W. T. Davis.] 

63. Humility Cooper, their cousin, a child. 

She " was sent for into England ; and died there." 

XVI. 

Q4<. Master John Tilley [TiLhiE], 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. ' 

65. Mistress ? Tilley, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

66. Elizabeth Tilley, their daughter. 

She married John Howland. 

[She died at. Plymouth, N.E., in 1687.— W. T. Davis.] 

132 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 373 

X VIT. - 

67. Francis Cooke. 132 

" He is still living [in 1650], a very old man ; and hath 
seen his children's children have children. 
" After his Wife came over, with others of his children ; 
he hath [had] 3, still living, by her : all married, and 
have 5 children. So their increase is 8." 8 

[He died at Plymouth, N.E., in 1663.— W. T. Davis.] 

68. John Cooke, his son. 

" Is married ; and hath four children living [in 1650]." 4 

[He died at Dartmouth, N.E., after 1694.— W. T. Davis.] 

xviir. 

6 9 Thoma s Rogers. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

The rest of Thomas Rogers's children came over 
afterwards ; and are married, and have many children. 

70. Joseph Rogers, his son. 

"Is married ; and hath 6 childi^en [in 1650]." 6 

[He died at Eastham, N.E., in 1678.— W. T. Davis.] 

XIX. 

71. Thomas Tinker. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

72. ? Tinker, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

73. ? Tinker, their son. , 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

156 



374 '^^^ Passengers in the Mayflower. 

XX. 

74. John RiGDALE. is 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

75. Alice Riqdale, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

XXI. 

76. James Chilton. 

[He died on board the Mayflower^ in Cape Cod harbour, 
on 8/18 December 1620.— W. T. Davis.] 
They had another daughter, that was married ; who 
came afterwards. 

77. ? Chilton, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

78. Mary Chilton, their daughter. 

" Is still living [in 1650], and hath 9 children ; and one 
daughter [of them] is married, and hath a child. So 
their increase is 10." 10 

[She married John Winslow (Gov. E. Winslow's brother) ; 
and died at Boston, N.E., in 1679.— W. T. Davis.] 

XXII. 

79. Edward Fuller. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

80. ? Fuller, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

166 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 375 

81. Samuel Fuller, their son, a young child. 166 

"Is living [in 1650], and married; and hath 4 children, 

or mofe." 4 

[He died at Barnstable, N.E., in 1683.— W. T. Davis.] 



XXIII. 

82. John Turner. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

"He had a daughter [who] came, some years after, to 
Salem [N.E.] ; where she is now \in 1650] living, - well 
married, and approved of." 

83. ? Turner, his son. 

He died, in tjie first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

84. ? Turner, his son. 

He died in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

XXIV. 

85. Francis Eaton. 

He married again ; and his second Wife died. And he 
married the third ; and had by her 3 children. One of 
them is married, and hath a child. The others are living. 
He died about sixteen years ago. 4 

[He died, at Plymouth. N.E., in 1633.— W. T. Davis.] 

86. Sarah Eaton, his Wife. 

She died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, in the Spring 
of 1621. 

8*7. Samuel Eaton, their son, a sucking child. 

" Is also married, and hath a child [in 1650]." 1 

[He died at Middleborough, N.E., in 1684.— W. T. Davis.] 

175 



n 



yS The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

"All these died soon after their arrival, in the general 175 
sickness that befel; and left no posterity here." 



88. MO&E& Fletcher. 

89. Thomas Williams. 

90. John Goodman. 

91. Edmund Marqeson. 

92. Richard Britteridge. 

He died on board the Mayjlower, in Plymouth harbour, on 
21/31 December 1620. The first who dies in this harbour. 

93. Richard Clarke. 



94. Degory Priest. 

He died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, on 1/11 

January 1620/21. 

" His Wife and children [were] sent hither afterwards : 

she being Master [Isaac] Allerton's sister." [See page 

162.] 

95. Richard Gardiner. 

"Became a seaman; and died in England, or at sea." 

96. Gilbert Winslow. 

He was another of Governor E. Winslow's brothers. 

" After divers years' abode here; he returned into England, 

and died there." 

97. Peter Browne. 

He "married twice. By his first Wife, he had 2 children: 

who are living [in 1650], and both of them married ; and 

the one of them hath 2 children. 

" By his second wife, he had 2 more." 

[He died at Plymouth, N.E., in 1633.~W. T. Davis.] 



181 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. '^']'] 

\Nexi follow, the five hired men.'] 181 

98. John Alden. 

" Was hired for a Cooper at Southampton, where the ship 

[the Mayflower] victualled : and, being a hopeful young 

man, was much desired; but [was] left to his own liking, 

to go, or^^stay, when he came here. 

" But he stayed, and married here. 

" John Alden married with Priscilla, Master Mullins 

his daughter." 

[He died at Duxbury, N.E., in 1687.— W. T. Davis.] 

99. John Allerton, a sailor. [See page 427.] 

He was a hired man; but was reputed one of the Company 

[i.e. of the Pilgrim Fathers]: but was to go back, being a 

seaman, for the help of the others behind. 

He however died, in the first sickness, at Plymouth, 

before the Mayflower departed homewards on 5/15 April 

1621. 

100. Thomas English, a sailor. [See page 427.] 

He was hired to the Master of a shallop at Plymouth. 
He, however, died there, in the first sickness, before 
the Mayflower departed homewards on 5/15 April 1621. 



" There were also other two seamen hired to stay a year 
in the country: 

301. William Trevore, a sailor, 
102. ? Ellis, a sailor. 

But, when their time was out, they both returned." 



181 



Bradford MS., folios 526-530. 



78 The Passengers in the Mayflower. 



We have now to show the connection of the above Nominal 
List, containing the names of 66 Males, exclusive of Children, 
with the 41 Signers of the Compact at Cape Cod harbour, 
on the 11/21 November 1620. 

Nathanial Morton, who had evidently seen the original 
document, gives the names of the Signers at pp. 15, 16, of his 
New England Memorial, 1669, 4, in the following order. It 
is a scandalous disgrace to the Officials of the Old Colony, that 
so precious a document as the Compact should ever have been 
lost. 



[These were 
e vidently the 
Chief of the 
Pilgrim Fathers, 
at this date. — E.A.] 



1. JoEN Carver I. 1. 

2. William Bradford IV. 20. 

3. Edward Winslow III. 15. 

4. William Brewster II. 9. 
0. Isaac Allerton V. 22. 

I. 6. Miles Standish VIII 32. 



7. John Alden 

8. Samuel Fuller 

9. Christopher Martin 

10. William MuLLiNS 

11. William White 

12. Richard Warren 

13. John Howl and 

14. Stephen Hopkins 

15. Edward Tilley 

16. John Tilley 

17. Francis Cooke 

18. Thomas Rogers 

19. Thomas Tinker 

20. John RiGDALE 

21. Edward Fuller 

22. John Turner 

23. Francis Eaton 



VI. 

IX. 

X. 

XI. 

XIII 

I. 

XII 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII 

XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXII 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 



98. 
28. 
34. 
38.. 
43. 
55. 
4. 
48. 
60. 
64. 
67. 
69. 
71 
74. 
79. 
82. 
85. 



The Passengers in the Mayflower. 379 

24. James Chilton 

25. John Crackston 

26. John Billington [sen.] 

27. Moses Fletcher 

28. John Goodman 

29. Degory Priest 

30. Thomas Williams 

31. Gilbert Winslow 

32. Edmund Marqeson 

33. Peter Browne 

34. Richard B[r]itteridoe 

35. George Soule 

36. Richard Clarke 

37. Richard Gardiner 

38. John Allerton 

39. Thomas English 

40. Edward Dotey 

41. Edward Leister 



XXI. 


76. 


VII. 


30. 


XIV. 


56. 


— 


88. 




90. 




94. 




89. 




96. 




91. 




97. 




92. 


III. 


17. 




93. 




95. 




99 




100. 


XII. 


53. 


XII. 


54, 



"We have next to account for the 25 Males, who did not 
sign the Compact. 

One had died already. 

42. William Butten VI. 29. 

Then evidently the signatures of the fathers covered the 
allegiance of their sons, 13 in number; as follows : 

43. Love Brewster II. 11. 

44. Wrastle Brewster II. 12. 
• 45. Bartholomew Allerton V. 24. 

46. John Crackston juti. VII. 31. 

47. Resolved White XL 45. 

48. Giles Hopkins XIL 60. 

49. John Billington jun. XIV. 58. 



XIV. 


59. 


XVIL 


68. 


XVIII. 


70. 


XIX. 


73. 


XXIII. 


83. 


XXIII. 


84. 



380 The Passengers in the Mayflower. 

50. Francis Billington 

51. John Cooke 

52. Joseph Rogers 

53. .^ Tinker 

54. t Turner 

55. ? Turner 

The following Male >Servants, Men and Youths, did not 
sign the Compact : 

56. Roger Wilder 

57. William Latham 

58. Elias Story 

59. John Hooke 

60. Solomon P rower 

61. John Lang EMORE 

62. Robert Carter 

63. William HoLBECK 

64. Edward Thompson 

As eight of these nine persons soon died, they may have 
been too ill to sign. 

Lastly, we have the two temporarily hired sailors. 

65. William Trevore — 101. 
m. ? Ellis — 102. 



I. 


5. 


L 


6. 


III. 


18. 


V. 


27. 


IX. 


36. 


IX. 


37. 


X. 


42. 


XL 


46 


XL 


47. 




CHAPTER XL III 
The Forefathers, or Old Comers. 1620 — 1623. 

iiHE authority for their names is the Records of the 
Colony of New Plymouth in New England ; 
printed, in twelve volumes, at Boston, Massa., 
1861, 4. Vol. XII. (Deeds, Vol. I.), edited by 
Mr David Pulsifer, contains the following information : 

"The Record, in Governor Bradford's handwriting, of 
The Meersteads and Garden Plots laid out in 1620, or to 
the pages containing the record, mainly by the same hand, of 
the Allotments of land in 1623. These pages have every 
appearance of having been written in the years mentioned 
in the record." 

THE MEERSTEADS AND GARDEN PLOTS OF [tHOSE] WHICH 
CAME FIRST, LAID OUT [iN DECEMBER] 1620. 

[jTAe Sea^ on the East side.'] 
The North side. The South side. 



•+0 



^ Peter Browne. 



•so 
CO 
so 



John Goodman. 



I 5^ Master William Brewster. 






^ gi Highway [to the Town Brook]. 



3 >^ 



^ ^ John Billington [sen.]. 
S Master Isaac Allerton. 
cHj Francis Cooke. 
Edward Winslow. 
[The Mount, afterioards Fort Hilt, on the West side.] 

381 



382 ' The Forefathers y or Old Comers. 

Governor Bradford, writing of the Spring of 1623, says : 
" All this while, no Supply [reinforcement] was heard of : 
neither knew they when they might expect any. 

So they began to think how they might raise as much 
corn [rnaize] as they could; and obtain a better crop than 
they had done : that they might not still thus languish in 
misery. 

At length, after much debate of things ; the Governor 
[William Bradford], with the advice of the Chiefest amongst 
them, gave way [agreed] 

That they should set corn, every ipan for his own 
particular [individual use] ; and, in that regard, [to] 
trust to themselves. In all other things, to go on in 
the general [joint-stock] way, as before. 

And so [he] assigned to every family a parcel of land, 
according to the proportion of their number, for that end ; 
only for present use : but made no division for inheritance. 
And ranged all boys and youths under some family. 

This had very good success. For it made all hands very 
industrious ; so as much more corn was planted than other 
ways would have been, by any means the Governor or any 
others could use : and saved him a great deal of trouble, and 
gave far better content. The women now went willingly into 
the field, and took their little ones with them, to set corn ; 
which before would ailed ge weakness and inability : whom to 
have compelled would have been thought great tyranny and 
oppression." Bradford MS,, folio 193. 

See also Governor Winslow's account of this transaction 
at pp. 575-577. 

The following Heading is the earliest authority in 
existence, that the of the Pilgrim ship of 1620 was 

the Mayflower . 



The Forefathers, or Old Comers, 383 



THE FALLS [BY LOT] OF THEIR GROUNDS ; WHICH CAME 

first over in the may-flower: according 

as their lots were cast, [in 

march] 1623 [see page 576]. 

Robert CushmaN 1 the number 

[of] acres 

Master William Brewster 6 to [each] 



These lie on the 
South side of 
he [Totim] 
Brook ; to the 
Bay-wards \i.e. 
between Sand- 
wich street and 
the harbour. — 
W. T. Davis]. 



William Bradford 3 

Richard Gardiner 1 

. Francis Cooke 2 

George Soule 1 

Master Isaac Allerton 7 

John Billington {sen.'] 3 

Peter Browne 1 

Samuel Fuller 2 

Joseph Rogers 2 



one. 





These contain 


29 acres. 


These lie on the 






South side of 






the [Town 
Brook ; to the 
Wood-ward : 
opposite to the 
former [includ- 
ing what is 
now Watson's 


John Howland 

Stephen Hopkins 

Edward 

Edward 

Gilbert Winslow 

Samuel Fuller junior 


4 
6 
1 
1 
1 
8 


Hill. W. T. 






Davis]. 







These contain 16 acres : besides 

Hobamak's ground ; which lieth 

between John Howland's and 

H0PKINS*8. 






84 T/ze Forefathers, or Old Corners 



These 5 acres 
lieth behind the 
Fort to the 
Little Fond 
[i.e. between 
the Burial Hill 
aud Murdock^s 
Fond.—W. T. 
Davis]. 



William White 

[He had been dead 
three years.] 



the number 
[of] acres 
to [each] 
one. 



These lie on the 
north side of 
the town; next 
adjoining to 
their gardens 
[of those] 
which came in 
the Fortune. 
\i.e. between 

t 
and the 
harbour. — W. 
T. Davis]. 



Edward Winslow 

Richard Warren 

John Goodman 

John Crackston 

John Alden 

Mary Chilton 

Captain Miles 
Standish 

Francis Eaton 

Henry Samson 

Humility Cooper 



4 

[2] 



2 

4 
1 
1 



The Forefathers, or Old Comers. 385 



THE FALLS [BY LOT] OF THEIR GROUNDS, WHICH CAME 
IN THE FORTUNE: ACCORDING AS THEIR LOTS WERE 

CAST, [in march] 1623 [See page 576]. 

This ship came 
NoTember 1621. 



[On the North aide of the Toiim.] 



These lie to the sea, 
Eastward. 



William Hilton 
John Winslow 
William Conner 
John Adams 
William Tench 



I 



and John Cannon j 



1 
1 
1 
1 

2 



These following lie beyond 

the Second Brook 

[, Westivard]. 



Hugh Statie 
William Beale and) 
Thomas Cushman j 

Austen Nicholas 
Widow Foord 



1 
2 

1 

4 



These lie beyond the 

First Brook, to the Wood, 

Westward. 

William Wright ^ ^ 
and William Pitt \ 
Robert Hickes 
Thomas Prence 
Steven Dean 
Moses Simonson 
and 

Philippe De la Noye. 
Edward Bompass 
Clement Brigges 
James Steward 
William Palmer 
Jonathan Brewster 
Benet Morgan 
Thomas Flavell 

and his son. 
Thomas Morton 
William Bassite 



} 



1 
1 
1 



1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 

2 

1 
2 



15 



[It should be 14] acres. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 



19 

acres. 

2 B 



386 The Forefathers, or Old Comers. 



THE FALLS [BY LOT] OF THEIR GROUNDS, WHICH CAME 

OVER IN THE SHIP CALLED THE ANNE [, AND 

IN THE LITTLE JAMES\\ ACCORDING AS 

THEIR [lots] were CAST, [iN THE 

AUTUMN of] 1623. 

[These 45 acres were situated on both sides of Cold Spring 

Brook.— W. T. Davis.] 

These to the sea, Eastward. 

acres. acres, 

James Rande 1 Francis Spragge 



[or rather 
Sprague] 



3 



These following lie beyond the [Townl 

Brook, to Strawberry Hill [now 

called Watson's Hill]. 

Edmund Flood 1 Edward Burcher 2 



Christopher Connant 1 John Jenings ") 

Francis Cooke 4 [or rather Jenney]] 

Goodwife Flavell 
Manasseh Fa[u]nce 

and 
John Fa[u]nce 



5 



The Forefathers, or Old Comers. 387 

These [a]6u^ against the These goeth in with a corner 
Swamp and [the] Reed by the Pond. 
Pond. 



George Morton 
and 



Alice [Southworth, ] 
afterwards] Bradford j 



Experience Mi[t]chellJ j^^^^^^ Rickey, his 



Christian Penn 



Thomas Morton 



jumor 

William Hilton's 
Wife and two 
children 



Wife and children 
Bridget Fuller 

u 

Ellen Newton 
Patience [Brewster], 



1 
1 



and Fear Brewster, >3 
with Robert Long ^ 



William Heard 

Mistress [Barbara] 
Standish [, The ll 

Captain's second Wife.], 



388 



The Forefathers^ or Old Comers, 



These following lie on the other [, the east^l 
side of the Town ; towards the Eel River. 

[These 50 acres were located on both sides of the Wellingsly 

Brook.— W. T. Davis.] 



Mary Buckett; 
adjoining to 
Joseph Rogers 

Master [John] 

Oldham, and those I 10 
joined with him 

Cuthbert Cuthbertson 6 
Anthony An[n]able 4 
Thomas Tilden 3 

Richard Warren 5 

[Edward] Bangs 4 



Robert Ratcliffe, \ 
beyond the swampy I [2] 
and stony ground J 

These [a]6u^ against 
Hob's Hole. . 

Nicholas Snowe x 

Anthony Dix x 

Master Pe[i]rce's two ] 
servants J 

Ralfe Wal[l]en X 



South, 

Stephen Tracy, 
three acres 

Thomas Clarke, 
one acre 

Robert Bartlet, 
one acre 



} 
} 



North. 

Edward Holman, 
one acre 

Frances [Palmer] 
Wife to 

William Palmer 
one acre 

Joshua Pratt and 
Phineas Pratt 



I 




CHAPTER XLIV. 

That the Dutch could not have bribed Captain 
Jones of the Mayflower, 1620. 

'E have seen, at page 315, that, on Saturday, 10/20 
June 1620, Robert Cushman and Thomas 
Weston, at London, had not even seen the 
Mayflower, of 180 tons : but that they were 

then thinking of a vessel of 120 tons ; which they hoped to 

look over and charter on the following Monday, 12/22 of that 

month. 

The hiring of the Mayflower, when they did do it, was 

also their act alone ; and the Leyden Church had nothing 

whatever to do with it. 

We have also seen, at page 331, that the Speedwell, of 60 
tons, left Delf shaven on Saturday, 22 July /I August 1620 : 
and, at page 334, she probably arrived at Southampton on 
the following Wednesday, 26 July /5 August 3 where she 
found the bigger ship waiting for her. The Mayflower must 
therefore have left London some days earlier. 

If then the Dutch (by which we are to understand no one 
else but the New Netherland Company ; resident at either 
the Hague, or at Amsterdam) bribed Captain Jones ; it muse 
have been at some time in the forty-eight days between that 
10/20 June and that 26 July /I August. Further, we must 
assume it to have been done at London ; and not at 
Southampton, under the watchful eyes of the Pilgrim 
Fathers. 

Again, if Prince be correct, see page 335, he states that 

389 



390 The supposed Plot of Captain Jones. 

the Mayflower had already been at Southampton seven days. 
This would reduce the above period, in which the supposed 
bribery must have been effected, to the forty-one days from 
10/20 June to 19/29 July 1620. 

Let us now quote Nathaniel Morton's account of this 
supposed Plot. 

Nevertheless, it is to be observed, that their putting 
into this place [Cape God harbour], was qj ^j^-g pj^^ 
partly by reason of a storm by which they betwixt the 
were forced in [This is not a strictly accurate Master jones; 
statement] ; but more especially by the ^. ^5'^® ^^^ ^**® 
f raudulency and contrivance of the aforesaid tain intelligence. 
Master Jones, Master of the ship. ^^- ^-^ 

For their intention, as is before noted, and his 
engagement, was to Hudson's river : but some of the 
Dutch, having notice of their intentions ; and having 
thoughts, about the same time, of erecting a Plantation 
there likewise [This is fl.atly contradicted by Sir 
Dudley Carleton's Report to the Privy Council, on 
5/15 February 1621/1622; fifteen months after Captain 
Jones's supposed act of betrayal: see pp. 299], they 
fraudulently hired the said Jones (by delays while 
they were in England ; and now under pretence of 
danger of the shoals, &c.) to disappoint them in their 
going thither. New England's Memorial, page 12, Ed. 
1669,4. 

We have seen, at page 346, that the delays off the English 
coast arose entirely from the overmasting of the Speedwell ; 
and the cunning use that that scoundrel, Captain Reynolds, 
made of that fact. 

A careful reading of Governor Bradford's account, at 
page 356, of " the Pilgrims" turning back at the "dangerous 



The supposed Plot of Captam Jones. 39 t 

shoals and roaring breakers " of the Pollock Rip, will sho^X^ 
that the alarm on board the Mayflower at that time, was no 
pretence ; but a very real thing indeed. They " thought 
themselves happy to get out of those dangers before night 
overtook them." 

The Captains of those days were but rough sea dogs, at 
the best : but all we know of the Master of the Mayflower 
goes to show that he was both fair-minded and friendly 
towards the Pilgrim Fathers. See pp. 417-420, 442, 448-450. 




CHAPTER XLV. 

That Captain Jones of the Mayflower was not 
THE Captain Thomas Jones of the Discovery. 

HE Christian name of the Captain of the 
Mayflower is not known. It has been sometimes 
said that he was the disreputable and piratical 
Captain Thomas Jones of the Discovery ; but 
this seems not to be the case, for the two following reasons : 

1. The Rev. Doctor E. D. Neill tells us that at 

A Quarter Court, 21 November /I December 1621, Commissions 
were granted for Fishing and Trade, among others, to 

Captain Thomas Jones, Master of the Discovery, of 60 tons. 
History of the Virginia Company, page 261, Ed. 1869, 4. 

Now the Mayflower was of 180 tons; and it is very 
unlikely that its Captain would afterwards take charge of a 
vessel one-third of its size. It would have been a kind of 
professional degradation to have done so. 

2. Governor Bradford writes : 

Behold now another Providence of GOD. A ship comes into 
the harbour, one Captain Jones being chief therein. They were 
set out by some Merchants, to discover all the harbours between 
this and Virginia, and the shoals of Cape Cod ; and to trade 
along the coast where they could. Bradford MS., folios 181-183. 

Now it is quite impossible that Governor Bradford, who 
had been in the closest possible friendly intercourse with the 
Captain of the May/lower for the seven months from the 
6th September 1620 till the 5th April 1621, could ever after 
have designated him as " one Captain Jones." 

392 



Captain T, Jones of the Discovery. 393 



T:..'? 

^>/^ 



It may be interesting to trace the career of this Captain 
Jones up to his death : the more so because he carried John 
Port as a Passenger. 

The Discovery left London at the end of November 1621 ; 
and did not arrive at James Town, Virginia, till April 
1622. It was in August 1622, that she arrived at New 
Plymouth. 

The following documents tell the rest of this Story : 



THE MINUTES OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND, 
TUESDAY, 17/27 DECEMBER 1622. 



At the Tower [of London]. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 
Sir Allen Apsley. 
Sir Samuel Argall. 



Captain Thomas Love, 

assisted by 
Captain Chudley. 



Whereas the Council are informed by Leonard Peddock, That 
Captain Jones (who was employed by the Company of Virginia to 
fish upon the coasts of New England) hath, this last year [1622], 
robbed the natives there, of their furs ; and offered [attempted] to 
carry some of them away prisoners : but, being grounded upon the 
sands near Cape Cod, the savages escaped ; and made great 
exclamation against the present Planters of New England. For 
punishment whereof. Sir Ferdinando Gorges is desired to signify 
this abuse, by letter from the Council, to [Henry Wriothesley,] 
the Earl of Southampton [, Treasurer of the Virginia Company]. 

S. P. Colonial. Vol. I. 



394 Captain T. Jones of the Discovery. 

JOHN CHAMBERLAIN TO SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. 
LONDON ; SATURDAY, 26 JULY /5 AUGUST 1623. 

Our old acquaintance, Master Pory, is in poor case, and in 
prison at the Terceiras \=the Azores] : whither he was driven by- 
contrary winds from the north coast of Virginia, where he had 
been upon some discovery ; and, upon his arrival [at Terceira], was 
arraigned, and in danger to be hanged for a pirate. 

S. P. Dom. James I. Vol. 149, No. 48. 

GOVERNOR SIR FRANCIS WYATT AND THE COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA, 

TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR THE AFFAIRS OF 

VIRGINIA [in LONDON]. 

JAMES CITY ; MONDAY, 3/13 JANUARY 1625. 

About the middle of July last ]1624], arrived Captain Jones, 
in a Spanish frigate, which he had taken in the "West Indies ; 
under the Commission of the States [General], as he pretended, 
granted to Captain Powell : from whose consortship he separated 
himself, and put in here for relief ; his vessel being very leaky, 
and her victuals spent. She brought in no prize [plunder], but 
some few raw hides ; which, by negligence, lay sunk in the ship, 
and were spoiled. Himself died shortly after [July 1624]. 

And since his death, there are rumours risen, contrary to their 
first Examinations, of mutinies and disorders committed by Captain 
Jones and some of his [ship's] company against Captain Powell : 
of which, perhaps, we may have more light from England, or the 
Low Countries ; according to which, we may the better know how 
to proceed, since we conceive the substance of their acts against 
the Spaniards are not now too strictly to be questioned. 

S. P. Colonial Vol. IV., No. 1. 



A 

Relation, or Journal, 

of the 

Beginning and Proceedings 

of the 

English Plantation settled at Plymouth, 
in New England ; 

by certain English Adventurers, both Merchants and others. 

With 
their difficult Passage ; their safe Arrival ; their joyful building of, 
and comfortable planting themselves in, the now 
well-defended Town of New Plymouth. 



As also 
a Relation of Four several Discoveries, since made by 
some of the same English Planters 
there resident. 

I. In a journey to Puckanokick, the habitation of the Indians' greatest King, 
Massasott; as alBO their Message, [and] the Answer and entertainment they had of 
him. 

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdom of Nawset, to seek a boy that 
had lost himself in the woods : with such accidents as befell them in that voyage 

III. In their journey to the Kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of their greatest 
King, Massasott, against the Narrohigg onsets ; and to revenge the supposed death of 
their interpreter Tisquantum. 

IV. Their voyage to the Massachusets, and their entertainment there. 

With 

an Answer to all such Objections as are any way made against 

the lawfulness of English Plantations 

in those parts. 



LONDON. 

Printed for John Bellamie, and are to be sold at his 

shop at the Two Greyhounds, in Cornhill, 

near the Royal Exchange. 

1622. 




To HIS MUCH EESPECTED FRIEND, 

Master I. P. 

OOD friend. As we cannot but account 
it an extraordinary blessing of GOD in 
directing our course for these parts, after 
we came out of our native country; for 
that we had the happiness to be possessed of the 
comforts we receive by the benefit of one of the most 
pleasant, most healthful, and most fruitful parts of the 
world: so must we acknowledge the same blessing to 
be multiplied upon our whole Company, for that we 
obtained the honour to receive allowance and approbation 
of our free possession and enjoying thereof, under the 
authority of those thrice honoured persons, the President 
and Council for the Affairs of New England. By whose 
bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to 
dedicate our best service unto them ; as those, under His 
Majesty, that we owe it unto : whose noble endeavours 
in these their actions, the GOD of heaven and earth 
multiply to his glory, and their own eternal comforts ! 

As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it, 
as being writ by the several Actors themselves, after 
their plain and rude manner : therefore doubt nothing 
of the truth thereof. If it be defective in anything, 
it is their ignorance ; that are better acquainted with 
planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well 
affected to the business ; it is all I care for. 

Sure I am, the place we are in, and the hopes that 
are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not desire 
more than enough; neither is there want of ought 

397 



'> 



98 To his friend, Master I. P. e. g. 



{aughfl among us but company, to enjoy the blessings 
so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are 
here. 

While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot, that 
I had but the recommendation of the Relation itself to 
your further consideration: and therefore I will end 
without saying more ; save that I shall always rest. 

Yours, in the way of friendship, 

R. G. 
From Plymouth in 
New England. 




To The Reader. 

[OURTEOUS Reader. Be in treated to make a 
favourable construction of my forwardness 
in publishing these insuing Discourses. 
The desire of carrying the Gospel of Christ 
into those foreign parts, amongst those people that as 
yet have h^^d no knowledge, nor taste, of GOD ; as also 
to procure unto themselves and others, a quiet and 
comfortable habitation : were, amongst other things, the 
inducements unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, 
and now experimentally known good, enterprise for 
Plantation in New England, to set afoot and prosecute 
the same. 

And though it fared with them, as it is common to 
the most actions of this nature, that the First Attempts 
prove difficult, as the sequel more at large expresseth ; 
yet it hath pleased GOD, even beyond our expectation 
in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them 
see — though some he hath taken out of this Vale of 
Tears — some grounds of hope of the accomplishment of 
both those ends, by them at first propounded. 

And as [I] myself then much desired, and shortly 
hope to effect (if the Lord will !), the putting to of my 
shoulder in this hopeful business : and in the mean time, 
these Relations coming to my hand from my both 
known and faithful friends, on whose writings I do 
much rely ; I thought it not amiss to make them more 
general, hoping of a cheerful proceeding, both of 
Adventurers and Planters. Intreating that the example 

399 



400 To the Reader, g. Mourt. 

of the Honourable Virginia and Bermudas Companies 
(incountering with so many disasters, and that for divers 
years together, with an unwearied resolution ; the good 
effects whereof are now eminent) may prevail as a spur 
of preparation also, touching this no less hopeful country, 
though yet an infant: the extent and commodities 
whereof are as yet not fully known, [but which] after 
time will unfold more. 

Such as desire to take knowledge of things, may 
inform themselves by this insuing Treatise : and, if 
they please, also by such as have been there a first and 
[a] second time \i.e. in the Mayflower ; and also in the 
Fortune]. 

My hearty prayer to GOD is, That the event of this, 
and all other honourable and honest undertakings, may 
be for the furtherance of the Kingdom of Cheist ; the 
inlarging of the bounds of our Sovereign Lord King 
James ; and the good and profit of those who, either by 
purse, or person, or both, are agents in the same. 

So I take leave, and rest 
Thy friend, 

G. Mourt. 




Certain useful Advertisements sent in a Letter 

WRITTEN BY A DISCREET FrIEND UNTO THE PLANTERS 

IN New England, at their first setting sail from 

Southampton; who earnestly desireth the 

prosperity of that, their new, 

Plantation. 

^OVING and Christian friends. I do 
heartily, and in the Lord, salute you all : 
as being they with whom I am present in 
my best affection, and most earnest longings 
after you ; though I be constrained, for a while, to be 
bodiljT- absent from you. I saj^, constrained : GOD 
knowing how willingly and much rather than otherwise, 
I would have borne my part with you in this first 
brunt ; were I not, by strong necessity, held back for 
the present. Make account of me, in the mean while, 
as of a man divided in myself, with great pain ; and 
as, natural bonds set aside, having my better part with 
you. 

And though I doubt not but, in your godly 
wisdoms, you both foresee, and resolve upon, that 
which concerneth your present state and condition; 
both severally and jointly : yet have I thought [it] but 
my duty, to add some further spur of provocation unto 
them who run already ; if not because you need it, yet 
because I owe it in love and duty. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 401 2 c 



402 A Letter of Advice to the Eev. j. Robinson. 

And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance 
with our GOD; special, for our sins known; and 
general, for our unknown trespasses : so doth the Lord 
call us, in a singular manner, upon occasions of such 
difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more 
narrow search, and careful reformation, of our ways in 
his sight; lest he (calling to remembrance our sins 
forgotten by us, or unrepented of) take advantage 
against us; and, in judgement, leave us for the 
same to be swallowed up in one danger or other. 
Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away 
by earnest repentance, and pardon thereof from the 
Lord sealed up unto a man's conscience by his 
SPIRIT : great shall be his security and peace in 
all dangers ; sweet, his comforts in all distresses ; with 
happy deliverance from all evil, whether in life or in 
death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with GOl) and 
our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for 
peace with all men, what in us lieth ; especially with 
our associates : and, for that end, watchfulness must 
be had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give ; no, 
nor easily take, offence, [it] being given by others. 
Woe be unto the World for offences ! For though it 
be necessary (considering the malice of Satan, and 
man's corruption) that offences come : yet woe unto the 
man, or woman, either by whom the offence cometh ! 
saith Christ, Matthew xviii. 7. And if offences, in 
the unseasonable use of things in themselves indifferent, 
be more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle 
teacheth, 1 Cor. ix. 15 : how much more in things 
simply evil ; in which neither honour of GOD, nor love 
of man, is thought worthy to be regarded. 



EOT. J. Eobinson Planters of Ncw England. 403 

Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, by 
the grace of GOD, from giving ofFence[s] ; except withal, 
we be armed against the taking of them, when they 
are given by others. For how unperfect and lame is 
the work of grace in that person who wants charity 
[wherewith] to cover a multitude of offences, as the 
Scriptures speak. 

Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace, only 
upon the common grounds of Christianity; which are, 
That persons ready to take offence, either want charity 
to cover offences; or wisdom duly to weigh human 
fraility; or lastly, are gross, though close, hypocrites, 
as Christ our Lord teacheth, Matthew vii. 1-3. As 
indeed, in mine own experience, few or none have been 
found, which sooner give offence, than such as easily 
take it: neither have they ever proved sound and 
profitable members in societies, which have nourished 
in themselves that touchy humour. 

But, besides these, there are divers special motives 
provoking you, above others, to great care and conscience 
this way. 

As, first, you are, many of you, strangers as to the 
persons, so to the infirmities, one of another: and so 
stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest when 
such things fall out in men and women as you suspected 
not, you be inordinately affected [wpsef] with them: 
which doth require, at your hands, much wisdom and 
charity for the covering and preventing of incident 
offences that way. 

And, lastly, your intended course of Civil Community 
[setting up the authority of a State] will minister 
continual occasion of ofience, and will be as fuel 
for that fire; except you diligently quench it 
with brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence 



404 A Letter of Advice to the Rev. j. Robinson. 

causelessly, or easily, at men's doings be so carefully to 
be avoided : how much more heed is to be taken that 
we take not offence at GOD himself; which yet we 
certainly do, so oft as we do murmur at his Providence 
in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions 
as wherewith he pleaseth to visit us. Store we up 
therefore patience against the evil day ! without which, 
we take offence at the Lord himself in his holy and just 
works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, 
to wit, That with your common employments, you join 
common affections, truly bent upon the general good : 
avoiding (as a deadly plague of your both common and 
special comfort) all retiredness of mind for proper 
advantage [individual self-seeking], and all singularly 
affected any manner of way. Let every man repress 
in himself; and the whole body, in each person (as so 
many rebels against the common good), all private 
respects of men's selves ! not sorting with the general 
conveniency. And as men are careful not to have a 
new house shaken with any violence before it be well 
settled, and the parts firmly knit : so be you, I beseech 
you brethren, much more careful that the House of 
GOD, which you are and are to be, be not shaken 
with unnecessary novelties, or other oppositions, at the 
first settling thereof. 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a Body Politic, 
using amongst yourselves Civil Government; and are 
not furnished with any persons of special eminency 
above the rest, to be chosen by you into Office of 
Government: let your wisdom and godliness appear, 
not only in choosing such persons as do entirely love, 



Eev. J. Robinson. Plautcrs of Nbw England, 405 

and will diligently promote, the common good; but 
also in yielding unto them all due honour and obedience 
in their lawful administrations. Not beholding in them, 
the ordinariness of their persons ; but GOD's ordinance 
for your good : nor being like unto the foolish multitude ; 
who more honour the gay coat, than either the virtuous 
mind of the man, or [the] glorious ordinance of the 
Lord. 

But you know better things: and that the Image 
of the Lord's power and authority, which the Magistrate 
beareth, is honourable in how mean persons soever. 
And this duty you both may the more willingly, and 
ought the more conscionably to perform ; because you 
are, at least for the present, to have only them for your 
ordinary Governors, which yourselves shall make choice 
of for that work. 

Sundry other things of importance I could put 
you in mind of, and of those before mentioned, in 
more words; but I will not so far wrong your godly 
minds, as to think you heedless of these things : 
there being also divers among you so well able to 
admonish both themselves and others, of what 
concerneth them. 

These few things therefore, and the same in few 
words, I do earnestly commend unto your care and 
conscience : joining therewith my daily incessant prayers 
unto the Lord, that he (who hath made the heavens 
and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters ; and 
whose Providence is over all his works, especially over 
all his dear children for good) would so guide and 
guard you in your ways (as inwardly by his SPIRIT ; 
so outwardly by the hand of his power) as that both 
you, and we also for and with you, may have after 



4o6 A Letter of Advice &c, Eev. j. Eobinson 

matter of praising his name, all the days of your, and 
our, lives. 

Fare you well in him ! in whom you trust, and in 
whom I rest 

An unfeigned well-wilier 
of your happy success 
in this hopeful voyage, 

I. R [John Robinson.] 




A 

Relation, or Journal, 

of the Proceedings of the Plantation 

settled at "Plymouth in 

New England. 

EDNESDAY, the sixth of September [1620], 
the wind coming East North East, a line 
small gale, we loosed from Plymouth ; 
having been kindly intertained and 
courteously used by divers friends there dwelling : and, 
after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, 
by GOD'S Providence, upon the 9th of November 
following, by break of the day, we espied land ; which 
we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. 
And the appearance of it much comforted us : especially 
seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to the brink of the 
sea; it caused us to rejoice together, and praise GOD 
that had given us once again to see land. 

And thus we made our course south-south-west, 
purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the south of 
the Cape : but, at night, the wind being contrary, we 
put round again for the Bay of Cape Cod. And upon 
the 11th of November, we came to an anchor in the 
Bay : which is a good harbour and [a] pleasant Bay ; 
circled round, except in the entrance, which is about 
four miles over from land to land ; compassed 
about [encircled] to the very sea, with oaks, pines, 
juniper sassafras, and other sweet wood[s]. It is a 

407 



4o8 New England in America. 

harbour wherein a thousand Sail of ships may safely 
ride. 

There we relieved ourselves with wood and water, 
and refreshed our people ; while our shallop was fitted 
to coast \sail along the shore of] the Bay, to search for a 
[place of] habitation. 

There was [there] the greatest store of fowl that 
ever we saw. And, every day, we saw whales playing 
hard by us. Of which, in that place, if we had [had] 
instruments and means to take them ; we might have 
made a very rich return : which [instruments], to our 
great grief, we wanted. Our Master and his Mate, and 
others experienced in fishing, professed we might have 
made £3,000 or £4,000 worth of oil. They preferred it 
before Greenland whale-fishing ; and purpose, the next 
winter [1621 — 1622], to fish for whale here. 

For cod, we assayed ; but found none. There is good 
store, no doubt, in their season. 

Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there ; 
but some few little ones on the shore. We found great 
mussels, and very fat and full of sea pearl[s] : but we 
could not eat them ; for they made us all sick that did 
eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to cast 
[yorrhit] and scour [purge]. But they were soon well 
again. 

The Bay [i.e. Provincetown harbour] is so round and 
circling that, before we could come to anchor, we went 
round all the points of the compass. We could not 
come near the shore, by three-quarters of an English 
mile ; because of shallow water : which was a great 
prejudice to us. For our people, going on shore, were 
forced to wade a bow-shot or two, in going aland ; 
which caused many to get colds and coughs : for it was, 
many times, freezing cold weather. 




New England in America. 409 

This day, before we came to harbour, observing 
some not well affected to unity and concord ; but gave 
some appearance of faction : it was thought good there 
should be an Association and Agreement that we should 
combine together in one body ; and to submit to such 
Government and Governors as we should, by common 
consent, agree to make and choose : and [we] set our 
hands to this that follows, word for word. 

N the name of GOD, Amen. We, whose names 
are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our 
dread Sovereign Lord King James; by the 
grace of GOB, of Great Britain, France, 
and Ireland King ; Defender of the Faith ; &c. 

Having undertaken for the glory of GOD, and 
advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our 
King and country, a Voyage [Expedition] to plant the 
first Colony in the northern 'parts of Virginia ; {we'\ do, 
by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence 
of GOD and one of another, covenant and combine 
ourselves together into a Civil Body Politic, for our 
better ordering and preservation ; and furtherance of 
the ends aforesaid : and, hy virtue hereof, to enact, 
constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, 
ordinances, acts, constitutions, Offices, from time to 
time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for 
the general good of the Colony ; unto which, we promise 
all due submission and obedience. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunder subscribed our 
names* Cape Cod, 11th of November, in the year of the 



* This Compact was signed by forty-one, out of the sixty-five adult 
male passengers then on board the Mayflower. See the names of those 
who signed, and of those who did not, at pp. 378-380. — K. A. 



4IO New Englandin America. 

reign of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England 
France and Ireland 18; and of Scotland 54. Anno 
Domini 1620. 

The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore 
fifteen or sixteen men, well armed ; with some to fetch 
wood, for we had none left : as also to see what the 
land was ; and what inhabitants they could meet with. 

They found it to be a small neck of land. On this 
side, where we lay, is the Bay ; and [on] the further side, 
the sea. The ground or earth [consists of] sandhills, much 
like the downs [dunes] of Holland : but much better. 
The crust of the earth, [at] a spit's depth [i.e. below the 
sand], excellent black earth : all wooded with oaks, 
pines, sassafras, juniper, birch, holly, vines, some ash, 
walnut. The wood for the most part open, and without 
underwood ; fit either to go, or ride, in. 

At night, our people returned ; but found not any 
person, nor habitation: and laded their boat with 
juniper, which smelled very sweet and strong ; and of 
which we burnt, the most part of the time we lay there. 

Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our 
shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair her : 
having been forced to cut her down, in bestowing 
[stowing] her betwixt the decks ; and she was much 
opened, with the people's lying in her. Which kept us 
long there : for it was sixteen or seventeen days before 
the Carpenter had finished her. 

Our people went on shore to refresh themselves ; 
and our women to wash [i.e. to wash clothes in fresh 
water], as they had great need. 

[the first discovery.] 
But whilst we lay thus still, hoping our shallop 



New England in America. 411 

» 

would be ready in five or six days, at the furthest ; but 
our Carpenter made slow work of it, so that some of 
our people, impatient of delay, desired, for our better 
furtherance, to travel by land into the country (which 
was not without appearance of danger ; not having the 
shallop with them, nor means to carry provision[s] but 
on their backs), to see. Whether it might be fit for us to 
seat \setile\ in or no. And the rather, because as we 
sailed into the harbour, there seemed to be a river 
opening itself into the main land. 

The willingness of the persons was liked : but the 
thing itself, in regard of the danger, was rather 
permitted than approved. 

And so, with cautions directions and instructions, 
sixteen men were set out, with every man his musket, 
sword, and corslet, under the conduct of Captain Miles 
Standish: unto whom, were adjoined for council and 
advice, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and 
Edward Tilley. 

Wednesday, the I5th of November [1620], they were 
set ashore ; and when they had ordered themselves in 
the order of a Single File, and [had] marched about the 
space of a mile, by the sea they espied five or six people 
with a dog coming towards them ; who were savages : 
who, when they saw them, ran into the wood ; and 
whistled the dog after them, &c. First, they supposed 
them to be Master Jones, the Master, and some of his 
men ; for they were ashore, and knew' of their coming : 
but after they knew them to be Indians, they marched 
after them, into the woods ; lest other of the Indians 
should lie in ambush. 

But when the Indians saw our men following them, 
they ran away with might and main : and our men 
turned out of the wood after them, for it was the way 



412 New England in America. 

they intended to go ; but they could not come near 
them. They followed them that night about ten miles, 
by the trace [track] of their footings ; and saw how they 
had come the same way they went : and, at a turning, 
perceived how they [had] run up a hill, to see whether 
they followed them. 

At length, night came upon them ; and they were 
constrained to take up their lodging. So they set forth 
three sentinels ; and the rest, some kindled a fire, and 
others fetched wood : and there [we] held our randevous 
[ = rendezvous = encaonprnent] that night. 

In the morning [, of Thursday, the 16th November], 
so soon as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our 
journey ; and had the track until we had compassed 
the head of a long creek [East Harbour Greek'] : and 
there they took into another wood, and we after them ; 
supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we 
marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills 
and valleys, which tore our very armour in pieces : and 
yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses ; 
nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired, 
and stood in need of. For we brought neither beer, 
nor water with us ; and our victuals were only biscuit 
and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of Aqua vitce 
[brandy] : so as we were sore athirst. 

About ten a clock, we came into a deep valley 
[East Harbour, in Truro], full of brush, wood-gaile 
[bay-berry], and long grass; through which we found 
little paths or tracts : and there we saw a deer 
and found springs of fresh water ; of which we were 
heartily glad, and sat us down and drank our first New 
England water with as much delight as ever we drank 
drink in all our lives. 

When we had refresh ourselves, we directed our 



New England in America, 413 

> 

course full south, that we might come to the shore [of 
the Bay]: which, within a short while after, we did; 
and there made a fire that they in the ship might see 
where we were, as we had direction ; and so marched on 
towards this supposed river. 

And, as we went into another valley, we found a 
fine clear pond of fresh water [called Fresh Water Pond 
at page 415. Now Pond Village, in Truro'] being about 
a musket-shot broad, and twice as long. There grew 
also many small vines: and [wild] fowl and deer 
haunted there. There grew much sassafras [there]. 

From thence, we went on, and found much plain 
ground, about fifty acres, fit for the plow ; and some 
signs where the Indians had formerly planted their corn. 

After this, some thought it best, for nearness of the 
river, to go down and travel on the sea-sands : by 
which means some of our men were tired, and lagged 
behind. 

So we stayed, and gathered them up ; and struck 
into the land again : where we found a little path to 
certain heaps of sands [now the village of Great Hollow]. 
One whereof was covered with old mats, and had a 
wooden thing, like a mortar, whelmed [arched over] 
on the top of it; and an earthen pot laid in a little 
hole at the end thereof. We, musing what it might 
be, digged, and found a bow : and, as we thought, 
arrows ; but they were rotten. We supposed that 
there were many other things : but, because we deemed 
them graves, we put in the bow again, and made it 
up as it was, and left the rest untouched ; because we 
thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their 
sepulchres. 

We went on further, and found new stubble, of 
which they had gotten corn this year ; and many 



414 New England in America. 

walnut \jnjockernvbi hickory] trees, full of nuts ; and great 
store of strawberries [strawberry vines] ; and some vines 
[grape vines]. 

Passing thus a field or two, which were not great; 
we came to another, which had also been newly gotten 
[in] : and there we found where a house had been, and 
four or five old planks laid together [They called this 
place Cornhill, see page 419. It is now called Hop^hins's 
Cliff. This hill is between Great Hollow, and Hopkins's 
Creek or the Pamet Little River]. Also we found a 
great kettle ; which had been some ship's kettle, and 
[had been] brought out of Europe. 

There was also a heap of sand, made like the former ; 
but it was newly done. We might see how they had 
paddle [smoothed, or struck] it with their hands. Which 
we digged up : and in it we found a little old basket full 
of fair Indian corn [rnaize]. And [we] digged further, 
and found a fine great new basket, full of very fair 
corn of this year ; [together] with some 36 goodly ears of 
corn, some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with 
blue ; which was a very goodly sight. The basket was 
round, and narrow at the top. It held about three or 
four bushels; which was as much as two of us could 
lift up from the ground, and was very handsomely and 
cunningly made. But whilst we were busy about these 
things, we set our men [as] sentinel[s] in a round ring ; 
all but two or three, which digged up the corn. 

We were in suspense what to do with it, and the 
kettle: and, at length, after much consultation, we 
concluded to take the kettle and as much of the corn as 
we could carry, away with us. And when our shallop 
came, if we could find any of the people, and come to 
parley with them ; we would give them the kettle again, 
and satisfy them for their corn. 



New England in America. 415 

So we took all the [36] ears ; and put a good deal of 
the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away 
on a staff. Besides, they that could put any into their 
pockets, filled the same. The rest, we buried again : for 
we were so laden with armour, that we could carry no 
more. 

Not far from this place, we found the remainder of 
an old fort or palizado; which, as we conceived, had 
been made by some Christians. 

This was also hard by that place which we thought 
had been a river; unto which we went, and found it so 
to be ; dividing itself into two arms by a high bank 
\^iow called Old Tom's Hill, in Indian Neclc] standing 
right by the cut, or mouth, which came from the sea. 
That which was next unto us was the less [Hopkins's 
Creek, or North Branch, or Pamet Little River]; the 
other arm was more than twice as big, and not 
unlike[ly] to be a harbour for ships [Pamet River, or 
Pamet Creek, or Pamet Harhoii/r]. But whether it be 
a fresh river, or only an indraught of the sea, we had 
no time to discover : for we had commandment to be 
out but two days. Here also we saw two canoas 
[canoes] : the one on the one side [of the river] ; and the 
other, on the other side. We could not bejieve it was 
a canoa till we came near it. 

So we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof 
to our shallop ; and came that night back to the Fresh 
Water Pond ; and there we made our randevous that 
night, making a great fire, and a barricado [barricade. 
An improvised screen of logs, stakes, and houghs] to 
windward of us ; and kept good watch, with three 
sentinels, all night, every one standing when his turn 
came ; while five or six inches of Match [slow-burning 
match-cord] were burning. It proved a very rainy night. 



41 6 New England in America 



In the morning [of Friday, the 17th November], we 
took our kettle ; and sunk it in the Pond ; and trimmed 
our muskets, for few of them would go off because of 
the wet: and so coasted {skiriedbl the wood again to 
come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, and 
lost our way. 

As we wandered, we came to a tree where a young 
sprit [s'prout or shoot of wood] was bowed down over a 
bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen 
Hopkins said, It had been to catch some deer. So as 
we* were looking at it, William Bradford being in 
the rear, when he came, looked also upon it : and as he 
went about, it gave a sudden jerk up ; and he was 
immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty 
device, made with a rope of their own making; and 
having a noose as artificially \cnnningly\ made as any 
roper \TO'pe-r\xaheT'\ in England can make, and as like 
ours as can be : which we brought away with us. 

In the end, we got out of the wood ; and were fallen 
about a mile too high above the creek. Where we saw 
three bucks ; but we had rather have had one of them. 
We also did spring three couple of partridges : and, as 
we came along by the creek, we saw great flocks of 
wild geese and ducks ; but they were very fearful 
of us. 

So we marched some while in the woods, some while 
on the sands, and other while in the water up to the 
knees, till, at length, we came near the ship ; and then 
we shot off our pieces, and the long boat came to fetch 
us. Master Jones and Master Carver, being on the 
shore, with many of our people, came to meet us. 



* Clearly this narrative of the First Discovery was not written by 
Governor Bradford ; but probably by Governor Winslow. — E. A. 



New England in America, 4 1 7 

And thus we came, both weary and welcome, home ; 
and delivered in our corn into the store, to be kept for 
seed ; for we knew not how to come by any, and 
therefore [we] were very glad ; purposing so soon as we 
could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, 
to make them large satisfaction. 

This was our First Discovery. 

Whilst our shallop was in repairing; our people 
did make things as fitting as they could, and time 
would, in seeking out wood, and helving of tools, and 
sawing of timber, to build a new shallop: but the 
discommodiousness of the harbour did much hinder us. 
For we could neither go to, nor come from, the shore 
but at high water ; which was much to our hindrance and 
hurt. For oftentimes they waded to the middle of the 
thigh, and oft to the knees, to go [to], and come from, 
land. Some did it necessarily, and some for their own 
pleasure: but it brought to the most, if not to all, 
coughs and colds (the weather proving suddenly cold 
and stormy), which afterward turned to the scurvy ; 
whereof many died. 

[the second discovery.] 

When our shallop was fit (indeed before she was 
fully fitted ; for there was two days' work after bestowed 
on her) ; there was appointed some twenty-four men of 
our own, and armed, then to go and make a more full 
discovery of the rivers before mentioned. Master 
Jones was desirous to go with us ; and took such of his 
sailors as he thought useful for us : so as we were in all 
about thirty-four men. 

We made Master Jones our leader : for we thought 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 d 



41 8 New England in America. 

it best herein, to gratify [acknowledge] his kindness and 
forwardness. 

When we were set forth [on ? Mondaj^, the 27th 
November], it proved rough weather and cross winds ; 
so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, and 
others in the long boat, to row to the nearest shore the 
wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to wade 
out [of the sea] above the knees. 

The wind was so strong as the shallop could not 
keep the water ; but was forced to harbour there that 
night : but we"^ marched six or seven miles further ; and 
appointed the shallop to come to us as soon as they could. 

It blowed and did snow all that day and night ; and 
froze withal. Some of our people that are dead, took 
the original of their death here. 

The next day [, ? Tuesday, the 28th November], about 
eleven a clock, our shallop came to us, and we shipped 
ourselves ; and the wind beiug good, we sailed to the 
river we formerly discovered, which we named Cold 
Harbour \tlie Paniet river] : to which when we came, we 
found it not navigable for ships; yet we thought it 
might be a good harbour for boats, for it flows there 
twelve feet at high water. 

We landed our men between the two creeks [i.e. 
at Old Tom's Hill, in Indian Neck], and marched some 
four or five miles by the greater of them [the Pa'inet 
river] ; and the shallop followed us. 

At length, night grew on ; and our men were tired 
with marching up and down the steep hills and deep 
valleys, which laj^ half a foot thick with snow. Master 
Jones, wearied with marching, was desirous we should 



* The long boat was evidently merely used to take ashore the part}' 
that was to go by land. — E. A. 



New England in A^nerica, 419 

take up our lodging; though some of us would have 
marched further. So we made there our randevous for 
that night, under a few pine trees : and, as it fell out, 
we got three fat geese and six ducks to our supper ; 
which we eat with soldiers' stomacks, for we had eaten 
little all that day. Our resolution was, next morning to 
go up to the head of this river : for we supposed it would 
prove fresh water. 

But in the morning [of ? Wednesday, the 29th 
November], our resolution held not; because many 
liked not the hilliness of the soil and [the] badness of 
the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek ; 
that we might go over and look for the rest of the corn, 
that we left behind when we were here before. 

When we came to the creek, we saw the canow 
[canoe] lie on the dry ground : and a flock of geese in 
the river, at which one made a shot, and killed a couple 
of them. And we launched the canow, and fetched 
them : and when we had done [that], she carried us 
over [the creek], by seven or eight at once. 

This done, we marched to the place where we had 
the corn formerly, which place we called Cornhill [now 
Hopkins's Cliff] : and digged, and found the rest ; of 
which we were very glad. 

We also digged in a place a little further off; and 
found a bottle of oil. 

We went to another place which we had seen before ; 
and digged, and found more corn : viz. two or three 
baskets' full of Indian wheat [maize], and a bag of 
beans, with a good many of fair wheat ears [i.e. ears of 
maize.] 

Whilst some of us were digging up this ; some 
others found another heap of [i.e. containing] com : 
which they digged up also. 



420 New England in America. 

So as we had, in all, about ten bushels ; wliich will 
serve us sufficiently for seed. 

And sure[ly] it was GOD's good Providence that 
we found this corn ; for else we know not 

- Note. 

how we should have done. For we knew 
not how we should find, or meet with, any of the 
Indians; except it be to do us a mischief. Also we 
had never, in all likelihood, seen a grain of it; if we 
had not made our first journey: for the ground was 
now covered with snow, and so hard frozen that we 
were fain, with our curtleaxes \cvbtla88es\ and short 
swords, to hew and carve the ground a foot deep ; and 
then [to] wrest it up with levers ; for we had forgot to 
bring other tools. 

Whilst we were in this imployment, foul weather 
being towards \a^'proaching\ ; Master Jones was earnest 
to go aboard [the Mayflower] : but sundry of us desired 
to make further discovery, and to find out the Indians' 
habitations. So we sent home, with him, our weakest 
jjeople and some that were sick ; and all the corn : and 
eighteen of .us stayed still, and lodged there that night; 
and desired that the shallop might return to us next 
day, and bring us some mattocks and spades with them. 

The next morning [ of ? Thursday, the 30th November], 
we followed certain beaten paths and tracts of the 
Indians into the woods; supposing they would have 
led us into some town or houses. After we had gone 
a while, we light[ed] upon a very broad beaten path, 
well nigh two feet broad. Then we lighted all our 
Matches [cord burning slowly, and carried aliglity in 
order to fire off the matchlocks], and prepared ourselves ; 
concluding we were near their dwellings : but, in the 
end, we found it to be only a path made to drive deer 
in, when the Indians hunt, as we supposed. 



New England in America. 421 

When we had marched five or six miles into the 
woods, and could find no signs of any people ; we 
returned again another way. And as we came into the 
plain ground, we found a place like a grave : but it was 
much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It 
was also covered with boards : so as we mused what it 
should be, and resolved to dig it up. 

Where we found first a mat, and under that a fair 
bow ; and there, another mat ; and under that, a board 
about three-quarters [of a yard] long finely carved 
and painted, with three tynes \^rongs\ or broaches on 
the top like a crown. Also between the mats, we found 
bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trinkets. At length, 
we came to a fair new mat; and under that, two 
bundles; the one bigger, the other less. We opened 
the greater [one], and found in it, a great quantity of 
fine and perfect red powder ; and in it \t}iai\ the bones 
and skull of a man. The scull had fine yellow hair 
still on it ; and some of the flesh unconsumed. There 
were bound up with it, a knife, a pack-needle {^packing 
needle], and two or three old iron things. It was bound 
up in a sailor's canvass cassock [blouse], and a pair 
of cloth breeches. The red powder was a kind of 
erabalment; and yielded a strong, but no offensive, 
smell. It was as fine as any flour. 

We opened the less bundle likewise; and found 
of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of 
a little child. About the legs and other parts of it 
were bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads 
[wainpu7}i]. There was also by it a little bow, about 
three-quarters [of a yard] long; and some other 
odd knacks. 

We brought sundry of the prettiest things away 
with us ; and covered up the corpse[s] again. 



422 New England in America. 

After this, we digged in sundry like places; but 
found no more corn, nor any things else but graves. 

There was variety of opinions amongst us about 
the embalmed person. Some thought, It was an Indian 
lord and king. Others said, The Indians have all black 
hair; and never any [one] was seen with brown, or 
yellow, hair. Some thought, It was a Christian of special 
note, which had died amongst them ; and they thus 
buried him, to honour him. Others thought, They had 
killed him ; and did it in triumph over him. 

Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two 
of the sailors, which were newly come on the shore 
[from the shallop], by chance, espied two houses : which 
had been lately dwelt in; but the people were gone. 
They, having their pieces [viatchlocks, or muskets] and 
hearing nobody, entered the houses; and took out 
some things, and durst not stay: but came again and 
told us. So some seven or eight of us went with them ; 
and found how we had gone within a flight shot [the 
flight of an arrow fromi the long how] of them 
before. 

The houses [wigwams'] were made with long young 

sapling trees, bended and both ends stuck in the ground. 

They were made round like an arbour, and covered 

down to the ground with thick and well wrought mats ; 

and the door was not over a yard high, made of a mat 

to open. The chimney was a wide open hole in the top ; 

for which they had a mat, to cover it close when they 

pleased. One might stand and go upright in them. In 

the midst of them were four little trunches [stakes^ or 

small posts] knocked into the ground ; and small sticks 

laid over, on which they hung their pots and what they 

had to seethe. Round about the fire, they lay on mats ; 

which are their beds. The houses were double matted : 



New England in America, 423 

for as they were matted without ; so were they within, 
with newer and fairer mats. 

In the houses, we found wooden bowls, trays, and 
dishes ; earthen pots ; hand baskets made of crab shells 
wrought together: also an English pail or bucket; it 
wanted a bail [handle], but it had two iron ears. There 
were also baskets of sundry sorts (bigger and some 
lesser ; finer and some coarser. Some were curiously 
wrought with black and white, in pretty works 
[patterns]) ; and sundry other of their household stufi". 
We found also two or three deer's heads : one 
whereof had been newly killed, for it was still 
fresh. There was also a company [number] of deer's 
feet stuck up in the houses. Harts' horns, and eagles' 
claws, and sundry like things, there were. Also two 
or three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces of fish, 
and a piece of a broiled herring. We found also a little 
silk grass, and a little tobacco seed; with some other 
seeds which we knew not. 

Without, were sundry bundles of flags, and sedge 
bulrushes, and other stufi*, to make mats. There was 
thrust into a hollow tree, two or three pieces of venison ; 
but we thought it fitter [, being tainted,] for the dogs 
than for us. 

ISome of the best things, we took away with us ; and 
left the houses standing still as they were. 

So, it growing towards night, and the tide almost 
spent [ebbed away], we hasted, with our things, 
down to the shallop; and got aboard [the Mayfloiver] 
that night : intending to have brought some beads 
and other things, to have left in the houses; in 
sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with 
them. But it was not done, by means of our hasty 
coming away from Cape Cod : but, so soon as we 



424 New England in America. 

can meet conveniently with them, we will give them 
full satisfaction. 

. Thus much of our Second Discovery. 

Having thus discovered this place, it was controversial 
amongst us, What to do touching our abode and settling 
there. 

Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide 
there. 

As first. That there was a convenient harbour for 
boats ; though not for ships. 

Secondly. Good corn-ground ready to our hands, as 
we saw by experience in the goodly corn it yielded : 
which would again agree with the ground, and be 
natural seed for the same. 

Thirdly. Cape Cod was like[ly] to be a place of 
good fishing: for we saw daily great whales, of the 
best kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship ; 
and, in fair weather, swim and play about us. There 
was once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay 
above water, as if she had been dead, for a good 
while together, within half a musket shot of the ship. 
At which, two were prepared to shoot, to see whether 
she would stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket 
flew in pieces, both stock and barrel : yet, thanks be 
to GOD, neither he, nor any man else, was hurt with it, 
though many were there about. But when the whale 
saw her time, she gave a snufF, and away ! 

Fourthly. The place was likely to be healthful, 
secure, and defensible. 

But the last and especial reason was. That now the 
heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come 
upon us: so that we could not go upon coasting 
\^wrve^ying\ and discovery without danger of losing jnen 



New England m America, 425 

and boat ; upon which would follow the overthrow of 
all, especially considering what variable winds and 
sudden storms do there arise. Also cold and wet lodging 
had so tainted our people (for scarce any of us was free 
from vehement coughs) as if they should continue long 
in that estate, it would indanger the lives of many, and 
breed diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had 
yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals ; 
which would quickly be all gone : and then we should 
have nothing to comfort us in the great labour and toil 
we were like[ly] to undergo at the first. It was also 
conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the 
ship would stay with us : but when that grew low, they 
would be gone ; and let us shift as we could. 

Others again urged greatly the going to Anguum or 
Angoum [Agawam, now Ipswich], a place twenty leagues 
off to the northwards ; which they had heard to be an 
excellent harbour for ships, [with] better ground and 
better fishing. 

Secondly. For anything we knew, there might be, 
hard by us, a far better seat ; and it should be a great 
hindrance to seat [settle] where we should remove 
again. 

Thirdly. The water was but in ponds ; and it was 
thought there would be none in summer, or very 
little. 

Fourthly. The water there must be fetched up a 
steep hill [i.e. at Gornhill ; now Hopkin's Cliff]. 

But to omit many Reasons and Replies used 
hereabouts ; it was, in the end, concluded, To make some 
discovery within the Bay; but in no case so far as 
Angoum. 

Besides, Robert Coppin, our Pilot, made relation of 
a great navigable river and good harbour in the other 



426 New England in Ame^nca. 

headland of the Bay [Manomet Bluff, or Head; lying 
directly south of the entrance to Plymouth harbour], 
almost right over against Cape Cod, being, [in] a right 
line, not much above eight leagues [ = 24 miles] 
distant ; in which he had been once : and because that 
one of the wild men, with whom they had some 
trucking, stole a harping iron [harpoon] from them, 
they called it Thievish Harbour [Plymouth harbour]. 
And beyond that place, they were enjoined not to go. 

Whereupon a Company was chosen to go out upon 
a Third Discovery. 

Whilst some were im ployed in this Discovery, it 
pleased GOD that Mistress White was brought to bed 
of a son ; which was called Peregrine. 

[Tuesday,] the 5th day [of December], we, through 
GOD's mercy, escaped a great danger by the foolishness 
of a boy; one of Francis Billington's sons [or rather, 
Francis, the son of John Billington senior ; see page 
372] : who, in his father's absence, had got gunpowder, 
and had shot off a piece [musket] or two ; and made 
squibs. And there being a fowling piece charged, in 
his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there being 
a little barrel of powder half full, scattered in and about 
the cabin ; the fire [discharge] being within four feet of 
the bed [bunk] between the decks ; and many flints and 
iron things about the cabin ; and many people about 
the fire — and yet, by GOD's mercj^, no harm done. 

[the third discovery.] 

Wednesday, the 6th of December [1620], it was 
resolved our Discoverers should set forth : for the day 
before was [of] too foul weather. And so they did ; 



New England in A^nerica, 427 

though it was well over the day ere all things could be 
ready. 

So ten of our men were appointed, who were of 
themselves willing to undertake it, to wit, Captain 
Standish, Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward 
WiNSLow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John 
Rowland; and three of London, Richard Warren, 
Stephen Hopkins and Edward Dotey; and two of 
ovbT seamen, John Alderton \or rather Allerton] 
and Thomas English [see page 377]. Of the ship's 
company, there went two of the Master's Mates, Master 
[John, see page 254] Clarke and Master [Robert] 
CoppiN, the Master Gunner, and three sailors. 

The Narration of which Discovery follows, penned 
by one of the company [i.e. William Bradford, see 
page 432]. 

Wednesday, the 6th of December [1620], we set 
out : [it] being very cold and hard weather. 

We were a long while, after we launched from the 
ship, before we could get clear of a sandy point [Long 
Point\ which lay within less than a furlong of the 
same. In which time, two were very sick ; and Edward 
Tilley had like to have sounded [siooonedl with cold. 
The Gunner was also sick unto death ; but hope of 
trucking [barter'] made him go : and so [he] remained all 
that day, and the next night. 

At length, we got clear of the sandy point, and got 
up our sails ; and, within an hour or two, we got under 
the weather shore [i.e. the shore of Gape Cod; from 
which the north-east wind then blew], and then had 
smoother water and better sailing: but it was verj^ 
cold ; for the water froze on our clothes, and made 
them many times like coats of iron. 



428 New England in A^nertca. 

We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore ; but 
saw neither river nor creek. 

At length we met with a tongue of land, being 
flat, off from the shore, with a sandy point [Billingsgate 
Point]. We bore up to gain the point ; and found there, 
a fair in-come or road of a Bay [ Wellfleet Bay], being a 
league over at the narrowest, and some two or three 
[leagues] in length. But we made right over to the land 
before us ; and left the discovery of this in-come till the 
next day. 

As we drew near to the shore, we espied some ten 
or twelve Indians [who were] very busy about a black 
thing ; what it was we could not tell; till afterwards 
they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been 
carrying something away. 

We landed a league or two from them, and had much 
ado to put ashore anywhere ; it lay so full of flat sands. 

When we came to shore, we made us a barricado, 
and got firewood, and set out our sentinels ; and betook 
us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the smoke 
of the fire which the savages made that night, about 
four or five miles from us. 

In the morning [of Thursday, the 7th December], 
we divided our company. Some eight in the shallop, 
and the rest [that is twelve] on the shore, went to 
discover this place : but we found it only to be a Bay, 
without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we 
deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod. For 
they that sounded it, found a ship might ride in five 
fathom[s of] water. We, on the land, found it to be a 
level soil; but none of the fruitfulest. We saw two 
becks of fresh water ; which were the first running 
streams that we saw in the country : but one might 
stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a 



New England in America. 429 

grampus, dead on the sands. They in the shallop found 
two of them also, in the bottom of the Bay, dead in like 
sort. They were cast up at high water ; and could not 
get off for the frost and ice. They were some %x^ or 
six paces [12^ to 15 feef] long, and about two inches thick 
of fat, and fleshed like a swine. They would have yielded 
a great deal of oil ; if there had been time and means 
to have taken it. 

So we finding nothing for our turn ; both we and 
the shallop returned. 

We then directed our course along the sea sands, to 
the place where we first saw the Indians. When we 
were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they 
were cutting up. They cut it into long rands \siri'ps\ or 
pieces, about an ell {^forty-five inches] long and two 
hands full [ = eight inches] broad. We found here and 
there a piece scattered by the way, as it seemed for haste. 

This place, the most were minded we should call 
the Grampus Bay ; because we found so many of them 
there. 

We followed the tract of the Indians' bare feet a 
good way on the sands. At length, we saw where they 
struck into the woods, by the side of a pond [the Great 
Pond, in Ecostham]. 

As we went to view the place, one said, He thought 
he saw an Indian house [wigwam] among the trees. So 
[we] went up to see ; and here we and the shallop lost 
sight of one another till night : it being now about nine, 
or ten, a clock. 

So we light[ed] on a path, but saw no house; and 
followed a great way into the woods. 

At length, we found where corn had been set ; but 
not that year. 



430 New EiiglandinAmeiHca. 

Anon we found a great burying place, one part 
whereof was incompassed with a large palazado 
[paiisac^e], like a churchyard, with young spires \shoots 
or saplings], four or five yards long, set as close one by 
another as they could, two or three feet in the ground 
Within, it was full of graves: some bigger and some 
less, some were also paled about ; and others had like 
an Indian house [wigwaTn] made over them, but not 
matted. Those graves were more sumptuous than those 
at Cornhill. Yet we digged none of them up : but only 
viewed them, and went our way. 

Without the palazado were graves also ; but not so 
costly. 

From this place we went, and found more corn 
ground ; but not of this year. 

As we ranged, we light[ed] on four or five Indian 
houses, which had been lately dwelt in : but they were 
uncovered, and had no mats about them ; else they were 
like those we found at Cornhill ; but had not been so 
lately dwelt in. There was nothing left but two or 
three pieces of old mats, [and] a little sedge. 

Also a little further, we found two baskets full of 
parched acorns hid in the ground ; which we supposed 
had been corn, when we began to dig the same. We 
cast earth thereon again, and went our way. 

All this while, we saw no people. We went ranging 
up and down till the sun began to draw low : and then 
we hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our 
shallop; which, when we were out of the woods, we 
espied a great way ofi". 

And [we] called them to come unto us ; the which 
they did as soon as they could, for it was not yet high 
water. 



New England in America. 431 

They were exceeding glad to see us : for they feared, 
because they had not seen us in so long a time ; 
thinking we would have kept by the shore side. 

So, being both weary and faint, for we had eaten 
nothing all that day : we fell to make our randevous ; 
and [to] get firewood, which [did] always cost us a great 
deal of labour. 

By that time we had done, and our shallop [had] 
come to us, it was within night : and we fed upon such 
victuals as we had ; and betook us to our rest, after we 
had set our watch. 

About midnight, we hear a great and hideous cry ; 
and our sentinels called, " Arm ! , Arm ! " So we 
bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple of muskets ; 
and [the] noise ceased. We concluded that it was a 
company of wolves, or foxes. For one told us, He 
had heard such a noise in Newfoundland. 

About five a clock in the morning [of Friday, the 
8th December], we began to be stirring: and two or 
three, which doubted whether their pieces \yYhuskets\ 
would go off or no, made trial of them ; and shot them 
off, but thought nothing at all [of it]. 

After prayer, we prepared ourselves for breakfast, 
and for a journey : and it being now the twilight in the 
morning, it was thought meet to carry the things down 
to the shallop. Some said. It was not best to carry the 
armour down. Others said, They would [then] be 
readier \i.e. to starf]. Two or three said. They would 
not carry theirs, till they went themselves : but 
mistrusting nothing at all. 

As it fell out, the water not being high enough, they 
laid the things [i.e. their arms] down on the shore ■ and 
came up to breakfast. 

Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and 



432 New England in America. 

strange cry ; which we knew to be the same voices 
[Governor Bradford adds, they heard in the night 
{Bradford MS., folio 121) : therefore he is the Writer of 
this Narrative], though they varied their notes. One 
of our company, being abroad [at a distance], came 
running in, and cried, " They are men ! , Indians ! , 
Indians!": and withal their arrows came flying 
amongst us. 

Our men ran out, with all speed, to recover their 
arms ; as, by the good Providence of GOD, they did. 

In the mean time, Captain Miles Standish, having 
a snaphance [a hand-gun fired with flint ^^ ^^^^ ^^j^_ 
and steel] ready, made a shot; and after tat with the 
him, another. After they two had shot, 
other two of us [one of whom was evidently Bradford] 
were ready : but he wished us not to shoot till we could 
take aim, for we knew not what need we should have. 
And there were four only of us which had their arms 
there ready ; and [we] stood before the open side of our 
barricado, which was first assaulted. 

They thought it best to defend it ; lest the enemy 
should take it and our stuff, and so have the more 
vantage against us. 

Our care was no less for the shallop ; but we hoped 
all the rest [i.e. the 16 others] would defend it. We called 
unto them, to know how it was with them. And they 
answered " Well !, Well !," every one ; and " Be of good 
courage!" We heard three of their pieces go off: and 
the rest called for a firebrand to light their Matches 
[match-cord]. One took a log, out of the fire [i.e. at the 
barricade], on his shoulder; and went and carried it 
unto them : which was thought did not a little discourage 
our enemies. 

The cry of our enemies was dreadful ; especially 



New England in America. 433 

when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their 
note was after this manner, " Woath ! Woach ! Ha ! Ha ! 
Hach ! AVoach ! " 

Our men were no sooner come to their arms; but 
the enemy were ready to assault them. There was a 
lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought 
to be their Captain. [He] stood behind a tree, within 
half a musket shot of us ; and there let his arrows fly 
at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows ; which were 
all avoided. For he at whom the first arrow was 
aimed, saw it, and stooped down ; and it flew over him. 
The rest were avoided also. He stood three shots of a 
musket. At length, one took, as he said, full aim at 
him. After which, he give an extraordinary cry : and 
away they went all ! 

We followed them about a quarter of a mile : but we 
left six to keep our shallop ; for we were careful of our 
business. Then we shouted all together, two several 
times ; and shot oS" a couple of muskets ; and so 
returned. This we did that they might see we were not 
afraid of them ; nor discouraged. Thus it pleased GOD 
to vanquish our enemies ; and give us deliverance. 

By their noise, we could not guess that they were 
less than thirty or forty; though some thought that 
they were many more. Yet in the dark of the morning, 
we could not so well discern them among the trees ; as 
they could see us, by our fire side. 

We took up eighteen of their arrows ; which we 
have sent to England by Master Jones [of the 
Mayflower] : some whereof were headed with brass ; 
others, with hart's horn ; and others, with eagles' claws. 

Many more, no doubt, were shot : for these we found, 
were almost covered with leaves. Yet, by the especial 
Providence of GOD, none of them either hit, or hurt, us ; 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 12 



434 New England in America, 

though many came close by us, and on every side of us 
and some coats, which hung up in our barricado, were 
shot through and through. 

So, after we had given GOD thanks for our 
deliverance ; we took our shallop, and went on our 
journey : and called this place. The First Encounter. 
\Ii took jAace right in the oniddle of Nauset 
(Eastham); "for howsoever, through snow or otherwise, 
we saw no houses (wigwams) ; yet we were in the midst 
of them," page 4!^ 6]. 

From hence, we intended to have sailed to the 
aforesaid Thievish Harbour [Plymouth harbour] ; if we 
found no convenient harbour by the way. 

Having the wind good, we sailed all that day along 
the coast, about fifteen leagues : but saw neither river, 
nor creek, to put into. After we had sailed an hour or 
two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. 
About the midst of the afternoon, the wind increased ; 
and the seas began to be very rough : and the hinges of 
the rudder broke, so that we could steer no longer with 
it ; but two men, with much ado, were fain to serve with 
a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great, that we 
were much troubled ; and in great danger : and night 
grew on. 

Anon, Master Coppin bade us, Be of good cheer ! he 
saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale being stiff, 
and we bearing great sail to get in, [the wind] split our 
mast in three pieces; and was like[ly] to have cast 
away onr shallop : yet, by GOD's mercy, recovering 
ourselves, we had the flood [tide] with us, and struck 
into the harbour. 

Now he that thought that had been the place, was 




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I'LVMOl' 1 11 WW, MASSACUUblU lb. 



New England in America 435 

deceived ; it being a place where not any of us had 
been before : and coming into the harbour, he, that was 
our Pi^ot \i.e. Robert Goppin\ did bear up northward ; 
which if we had continued, we had been cast away. 

Yet still the Lord kept us, and we bare up for an 
island [Clark's Island] before us : and recovering that 
island, being compassed about with many rocks and dark 
night growing upon us, it pleased the divine Providence 
that we fell upon a place of sandy ground ; where our 
shallop did ride safe and secure all that night. 

And coming upon a strange island ; [we] kept our 
watch all night, in the rain, upon that island : and, in 
the morning, we marched about it, and found no 
inhabitants at all. And here we made our randevous 
all that day : [it] being Saturday [,the 9th December]. 

10th of December. On the Sabbath Day, we rested. 

And on Monday [, 11th December 1620, Forefathers' 
Day,] we sounded the harbour; and found it a very 
good harbour for our shipping. We march also into the 
land ; and found divers cornfields and little running 
brooks. A place very good for situation. 

So we returned [? on Tuesday, 12th December] to 
our ship again, with good news to the rest of our 
people ; which did much comfort their hearts. 

On the 15th day [of December 1620], we [i.e. the 
Mayflower] weighed anchor, to go to the place we had 
discovered ; and coming within two leagues of the land, 
we could not fetch the harbour ; but were fain to put 
room \hear off to sea] again, towards Cape Cod; our 
course lying West, and the wind was at north-west. 



43^ Neiv England in America. 

But it pleased GOD that, the next day, being 
Saturday the 16th, the wind came fair ; and we put to 
sea again [or rather, towards the land]y and came safely 
into a safe harbour. And, within half an hour, the 
wind changed : so as if we had been letted [hindered] 
but a little, we had gone back to Cape Cod. 

This harbour is a bay greater than [that of] Cape Cod, 
compassed with a goodly land: and in the bay, two 
fine islands [Clark's Island and Saquish peninsula] 
uninhabited ; wherein is nothing but wood, oaks, pines, 
walnut, beech, sassafras, vines, and other trees which 
we know not. 

This bay is a most hopeful place. [It has an] 
innumerable store of [wild] fowl ; and excellent[ly] good : 
and [it] cannot but be [full] of fish in their seasons. 
Skate, cod, turbot [flounder], and herring [alewives] we 
have tasted of. Abundance of mussels, the greatest and 
best that we ever saw. Crabs and lobsters, in their 
time, infinite. 

It [the harbour] is in fashion like a sickle, or 
fishhook. 

Monday, the 13th day, we [i.e. the shallop] went 
aland, manned with the Master of the ship, and three or 
four of the sailors. 

We marched along the coast [westwards, towards 
Kingston], in the woods, some seven or eight miles ; but 
saw not an Indian, nor an Indian house [wigwam] : only 
we found where formerly had been some inhabitants ; 
and where they had planted their corn. We found not 
any navigable river: but four or five small running brooks 
of very sweet fresh water, that all ran into the sea. 

The land, for the crust of the earth, is [at] a spit's 
depth, excellent black mould ; and fat in some places. 

Two or three great oaks, but not very thick. Pines, 



New England in America, - 437 

walnut, beech, ash, birch, hazle, holly, asp \as^en\ 
sassafras, in abundance: and Vines, everywhere. 
Cherry-trees, plum-trees, and many others which we 
knew not. Many kinds of herbs, we found here in 
winter ; as strawberry leaves innumerable, sorrel, yarrow, 
carvell \chervil\y brook-lime, liverwort, watercresses, 
great store of leeks and onions ; and an excellent strong 
kind of flax and hemp. Here are sand [and] gravel ; and 
excellent clay, no better in the world, excellent for pots, 
and will wash like soap : and great store of stone, 
though somewhat soft; and the best water that ever 
we drank; and the brooks now begin to be full of fish. 

That night, many being weary with marching, we 
went aboard again. 

The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of 
December, we went again to discover further. Some 
went on land, and some in the shallop. The land we 
found, as the former day we did. And we found 
a creek \Jones's river], and went up three English 
miles. A very pleasant river. At full sea, a bark 
of thirty tons may go up; but at low water, scarce 
our shallop could pass. 

This place [now the village of Kingston] we had 
a great liking to plant in : but that it was so far from 
our fishing, our principal profit ; and so incompassed 
with woods, that we should be in much danger of the 
savages ; and our number being so little, and so much 
ground to clear : so as we thought good to quit and 
clear that place, till we were of more strength. 

Some of us, having a good mind, for safety to plant 
in the greater isle [Clao^k's Island] ; we crossed the bay, 
which there is five or six miles over, and found the isle 
about a mile and a half, or two miles about [in circuit], 
all wooded, and no fresh water but two or three pits [so] 



43 S New England in America. 

that we doubted [were doubtful] of fresh water in 
summer : and so full of wood as we could hardly clear 
so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, we judged it 
cold for our corn; and some part [of it] very rocky. 
Yet divers thought of it as a f place defencible and of 
great security. '-. 

That night, we return again a-shipboard, with 
resolution, the next morning, to settle on some of those 
places. 

So, in the morning [of Wednesday], after we had 
called on GOD for direction, we came to this resolution, 
To go presently [at once] ashore again ; and to take a 
better view of two places which we thought most 
fitting for us. For we could not now take time for 
further search or consideration : our victuals beius much 
spent, especially our beer ; and it being now the 20th 
of December. 

After our landing, and viewing of the places so well 
as we could ; we came to a conclusion by [the] most 
voices [the majority] to se[a]t on the mainland, on the 
first place [of the two], on a high ground, where there 
is a great deal of land cleared, and [that] hath been 
planted with corn three or four years ago ; and [where] 
there is a very sw.eet brook [that] runs under the hill 
side ; and many delicate springs of as good water as can 
be drunk ; and where we may harbour our shallops and 
boats exceeding well ; and in this brook, much good 
fish in their seasons ; [and] on the further [i.e. the south] 
side of the river [the Toivn Brook] also, [there is] much 
corn ground cleared. 

In one field is a great hill [The Mount, see 'page 533 ; 
afterivards called Fort Hill ; and now, Burial Hill.] ; 
on which we [ap]point to make a Platform or Fort], 
and to plant our ordnance ; which will command all 



New England in America. 439 

round about. From thence we may see into the Bay, 
and far into the sea : . and we may see thence 
Cape Cod. 

Our greatest labour will be the fetching of our 
wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile [ = ct 
furlong^ or 220 yards] : but there is enough, so far off. 

What people inhabit here, we know not ; for as yet 
we have seen none. 

So there we made our randevous ; and a place for 
some of our people, about twenty : resolving, in the 
morning, to come all ashore, and to build houses. 

But the next morning, being Thursday the 21st of 
December, it was stormy and wet that we could not go 
ashore. And those that remained there all night, could 
do nothing ; but were wet : not having daylight enough 
to make them[selves] a sufficient court of guard [ = guard 
house. Here it means, shelter] to keep them dry. 

All that night, it blew and rained extremely. It 
was so tempestuous that the shallop could not go on land 
so soon as was meet : for they had no victuals on land. 

About eleven a clock, the shallop went off with much 
ado, with provisions : but could not return, it blew so 
strong. And [it] was such foul weather that we were 
forced to let fall our [ ? sheet] anchor : and ride with 
three anchors ahead. 

Friday, the 22nd. The storm still continued that we 
could not get aland ; nor they come to us aboard. 

This morning, goodwife Alderton [Mary Allerton] 
was delivered of a son ; but dead born. 

Saturday, the 23rd. So many of us as could, went 
ashore; [and] felled and carried timber, to provide 
ourselves stuff for building. 

Sunday, the 24th. Our people on shore heard a cry 
of some savages, as they thought ; which cause an alarm, 



440 New England in America. 

and to stand on their guard, expecting an assault : but 
all was quiet. 

Monday, the 25th day. We went on shore. Some 
to Ml timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to 
carry : so no man rested all that day. But towards 
night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of 
some Indians ; which caused us all to go to our 
muskets. But we heard no further [of it] : so we came 
aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the court of 
guard. That night we had a sore storm of wind and 
rain. 

Monday, the 25th, being Christmas Day, we began 
to drink water aboard. But, at night, the Master caused 
us to have some beer. And so on board, we had divers 
times, now and then, some beer : but on shore none at 
all. 

Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we could 
not go ashore. 

Wednesday, the 27th. We went to work again. 

Thursday, the 28th of December. So many as could, 
went to work on the hill \The Mount^'^ where we purposed 
to build our Platform \FotV^ for our ordnance ; and 
which doth command all the plain and the bay ; and from 
whence we may see far into the sea. And [it] might be 
[the] easier impaled ; having two rows of houses, and a 
fair street \now Leyden street]. 

So, in the afternoon, we went to measure out the 
grounds. And first, we took notice how many families 
there were : willing all single men, that had no wives, to 
join some family, as they thought fit, that so we might 
build fewer houses. Which was done ; and we reduced 
them to nineteen families. 

To greater families, we allotted larger plots : to 
every person, half a Pole [ = 2f yards] in breadth, and 



New England in America. 441 

three [ = 16 J yards] in length. And so lots were cast, 
where every man should lie. Which was done, and 
staked out. 

We thought this proportion was large enough, at 
the first, for houses and gardens, to impale them around ; 
considering the weakness of our people : many of them 
growing ill with colds for [on account of ] our former 
Discoveries in frost and storms ; and the wading at 
Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, 
which increased so every day, more and more ; and 
after was the cause of many of their deaths. 

Friday and Saturday. We fitted ourselves for our 
labour : but our people on shore were much troubled and 
discouraged with rain and wet those days ; [it] being 
very stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire, 
made by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us, 
as we conjectured. 

Monday, the 1st of January [1621]. We went 
betimes to work. We were much hindered in lying so 
far off from the land, and fain to go as the tide served ; 
that we lost much time. For our ship [of 180 tons] 
drew so much water that she lay a mile and almost a 
half off : though a ship of 70 or 80 tons, at high water, 
may come to the shore. 

Wednesday, the 3rd of January. Some of our 
people, being abroad to get and gather thatch ; they 
saw great fires of the Indians, and were at their 
cornfields : yet saw none of the savages ; nor had seen 
any of them since we came to this bay. 

Thursday, the 4th of January. Captain Miles 
Standish, with four or five more, went to see if they 
could meet with any of the savages in that place where 
the fires were made. They went to some of their 
houses ; but not lately inhabited : yet they could not 



442 New England in America. 

meet with any. As they came home, they shot at an 
eagle and killed her ; which wa.s excellent meat. It was 
hardly to be discerned from mutton. 

Friday, the 5th of January. One of the sailors 
found alive upon the shore, a herring; which the 
Master had to his supper : which put us in hope 
of fish; but as yet we had got but one cod. We 
wanted small hooks. 

Saturday, the 6th of January. Master [Christopher] 
Martin was very sick ; and, to our judgement, [with] 
no hope of life : so Master Carver was sent for, to come 
aboard [the Mayflower] to speak with him, about his 
Accounts [as Treasurer of the Company]. 

Who came, the next morning. [See page 344]. 

Monday, the 8th day of January, was a very fair day ; 
and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent the 
shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish could 
be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were in 
some danger. At night, they returned with three great 
seals ; and an excellent good cod : which did assure us 
that we should have plenty of fish shortly. 

This day, Francis Billington (having, the week 
before, seen, from the top of a tree on a high hill, a great 
sea, as he thought) went with one of the Master's Mates to 
see it. They went three miles ; and then came to a great 
water divided into two great lakes : the bigger of them 
five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of a cable's 
length [ = 100 fathoms = 600 /eei] square ; the other, three 
miles in compass. In their estimation, they are [of] fine 
fresh water ; full of fish and fowl. A brook [the Town 
Brook] issues from it. It will be an excellent help for 
us in time. 

They found seven or eight Indian houses [wigtvams] ; 
but not lately inhabited. When they saw the houses, 



New England in America. 443 

they were in some fear : for they were but two persons 
and one piece \yi%us\zet\ 

Tuesday, the 9th January, was a reasonable fair day : 
and we went to labour that day in the building of 
our town, in two rows of houses for more safet}?^. We 
divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our 
town. After the proportion formerly allotted [see 'page 
440] ; we agreed that every man should build his own 
house : thinking, by that course, men would make more 
haste than [when] working in common. The Common 
House, in which, for the first, we made our rende[z]vous, 
being nearly finished, wanted only covering. It being 
about twenty feet square. Some would make mortar ; 
and. some gather thatch : so that, in four days, half of it 
was thatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us 
much. This time of the year seldom could we work 
half the week. 

Thursday the 11th. William Bradford being at 
work, for it was a fair day, was vehemently taken 
with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone 
[hip-hone], it was doubted [feared] that he would 
have instantly died. He got cold in the former 
Discoveries, especially the last ; and felt some pain in 
his ancles by times [occasionally]. But he grew a little 
better towards night ; and in time, through GOD's 
mercy in the use of means, recovered. 

Friday, the 12th. We went to work; but, about 
noon, it began to rain, that it forced us to give over 
work. 

This day, two of our people put us in great sorrow 
and care. There were four sent to gather and cut 
thatch, in the morning; and two of them, John 
Goodman and Peter Browne, having cut thatch all 
the forenoon, went to a further place : and willed the 



444 New England in America. 

other two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow 
them. So they did, [it] being about a mile and a half 
from our Plantation. 

But when the two came after ; they could not find 
them, nor hear anything of them at all: though they 
hallowed ^jiallooedl and shouted as loud as they could. 
So they returned to the Company, and told them 
of it. 

Whereupon Master Leaver \or rather Carver\ and 
three or four more, went to seek them : but could hear 
nothing of them. So they returning, sent more: but 
that night they could hear nothing at all of them. 

The next day [, Saturday, the 13th], they armed ten 
or twelve men out ; verily thinking the Indians had 
surprised them : but could neither see nor hear anything 
at all. So they returned with much discomfort to 
us all. 

These two that were missed ; at dinner time took 
their meat in their hands, and would go [and] walk 
and refresh themselves. So going a little off, they 
find a lake of water [? Lovbi Pond, near Billington 
Sea] : and, having a great mastiff bitch with them 
and a spaniel, by the water side they found a 
great deer. The dogs chased him; and they followed 
so far as they lost themselves, and could not find the 
way back. 

They wandered all that afternoon, [it] being wet: 
and at night it did - freeze and snow. They were 
slenderly apparelled ; and had no weapons, but each 
one his sickle ; nor any victuals. 

They ranged up and down ; and could find none of 
the savages' habitations [wigwams]. 

When it drew to night, they were much perplexed 



New England in AmeHca. 445 

for they could find neither harbour nor meat : but, in 
frost and snow, were forced to make the earth, their 
bed; and the element [heavens], their covering. And 
another thing did very much terrify them. They heard, 
as they thought, two lions [wolves] roaring exceedingly, 
for a long time together ; and a third, that they thought 
was very near them : so, not knowing what to do, they 
resolved to climb up into a tree, as their safest refuge ; 
though that would prove an intolerable cold lodging. 

So they stood at the tree's root, that, when the 
lions came, they might take their opportunity of 
climbing up. The bitch they were fain to hold by the 
neck; for she would have been gone to the lion. But 
it pleased GOD so to dispose, that the wild beasts 
came not. 

So they walked up and down under the tree all 
night. It was an extremely cold night. 

. So soon as it was light, they travelled again : passing 
by many lakes and brooks and woods ; and in one place 
where the savages had burnt the space of five miles in 
length, which is a fine champion [open] country and even. 

In the afternoon, it pleased GOD from a high hill 
they discovered the two isles in the bay [Clark's Island, 
and Saquish peninsula in Plymouth harbour]; and 
so, that night, got to the Plantation ; being ready to 
faint with travail [fatigue] and want of victuals ; and 
almost famished [perishing] with cold. John Goodman 
was fain to have his shoes cut off his feet; they were 
so swelled with cold : and it was a long while after, ere 
he was able to go. 

Those on the shore were much comforted at their 
return : but they on shipboard were grieved, as 
deeming them lost. 



44^ A^^w England in America. 

But the next day, being [Sunday,] the 14th of 
January, in the morning, about six of the clock, the 
wind being very great ; they on shipboard spied their 
o-reat new randevous on fire : which was to them a new 
discomfort ; fearing, because of the supposed loss of 
the men, that the savages had fired them. 

Neither could they presentljT- go to them, for want 
of water; but, after three-quarters of an hour, they 
went: as thej^ had purposed, the day before, to keep 
the Sabbath on shore; because, now, there was the 
greater number of people. 

At their landing, they heard [the] good tidings of 
the return of the two men; and that the house was 
fired occasionally [accidentally'] by a spark that flew 
into the thatch : which instantly burnt it [i.e. the thatch] 
all up ; but the roof stood and [was] little hurt. 

The most loss was Master Carver's and William 
Bradford's ; who then lay [there] sick in bed : and, if 
they had not risen with good speed, had been blown up 
with powder ; but, through GOD's mercy, they had no 
harm. 

The house was as fuH of beds as they could lie one 
by another ; and their muskets were charged : but, 
blessed be GOD, there was no harm done. 

Monday, the loth day. It rained much all day, that 
they on shipboard could not go on shore ; nor they on 
shore do any labour : but were all wet. 

Tuesday, Wednesday, Tliursday were very fair 
sunshiny days ; as if it had been April : and our people, 
so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully. 

[Friday,] the 19th day, we resolved to make a Shed, 
to put our common provision[s] in ; of which some were 
already set on shore : but at noon it rained, that we 
could not work. 



New England in America. 447 

This day, in the evening, John Goodman went 
abroad, to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with 
the cold he had got. Having a little spaniel with him, a 
little way from the Plantation, two great wolves ran 
after the dog. The dog ran to him ; and betwixt his 
legs, for succour. He had nothing in his hand : but 
took up a stick, and threw at one of them and hit him ; 
and they presently ran both away, but came again. 
He got a pale board [a stake or paling] in his hand : 
and they sat both on their tails, grinning at him, a 
good while, and [t"hen] went their way and left him. 

Saturday, the 20th, we made up our Shed for our 
common goods. 

Sunday, the 21st, we kept our Meeting on land. 
Monday, the 22nd, was a fair day. We wrought on 
our houses; and, in the afternoon, carried up our 
hogsheads of meal to our common Storehouse [i.e. the 
Shed], 

The rest of the week, we followed our business 
likewise. 

Monday, the 29th, in the morning, cold frost and 
sleet: but, after, reasonably fair. Both the long boat 
and the shallop brought our common goods on shore. 

Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January. 
Cold frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. 
In the morning, the Master and' others saw two savages, 
that had been on the island [Clark's Island] near our 
ship. What they came for, we could not tell. The}- 
were going [gone] so far back again, before they were 
descried, that we could not speak with theni. 

Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and rainy ; 
with the greatest gusts of wind that ever we had, since 
we came forth [i.e. from England] : [so] that though we 
rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in danger ; 



44^ New England in America, 

because our ship was light, the goods [being] taken out, 
and she unballasted. And it caused much daubing 
[jplaster made of earth] of our houses to fall down. 

Friday the 9th. Still the cold weather continued, 
that we could do [but] little work. That afternoon, our 
little house for our sick people, was set on fire by a 
spark that kindled in the roof ; but no great harm was 
done. That evening, the Master [Captain Jones], going 
ashore, killed five geese : which he friendly distributed 
among the sick people. He found also a good deer 
killed. The savages had cut ofi* the horns ; and a wolf 
was eating of him. How he came there we could not 
conceive. 

Friday, the 16th day, was a fair day : but the 
northerly wind continued, which continued the frost. 

This day, after noon, one of our people being a 
fowling ; and having taken a stand by the creek side, in 
the reeds, about a mile and a half from our Plantation ; 
there came by him twelve Indians, marching towards 
our Plantation : and in the woods, he heard the noise of 
many more. He lay close till they were passed ; and 
then, with what speed he could, he went home, and gave 
the alarm. So the people abroad in the woods returned, 
and armed themselves ; but saw none of them : only 
toward the evening, they made a great fire, about the 
place where they were first discovered [see page 441]. 

Captain Miles Standish and Francis Cooke, being 
at work in the woods, coming home, left their tools 
behind them : but, before they returned, their tools were 
taken away by the savages. 

This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep 
more strict watch ; and to make our pieces and 
furniture [muskets and their equipment] ready, which 
by the moisture and rain were out of temper. 



New Englandin America. 449 

Saturday, the 17th day [of February, 1621], in the 
morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of 
Military Orders amongst ourselves : and we chose Miles 
Standish, our Captain; and gave him authority of 
command in affairs. 

And as we were in consultation hereabouts, two 
savages presented themselves upon the top of a hill 
[Strawberry Hill, now called Watson's Hill. Its Indian 
name was Cantaugcanteest] over against our Plantation, 
about a quarter of a mile and less ; and made signs unto 
us, to come unto them. 

We likewise made signs unto them, to come to us. 
Whereupon we armed ourselves, and stood ready : and 
sent two over the brook [the Town Brook] towards 
them, to wit. Captain Standish and Stephen Hopkins ; 
who went towards them. Only one of them had a 
musket ; which they laid down on the ground in their 
sight, in sign of peace and to parley with them : but 
the savages would not tarry their coming. A noise of a 
great many more was heard behind the hill : but no 
more came in sight. 

This caused us to plant our great ordnance in places 
most convenient. 

Wednesday, the 21st of February. The Master came 
on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with 
him one of the great pieces, called a Minion [, a cannon 
weighing 1,200 lbs., having a bore of 3 J- inches, and 
firing 340 yards] and helped us to draw it up the hill ; 
with another piece that lay on shore : and mounted them ; 
and a Saker [, or Sacre, a cannon weighing 1,500 lbs., 
having a bore of S^ inches, and firing 360 yards], 
and two Bases [, cannon ; each weighing 202 lbs, and 
having a bore of 1\ inches.] 

He brought with him, a very fat goose to eat with us ; 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 F 



450 New England in America, 

and we had a fat crane, and a mallard, and a dried neat's 
tongue : and so we were kindly and friendly together. 

Saturday, the 3rd of March, the wind was south ; 
the morning, misty ; but towards noon, warm and fair 
weather. The birds sang in the woods most pleasantly. 
At one of the clock, it thundered : which was the first 
we heard in that country. It was [of] strong and 
great claps ; but short. But, after an hour, it rained 
very sadly [grievoiisly] till midnight. 

Wednesday, the Hh of March. The wind was full 
east; cold, but fair. That day. Master Carver, with 
five others, went to the great ponds [Billington Sea ; 
or possibly, the Great South Pond] ; which seem to be 
excellent fishing places. All the way they went, they 
found it exceedingly beaten [trodden] and haunted with 
deer : but they saw none. Amongst other fowl[s], they 
saw a milk-white fowl with a very black head. 

This day, some garden seeds were sown. 

Friday, the 16th [March 1621], a fair warm day 
towards [promising]. 

This morning, we determined to conclude of the 
Military Orders : which we had begun to consider of 
before : but were interrupted by the savages ; as we 
mentioned formerly. 

And whilst we were busied hereabout, we were 
interrupted again. For there presented himself a 
savage ; which caused an alarm. 

He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, 
straight to the randevous : where we intercepted him, 
not suffering him to go in ; as undoubtedly he would, 
out of his boldness. 

He saluted us in English, and bade us " Welcome ! " 
For he had learned some broken English amongst the 
Englishmen that came to fish at Monchiggon [Monhegan, 



New England in America, 451 

off' the coast of Maine] ; and knew by name the most of 
the Captains, Commanders, and Masters that usually- 
come [there]. 

He wa^ a man free in speech, so far as he could 
express his mind ; and of a seemly carriage. 

We questioned him of many things. He was the 
first savage we could meet withal. He said. He was not 
of these parts ; but of Morattigon,* and one of the 
Sagamores or Lords thereof ; and had been eight months 
[July 1620 — March 1621] in these parts. It lying 
hence a day's sail with a great wind ; and five days by 
land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every 
province ; and of their Sagamores, and their number of 
men and strength. 

The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a 
horseman's coat about him : for he was stark naked, 
[having] only a leather about his waist, with a fringe 
about a span long or [a] little more. He had a bow, and 
two arrows ; the one headed, and the other unheaded. 
He was a tall straight man. The hair of his head [was] 
black ; long behind, only short before : none on his face 
at all. 

He asked [for] some beer ; but we gave him strong 
water [spirits : ? brandy], and biscuit, and butter, and 
cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard : all which 



* Samoset was a native of Pemaquid ; and Chief and original proprietor 
of what is now the town of Bristol, Maine. He seems to have gone on 
board of Captain Dermek's ship at Monhegan ; when he was on his way to 
those shores, with Squanto, on his pacific mission, 1619/1620 : and to 
have been landed by Dermer on Cape Cod ; when he redeemed there the 
shipwrecked Frenchmen from their savage captors. This was only six 
months before the Mayflower arrived ; and the Pemmaquid Chief still 
lingered among his new friends : delayed by that overruling Providence 
which needed him for the use of interpreter, to which he was now put. — 
H. M. Dexter, Lib. of Neiv England History, T. 83, Ed. 1865, 4. 



452 New England in America. 

he liked well ; and had been acquainted with such 
amongst the English. 

He told us the place where we now live is called 
Patuxet : and that, about four years ago \im 1617], all 
the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague; and 
there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining; as 
indeed we have found none. So as there is none to 
hinder our possession, or to lay claim unto it. 

All the afternoon, we spent in communication with 
him. We would gladly have been rid of him at night : 
but he was not willing to go this night. Then we 
thought to carry him on shipboard ; wherewith he was 
well content, and went into the shallop : but the wind 
was high, and the water scant \shallow\ that it could 
not return back. We lodged him, that night, at 
Stephen Hopkins's house ; and watched him. 

The next day [, Saturday, the 17th], he went away, 
back to the Masasoits ; from whence, he said, he came : 
who are our next bordering neighbours. There are sixty 
strong, as he saith. 

The Nausites are as near south-east \ot rather 
north-east] of them, and are a hundred strong; and 
those were they, of whom our people were encountered ; 
as we before related [at pp. 431-434]. They are much 
incensed and provoked against the English : and about 
eight months ago [? July 1620], slew three Englishmen ; 
and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon 
[Monhegan]. They were Sir Ferdinando Gorges his 
men ; as this savage told us. As he did likewise of the 
huggerie, that is " fight," that our Discoverers had with 
the Nausites [ see pp. 431-434] : and of our tools that were 
taken out of the woods ; which we willed him should 
be brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves. 

These people are ill affected towards the English, by 



New England in America, 453 

reason of one [Captain Thomas] Hunt, a Master of a 
ship ; who deceived the people ; and got them, under 
colour of trucking {wp^pearance of bartering] with them, 
twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and 
seven from the Nausites : and carried them away [to 
Spain], and sold them for slaves for £20 a man ; like a 
wretched man that cares not what mischief he doth for 
his profit. . 

Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the savage ; 
and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He 
promised, within a night or two, to come again ; and to 
bring with him, some of the Massasoyts, our neighbours, 
w;ith such beavers' skins as they had, to truck with us. 

Saturday and Sunday [were] reasonably fair days. 

On this day [Sunday, the ISth March 1621], came 
again the savage ; and brought with him five other tall 
proper [stwrdy] men. They had, every man, a deer's 
skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat's 
skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had, most of 
them, long hosen [leggings, or gaiters] up to their groins, 
close[ly] made ; and above their groins to their waist, 
another leather. They were altogether like the Irish 
trouses [trousers]. 

They are of complexion like our English Gypsies. 
No hair, or very little, on their faces. On their heads, 
long hair to their shoulders; only cut before: some 
[with it] trussed up before with a feather, broadwise 
like a fan ; another [with a] fox's tail hanging out. 

These left, according to our charge given him before, 
their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our 
town. 

We gave them entertainment as we thought was 
fitting [to] them. They did eat liberally of our English 
victuals. They made semblance unto us of friendship 



454 New England in America, 

and amity. They sang and danced after their manner, 
like antics [grotesque persons]. They brought with 
them, in a thing like a [long-]bow case [leathern girdle], 
which the principal of them had about his waist, a little 
of their corn pounded to powder [parched meal] ; which 
put to a little water, they eat. He had a little tobacco 
in a bag : but none of them drank [it, i.e. smoked it], but 
when he listed. Some of them had their faces painted 
black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers 
broad : others, after other fashions, as they liked. 

They brought three or four skins, but we would not 
truck at all that day ; but wished them to bring more, 
and we would truck for all: which they promised 
within a night or two ; and would leave these behind 
them, though we were not willing they should. And 
they brought us all our tools again ; which were taken 
in the woods in our men's absence. 

So, because of the day [i.e. Sunday], we dismissed 
them so soon as we could. 

But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, 
or feigned himself so ; and would not go with them, and 
stayed with us till Wednesday morning. 

Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they 
came not, according to their words : and we gave him a 
hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of 
cloth to be about his waist [i.e. a loin cloth]. 

The Sabbath Day, when we sent them from us, we 
gave every one of them some trifles ; especially the 
principal of them. We carried [escorted] them along, 
with our arms [armed men], to the place where they 
left their bows and arrows : whereat they were amazed ; 
and two of them began to slink away, but the others 
called them. 

When they took their arrows, we bade them 



New England m America. 455 

farewell ; and they were glad. And so, with many- 
thanks given us, they departed ; with promise they 
would come again. 

Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We digged 
our grounds, and sowed our garden seeds. 

Wednesday [, the 21st March, was] a fine warm 
day. We sent away Samoset. 

That day, we had again a Meeting to conclude the Laws 
and Orders for ourselves ; and to confirm those Military 
Orders that were formerly propounded, and twice broken 
off by the savages' coming : but so we were the third time. 

For, after we had been an hour together, on the top 
of the hill over against us [i.e. Waison^s Hill], two 
or three savages presented themselves ; and made 
semblance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain 
Standish with another, with their muskets, went over 
[the Town Brook] to them ; with two of the Master's 
Mates, that followed them without arms [? side arms], 
having two muskets with them. 

They whetted [sharpened] and rubbed their arrows 
and strings ; and made show of defiance : but when our 
men drew near them, they ran away. 

Thus we were again interrupted by them. 

This day, with much ado, we got our Carpenter [i.e. 
of the Mayflower], that had been long sick of the scurvy, 
to fit our shallop, to fetch all from aboard. [On this day 
therefore, the Pilgrim Fathers finally left the Mayflower.] 

Thursday, the 22nd of March [1621], was a very fair 
warm day. 

About noon, we met again about our public business : 
but we had scarce been an hour together, but Samoset 
came again ; and Squanto, the only [surviving] native 
of Patuxet, where we now inhabit (Who was one of the 



45 6 New England in America. 

twenty captives that, by Hunt, were carried away ; and 
had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill [in London] 
with Master John Slant, a Merchant ; and could speak 
a little English), with three others : and they brought 
with them, some few skins to truck ; and some red 
herrings newly taken and dried, but not salted. 

And [they] signified unto us, that their great 
Sagamore Masasoyt was hard by, with Quadequina 
his brother, and all their men. They could not well 
express in English what they would : but, after an hour, 
the King came to the top of a hill over against us 
[ Watson's Hill], and had in his train sixty men ; that 
we could well behold them, and they us. 

We were not willing to send our Governor [JoSN 
Carver] to them ; and they [were] unwilling to come 
to us. So Squanto went again unto him ; who brought 
word that we should send one to parley with him : 
which we did, which was Edward Winslow ; to know 
his mind, and to signify the mind and will of our 
Governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. 

We sent to the King a pair of knives, and a copper 
chain with a jewel to it. To Quadequina, we sent 
likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear. And 
withal a pot of strong water [spirits, ? brandy] ; a good 
quantity of biscuit, and some butter : which were all 
willingly accepted. 

Our messenger made a speech unto him. That King 
James saluted him with words of love and peace, and 
did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that 
our Governor desired to see him, and to truck with 
him, and to confirm a peace with him, as his next 
neighbour. 

He liked well of the speech, and heard it attentively : 
though the interpreters did not well express it. 



New England in America. 457 

After he had eaten and drunk himself, and [had] 
given the rest to his company; he looked upon our 
messenger's sword and armour which he had on, with 
intimation of his desire to buy it : but, on the other 
side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part 
with it. 

In the end, he left him in the custody of QuADEQUiNA 
his brother ; and came over the brook \i}ie Town Broo]z\^ 
and some twenty men following him, leaving all their 
bows and arrows behind them. We kept six or seven 
as hostages for our messenger. 

Captain Standish and Master Williamson \or 
rather Allerton. None of the Pilgrim Fathers, then 
at Plymowth, was named Williamson] met the King at 
the brook, with half a dozen musketeers. They saluted 
him ; and he, them. So on going over, the one on the 
one side, and the other on the other, conducted him to a 
house then in building ; where we placed a green rug, 
and three or four cushions. 

Then instantly came our Governor [John Carver], 
with [a] drum and [a] trumpet after him, and some few 
musketeers. 

After salutations, our Governor kissing his hand, the 
King kissed him : and so they sat down. 

The Governor called for some strong water, and 
drank to him : and he drank a great draught [of it] that 
made him sweat all the while after. He called for a 
little fresh meat : which the King did eat willingly, and 
did give his followers. 

They then treated of peace, which was 
1. That neither he, nor any of his, The Agree- 
should injure, or do hurt, to any P^®°*^ °^ ^^'^^ 

■^ ' ' t7 between us and 

of our people, Massasoyt. 



45 S New England in America, 

2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ou/rs ; he 

should send the offender [to us], that we might 
punish him. 

3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when 

our people were at work ; he should cause 
them to he restored : and if ours did any harm, 
to any of his, we would do the like to them. 

4. // any did unjustly war against him ; we would 

aid him. If any did war against us, he should 
aid us. 

5. He should send to his neighbour[ing] confederates, 

to certify them of this, that they might not 
wrong us ; hut might he likewise comprised in 
the Conditions of Peace. 

6. That when their men caTYie to us, they should 

leave their hows and arrows hehind them ; as 
we should do our pieces, when we came to them., 

7. Lastly, that doing thus, King James would 

esteem of him as his friend and ally. 
All which the King seemed to like well ; and it was 
applauded of his followers. 

All the while he sat by the Governor, he trembled 
for fear. 

In his person, he is a very lusty man, in his best 
years, [of] an able body, grave of countenance, and spare 
of speech. In his attire, [he was] little or nothing 
differing from the rest of his followers : only in a great 
chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at it, 
behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he 
drank [smoked] and gave us to .drink [smoke]. His 
face was painted with a sad [deep] red like murrey [the 
colour of a mulberry] ; and [he] oiled both head and 
face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise 



New England in America, 459 

were, in their faces, in part, or in whole, painted : some 
black, some red, some yellow, and some white ; some 
with crosses, and other antic \groiesqvue\ works. Some 
had skins on them, and some [were] naked : all strong, 
tall, all \andj iall\ men in appearance. 

So, after all was done, the Governor conducted him 
to the brook : and there they embraced each other, and 
he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. 

We expected our messenger's coming: but anon 
word was brought us, that QuADDEQUiNA was coming ; 
and our messenger was stayed till his return. 

Who presently came and a troop \co'mfpan'xf\ with 
him. So likewise we entertained him, and conveyed him 
to the place prepared. He was very fearful of our pieces 
\muskeis\ ; and made signs of dislike, that they should 
be carried away : whereupon commandment was given 
that they should be laid away. He was a very 
proper tall young man, of a very modest and seemly 
countenance ; and he did kindly like of our entertainment. 
So we conveyed him likewise, as we did the King : but 
divers of their people stayed still. 

When he was returned ; then they dismissed our 
messenger. Two of his people would have stayed all 
night : but we would not suffer it' 

One thing I forgot. The King had in his bosom, 
hanging at a string, a great long knife. He marvelled 
much at our trumpet ; and some of his men would sound 
it as well as they could. 

Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night with 
us : and the King, and all his men, lay all night in the 
woods, not above half an English mile from us ; and all 
their wives and women with them. 

They said that, within eight or nine days, they 
would come and set com on the other side of the brook 



460 New England in America, 

[the Town Brook], and dwell there all summer ; which 
is hard by us. 

That night, we kept good watch : but there was no 
appearance of danger. 

The next morning [of Friday, 23rd March], divers of 
tlieir people came over [the Town Brook] to us ; hoping 
to get some victuals, as we imagined. 

Some of them told us, The King would have some of 
us come [to] see him. 

Captain Standish and Isaac Allerton went 
venturously: who were welcomed of him, after their 
manner. He gave them three or four groundnuts, and 
some tobacco. 

We cannot yet conceive but that he is willing to 
have peace with us. For they have seen our people 
sometimes alone, [or] two or three, in the woods, at 
work and fowling: when as they offered them no 
harm, as they might easily have done. And especially 
because he hath a potent adversary, the Narowhiganseis 
[Narragansetts] that are at war with him : against 
whom, he thinks, [that] we may be some strength to 
him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. 

This morning, they stayed till ten or eleven of the 
clock; and our Governor bade them send the King's 
kettle, and [he] filled it full of pease: which pleased 
them well. And so they went their way. 

, Friday [, the 23rd March,] was a very fair day. 
Samoset and Squanto "^ still remained with us. 



* Afterwards they, as many as were able, began to plant their com. 
In which service, Squanto stood them in great stead : showing them, both 
the manner how to set it ; and after how to dress and tend it. Also he 
told them, except they got fish, and set with it {i.e. manured the ground 
with alewives, at the time of setting : see pp. 488, 595] ; in these old grounds, 
it would come to nothing. And he showed them, that in the middle of 



New England in America. 461 

* 
Squanto went, at noon, to fish for eels [? at Eel 
River], At night, he came home with as many as he 
could well lift in one hand; which our people were 
glad of. They were fat and sweet. He trod them out 
with his feet; and so caught them with his hands, 
without any other instrument. 

This day, we proceeded on with our common 

business; from which we had been so often hindered 

by the savages' coming : and concluded both of Military 

Orders, and of some Laws and Orders : as we thought 

behoveful for our present estate and condition. And 

[we] did likewise choose [i.e. re-elect] our 

Governor for this year ; which was 

Master John Cakver, a man 

well approved amongst us. 

April, they should have store enough [of fish] come up the brook {the Town 
Brook] by which they began to build : and taught them how to take it. 
And [he told them] where to get other provisions necessary for them. All 
which they found true, by trial and experience. 

Some English seed they sew [sowed], as wheat and pease : but it came 
not to good ; either by the badness of the seed, or lateness of the season, 
or both, or some other defect. Bradford MS.^ fol. 141. 




A Journey to Packanokik, the habitation of the 

GREAT King, Massasoyt. As also our 

Message, [and] the Answer and 

intertainment we had of him. 

iT seemed good to the Company, for many 
considerations, to send some amongst them 
to Massasoyt, the greatest Commander 
amongst the savages bordering about us: 
partly to know where to find them, if occasion served ; 
as also to see their strength, discover the country, 
prevent abuses in their disorderly coming to us, make 
satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be [have been] 
done on our parts, and to continue the league of peace 
and friendship between them and us. 

For these, and the like, ends ; it pleased the Governor 
to make choice of Stephen Hopkins and Edward 
WiNSLOW to go unto him. And having a fit opportunity 
by reason of a savage called Tisquantum, that could 
speak English, coming unto us ; with all expedition [we] 
provided a horseman's coat of red cotton, and laced with 
a slight [small] lace, for a present ; that both they and 
their message might be the more acceptable amongst 
them. The message was as f olloweth : 

That forasmuch as his subjects cam^e often, and 
without fear, upon all occasions, amongst us; so we 
were now come unto him : and in witness of the love 
and good will the English bear unto hir)i, the Governor 
hath sent him a coat; desiring that the peace and 

462 



New England in America. 463 

amity that was between them and us might he continued. 
Not that we feared them : hut because we intended not 
to injure any : desiring to live peaceably ; and as 
with all men^ so especially with them, our nearest 
neighbours. 

But whereas his people came very often, and very 
onany together, to us ; bringing, for the most part, their 
wives and children with them ; they were welcom,e : yet 
{we being but strangers as yet at Patuxet alias New 
Plymouth; and not knowing how our corn might 
prosper) we could no longer give them such 
entertainment as we had done, and as we desired still 
to do. Yet, if he would he pleased to come himself ; or 
\if\ any special friend of his desired to see us, coming 
from, him, they should be welcome. And to the end we 
might know them from others, our Governor had sent 
him a copper chain ; desiring if any messenger should 
coTYie from him to us, we might know him, by \his'\ 
bringing it with him; and hearken, and give credit^ 
to his message accordingly. Also requesting him, that 
such as have skins, should bring them to us ; and that 
he would hinder the multitude from oppressing us, with 
them[selves]. 

And whereas, at our first arrival at Paomet [Pamet], 
called by us. Cape God, we found there corn buried in 
the ground ; and, finding no inhabitants hut some graves 
of \the'\ dead new[ly] buried, took the corn : resolving 
if ever we could hear of any that had right thereunto, 
to make satisfaction to the full for it. Yet, since we 
understand the owners thereof were fled for fear of 
us, our desire was either to pay them with the like 
quantity of corn [maize], [of] English meal, or any 
other commodities we had, to pleasure them, witlml. 
Requesting him, that some one of his men mig?tt signify 



464 New England in America. 

so much unto them ; and we would content him for his 

pains. 

And, last of all, our Governor requested one favour 
of him; which was that he would exchange some of 
their corn* for seed, with us ; that we might make trial 
which best agreed with the soil where we live. 

With these presents and' [this] Message, we set 
forward [Sunday] the 10th [of] June [This date is 
considered to he an error. Governor Bradford 
(Bradford MS., folio 143) states that the messengers 
started on Monday, 2nd July 1621], about nine a clock 
in the morning ; our guide [Tisquantum] resolving that 
night to rest at Namaschet [Middleborough],\ a town 
under Massasoyt: and conceived by us to be very near, 
because the Indians flocked so thick, upon every slight 
occasion, amongst us ; but we found it to be some 
fifteen English miles. 

On the way, we found some ten or twelve men 
women and children, which had pestered [annoyed] us 
till we were weary of them : perceiving that, as the 
manner of them all is, where victual is easiliest to be got, 
there they live, especially in the summer; by reason 
whereof, our Bay affording many lobsters, they resort 
every spring-tide thither; and now returned with us 
to Namaschet. 

* Probably what is now called Rhode Island com, which is a different 
species from that usually raised in Massachusetts ; yielding a more 
delicate and whiter meal. — H. M. Dexter, lAb, of New England Hist., 
I. 100, Ed. 1865, 4. 

t The spot so designated here is in what is now Middleborough, on the 
Nemasket river ; about thirty rods above the bridge, passed in going from 
the Green to the Four Corners, on the Middleborough and Plymouth road : 
being the rapids near the Lower Factory, which is now called the Star 
Mills.— H. M. Dexter, Lib. of New England Hist., I. 101, Ed. 1865, 4. 



New England m America. 465 

Thither we came about three a clock after noon, the 
inhabitants entertaining us with joy in the best manner 
they could : giving us a kind of bread, called by them 
Tnaizium, and the spawn of shads which then they got 
in abundance, insomuch as they gave us spoons to eat 
them [with]. With these, they boiled musty acorns : but 
of the shads, we eat heartily. 

After this, they desired one of our [two] men to 
shoot at a crow ; complaining what damage they 
sustained in their corn by them : who shooting some 
fourscore [yards] off, and killing ; they much admired 
[wondered at] it, as [at] other shots, on other 
occasions. 

After this, Tisquantum told us, we should hardly 
in one day reach Pakanokick [PokanoJcet] ; moving us 
to go some eight miles further, where we should find 
more store and better victuals than there. 

Being willing to hasten our journey, we went ; and 
came thither at sunsetting : where we found many 
of the Namascheucks, they so calling the men of 
Namaschet, fishing upon a ware [wear]* which they had 
made on a river which belonged to them ; where they 
caught abundance of bass. 

These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish ; and 
we, them of our victuals : not doubting but we should 
have enough wherever we came. 

There we lodged in the open fields : for houses 
[wigwanis] they had none, though they spent most of 
the summer there. 

The head of this river [the Titicut] is reported to be 

* Probably at the Old Indian Wear, so called, near Titicut, in the 
north-west part of Middleborough ; two or three miles south-west of the 
junction of the Nemasket, with the Taunton river. — H. M. Dexteb, Lih. 
of New England Hist., I. 102, Ed. 1865, 4. 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 g 



466 New England in A^nerica, 

not far from the place of our abode. \It rises within 
six Tmles of Plymowth.] Upon it are, and have been, 
many towns : it being [of] a good length. The ground 
is very good on both sides ; it being for the most part 
cleared. Thousands of men have lived there ; which 
died in a great plague not long since: and pity 
it was, and is, to see so many goodly fields, and 
so well seated, without men to dress and manure 
the same. 

Upon this river [the Taunton] dwelleth Massasoyt. 
It Cometh into the sea at the Narrohiganset 
[Narragansett] Bay : where the Frenchmen so much 
use [frequent]. A ship may go many miles up it, 
as the savages report ; and a shallop to the head of it : 
but so far as we saw, we are sure a shallop may. 

But to return to our journey. The next morning 
[, Tuesday, the Srd July], we brake our fast, took our 
leave, and departed ; being then accompanied with 
some six savages. 

Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a 
known shoal place,* it being low water ; they spake to 
us to put off our breeches, for we must wade through. 

Here let me not forget the valour and courage of 
some of the savages on the opposite side of the river. 
For there were remaining alive [there] only two men, 
both aged ; especially the one, being above three score. 
These two, espying a company of [8] men entering the 
river, ran very swiftly and low in the grass, to meet us 
at the bank : where, with shrill voices and great courage, 
standing, [they] charged upon us with their bows. 
They demanded. What we were ? supposing us to be 

* There seems to be no doubt that this crossing-place was at what 
is now known as Squabetty, 3^ miles east-by-south of Taunton Green. — H. 
M. Dexter, Lib. of New England Hist., I. 103, Ed. 1865, 4. 



New England in America, 467 

enemies ; and thinking to take advantage on us in the 
water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed 
us with such food as they had: and we bestowed a 
small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far, we are sure, 
the tide ebb^ and flows. 

Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceeded 
in our jourriey ; the weather being very hot for travel : 
yet the country [was] so well watered, that a man could 
scarce be dry \thirsiy\ but he should have a spring at 
hand to cool his thirst ; besides small rivers in abundance. - 
But the savages will not willingly drink but at a spring 
head. 

When we came to any small brook, where no bridge 
was ; two of them desired to carry us through, of their 
own accords. Also fearing we were, or would be, weary ; 
[they] offered to carry our pieces. Also if we would 
lay off any of our clothes, we should have them carried ; 
and as the one of them had found more special kindness 
from one of the messengers, and the other savage from 
the other, so they shewed their thankfulness accordingly, 
in affording us all help and further ence in the journey. 

As we passed along, we observed that there were 
few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by 
reason whereof, much ground was clear, save of weeds 
which grew higher than our heads. There is [there] 
much good timber ; both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, 
and exceeding great chestnut trees. 

The country, in respect of the lying \lay\ of it, is 
both champanie Ip'pen and level] and hilly, like many 
places in England. In some places, it is very rocky ; 
both above ground and under it. And though the 
country be wild and overgrown with woods; yet the 
trees stand not thick, but a man may well ride a horse 
amongst them. 



468 New England in America. 

Passing on, at length, one of the company, an Indian, 
espied a man ; and told the rest of it. We asked them, 
If they feared any ? 

They told us, That if they were Narrohigganset 
\NarraganseW^ men, they would not trust them. 

Whereat, we called for our pieces \yrwbskeis\\ and 
bade them not to fear: for, though they were twenty, 
we two alone would not care for them. 

But they hailing him, he proved a friend ; and had 
only two women with him. Their baskets were empty ; 
but they fetched water in their bottles: so that we 
drank with them, and departed. 

After, we met another man with other two women ; 
which had been at [a] randevow \enGamjp'menV[ by the 
salt water ; and their baskets were full of roasted crab 
fishes, and other dried shellfish. Of which they gave us ; 
and we eat and drank with them: and gave each of 
the women a string of beads, and departed. 

After, we came to a town * of Massasoyt's ; where 
we eat oysters and other tish. 

From thence, we went to Packanokick t : but 
Massasoyt was not at home. There we stayed ; he 
being sent for. 

When news was brought of his coming, our guide 
TiSQUANTUM requested that, at our meeting, we would 
discharge our pieces. But one of us going about to 
charge his piece ; the women and children, through fear 



* This was probably at Matapuyst [see j^ages 471, 648, 556] now 
known as Gardner's Neck, in Swansey, Massa. — H. M. Dbxteb, Lih. of New 
England Hist, I. 106, Ed. 1865, 4. 

t While Packanokik was a general name for the Wampanoag territory, 
in the neighbourhood of what are now Warren, Bristol, &c, , Rhode Island ; 
the Indian village here intended was Sowams, built around the spring, 
called Massasoit's Spring, near Baker's Wharf, in Warren. — Idem. 



New England in America, 469 

to see him take up his piece, ran away ; and could not 
be pacified till he laid it down again ; who afterward 
were better informed by our interpreter. 

Massasoyt being come \on Wednesday, ith July] 
we discharged our pieces, and saluted him : who (after 
their manner) kindly welcomed us, and took us into 
his house, and set us down by him. Where, having 
delivered our foresaid Message, and presents; and [he] 
having put the coat on his back and the chain about 
his neck ; he was not a little proud to behold himself, 
and his men also to see their King, so bravely 
attired. 

For Answer to our Message, he told us : 

We were welcome; and he would gladly continue 
that peace and friaidship which was between him and 
us ; and for his men^ they should no more pester us as 
they had done. Also that he would send to Paomet 
[Pamet]; and would help us with corn for seed: 
according to our request. 

This being done, his men gathered near to him : to 
whom he turned himself, and made a great speech ; they 
sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirming and 
applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof 
was, as far as we could learn, thus : 

Was not he, Massasoyt, Commander of the country 
about them? Was not such a town his, and the 
people of it? and should they not bring their skins 
unto us ? 

To which they ariswered. These were his ; and would 
be at peace with us, and bring their skins to us. 

After this manner, he named at least thirty places ; 
and their answer was as aforesaid, to every one : so that, 
as it was delightful, [so] it was tedious, unto us. 

This being ended ; he lighted tobacco for us : and fell 



47 o New England in America. 

to discoursiDg of England and of the King's Majesty ; 
marvelling that he would live without a wife \QvijeenANNE 
{of Den7)iarh) had died in 1619]. Also he talked of the 
Frenchmen ; bidding us not to suffer them to come to 
Narrohiganset [NaraganseW], for it was King James his 
country ; and he also was King James his man. 

Late it grew ; but victuals he offered none : for 
indeed he had not any; [it] being he came so newly 
home. So we desired to go to rest. 

He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife ; 
they at one end, and we at the other: it being only 
planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon 
them. Two more of his chief men, for want of room 
pressed by and upon us : so that we were worse weary of 
our lodging, than of our journey. 

The next day, being Thursday [, biJi July], many of 
their Sachems or petty Governors came to see us ; and 
many of their men also. There, they went to their 
manner of games for skins and knives. There, we 
challenged them to shoot with them for skins : but they 
durst not. Only they desired to see one of us shoot 
at a mark : who shooting with hail shot [bird shot], 
they wondered to see the mark so full of holes. 

About one of the clock, Massasoyt brought two 
fishes [? bass] that he had shot [with an arrow]. They 
were like bream ; but three times so big, and better 
meat. These being boiled ; there were at least forty 
[that] looked for share in them. The most eat of them. 
This meal only we had in two nights and a day [ie. 
at Sowams] : and had not one of us bought a partridge, 
we had taken our journey fasting. 

Very importunate he was, to have us stay with him 
longer : but we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; 
and feared we should be lightheaded for want of 



New England in America, 47 1 

sleep. For what with bad lodging; the savages* 
barbarous singing, for they use to sing themselves 
asleep ; lice and fleas within doors ; and muskeetoes 
\rnosquiioes\ without: we could hardly sleep all the 
time of our being there. We much feared that if we 
should stay any longer, we should not be able to 
recover home for want of strength. 

So that, on the Friday morning [, ^ih July\ before 
sunrising, we took our leave and departed ; Massasoyt 
being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better 
entertain us : and, retaining TiSQUANTUM to send from 
place to place to procure truck for us, he appointed 
another, called Tokamahamon, in his place ; whom 
we had found faithful before, and after, on all 
occasions. 

At this town of Massasoyt's where we before eat, 
[? Matapuyst], we were again refreshed with a little 
fish: and bought about a handful of meal of their 
parched corn, which was very precious at that time of 
the year ; and a small string of dried shellfish, as big as 
oysters. The latter we gave to the six savages that 
accompanied us ; keeping the meal for ourselves. When 
we drank, we eat each a spoonful of it, [together] with 
[smoking] a pipe of tobacco ; instead of other victuals : 
and of this also, we could not but give them, so long as 
it lasted. 

Five miles, they led us, to a house, out of the way, in 
hope of victuals : but we found nobody there ; and so 
were but worse able to return home. 

/ That night we reached to the wire [ Wear, near Titicut] 
where we lay before: but the Namascheucks were 
returned; so that we had no hope of anything there. 
One of the savages had shot a shad in the water ; and a 
small squirrel, as big as a rat, called a Neuxis, The one 



472 N'ew England in America. 

half of either, he gave us : and after went to the wire to 
fish. 

From hence, we wrote to Plymouth : and sent 
ToKAMAHAMON before to Namasket ; willing him from 
thence to send another [to Plymouth], that he might 
meet us with food at Namasket. 

Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased 
GOD to give them good store of fish, so that we were 
well refreshed. 

After supper, we went to rest ; and they to fishing 
again. More they gat, and fell to eating afresh; 
and retained sufficient, ready roast[ed] for all our 
breakfasts. About two a clock in the morning [of 
Saturday, *7th July], arose a great storm of wind, rain, 
lightning, and thunder, in such [a] violent manner that 
we could not keep in our fire : and had the savages not 
roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward 
fasting ; for the rain still continued with great violence, 
even the whole day through, till we came within two 
miles of home. 

Being wet and weary, at length, we came to 
Namaschet. There we refreshed ourselves ; giving gifts 
to all such as had shewed us any kindness. 

Amongst others, one of the six that came with us 
from Packanokik (having, before this, on the way 
unkindly forsaken us) marvelled we gave him nothing ; 
and told us, what he had done for us. 

We also told him of some discourtesies he ofiered us, 
whereby he deserved nothing: yet we gave him a 
small trifle. 

Whereupon he offered us tobacco. 

But, the house being full of people, we told him, He 
stole some by the way ; and if it were of that, we would 
not take it : for we would not receive that which was 



New England in America, 473 

stolen upon any terms. If we did, our God would be 
angry with us, and destroy us. 

This abashed him ; and gave the rest great content. 
But, at our departure [from Namasket (Middlehorough)], 
he would needs carry him on his back through a river ; 
whom he had formerly, in some sort, abused. 

Fain they would have had us to lodge there all 

night ; and wondered we would set forth again in such 

weather : but, GOD be praised ! we came safe 

home that night ; though wet, weary, 

and surbated [footsore]. 




A Voyage made by ten of our men to the Kingdom 

OF Nauset, to seek a boy that had lost himself 

IN the woods. With such accidents as 

befell us in that Voyage. 

IHE 11th of June [This date is considered to 
he an error. Governor Bradford {Bradford 
M.S., folio 145) states, About the latter end 
of this month [July 1621], one John 
BiLLlNGTON lost himself in the woods; and wandered 
up and down some five days, living on berries and what 
he could fi.nd. This rescue expedition was therefore 
in August], we set forth, the weather being very fair : 
but, ere we had been long at sea, there arose a storm of 
wind and rain, with much lightning and thunder, 
insomuch that a spout [water spout] arose not far from 
us. But, GOD be praised! it dured not long: and we 
put in, that night, for harbour, at a place, called 
Cummaquid [Barnstable harbour] ; where we had some 
hope to find the boy [John Billington junior]. Two 
savages were in the boat with us: the one was 
Tisquantum our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, 
a special friend. It being night, before we came in ; we 
anchored in the midst of the bay : where we were dry 
[aground] at a low water. 

In the morning, we'^espied savages seeking lobsters ; 
and sent our two interpreters to speak with them, 
the channel being between them. Where they told 
them. What we were, and for what we were come; 

474 



New England in America, 475 

willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not 
hurt them. 

Their answer was, That the boy was well, but he 
was at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they desired us 
to come ashore and eat with them. Which, as soon as 
our boat floated, we did ; and went six [of us] ashore, 
having four pfledges for them in the boat. 

They brought us to their Sachem or Governor, whom 
they call Iyanough, a man not exceeding twentysix 
years of age; but very personable [coviely], gentle, 
courteous, and fair conditioned : indeed not like a 
savage, save for his attire. His entertainment was 
answerable to his parts; and his cheer plentiful and 
various. 

One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. 
There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no less 
than a hundred years old ; which came to see us because 
she never saw English [before] : yet could "not behold us, 
without breaking forth into [a] great passion, weeping 
and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of 
it ; they told us. She had three sons, who, when Master 
Hunt was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade 
with him ; and he carried them captives into Spain, for 
TiSQUANTUM at that time was carried away alsoi by 
which means, she was deprived of the comfort of her 
children in her old age. 

We told them. We were sorry that any Englishman 
should give them that offence ; that Hunt was a bad 
man, and that all the English that heard of it condemned 
him for the same : but for us, we would not offer them 
any such injury ; though it would gain us all the skins 
in the country. So we gave her some small trifles; 
which somewhat appeased her. 

After dinner, we took boat for Nauset [EasthaTn] ; 



47 6 New England in America, 

Iyanough and two of his men accompanying us. Ere 
we came to Nauset, the day and tide were almost spent, 
insomuch as we could not go in with our shallop : but 
the Sachem or Governor of Cummaquid went ashore, 
and his men with him. We also sent Tisquantum to 
tell AspiNET, the Sachem of Nauset, wherefore we 
came. 

The savages here came very thick amongst us, and 
were earnest with us to bring in our boat; but we 
neither well could : nor yet desired to do it, because we 
had less cause to trust them ; being they only [they 
being those who] had formerly made an assault upon us, 
in the same place, in [the] time of our winter Discovery 
for [a place of] habitation [, see pp. 431-434]. And 
indeed it was no marvel they did so: for howsoever 
[then], through snow or otherwise, we saw no houses ; 
yet we were [then] in the midst of them. 

When our boat was aground, they came very thick ; 
but we stood therein upon our guard : not suffering any 
to enter except two, the one being of Maramoick 
[? Monomoyick, now Chatham] ; and one of those, whose 
corn we had formerly found. We promised him 
restitution : and desired him either to come to Patuxet for 
satisfaction ; or else we would bring them so much corn 
again. He promised to come. We used him very 
kindly for the present. Some few skins we gat there ; 
but not many. 

After sunset, Aspinet came, with a great train ; and 
brought the boy with him, one bearing him through the 
water. He had not less than a hundred with him : the 
half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with 
him ; the other [half] stood aloof [at a distance], with 
their bows and arrows. There he delivered us the boy, 
behung with beads ; and made peace with us : we 



New England in America. 477 

bestowing a knife on him ; and likewise on another that 
first entertained the boy, and brought him thither. So 
they departed from us. 

Here, we understood that the Narrohigansets 
\Narraganseits\ had spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, 
and taken him. This struck some fear in us : because 
the Colony was so weakly guarded \Ii will he seen from 
page 359, that, excluding these ten men, there were now 
only 22 adult males at Plymouth] the strength [the 
picked m^en] thereof being abroad [away here at 
Eastham]. 

But we set forth with resolution to make the best 
haste home we could. Yet the wind being contrary ; 
[and] having scarce any fresh water left, and at least 
sixteen leagues [, = 48 miles, to] home, we put in again 
for the shore. There we met again with Iyanough, 
the Sachem of Cummaquid ; and the most of his town, 
both men women and children, with him. He being still 
willing to gratify us, took a rundlet [containing 18 
gallons], and led our men in the dark a great way for 
water ; but could find none good : yet brought such as 
there was, on his neck, with them. In the, mean time, 
the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing, 
before the shallop; the men also shewing all the 
kindness they could. Iyanough himself taking a 
bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it upon one 
of us. 

Again, we set out : but to small purpose, for we gat 
but little homeward. Our water also was very brackish ; 
and not to be drunk. 

The next morning, IYANOUGH espied us again ; and 
ran after us. We, being resolved to go to Cummaquid 
again to water, took him into the shallop: whose 



47 S New England in America, 

entertainment [there, thenj was not inferior unto the 
former [occasion]. 

The soil at Nauset and here [at Cummaquid] is 
alike, even and sandy: not so good for corn as where 
we are. Ships may safely ride in either harbour. In 
summer, they abound with fish. 

Being now watered, we put forth again ; and, 
by GOD's Providence, came safely 
home that night. 




A Journey to the Kingdom of Namaschet, in 

DEFENCE OF THE GREAT KiNG, MaSSASOYT, AGAINST 

THE NaRROHIGGANSETS ; AND TO REVENGE THE 

SUPPOSED DEATH OF OUR INTERPRETER 

TiSQUANTUM. 

[T our return from Nauset, we found it true 
that Massasoyt was put from his country 
by the Narrohiggansets [Narragansetts]. 
Word also was brought unto us, That 
one CouBATANT [or Caunbatant. Bradford spells 
this name Corbitant], a petty Sachem or Governor 
under Massasoyt, whom they ever feared to be too 
conversant [intionate] with the Narrohiggansets, was at 
Namaschet [Middleborough] : who sought to draw the 
hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him ; speaking also 
disdainfully of us; storming at the Peace between 
Nauset, Cummaquid, and us ; and at Tisquantum the 
worker of it; also at Tokamahamon and one 
HoBBAMOCK [or Hobomok], two Indians or Lemes 
[This word is thought to he a misprint] ; one of which 
he would treacherously have murdered a little before, 
[he] being a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. 

Tokamahamon went to him [openly]: but the other 
two would not. Yet, putting their lives in their hands, 
privately [they] went to see if they could hear of their 
King; and, lodging at Namaschet, were discovered to 
CouBATANT [Caunbatant, or Corbitant] : who set a 
guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum ; for he 
said. If he were dead ; the English had lost their 

tongue. 

479 



480 New England in America, 

HOBBAMOCK (seeing that TiSQUANTUM was taken ; 
and [that] Coubatant held a knife at his breast), being 
a strong and stout man, brake from them : and came 
to New Plymouth full of fear and sorrow for 
TiSQUANTUM, whom he thought to be slain. 

Upon this news, the Company [at Plymouth] 
assembled together [on Monday, the 13th of August 
1621] ; and resolved, on the morrow, to send ten men 
armed to Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide ; 
to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum, on 
Coubatant our bitter enemy ; and to retain {arres^ 
Nepeof, another Sachem or Governor, who was of this 
confederacy, till we heard [of] what was become of our 
friend Massasoyt. 

On the morrow [, Tuesday, the 14th of August], we 
set out ten men armed ; who took their journey as 
aforesaid : but the day proved very wet. 

When we supposed we were within three or four 
miles of Namaschet ; we went out of the way, and 
stayed there till night: because we would not be 
discovered. There we consulted what to do: and 
thinking [it] best to beset the house at midnight, each 
was appointed his task by the Captain ; all men 
incouraging one another to the utmost of their power. 

By night, our guide [Hobomok] lost his way ; which 
much discouraged our men : [it] being we were wet, and 
weary of our arms. But one of our men, having been 
before at Namaschet, brought us into the way again. 

Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate 
such as our knapsack[s] afforded. That being done, we 
threw them aside ; and all such things as might hinder 
us : and so went on, and beset the house ; according to 
our last resolution. 



New England in A7nerica. 481 

Those that entered, demanded, If Coubatant were 
not there ? But fear had bereft the savages of speech. 

We charged them not to stir : for if CouBATANT 
were not there, we would not meddle with them. If he 
were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on 
him, for the supposed death of Tisquantum ; and other 
matters : but, howsoever, we would not at all hurt their 
women or children. 

Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a 
private door, and escaped ; but with some wounds. 

At length, perceiving our principal ends, they told 
us, Coubatant was returned, with all his train; and 
that Tisquantum was yet living, and in the town: 
offering some tobacco ; [and] such other as they had to 
eat. 

In this hurly burly, we discharged two pieces at 
random; which much terrified all the inhabitants 
except Tisquantum and Tokamahamon: who, though 
they knew not our end in comming ; yet assured them 
of our honesty, that we would not hurt them. 
Those boys that were in the house, seeing our care 
of [the] women, often cried 'Neen squaes, that is to 
say, " I am a woman [or rather a girl] " : the women 
also hanging upon Hobbamock, calling him towam, that 
is, " friend." 

But, to be short, w^e kept them we had ; and made 
fchem make a fire, that we might see to search the house. 
In the meantime, Hobbamock gat on the top of the 
house ; and called Tisquantum and Tokamahamon : 
which came unto us, accompanied with others ; some 
Eirmed, and others naked [unarmed]. 

Those that had bowes and arrows, we took them away 
[from them] ; promising them again when it was day. 
The house we took for our better safeguard ; but 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 h 



482 New England in America. 

released those we had taken ; manifesting whom we 

came for, and wherefore. 

On the next morning [, Wednesday, the 15th August], 

we marched into the midst of the town ; and went to 

the house of TiSQUANTUM to "breakfast. Thither came 
all whose hearts were upright towards us: hut 
Coubatant's faction were fled away. 

There, in the midst of them, we manifested again 
our intendment ; assuring them, That although 
CouBATANT had now escaped us: yet there was no 
place should secure him and his from us, if he continued 
his threatening us, and provoking others against us ; 
who had kindly entertained him, and never intended 
evil towards him, till he now so justly deserved it. 
Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from 
Narrohigganset [Narragansettl ; or if hereafter he 
{GoUBATANT^ should make any insurrection against 
him ; or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobbamock, or 
any of Massasoyt's subjects : we would revenge it upon 
him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those 
[who] were wounded : we were sorry for it, though 
[they] themselves procured it, in not staying in the 
house at our command ; yet, if they would return home 
with us, our Surgeon [Samuel Fuller] should heal 
them. 

At this offer, one man and a woman that were 
wounded went home with us : Tisquantum and many 
other known friends accompanying us ; and offering all 
help that might be, by carriage of anything we had, to 
ease us. 

So that, by GOD's good Providence, we safely returned 

home, the morrow \j..e, the Wednesday] night 

after we set forth. 




A Relation of our Voyage [Expedition] to the 

MaSSACHUSETS ; AND WHAT HAPPENED THERE. 

^T seemed good to the Company in general 
that, though the Massachusets* {the Indians 
of Boston Bay] had often threatened us, 
as we were informed; yet we should go^ 
amongst them : partly to see the country ; partly to 
make peace with them ; and partly to procure their 
truck [commodities]. 

For these ends, the Governor chose ten men fit for 
the purpose, and sent Tisquantum and two other 
savages ; to bring us to speech with the people, and [to] 
interpret for us. 

We set out about midnight [of Tuesday, 18th 
September 1621], the tide then serving for us. We, 
supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be there 
the next morning betimes : but it proved well near 
twenty leagues [=60 miles: hut the actudl distance 
hy water from Plymouth to Boston is about 44 miles] 
from New Plymouth. 

We came into the bottom of the Bay [i.e. by Point 
Allerton to Lighthouse Channel] ; but [it] being late 
[on Wednesday, the 19th September], we anchored, 
and lay in the shallop : not having seen any of the 
people. 

* The Indian word Massachusetts means, "A hill in the form of an 
arrow's head" : referring to the Blue Hills. — H. M. Dextee, Lib. of New 
Englwad Hist., I. 124, Ed. 1865, 4. 

483 



484 New England m America. 

The next morning [of Thursday, the 20th September], 
we put in for the shore. There we found many lobsters, 
that had been gathered together by the savages : which 
we made ready [cooked] under a cliff [ ? at the north-east 
of the peninsula of Squantum]. The Captain [Miles 
Standish] set two sentinels behind the cliff, to the 
landward, to secure the shallop: and, taking a guide 
with him and four of our company, went to seek the 
inhabitants ; where they met a woman coming for 
her lobsters. They told her of them ; and contented 
her for them. She told them where the people were. 
TiSQUANTUM went to them. The rest returned ; having 
direction[s] which way to bring the shallop to them. 

The Sachem or Governor of this place is Obbatinewat 
[not to he confovmded with Obbatinnua] : and, though 
he lives in the bottom of the Massachuset Bay, yet 
he is under Massasoyt. He used us very kindly. He 
told us, He durst not then remain in any settled place ; 
for fear of the Taren tines [The Tarratines lived on the 
Penobscot river y Maine] : also the Squa[w] Sachem, or 
[the] Massachusets' Queen, was an enemy to him. 

We told him of divers Sachems that had [at Plymouth, 
on the previouslSth September,] acknowledged themselves 
to be King James his men ; and if he also would submit 
himself, we would be his safeguard from his enemies: 
which he did ; and went along with us, to bring us to 
the Squa[w] Sachem. 

Again we crossed the Bay [from what is now Quincy 
to Charlestown], which is very large ; and hath at least 
fifty islands in it, but the certain number is not known 
to the inhabitants. Night it was, before we came to 
that side of the Bay where this people were. On shore, 
the savages went : but found nobody. That night also, 
we rid at anchor aboard the shallop. 



New England in A merica. 485 

On the morrow [of Friday, the 21st September], we 
went ashore, all but two men ; and marched, in [under] 
arms, up in the country. Having gone three miles ; 
we came to a place where corn [maize] had been 
newly gathered, a house [wigwam] pulled down, and the 
people gone. 

A mile from hence [i.e. at what is now Medford], 
Nanepashemet their King, in his lifetime, had lived. 
His house was not like others : but a scaffold was largely 
built [a large scaffold was built] with poles and planks, 
some six feet from [the] ground ; and the house, upon 
that : [it] being situated on the top of a hill [, now called 
Rock Hill]. 

Not far from hence, in a bottom [near Mystic Pond, 
in Medford], we came to a Fort, built by their deceased 
King. The manner [of it was] thus : 

There were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, 
stuck in the ground as thick as they could be set one 
by another : and with these, they inclosed a ring some 
forty or fifty feet over. A trench, breast high, was 
digged on each side. One way there was, to go into 
it ; with a bridge. In the midst of this pallizado 
[palisade], stood the frame of a house [wigwam] ; 
wherein, being dead, he lay buried. 

About a mile from hence, we came to such another ; 
but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet 
was killed: none dwelling in it, since the time of his 
death [in 1619]. 

At this place [now Medford] we stayed: and sent 
two savages to look [for] the inhabitants ; and to inform 
them of our ends in coming, that they might not be 
fearful of us. Within a mile of this place, they found 
the women of the place together, with their corn on 
heaps. Whither we supposed them to be fled for fear 



486 New England in America, 

of us : and the more, because in divers places they had 
newly pulled down their houses : and, for haste in one 
place, had left some of their com covered with a mat, 
and nobody with it. , 

With much fear, they entertained us at first: but 
seeing our gentle carriage [behaviour] towards them, 
they took heart and entertained us in the best manner 
they could ; boiling cod, and such other things as they 
had, for us. 

At length, with much sending for, came one of their 
men, shaking and trembling for fear : but when he saw 
we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he promised 
us his skins also. Of him, we enquired for their Queen : 
but it seemed she was far from thence. At least, we 
could not see her. 

Here Tisquantum would have had us rifle the savage 
women ; and take their skins, and all such things as 
might be serviceable for us : " for," said he, " they 
are a bad people ; and have often threatened you." 

But our answer was, " Were they never so bad ; we 
would not wrong them, or give them any just Occasion 
against us. For their words, we little weighed them : 
but if they once attempted anything against us, then 
we would deal far worse than he desired." 

Having well spent the day, we returned to the 
shallop : almost all the women accompanying us, to 
truck. Who sold their coats from their backs ; and 
tied boughs about them : but with great shamefastness 
[shamefacedness] ; for indeed they are more modest than 
some of our English women are. We promised them, to 
come again to them ; and they, us, to keep their skins 
[i.e. heaver skins]. 

Within this Bay, the savages say, there are two 
rivers [, the Mystic and the Charles] : the one [the Mystic] 



New England in America, 487 

whereof we saw, having a fair entrance ; but we had 
no time to discover it. Better harbours for shipping 
cannot be, than here are. At the entrance of the Bay- 
are many rocks ; and, in all likelihood, very good 
fishing ground. Many, yea, most, of the islands have 
been inhabitated ; some being cleared from end to end : 
but the people are all dead, or removed. 

Our victual[s] growing scarce, the wind coming fair, 
and having a light moon ; we set out at evening : and, 
through the goodness of GOD, came safely home, before 
noon the day following \i.e. Saturday, 22nd 

September 1621]. 




A Letter sent from New England to a friend in 

THESE PARTS [l.E. EnGLAND], SETTING FORTH A BRIEF 

AND TRUE Declaration of the worth of that 
Plantation; as also certain useful directions 

FOR such as intend A VOYAGE 

into those parts. 

^OVING and old friend. Although I received 
no letter from you by this ship [the Fortune]'. 
yet, forasmuch as I know you expect the 
performance of my promise (which was to 
write unto you truly and faithfully of all things) ; I 
have therefore, at this time, sent unto you accordingly ; 
referring you, for further satisfaction, to our more 
large Relations [here printed at pp. 407-487]. 

You shall understand, that in this little time [from 
the IQth of December, when the Mayflower arrived at 
Plymouth, to the 11th December 1621, the first Forefathers' 
Anniversary] that a few of us have been here, we have 
built seven dwelling houses ; and four for the use of the 
Plantation : and have made preparation for divers others. 

We set, last Spring, some twenty acres of Indian 
corn ; and sowed some six acres of barley and pease : 
and, according to the manner of the Indians, we manured 
our ground with herrings, or rather shads [alewives] ; 
which we have in great abundance, and take with great 
ease at our doors [i.e. in the Town Brook]. 

Our corn did prove well, and, GOD be praised ! we 

' 488 



New England in America, 489 

had a good increase of Indian corn ; and our barley 
[was] indifferent[ly] good: but our pease [were] not 
worth the gathering ; for we feared they were too late 
sown. They came up very well, and blossomed: but 
the sun parched them in the blossom. 

Our harvest being gotten in, our Governor [William 
Bradford] sent four men on fowling ; that so we 
might, after a more special manner, rejoice together, 
after we had gathered the fruit of our labours \What, 
in England, would he called, a Harvest Festival. It 
was the first New England ThanJcsgiving Day]. They 
four, in one day, killed as much fowl as, with a little 
help besides, served the Company [by which is here 
intended, the about fifty English people then left alive in 
the Colony] almost a week. At which time, amongst 
other recreations, we exercised our Arms [i.e. drilled] ; 
many of the Indians coming amongst us. 

And, amongst the rest, their greatest King, 
Massasoyt, with some ninety men ; whom, for three 
days, we entertained and feasted. And they went out, 
and killed five deer : which they brought to the 
Plantation ; and bestowed on our Governor, and upon 
the Captain [Miles Standish], and others. 

And although it be not always so plentiful as it was 
at this time with us : yet, by the goodness of GOD, we 
are so far from want, that we often wish you partakers 
of our plenty. 

We have found the Indians very faithful in their 
Covenant of Peace with us ; [and] very loving and 
ready to pleasure us. We often go to them ; and they 
come to us. Some of us have been fifty miles by land 
in the country with them [i.e. to Sowams in Pokanoket ; 
see pp. 462-473] : the occasions and Relations whereof 
you shall understand hy our general and more full 



490 New England in America. 

Declaration [aforesaid] of such things as are worth 
the noting. 

Yea, it hath pleased GOD so to possess the Indians 
with a fear of us, and love unto us, that not only the 
greatest King amongst them, called Massasoyt ; but 
also all the Princes and peoples round about us, have 
either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion 
to make peace with us : so that seven of them at once 
have sent their messengers to us to that end. Yea, an 
isle at sea, which we never saw {Ga'pawack, now called 
Martha's Vineyard], hath also, together with the former, 
yielded willingly to be under the protection [of], and 
subjects to, our Sovereign Lord King James. So that 
there is now great peace amongst the Indians themselves, 
which was not formerly ; neither would have been but 
for us : and we, for our parts, walk as peaceably and 
safely in the wood as in the highways in England. We 
entertain them familiarly in our houses ; and they, as 
friendly, bestowing their venison on us. 

They are a people without any religion, or knowledge 
of any God [This error Winslow corrects at page 682]; 
yet very trusty, quick of apprehension, ripe witted, [and] 
just. The men and women go naked ; only a skin about 
their middles. 

For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well 
with that in England : and if there be any difference 
at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some 
think it to be colder in winter: but I cannot, out of 
experience, so say. The air is very clear ; and not foggy, 
as hath been reported. I never, in my life, remember a 
more seasonable year than we have here enjoyed : and 
if we have once but kine, horses, and sheep ; I make no 
question but men might live as contented here as in any 
part of the world. 



Nexv England in America, 491 

For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. Fresh 
cod, in the summer, is but coarse meat with us. Our 
Bay is full of lobsters all the summer ; and affordeth 
variety of other fish. In September, we can take a 
hogshead of eels in a night, with small labour ; and can 
dig them out of their beds. All the winter, we have 
mussels and othus [.? a misprint for clams] at our doors. 
Oysters we have none near: but we can have them 
brought by the Indians, when we will. All the 
Spring time, the earth sendeth forth naturally very 
good sallet herbs [i,e. vegetables like lettuce, endive, 
&c. for salad]. Here are grapes, white and red, and 
very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, gooseberries, 
raspas [raspberries], &c. ; plums of three sorts, white, 
black, and red, being almost as good as a damson : 
abundance of roses, red, white, and damask ; single, but 
very sweet indeed. 

The country vranteth only industrious men to employ 
[cultivate it]. For it would grieve your hearts if (as I) 
you had seen so many miles together, by goodly rivers, 
uninhabited : and withal to consider those parts of the 
w^orld wherein you live, to be even greatly burdened 
with abundance of people. 

These things I thought good to let you understand ; 
being the truth of things, as near[ly] as I could 
experimentally take knowledge of ; and that you might, 
on our behalf, give GOD thanks, who hath dealt so 
favourably with us. 

Our supply [reinforcement] of men from you, oame 
the 9th of November 1621. Putting in at Cape Cod, 
some eight or ten leagues from us ; the Indians that 
dwell thereabout, [who] were they who were owners of 
the corn which we found in caves [? graves] : for which 



492 Nezv England in America. 

we have given them full content, and are in great 
league with them : they sent us word, There was a 
ship near unto them, but thought it to be a Frenchman 
[a French ship] ; and indeed, for ourselves, we expected 
not a friend so soon. 

But when we perceived she made for our Bay, the 
Governor [William Bradford] commanded a great 
piece [a cannon] to be shot off, to call home such as were 
abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea, boy that 
could handle a gun, was ready ; with full resolution that, 
if she were an Enemy, we would stand, in our just 
defence, not fearing them. But GOD provided for us 
better than we supposed. 

These came all in health unto us ; not any being 
sick by the way, otherwise than by sea sickness : and 
so continue at this time, by the blessing of GOD. The 
goodwif e Ford was delivered of a son, the first night 
she landed: and both of them [mother and child] are 
very well. 

When it pleaseth GOD, we are settled; and fitted 
for the fishing business and other trading: I doubt 
not but, by the blessing of GOD, the gain will give 
content to all. In the mean time, that we have 
gotten, we have sent by this ship [the Fortune ; see 
pp. 506-508] : and though it be not much ; yet it will 
witness for us that we have not been idle ; considering 
the smallness of our number all this summer [viz. 32 
men only]. We hope the Merchants [the Adventurers] 
will accept of it; and be incouraged to furnish us 
with things needful for further employment: which 
will also incourage us to put forth ourselves to the 
uttermost. 

Now because I expect your coming unto us with 



New England in A7nerica. 493 

others of our friends ; whose company we much desire : 
I [have] thought good to advertise you of a few things 
needful. 

Be careful to have [on board your ship] a very good 
Bread-room, to put your biscuits in. Let your caske 
\casks\ for beer and water be ironbound ; for the first 
tyre \the lowest tier of casks in the ship], if not more. 
Let not your meat be dry salted. None can better do it 
than the sailors. Let your meal be so hard trodd[en] in 
your cask that you shall need an adze or hatchet to 
work it out with. Trust not too much on us for corn at 
this time : for, by reason of this last company that came 
[the 35 persons in the Fortune], depending wholly upon 
us, we shall have little enough till harvest. Be careful 
to come by [he able to get at] some of your meal, to spend 
[consume] by the way. It will much refresh you. 
Build your cabins as open as you can ; and bring good 
store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every 
man a musket, or fowling piece. Let your piece be long 
in the barrel ; and fear not the weight of it, for most 
of our shooting is from stands [props for the viushets]. 
Bring juice of lemons ; and take it fasting. It is of 
good use. For hot [distilled] waters, Anniseed Water 
is the best ; but use it sparingly. If you bring anything 
for comfort in the country ; butter, or sallet [salad] oil, 
or both, are very good. Our Indian corn, even the 
coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as Rice: therefore 
spare that, unless to spend by the way. Bring 
paper and linseed oil, for your windows ; with cotton 
yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most[ly] 
for big fowls ; and bring store [plenty] of powder 
and shot. 

I forbear further to write, for the present; hoping to 
see vou by the next return [of a ship here]. So I take 



494 New England in A^nerica. 

my leave ; commending you to the Lord, for a safe 
conduct unto us : 

Resting in him 

Your loving friend, 

E. W. [Edward Winslow.] 

Plymouth, in New England, 
this 11th of December 
1621. 




Reasons and Considerations touching the 

lawfulness [rightfulness] of removing 

OUT OF England into the parts 

OF America. 

ORASMUCH as many Exceptions 

M ^/^? ^^^ daily made against the going 

Preavfihle. H^^^ into, and inhabiting of, foreign 

desert places ; to the hinderances 
of Plantations abroad and the increase of distractions at 
home : it is not amiss that some (which have been Ear 
witnesses of the Exceptions made ; and are Agents, or 
Abettors, of such Removals and Plantations) do seek to 
give content to the World, in all things that they possibly 
can. 

And although most of the opposites [opponents] are 
such as either dream of raising their fortunes here, to 
that than which there is nothing more unlike[ly]; or 
such as affecting their homeborn country so vehemently 
as that they had rather, with all their friends, beg, yea 
starve in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking 
abroad : yet are there some who (, out of doubt, in 
tenderness of conscience and fear to offend GOD, by 
running before they be called) are straitened ; and do 
straiten [hinder] others from going into foreign 
Plantations. 

For whose cause, especially ; I have been drawn, out 

of my good affection to them, to publish some Reasons 

that might give them content and satisfaction ; and also 

495 



49 6 The lawfulness of P Imitations e. cuBhmau. 

stay and stop the willful and witty caviller [captious 
objector]. And herein I trust I shall not be blamed of 
any godly wise [man] though, through my slender 
judgement, I should miss the mark ; and not strike the 
nail on the head : considering it is the first attempt that 
hath been made, that I know of, to defend those 
enterprises. Reason would therefore, that if any man, 
of deeper reach and better judgement, see further, or 
otherwise ; that he [would] rather instruct me, than 
deride me. 

Cautions. And, being studious for brevity, we 
must first consider, That whereas GOD, of old, did 
Gen. xii. 1,2; Call and summou our fathers by predictions, 
*°MatS^ii^i9 dreams, visions, and certain illuminations, 
Psai. cv. 13. to go from their countries, places, and 
habitations, to reside and dwell here, or there ; and 
to wander up and down from city to city, and 
land to land, according to his will and pleasure : 
now there is no such calling to be expected, for any 
matter whatsoever ; neither must any so much as 
imagine that there will now be any such thing. 

GOD did once so train up his people: but now 

he doth not ; but speaks in another manner. 

And so we must apply ourselves to 
GOD's present dealing ; and not to his wonted 
dealing. And as the miracle of giving manna ceased, 

when the fruits of the land became plenty 

[plenteous] : so GOD, having such a plentiful 
storehouse of directions in his holy Word ; there must 
not now any extraordinary revelations be expected. But 
now the ordinary examples and precepts of the Scriptures, 
reasonably and rightly understood and applied, must be 
the Voice and Word that must call us, press us, and 
direct us in every action. 



B.oi!8bin»n. The lawfulness of Plantations. 497 

Neither is there any land or possession now, like 
unto the possession which the Jews had in Caanan ; 
being legally holy, and appropriated unto a 
holy people, the Seed of Abraha^m : in 
which they dwelt securely, and had their days prolonged. 
It being by an immediate Voice said. That he, the Lord, 
gave it them, as a land of rest after their weary travels ; 
and a type of eternal rest in heaven. 

But now there is no land of that sanctimony 
\sanciii']f\ ; no land, so appropriated ; none, typical : much 
less any that can be said to be given of GOD to any 
nation, as was Caanan ; which they and their seed must 
dwell in, till GOD sendeth upon them Sword or 
Captivity. But now we are all, in all places, 
strangers and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners : most 
properly, having no dwelling but in this 
earthen tabernacle. Our dwelling is but a 
wandering ; and our abiding, but as a fleeting [a 
hastening away] ; and, in a word, our home so were the 
is nowhere but in the heavens; in that J*JJJ' tempos! 
house not made with hands, whose maker biessmgi and in- 
and builder is GOD ; and to which all ascend, ni^Harge Than 
that love the Coming of our Lord Jesus. o^- 

Though then there may be reasons to persuade a man 
to live in this or that land ; yet there cannot be the same 
reasons which the Jews had : but now as natural, civil, 
and religious bands tie men ; so must they be bound ; 
and as good reasons for things terrene and heavenly 
appear, so they must be led. 

Objection. And so here falleth in our question. How 
a man, that is here bom and bred, and hath lived «ome 
years [here], may remove himself into another country ? 
Answer. I answer, A man must not respect only to 
The Pilgrim Fathers, 2 i 



49 S The lawfulness of Plantations. R.cushman. 

live and do good to himself ; but he should see where he 

can live to do most good to others : for, as one saith, " He 

whose living is but for himself ; it is time he were dead." 

Some men there are who, of necessity, must here 

live ; as being tied to duties, either to Church, 

Common Wealth, household, kindred, &c. But others, 

and that many, who do no good in none of those 

1. What persons [Callings], nor can do none; as being not 

may hence able, or uot in favour, or as wanting 

opportunity : and living as outcasts, 

nobodies, eyesores ; eating but for themselves ; teaching 

but themselves ; and doing good to none, either in soul 

or body ; and so pass over days, years, and months ; 

yea, so live and so die. 

Now such should lift up their eyes and see, Whether 
there be not some other place and country 
shouid^emoye'^ ^^ ^^ich they may go, to do good : and 
have use towards others, of that knowledge, 
wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, &c. ; 
which GOD hath given them for the service of others, 
and his own glory ? 

But not to .pass the bounds of modesty so far 

as to name any, though I confess I know many who sit 

here still, with their talent in a napkin, 

having notable endowments, both of body 

and mind ; and might do great good if they were in 

some places ; which here do none, nor can do none : and 

yet, through fleshly fear, niceness [fastidiousness or 

daintiness], straitness [narrotuness] of heart, &c., sit still 

and look on ; and will not hazard a dram of health, nor 

a day of pleasure, nor an hour of rest, to further the 

knowledge and salvation of the sons of Adam 

ii;i that New World ; where a drop of the 

knowledge of Christ is most precious, which 



R. cushman. Tkc lawfulfiess of Plantations. 499 

is here not set by. Now what shall we say to such a 
Profession of Christ, to which is joined no more denial 
of a man's self ? 

Objection. But some will say, What right have I 
to go [and] live in the heathen's country ? 

Answer. Letting pass the ancient discoveries, 
contracts, and agreements which our Englishmen have, 
long since, made in those parts ; together with the 
acknowledgement of the Histories and Chronicles of 
other nations ; who profess [acknowledge] the land of 
America, from Cape de Florida unto the Bay of Canada 
[Gulf of St Lawrence] — which is South and North, 300 
leagues and upwards ; and East and West, further than 
yet hath been discovered — is proper [belongs] to the 
King of England. Yet letting that pass, lest I be 
thought to meddle further than it concerns me, or 
further than I have discerning: I will mention such 
things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight, and 
practice, since I have travailed [laboured] in these affairs. 
And first, Seeing we daily pray for the conversion 
of the heathens ; we must consider, Whether 
there be not some ordinary means and Ttg^on2 
course for us to take to convert them: or 
whether prayer for them, be only referred to GOD's 
extraordinary work from heaven ? Now it seemeth unto 
me, that we ought also to endeavour and use the means 
to convert them : and the means cannot be used, unless 
we go to them, or they come to us. To us, they cannot 
come : our land is full. To them, we may go : their 
land is empty. 

This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going 
thither to live, lawful [morally right]. Their 

- . . , .J J 11 Reason 3. 

land is spacious and void, and there are 

few : and [they] do but run over the grass, as do also 



500 The lawfulness of Plantations. B.oaBhinan. 

the foxes and wild beasts. Th'^y are not industrious : 
neither have art, science, skill, or faculty to use either 
the land, or the commodities of it ; but all spoils, rots, 
and is marred, for want of manuring, gathering, 
ordering, &c. As the ancient Patriarchs therefore 
removed from straiter places into more roomthy, where 
the land lay idle and waste, and none used ; though 
there dwelt inhabitants by them, as Gen. xiii. 6, 11, 12 
and xxxiv. 21, and xli. 20 : so is it lawful now to take a 
land, which none useth ; and [to] make use of it. 

And as it is a common land or unused, and [an] 
undressed [uncultivated] country; so we 

TW8°°8* to te ^^^® ^^» ^y common consent, composition, 
considered as and agreement ; which agreement is double : 
EngfanMnd thi First, the imperial Governor, Massasoit 
territories about /^^^ose circuits \houndaTies\ in likelihood, 

the Plantation. ^ i t-^ i i i n j i 

are larger than England and Scotland) hath 
acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to be his 
master and Commander ; and that once in my hearing 
[in November, or December 1621] : yea, and in writing, 
under his hand, to Captain Standish, both he and many 
other Kings which are under him (as Pamet, Nauset, 
Cummaquid, Narrowhiggonset, Namaschet, &c.) ; with, 
divers others that dwell about the Bays of Patuxet 
[Plymouth] and Massachuset [Boston Bay]. 

Neither hath this been accomplished by threats and 
blows, or [the] shaking of sword and sound of trumpet. 
For as our faculty that way is small, and our strength 
less ; so our warring with them is after another 
manner, namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest 
and just carriages [behaviour], good counsel, &c. : that so 
3- and "^^ and they may not only live in peace in 
xiviii. 8. ' that land, and they yield subjection to an 



RvCushman, The lawfuluess of Plant atiofis, 501 

earthly Prince; but that, as voluntaries, they may 
be persuaded at length to embrace the Prince of 
Peace, Christ JesuS ; and rest in peace with him 
for ever. 

Secondly. This composition is also more particular 
and applicatory as touching ourselves there . inhabiting. 
The Emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and 
appointed us to live at peace, where we will, in all his 
dominions; taking what place we will, and as much 
land as we will ; and bringing as many people as we 
will. And that for these two causes. 

First. Because we are the servants of James, King 
of England ; whose the land, as he confesseth, is. 

Secondly. Because he hath found us just, honest, 
kind, and peaceable ; and so loves our company. 

Yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation 
on his part, nor fear of breach [quarrel] (except our 
security ingender in them some unthought-of treachery ; 
or our uncivility [rudeness] provoke them to anger) is 
most plain in other Relations [at pp. 407-494] ; which 
shew that the things they did, were more out of love 
than out of fear. 

It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos ; secondly, 
acknowledged the right of our Sovereign King ; thirdly, 
by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers 
of his loving subjects : I see not, who can doubt and call 
in question the lawfulness [righteousness] of inhabiting 
or dwelling there ; but that it may be as lawful for 
such, as are not tied upon some special occasion here, to 
live there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is 
weighty and difficult : so the honour is more worthy, 
to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge the honour and 
fame of our dread Sovereign ; but chiefly to display the 
efficacy and power of the Gospel, both . in zealous 



502 The lawfulness of Plantations. R.oushman. 

preaching, Professing, and wise walking under it, before 
the faces of these poor blind infidels. 

As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage 

thither ; the danger of pirates' robbery, [and] of the 

savages' treachery, &c. ; these are but lions in the 

way : and it were well for such men, if 

Prov. xxii. 13. , , . , t-, , , 

they were in heaven, tor who can shew 
them a place in this world, where iniquity shall not 

compass them at the heels ? or where they 
Matt'h^'!i*34. shall have a day without grief? or a lease 

of life, for a moment ? And who can tell 
but GOD, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in our 
native country ? or what plots may be abroad [hatching] ? 
or when GOD will cause our sun to go down at 

noonday ? and, in the midst of our peace and 

Amos. viii. 9. • ■ i i j • 

security, lay upon us some lasting scourge 
for our so long neglect and contempt of his most 
glorious Gospel ? 

Objection. But we have here great peace, plenty of 
the Gospel, and many sweet delights and variety of 
comforts. 

Answer. True indeed, and far be it from us to deny 

and diminish the least of these mercies. 

2Chron.xxxu. g^^ ^^^^ ^^ rendered unto GOD thankful 

obedience for this long peace, whilst other 
peoples have been at war [The allusion here is to the 
Thirty Years War then raging in Germany] ? Have we 
not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst 
ourselves ; whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign 
Power[s] ? Were there ever more suits in law, more envy, 
contempt, and reproach, than now a days ? Abraham 
and Lot departed asunder, when there fell a breach 



R. cusiiman. The lawfulncss Of Plantations. 503 

betwixt them ; which was occasioned by 
the straitness of the land : and, surely, I " ' " . 

am persuaded that howosever the frailities of men are 
principal [the primary causes] in all contentions, yet 
the straitness of the place is such, as each man is fain 
to pluck his means, as it were, out of his neighbour's 
throat. There is such pressing and oppressing, in town 
and country, about farms, trades, traffic, &c. ; so as a 
man can hardly anywhere set up a trade, but he shall 
pull down two of his neighbours. 

The towns abound with young tradesmen [artizans] ; 
and the hospitals are full of the ancient [ones]. The country 
is replenished with new farmers ; and the almhouses 
are filled with old labourers. Many there are who get 
their living with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to 
burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes 
get their means of life by prating ; and so do numbers 
more, by begging. Neither come these straits upon 
men always through intemperancy, ill husbandry, 
indiscretion, &c., as some think : but even the most 
wise sober and discreet men go often to the wall ; 
when they have done their best. Wherein, as GOD's 
Providence swayeth all, so it is easy to see. That the 
straitness of the place, having in it so many strait 
[narrow] hearts, cannot but produce such efiects more 
and more. So as every indifferent [impartial] minded 
man should be ready to say, with father Abkaham, 
" Take thou, the right hand ; and I will take the left ! " 
Let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ! 
but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which is 
through the sea, we will end this difference in a day ! 

That I speak nothing about the bitter contention 
that hath been about Religion, by writing disputing and 
inveighing earnestly one against another: the heat of 



504 The lawfulness of Plantations, e. cushman 

which zeal, if it were turned against the rude barbarism 
of the heathens, it might do more good in a day than it 
hath done here in many years. Neither of the little 
love to the Gospel, and profit which is made by the 
Preachers in most places ; which might easily drive the 
zealous to the heathens : who, no doubt, if they had but 
a drop of that knowledge, which here fiyeth about the 
streets, would be filled with exceeding great joy and 
gladness, as that they would even pluck the Kingdom 
of Heaven by violence ; and take it, as it were, by force. 

TKc last let The greatest let [hindrance] that is 
yet behind is, The sweet fellowship of friends, and the 
satiety of bodily delights. 

But can there be two nearer friends almost, than 
Abraham and Lot; or than Paul and Barnabas? 
And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they 
departed asunder ; two of them being Patriarchs of the 
Church of old, the others, the Apostles of the Church 
which is new : and their covenants were such as, it 
seemeth, might bind as much as any covenant between 
men at this day; and yet, to avoid greater inconveniences, 
they departed asunder. 

Neither must men take so much thought for the 
flesh as not to be pleased, except they can pamper their 
bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is content with 
little : and health is much endangered by mixtures 
upon the stomach. The delights of the palate do often 
inflame the vital parts ; as the tongue 
setteth afire the whole body. 

Secondly. Varieties here are not common to 
all; but many good men are glad to snap at a crust. 
The rent- taker lives on sweet morsels ; but the 
rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes : 



R. coshman. Tkc lawfuluess of Plautations, 505 

and it is nothing to say, what some one of a hundred 
hath ; but what the bulk, body, and comminalty hath — 
which, I warrant you, is short enough. 

And they also which now live so sweetly ; hardly 
will their children attain to that priviledge, but some 
circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make 
them sit in the dust : to which men are brought in one 
Age [lifetime] ; but cannot get out of it again, in seven 
generations. 

To conclude. Without all partiality, the present 
consumption [exhausticni] which groweth upon us here 
(whilst the land groaneth under so many close-fisted 
and unmerciful men), being compared with the easiness, 
plainness, and pi enti fulness in living, in those remote 
parts ; may quickly persuade any man to a liking of 
this course, and to practice a removal. Which being done 
by honest godly and industrious men ; they shall be 
there right heartily welcome : but for others of dissolute 
and profane life, their rooms [vacancy, or absence] are 
better than their companies. For if here, where the 
Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they 
are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would 
shame to speak of : what will they be, when there is less 
restraint in word and deed ? 

My only suit to all men is. That, whether they live 
here or there, they would learn to use this world as [if] 
they used it not ; keeping faith and a good conscience 
both with GOD and men: that when the Day of 
Account shall come, they may come forth as good and 
fruitful servants ; and freely be received, and enter into 
the joy of their Master. R. 0. 

FINIS. 



The Complaint of certain Adventurers and 

Inhabitants of the Plantation in 

New England 

Shewetli 

That a ship belonging to them, named the 
Fortune, of the burden of between 40 and 50 tons or 
thereabouts, being upon their way homeward, and near 
the English coast, some eight leagues off Use, called by 
the Frenchmen He d'Use,* was, the 19th of January last 
[1622], assailed and taken by a French Man of War, 
the Captain whereof was called FoNTENAU DE Pennart 
de Brittannie [Bretagne] : and carried to the Isle of 
Use. 

That FoNTENAU presented the ship, and company 
thereof, being 13 persons, as prisoners to Monsieur le 
Marquis DE Cera, Governor of the Isle. Who although, 
upon examination and sight of their Commission, he 
found that they were neither pirates, nor assistants to 
Rochelle [i.e. to the Huguenots there], and acknowledged 
there was no breach [toar] between England and France : 
yet said, He would make prize of them, to give content 
to his Captains and servitors. 

That thereupon Monsieur DE Cera kept Thomas 
Barton, Master of the ship, seven daj^-s, close prisoner 
in his Castle ; and the rest of the company under guard : 

* Captain John Smith states that this was He d'Yeu, off the coast of 
Poitou.— iVew England's Trials, 2nd Ed., 1622, 4. 

506 



The 7^obbe7y of the Y ovtuno,, 507 

and commanded his soldiers to pillage them ; who left 
them not so much as a kettle to boil their meat in, nor 
a can to drink in. 

That Monsieur DE Cera took away of the goods of 
the Adventurers, in beaver skins and other commodities, 
to the value of £400, at the least. 

That he took away of the Owners, a Newshett 
cable [a new sheet-cable : i.e. the chain cable belonging 
to the 'sheet anchor], an anchor, two murderers [small 
cannon] with their chambers, eight calivers [hand-guns] 
with bandileers [shoulder-belts holding powder charges]^ 
a flag, [an] ensign, powder, shot, ropes, lines, and other 
instruments, to the value of £50. 

That he suffered his soldiers to pillage the company, 
that they took away all their apparel ; not leaving some 
of them a hat to their heads, nor a shoe to their feet, to 
the damage of £50 at least. 

That he sent for all their letters ; [and] opened and 
kept what he pleased : especially, though he was much 
intreated to the contrary, a letter written by [William 
Bradford,] the Governor of our Colony in New England^ 
containing a general Relation of all matters there.* 

That when any ship, English or Dutch, came into the 



* Posterity will always owe a grudge to this noble thief, for his robbery 
of Governor Beadfoed's despatch : unless it should happily be recovered 
from among the existing French archives ; and then posterity would bless 
him for ever. Doubtless, the Marquis kept it, in order to send it up to 
the Court at Paris. 

Governor Winslow tells us, at page 582, that the narrative we have 
printed at pp. 407-494, " came to the press against my will and knowledge." 
It is therefore a makeshift private narrative, sent to press by Cushman, 
Morton, Shieley and others in the absence of the ofiBcial one stolen. For, 
naturally enough, the Adventurers in London would feel constrained to 
print some account of the Colony ; in order to further its welfare, and also 
to satisfy public opinion. — E. A. 



5o8 The robbery of the Fortune. 

road ; he caused our company to be stowed under the 
hatches. And-^having detained them thirteen days \} 
from 20th January to 1st Febrvury 1622. The Fortune 
arrived in London on the l^th February] ; and fed them 
with lights, livers, and entrails : because he suffered his 
soldiers to eat all their good victuals — at length, he sent 
them aboard a little lean flesh, a hogshead of small 
[poor] wine, some little bread and vinegar, to victual 
them home. But withal prepounded to them, to testify, 
under their hands, That he had taken from them but 
two * hogsheads of fox skins f : else, he said, they should 
not have liberty. 

Howbeit, by the kindness of a young Gentleman, 
pitying their distress — who only amongst the French 
could speak English — they were discharged ; giving, 
under their hands. That the Marquis of Cera had taken 
from them two hogsheads of beaver skins, and some 
other small matters. 

Endorsed 

A Complaint of divers Adventurers 
and Inhabitants of New England. 

S. P. Colonial, Vol. V., No 112. 



* Captain John Smith states, " Within a montli, they [in the Fortune] 
returned here [from New Plymouth'] for England, laded with clapboard, 
wainscot [oakwood for panelling] and walnut [wood], with about three 
hogsheads of beaver skins, and some saxefras [sassa/ra»], the 13 December 
[1621]." New England's Trials, 2nd Ed., 1622, 4. 

If BO, CusHMAN must, in some way or other, have outwitted the noble 
pirate ; and saved one of the hogsheads of beaver skins from his clutches. 
Bradford, however, says, "two hogsheads of beaver and other skins." 
MS. 153. 

t The Marquis had probably never seen a beaver skin in his life ; and 
gave the skins the only name he knew of. — E. A. 



Good News from 

New England: 

or 

a true Relation of things very remarkable at 

the Plantation of Plymouth in 

New England. 

Shewing the wonderful Providence and goodness of 

GOD, in their preservation and continuance; 

being delivered from many apparent 

deaths and dangers. 

Together with 

a Relation of such religious and civil laws and 

customs as are in practice amongst the Indians 

adjoining to them, at this day. 

As also 

what commodities are there to be raised for the 

maintenance of that and other Plantations 

in the said country. 

Written by E. W. ; who hath borne a part in 
the forenamed troubles, and there lived 
since their j&rst arrival, 

LONDON. 

Printed by I. D. [John Dawson] for William Bladen 

and John Be-llamie : and are to be sold at their 

shops; at the JBible in Paul's Churchyard, 

and at the Three Golden Licnis in 

Comhill, near the Royal 

Exchange. 1624. 




To THE Reader. 

^OOD Reader. When I first penned this 
discourse, I intended it chiefly for the 
satisfaction of my private friends: but, 
since that time, have been persuaded to 
publish the same. And the rather, because of a 
disorderly Colony [of Thomas Weston's Tnen] that are 
dispersed, and most of them returned [to England]; 
to the great prejudice and damage of him that set 
them forth. Who, as they were a stain to Old England 
that bred them, in respect of their lives and manners 
amongst the Indians : so, it is to be feared, [they] will be 
no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous 
reports ; because she would not foster them in their 
desired idle courses. 

I would not be understood to think there were no 
well-deserving persons amongst them. For, of- mine 
own knowledge, it was a grief to some, that they were 
so yoked : whose deserts as they were then suitable to 
their honest protestations ; so, I desire, [they] still may 
be, in respect of their just and true Relations. 

Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal 
so plainly ; than any way doubt of the truth of this, 
my Relation. Yea, it may be, tax me therewith : as 
seeming rather to discourage men, than [in] any way to 
further so noble an action. 

If any honest mind be discouraged ; I am sorry. 
Sure I am, I have given no just cause : and am so far 
from being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return 

511 



512 To the Reader. 



Got. B. Winslow. 



forthwith. And for other light and vain persons ; if 
they stumble hereat, I have my desire: accounting it 
better for them and us, that they keep where they 
are ; as being unfit and unable to perform so great a 
task. 

Some faults have escaped; because I could not 
attend on the press : which I pray thee correct as thou 
findest ; and I shall account it as a favour unto me. 

Thine, 

E. W. 



To ALL WELL-WILLERS AND FURTHERERS OF PLANTATIONS 

IN New England ; especially to such as ever have 

[assisted], or desire to assist, the people 

OF Plymouth in their just proceedings ; 

GRACE AND PEACE BE MULTIPLIED ! 

IGHT Honourable and Worshipful Gentleman ; 
or whatsoever. Since it hath pleased GOD 




to stir you up to be Instruments of his 
glory, in so honourable an enterprise as the 
inlarging of His Majesty's dominions, by planting his 
loyal subjects in so healthful and hopeful a country as 
New England is : where, the Church of GOD being 
seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing 
the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them 
to the true knowledge and worship of the living 
GOD, and so consequently, the salvation of their 
souls by the merits of Jesus Christ than elsewhere ; 
though it be much talked on, and lightly or lamely 
prosecuted. 

I therefore think it but my duty, to offer the View 
of our Proceedings to your worthy considerations : 
having, to that end, composed them together thus 
briefly, as you see. Wherein, to your great encouragement, 
you may behold the good Providence of GOD working 
with you, in our preservation from so many dangerous 
plots and treacheries as have been intended against us : 
as also in giving his blessing so powerfully upon the 
weak means we had ; inabling us with health and 
ability, beyond expectation, in our greatest scarcities ; and 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 513 2 K 



514 The Epistle Dedicatory. gov. e. wmeiow. 

possessing the hearts of the savages with astonishment 
and fear of us. Whereas if GOD had let them loose, 
they might easily have swallowed us up; [scarce[ly] 
being a handful in comparison of those forces they 
might have gathered together against us: which now, 
by GOD's blessing, will be more hard and difficult, in 
regard our number of men is increased ; our town, 
better fortified ; and our store, better victualled. 
Blessed therefore be his name ! that hath done so great 
things for us ; and hath wrought so great a change 
amongst us. 

Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours. Pardon 
my unskilfullness ; and bear with my plainness in the 
things I have handled. Be not discouraged by our 
former necessities ; but rather incouraged with us : 
hoping that as GOD hath wrought with us in our 
beginning of this worthy work, undertaken in his name 
and fear ; so he will, by us, accomplish the same to 
his glory and our comfort, if we neglect not the 
means. 

I confess, it hath not been much less chargeable to 
some of you \the. Adventv/rers], than hard and difficult 
to us, that have endured the brunt of the battle : and 
yet small profits returned. Only, by GOD's mercy, we 
are safely seated, housed, and fortified : by which means, 
a great step is made unto gain ; and a more direct 
course taken for the same, than if, at first, we had rashly 
and covetously fallen upon it. 

Indeed, three things are the overthrow and bane, as 
I may term it, of Plantations. 

1. The vain expection of present [instant] profit: 
which, too [far] too commonly, taketh a 
principal seat in the heart and afiections ; 



Gov. E. winsiow. Tkc Eplsth Dedicatovy. 515 

though GOD's glory &c. is preferred before 
it in the mouth, with protestation. 

2. Ambition in their Governors and Commanders, 

seeking only to make themselves, great ; and 
slaves, of all that under them : to maintain a 
transitory base honour in themselves ; which 
GOD oft punisheth with contempt. 

3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies 

\TGinfoTcerYhenis\ of men unto them ; not caring 

how they be qualified : so that oft times 

they are rather the Image of Men endued 

with bestial, yea, diabolical affections ; than 

the Image of GOD endued with reason, 

understanding, and holiness. 

I praise GOD, I speak not these things experimentally, 

by way of complaint of our own condition : but have 

great cause, on the contrary part, to be thankful to 

GOD, for his mercies towards us. 

But rather, if there be any too desirous of gain, to 
intreat them to moderate their affections; and [to] 
consider that no man expecteth fruit before the tree 
be grown. Advising all men that, as they tender their 
own welfare, so to make choice of such to manage and 
govern their affairs as are approved, not to be seekers 
of themselves, but [of] the common good of all for whom 
they are imployed. And beseeching such as have the 
care of transporting men for the supply and furnishing 
of Plantations, to be truly careful in sending such as 
may further, and not hinder, so good an action. 

There is no godly honest man but will be helpful in 
this kind; and adorn his Profession with an upright 
life and conversation : which Doctrine of Manners ouo:ht 
first to be preached, by giving a good example to the 



5 1 6 The Epistle Dedicatory, gov. e. winsiow. 

poor savage heathens, amongst whom they live. On 
the contrary part, what great offence hath been given 
by many profane men ; who, being but seeming 
Christians, have made Christ and Christianity stink in 
the nostrils of the poor infidels ; and so laid a stumbling 
block before them : but '•' woe be to them, by whom such 
offences come!" 

These things, I offer to your Christian considerations ; 
beseeching you to make a good construction of my 
simple meaning, and [to] take in good part this ensuing 
Relation : dedicating myself, and it, evermore unto your 
service ; beseeching GOD to crown our Christian and 
faithful endeavours, with his blessings temporal and 
eternal. 

Yours, in this service. 

Ever to be commanded, 

E. W. [Edward Winslow.] 



Good News 
from New England. 



^J^^HE good ship, called the Fortune (which, 
in the month of November 1621, blessed 
be GOD ! brought us a new Supply 
[reinforcement] of 35 persons) was not 
long departed [from] omc coast [on 13th December 1621], 
ere the great people of Nanohigganset [J^arragansett], 
which are reported to be many thousands strong, began 
to breathe forth many threats against us ; notwithstand- 
ing their desired and obtained peace with us, in the 
foregoing summer: insomuch as the common talk of 
our neighbour[ing] Indians, on all sides, was of the 
preparation they made to come against us. 

In reason, a man would think they should have now 
more cause to fear us that before our Supply came. 
But, though none of them were present ; yet 
understanding by others. That they [in the Fortune] 
neither brought arms, nor other provisions with them ; 
but wholly relied on us: it occasioned them to slight 
and brave us with so many threats as they did. 

At length, came one of them to us, who was sent by 
Canauacus [i.e. Canonicus] their chief Sachem or 
King ; accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly 
Indian. 

This messenger inquired for Tisquantum our 

interpreter ; who not being at home, [he] seemed rather 

517 



5 1 8 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

to be glad than sorry : and leaving for him, a bundle of 
new arrows lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to 
depart with all speed. But our Governors (not knowing 
what to make of this strange carriage \bekaviouT\ ; and 
comparing it with what we had formerly heard) 
committed him to the custody of Captain Standish: 
hoping now to know some certainty of that we so often 
heard ; either by his own relation to us, or to 
TiSQUANTUM at his return ; desiring myself, having 
special familiarity with the other forenamed Indian, to 
see if I could learn anything from him. Whose \i.e. 
ToKAMAHAMOi^s] answer was sparingly to this effect, 
That he could not certainly tell ; but [he] thought they 
were enemies to us. 

That night. Captain Standish gave me and another, 
charge of him ; and gave us order to use him kindly, 
and that he should not want anything he desired : and 
to take all occasions to talk, and inquire of the reasons 
of those reports we heard ; and withal to signify that, 
upon his true relation, he should be sure of his own 
freedom. 

At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce[ly] 
say anything: but, in the end, [he] became more 
familiar, and told us, That the messenger, which his 
master sent, in summer [of 1621], to treat of peace ; at 
his return, persuaded him rather to war: and to the 
end he might provoke him thereunto, as appeared to 
him by our reports, [he = the former messenger] detained 
many of the things [that] were sent him [i.e. Canonicus] 
by our Governor [William Bradford] ; scorning the 
meanness of them, both in respect of what [he] himself 
had formerly sent [to Plymouth], and also of the 
greatness of his own person. So that he [the Indian 
with whom Winslow was now talking] much blamed 



Gov. E. winaiow. Good Ncws fropt New England, 5^9 

the former messenger, saying, That, upon the knowledge 
of this, his false carriage; it would cost him his life. 
But [he] assured us that, upon his relation of our speech 
then with him, to his master, he would be friends with us. 

Of this, we informed the Governor [William 
Bradford] and his Assistant [Isaac Allerton], and 
Captain [Miles] Standish: who, after consultation, 
considered him howsoever but in the state of a 
messenger ; and, it being as well against the Law of Arms 
amongst them, as us in Europe, to lay violent hands on 
any such, set him at liberty. The Governor giving 
him order, to certify his master. That he had heard of 
his large and many threatenings, at which he was much 
offended : daring him, in those respects, to the utmost, 
if he would not be reconciled to live peaceably, as others 
his neighbours ; manifesting withal, as ever, his desire 
of peace, but his fearless resolution, if he could not so 
live amongst them. 

After which, he caused meat to be offered him : but 
he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and giving 
many thanks for his liberty. But requesting the other 
Indian again to return : the weather being violent, he 
\i.e. Tokamahamon] used many words to persuade him 
to stay longer ; but could not. Whereupon he [i.e. 
Tokamahamon] left him ; and said. He was with his 
friends ; and would not take a journey in such extremity 
[of weather]. 

After this, when Tisquantum returned ; and the 
arrows were delivered, and the manner of the 
messenger's carriage related : he signified to the 
Governor, That to send the rattlesnake's skin, in that 
manner, imported enmity ; and that it was no better 
than a challenge. 

Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor 



520 Good News from New England, gov.e. wmsiow 

stuffed the skin with powder and shot ; and sent it 
back: returning no less defiance to CoNANAGUS 
\CANomQVs\ ; assuring him, If he had [had] shipping 
now present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset 
[Narragansett, now Rhode Island], the place of his 
abode ; they should not need to come so far by land to 
us: yet withal shewing that they should never come 
unwelcome or unlooked for. 

This message was sent by an Indian ; and delivered 
in such sort, as it was no small terror to this savage 
King ; insomuch as he would not once touch the powder 
and shot, or suffer it to stay in his house or country : 
whereupon, the messenger refusing it, another took it 
up ; and [it] having been posted from place to place a 
long time, at length [it] came whole [unopened] back 
again [to Plymouth]. 

In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, 
notwithstanding our high words and lofty looks towards 
them ; and still lying open to all casualty, having, as yet, 
under GOD, no other defence than our arms : we 
thought it most needful to impale our town; which, 
with all expedition, we accomplished in the month of 
February and some few days [in March]. Taking 
in the top of the hill [now the Burial Hill] under 
which our town is seated: making four bulwarks 
or jetties [bastions or projections] without the ordinary 
circuit of the pale [palisade], from whence we could 
defend the whole town in three whereof, are gates ; 
and [in] the fourth, [there will be one] in time to be. 

This being done. Captain Standish divided our 
strength [forces] into four Squadrons or Companies ; 
appointing whom he thought most fit, to have command 
of each : and, at a General Muster or Training, appointed 



Gov. E. winBiow. Good Ncws from New England. 521 

each his place ; gave each, his Company ; giving them 
charge, upon every alarm, to resort to their leaders to 
their appointed place; and in his absence, to be 
commanded and directed by them. That done, according 
to his order, each drew his Company to his appointed 
place for defence ; and there together [they] discharged 
their muskets. After which, they brought their new 
Commanders to their houses ; where again they graced 
them with their shot, and so departed. 

Fearing also lest the enemy, at any time, should take 
any advantage by firing our houses ; Captain Standish 
appointed a certain Company that (whensoever they 
saw [fire], or heard " Fire ! " to be cried in the town) 
should only betake themselves to their arms ; and 
should inclose the house, or place, so indangered ; and 
stand aloof \cd a distance] on their guard, with their 
backs towards the fire : to prevent treachery, if any 
were in that kind intended. If the fire were in any of 
the houses [of the district] of this guard ; they were 
then freed from it [i.e. froin being thus on guard] ; but 
not otherwise, without special command. 

Long before this time, we promised the people of 
Massachuset [i.e. Boston Bay], in the beginning of 
March [1622] to come unto them, and trade for their 
furs : which [time] being then come, we began to make 
preparation for that voyage. 

In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who 
still lived in the town [of Plymouth, see page 383], told 
us. That he feared the Massachusets, or Massachuseucks 
(for so they called the people of that place), were 
joined in confederacy with tho Nanohigganeucks 
or people of Nanohigganset [Narragansetts] ; and 
that they therefore would take this opportunity to 



52 2 Good News fro7n New England, gov. e wmBiow. 

cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad 
\wliile away'] : but howsoever, in the mean time, it was 
to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the 
town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy. As 
also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy : who, we 
should find, would use many persuasions to draw us 
from our shallops to the Indians' houses \wigwa7ns\, for 
their better advantage. 

To confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret 
passages that passed between him and others, having 
their meetings ordinarily abroad in the woods : but if at 
home [at Plymouth] howsoever, he was excluded from 
their secrecy ; saying, It was the manner of the Indians, 
when they meant plainly, to deal openly. 

But in this his practice \jplot\ there was no shew of 
honesty. 

Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant 
[Isaac Allerton] and Captain Standish, called together 
such as, by them, were thought most meet for advice 
in so weighty a business ; who, after consideration 
hereof, came to his resolution : 

That as hitherto, upon all occasions between them 
and us, we had ever manifested undaunted courage and 
resolution ; so it would not now stand with our safety to 
mew [slmtl up ourselves in our new-enclosed town: 
partly because our Store was almost empty, and therefore 
[we] must seek out for our daily food, without which we 
could not long subsist ; but especially for that thereby 
they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged to 
prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness 
than ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by 
the blessing of GOD, our fearless carriage might be a 
means to discourage and weaken their proceedings. 

And therefore, [it was] thought best to proceed in 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good News fvom Ncw England. 523 

our Trading Voyage, making this use of that we heard 
— to go better provided, and use the more carefulness 
both at home and abroad : leaving the event to the 
disposing of the Almighty. Whose Providence, as it had 
hitherto been over us for good ; so we had now no cause, 
save our sins, to despair of his mercy in our preservation 
and continuance : where we desired rather to be 
Instruments of good to the heathens about us, than to 
give them the least measure of just offence. 

All things being now in readiness, the forenamed 
Captain, with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum 
and HoBBAMOCK, set forwards for the Massachusets \i.e. 
Boston Bay, 44 miles away]. 

But we* had no sooner turned the point of the 
harbour. Gurnet's Nose, (where, being becalmed, we let 
fall our grapnel ; [in order] to set things to rights, 
and prepare to row); but there came an Indian of 
Tisquantum's family, running to certain of our people 
that were from home [in the fields, distant from 
Plym^outh], with all eagerness, having his face wounded, 
and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to them 
to repair home ; oft looking behind him, as if some 
others had him in chase : saying, That at Namaschet 
[Middlehorough], a town some fifteen miles from 
us, there were many of the Nanohiggansets 
[Narragansetts], Massassowat our supposed friend, 
and CoNBATANT [or Corbitant], our feared enemy, 
with many others ; with a resolution to take 
advantage, on the present opportunity, to assault 
the town, in the Captain's absence. Affirming that he 



* WiNSLOW was therefore one of the eleven Englishmen in the shallop. 
-E. A. 



524 Good News from New Eng land. gov. e. winsiow. 

received the wound in his face, for speaking in our 
behalf, and by slight [cra/f] escaped ; looking oft 
backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. 

This he affirmed again to the Governor : whereupon 
he gave command that three pieces of ordnance should 
be made ready and discharged ; to the end that, if we 
were not out of hearing, we might return thereat. 

Which we no sooner heard ; but we repaired 
homeward with all convenient speed : arming ourselves, 
and making all in [a] readiness to fight. When we 
entered the harbour, we saw the town likewise on their 
guard : whither we hasted, with all convenient speed. 

The news being made known unto us ; Hobbamock 
said flatly. That it was false: assuring us of 
Massassowat's faithfulness. Howsoever he presumed 
\_feli certain], he would never have undertaken any 
such act without his privity ; himself being a Pinese, 
that is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valour : 
it being the manner amongst them, not to undertake 
such enterprises without the advice and furtherance of 
men of that rank. 

To this, the Governor answered. He should be sorry 
that any just and necessary occasions of war should 
arise between him and any [of] the savages ; but 
especially Massassowat : not that he feared him more 
than the rest ; but because his love more exceeded 
towards him than any. 

Whereunto Habbamock replied, There was no cause 
wherefore he should distrust him; and therefore [the 
Governor] should do well to continue his affections. 

But to the end things might be made more manifest ; 
the Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife, with 
all privacy, to Puckanokick [i.e. to So warns in Pokanoket], 
the chief place of Massassowat's residence, pretending 



Got. E. winsiow. Goocl Ncws froTu Ncw England. 525 

other occasions : there to inform herself, and so us, 
of the right state of things. 

When she came thither, and saw all things quiet ; 
and that no such matter was, or had been, intended, 
[she] told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, 
by them called Patuxet. Which, when he understood, 
he was much offended at the carriage [behaviour] of 
TiSQUANTUM : returning many thanks to the Governor 
for his good thoughts of him ; and assuring him that, 
according to their first Articles of Peace, he would send 
word, and give warning, when any such business was 
towards [approaching]. 

Thus, by degrees, we began to discover Tisquantum ; 
whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes 
of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favour 
with us : not caring who fell, so he stood. 

In the general, his course was to persuade them, he 
could lead us to peace or war, at his pleasure. And 
would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word, in a 
private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them ; 
that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their 
peace : insomuch as they had him in greater esteem 
than many of their Sachems. Yea, they [the Sachems] 
themselves sought to him : who promised them peace in 
respect to us, yea, and protection too, so as they would 
resort to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely 
on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode : 
now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. 

Now though he could not make good these his 
large promises; especially because of the continued 
peace between Massassowat and us: he therefore 
raised this false alarm, hoping, whilst things were hot 
in the heat of blood, to provoke us to march into his 
country against him ; whereby he hoped to kindle such 



526 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

a flame as would not easily be quenched. And hoping, 
if that block were once removed, there were no other 
between him and honour ; which he loved as his life, and 
preferred before his peace. 

For these, and the like abuses, the Governor sharply- 
reproved him : yet was he so necessary and profitable 
an Instrument as, at that time, we could not miss him. 
But, when we understood his dealings, we certified all 
the Indians, of our ignorance and innocency therein : 
assuring them, [that] till they began [to tight] with us, 
they should have no cause to fear ; and if any hereafter 
should raise any such reports, they should punish them 
as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance. Which 
gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides. 

After this, we proceeded in our voyage to the 
Massachusets ; where we had good store of trade : 
and, blessed be GOD ! returned in safety ; though 
driven from before our town, in great danger and 
extremity of weather. 

At our return, we found Massassowat at the 
Plantation ; who made his seeming[ly] just apology for 
all former matters of accusation : being much offended 
and inraged against Tisquantum ; whom the Governor 
pacified as much as he could for the present. 

But, not long after his departure, he sent a messenger 
to the Governor, intreating him to give way to the death 
of Tisquantum ; who had so much abused him. 

But the Governor answered. Although he had 
deserved to die, both in respect of him and us ; yet, 
for our sakes, he desired he would spare him : and the 
rather, because without him, he knew not well how to 
understand himself, or any other [of] the Indians. 



Gov E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvom Ncw Euglaud. 527 

With this answer, the messenger returned ; but came 
again, not long after, accompanied with divers others ; 
demanding him, from {on behalf 0/] Massassowat their 
master, as being one of his subjects, whom by our first 
Articles of Peace [see pp. 457-458] we could not retain : 
yet because he would not willingly do it, without the 
Governor's approbation, [he] offered him many beavers' 
skins for his consent thereto ; saying, That, according to 
their manner, their Sachem had sent his own knife, and 
them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring 
them to him. 

To which the Governor answered, It was not the 
manner of the English to sell men's lives at a price ; but 
when they had deserved justly to die, to give them their 
reward : and therefore refused their beavers' [skins] as a 
gift. But sent for Tisquantum ; who though he knew 
their intent, yet offered not to fly : but came and accused 
HOBBMIOCK as the author and worker of his overthrow ; 
yielding himself to the Governor, to be sent or not, 
according as he thought meet. 

But, at the instant, when our Governor was ready to 
deliver him into the hands of his executioners, a boat 
was seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind 
a headland not far off. Whereupon, having heard many 
rumours of the French, and not knowing whether there 
were any combination between the savages and them ; 
the Governor told the Indians, He would first know 
what boat that was, ere he would deliver him into their 
custody. But, being mad with rage, and impatient at 
delay, they departed in [a] great heat. 

Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked, 
practice [deceit] of this Tisquantum; who (to the end 
he might possess his country men with the greater fear 
of us ; and so consequently of himself) told them, We 



528 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

had the plague buried in our Storehouse : which, at our 
pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we 
would ; and destroy them therewith, though we stirred 
not from home. 

Being, upon the forenamed brabbles \wTangles\ sent 
for by the Governor, to this place where Habbamock 
was, and some other of us ; the ground being broke[n] 
in the midst of the house (whereunder certain barrels 
of powder were buried ; though unknown to him) 
HoBBAMOCK asked him, What it meant ? 

To whom, he readily answered, That was the place, 
wherein the plague was buried ; whereof he formerly 
told him and others. 

After this, Hobbamock asked one of our people, 
Whether such a thing were ? and Whether we had 
such command of it ? 

Who answered, No. But the God of the English had 
it in store : and could send it at his pleasure ; to the 
destruction of his and our enemies. 

This was, as I take it, about the end of May 1622. 

At which time, our store of victuals was wholly 
spent : having lived, long before, with a bare and short 
allowance. 

The reason was that [the] Supply of men before 
mentioned \i\ie 35 persons who came in the Fortune], 
which came so unprovided; not landing so much as a 
barrel of bread or meal for their whole company : but 
contrariwise received from us, for their ship's store 
homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof 
altogether to be blamed therein : but rather certain 
amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their 
writing and reporting [by the Mayflower] of that 
plenty we enjoyed. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good News fvom New England, 529 

But that I may return. This boat proved to be 
a shallop, that belonged to a fishing ship, called the 
Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston, late 
Merchant and citizen of London : which brought six 
or seven passengers, at his charge, that should before 
have been landed at the Plantation ; who also brought 
no more provision[s] for the present, than served the 
boat's gang [crew] for their return to the ship. Which 
made her voyage [i.e. made her profit by fishing] 
at a place called Damarin's Cove near Munhiggen 
[Damariscove Islands, near Monhegan, off the coast 
of Maine], some forty leagues [ = 120 miles] from us 
north-eastward. About which place, there fished above 
thirty Sail of ships. 

And whither [I] myself was imployed by our 
Governor, with orders to take up such victuals as the ships 
could spare. Where I found kind entertainment and 
good respect; with a willingness to supply our wants. 
But, being not able to spare that quantity I required 
(by reason of the necessity of some among themselves ; 
whom they suppHed before my coming), [they] 
would not take any Bills [of Exchange] for the same : 
but did what they could freely, wishing their store 
had been such as they might in greater measure have 
expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, 
for which they sorrowed ; provoking one another [to 
free gifts for the Colony] to the utmost of their 
abilities. Which, although it were not much, amongst 
so many people as were at the Plantation ; yet through 
the provident and discreet care of the Governors, [it] 
recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on 
the ground was ready. 

Having dispatched there ; I returned home with 
all speed convenient : where I found the state of the 

The Pilgrim Fathers 2 L 



530 Good News from New England, gov. e winsiow. 

Colony much weaker than when I left it. For till 
now, we were never without some bread : the want 
whereof, much abated the strength and flesh of some ; 
and swelled others. 

But here it may be said, If the country abound with 
fish and fowl in such measure as is reported ; how 
could men undergo such measure of hardness \haTdskvp\ 
except through their own negligence ? 

I answer, Everything must be expected in its proper 
season. " No man," as one saith, " will go into an 
orchard in the winter, to gather cherries : " so he that 
looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in 
his expectation. The time they continue in plenty with 
us, is from the beginning of October to the end of 
March : but these extremities bef el us in May and 
June. I confess that as the fowl decrease, so fish 
increase ; and indeed their exceeding abundance was 
a great cause of increasing our wants. For though 
our bay and creeks were full of bass and other fish; 
yet for want of fit and strong saynes \seines — an 
encircling net with floats at its top] and other netting, 
they for the most part brake through and carried 
all away before them : and though the sea were full 
of cod ; yet we had neither tackling nor harseis 
[hawsers] for our shallops. And indeed had we not 
been in a place where divers sorts of shell fish are, 
that may be taken with the hand, we must have 
perished ; unless GOD had raised some unknown or 
extraordinary means for our preservation. 

In the time of these straits, indeed before my going 
to Munhiggen [Monhegan] ; the Indians began again 
to cast forth many insulting speeches; glorying in 
our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be 



Gov. E. winsiow Gooci Ncws f7'om New England. 531 

ere long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed 
to frown on us; and neither came, or sent, to us, as 
formerly. 

These things occasioned further thoughts of 
fortification. And whereas we have a hill, called The 
Mount {^Afierwardbs called Fort Hill, and now Burial 
Hill], inclosed within our pale [jpalisade], under which 
our town is seated ; we resolved to erect a Fort thereon ; 
from whence a few might easily secure the town from 
any assault the Indians can make ; whilst the rest might 
be imployed [elsewhere], as occasion served. This work 
was begun with great eagerness, and with the 
approbation of all men: hoping that, this being once 
finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would 
utterly discourage the savages from having any hopes 
or thoughts of rising against us: And though it took 
the greatest part of our strength from dressing our 
corn [in May and June 1622]: yet, life being continued, 
we hoped GOD would raise some means instead thereof, 
for oar further preservation. 

In the end of June, or beginning of July [1622], 
came into our harbour [at Plymouth], two ships of 
Master [Thomas] Weston's aforesaid ; the one called 
the Charity, and the other the Swan : having in them 
some fifty, or sixty, men, sent over at his own charge 
to plant for him. These we received into our town ; 
affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition 
could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, 
left them ; having many passengers, which she was 
to land in Virginia. 

In the mean time, the body of them refreshed 
themselves at Plymouth ; whilst some, [who were] most 
fit, sought out a place for them. The little store of corn 



532 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmeiow. 

[growing maize] we had, was exceedingly wasted by the 
unjust and dishonest walking of these strangers; who 
though they would sometimes seem to help us in our 
labour about our corn ; yet spared not, day and night, to 
steal the same — it being then eatable and pleasant to 
[the] taste ; though green and unprofitable. And though 
they received much kindness [from us; yet] set light 
both by it and us ; not sparing to requite the love we 
shewed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c.: 
the Chief of them being forestalled \jprepossessed by 
Thomas Wi:ston] and made against us, before they 
came ; as afterwards appeared. 

Nevertheless, for their Master's sake, who formerly 
had deserved well from us, we continued to do 
them whatsoever good, or furtherance, we could: 
attributing these things to the want of conscience and 
disGi^etion ; expecting each day when GOD, in his 
ProA^^idence, would disburden us of them ; sorrowing 
that their Overseers were not of more ability and 
fitness for their places ; and much fearing what would 
be the issue of such raw and unconscionable 
[ill-considered and unreasonable] beginnings. 

At length, their coasters [surveyors] returned; 
having found, in their judgement, a place fit for [a] 
Plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets [i.e. 
Boston Bay], at a place called by the Indians 
Wichaguscusset [Wessagusset, now called WeyTnouth]. 
To which place, the body of them went, with all 
convenient speed ; leaving still with us, such as were 
sick and lame, by the Governor's permission, though on 
their parts undeserved : whom our Surgeon [Samuel 
Fuller], by the help of GOD, recovered gratis 
for them; and tiiey fetched home, as occasion 
served. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws frofn Ncw England. 533 

They had not been long from us, ere the Indians 
filled our ears with clamours against them ; for stealing 
their corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At 
which we grieved the more ; because the same men \ihe 
Boston Bay Indians], in mine own hearing, had be^n 
earnest in persuading Captain Standish, before their 
coming [i.e. Weston's men], to solicit our Governor, 
to send some of his men, to plant by them : alledging 
many reasons, how it might be commodious for us. 

But we knew no means to redress those abuses ; save 
reproof, and advising them to better walking, as 
occasion served. 

In the end of August [1622], came other two ships 
into our harbour [at Plymouth] : the one, as I take it, 
was called the Discovery, Captain [Thomas] Jones 
having the command thereof ; the other was that ship of 
Master Weston's, called the Sparrow, which had now 
made her voyage of fish [had a full cargo of fish], 
and was consorted with the other, being both bound for 
Virginia. [This is a mistake. The Discovery was 
returning from Virginia to England. Seepp. 392-394.] 

Of Captain Jones, we furnished ourselves of such 
provisions [for trading, i.e. heads <&c.] as we most 
needed, and he could best spare : who as he used us 
kindly ; so [he] made us pay largely for the things we 
had. And had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering 
Providence, directed him to us ; it would have gone 
worse with us than ever it had been, or after was. For 
as we had now but small store of corn [maize] for the 
year following ; so, for want of Supply [reinforcemycnt], 
we were worn out [exhausted] of all manner of trucking 
stuff [commodities for barter], not having [therefore] 
any means left to help ourselves by trade : but, through 



534 Good News from New England, gov. e wineiow. 

GOD's good mercy towards us, he had wherewith ; and 
did supply our wants on that kind competently. 

In the end of September, or beginning of October 
[1622], Master Weston's bigger ship, called the Charity, 
returned for England : and left their Colony [at 
Wessagusset] sufficiently victualled ; as some of most 
credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the 
Swan, remained with his Colony, for their further help. 

At which time, they desired to join in partnership 
with us, to trade for corn. To which our Governor 
[William Bradford] and his Assistant [Isaac 
Allerton] agreed, upon such equal conditions as were 
drawn [up] and confirmed between them and us. 

The chief places aimed at, were to the southward 
of Cape Cod: and the more, because Tisquantum 
(whose peace, before this time, was wrought with 
Massassowat) undertook to discover unto us that 
supposed, and still hoped for, passage within the shoals 
[the Pollock Rip, &c.']. 

Both Colonies being thus agreed, and their companies 
fitted and joined together; we resolved to set forward: 
but were oft crossed in our purposes. 

As first, Master Richard Greene (brother in law to 
Master Weston; who from him had a charge in the 
oversight and government of his Colony) died suddenly 
at our Plantation : to whom we gave burial befitting 
his place, in the best manner we could. Afterward, 
having further order to proceed by letter from [John 
Sanders] their other Governor at the Massachusets : 
twice Captain Standish set forth with them ; but [they] 
were driven in again by cross and violent winds ; 
himself, the second time, being sick of a violent fever. 
By reason whereof (our own wants being like[ly] 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvont New England. 535 

to be now greater than formerly : partly because we 
were enforced to neglect our corn, and spend much time 
in fortification ; but especially because such havock was 
made of that little we had, through the unjust and 
dishonest carriage [behaviour] of those people before 
mentioned, at our first entertainment of them) ; our 
Governor, in his own person, supplied the Captain's 
place ; and, in the month of November [1622], again 
set forth, having Tisquantum for his interpreter and 
pilot: who affirmed he had twice passed within the 
shoals of Cape Cod, both with [the] English and [the] 
French. 

Nevertheless, they went so far with him, as the 
Master of the ship [the Swan] saw no hope of passage : 
but being, as he thought, in danger, bare up ; and, 
according to Tisquantum's directions, made for a 
harbour not far from them, at a place called 
Manamoycke [Chatham]. Which they found ; and 
sounding it with their shallop, found the channel, 
though but narrow and crooked: where, at length, 
they harboured the ship. Here they perceived that 
the tide set in and out, with more violence [than] at 
some other place[s] more southerly : which they had 
not seen, nor could discover, by reason of the violence 
of the season, all the time of their abode there. Some 
judged the entrance thereof might be beyond the 
shoals : but there is no certainty thereof as yet known. 

That night, the Governor, accompanied with others, 
[and] having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went 
ashore. At first, the inhabitants played least in sight 
[hardly appeared], because none of our people had ever 
been there before : but understanding the ends of their 
[i.e. our] coming ; at length, came to them : welcoming our 
Governor according to their savage manner ; refreshing 



536 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

them very well with store of venison and other 
victuals, which they brought them in great abundance ; 
promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladness 
of the occasion. Yet their joy was mixed with much 
jealousy, as appeared by their after practices. For, 
at first, they were loath their dwellings should be 
known; but when they saw our Governor's resolution 
to stay on shore all night; they brought him to their 
houses : having first conveyed all their stufi" to a 
remote place, not far from the same ; which one of 
our men, walking forth, occasionally \aGcidenily\ 
espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor 
them could be found. And so, many times, upon 
conceived occasions; they would be all gone, bag 
and baggage. 

But being afterwards, by Tisqantum's means, better 
persuaded; they left their jealousy, and traded with 
them. Where they got eight hogsheads of corn and 
beans; though the people were but few. This gave 
our Governor and the company good encouragement. 

TiSQUANTUM was still confident in the passage ; and 
the inhabitants affirmed. They had seen ships of good 
burden pass within the shoals aforesaid. But here, 
though they had determined to make a second assay : yet 
GOD had otherways disposed, who struck Tisquantum 
with sickness ; insomuch as he there died. Which 
crossed {stoipfedi^ their southward trading : and the more, 
because the Master's sufficiency was much doubted ; and 
the season very tempestuous, and [in which it was] 
not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to 
direct them. 

From thence they departed ; and, the wind being fair 
for the Massachusets \i.e,. Boston Bay], [they] went 
thither ; and the rather, because the savages, upon our 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws froiH New England. 537 

motion, had planted much corn for us: which they 
promised [to have ready] not long before that time. 
When they came thither, thej^ found a great sickness to 
be amongst the Indians ; not unlike the plague, if not the 
same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor, 
against that other Plantation seated by them \ai 
Wessagussef]'^ for their injurious walking. But indeed 
the trade, both for furs and corn, was overthrown in 
that place : they [ We&ton's men] giving as much for 
a quart of corn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin. 
So that little good could be there done. 

From thence, they returned into the bottom of the 
Bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset [now called 
Eastham]: where [Aspinet,] the Sachem used the 
Governor very kindly ; and where they bought eight 
or ten hogsheads of corn and beans. 

Also at a place called Mattachiest [the country 
between Barnstable and Yarmouth harbours : but here 
the word probably rrieans Cumm^aquid = Barnstable 
harbour. See page 474.]; where they had like kind 
entertainment, and corn also. 

During the time of their trade in these places, there 
were so great and violent storms, as the ship [the Swan] 
was much endangered ; and our shallop [was] cast away : 
so that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard 
that they had bought ; the ship riding, by their report, 
well near two leagues from the same [i.e.fror)i Uastham] ; 
her own boat being small, and so leaky (having no 
Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce[ly] fetch 
wood or water in her. 

Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made 
in a round stack; and bought mats and cut sedge, to 
cover it : and gave charge to the Indians, not to meddle 
with it ; promising him that dwelt next to it a reward, if 



538 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

he would keep vermin also from it ; which he undertook, 
and [Aspinet] the Sachem promised to make good \to 
see it was done]. 

In the mean time, according the Governor's request ; 
the [same] Sachem sent men to seek the shallop : which 
they found buried almost in sand at a high water 
mark; having many things in her, but unserviceable 
for the present. Whereof the Governor gave the Sacheni 
special charge, that it should not be further broken ; 
promising ere long to fetch both it and the com : 
assuring them, if neither were diminished, he would 
take it as a sign of their honest and true friendship; 
but if they were, they should certainly smart for their 
unjust and dishonest dealing ; and, further, make good 
whatsoever they had so taken. 

So he did likewise at Mattachiest [? Barnstable 
harbour]. 

And took leave of them, being resolved to leave the 
ship [the Swan]; and take his journey home by land, 
with our own company : sending word to the ship, that 
they should take their first opportunity to go for 
Plymouth; where he determined, by the permission of 
GOD, to meet them. 

And having procured a guide, it being no less than 
fifty miles to our Plantation [i.e. from Eastham to 
Plymouth, by land], set forward : receiving all respect 
that could be, from the Indians in his journey ; and 
came safely home, though weary and surbated 
[footsore]. 

Whither, some three days after, the ship also came. 
The corn being divided, which they had got; Master 
Weston's Company went to their own Plantation [at 
Wessagusset] : it being further agreed, that they should 
return, with all convenient speed, and bring their 



Gov. E. winsiow. Gooci News fro^H New England. 539 

Carpenter ; that they might fetch the rest of the corn, 
and save their shallop. 

At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered 
and in health, took another shallop, and went with 
them to the corn : which they found in safety, as they 
[had] left it. Also they mended the other shallop ; and 
got all their corn aboard the ship [the ^wan\ 

This was in January [1623], as I take it. It being 
very cold and stormy; insomuch as, the harbour 
[Easthain harbour] being none of the best, they were 
constrained to cut both the shallops from the ship's 
stern ; and so lost them both, a second time. But the 
storm being over; and seeking out; they found them 
both, not having received any great hurt. 

Whilst they were at Nauset [Eastharri] (having 
occasion to lie on the shore; laying their shallop in a 
creek not far from them), an Indian came into the same, 
and stole certain beads, scissors, and other trifles, out of 
the same. Which when the Captain missed, he took 
certain of his company with him, and went to [Aspinet] 
the Sachem ; telling him what had happened, and 
requiring the same again ; or the party that stole them, 
who was known to certain of the Indians: or else he 
would revenge it on them before his departure. And 
so took leave for that night, [it] being late: refusing 
whatsoever kindness they offered. 

On the morrow, [Aspinet] the Sachem came to their 
randevous [encaTnpment], accompanied with many men, 
in a stately manner ; who saluted the Captain in this 
wise. He thrust out his tongue [so] that one might see 
the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand from the 
wrist to the finger's end; withal bowing the knee, 
striving to imitate the English gesture : being instructed 



540 Good News from New England, got. e. wmsiow. 

therein formerly by Tisquantum. His men did the 
like : but in so rude and savapje a manner as our men 
could scarce[ly] forbear to break \froTfi breaking] out in 
open laughter. 

After salutation, he delivered the beads and other 
things to the Captain ; saying, He had much beaten the 
party for doing it ; causing the women to make bread, 
and [to] bring [it to] them, according to their desire ; 
seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be 
reconciled. 

So they departed, and came home in safety : where 
the corn was equally divided, as before. 

After this, the Governor [William Bradford] went 
to two other inland towns, with another company; 
and bought corn likewise of them : the one is called 
Namasket [Middlehorough] ; the other, Manomet 
[Sandwich]. 

That from Namasket was brought home partly by 
Indian women : but a great sickness arising amongst 
them, our own men were inforced to fetch hom.e the 
rest. 

That at Manomet, the Governor left in the Sachem's 
custody. This town lieth from us south, well near 
twenty miles; and stands upon a fresh [water] river 
which runneth into the Bay of Nanohigganset [This is 
an error. The Manoviet river runs into Manomet or 
Buzzard's Bay ; and not into Narragansett Bay.] ; 
and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It 
will bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place 
[Sandwich]. Hither the French, or Dutch, or both, use 
[are accustomed] to come. 

It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod [at Scusset 
harbour] about eight miles : out of which Bay it floweth 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good News froTfi Ncw England. 541 

into a creek some six miles, almost direct towards the 
town. The heads of the [Manomet] river, and [of] this 
creek are not far distant. 

The river yieldeth, thus high [from the ocean], oysters, 
mussels, clams, and other shell fish ; one in shape like a 
bean, another like a clam : both good meat, and [in] 
great abundance at all times. Besides, it aboundeth with 
divers sorts of fresh fish, in their seasons. 

The Governor or Sachem of this place [Manomet], 
was called Canacum [or Cawnacome]: who had 
formerly [viz. on ISth September 1621],, as well as many 
others, (yea, all with whom as yet we had to do) 
acknowledged themselves the subjects of our Sovereign 
Lord the King. 

This Sachem used the Governor very kindly; and, 
it seemed, was of good respect and authority amongst 
the Indians. 

For whilst the Governor was there, within night, 
in bitter weather, came two men from Manamoick 
[Chatham] before spoken of; and having set aside 
their bows and quivers ; according to their manner, 
sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco; 
not using any words in that time : nor any others to 
them ; but all remained silent, expecting when they 
should speak. 

At length, they looked towards Canacum ; and one 
of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to 
him from his Sachem : which was a basket of tobacco, 
and many beads; which the other received thankfully. 
After which, he made a long speech to him; the 
contents whereof were related to us by Hobbamock, 
who then accompanied the Governor for his guide, to 
be as followeth: 



542 Good News fro7n New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

It happened that two of their men fell out, as they 
were in game (for they use gaming as much as anywhere : 
and will play away all, even their skin from their backs ; 
yea, and for their wives' skins also, although it may be 
they are many miles distant from them, as [I] myself have 
seen), and growing to [a] great heat, the one killed the 
other. The actor of this fact was a Powah \Fowovo = a 
Medicine Man] ; one of special note amongst them, and 
such a one as they could not well miss : yet another people, 
greater than themselves, threatened them with war, if 
they would not put him to death. The party offending 
was in hold [prison] ; neither would their Sachem do 
one way or another till their return : resting upon him 
for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter. 

After this, there was silence a short time. At length, 
men gave their judgement, AVhat they thought best. 

Amongst others, he asked Hobbamock, What he 
thought ? 

Who answered, He was but a stranger to them : but 
thought it was better that one should die than many ; 
since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. 

Whereupon, he [GA^''ACUM] passed the sentence of 
death upon him. 

Not long after, having no great quantity of corn 
left, Captain Standish went again with a shallop to 
Mattachiest [Barnstable harbour]: meeting also with' 
the like extremity of weather, both of wind snow and 
frost ; insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour, the 
first night they entered the same. 

Here they [the Indians] pretended their wonted love ; 
and spared them a good quantity of corn to confirm the 
same. Strangers also came to this place, pretending to 
see him. and his company; whom they never saw 



Gov. E. winsiow. Gooci Ncws from Ncw England, 543 

before that time: but intending to join with the rest 
to kill them, as after appeared. 

But, being forced through extremity [of weather], to 
lodge in their houses \wigwa'ms\ which they much 
pressed ; GOD possessed the heart of the Captain with 
[a] just jealousy {susipicionl : giving strait command 
that as one part of his company slept, the rest should 
[keep a] wake ; declaring some things to them 
which he understood, whereof he could make no 
good construction. 

Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole 
some beads also from him, which he no sooner perceived, 
having not above six men with him, [he] drew them 
all from the boat ; and set them on their guard about 
the Sachem's house, where most of the people were: 
threatening to fall upon them without further delay, 
if they would not forthwith restore them; signifying 
to the Sachem especially, and so to them all, that 
as he would not offer the least injury ; so he would 
not receive any at their hands, which should escape 
without punishment or due satisfaction. 

Hereupon [, Iyanough,] the Sachem bestirred himself 
to find out the party ; which, when he had done, [he] 
caused him to return them again to the shallop : and came 
to the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were 
not about the boat ; who, suspecting their knavery, sent 
one, who found them lying openly upon the boat's cuddy 
[locker]. 

Yet, to appease his anger, they brought corn afresh to 
trade : insomuch as he laded his shallop, and so departed. 

This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst 
not attempt anything against him. So that, through 
the good mercy and Providence of GOD, they returned 
in safety. 



544 Good News from New England, qov E.wmBiow. 

At this place [Barnstable harbour], the Indians get 
abundance of bass, both summer and winter : for it being 
now February, they abounded with them. 

In the beginning of March [1623], having refreshed 
himself, he took a shallop, and went to Manomet 
[? to Scusset harbour, which goes up westward towards 
Manomet], to fetch home that which the Governor 
had formerly bought [see page 540] : hoping also to 
get more from them. But was deceived in his 
expectation : not finding that entertainment he found 
elsewhere, and [that] the Governor had there received. 

The reason whereof, and of the treachery intended 
in the place before spoken of, was not then known 
unto us ; but [till] afterwards : wherein may be observed 
the abundant mercies of GOD, working with his 
Providence for our good. 

Captain Standish (being now far from the boat, and 
not above two or three of our men with him ; and as 
many with the shallop) was not long at Canacum the 
Sachem's house : but in came two of the Massachuset 
[Boston Bay] men. The chief of them was called 
WiTUWAMAT a notable insulting villain : one who had 
formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and 
French, and had oft boasted of his own valour ; and 
derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, 
they died crying, making sour faces, more like children 
than men. 

This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which 
he had gotten of Master Weston's people, and presented 
it to the Sachem ; and after made a long speech, in an 
audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the 
Captain, though he be the best linguist [i.e. in the 
Indian dialects] amongst us, could not gather anything 



gqv. e. winBiow. Good News from New England. 545 

from it. The end [purpose] of it was afterward 
discovered to be as foUoweth: 

The Massacheuseucks had formerly concluded to 
ruinate Master Weston's Colony ; and thought 
themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong 
enough to execute the same : yet they durst not 
attempt it till such time as they had gathered more 
strength to themselves, to make their party good 
against us at Plymouth ; concluding that if we 
remained, (though they had no other arguments to use 
against us), yet we would never leave the death of our 
countrymen unrevenged ; and therefore their safety 
could not be, without the overthrow of both Plantations. 

To this end, they had formerly solicited this Sachem, 
as also the other called I[y]anough at Mattachiest, and 
many others, to assist them : and now again came to 
prosecute the same. And since there was so fair an 
opportunity offered by the Captain's presence ; they 
thought best to make sure [of] him and his company. 

After this his message was delivered, his 
entertainment [by the Sachem] much exceeded the 
Captain's : insomuch as he [Miles Standish] scorned 
at their behaviour ; and told them of it. After which, 
they would have persuaded him, because the weather 
was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest of his 
company : but he would not, desiring, according to 
[their] promise, that the corn might be carried down, 
and he would content the women for their labour ; 
which they did. 

At the same time, there was a lusty Indian of 
Paomet [Pamet] or Cape Cod, then present; who had 
ever demeaned himself well towards us: being, in his 
general carriage, very affable, courteous, and loving; 
especially towards the Captain. This savage was now 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 M 



54^ Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

entered into confederacy with the rest ; yet, to avoid 
suspicion, made many signs of his continued affections : 
and would needs bestow [give] a kettle of some six or 
seven gallons, on him ; and would not accept of anything 
in lieu thereof, saying. He was rich ; and could afford to 
bestow such favours on his friends whom he loved. 
Also he would freely help to carry some of the corn : 
affirming he had never done the like in his life before. 
And the wind being bad, would needs lodge with him 
at their randevous [enca'r}ipr)ient] : having indeed 
undertaken to kill him, before they parted ; which 
done, they intended to fall upon the rest. 

The night proved exceedingly cold, insomuch as the 
Captain could not take any rest : but either walked, or 
turned himself to and fro at the fire. 

This, the other observed ; and asked. Wherefore he 
did not sleep as at other times ? 

Who answered. He knew not well ; but [he] had no' 
desire at all to rest. 

So that he [the Indian] then missed his opportunity. 

The wind serving on the next day, they returned 
home ; accompanied with the [this] other Indian : who 
used many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet 
[Pamet] ; where [he] himself had much corn, and many 
others, the most whereof he would procure for us ; 
seeming to sorrow for our wants. 

Once the Captain put forth with him [i.e. for 
Pamet] ; and was forced back by [a] contrary wind. 
Which wind serving for the Massachuset; [he] was 
fitted to go thither : but on a sudden it altered again. 

During the time that the . Captain was at Manomet, 
news came to Plymouth, that Massassowat was 
like[ly] to die; and that, at the same time, there was 



Gov E. wiusiow. Good News from New England, 547 

a Dutch ship driven so high on the shore, by stress of 
weather, right before his dwelling \ojt Sowams in 
Pokanohet\ that, till the tides increased, she could not 
be got off. 

Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, 
when any, especially of note, are dangerously sick, for 
all that profess friendship to them, to visit them in 
their extremity ; either in their persons, or else to send 
some acceptable persons to them : therefore it was 
thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, 
that as we had ever professed friendship, so we should 
now maintain the same by observing this their laudable 
custom ; and the rather, because we desired to have 
some conference with the Dutch; not knowing when 
we should have so fit an opportunity. 

To that end, myself having formerly been there [see 
pp. 462-473], and understanding in some measure the 
Dutch tongue; the Governor again laid this service 
upon myself ; and fitted me with some cordials, to 
administer to him : having one. Master John Hamden 
(a Gentleman of London; who then wintered with us, 
and desired much to see the country) for my consort ; 
and HoBBAMOCK for our guide. 

So we set forward; and lodged the first night at 
Namasket [Middlehorough], where we had friendly 
entertainment. 

The next day, about one of the clock, we came to 
a ferry in Conbatant's [or Corbitant's] country : where, 
upon discharge of my piece, divers Indians came to us, 
from a house not far off. There they told us. That 
Massassowat was dead, and that day buried ; and that 
the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, 
having hove off their ship already. This news struck 



54^ Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

us blank [pui us at a nonplus]; but especially 
HoBBAMOCK : who desired we might return [to Plymouth] 
with all speed. 

I told him, " I would first think of it. Considering 
now that he being dead, Conbatant [or Corbitant] 
was the most like[ly] to succeed him ; and that we were 
not above three miles from Mattapuyst [a neck of land, 
now called Gardner's Neck, in Swansey], his dwelling 
place: although he were but a hollow-hearted friend 
towards us, I thought no time so fit as this to enter 
into more friendly terms with him, and the rest of the 
Sachems round about ; hoping, through the blessing of 
GOD, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to 
settle their affections towards us. 

^ " And though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect 
of our personal safety ; because myself and Hobbamock 
had been imployed upon a service against him [pp. 479- 
482], which he might now fitly revenge : yet esteeming 
it the best means, leaving the event to GOD in his 
mercy, I resolved to put it in practice, if Master 
Hampden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me." 

Whom I found willing to that, or any other course, 
[that] might tend to the general good. 

So we went towards Mattapuyst. In the way, 
Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth 
into these speeches, Neen womasu Sagionus ! Neen 
womasu Sagimus! &c., " My loving Sachem ! My loving 
Sachem ! Many have I known ; but never any like 
thee ! " 

And turning him to me, said, " Whilst I lived ; I 
should never see his like amongst the Indians." Saying, 
He was no liar. He was not bloody and cruel like [the] 
other Indians. In anger and passion, he was soon 
reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as had 



Gov. E. wiDsiow. Good News from New England. 549 

offended him ; ruled by reason in such measure, as he 
would not scorn the advice of mean men ; and that he 
governed his men better with few strokes than others 
did with many ; truly loving, where he loved. Yea, 
he feared we had not a faithful friend left among the 
Indians : shewing how he, oft times, restrained their 
malice, &c. Continuing a long speech,, with such signs 
of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have 
made the hardest heart relent. 

At length, we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the 
Sachimo Comaco ; for so they call the Sachem's place ; 
though they call an ordinary house [wigwam] Witeo : 
but CoNBATANT the Sachem was not at home ; but at 
[Sowams in] Puckanokick, which was some five or six 
miles off. The Squa[w] Sachem, for so they call the 
Sachem's wife, gave us friendly entertainment. 

Here we inquired again concerning Massassowat. 
They thought him [to be] dead ; but knew no certainty. 

Whereupon I hired one to go, with all expedition, 
to Puckanokick : that we might know the certainty 
thereof; and withal to acquaint Conbatant with our 
there being. 

About half an hour before sunsetting, the messenger 
returned; and told us. That he was not yet dead: though 
there was no hope we should find him living. 

Upon this, we were much revived ; and set forward 
with all speed, though it was late within night ere we 
got thither. 

About two of the clock, that afternoon, the Dutchmen 
departed : so that, in that respect, our journey was 
frustrate [of no avail]. 

When we came thither [i.e. to Sowa'ms],we found the 
house so full of men as we could scarce get in ; though 
they used their best diligence to make way for us. 



550 Good News from New England, aov. e. wmBiow. 

There were they, in the midst of their charms for him : 
making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that 
were well ; and therefore [was] unlike[ly] to ease him 
that was sick. About him were six or eight women, 
who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs; to keep heat 
in him. 

When they had made an end of their charming ; one 
told him, That his friends the English were come to see 
him. 

Having [his] understanding left, but his sight was 
wholly gone ; he asked, " Who was come ? " 

They told him, "Winsnow." For they cannot 
pronounce the letter I ; but ordinarily [use] n in the 
place thereof. 

He desired to speak with me. 

When I came to him, and they told him of it ; he 
put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said 
twice, though very inwardly [m a low tone], Keen 
WiNSNOW? , which is to say, " Art thou WiNSLOW ? " 

I answered, Ahlie ; that is, " Yes." 

Then he doubled {repeatedl these words, Malta neen 
woncJcanet namen Winsnow? , that is to say, "O 
WiNSLOW, I shall never see thee again." 

Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell 
Massassowat, That the Governor [William Bradford], 
hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same : and 
though, by reason of many businesses, he could not 
come himself ; yet he sent me with such things for him, 
as he thought most likely to do him good, in this his 
extremity. And wh'^reof, if he pleased to take ; I would 
presently [at once] give him. 

Which he desired. And having a confection 
[preparation] of many comfortable conserves &c. : on 
the point of my knife, I gave him some ; which I could 



Qov.E. wiDBiow. Good News from New England, 551 

scarce get through his teeth. When it was dissolved in 
his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it : whereat those 
that were about him, much rejoiced ; saying, He had 
not swallowed anything in two days before. 

Then I desired to see his mouth, which was 
exceedingly furred ; and his tongue [had] swelled in 
such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat 
such meat as they had, his passage [gullet] being 
stopped up. Then I washed his mouth, and scraped 
his tongue; and got abundance of corruption out 
of the same. 

After which, I gave him more of the confection; 
which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he 
desiring to drink ; I dissolved some of it in water, and 
gave him thereof. Within half an hour, this wrought 
a great alteration in him, in the eyes of all that beheld 
him. Presently after, his sight began to come to him : 
which gave him and us good encouragement. 

In the mean time, I inquired, How he slept ; and 
when he went to the stool ? 

They said, He slept not in two days before ; and had 
not had a stool in five. 

Then I gave him more [of the confection in water] ; 
and told him of a mishap we had, by the way, in 
breaking a bottle of drink ; which the Governor also 
sent him : saying. If he would send any of his men to 
Patuxet, I would send for more of the same ; also for 
chickens to make him broth ; and for other things 
which I knew were good for him : and would stay the 
return of the messenger, if he desired. 

This he took marvellous[ly] kindly ; and appointed 
some, who were ready to go by two of the clock in the 
morning: against which time, I made ready a letter, 
declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, 



552 Good News from New England, gov. e. window 

&c. ; desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and 
such physic as the Surgeon [Samuel Fuller] durst 
administer to him. 

He requested me that, the day following I would 
take my piece, and kill some fowl [^eese, duclcs &c^ ; and 
make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at 
Plymouth : which I promised. 

After, his stomach [a'ppetite] coming to him, I must 
needs make him some without fowl, before I went 
abroad. Which somewhat troubled me, being 
unaccustomed and unacquainted in such businesses; 
especially having nothing to make it comfortable 
[tasty']', my consort [Master John Hamden] being 
as ignorant as myself. But [it] being, we must do 
somewhat; I caused a woman to bruise some corn, 
and take the flour from it: and we set the grut 
[groats], or broken corn, in a pipkin; for they have 
earthen pots of all sizes. 

When the day broke, we went out, it being now 
March [1623], to seek herbs : but could not find any 
but strawberry leaves ; of which I gathered a handful, 
and put in the same. And because I had nothing to 
relish it ; I went forth again, and pulled up a saxafras 
[sassafras] root : and sliced a piece thereof, and boiled 
it [in the broth] till it [the broth] had a good relish ; and 
then took it [the slice of sassafras] out again. The 
broth being boiled ; I strained it through my [pocket] 
handkerchief : and gave him at least a pint, which he 
drank ; and liked it very well. After this, his sight 
mended more and more : also he had three moderate 
stools; and took some rest. Insomuch as we, with 
admiration [wonderment], blessed GOD, for giving his 
blessing to such raw and ignorant means : making no 
doubt of his recovery ; [he] himself, and all of them, 



Gov. E. winsiow. Gooci Ncws from Ncw England. 553 

acknowledging us [to be] the Instruments of his 
preservation. 

The morning, he caused me to spend in going from 
one to another, amongst those that were sick in the 
town: requesting me to wash their mouths also, and 
give to each of them some of the same [that] I gave 
him; saying, They were good folk. This pains I took 
with willingness ; though it were much offensive to me, 
not being accustomed with \to\ such poisonous savours. 

After dinner, he desired me to get him a goose or 
duck ; and make him some pottage therewith, with as 
much speed as I could. 

So I took a man with me, and made a shot at a 
couple of ducks, some six score paces [ = 100 yards\ off; 
and killed one : at which he wondered. So we returned 
forthwith, and dressed it : making more broth therewith, 
which he much desired. Never did I see a man, so low 
brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. 

The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock, 
I must take off the top thereof \ike fat on the top of the 
pottage"] ; saying, It would make him very sick again, 
if he did eat it. This he acquainted Massassowat 
therewith, who would not be persuaded to it : though I 
pressed it very much, shewing the strength thereof ; and 
the weakness of his stomach, which could not possibly 
bear it. Notwithstanding he made a gross [heavy'] 
meal of it ; and ate as much as would well have satisfied 
a man in health. About an hour after, he began to be 
very sick ; and straining very much, cast up the broth 
again : and in overstraining himself, began to bleed at 
the nose, and so continued the space of four hours. 
Then they all wished he had' been ruled ; concluding 
now he would die: which we much feared also. 

They asked me. What I thought of him ? 



554 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

I answered, " His case was desperate : yet, it might 
be, it would save his life. For if it ceased in time, he 
would forthwith sleep, and take rest: which was the 
principal thing he wanted." Not long after, his blood 
stayed \the bleeding ceased'] ; and he slept at least six or 
eight hours. 

When he awaked, I washed his face ; and . bathed 
and suppled his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But, 
on a sudden, he chopt {jpuf] his nose in the water ; and 
drew up some therein, and sent it forth with such violence 
as he began to bleed afresh. Then they thought 
there was no hope : but we perceived [that] it was but 
the tenderness of his nostril ; and therefore told them, 
" I thought it would stay presently," as indeed it did. 

The messengers were now returned. But finding 
his stomach [appetite] come to him ; he would not have 
the chickens killed : but kept them for breed. Neither 
durst we give him any [of the] physic which was then 
sent ; because his body was so much altered since our 
instructions : neither saw we any need, not doubting 
now of his recovery, if he were careful. 

Many, whilst we were there, came to see him : some, 
by their report, from a place not less than a hundred 
miles. To all that came, one of his chief men related 
the manner of his sickness ; how near[ly] he was 
spent ; how, amongst others, his friends the English 
came to see him ; and how suddenly they recovered him 
to this strength they saw : he being now able to sit 
upright of himself. 

The day before our coming ; another Sachem, being 
there, told him. That now he might see how hollow- 
hearted the English were. Saying, If we had been such 
friends in deed, as we were in shew, we would have 
visited him in this his sickness. Using many arguments 



Gov. E. winBiow. Good News from New England. 555 

to withdraw his affections ; and to persuade him to give 
way to some things against us, which were motioned 
{suggested^ to him, not long before. 

But upon this his recovery, he brake forth into 
these speeches, " Now I see the English are my friends, 
and love me : and whilst I live, I will never forget this 
kindness they have shewed me." 

Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded 
[that of] all other strangers. 

Divers other things were worth the noting : but I 
fear I have been too tedious. 

At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, 
and privately (none hearing save two or three of his 
Pineses, who are of his Council) revealed the plot of 
the Massacheuseucks, before spoken of, against Master 
Weston's Colony [at Wessagusset] ; and so against us. 
Saying that the people of Nauset [Eastham] Paomet 
[PaTnet] Succonet [FalTYiouth] Mattachiest [Barnstable] 
Agowaywam [Wareham] and the Isle of Capawack 
[Martha's Vineyard] were joined with them. Himself 
also, in his sickness, was earnestly solicited : but he 
would neither join therein ; nor give way to any of his. 
Therefore (as we respected the lives of our countrymen ; 
and our own after-safety) he advised us to kill the men 
of Massachuset ; who were the authors of this intended 
mischief. 

And whereas we were wont to say, We would 
not strike a stroke till they first began ; if, said 
he, upon' this intelligence, they [at Plymouth] make 
this answer, tell them, When their countrymen at 
Wichaguscusset [Wessagusset] are killed, they being 
not able to defend themselves ; that then it will be 
too late to recover their lives. Nay, through the 



55^ Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow 

multitude of adversaries, they shall, with great difficulty, 
preserve their own. And therefore he counselled, 
without delay to take away the principals \originaioTs\ ; 
and then the plot would cease. 

With this, he charged him thoroughly to acquaint 
me by the way ; that I might inform the Governor 
[William Bkadford] thereof, at my first coming home. 

Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him : 
who returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to 
ourselves, for our labour and love. The like did all 
that were about him. So we departed. 

That night, through the earnest request of CoNBATANT 
[or Corbitant], who till now remained at Sowams or 
Puckanukick \^Pokanoket\ we lodged with him at 
Mattapuyst. 

By the way, I had much conference with him ; so 
likewise at his house. He being a notable politician : 
yet full of merry jests and squibs [guips or saTcas7ns\ ; 
and never better pleased than when the like are 
returned again upon him. 

Amongst other things he asked me, If, in case he 
were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, 
and should send word thereof to Patuxet for Tnaskiet, 
that is, " physic " : Whether then Master Governor would 
send it ? and if he would, Whether I would come 
therewith to him ? 

To both which [questions], I answered, *' Yea " : 
whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. 

After that, being at his house, he demanded further, 
How we durst, being but two, come so far into the country? 

I answered, " Where was true love, there was no fear ; 
and that my heart was so upright towards them, that, 
for mine own part, I was fearless to come among them." 



Gov. E. wineiow. Good Ncws fvom New England. 557 

" But," said he, " if your love be such, and it bring 
forth such fruits ; how cometh it to pass that, when we 
come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the 
mouths of your pieces presented towards us \i.e. jiving 
a salvjte\ ? " 

Whereunto I answered, " It was the most honourable 
and respective \resipecifvX\ entertainment [reception] we 
could give them. It being an order [custom] amongst 
us, so to receive our best respected friends. And as it 
was used on the land ; so the ships observed it also at 
sea : which Hobbamock knew, and had seen observed." 

But, shaking the head, he answered, That he liked 
not such salutations. 

Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our 
meals, before we did eat ; and after, to give thanks for 
the same : he asked us, What was the meaning of that 
ordinary custom ? 

Hereupon, I took occasion to tell them, of GOD's 
works of Creation and Preservation; of his Laws and 
Ordinances, especially of the Ten Commandments : all 
which they hearkened unto with great attention ; 
and like well of. Only the Seventh Commandment 
they excepted against; thinking there were many 
inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one 
woman. About which, we reasoned a good time. 

Also I told them. That whatsoever good things we 
had ; wd received them from GOD, as the Author and 
Giver thereof ; and therefore craved his blessing upon 
that we had, and were about to eat, that it might 
nourish and strengthen our bodies; and having eaten 
sufficient, being satisfied therewith, we again returned 
thanks to the same our GOD, for that our refreshing, 
&c. 

This all of them concluded to be very well; and 



558 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

said, They believed almost all the same things: and 
that the same Power that we called GOD, they called 
Kietitan. 

Much profitable conference was occasioned thereby; 
which would be too tedious to relate : yet was no less 
delightful to them, than comfortable to us. 

Here we remained only that night: but never had 
better entertainment amongst any of them. 

The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told 
me, of the private conference he had with Massassowat ; 
and how he charged him perfectly [thoroughly] to 
acquaint me therewith : as I shewed before. 

Which having done, he used many arguments himself, 
to move us thereunto. 

That night, we lodged at Namasket [Middleborough]. 

And the day following, about the midway between 
it and home, we met two Indians ; who told us 
that Captain Standish was, that day, gone to the 
Massachusets. 

But contrary winds again drove him back ; so that 
we found him at home. Where the Indian of Paomet 
still was : being very importunate that the Captain 
should take the first opportunity of a fair wind, to go 
with him. But their secret and villanous purposes 
being, through GOD's mercy, now made known : the 
Governor caused Captain Standish to send him away, 
without any distaste, or manifestation of anger, that we 
might the better efiect and bring to pass that which 
should be thought most necessary. 

Before this journey [to Sowams], we heard many 
complaints, both by the Indians, and some others of 
best desert amongst Master Weston's Colony, how 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvoM Ncw England, 559 

exceedingly their Company abased themselves, by 
undirect means, to get victuals from the Indians who 
dwelt not far from them, fetching them wood and water 
&c. ; and all for a meal's meat. Whereas, in the mean 
time, they might with diligence have gotten enough to 
have served them three or four times [over]. Others, 
by night, brake [through] the earth ; and robbed the 
Indians' store; for which they had been publicly 
stocked \^Vbi in ike siocks\ and whipt : and yet there 
was there small amendment. This was about the end of 
February [1623] : at which time, they had spent all 
their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed ; neither 
would the Indians lend, or sell, them any more, upon 
any terms. 

Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence ; 
and to that [end], spiked up every entrance into their 
town [ W e,ssagvbssei\ [it] being well impaled, save one : 
with a full resolution to proceed. 

But some, more honestly minded, advised John 
Sanders, their Overseer, first to write to Plymouth; 
and if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might 
the better do it. This course was well liked; and an 
Indian was sent, with all speed, with a letter to our 
Governor ; the contents whereof were to this effect : 

That being in great want, and their people daily falling down ; 
he intended to go to Munhiggen \Monhega7i\ (where was a Plantation 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges), to buy bread from the ships that came 
thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind : but he knew 
not how the Colony would be preserved till liis return. 

He had used all means, both to buy and borrow [corn] of [the] 
Indians ; whom he knew to be stored, and, [as] he thought, 
maliciously withheld it : and therefore was resolved to take 
it by violence ; and only waited the return of the messenger, 
which he desired should be hastened. 

Craving advice therein : promising also to make restitution 
afterwards. 



560 Good News from New England, qov. e. winsiow. 

The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the 
messenger, What store of corn they \the Boston Bay 
Indians] had ? as if he had intended to buy of them. 

Who answered, Very little more than that they 
reserved for seed ; having already spared all they could. 

Forthwith, the Governor [William Bradford] and 
his Assistant [Isaac Allerton] sent for many of us, 
to advise with them herein. Who, after serious 
consideration, no way approving of this intended course ; 
the Governor answered his letter, and caused many of 
us to set our hands thereto, the contents whereof were 
to this purpose: 

We altogetlier disliked their intendment [purjpose], as being 
against the law of GOD and Nature ; shewing how it would cross 
[stop] the worthy ends and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and 
his honourable Council for this place [the Council for the Affairs of 
New England]^ both in respect of the peaceable enlarging of His 
Majesty's dominions, and also of the propagation of the knowledge 
and law of GOD, and the glad tidings of Salvation : which we, and 
they, were bound to seek ; and not to use such means as would 
breed a distaste [dislike] in the savages against our persons and 
Professions : assuring them, their Master would incur much blame 
thereby ; neither could they answer the same. 

For our own parts, our case was almost the same with theirs ; 
having but a small quantity of corn left : and [we] were enforced 
to live on groundnuts, clams, mussels, and such other things as 
naturally the country afforded ; and which did, and would, maintain 
strength, and were easy to be gotten. All which things they had 
in great abundance ; yea, oysters also, which we wanted : and 
[t]herefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto. 

Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, 
[that] all they could so get would maintain them but a small time ; 
and then they must, perforce, seek their food abroad : which, having 
made the Indians their enemies, would be very diflBcult for them. 
And therefore [it was] much better to begin a little the sooner ; 
and so continue their peace : upon which course they might, with 
good conscience, desire and expect the blessing of GOD ; whereas 
on the contrary, they could not. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws froM Ncw England. 561 

Also that they should consider their own weakness, being 
niost[ly] swelled and diseased in their bodies ; and therefore the 
more unlike[ly] to make their party good against them {have the 
victory over the Boston Bay Indians] ; and that they should not 
expect help from us in that, or any [other] the like unlawful 
actions. 

Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the 
Principal Agents should expect no better than the Gaol House ; 
whensoever any special Officer should be sent over by His Majesty, 
or his Council for New England ; which we expected : and who 
would undoubtedly call them to account for the same. 

These were the contents of our answer ; which was 
directed to their whole Colony. 

Another particular [private] letter, our Governor 
sent to John Sanders; shewing how dangerous it 
would be for him, above all others; [it] being he was 
their leader and Commander : and therefore, in friendly 
manner, advised him to desist. 

With these letters, we despatched the messenger. 

Upon the receipt whereof, they altered their 
determination : resolving to shift as tKey could, till the 
return of John Sanders from Munhiggen [Monhegan]. 

Who, first coming to .Plymouth, notwithstanding our 
own necessities, the Governor spared him some corn to 
carry [feed] them to Munhiggen. But not having 
sufficient for the ship's [the Swan] store: he [John 
Saudsrs] took a shallop; and leaving others with 
instructions to oversee things till his return, set forward 
about the end of February [1623]. So that he knew 
not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going : 
neither was it known to any of us, till our return from 
Sowams or Puckanokick. 

At which time also, another Sachem, called 
Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest the Sachem 
of the Massachusets : who had formerly smarted for 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 N 



562 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

partaking with Coubatant \ot Corbitant : see pp. 479- 
482] ; and fearing the like again, to purge himself, 
revealed the same thing. » 

The three and twentieth of March [1623] [The 
Reader should rememher that the English year began 
on the 25th March], which is a Yearly Court Day, 
the Governor [William Bradford] (having a double 
testimony; and many circumstances agreeing with the 
truth thereof), not being [empowered] to undertake 
war without the consent of the [main] body of the 
Company, made known the same in Public Court, 
offering it to the consideration of the Company : it 
being high time to come to resolution, how sudden 
soever it seemed to them ; fearing it [i.e. the intended 
massacre of the whites at Wessagusset] would be put in 
execution before we could give any intelligence thereof. 

This business was no less troublesome than grievous ; 
and the more, because it is so ordinary, in these times, 
for men to measure things by the events [results] thereof : 
but especially for that we knew no means to deliver 
our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by returning 
their malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads ; 
and causing them to fall into the same pit [which] they 
had digged for others — though it much grieved us to 
shed the blood of those ; whose good we ever intended and 
aimed at as a principal [purpose] in all our proceedings. 
But in the end, we came to this public conclusion : 

That because it was a matter of such weight as every 
man was not of sufficiency to judge, nor fitness to know ; 
because of many other Indians which daily, as occasion 
serveth, converse [have intercourse] with us : therefore 
the Governor [William Bradford], [Isaac Allerton] 
his Assistant, and the Captain [Miles Standish], shall 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvom Ncw England, 563 

take such to themselves, as they thought most meet ; 
and conclude thereof [finish off the matter]. 

Which done, we [i.e. the above three, and their chosen 
associates] came to this conclusion : 

That Captain Standish should take so many men 
as he thought sufficient to make his party good against 
all the Indians in the Massachuset Bay [Boston Bay]. 
And because, as all men know that have had to do in 
that kind, it is impossible to deal with them upon open 
defiance ; but to take them in such traps as they lay for 
others : therefore he should pretend to trade, as at other 
times ; but first go to the English [at Wessagusset], 
and 3.cquaint them with the plot, and the end of his 
own coming. That comparing it with their [the Boston 
Bay Indians'] own carriages [behaviour] towards them, 
he might the better judge of the certainty of it ; and 
more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same : but 
should forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he 
could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold 
villain before spoken of ; whose head he had order to 
bring [back] with him, that it might be a warning and 
terror to all of that disposition. 

Upon this, Captain Standish made choice of eight 
men: and would not take more, because he would 
prevent jealousy [suspicion]; knowiug their guilty 
consciences would soon be provoked thereunto. 

But on the next day before he could go, came 
[Phinehas Prat,] one of Master Weston's Company, 
by land unto us, with his pack [bundle] at his back ; who 
made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak 
estate, and of the Indians' carriages [behaviour]. Whose 
boldness increased abundantly, insomuch as the victuals 
they [the Englishmen] got, they would take it out of their 



564 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

pots and eat [it] before their faces ; yea, if in anything 
they gainsaid them, they \the Indians'] were ready to 
hold a knife at their breasts ; that to give them content, 
since John SANDERSwent to Munhiggen [Monhegan], they 
had hanged one of them [of the English] that stole their 
corn, and yet they [the Indians] regarded it not ; that 
another of their Company was turned savage [Indian] ; 
that their people had most[ly] forsaken the town, and 
made their randevous [encampment] where they got 
their victuals, because they would not take pains to 
bring it home ; that they had sold their clothes for 
corn, and were ready to starve, both with cold and 
hunger also, because they could not indure to get 
victuals, by reason of their nakedness ; and that they 
were dispersed into three companies, scarce having 
any powder and shot left. 

"What would be the event of these things, he said, he 
much feared; and therefore, not daring to stay any 
longer among them, though he knew not the way, yet 
adventured to come to us : partly to make known their 
weak and dangerous estate, as he conceived ; and partly 
to desire [that] he might there [at Plymouth] remain, 
till things were better settled at the other Plantation. 

As this Relation was grievous to us : so it gave us 
good encouragement to proceed in our intendments 
[designs] ; for which Captain Standish was now fitted : 
and the wind coming fair, the next day, [he] set forth 
for the Massachusets. 

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man ; 
and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent 
one after him : and gave out there, that he would never 
come to Patuxet ; but that some wolves or bears would 
eat him. But we know, both by our own experience 
and the report of others, that, though they find a man 



Gov. E. winsiow. Gooci Ncws froifi Ncw England. 565 

sleeping ; yet so soon as there is life discerned, they 
fear and shun him. 

The Indian missed him but [by] very little; and 
missing' him, passed by the town [of Plymouth] and 
went to Manomet \^andwidh\ ; whom we hoped to take 
at his return : as afterward we did. 

Now was our Fort made fit for service, and some 
ordnance mounted: and though it may seem [a] long 
work, it being ten months \May 1622, see "pip. 530-531 — 
March 1623] since it [was] begun ; yet we must note 
that where so great a work is begun with such small 
means, a little time cannot bring [it] to perfection. 

Besides, those works which tend to the preservation 
of man, the Enemy of Mankind will hinder what in him 
lieth; sometimes blinding the judgement, and causing 
reasonable men to reason against their own safety : as, 
amongst us, divers, seeing the work prove tedious, would 
have dissuaded from proceeding [with it] ; flattering 
themselves with peace and security, and accounting it 
rather a work of superfluity and vain glory than [of] 
simple necessity. But GOD (whose Providence hath 
waked, and, as I may say, watched, for us; whilst we 
slept) having determined to preserve us from these 
intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a 
special means to advantage us, and discourage our 
enemies : and therefore so stirred up the hearts of the 
Governors and other forward Instruments, as the work 
was just made serviceable against this needful and 
dangerous time ; though we [were] ignorant of the same. 

But that I may proceed. The Indian, last mentioned, 
in his return from Manomet \^Sandwich\ came through 
the town [of Plymouth], pretending still friendship, and 
in love to see us : but, as formerly others', so his end was, 
to see whether we continued in health and strength ; or 



566 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

fell into weakness, like their neighbours [at Wessagusset] ; 
which they hoped and looked for (though GOD in mercy 
provided better for us), and he knew would be glad 
tidings to his countrymen. 

But here the Governor stayed [arres^ec^] him ; and 
sending for him to the Fort, there gave the guard charge 
of him, as their prisoner : where he told him. He must be 
contented to remain till the return of Captain Standish 
from the Massachusets. 

So he was locked in a chain to a staple [pos^] in the 
Court of Guard [Guard Room] ; and there kept. Thus was 
our Fort handselled [used for the first time'] : this being the 
first day, as I take it, that ever any watch was there kept. 

The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets 
\i.e. to Wessagusset], went first to the ship [the Bwan] ; 
but found neither man, nor so much as a dog therein. 
Upon the discharge of a musket; the Master [of the 
Swan] and some others of the Plantation shewed 
themselves : who were on shore, gathering groundnuts, 
and getting other food. After salutation, Captain 
Standish asked them. How they durst so leave the ship, 
and live in such security ? 

Who answered like men senseless of their own 
misery, They feared not the Indians: but lived [with 
them], and suffered them to lodge with them ; not 
having sword or gun, or needing the same. 

To which, the Captain answered, If there were no 
cause, he was the gladder. 

But, upon further inquiry, understanding that those 
in whom John Sanders had received [^placed] most 
special confidence, and left in his stead to govern the 
rest, were at the Plantation : thither he went. 

And, to be brief, made known the Indians' purpose. 



Got. E. winsiow. Good News froM New England, 567 

and the end of his own coming : as also (which formerly 
I omitted), That if, afterward, they durst not there stay 
it was the intendment [intention] of the Governors and 
People of Plymouth, there to receive them, till they 
could be better provided : but if they conceived of any 
other course that might be more likely for their good ; 
that himself should further them therein, to the 
uttermost of his power. 

These men, comparing other circumstances with that 
they now heard, answered. They could expect no better : 
and it was GOD's mercy that they were not killed before 
his coming ; desiring therefore that he would neglect no 
opportunity to proceed. 

Hereupon he advised them to secrecy ; yet withal 
to send special command to [the] one third of their 
Company that were farthest off, to come home: and 
there enjoined them, on pain of death, to keep the town 
[ Wessagusset] ; himself allowing them a pint of Indian 
corn to a man for a day ; though that store he had, was 
spared out of our seed. 

The weather proving very wet and stormy ; it was 
the longer before he could do anything. 

In the mean time, an Indian came to him, and 
brought some furs : but rather to gather what he could 
from the Captain's [proceedings], than coming then for 
trade. And though the Captain carried things as 
smoothly as he possibly could : yet, at his return, he 
[the Indian] reported, He saw, by his eyes, that he [the 
Captain] was angry in his heart : and therefore [they] 
began to suspect themselves discovered. 

This caused one Pecksuot, who was a Pinese, being 
a man of a notable spirit, to come to HoBBAMOCK, who 
was then with them, and told him, He understood that 
the Captain was come to kill himself, and the rest of 



568 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

the savages there. " Tell him," said he, " we know it : 
but fear him not, neither will we shun him. But let him 
begin, when he dare ; he shall not take us at unawares." 

Many times after, divers of them, severally, or a few 
together, came to the Plantation to him : where they 
would whet and sharpen the points of their knives 
before his face ; and use many other insulting gestures 
and speeches. 

Amongst the rest, Wituwamat bragged of the 
excellency of his knife : on the end of the handle [of 
which] there was pictured a woman's face. " But," said 
he, " I have another at home, wherewith I have killed 
both French and English : and that hath a man's face 
on it; and, by and bye, these two must marry." 
Further, he said of that knife he there had, Hinnaiim 
namen, hinnaim onichen, matta cuts, that is to say, " By 
and bye it should see ; and by and bye it should eat, 
but not speak." 

Also Pecksuot, being a man of greater stature than 
the Captain, told him. Though he were a great Captain ; 
yet he was but a little man. And said he, " Though I 
be no Sachem ; yet I am a man of great strength and 
courage." 

These things the Captain observed ; yet bore with 
patience for the present. 

On the next day, seeing he could not get many 
of them together at once; and this Pecksuot and 
Wituwamat [being] both together, with another man, 
and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was 
brother to Wituwamat and, villain-like, trode in his 
steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort 
of [English] men ; and having about as many [i.e., four] 
of his own Company in a room with them ; [the Captain] 
gave the word to his men. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvom Ncw Euglaud, 569 

And the door being fast shut, [he] began himself 
with Pecksuot ; and, snatching his own knife from his 
neck, though with much struggling, [he] killed him 
therewith: the point whereof, he had made as sharp 
as a needle ; and [had] ground the back also to an edge. 
WiTUWAMAT and the other man, the rest killed ; and 
took the youth, whom the Captain caused to be hanged. 
But it is incredible how many wounds these two Pineses 
[WiTUWAMAT and Pecksuot'] received before they died ; 
not making any fearful noise, but catching at their 
weapons and striving to the last. 

HoBBAMOCK stood by, all this time, as a spectator 
and meddled not : observiog how our men demeaned 
themselves in this action. All being here ended, 
smiling he brake forth into these speeches to the 
Captain, " Yesterday, Pecksuot, bragging of his own 
strength and stature, said, 'Though you were a great 
Captain ; yet you were but a little man.' But to-day, 
I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." 

But to proceed. There being some women [there] 
at the same time ; Captain Standish left them in the 
custody of Master Weston's people, at the town [of 
Wessagusset] : and sent word to another Company, 
that had intelligence of things, to kill those Indian 
men that were amongst them. These killed two more. 

[He] himself also, with some of his own men, went 
to another place ; where they killed another : and, 
through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped ; 
who discovered and crossed [put an end to\ their 
proceedings. 

Not long before this execution, three of Master 
Weston's men (which more regarded their bellies, than 
any command or Commander) having formerly fared 



5/0 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow . 

well with the Indians for making them canoes, went 
to [Obtakiest] the Sachem, to oifer their service ; and 
had entertainment. 

The first night they [Captain Standish's party] 
came thither [to Wessagusset], within night late, came 
a messenger, with all speed, and delivered a sad [an 
important] and short message. Whereupon all the 
[three] men gathered together, put on their boots and 
breeches, trussed [tied] up themselves, and took their 
bows and arrows and went forth : telling them [the 
Englishmen], they went a hunting ; and that, at their 
return, they should have venison enough. 

Being now gone, one, being more ancient and 
wise than the rest, calling former things to mind, 
especially the Captain's presence and the strait charge 
[he had given] that, on pain of death, none should go a 
musket shot from the Plantation ; and comparing this 
sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike 
[it], and wish himself at home again ; which was further 
off than divers others dwelt [at]. Hereupon, he moved 
his fellows to return; but could not persuade them. 
So there being none but women left [at Wessagusset], 
and the other [Englishman] that was turned savage : 
about midnight, [he] came away, forsaking the paths 
[trails] lest he should be pursued ; and by this means, 
saved his life. [The other two, with a third Englishman, 
were killed : see page 574.] 

Captain Standish took the one half of his men, 
and one or two of Master Weston's, and Hobbamock ; 
still seeking to make spoil of them and theirs. At 
length, they espied a file of Indians, which made 
towards them amain. And there being a small 
advantage in the ground, by reason of a hill, near 



Gov. E. winsiow. Goocl News fvom Ncw England. 571 

them ; both companies strove for it. Captain Standish 
got it. Whereupon they retreated, and took each man 
[to] his tree : letting fly their arrows amain, especially 
at himself and Hobbamock. Whereupon Hobbamock 
cast off his coat ; and being a known Pinese, theirs 
being now killed, chased them so fast, as our people 
were not able to hold way with him : insomuch as our 
men could have but one certain mark ; and then but the 
arm and half face of a notable villain, as he drew at 
Captain Standish. Who, together with another, both 
discharged [their muskets] at once at him, and brake his 
arm. Whereupon they [the Indians] fled into a swamp. 

When they were in the thicket, they parleyed : but 
to small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So 
our Captain dared [Obtakiest] the Sachem to come 
out, and fight like a man; shewing how base and 
womanlike he was, in tonguing [reviling] it, as he did. 
But he refused, and fled. 

So the Captain returned to the Plantation [at 
Wessagusset], where he released the women : and would 
not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the 
least discourtesy to be offered them. 

Now were Master Weston's people resolved 
to leave their Plantation ; and go for Munhiggen 
[Monhegan]: hoping to get passage, and return [to 
England] with the fishing ships. 

The Captain told them. That, for his own part, he 
durst there live with fewer men than they were ; 
yet since they were otherways minded, according to 
his order from the Governors and People of Plymouth, 
he would help them with corn competent for their 
provision by the way. Which he did, scarce leaving 
himself more than brought them home. 

Some of them disliked the choice of the [main] 



572 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

body to go to Munhiggen; and therefore desiring 
to go with him to Plymouth, he took them into the 

shallop. 

And seeing them \ilie nnain body in the Swan] 
set sail, and clear of the Massachuset Bay ; he took 
leave, and returned to Plymouth : whither he came 
in safety, blessed be GOD ! ; and brought the head of 
WiTUWAMAT with him. 

Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth, that 
was ever of a courteous and loving disposition towards 
us. He, notwithstanding the death of his countrymen 
[the Boston Bay Indians], came to the Captain without 
fear ; saying, His good conscience and love towards 
us imboldened him so to do. This youth confessed. 
That the Indians intended to kill Master Weston's 
people ; and not to delay any longer than till they had 
two more canoes or boats : which Master Weston's 
people would have finished by this time, having made 
them three already ; had not the Captain prevented 
[anticipated] them, and the end of stay for [purpose 
in building] those boats, was to take their ship 
[the Swan] therewith. 

Now was the Captain returned, and received with 
joy: the head [of Wituwamat] being brought to the 
Fort, and set up [as traitors' heads were then set on 
spikes, in England]. The Governors and Captains, 
with divers others, went up [to] the same, further to 
examine the prisoner [, the Boston Bay Indian, who 
pursued Phinehas Pratt] : who looked piteously on 
the head. 

Being asked. Whether he knew it? he answered 
"Yea.". 

Then he confessed the plot : and that all the people 
provoked Obtakiest their Sachem thereunto; [he] 



aov, E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvom New England, 573 

being drawn into it by their importunity. Five there 
were, he said, that prosecuted it with more eagerness 
than the rest. The two principal [ones] were killed : 
being Pecksuot, and Wituwamat whose head was 
there. The other three were Powahs [= Powwows = 
Medicine Men], being yet living and known to us; 
though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For 
himself, he would not acknowledge that he had any 
hand therein ; begging earnestly for his life : saying, 
He was not a Massachuset man ; but, as a stranger, lived 
with them. 

HoBBAMOCK also gave a good report of him, and 
besought for him : but was bribed so to do. Nevertheless, 
that we might shew mercy as well as extremity, the 
Governor released him: and the rather, because we 
desired that he might carry a message to Obtakiest 
his master. 

No sooner were the irons from his legs; but he 
would have been gone : but the Governor bade him stay 
and fear not, for he should receive no hurt. And, by 
Hobbamock, commanded him to deliver this message to 
his master : 

That, for our parts, it never entered into our hearts 
to take such a course with them, till their own treachery 
enforced us thereunto; and therefore [they] might thank 
themselves for their own overthrow. Yet, since he had 
begun ; if again, by any [of] the like courses, he did 
provoke him, his country should not hold him : for he 
would never suffer him, or his, to rest in peace, till he 
had utterly consumed them ; and therefore [that he] 
should take this as a warning. Further, that he should 
send to Patuxet, the three Englishmen he had ; and not 
kill them. Also, that he should not spoil [destroy] the pale 
[palisade] and houses at Wichaguscusset [Wessagusset], 



574 Good News from New England, qot E.wmBiow. 

And that this messenger should either bring the English, 
or an answer ; or both : [the Governor] promising his 
safe return [to him]. 

This message was delivered; and the party would 
have returned with answer: but was at first dissuaded; 
whom, afterwards, they would, but could not, persuade 
to come to us. At length, though long [after], a woman 
came and told us, That Obtakiest was sorry that the 
English were killed before he heard from the Governor : 
otherwise he would have sent them. Also she said. He 
would fain make his peace again with us ; but none of 
his men durst come to treat about it : [he] having 
forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place 
to' place ; expecting when we would take further 
vengeance on him. 

Concerning those other people that intended to join 
with the Massachuseucks against us, though we never 
went against any of them ; yet this sudden and 
unexpected execution, together with the just judgement 
of GOD upon their guilty consciences, hath so terrified 
and amazed them as, in like manner, they forsook their 
houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living 
in swamps and other desert places : and so brought 
manifold diseases amongst themselves, whereof very 
many are dead; as Canacum the Sachem of Manomet 
{Sandwich\ Aspinet the Sachem of Nauset \Eastha7Yi\ 
Iyanough, Sachem of Mattachiest [Barnstable]. This 
[last] Sachem, in his life, in the midst of these distractions, 
said. The God of the English was offended with them ; 
and would destroy them in his anger. And certainly 
it is strange to hear how many of late have [died], and 
still daily die amongst them. Neither is there any 
likelihood it will easily cease : because, through fear, 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws froTu Ncw England, 575 

they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life ; 
and without which, they cannot long preserve health 
and strength. From one of these places, a boat was 
sent with presents to the Governor, hoping thereby 
to work their peace ; but the boat was cast away, and 
three of the persons drowned, not far from our 
Plantation : only one escaped ; who durst not come 
to us, but returned. So as none of them dare [to] 
come amongst us. 

I fear I have been too tedious, both in this and 
other things : yet when I considered how necessary a 
thing it is that the truth and grounds of this action 
especially, should be made known; and [also] the 
several dispositions of that dissolved Colony \ai 
Wessagussei\ whose reports undoubtedly will be as 
various : I could not but enlarge myself, where I 
thought to be most brief ; neither durst I be too brief, 
lest I should eclipse and rob GOD of that honour, 
glory, and praise which belongeth to him for preserving 
us from falling, when we were at the pit's brim ; 
and yet feared [not], nor knew not that we were in 
danger. 

This month of April [1623] being now come, on all 
hands, we began to prepare for corn. And 
because there was no corn left before this 
time, save that [which] was preserved for seed; being 
also hopeless of relief by Supply \TeinforceTneni'\ : we 
thought [it] best to leave off all other works, and 
prosecute that, as most necessary. 

And because there was so small hope of doing good 
in that common \general\ course *of labour that formerly 
we were in ; for that the Governors that followed men 
to their labours, had nothing to give men for their 



57^ Good News from New Engla^td. gov. e. wmsiow. 

necessities; and therefore could not so well exercise 
that command over them therein, as formerly they had 
done. Especially considering that self-love {self-interesfl'^ 
wherewith every man, in a measure more or less, loveth 
and pref erreth his own good before his neighbours' : and 
also the base disposition of some drones that, as at 
other times so now especially, would be most burdenous 
to the rest. It was therefore thought best, That every 
man should use the best diligence he could, for his own 
preservation, both in respect of the time present, and to 
prepare his own corn for the year following : and [to] 
bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of 
Public Officers, Fishermen, &c. ; which could not be 
freed from their Calling, without greater inconveniences. 

This course was to continue till harvest : and then 
the Governors to gather in the appointed portion, for 
the maintenance of themselves and such others as 
necessity constrained to exempt from this condition. 
Only, if occasion served, upon any special service, they 
might employ such as they thought most fit to execute 
the same, during this appointed time: and at the end 
thereof, all men to be employed by them, in such 
service as they thought most necessary for the general 
good. And because there is great difference in the 
ground, that therefore a set quantity \yiz. one acre^ see 
pp. 383-385] should be set down for a person : and each 
man to have his fall by lot ; as being most just and 
equal, and against which no man could except. 

At a General Meeting of the Company [? in March 
1623], many courses were propounded : but this approved 
and followed, as being the most likely for the present 
and future good of the Company ; and therefore before 
this month [of April], [we] began to prepare our ground 
against seed time. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good News from New England. 577 

In, the midst of April, we began to set, the weather 
being then seasonable : which much incouraged us, 
giving us good hopes of after plenty. The setting 
season is good till the latter end of May. 

But it pleased GOD, for our further chastisement, 
to send a great drought ; insomuch as in six weeks 
after the latter setting [? \st June — ? Xhth July 1623] 
there scarce fell any rain : so that the stalk of that 
[which] was first set, began to send forth the ear 
before it came to half growth ; and that which was 
later [set], not like[ly] to yield us any [corn] at all, 
both blade and stalk hanging the head and changing 
the colour in such a manner as we judged it utterly 
dead. Our beans also ran not up, according to their 
wonted manner ; but stood at a stay : many being 
parched away, as though they had been scorched before 
the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown ; and we 
discouraged : our joy being turned into mourning. 

To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we 
were ; we heard of a Supply [reinforcement'] that was 
sent unto us many months since : which [ship, the 
Paragon], having two repulses before, was a third time 
in company of another ship, three hundred leagues at 
sea {i.e. 900 miles from England] ; and now, in three 
months' time, heard no further of her. Only the signs 
of a wreck were seen on the coast ; which could not be 
judged to be any other than the same. 

So that, at once, GOD seemed to deprive us of 
all future hopes. The most courageous were now 
discouraged; because GOD, which hitherto had been 
our only Shield and Supporter, now seemed, in his 
anger, to arm himself against us : and who can 
withstand the fierceness of his wrath ? 

These, and the like considerations moved not only 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 2 O 



5 7 S Good News from New England, goy. e. winsiow. 

every good man privately to enter into examination 
with his own estate [condition] between GOD and his 
conscience ; and so to humiliation before him : but also 
more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the 
Lord by fasting and prayer. 

To that end, a Day was appointed by public 
authority, and set apart from all other employments : 
hoping that the same GOD which had stirred us up 
hereunto, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down 
upon us, and grant the request of our dejected souls ; if 
our continuance there, might any way stand with his 
glory and our good. 

But, O the mercy of our GOD ! who was as ready to 
hear as we to ask. For though in the morning, when 
We assembled together, the heavens were as clear, and 
the drought as like[ly] to continue, as ever it was : yet, 
our Exercise [Public Worship'] continuing some eight or 
nine hours, before our departure, the weather was 
overcast, [and] the clouds gathered together on all sides. 
And, on the next morning, [they] distilled such soft, 
sweet, and moderate showers of rain, continuing some 
fourteen days [? ISth — 31s^ J'^ly], and mixed with such 
seasonable weather ; as it was hard to say. Whether our 
withered corn, or [our] drooping affections, were most 
quickened or revived. Such was the bounty and 
goodness of our GOD. 

Of this, the Indians, by means of Hobbamock, took 
notice. Who being then in the town [of Plymouth], 
and this Exercise [occurring] in the midst of the week, 
said. It was but three days since Sunday [therefore the 
Fast was on a Wednesday]. And [he] therefore demanded 
of a boy, What was the reason thereof ? Which when he 
knew, and saw what effects followed thereupon ; he and 
all of them [the Indians] admired [wondered at] the 



Gov. E. wineiow. Good Ncws froM Ncw England. 579 

goodness of our GOD towards us, that wrought so great 
a change in so short a time. Shewing the difference 
between their conjuration, and our invocation on the 
name of GOD, for rain. Theirs being mixed with such 
storms and tempests as sometimes, instead of doing them 
good, it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their 
prejudice : but ours, in so gentle and seasonable a 
manner, as they never observed the like. 

At the same time, Captain Standish, being formerly 
employed by the Governor to buy provisions for 
the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the 
same ; accompanied with one Master David Tomson, a 
Scotchman: who also, that Spring [of 1623], began a 
Plantation twenty-five leagues north-east from us, near 
Smith's Isles [now called the Isles of Shoals], at a place 
called Pascatoquack [or rather, Little Harbour, on 
the Piscataqua river ; the present Portsmouth, in New 
Ha^npshire] ; which he liketh well. 

Now also heard we of the third repulse of our Supply 
[reinforceonent], of their safe though dangerous return 
[in the Paragon] into England ; and of their preparation 
to^come to us [in the Anne]. 

So that, having these many signs of GOD's favour 
and acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, 
if secretly we should smoother up the same ; or content 
ourselves with private thanksgiving for that which by 
private prayer could not be obtained. And therefore 
another Solemn Day was set apart and appointed for 
that end : wherein we returned glory honour and praise, 
with all thankfulness to our good GOD, which dealt so 
graciously with us ; whose name (for these, and all other 
his mercies towards his Church and chosen ones), by 
them, be blessed and praised, now and evermore. Amen. 



580 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

In the latter end of July, and the beginning of 
August [1623], came two ships with Supply 
\TeinfoTce'menis\ unto us ; who brought all their 
passengers in health, except one who recovered in 
[a] short time : who also, notwithstanding all our 
wants and hardships, blessed be GOD !, found not 
any one sick person amongst us, at the Plantation. 

The bigger ship, called the Anne, was hired ; and 
there [at Plymouth] again [was] freighted back : from 
whence we* set sail, the 10th of September [1623]. 

The lesser, called the Little JaTnes, was built for 
the Company ; at their charge. She was now also 
fitted for trade and discovery to the southward of 
Cape Cod ; and almost ready to set sail : whom, I pray 
GOD to bless, in her good and lawful proceedings. 

Thus have I made a true and full Narration of the 
state of our Plantation ; and such things as were most 
remarkable therein since December 1621. If I have 
omitted anything ; it is either through weakness of 
memory, or because I judged it [to be] not material. 
I confess my style [to be] rude ; and [my] unskilfulness 
in the task I undertook : being urged thereunto by 
opportunity [having had the chance of obtaining 
knowledge on the spot by actual exjDcrience], which I 
knew to be wanting in others ; and but for which, I 
would not have undertaken the same. Yet, as it is rude ; 
so it is plain, and therefore the easier to be understood. 

Wherein others may see that, which we are bound 
to acknowledge, viz.. That if ever any people, in these 
later Ages, were upheld, by the Providence of GOD, 
after a more special manner than others ; then we 

* Edward Winslow, the Writer of this Good News dtc, therefore came 
to England in the Anne : and the utmost period of this narrative is therefore 
from the 13th December 1621 to the 10th September 1623.— E. A. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws froiii New England. 581 

[were] : and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the 
memory of his goodness, with everlasting thankfulness. 

For, in these f orenamed straits, such was our state, 
as, in the morning, we had often our food to seek for 
the day ; and yet performed the duties of our Callings. 
I mean the other daily labours, to provide for after time. 
And though, at some times, in some seasons, at noon 
I have seen men stagger, by reason of faintness for 
want of food : yet, ere night, by the good Providence 
and blessing of GOD, we have enjoyed such plenty, as 
though the windows of heaven had been opened unto us. 

How few, weak, and raw \inex'peTienced'\ were we at 
our first beginning, and there settling ; and in the midst of 
barbarous enemies ! Yet GOD wrought our peace for us. 

How often have we been at the pit's brim, and 
in danger to be swallowed up : yea not knowing, till 
afterward, that we were in peril ? And yet GOD 
preserved us. Yea, and from how many [perils] that we 
yet know not of ; he, that knoweth all things, can best tell. 

So that, when I seriously consider of things, I 
cannot but think that GOD hath a purpose to o-ive 
that land, as an inheritance, to our nation. And great 
pity it were, that it should long lie in so desolate a state ; 
considering it agreeth so well with the constitution of 
our bodies : [it] being both fertile ; and so temperate, 
for heat and cold, as, in that respect, one can scarce[ly] 
distinguish New England from Old [England]. 

[the religion and customs of the INDIANS 
NEAR NEW PLYMOUTH.] 

A few things I [have] thought meet to add hereunto, 
which I have observed amongst the Indians : both 
touching their religion, and sundry other customs 
amongst them. 



582 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

And first, whereas myself and others* (in former 
Letters, which came to the press [m Londion\ against 
my will and knowledge \W IN SLOW being then at New 
Plymouth]) wrote [see pp. 407-494, 507], That the 
Indians about us, are a people without any religion, 
or knowledge of any God : therein I erred, though we 
could then gather no better. 

For as they conceive of many Divine Powers : so of 
The meaning One, whom they Call Kiehtan, to be the 
Kiekt'Xi thi^ principal and maker of all the rest ; and 
hath reference to be made by none. " He," say they, 
CTiisT^s'^'Si' old "created the heavens, earth, sea, and all 
man; Kiehchise, creaturcs Contained therein." Also that he 

a man that ex- , -, /> i 

ceedeth in age. made One man and one woman ; or whom 
[E. w.] they, and we, and all mankind came : but 

how they became so far dispersed, that know they not. 

At first, they say, there was no Sachem or King but 
Kiehtan ; who dwelleth above in the heavens : whither all 
good men go when they die, to see their friends, and have 
their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far 
westward in the heavens, they say. 

Thither the bad men go also, and knock at his door : 
but he bids them, Quatchet, that is to say, " Walk 
abroad !, for there is no place for such." So that they 
wander in restless want and penury. 

Never man saw this Kiehtan. Only old men tell them 
of him : and bid them tell their children ; yea, to charge 
them, to teach their posterities the same, and lay the 
like charge on them. This Power they acknowledge to 
be good ; and when they would obtain any great matter, 
[they] meet together, and cry unto him : and so likewise. 



* WiNSLOW was therefore the principal Writer of what we have here 
printed at pp. 407-494.— E. A. 



Gov. E. winsiow. Gooci Ncws fvont Ncw England. 583 

for plenty, victory, &c., [they] sing, dance, feast, give 
thanks; and hang up garlands and other things, in 
memory of the same. 

Another Power they worship, whom they call 
Hobbamock ; and to the northward of us, Hobbamoqui. 
This, as far as we can conceive, is the DeviL Him, they 
call upon, to cure their wounds and diseases. When they 
are curable : he persuades them, he sends the same for 
some conceived anger against them ; but upon their 
calling on him, [he] can and doth help them. But when 
they are mortal, and not curable in nature : then he 
persuades them, Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, which 
none can cure. Insomuch as, in that respect only, they 
somewhat doubt whether he be simply good : and 
therefore, in sickness, never call upon him. 

This Hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them : 
as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. ; 
but, most ordinarily, [in that of] a snake. He appears 
not to all ; but [to] the chief est and most judicious 
amongst them : though all of them strive to attain to 
that hellish height of honour. 

He appeareth most ordinary [ordinarily to], and is 
most conversant with, three sorts of people. One, I 
confess, I neither know by name, or Office, directly. Of 
these they have few ; but esteem highly of them : and 
think that no weapon can kill them. Another, they call 
by the name of Powah ; and the third, Pinese. 

The Office and duty of the Powah [ = Powwow = 
Medicine Man] is to be exercised principally in calling 
upon the Devil ; and curing diseases of the sick or 
wounded. The common people join with him in the 
Exercise of Invocation : but do but only assent, or as 
we term it, say "Amen", to what he saith; yet sometime[s] 



584 Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

[fchey] break out into a short musical note with him. The 
Powah is eager, and free in speech ; fierce in countenance ; 
and joineth many antic [grotesque] and laborious gestures 
with the same, over the party diseased. 

If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck 
the wound : but if they be curable, as they say, he 
toucheth it not; but a Shoohe, that is the snake, or 
WohsacvAik, that is the eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and 
licks the same. This none sees but the Powah; who 
tells them, he doth it himself. 

If the party be otherwise diseased ; it is accounted 
sufficient if, in any shape, he but come into the house : 
[they] taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery. 

And, as in former Ages, Apollo had his temple at 
Delphos ; and Diana [,hers] at Ephesus : so have I 
heard them call upon some ; as if they had their residence 
in some certain places, or because they appeared in those 
forms, in the same. 

In the Powah's speech, he promiseth to sacrifice 
many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives, 
and other the best things they have, to the Fiend ; if he 
will come to help the party diseased : but whether they 
perform it, I know not. The other practices I have seen ; 
being necessarily called, at some times, to be with their 
sick : and have used the best arguments I could make 
them understand, against the same. 

They have told me, I should see the Devil, at those 
times, come to the party; but I assured myself and 
them, of the contrary: which so proved. Yea, 
themselves have confessed. They never saw him when 
any of us were present. 

In desperate and extraordinary travail in childbirth ; 
when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary 
means : they send for this Powah. Though, ordinarily, 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good Ncws fvom Ncw Efiglaud. 585 

their travail is not so extreme as in our parts of the 
world : they being of a more hardy nature. For, on the 
third day after childbirth, I have seen the mother with 
the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather, in a 
boat upon the sea. 

Many sacrifices the Indians use ; and, in some cases, 
kill children. It seemeth, they are various in their 
religious worship, in a little distance ; and grow more 
and more cold in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying, in 
[within] their memory, he was much more called upon. 

The Nanohiggansets [Narragansetts] exceed in their 
blind devotion; and have a great spacious House 
wherein only some few (that are, as we may term them, 
Priests) come. Thither, at certain known times, resort 
all their people; and offer almost all the riches they 
have to their gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, 
knives, &c. : all which are cast by the Priests into a 
great fire that they make in the midst of the house, 
and there consumed to ashes. To this offering, every 
man bringeth freely : and the more he is known to 
bring, hath the better esteem of all men. This, the 
other Indians about us, approve of as good ; and wish 
their Sachems would appoint the like : and because the 
plague hath not reigned in Nanohigganset [Narragansett, 
now called Rhode Island] as at other places about them, 
they attribute to this custom there used. 

The Pineses are men of great courage and wisdom. 
And to these also the Devil appeareth more familiarly 
than to others: and, as we conceive, maketh covenant 
with them, to preserve them from death by wounds 
with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. ; or, at least, both 
themselves, and especially the people, think themselves 
to be freed from the same. And although against their 
battles, all of them by painting, disfigure themselves ; 



586 Good News from New England, aov. e. winsiow. 

yet are they known by their courage and boldness : by 
reason whereof, one of them will chase almost a hundred 
men, for they account it death for whomsoever [shall] 
stand in their way. 

These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people ; and 
are of the Sachem's Council : without whom, they will 
not war or undertake any weighty thing. In war, their 
Sachems, for their more safety, go in the midst of them. 
They are commonly men of greatest stature and 
strength ; and such as will endure most hardness : and 
yet are more discreet, courteous, and humane in their 
carriages [behaviour] than any amongst them ; scorning 
theft, lying, and the like base dealings; and stand as 
much upon their reputation as any men. 

And to the end they may have stories of these 
[Pineses], they train up the most forward and likeliest 
boys, from their childhood, in great hardness ; and make 
them abstain from dainty meat : observing divers orders 
prescribed, to the end, when they are of age, the Devil 
may to appear them. Causing to drink the juice of sentry 
[centaury] and other bitter herbs, till they cast [vomit] ; 
which 'they must disgorge into the platter, and drink 
again, and again, till, at length, through extraordinary 
oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood. 
And this, the boys will do with eagerness, at the first ; 
and so continue till, by reason of faintness, they can 
scarce[ly] stand on their legs : and then must go forth 
into the cold. Also they beat their shins with sticks ; 
and cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and 
brambles: to make them hardy and acceptable to the 
Devil, that, in time, he may appear unto them. 

Their Sachems cannot be all called Kings ; but 
only some few of them: to whom the rest resort for 



Gov. E. winBiow. Good Ncws fvom New England. 587 

protection, and pay homage unto them. Neither may 
they war without their knowledge and approbation : yet 
to be commanded by the greater [ones], as occasion 
serveth. Of this [greater] sort, is Massassowat, our 
friend ; and Conanacus \Ganonigvs\, of Nanohiggenset 
\NaTrag(inseti\ our supposed enemy. 

Every Sachem taketh care for the widow and father- 
less : also for such as are aged, and [in] any way maimed ; 
if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them. 

A Sachem will not take any to wife but such a one 
as is equal to him in birth ; otherwise, they say, their 
seed would, in time, become ignoble. And though they 
have many other wives : yet are they no other than 
concubines or servants ; and yield a kind of obedience 
to the principal [one], who ordereth the family, and them 
in it. The like, the men observe also ; and will adhere 
to the first [wife] during their lives, but put away the 
others at their pleasure. 

This Government is successive ; and not by choice. 
If the father die before the son, or daughter, be of age ; 
then the child is committed to the protection and 
tuition of some one amongst them : who ruleth, in his 
stead, till he be of age ; but when that is, I know not. 

Every Sachem knoweth how far the bounds and 
limits of his own country extendeth; and that is his 
own proper inheritance. Out of that, if any of his men 
desire land to set their corn ; he giveth them as much as 
they can use, and sets them their bounds. In \\K)ii}iin'\ 
this circuit, whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, 
bringeth him his fee: which is the fore parts of the 
same, if it be killed on the land ; but if [the deer] be 
killed in the water, then the skin thereof. 

The great Sachems, or Kings, know their own 
bounds, or limits of land, as well as the rest. 



588 Good News fro7n New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

All travellers, or strangers, for the most part, lodge at 
the Sachem's. When they come they tell them, how long 
they will stay ; and to what place they go : during which 
time, they receive entertainment according to their 
persons ; but want not. 

Once a year the Pineses use [are accvbstomed7[ to 
provoke the people to bestow much corn on the Sachem. 
To that end, they appoint a certain time and place, near 
the Sachem's dwelling ; where the people bring niany 
baskets of corn, and make a great stack thereof. There, 
the Pineses stand ready to give thanks to the people, on 
the Sachem's behalf : and, after, acquainteth the Sachem 
therewith ; who fetcheth the same, and is no less 
thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. 

When any are visited with sickness, their friends 
resort unto them for their comfort ; and continue with 
them oft times till their death, or recovery. If they die, 
they stay a certain time, to mourn for them. Night 
and morning, they perform this duty, many days after 
the burial, in a most doleful manner; insomuch as 
though it be ordinary Icom/mowplacel, and the note [not] 
musical which they take one from another and all 
together : yet it will draw tears from their eyes ; and 
almost from ours also. But if they recover, then because 
their sickness was chargeable ; they send corn and other 
gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time; whereat 
they feast and dance, which they call Gom/moco. 

When they bury the dead ; they sew up the corpse 
in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If the party be a 
Sachem ; they cover him with many curious mats, and 
bury all his riches with him, and inclose the grave with 
a pale [palisade]. If it be a child, the father will also 
put his own most special jewels and ornaments in the 



Gov. E. winBiow. GoocC Ncws fro77i Ncw England. 589 

earth with it : [and] also will cut his hair, and disfigure 
himself very much, in token of sorrow. If it be the 
man or woman of the house, they will pull down the 
mats, and leave the frame standing, and bury them in or 
near the same ; - "and either remove their dwelling, or 
give over housekeeping. 

The men imploy themselves wholly in hunting and 
other exercises of the bow ; except at some times they 
take some pains in fishing. 

The women live a most slavish life. They carry 
all their \tlie meal's] burdens, set and dress their corn, 
gather it in, seek out for much of their food, beat and 
make ready the corn to eat, and have all [the] household 
care lying upon them, • 

The younger sort reverence the elder; and do all 
mean offices whilst thej^ are together: [even] although 
they be strangers [to each other]. 

Boys and girls may not wear their hair like men and 
women ; but are distinguished thereby. 

A man is not accounted a man till he do some 
notable act, or shew forth such courage and resolution 
as becometh his place. The men take much tobacco : but 
for boys so to do, they account it odious. 

All their names are significant and variable : for 
when they come to the state of men and women, they 
alter them ; according to their deeds and dispositions. 

When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth 
her hair; and, after, weareth a covering on her head 
till her hair be grown out. 

The women are diversely disposed. Some [are] as 

modest as they will scarce[ly] talk one to another in the 

company of men ; being very chaste also : yet other 

some [are] light \inccmsiant\ lascivious, and wanton. 

If a woman have a bad husband, or cannot afifect 



590 Good News from New England, gov. e. wineiow. 

\have no affection for] him; and there be war or 
opposition between that, and any other, people : she will 
run away from him to the contrary party, and there 
live ; where they never come unwelcome, for where are 
most women, there is greatest plenty. ... 

For adultery, the husband will beat his wife ; and 
put her away, if he please. ... 

In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the 
Sachem examineth and punisheth the same. In cases 
of thefts: for the first offence, he is disgracefully 
rebuked; for the second, he is beaten by the Sachem, 
with a cudgel on the back ; for the third, he is beaten 
with many strokes, and hath his nose slit upward, that 
thereby all men may both know and shun him. If 
any man kill another ; he must likewise for the same. 

The Sachem not only passe th the sentence upon 
malefactors ; but executeth the same with his own hands, 
if the party be then present. If not, [he] sendeth his 
own knife, in [a] case of death, in the hands of others, to 
perform the same. But if the offender be to receive other 
punishment ; he will not receive the same, but from the 
Sachem himself : before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, 
and will not offer to run away though he beat him never 
so much ; it being a greater disparagement for a man 
to cry during the time of his correction, than is his 
offence and punishment. 

As for their apparel, they wear breeches [leggings] 
and stockings in one, like some Irish ; which is made of 
deer skins; and have shoes [mocassins] of the same 
leather. They wear also a deer skin loose about them, like 
a cloak ; which they will turn to the weather [windward] 
side. In this habit [dress] they travel : but when they 
are at home, or come to their journey's end, presently 
[i'lnmediately] they pull off their breeches, stockings 



Gov. E. winsiow. Good News from New England, 591 

and shoes; wring out the water if they be wet, arid 
dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these 
be off; yet have they another small garment that 
covereth them. The men wear also, when they go 
abroad in cold weather, an otter, or fox, skin on their 
right arm ; but only their bracer [wrist-guard] on the left. 

Women, and all of that sex, wear strings [of beads] 
about their legs : which the men never do. 

The people are very ingenious and observative. 
They keep account of time by the moon, and [by] 
winters or summers. They know divers of the stars 
by name. In particular, they know the North Star; 
and call it Maske, which is to say " The Bear." Also 
they have many names for the winds. They will guess 
very well at the wind and weather beforehand, by 
observations in the heavens. They report also. That some 
of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list, 
[and] can raise storms and tempests. Which they usually 
do, when they intend the death or destruction of other 
people; that, by reason of the unseasonable weather, 
they may take advantage of their enemies in their 
houses. At such times, they perform their greatest 
exploits : and, in such seasons, when they are at enmity 
with any, they keep more careful watch than at other times. 

As for the language, it is very copious, large, and 
difficult. As yet [i.e. to the 10th September 1623], we 
cannot attain to any great measure thereof: but can 
understand them, and explain ourselves to their 
understanding; by the help of those that daily 
converse with us. And though there be [a] difference, 
in a hundred miles distance of place, both in language 
and manners: yet [it is] not so much, but that they 
very well understand each other. 

And thus much of their lives and manners. 



592 Good News from New England, gov. e- wmsiow. 

Instead of records and chronicles, they take this 
course. Where any remarkable act is done : in memory 
of it, either in the place or by some pathway near 
adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, about 
a foot deep and as much over : which, when others, 
passing by, behold, they enquire the cause and occasion 
of the same ; which, being once known, they are careful 
to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth, therewith. And 
lest such holes should be filled, or grown up [with 
herbage], by any accident; as men pass by, they will 
oft renew the same. By which means, many things of 
great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that, as a 
man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his 
journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many 
historical discourses [that] will be related to him. 

[a description of new ENGLAND; AND OF THOSE 
WHO SHOULD GO THERE.] 

In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised 
nor dispraised the country : and since I [have] lived 
so long therein, my judgement thereof will give no less 
satisfaction to them that know me, than the Relation of 
our proceedings. 

To which I answer. That as in [the] one, so of the 
other ; I will speak as sparingly as I can : yet [I] will 
make known what I conceive thereof. 

And, first, for that continent on which we are, called 
New England. Although it hath ever been conceived, 
by the English, to be a part of that main land adjoining 
to Virginia: yet, by [the] relation of the Indians, it 
should appear to be otherwise. For they affirm 
confidently. That it is an island: and that, either the 
Dutch or [the] French, pass through \i,e. along the 
Hudson river'] from sea to sea [the Atlantic to the 



Gov. E. winBiow. Good Ncws from N cw England. 593 

river St Lawrence] between us and Virginia ; and drive 
a great trade in the same. The name of that inlet of 
the sea, they call Mohegon ; which I take to be the same 
[as that] which we call Hudson's river: up which, 
Master [Henry] Hudson went many leagues ; and for 
want of means, as I hear, left it undiscovered. 

For confirmation of this their opinion, [there] is thus 
much. Though Virginia be not above 150 leagues 
[= 450 miles] from us: yet they never heard of 
Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted 
in his country, save only by us, and Tisquantum who 
went in an English ship thither. And therefore it is 
the more probable; because the water is not passable 
for them, who are [yet] very adventurous in their boats. 

Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three 
years' experience [9th November 1620 — 10th September 
1623], I can scarce[ly] distinguish New England from Old 
England, in respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, 
winds, &c. Some object, because our Plantation lieth in 
the latitude of 42° [North] ; it must needs be much hotter. 
I confess I cannot give the reason of the contrary : only 
experience teacheth us. That if it do exceed England, it is 
[by] so little as must require better judgements to discern 
it. And for the winter ; I rather think, if there be [any] 
diflference, it is both sharper and longer in New England 
than [in] Old : and yet the want of those comforts in 
the one, which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive 
my judgement also. But, in my best observation, 
comparing our own condition with the Relations of other 
parts of America ; I cannot conceive of any to agree 
better with the constitution of the English : not being 
oppressed with extremity of heat, nor nipped with 
biting cold ; by which means, blessed be GOD, we enjoy 

The Pilgrim Fathers. . • 2 P 



594 Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

our health, notwithstanding those difficulties we have 
undergone, in such a measure as would have been 
admired \wondered at\ if we had lived in England, with 
the like means. 

The day is two hours longer than here, when it 
is at the shortest : and as much shorter there, when it 
is at the longest. 

The soil is variable : in some places, mould ; in 
some, clay ; [and] others, a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest 
grain is the Indian Mays [7)iaize] or Guinea wheat 
[, also called Turkey wheat]. 

The seed time beginneth in the midst of April, and 
continueth good till the midst of May. Our harvest 
beginneth with September. This corn increaseth in 
great measure ; but is inferior, in quantity, to the same 
in Virginia : the reason, I conceive, is because Virginia 
is far hotter than it is with us ; it requiring great heat 
to ripen. 

But whereas it is objected against New England, 
That corn will not there grow except the ground be 
manured with fish : I answer. That where men set 
[corn] with fish [i.e. alewives], as with us, it is more 
easy so to do : than to clear ground and set without 
[fish] some five or six years ; and so begin anew [by 
clearing fresh ground] ; as in Virginia, and elsewhere. 

Not but that, in some places, where they [i.e. the 
fish = alewives] cannot be taken with ease, in such 
abundance, the Indians set four years together without 
[fish] ; and have as good corn, or better, than we have 
that set with them : though indeed, I think, if we 
had cattle to till the ground, it would be more profitable, 
and better agreeable to the soil, to sow wheat, rye, 
barley, pease, and oats, than to set mays, which our 
Indians called Ewachim. For we have had experience 



Gov. E. wiiiBiow. Good News from New England. 595 

that they \y6keat, rye, cfec] like and thrive well [in the 
ground]: and the other [maize] will not be procured 
without good labour and diligence; especially at seed 
time, when it must also be watched by night, to keep 
the wolves from the fish till it be rotten, which will 
be in fourteen days; yet men agreeing together, and 
taking their turns, it is not much. 

Much might be spoken of the benefit that may 
come to such as shall here plant, by trade [barter] 
with the Indians for furs; if men take a right 
course for obtaining the same. For I dare presume, 
upon that small experience I have had, to affirm, that 
the English, Dutch, and French return yearly many 
thousands [of] pounds [of] profits by trade only, from 
that island [see page 593] on which we are seated. 

Tobacco may be there planted: but not with that 
profit as in some other places. Neither were it 
profitable there to follow it, though the increase were 
equal; because fish is a better and richer commodity, 
and more necessary : which may be, and are there, 
had in as great abundance as in any other part of 
the world. Witness the West Country Merchants of 
England [i.e. of Devonshire and Cornwall]; which 
return incredible gains yearly from thence. And 
if they can so do, which here buy their salt at a 
great charge, and transport more company to make 
their voyage than will [is necessary to] sail their 
ships: what may the Planters expect, when once 
they are seated, and make the most of their salt 
there, and imploy themselves at least eight months 
in fishing ? whereas the others fish but four, and 
have their ship lying dead [idle] in the harbour all 
the time : whereas such shipping as belong to [the] 
Plantations, may take freight [outwards] of passengers 



59^ Good News from New England, gov. e. wmsiow. 

or cattle thither ; and have their lading provided 
[ready] against they come. 

I confess [that] we have come so far short of the 
means to raise such returns, as, with great difficulty, 
we have preserved our lives: insomuch as when I 
look back upon our condition, and [our] weak means 
to preserve the same, I rather admire [wonder] at 
GOD's mercy and Providence in our preservation, 
than that no greater things have been effected by us. 
But though our beginning hath been thus raw 
[inexperienced], small, and difficult ; as thou hast seen : 
yet the same GOD, that hath hitherto led us through 
the former, I hope will raise means to accomplish 
the latter. Not that we altogether, or principally, 
propound profit to be the main end of that we have 
undertaken ; but the glory of GOD, and the honour 
of our country, in the inlarging of His Majesty's 
dominions. Yet wanting outward means to set things 
in that forwardness we desire, and to further the 
latter by the former; I thought meet to offer both 
to consideration : hoping that where religion and profit 
jump together, which is rare, in so honourable an 
action, it will encourage every honest man, either in 
person or purse, to set forward the same ; or, at 
least wise, to commend the welfare thereof, in his 
daily prayers, to the blessing of the blessed GOD. 

I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl 
[i.e. wild fowl], store of venison, and variety of fish ; 
which might incourage many to go in their persons. 
Only I advise all such before hand to consider, That 
as they hear of countries that abound with the good 
creatures of GOD; so means must be used for the 
taking of everyone in his kind: and therefore not 
only to content themselves that there is sufficient ; but 



Gov. E. winsiow. Goocl Ncws from New England, 597 

to foresee how they shall be able to obtain the same. 
Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets, though 
he be in the midst of plenty ; yet if he want means, 
is not the better but hath rather his sorrow [is] increased 
by the sight of that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy. 
So also there, if thou want art {skilly and other 
necessaries thereunto belonging; thou may est see that 
thou wantest and thy heart desireth, and yet be never 
the better for the same. Therefore, if thou see thine own 
insufficiency of thyself ; then join to some others, where 
thou may est in some measure enjoy the same : otherwise 
assure thyself, thou art better where thou art ! 

Some there be that, thinking altogether of their 
present wants [that] they enjoy \suffer\ here, and not 
dreaming of any there, through indiscretion, plunge 
themselves into a deeper sea of misery. As for example, 
it may be here [that] rent and firing are so chargeable 
as, without great difficulty, a man cannot accomplish 
the same : never considering that, as he shall have no 
rent to pay, so he must build his house before he have 
it ; and peradventure may, with more ease, pay for his 
fuel here, than cut and fetch it home (, if he have not 
cattle to draw it,) there ; though there is no scarcity, 
but rather too great plenty [of it]. 

I write not these things to dissuade any that shall 
seriously, upon due examination, set for themselves to 
further the glory of GOD and the honour of our 
country in so worthy an enterprise : but rather to 
discourage such as, with too great lightness, undertake 
such courses. Who peradventure strain themselves and 
their friends for their passage thither; and are no 
sooner there than, seeing their foolish imagination made 
void, are at their wit's end : and would give ten times 



59^ Gwd News from New England, qot. e. winsiow. 

so much for their return, if they could procure it; and 
out of such discontented passions and humours, spare 
not to lay that imputation upon the country and others, 
which themselves deserve. 

As for example, I have heard some complain of 
others, for their large [ample] reports of New England : 
and yet because they must drink water, and want many 
delicates they here enjoyed, could presently here return 
with their mouths full of clamours. And can any be 
so simple, as to conceive that the fountains should 
stream forth wine or beer ; or the woods and rivers 
be like butchers' shops, and fishmongers' stalls, where 
they might have things taken to their hands ? If thou 
canst not live without such things ; and hast no means 
to procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the 
other ; nor hast ability \jnoney'\ to employ others for 
thee ; rest where thou art ! For as a proud heart, a 
dainty tooth, a beggar's purse, and an idle hand be here 
intollerable : so that person that hath these qualities 
there, is much more abominable. 

If, therefore, GOD hath given thee a heart to 
undertake such courses, upon such grounds as bear 
thee out in all difiiculties, viz. his glory as a principal 
[motive]; and all other outward good things, but as 
accessories ; which perad venture thou shalt enjoy, and 
it may be not : then thou wilt, with true comfort 
and thankfulness, receive the least of his mercies ; 
whereas, on the contrary, men deprive themselves of 
much happiness, being senseless of greater blessings ; 
and, through prejudice, smother up the love and bounty 
of GOD — whose name be ever glorified in us, and by 
us, now and evermore. Amen. 

FINIS. 




A BRIEF Relation of a credible Intelligence 

OF THE present ESTATE OF VIRGINIA. 

'T the earnest entreaty of some of my much 
respected friends; I have added to the 
former Discourse, a Relation of such things 
as were credibly reported at Plymouth in 
New England, in September [1623] last past, concerning 
the present estate of Virginia. 

And because men may doubt, how we should have 
intelligence of these Affairs, [it] being we are so far 
distant ; I will therefore satisfy the doubtful therein. 

Captain Francis West, being in New England, 
about the latter end of May [1623] past; sailed from 
thence, to Virginia, and returned in August. In 
September, the same ship and company, being discharged 
by him at Damarin's Cove [The Damariscove islands, 
off the coast of Maine], came to New Plymouth : where, 
upon our earnest inquiry after the state of Virginia, 
since that bloody slaughter committed by the Indians 
upon our friends and countrymen [on the 22nd March 
1622] ; the whole ship's company agreed in this, viz. : 

That, upon all occasions, they chased the Indians to 
and fro ; insomuch as they sued daily unto the English 
for peace : who, for the present, would not admit of 
any. That Sir George Yeardley, &c. was, at that 
present, employed upon service against them. That, 
amongst many others, Opechancanough, the chief 

599 



6oo Good News from New England, gov. e. winsiow. 

Emperor, was supposed to be slain. His son also was 
killed at the same time. 

And though, by reason of these forenamed broils, 
in the fore part of the year [1623], the English had 
undergone great want of food : yet, through GOD's 
mercy, there never was more show of plenty; having 
as much, and as good, corn on the ground as ever they 
had. Neither were the hopes of their tobacco crop 
inferior to that of their corn. So that the Planters 
were never more full of encouragement. 

Which I pray GOD long to continue; and so to 
direct both . them and us, as his glory may be the 
principal aim and end of all our actions: and that 
for his mercy's sake. Amen. 



A POSTCRIPT. 




>F any man desire a more ample Relation of 
the state of this country before such time 
as this present Relation taketh place ; I refer 
them to the two former printed books : 
• The one published by the President and 
Council for New England \A. brief Relation 
of the Discovery and Plantation of New 
England, 1607 to 1622. London, 1622, 4], and 
The other gathered by the inhabitants of 
this present Plantation at Plymouth in New 
England [i.e. the Relation, or Journal, reprinted 
at pp. 395-505]. 
Both which books are to be sold by John Bellamy, 
at his shop, at the Three golden Lions, in Cornhill, near 
the Royal Exchange. 



INDEX 

OF THE 

Principal Persons, Places, etc. 

Societies, Buildings, Districts, Streets &c. will be found under the 
name of the town — as under Amsterdam, Leyden, London, Pljinouth 
in N.E., Scrooby, &c. 

N.E.=New England. 



A., E. — see Aldee, E. 

A.,H. — see Ainsworth, 
Eev. H. 

Abbadakest, a Sachem 
of Massachusets 
(Boston)'Ba,y. [Is this 
a variant spelling of 
Obtakiest ?] 257 

Abbot, George ; Abp. 
of Canterbury, 112, 
114, 126, 278, 283, 
287, 295 

Adams, John, 385 

Adventurers (in and 
about London) of 
New Plymouth in 
New England ; The 
= The Associates of 
John Peii'ce, 4, 257- 
261, 304, 311-314, 
320, 321, 322, 333, 
336-338, 344, 353, 
356, 399, 492, 493, 
506-508, 514. See 
also. Conditions, &c., 
The 

A g a w a m {Ipsmck, 
N.E.\ 425 

Agowaywam ( Ware- 
ham, N.E.\bbb 

Agreement of Peace 
between the Pilgrim 
Fathers and Massa- 

The Pilgrim Fathers. 



soit, 457, 458, 463, 
489, 525, 527 

Ainsworth, Be v. 
Henry, 31, 104, 107, 
115, 117, 119, 124, 
125, 127, 137, 138, 
172, 176, 186, 247 

Ainsworth's Church at 
Amsterdam, 1610- 
1623 ; The Eev. 
Henry, 100, 122, 
127, 173, 211, 310, 
314,315. Also called. 
The Ainsworthians 

Ainsworthians of the 
English Protestant 
exiles atAmsterdam, 
The, 31, 100, 117, 
118, 123, 126 

Alckemade, Huyck 
van, 156 

Alconbury Hill, co. 
Hunts,* 72 

Aldee, Edward ; the 
London Printer, 
119 

Alden, John ; the 
Cooper, 356, 362,369, 
377, 378, 384 

Alden (previously 
MuUins) ; Priscilla, 
Wife of John, 362, 
369, 377 

6oi 



Alderton, Goodwife 
— see Allerton, M. 

Alderton, John — see 
Allerton, J. 

Algrind — Edmund 
Spenser's poetical 
name for Abp. 
Edmund Grindal, 24 

Allden, Eobert, 321 

Allerton, Bartholo- 
mew, 362, 367, 379 

Allerton, Isaac ; first 
Assistant of Ply- 
mouth Colony, 162- 
164, 169, 307-308, 
362, 366, 376, 378, 
381, 383, 457, 460, 
519, 522, 534, 560, 
562, 563 

Allerton, John ; a 
sailor, 377, 379, 427 

Allerton, (previously 
Norris), Mary, first 
Wife of Isaac, 162, 
164, 367, 439 

Allerton, afterwards 
Cushman ; Mary [the 
last survivor of those 
who left England in 
th.Q Mayflower onQjlQ 
September 1620], 
362, 367 

Allerton, afterwards 

2 Q 



602 



Index. 



Maverick ; Bemem- 

ber, 362, 367 
Allerton [sister to 

Isaac, 376], after- 
wards Vincent; 

then Priest ; and 

finally Godbert ; 

Sarah, 162-164, 376 
Allerton, Po int ; 

Boston Bay, 483 
A 1 1 1 h a m. Captain 

Emmanuel, 257, 258, 

321 
Alnwick, co. Nor- 

thumb.j 71 
Altham, Emmanuel — 

see AUtham, E. 
Althem, Samuel — see 

AUtham, E. 
Altum, Emanuel — see 

AUtham, E. 
American Library 

Association, 9 
Ames, Doctor William, 

103, 125, 176, 209, 

210, 213, 234, 237, 
245 

Amesius — see Ames, 
Doctor W. 

Amsterdam, 9, 10, 29, 
31, 42, 70, 95-105, 
107, 110, 113, 115, 
117, 119, 121, 122, 
125, 129, 134-140, 
142, 148, 149, 168, 
172, 186, 202, 210, 

211, 234,. 246, 274, 
291, 299, 301, 302, 
310, 314, 315, 323, 
324, 330, 331, 389 

Amsterdam : 

Ancient exiled 
English Church 
(1597 - 1610), The, 
3, 9, 13, 30, 31, 
38, 54, 70, 98, 99, 
101-136, 138, 148, 
277 

Ainsworth's Church, 
The Eev. Henry, 



Amsterdam {cont^ 
(1610-1701), 100, 115, 
122, 125, 127, 211, 
310, 314, 315 
Begyn Hof, 99 
Brethren of the Se- 
paration, The An- 
cient — see Ancient 
exiled English 
Church 

Brethren of the Se- 
paration of the 
Second English 
Church, The — see 
Gainsborough 
Church, The 
Clifton family at. 
The, 95-97 
Dutch Reformed 
Church, The, 110, 
128 

English Congrega- 
tion, (1597- ?1599), 
That poor, 98, 99 
Gainsborough 
Church, (1608-1615), 
The, 100, 121, 131, 
135-137, 140 
Great Cake House, 
The, 100, 140 
Helwys'fl Company 
(1609-1613), Master 
Thomas, 100, 137, 140 
Johnson's Church, 
(1610 - 1619) ; The 
Rev. Francis, 10, 100, 
115, 117, 277 
Meeting House of 
the Ancient exiled 
English Church, Tlie, 
117, 124, 125, 128 
Mennonite Church, 
A, 137, 138, 140 
Niewe Kerk, 140 
Scottish Presby- 
terian Church, (1607 
— to the present 
day). The, 99, 186 
Scrooby Church, 
(1608 - 1609), The— 



Amsterdam {cont^ 
see Pilgrim Church 
at Amsterdam, The 
Smyth's Company, 
(1609-1615), Master 
John, 100, 137-140 
South Church, The, 
96 

The Church at — see 
Johnson's Church, 
The Rev. F. 
Writing Book, At 
the Sign of, 114 

A m s t e»r d a m's. See 
Amsterdam — Ains- 
worth's Church, The 
Rev. H. 

Ancient Brethren of 
the Separation. See 
Amsterdam — An- 
cient exiled English 
Church at, The 

Ancient exiled English 
Church — see Am- 
sterdam 

Andrews, Richard, 
321, 356 

Andrews, Thomas, 321, 
322 

Angoum — see Agawam 

Anguum — seeAgawam 

Annable, Anthony, 388 

Anne (of Denmark), 
Queen Consort of 
James I., 470 

Anthony, Lawrence, 
321 

Antwerp, 235 

Appaum — see Ply- 
mouth in N.E., The 
Town &c. of 

Apsley, Sir Allen, 393 

Argall, Sir Samuel, 
255-258, 261, 289, 
290, 393 

Ark Wright, Richard, 14 

Armada, The Spanish, 
22, 23 

Armourer, Hugh, 99 

Armstrong (previously 



Index. 



603 



Billington), Ellen ; 
wife of Gregory, 
371 

Armstrong, Gregory, 
371 

Arnfield, Alice, 138 

Articles of Agreement 
between the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden 
and the Adventurers 
(in and about Lon- 
don) of New Ply- 
mouth in N.E., The 
— see Conditions &c., 
The 

Articles of the Church 
of England, (1562); 
The Thirty-nine, 67, 
280 

Articles exhibited 

against Daniel 

Studley, (1610); The, 
122 

Articles at the General 
Assembly at Perth, 
(1618); The Five, 
242 

Articles, (20 Nov. 
1595) ; The Nine 
Lambeth, 5 

Articles of Peace be- 
tween the Plantation 
or Colony of Ply- 
. mouth in N.E. and 
Massasoit, theWam- 
panoag Sagamore of 
Pokanoket, (1621) ; 
457, 458, 463, 489, 
525, 527 

Articles of the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden, 
(1617); The Seven, 
4, 280-282, 284 

Articles [ ? of the 
Synod of Dort] 
(1618) ; The Five, 3, 
130 

Aspinet, the Sachem 
of Nauset, 476, 537- 
539, 574 



Aurelius Antoninus, 
The Emperor Mar- 
cus, 150 

Austerfield, co. York, 
39, 51, 57-59, 65, 66, 
163 

Austerfield : 

Governor Bradford's 
cottage, 65 
Church, The, 65 
Living, The Church, 
58 

Azores, The, 394 

Babington Con- 
spiracy, The, 33 

Babworth Church, 
Hall, and Rectory ; 
CO. Notts, 39, 51-53, 
58, 66, 95 

Bahamas, Tlie, 364 

B a i 1 1 i e. Principal 
Robert, 332 

Baker's Wharf, 
Warren, R. I., N.E., 
468 

Bancroft, George, 282 

Bancroft, Richard ; 
Bp. of London, after- 
wards Abp. of Can- 
terbury, 3, 106 

Bangs, Edward, 388 

Barbadoes, 370 

Barbary, 121 

Barbor, William, 119 

Barclay, Robert, 140 

Barker, Christopher, 
76 

Barker, The Deputies 
of Christopher, 95 

Barker, afterwards 
Winslow; Elizabeth, 
164, 366 

Barnby Moor, co. 
Notts, 66 

Barnes, John, 106 

Barnstable, N.E., 375, 
474, 537, 538, 542- 
544, 555, 574 

Barren, , 246 



Barrow, Henry, 31 

34-37, 103, 104 
Barrowists, 33 
Bartlet, Robert, 388 
Barton, Thomas ; Cap- 
tain of the Fortune 

(1621-1622), 506 
Bass, Edward, 321 
Bass Rip, The ; Cape 

Cod, N.E., 350 
Bassett, Cecil ; 1st 

^'ife of William, 164 
Bassett, Elizabeth; 3rd 

Wife of William, 165 
Bassett (previously 

Oldham), Margaret ; 

2nd Wife of William, 

164 • 
Bassett, William, 164 

165, 385 
Bassite, William — see 

Bassett, W. 
Bastwick, John, 171, 

186-188 
Bastwyck, Joannes — 

see Bastwick, J. 
Batcombe, co. Som., 53 
Bawtry, co. York, 57, 

58, 60, 61, 72, 93 
Baxter, Rev. Richard, 

20 
Bay. This word is often 

used on pp. 407-600 

of this volume, in the 

sense of Harbour 
Baylie, Robert — see 

Baillie, Principal R. 
Beale, William, 385 
Beauchamp, John, 321, 

356 
Beaumaris, The Court 

to, 73 
Bebel, England, 167 
Belf ord,co.Northumb. , 

71 
Bellamy or Bellamie, 

John, 133, 395, 509, 

600 
Benet, Edward ; a Rul- 
ing Elder, 122, 125 



6o4 



Index. 



Benet, Sir John, 230 
Bermuda Company, 

The, 400 
Bernard, Rev. Richard, 

53-55, 124, 132, 134- 

139 
Bernhere,Rev. Thomas, 

121 
Berry, Zachariah, 273 
Berwick on Tweed, 71, 

74, 75, 84 
Berwick on Tweed, 

The Court to, 73 
Bevercotes, Samuel, 

79-81 
Billericay, co. Essex, 

308, 355, 368 
Billingsgate Point, 

Cape Cod, N.E., 428 
Billington, Ellen; Wife 

of John sen.^ 371 
Billington, afterwards 

Armstrong, Ellen, 

371 
Billington, Francis, 

362,372,380,426,442 
Billington sen.^ John, 

355, 360, 371, 372, 

379, 381, 383, 426 
Billington, ^tm., John, 

372, 379, 474-476 
Billington Sea — see 

Plymouth in N.E., 

The Town &c. of 
Billinton — see Billing- 
ton 
Biscop {Latinized Epis- 

copius]. Professor 

Simon, 153, 179 
Bishop, Thomas, 119 
Bishops of the Church 

of England, The, 35, 

46, 51, 185, 281, 295, 

334 
Bishopsthorpe, co. 

York, 61 
Blackwell, Francis ; a 

Ruling Elder, 119, 

125, 126, 277-279, 

290, 291, 302 



Bladen, William, 509 
Blaxland, Rev. G. 

Cuthbert, 326 
Blenheim, The Battle 

of, 22 

Blyth, CO. Notts, 57,58 

Bompas, Edward, 385 

Books, Docu7nents, 

Serials, Sc. : See also 

Articles and Points. 

Catch words of Titles 

only. 

Abstract . . .Virginia 
Co. (1888) ; by C. 
Robinson, 250 
Act to retain the 
Queen's subjects in 
obedience, (1593), 3, 
35,36 

Act of the Six 
Articles, (1539), 35 
Act of Supremacy, 
(1559), 25 

Act of Uniformity, 
(1559), 25 

Admonition to the 
Parliament, (1572) ; 
by Rev. J. Field and 
Rev. T. Wilcox, 244, 
245 

Admonition to the 
Parliament, (1572), 
A Second ; by Rev. 
T. Cartwright, 244, 
245 

Advertisement 
against T. Bright- 
man, (? 1611); by J. 
de L'Ecluse, 114 
Advertisements, 
(1565) ; by Abp. M. 
Parker, 25 
Advertisements, 
(1631); by Capt. J. 
Smith, 321, 325 
Album Studiosorum, 
(1875); by Dr W. 
N. Du Rieu, 170, 
171 
Altar of Damascus, 



Books &c. {cont.) 
(1621); by Rev. D. 
Calderwood, 195 
Altar e Damascenwm, 
(1623) ; by Rev. D. 
Calderwood, 195, 239 
Ancient Landmarks 
&c., (1883) ; by the 
Hon. W. T. Davis, 
260, 363-377 
Animadversions &c. 
(1613) ; by Rev. H. 
Ains worth, 117 
Answer &c., An, 
(1619) ; by W. 
Euring, 242, 243, 
245, 282 

Answer &c., «An, 
(1609) ; by Rev. J. 
Robinson, 139 
Antidoton, (1600) ; 
by Rev. H. Cla;p- 
ham, 99 

Antiquities of Notts, 
(1677) ; by R. Thoro- 
ton, 65 

Apologia justa Sc, 
(1619) ; by Rev. J. 
Robinson, 178 
Apology &c., (1625); 
by ReVi J. Robinson, 
176, 178 

Arrest Roll of the 
city of Amsterdam, 
(1606), 119, 120 
Arrow &c., (1618); 
by Rev. J. Paget, 
115, 116, 186 
Baker Transcripts, 
The, 105 

Bradford MS., The, 
(1630-1650), 1, 46, 
47, 93, 142, 154, 194, 
267, 271, 272, 279, 
291, 296, 307, 319, 
326, 329-331, 333, 
338, 346, 354, 358, 
363, 371, 377, 382, 
392,432,461,464,474 
Brief Discourse, 



Index, 



605 



Books &c. {cont^ 
(1575); by Dean 
W.Whittingham,25; 
Bright Morning 
Star, (1603); by Eev. 
J. Smyth, 133 
British Itinerary ; 
by D. Paterson, 71 
Brownism &c., 
(1613);byC.Lawne, 
118 

Certain Reasons &c., 
Part L (1618) ; by 
T. Dighton, 242, 245 
— see also Discourse 
Character & c, 
(1609) ; by Rev. T. 
Smyth, 138, 139 
Christian Advertise- 
ments &c., (1608); by 
Rev. R. Bernard, 135 
Christian Plea, A., 
(1617) ; by Rev. F. 
Johnson, 117, 129 
Chronicles &c., 
(1841) ; by Rev. A. 
Young, 37, 105, 173, 
175, 350, 351, 356 
Chronological Hist. 
&c., (1736) ; by Rev. 
T. Prince, 335 
Collections &c., 
(1854); by J. Hun- 
ter, 86 

Colony Records, The 
Old, 326, 381-388 
Commentarii Sc, 

(1617) ; by T. Cart- 
wright, 237, 245 
Common Apology 
&c., A, (1610) ; by 
Bp. J. Hall, 139 
Confession of Faith 
of the French Re- 
formed Churches, 
294, 295 
Confutation &c., 

(1618) ; by Rev. T. 
Cartwright, 199, 
238, 245 



Books &c, (cont.) 
C o n g r e g ationalism 
&c., (1880) ; by Rev. 
H. M. Dexter, 15, 
49, 50, 143, 171 
Contemplative &c., 
(1609) ; by Rev. R. 
Bernard, 139 
Counterpoison &c., 
(1608) ; by Rev. H. 
Ains worth, 137 
Declaration «&c., 

(1574) ; by W. Tra- 
vers, 28, 244, 245 
Deed Poll &c., (1622), 
in favour of J.Peirce, 
260, 261 

Defence of the Holy 
Scriptures &c., 
(1609); by Rev. H. 
Ains worth, 138 
Defence of the Peti- 
tion <&c., (1618), 
243, 245 

Delices de Leide^ Les^ 
(1712) 143 
Demonstration &c., 
A., (1588) ; by Rev. 
J. XJdall, 28 
De Regimine c]&c.,[2nd 
Edition] (1619); by 
Rev. D. Calderwood, 
181, 195, 199, 200, 
206, 209, 238, 239, 
245 

Description &c., 
(1599) ; by Rev. H. 
Clapham, 99 
De vera . . Religione^ 
(1618) ; 200, 238, 
245 

Dial of Princes, by 
Bp. A. de Guevara, 
150 

Differences &c., 
(1608); by Rev. J. 
Smyth, 137, 138 
Discourse &c., Part 
II., (1619); by T. 
Dighton, 243, 245 



Books &c. {cont.) 
— s ee Certain 
Reasons 

Discourse of some 
Troubles &c.,(1603); 
by G. Johnson, 108, 
109 

Discovery&c. ,( 1 605) ; 
by Rev. T. White, 
118-120, 128 
Doctrine of Prayer 
&c.,(1595) ; by Rev. 
J. Smith of Reading, 
132 

Early Eng. Baptists, 
(1862); by Doctor 
B. Evans, 138 
Elliott, Sir J., 
(1872) ; by J. For- 
ster, 20 

English Garner 
(1880), An ; Ed. by 
Prof. E. Arber, 315 
Epistles, (1608) ; by 
Bp. J. Hall, 135, 136 
Essex Dove, (1623) ; 
by Rev. J. Smith of 
Clavering, 132 
First Dialogue &c., 
(1648) ; by Gov. W. 
Bradford, 37, 52, 
173, 175 

Gen. Hist, of the 
Netherlands, (1608); 
by E. van Meteren, 
68 

Gerechts DagsDoeken, 
147 

Golden Book &c., 
by Bp. A. de Gue- 
vara, 150 

Good News &c., 
(1624); by Gov. E. 
Winslow : reprinted 
at pp. 509-600. 
Gospel Public Wor- 
ship, (1656) ; by T. 
Brewer, 247. 
Habeas Corpus^ The 
Writ of, 32 



6o6 



Index, 



Books &c. (cont.) 
Harl. MS., 7042, 
105-107 

Hist. of BIyth, 
(1860), hj Eev. J. 
feaine, 59 

Hist, of the Churcli 
of Scotland, (1678) ; 
bj Rev. D. Calder- 
wood, 181, 195, 239 
Hist, of England, 
(1860) ; bj Prof. J. 
A. Froude, 23, 24, 33 
Hist, of England, 
(1884); by Dr. S. 
R. Gardiner, 20 
Hist, of the London 
Virginia Co., (1869); 
by Rev. Dr. E. D. 
Neill, 251, 253, 254, 
392 

Historical Maga- 
zine, (1859, 1860), 
146, 155-169, 197, 
203, 205-207, 214, 
221, 236, 273 
Hist, of Plymouth 
Plantation, by Gov. 
W. Bradford — see 
Bradford MS., The 
Hist, of the Post 
Office, (1893); byH. 
Joyce, 73 

Hist, of the Prot. Ep. 
Church in America, 
(1844) ; by Bp. S. 
Wilberforce, 47 
Hist, of Retford, 
(1828); by J. S. 
Piercey, 52 
Hist, of the Scottish 
Church, Rotterdam, 
(1833) ; by Rev. W. 
Steven, 99, 100, 145 
Hist, of Virginia, 
(1624) ; by Capt. J. 
Smith, 320 
Hist, of Virginia, 
(1822) ; by J. Burk, 
250 



Books &c. (cont.) 
Hist, of Worksop, 
(1826) ; by J. Hal- 
land, 53 

Homilies, The Two 
Books of the, 53 
Hunting of the Fox, 
Part I., (c. 1610) ; ? 
by Giles Thorpe, 9, 
122, 123 

Hypocrisy un- 
masked &c., (1646), 
by Gov. E. Winslow, 
185, 268, 283, 328- 
330, 333 

Indemnifications, 
Register M.M. of, 
155 

Inner Life &c., 
(1876) ; by R. Bar- 
clay, 140 

Inquiry &c., (1606); 
by Rev. F. Johnson, 
119 

Itinerary, begun 
1538, by J. Leland, 
61 

John Robinson &c., 
(1848); by Prof. 
Kist, 147 

Justification &c., 
(1610) ; by Rev. J. 
Robinson, 38, 54, 55, 
68,117,123,124, 139 
Landing at Cape 
Anne, (1854) ; by J. 
W. Thornton, 47 
Lansdowne MS., 
No. 50 ; 64 
Last Book of Rev, 
J. Smyth, (1613), 
140 

Laws of Eccles, 
Polity, (1594-1618) ; 
by R. Hooker, 28 
Letter Book of Gov. 
W. Bradford, The 
Official, 46, 321, 
322 
Letters of &c.j the 



Books &c. (cont.) 
reign of Henry 
VIIL, 60 

Library of New 
England History, 
Ed. by Rev. H. M. 
Dexter, 451, 464- 
466, 468, 483 
Life of Card. T. 
Wolsey, (1825) ; by 
G. Cavendish, 60 
Life of Rev. D. 
Calderwood, (1849) ; 
by Rev. T. Thomson, 
239-242 

Lives ... of the 
Prot. Bishops &c., 
(1720) ; by J. Le. 
Neve, 61-64 
London Virginia Co. 
Hist, of, (1869) ; by 
Eev. Dr. E. D. 
Neill, 251, 253, 254 
London Virginia Co. , 
Short Collection, 
(1651);byA.Wood- 
noth, 250 

Magnalia Christi 
&c., (1702); by Dr. 
C. Mather, 39-45 
Manuscript Hist. 
&c. — see Bradford 
MS. 

Mark of the Beast 
&c. — see Character 
Massachusetts His- 
torical Society's Col- 
lections, 46, 322 
Mayflower Essays ; 
by Rev. G. C. Blax- 
land, 326 

Memoirs of the Pil- 
grims &c., (1846) ; 
by G. Summer, 146 
Midsummer's Night 
Dream, A ; by W. 
Shakespeare, 50 
Mill on the Floss ; 
by G. Eliot, 66 • 
Minutes of the 



Index, 



607 



Books &c. {cont^ 
Council for New 
England, 255 - 261, 
393 

Mourt's Relation 
Sc, G., (1622) ; 326, 
359, 600; and re- 
printed at 395-505 
Narrative . . . Hist. 
&c., (1886) ; by Prof. 
J. Winsor, 47 
Nederlansch Archief 
&c. (1848), 146 
New England's 
Memorial,(1669);by 
N, Morton, 48, 326, 
378, 390 

New England's 
Trials, (1622); by 
Capt. J. Smith, 340, 
347, 506, 508 
New York His- 
torical Society's Pub- 
lications, 282 
Oaths : 
Etcetera Oath, 32 
Ex Officio Oath,32 
Oath of Allegiance, 
294, 295 

Oath of Supre- 
macy, 294, 295 
Observations &c., 
(1625) ; by Eev. J. 
Robinson, 101 
Parallels &c., (1609) ; 
by Eev. J. Smyth, 
136, 138 

Patent for the Coun- 
cil for New England, 
(1620), 304 
Patent for Plymouth 
Colony, (1619), 253 
Patent for Plymouth 
Colony, (1620), 253, 
254 

Patent for Plymouth 
Colonv, (1621), 254, 
259-261 

Patent for Plymouth 
Colony, (1630), 43 



Books &c. {cont.) 
Pattern of true 
Prayer, (1605) ; by 
Rev. J. Smyth, while 
a Conformist at 
Lincoln, 133, 134 
People'sPlea,(1618) ; 
by Rev. J. Robinson, 
242, 245 

Perth Assembly, 
(1619) ; by Rev. D. 
Calderwood, 181, 
195, 196, 198, 199, 
206, 209, 238-242, 
245 

Philo sop h ica 1 
Transactions, 14 
Placaat [=Edict'\ of 
the States General 
of Holland, 198, 203, 
209, 232, 233, 235 
Plain Evidences &c., 
(1610); by Rev. R. 
Bernard, 139 
Plain Refutation 
&c., (1591); by H. 
Barrow and J. 
Greenwood, 103, 
104 

Plea &c., (1609) ; by 
Rev. R. Clyfton, 139 
Pocket Book of Gov. 
W. Bradford, 46 
Principles &c., 
(1608) ; by Rev. J 
Smyth, 136 
Profane Schism &c., 
(1612) ; by C. Lawne 
&c., 103, 110-115, 
122, 124-128 
Protocollenvan Waer- 
brieoen, 155 
Reason of Church 
&c., (1641); by J. 
Milton, 21 
Recantation &c,, 
(1606) ; by P. Fair- 
lambe, 121 
Records of the 
Colony of New Ply- 



Books &c. (cant.) 
mouth, 326, 381- 
388 

Relation or Journal 
—see Mourt, G. 
Relation of . . . 
Religion, (1605) ; by 
Sir E. Sandys, 16 
Religious Com- 
munion, (1614) ; by 
Rev. J. Robinson, 
103 

Repertorium &c., 
(1710) ; by R. New- 
court, 282 

Rescriptio contracta^ 
(1617); by Dr. W. 
Ames, 237, 245 
Retractation &c., 
(? 1613) ; by Rev. J. 
Smyth, 140 
Sermon &c., (1608) ; 
by Rev. W. Cra- 
shaw, 135 

Shield &c., (1612); 
by J. Fowler &c., 
113-115, 123 
Short Treatise &c., 
(1611) ; by Rev. P. 
Johnson, 125 
Speech, on the scaf- 
fold, of Charles I., 
(1649), 17 
Statutes &c., 36 
Substance ... of 
Prayer 5 by Rev. J. 
Smith of Clavering, 
132 

Survey &c., (1593) ; 
by Abp. R. Bancroft, 
105, 106 

Ten Counter &c., (c. 
1618); by Rev. T. 
Drakes, 242, 282 
Transcript &c., A., 
(1876) ; by Prof. E. 
Arber, 20, 112, 118, 
119, 121, 133, 135, 
139 
Transport Brief, 



6o8 



Index. 



Books &c. {cont.^ 
(1611), A ; for Rev. 
J. Robinson, 155 
True Story &c., The, 
(1881) ; by Rev. H. 
M. Dexter, 131, 137, 
138, 140 

True Travels of Capt. 
J.Smith,The,(1629); 
324 

Unreasonableness 
&c., (1614) ; by, W. 
Bradshaw, 125 
Utopia, (1514) ; by 
Sir T. More, 251 
Utter Routing &c., 
(1646) ; by J. Bast- 
wick, 188 

Voyages &c. (1599- 
1600); by Rev. R. 
Hakluyt, 107 
Warrant for Council 
for New England, 
(1620); 304 

Boroughbridge, co. 
York, 72 

Boston, CO. Line, 41, 
58, 86, 88, 89, 93, 
191, 302 

Boston, N.E. {Shaw- 
mut), 46, 47, 131, 146, 
155, 159, 160, 191, 
197, 203, 205-207, 
214, 221, 236, 273, 
363, 374, 381, 483 

Boston, N.E. : 

Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, 46, 
321 322 

Old South Church, 
The 47 

Old' South Tower, 
The, 47 

Prince Library, The; 
in the Steeple Cham- 
ber of the Old South 
Church, 47 

Boston Bay, The inner 
[Its first name was 
Massachusets (spelt 



with one t) Bay.], 10, 
257, 483-486, 500, 
521, 523, 526, 532, 
536. See also Wes- 
sagusset 

Boston Bay Indians, 
The, 257, 483-486, 
533, 544, 555, 560, 
561, 563, 572 

Bourchier, 2nd Lord 
Berners ; John, 150 

Bourchier, Sir John, 
257 

Bowman, Christopher ; 
a Deacon, afterwards 
a Ruling Elder, 105- 
109, 119, 120, 125 

Boys, Edward, 106, 
107, 109. 

Boys, Thomasine, "Wife 
of Edward, 107, 109 

Boys, afterwards John- 
son ; Thomasine, 107, 
109 

Bradford (previously 
Carpenter, then 

Southwortli), Alice ; 
second Wife of Gov. 
W., 46, 163, 273, 387 

Bradford (previously 
May), Dorothy; first 
Wife of Gov.- W., 

42, 163, 366 
Bradford, William. 

His personal char- 
acter and career, 
39-45, 51, 52, 65, 66, 
90, 91, 163, 164, 168, 
169, 273, 275, 307, 
308, 362, 366, 378, 
383, 411, 416, 427, 
432, 443, 446 
Bradford, as Governor; 
William, 4, 30, 42, 

43, 46, 158, 163, 381, 
382, 462, 489, 492, 
507, 508, 515, 518- 
520, 522, 533-538, 
540-542, 547, 550, 
556, 558-562 



Bradford, as a Writer; 
William, 2, 3, 36, 37, 
46, 48, 52-54, 67-70, 
87-93, 100, 101, 103, 
104, 105, 108, 124, 
126, 141, 142, 148- 
154, 167, 172-175, 
189-194, 196, 264- 
272, 277-279, 284- 
291, 293-296, 301- 
319, 328-331, 334- 
354, 356, 358-375, 
381, 382, 390, 391, 
392, 427-435, 464j 
474 

Bradshaw, William, 
125 

Braeber, Thomas — 
see Brewer, T. 

Bray, Rev. Oliver, 53 

Bretagne, 506 

Brethren of the Se- 
paration of the 
Second English 

Church at Amster- 
dam, 136 

Brewer the Printer — 
see Brewer, T. 

Brewer, Thomas, 4, 
167, 170, 171, 195- 
247, 318, 321 

Brewster, Fear, 387 

Brewster, Jonathan, 
385 

Brewster, Love, 365, 
379 

Brewster, Mary, Wife 
of William, 365 

Brewster, Patience, 
387 

Brewster, Robertus, 
171 

Brewster, William. 
His personal char- 
acter and career, 65, 
142, 167, 189-194, 
197, 284, 289-291, 
318, 334, 365, 366, 
378, 381, 383 

Brewster, William, 



Index. 



609 



Post Master at 
Scrooby, 3, 53, 54, 
65,73,79-86,190,284 

Brewster, William, as 
a religious worker 
at Scroobj, and at 
Amsterdam ; and as 
Ruling Elder at 
Leyden, and at Ply- 
mouth in New Eng- 
land, 4, 29, 51, 53, 
58, 69, 97, 117, 142, 
149, 173, 185, 191- 
194, 263, 264, 268, 
280, 281, 284-286, 
293-295, 327, -328 

Erewster, William, as 
Agent in England, 
for the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden, 
65, 284, 288-291, 
327 

Brewster, William, as 
secret Printer at 
Leyden, 4, 19, 181, 
192, 195-247, 334 

Brewster's eldest son, 
William, 365 

Brewster's father, the 
Post Master at 
Scrooby before him ; 
William, 50, 79-83 

Brewster's grand- 

father, William, 50 

Brewster's mother, 
William, 81 

Brewster, Wrastle, or 
Wrestling, 365, 379 

Brielle, 189 

Brigges, Clement, 385 

Briggs, Joan, 138 

Brightman, Thomas, 
113 

Bristol, CO. Som., 23 

Bristol, Maine, 451 

Bristol, Phode Island, 
468 

Brittany, 506 

Britteridge, Richard, 
376, 379 



Bromhead, Ann; 

? Wife of Hugo, 138 
Bromhead, Hugo, 138 
Bromley, Sir Thomas ; 

Lord Chancellor, 76 
Brouckhoven, Jacob 

von, 203, 204, 208, 

209, 211, 215 
Browne, Peter, 376, 

379, 381, 383, 443- 

446 
Browne, the Brownist ; 

Rev. Robert, 31, 38, 

108, 137 
Browning, Henry, 321 
Brownism, 118, 119, 

135 
Brownists, 33, 35, 38, 

112-116, 120, 129, 

158, 183, 198, 204, 

208, 211, 222, 228, 

243, 246, 323, 324 
Brownist Church at 

Leyden, The — see 

Pilgrim Church at 

Leyden, The 
Brownist Congrega- 
tion at Leyden, The 

— see Pilgrim Church 

at Leyden, The 
Buckett, Mary, 388 
Buckrum (previously 

Neal), Elizabeth ; 

WifeofWilliam,164, 

168 
Buckrum, William, 

167, 273 
Bui ward, Robert, 113- 

116, 119 
Burcher, Edward, 386 
Burk, John, 250 
Burntisland, 240 
Burre,Walter, 112, 118 
Burton, Henry, 186 
Bury St Edmunds, 275 
Butler, Mary, 164 
Butler, Samuel, 273 
Butten, William, 46, 

350, 358, 360, 361, 

367, 379 



Butterfield, Stephen, 

273 
Buzzard's Bay, 540 

C. H. — see Clapham, 

Rev. Henoch 
C. R. — see Cushman, 

Robert 
Caen, 274 
Calderwood, Rev. 

David ; the Church 

Historian of Scot- 
land, 180-182, 195, 

197, 238-242, 245 
Calvin, Jean, 176, 183 
Cambridge, The Uni- 
versity of, 17, 23, 

60, 51, 53-55, 131, 

189, 217 
Cambridge ; 

Christ's College, 131, 

132 

Emmanuel College, 

133 

Peterhouse College, 

189 

Trinity College, 25, 

108 

University Press, 

The, 18, 133 
Cambridge, N.E., 47, 

48 
Canacum — see Cawna- 

come 
Canada {New France)^ 

297, 323 
Canada, Bay of — see 

St Lawrence, Gulf 

of 
Canadyne, Thomas, 138 
Cananacus — see Can- 

onicus 
Canauacus — see Can- 

onicus 
Canne, the Elder, The 

Rev. John, 100 
C£|,nnon, John, 385 
Canonicus, Sagamore 

of the Narragansett 

Indians of Rhode 



6io 



Index. 



Island, 517, 518, 520, 
587 

Canterbury, Abp. of 
— see Grindal, E. 

Canterbury, Abp. of 
— see Laud, W. 

Canterbury, Abp. of 
— see Parker, M. 

Canterbury, Abp. of — 
see Temple, F. 

Canterbury, Abp. of — 
see Wliitgift, J. 

Canterbury, as Licen- 
ser of Books ; The 
Abp. of, 19 

Canterbury, co. Kent, 
165, 289 

Capawack, The isle 
of, now Martha's 
Vineyard, 490, 
555 

Cape Cod (called by 
Captain John Smith, 
Cape James) 301, 
324, 325, 332, 350, 
351, 393, 407, 409, 
423, 424, 426-428, 
435, 436, 439, 441, 
451, 463, 491, 534, 
545,546. Also called 
Pamet. 

Cape Cod, Shipwrecked 
Frenchmen at, 414, 
421, 451 

Cape Cod, The shoals 
of, 392, 535. See also 
Pollock Kip, The 

Cape Cod, Trade and 
Discovery to the 
southward of, 534, 
535, 580 

Cape Cod Bay, 407, 
464, 491, 500, 537, 
540, 560 

Cape Cod Harbour 
{Provincetown Har- 
bour), 42, 163, 301, 
358, 364, 366, 369, 
370, 374, 378, 390, 
407, 408, 410, 411, 



416-418, 423, 427, 
435, 436. 

Cape James — see Cape 
Cod 

Carey, 1st Lord Huns- 
don ; Henry, 76 

Carey, afterwards 
Jenney ; Sarah, 165 

Carleton, the Ambas- 
sador — see Carleton, 
SirD. 

Carleton, afterwards 
Viscount Dor- 
chester ; Sir Dudley, 
7, 129, 196-202, 204- 
239, 298-300, 390, 
394 

Carleton, Lady, 225, 
227 . 

Carlisle, co. Cumb., 72 

Carpenter, after- 
wards Fuller ; Agnes, 
163, 164 

Carpenter, Alexander, 
163, 165, 273 

Carpenter, afterwards 
Southworth ; and 
later Bradford; 
Alice, 46, 163, 165, 
273, 387 

Carpenter, Anna — a 
mistake for Carpen- 
ter, Agnes ; which 
see 

Carpenter, Dillen, 162 

Carpenter, afterwards 
Morton ; Julia Ann, 
165, 273 

Carter, Kobert, 369, 
380 

Cartwright, the 
Apostle of the " Holy 
Discipline " ; Rev. 
Thomas, 25, 31, 199, 
237, 238, 244, 245 

Carver, Catharine or 
Katharine ; Wife of 
John, 165, 361, 364 

Carver, John, a Deacon 
of the Pilgrim 



Church ; and the 
first Governor of 
Plymouth Colony, 
46, 165, 168, 173, 
268, 275, 278, 285, 
300, 303, 355, 361, 
364, 378, 416, 427, 
442, 444, 446, 450, 
456, 457, 460, 461 . 

Carver, John, as Agent 
in England, for the 
Pilgrim Church at 
Leyden, 268, 282, 
284, 285, 303, 304, 
307-319, 335, 337 

Cathkin, James, 181, 

196, 240-242 
Caunbatant, a Sachem, 

a subject of Massa- 
soit, living at Mata- 
puyst and Nama- 
schet, 479-482, 523, 
547-549, 556 - 558, 
562 
Cavendish, George, 60 
Cavendish, Henry, 14 
Cavendish, 1st Earl of 
Devonshire ; 
William, 249 
Cawnacome, Sachem 
of Manomet {Sand- 
wich), 541, 542, 544, 
574 
Caxton, CO. Camb., 72 
Cecil, 1st Lord 
Burlegh : William, 
34, 64, 65, 76 
Cera, The Marquis de, 

506-508 
Chaderton, Rev. Laur- 
ence, 244, 245 
Chamberlain, John, 

394 
Chandler, Roger, 273 
Charles I., King, 17, 

197, 248, 252, 
323 

Charles, afterwards 
Ferrier ; Mildreth, 
274 



Index. 



6ii 



Charles river, N.E. ; 
The, 486 

Charlestown, Boston 
Bay, N.E., 484 

C^artley Manor 
House, CO. Staffs., 33 

Chatham, Cape Cod, 
N.E., 476, 535, 536, 
541 

Chatham, co. Kent, 
49, 258 

Chatsum, 164 

Chesapeake Bay, 290 

Chester, England, 164 

Chester, Eev. Richard, 
52 

Chilton, James, 374, 
379 

Chilton, ? ; Wife of 
James, 374 

Chilton, afterwards 
Winslow ; Mary, 362, 
374, 384 

Chingleton (? Single- 
ton), afterwards 
Cushman ; Mary, 
165 

Chingleton (? Single- 
ton), Thomas, 165 

Chudley, Captain, 393 

Church at Leyden, 
The — see Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden, 
The, 

Cinque Ports , The, 
75 

Clapham, E-ev. 
Henoch, 98, 99 

Clark's Island in Ply- 
mouth harbour in 
N.E. [It was named 
from John Clarke, 
the Pilot], 435-438, 
445, 447 

Clarke, John, 107 

Clarke, the Pilot ; 
John, 254, 316, 427 

Clarke, Richard, 376, 
379 

Clarke, Thomas, 388 



Clavering, co. Essex, 
132 

Clemens, Anthony 
165 273 

Clifford, 3rd Earl of, 
Cumberland; 
George, 37 

Clifton, the spelling 
of the names in the 
Family Bible of the 
relatives of the Rev. 
Richard Clyfton, 95- 
97 

Clifton, Ann ; Wife of 
the Rector of Bab- 
worth— see Clyfton, 

-ex. 

Clifton, Ann, 95 
Clifton, Dorothy, 95 
Clifton, Edward, 95 
Clifton, Eleazar (1), 

52, 95, 96 
Clifton, Eleazar (2), 

96,97 
Clifton, Elinor, 95 
Clifton (previously 

Wayt), Elizabeth 

(1) ; second Wife of 

Zachary(l), 96, 97 
Clifton, Elizabeth (2), 

96 
Clifton, Elizabeth (3), 

96 
Clifton, Elizabeth (4), 

96 
Clifton, Hanna (1), 95 
Clifton, Hanna (2), 96, 

97 
Clifton, Israel (1), 96 
Clifton, Israel (2), 96 
Clifton, Jane (1), 95 
Clifton, Jane (2), 95 
Clifton, John, 95 
Clifton, Martha, 96 
Clifton, Mary (1), 95 
Clifton (previously 

Hopps), Mary (2) ; 

first Wife of Zach- 

ary (1), 96 
Clifton, Mary (3), 96 



Clifton, Priscilla, 95 
Clifton, Richard (1)— 
see Clyfton, Rev. R, 
Clifton, Richard (2), 96 
Clifton, Steven, 95 
Clifton, Thomas ; 
father of the Rev. 
R. Clyfton, 95 
Clifton, Timothy, 95 
Clifton, William, 95 
Clifton, Zachary (1) ; 
eldest son of Rev. R. 
Clyfton, 3, 95-97 
Clifton, Zachary (2), 96 
Clifton, Zachary (3), 96 
Clinton, alias Fiennes; 
1st Earl of Lincoln; 
Edward de, 76 
Clinton, alias Fiennes; 
Countess Dowager 
of Lincoln ; Eliza- 
beth de, 291 
Clinton, alias Fiennes, 
4th Earl of Lincoln ; 
Theophilus, 253 
Cluverius, Philip, 216, 

217 
Cluverus — see Clu- 
verius, or Cluvier, P. 
Cluvier, Philip, 216, 217 
Clyfton (previously 
Stuffen), Anne; Wife 
of the Rev. Richard, 
95, 96 
Clyfton, Rev. Richard, 
3, 29, 31, 39, 51-54, 
66, 69, 95-97, 116, 
117, 125, 138, 139 
Cochin, India, 22 
Cocky, Thomas; a Pro- 
phet of the "Holy 
Discipline " ; 108, 
126, 127 
Codmore, John, 273 
Colchester, co. Essex, 

273, 274 
Cold Harbour, Cape 
Cod, N.E. — see Pa- 
met river 
Collier, WUliam, 321 



6l2 



Index, 



Collingwood, Edward ; 
Secretary of the 
London Virginia 
Company, 251 

Collins, ; a Se- 
paratist, 106 

Colony in the North- 
ern Parts of Vir- 
ginia — see Plymouth 
in KE., The Plan- 
tation or Colony of 

Colony, The Old — see 
Plymouth in N.E., 
The Plantation or 
Colony of 

Common Stock — see 
Joint Stock 

Compact, The, 358, 360, 
378-380, 409, 410 

Company [at Ply- 
mouth, N.E.], The 
= The Pilgrim 
Fathers, 335, 338, 
339, 371, 377, 480 

Conanacus — see Can- 
onicus 

Conbatant — see Caun- 
batant 

Conditions^ or Articles 
of Agreement as to 
a Joint Stock and 
Partnership, for 

, Seven Years, be- 
tween the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden 
and the Adventur- 
ers ; The, 303-308, 
311-315, 317-319, 
335-338, 344. See 
also, Joint Stock, 
The, 

Conditions of Peace 
between the Pilgrim 
Fathers at Ply- 
mouth in N.E., and 
Massasoit; The, 457, 
458, 463, 489, 625, 
527 

Congregation at Ley- 
den, The — see Pil- 



grim Church at Ley- 
den, The 

Connant, Christopher, 
386 

Couner, William, 385 

Cooke, Damaris; Wife 
of Jacob, 370 

Cooke, Francis, 180, 
360, 362, 373, 378, 
381, 383, 386 
448 

Cooke, a Walloon ; 
Hester, Wife of 
Francis, 180 

Cooke, Jacob, 370 

Cooke, John, 362, 373, 
380 

Cooke, Lord, 278 

Cookridge, co.York, 96 

Cooper, Humility, 372, 
384 

Copernicus, Nicolaus, 
13 

Coppin, Robert ; " our 
Pilot " on board the 
Mayflower, 425, 427, 
434, 435 

Corbitant — see Caun- 
batant 

Cornhill [=::-Hopkins's 
Cliff], Cape Cod, 
N.E., 414, 419, 430, 
463, 469, 476, 491 

Cotton, Pev. John, 134 

Conbatant — see Caun- 
batant 

Council for New Eng- 
land — see next 
article 

Council for the Affairs 
of New England in 
America, The Presi- 
dent and, 252, 254- 
261, 304, 393, 397, 
560, 561, 600 

Covenant of Peace be- 
tween the Pilgrim 
Fathers at Ply- 
mouth in N.E., and 
Massasoyt (1621) ; 



The, 457, 458, 463, 

489, 525, 527 
Coventry, Thomas, 321 
Coventry, Sir Thomas, 

303 • 

Crabe, Rev. , 310 



Crackston, afterwards 
Smith ; Anna, 275 

Crackston sen., John, 
275, 367, 379, 384 

Crackston jiLn., John, 
368, 379 

Crakston — see Crack- 
ston 

Cranstoun, Lady, 240 

Cranstoun, near Edin- 
burgh, 239 

Crashaw, Rev. Wil- 
liam, 135, 137 

Crewe, Lord, 59 

Cromford, co. Derby, 
14 

Cronstedt, Axel Frede- 
rich, 14 

Crottendine, Abra- 
ham, 99 

Crullins (previously 
Pettinger) ; Doro- 
thy ; Wife of Henry, 
168 

Crullins, Henry, 168 

Crumpe, , 246 

Cullens [? Crullins], 
Henry, 274 

Cummaquid {Barns- 
table harbour, N.E.), 
474, 475-479, 500, 
537, 538, 542-544 

Cushman (previously 
Chingleton) Mary ; 
2nd Wife of Robert, 
165 

Cushman (previously 
Allerton) ; Mary, 
Wife of Thomas, 
362, 367 

Cushman, Robert. His 
personal character 
and career, 46, 165, 
278, 289, 342-346, 



hidex. 



613 



355, 383, 500, SOS- 
SOS 

Cushman, Robert ; as 
Agent in England 
for the Pilgrim 
Church at Leyden, 
268, 282, 284, 285, 

. 288-291, 303, 305, 
307-318, 327, 335, 
337, 389 

Cushman, Eobert ; as 
a "Writer, 2, 46, 249, 
279, 288-291, 309- 
317, 327, 342-345, 
346, 495-505 

Cushman, Sarah ; 1st 
Wife of Eobert, 165, 

Cushman, Thomas, 367, 
385 

Cuthbertson, Cuth- 
bert, a corruption of 
Godbertson, G., 179, 
388 

D. I. — see Dawson, J. 

Daguerre, Louis, 14 

Damarin's Cove — see 
Damariscove 
Islands 

Damariscove Islands, 
near Mohegan, 
Maine, 529, 599 

Dan vers, Sir John, 251 

Darlington, co. Dur- 
ham, 72 

Darnton — see Darling- 
ton 

Dartmouth, co. Devon, 
46, 339, 342-346 

Dartmouth, N.E., 373 

Davis, The Hon. W. 
T., 260, 363-377, 383, 
384, 386, 388 

Davison, William ; 
sometime a Secre- 
tary of State to 
Queen Elizabeth, 
and the patron of 
William Brewster, 
79-84, 189, 190 



Dawson, John ; the 

Printer, 133, 509 
Deaconesses, or 

Widows, or Helpers, 

31, 108, 172 
Dean, Steven, 385 
Delano, Philip — see La 

Noye, P. de 
Delfshaven, 196, 304, 

307, 330-332, 334, 

389 
Dermer, Capt. Thomas, 

451 
Devereux, Earl of 

Leicester ; Robert, 

76, 189 
Dexter, Rev. Doctor 

H. Martyn, 9, 12-15, 

49, 108, 109, 131, 132, 

137, 138, 140, 143, 

171, 244, 451, 464- 

466, 468, 483 
Dexter Collection of 

Books in the Library 

of Yale University, 

New Haven, Conn. ; 

The, 244 
Deyman, Pieter Aren- 

tszoon, 156 
Dickens, Betteris, 138 
Dickens, Mary, 138 
Didoclavius, Edwardus 

— see Calderwood, 

Rev. D. 
Diggens, Jane, 162 
Dighton, Thomas, 242, 

243, 245 
Dingby, afterwards 

Fletcher; Sarah, 164 
Dingby, William, 164 
Dirston, the Post 

[King's Messenger] ; 

William, 230 
Discovery, The First, 

410-417 
Discovery, The Second, 

417-424 
Discovery, The Third, 

426-435 
Dix, Anthony, 388 



Dolphine, Thomas, 138 
Doncaster, co. York, 

58, 72, 80 
Dort or Dordrecht, 

125, 130, 144, 224 
Dotey, Edward, 362. 

371, 379, 427 
Doty, Edward — se* 

Dotey, E. 
Dover, co. Kent, 7? 

165, 274 ' 

Dover, The Court to, 73 
Dovercourt, co. Essex, 

242, 282 
Drakes, Rev. Thomas, 

242, 282 
Drax, Rev. Thomas, 

242, 282 
Drurie, Rev. Robert, 

145, 146, 170, 171 
Dublin, 18 

Du Fay, Charles Fran- 
cois, 14 
Du Jon the Elder, 

Francois, 13 
" Dukeries," co. Notts; 

The, 53 
Durseus, Robertus — 

see Drurie, Rev. R. 
Durham, 72 
Durham : 

The Prison at, 109 
Du Rieu, Doctor W. 

N., 170 
Dutch New Nether- 
land Company, The, 

4, 292, 296, 303, 317, 

333, 389 
Dutch Reformed 

Church, The, 110, 

176, 179, 180 
Dutch West India 

Company, The, 298 
Dutton, Sir Thomas, 

215 
Duxbury, N.E., 365, 

366, 368, 369, 372, 

377 
Duxbury, N.E. ; The 

Church at, 180 



6 14 



Index, 



East Halton Skitter 

CO. Line, 94 
Eastham, Cape Cod, 

N.E., 10, 370, 373, 

429, 434, 452, 475- 

479, 537-539, 546, 

555, 574 
East Harbour, Cape 

Cod, N.E., 412 
East Harbour Creek, 

Cape Cod, N.E., 412 
East Molesey, co. Surr., 

»28 
East Retford — see